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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78967 ***
+
+
+
+
+JOURNAL OF A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR, _&c._
+
+
+
+
+ JOURNAL
+ OF
+ A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR,
+ WITH
+ COMPARATIVE REMARKS
+ ON THE
+ ANCIENT AND MODERN GEOGRAPHY
+ OF THAT COUNTRY.
+
+ BY
+ WILLIAM MARTIN LEAKE,
+ F.R.S. &c.
+
+ _ACCOMPANIED BY A MAP._
+
+ LONDON:
+ JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.
+ 1824.
+
+ PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR,
+ SHOE-LANE.
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE.
+
+
+To the traveller who delights in tracing vestiges of Grecian art and
+civilization amidst modern barbarism and desolation, and who may thus
+at once illustrate history and collect valuable materials for the
+geographer and the artist—there is no country that now affords so fertile
+a field of discovery as Asia Minor. Unfortunately, there is no province
+of the Ottoman empire more difficult to explore in detail. In European
+Turkey, the effects of the Mahometan system are somewhat tempered by its
+proximity to civilised Europe, by its conscious weakness, and by the
+great excess of the Christian population over the Turkish: but the Turk
+of Asia Minor, although he may be convinced of the danger which threatens
+the whole Ottoman empire, from the change that has taken place in the
+relative power of the Musulman and Christian world, since his ancestors
+conquered the favoured regions of which their successors have so long
+been permitted to remain in the undisturbed abuse—derives, nevertheless,
+a strong feeling of confidence and security, from his being further
+removed from the Christian nations which he dreads; and sensible that
+European Turkey must be the first to fall before the conqueror, he feels
+no restraint in the indulgence of his hatred to the Christian name,
+beyond that which may arise from the dictates of his religion, or from
+the native hospitality of the people of the East.
+
+In Asia Minor, among the impediments to a traveller’s success may be
+especially reckoned the deserted state of the country, which often
+puts the common necessaries and conveniences of travelling out of his
+reach; the continual disputes and wars among the persons in power; the
+precarious authority of the government of Constantinople, which rendering
+its protection ineffectual, makes the traveller’s success depend upon the
+personal character of the governor of each district; and the ignorance
+and the suspicious temper of the Turks, who have no idea of scientific
+travelling; who cannot imagine any other motive for our visits to that
+country, than a preparation for hostile invasion, or a search after
+treasures among the ruins of antiquity, and whose suspicions of this
+nature are of course most strong in the provinces which, like Asia
+Minor, are the least frequented by us[1]. If the traveller’s prudence or
+good fortune should obviate all these difficulties, and should protect
+him from plague, banditti, and other perils of a semibarbarous state
+of society, he has still to dread the loss of health, arising from the
+combined effects of climate, fatigue, and privation; which seldom fails
+to check his career before he has completed his projected tour.
+
+Asia Minor is still in that state in which a disguised dress, an
+assumption of the medical character, great patience and perseverance,
+the sacrifice of all European comforts, and the concealment of pecuniary
+means, are necessary to enable the traveller thoroughly to investigate
+the country, when otherwise qualified for the task by literary and
+scientific attainments, and by an intimate knowledge of the language and
+manners of the people.
+
+Among modern travellers, two only have yet traversed Asia Minor in
+various directions for exploratory purposes; Paul Lucas in the years
+1705, 1706, and 1715, and Capt. Macdonald Kinneir in the years 1813 and
+1814. The rest have merely followed a single route in passing through the
+country; even the travels of the two persons just named, amount only to a
+description of several routes instead of one; the state of the provinces
+and the mode of travelling having rendered it impossible to make any of
+those excursions from the main road, without which the geography of an
+unknown country cannot possibly be ascertained. It even appears from the
+journal of Mr. Kinneir, that the difficulties of travelling in Asia Minor
+have rather increased of late years than diminished. And hence he was
+unsuccessful in all his attempts to explore particular sites interesting
+to ancient history, and was unfortunate in his collection of the surest
+tests of ancient geography,—inscriptions.
+
+The principality of Tshappán-Oglu, which offered some security to the
+traveller, has been broken up by his death; and that of the family
+of Kara-Osmán-Oglu, the mildness and equity of whose government over
+the greater part of Æolis, Ionia and Lydia, had attracted thither
+great numbers of Greeks from Europe, has been put an end to by the
+same impolitic jealousy of Sultan Mahmud which is undermining his own
+security and threatens the destruction of his empire. There remain
+only a few dispersed chieftains, most of them in a state of doubtful
+allegiance to the Porte, in whose districts, by good management and
+previous preparation, the traveller might perhaps be allowed to explore
+the country in safety. In no other parts can he, unless with all the
+requisites above stated, and a great sacrifice of time, hope to effect
+more than a rapid passage along the principal roads, take a transient
+view of some of the remains of antiquity, and note the distances of
+places, and the general bearings of the route, together with the relative
+situations of a few hills or other remarkable objects on either side of
+the road.
+
+Under such circumstances, it is obvious that the geography of Asia
+Minor can only be improved by collecting and combining the information
+contained in the journals of modern travellers; by which means an
+approximation to a detailed map of the country may progressively be made.
+It was with the view of contributing to this object that I published the
+journal of two routes through the central parts of Asia Minor, in the
+second volume of the Rev. R. Walpole’s Collection of Memoirs on Greece
+and Asia Minor.
+
+Having, since that publication, extended over the whole peninsula the
+comparative inquiry into its ancient and modern geography, which was
+there confined to the parts forming the subject of the journals, the
+result has been, the map which accompanies the present volume; the
+volume itself containing, together with the substance of the memoir in
+Mr. Walpole’s Collection, the additional remarks suggested by the more
+enlarged geographical inquiry.
+
+As the _remarks_ have become considerably more voluminous than the
+_journal_, I cannot flatter myself that the work in its present form
+will possess much attraction for the general reader. It can only pretend
+to contain, when accompanied by the map, all the existing information
+upon Asia Minor most essential to the exploring traveller; at the same
+time that it cannot fail to offer some interest to the reader of ancient
+history.
+
+The modern authorities which have served in the construction of the map
+are of two kinds—the maritime, and those relating to the interior of the
+country: the former derived from celestial observations, or nautical
+surveys on the sea coast; the latter, from the routes of travellers. The
+maritime being the most certain, and giving accuracy of position to the
+two ends of some of the principal routes, and consequently in a great
+degree to the entire lines—may be considered as the foundation of the
+work.
+
+The positions of Constantinople and Smyrna are assumed from the
+concurrence of several good observations. The entire southern coast, from
+the Gulf of Iskenderún to that of Mákri, together with several parts of
+the coast between Mákri and Smyrna, has been laid down from the Survey
+of Captain Beaufort, which was made in the years 1811 and 1812, by order
+of the Admiralty, during the administration of Mr. Yorke; and which was
+published in the year 1820, by direction of the Lords Commissioners.
+The principal points and the general outline of the Pontic coast of the
+peninsula have been adopted from the recently-published chart of the
+Black Sea by Capt. Gauttier, of the Royal Navy of France[2]. The western
+coast, from the Gulf of Elæa to the mouth of the Hellespont, has been
+laid down from Truguet and Racord, officers of the French Navy, who
+accompanied Count Choiseul Gouffier in his Embassy to the Porte in 1784;
+and the result of whose labours is published in the second volume of M.
+Choiseul’s _Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce_.
+
+In the interior of the peninsula the latitude of some important points,
+as Kesaría, Kónia, Afiom Karahissár, Kutáya, Manissa, Brusa, Isnik, have
+been observed by Niebuhr, Browne, or by Messrs. Chavasse and Kinneir: the
+remaining construction is nothing more than the result of a comparison
+of the ancient geographers and historians with the routes of modern
+travellers, and with the descriptions of two Turkish geographers, who
+lived about the middle of the seventeenth century—Mustafa Ben Abdalla
+Kalib Tsheleby, commonly called Hadji Khalfa, and Abubekr Ben Behrem of
+Damascus. Though little is to be derived from these authors with regard
+to the exact situation of towns, their evidence on the orthography
+of names, and their information on the political geography, are of
+considerable utility.
+
+The elder travellers, whose routes have served in the construction of
+the Map, may be confined to Tavernier, Tournefort, Paul Lucas, Otter, and
+Pococke; for Bertrandon de la Brocquière, de la Mottraye, and Le Bruyn,
+afford no geographical matter that is not contained in the others.
+
+Tavernier informs us, in his introduction, that he began his travels by
+a visit to England, in the reign of James the First; he died in 1685.
+Although he crossed Asia Minor several times, in the way to Persia, where
+his commercial speculations carried him, he has left us nothing more
+than a very brief description of two caravan routes to Tokât: the one
+from Constantinople, by Bóli, Tósia, and Amasía; the other from Smyrna,
+by Kassabá, Allah-shehr, Afiom Karahissár, Buhwudún, and across the Salt
+country to the Kizil-Ermak, which he passed at Kesre Kiupri.
+
+Tournefort traversed Asia Minor only in one direction, from Erzrúm
+by Tokát to A´ngura, from whence he passed a little to the north of
+Eski-shehr, to Brusa.
+
+Paul Lucas was sent out in the year 1704, by the same minister of Louis
+XIV. who employed Tournefort on a similar expedition in the Archipelago,
+the Black Sea, and Armenia. But, unfortunately for our geographical
+knowledge of Asia Minor, Lucas’s qualifications were very inferior to
+those of his contemporary; nor does he appear to have been well adapted,
+by previous study, even for those branches of investigation to which
+his attention was particularly directed by his employers; namely, the
+collecting of coins and inscriptions.
+
+By assuming the medical character, he secured a good reception at several
+of the provincial towns, and protection from the governors, as far as
+their authority extended; but the banditti which at that period infested
+every part of the country, obliged him always to travel in haste, and
+often in the night; and he was not qualified to derive as much advantage
+from journeys made under such circumstances as a more experienced and
+more enlightened traveller might have done. He was generally careful in
+noting the time employed in each stage; but the names of places are often
+disfigured by his careless mode of writing. His ignorance and credulity
+made him delight in repeating the absurd tales which the traveller so
+often hears in these half-civilised countries; at the same time that he
+omitted the insertion of many useful observations which he could not have
+failed to make. In some instances he has repeated the fabulous accounts
+of the natives as if he had himself witnessed them, and has thus rendered
+himself liable to the suspicion of having wilfully imposed upon his
+readers. There can be no doubt, however, that his itinerary, abstracted
+from his narrative, is as correct as he was capable of making it. The
+geographical results, when connected and compared with those of other
+travellers, are a sufficient proof of this fact; and Lucas, with all
+his faults, has furnished us with a greater number of routes than any
+other traveller in Asia Minor. In 1705 he went from Constantinople to
+Nicomedia, Nicæa, and Brusa; from Brusa to Kutaya, Eski-shehr, A´ngura,
+Kir-shehr, Kesaría; from Kesaría to Nigde, Bor, Erkle, and Kónia; from
+Kónia to A´ngura, Beibazár, Kíwa, Nicomedia, and Constantinople, to
+which city he returned in February 1706. In the autumn of the same year,
+after a long journey in Greece, he set out on a second tour in Asia Minor
+from Smyrna, travelling by Sardes, to Allah-shehr, Alan-kiúi, Burdur,
+Susu, and Adália; from Adália to Susu, Isbarta, Egerder, Serkiserai, and
+Kónia; from Kónia to Erkle, and over Mount Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ to
+A´dana, Tarsus, and thence into Syria. In a third journey in Asia Minor,
+in the year 1715, Lucas went from Smyrna to Ghiuzel Hissár by Tire; from
+thence by the valley of the Mæander to Denizlú; and from Denizlú by
+Burdur to Isbarta, from whence he travelled the same road as before to
+Kónia. He states also, but without giving any particulars of his route,
+that he again visited Kesaría; and that, after having returned to to
+Kónia, he once more proceeded by the Pylæ Ciliciæ to A´dana and into
+Syria.
+
+Next to Lucas, Otter is the most useful of the earlier travellers. He was
+a Swede, sent to Persia by the Court of France in 1734. He crossed Asia
+Minor by the way of Iznimid, Lefke, Inoghi, Eski-shehr, Ak-shehr, Kónia,
+Erkle, and A´dana; and returned from Persia by the route of Amasía and
+Boli. His narrative is chiefly valuable from his knowledge of the Turkish
+language, and from his having previously consulted some manuscript works
+in the Royal Library at Paris, especially that of Ibrahim Effendi,
+who first established a Turkish press at Constantinople, and whose
+information seems to accord with that of Hadji Khalfa, and of Abubekr of
+Damascus.
+
+Among our own countrymen, Pococke is the only traveller of the last
+century who has published his route with sufficient precision to be of
+any use to the geographer; but he has been extremely negligent in noting
+bearings and distances: his narrative is very obscure and confused; and
+his journey in Asia Minor is consequently of much less importance than
+it might have been made by so enlightened, learned, and persevering a
+traveller. In the year 1740, after visiting a great part of Ionia and
+Caria, he ascended the valley of the Mæander and its branches to Ishekli
+and Sandukli, from whence he crossed to Beiad, Sevrihissár, and A´ngura.
+From A´ngura he crossed to the northward into the great eastern road
+from Constantinople, and returned to that capital by the way of Boli and
+Nicomedia.
+
+Niebuhr traversed Asia Minor in the year 1766, on his return from India
+by the way of Baghdad, Mosúl, and Aleppo. From Iskenderún he passed by
+Bayas to Adana, and from thence by Erkle to Kónia, Karahissár, Kutaya,
+and Brusa[3].
+
+In the year 1797, Browne returned from the interior of Africa by the way
+of Asia Minor. From Aleppo and Aintab, he traversed the range of Taurus
+to Bostán, Kesaría, A´ngura, Sabanje, and Nicomedia. Mr. M. Bruce[4]
+travelled the same route in 1812, and has given us a diary of names and
+distances not to be found in Browne’s printed book of travels.
+
+It was in the year 1797, also, that Olivier passed through Asia Minor,
+from Celenderis by Mout, Láranda, Kónia, Ak-shehr, Afiom Karahissár,
+Kutaya, Yenishehr, Nicæa, and Nicomedia.
+
+Seetzen traversed Asia Minor from Constantinople to Smyrna, and from
+Smyrna to Afiom Karahissár, Ak-shehr, Kónia, Láranda, Ibrala, and across
+Mount Taurus to Karaduar (anciently Anchiale, the port of Tarsus), from
+whence he passed by sea to Seleuceia, the port of Antioch, now Suadíeh.
+The distances and the names of the places which he passed through,
+written with great care, have been preserved; but it is feared that the
+rest of his valuable manuscripts are irretrievably lost[5].
+
+In the year 1801, Browne again traversed Asia Minor from Constantinople,
+by Nicomedia, Brusa, Kutaya, Afiom Karahissár, Ak-shehr, Kónia, Erkle,
+Tarsus.
+
+Among recent travellers, Capt. M. Kinneir has furnished us with the
+greatest number of routes. These are; 1. from Constantinople, by Nicæa,
+Eski-shehr, Seid-el-Ghazi, and Germa, to A´ngura; from A´ngura, by Uskát,
+to Kesaría; and from Kesaría, by Nigde, Ketch-hissar[6], and over Mount
+Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ, to Tarsus, Adana, and Iskenderún. 2. From
+Celenderis to Mout, Láranda, Kónia, Ak-shehr, Afiom Karahissár, Kutaya,
+Brusa, Mudánia. 3. From Constantinople, by Nicomedia, Sabanje, Turbali,
+Boli, Kastamni[7], Samsún, Tarabizún, to Erzrúm.
+
+Mr. Kinneir was also one of the many persons who, during the late war,
+crossed the northern part of Asia Minor, to or from Persia by the way of
+Boli, Amasía, and Tokát.
+
+Another road, which has been still more followed, is from Brusa or
+from Mikhalitza, by Ulubad and Magnesia, to Smyrna, or in the opposite
+direction: the latitudes of all the principal places on it have been
+determined by Browne[8]. Of this and of several other routes in
+the ancient provinces of Mysia, Lydia, Ionia, and Caria, we have
+descriptions in Smith, Wheler, Spon, Chishull, Pococke, Picenini,
+Chandler, and Choiseul Gouffier.
+
+The authorities upon which our knowledge of the _ancient_ geography of
+Asia Minor is chiefly founded, are the works of Strabo, Ptolemy[9],
+Pliny, Stephanus Byzantinus, the curious table or map of roads called
+the Peutingerian Table, the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries[10], the
+Synecdemus of Hierocles, and the following historical narratives of some
+celebrated military expeditions:—1. The Journal by Xenophon[11], of the
+route of Cyrus from Sardes to Celænæ, and from thence to Iconium; and
+through Lycaonia and part of Cappadocia, and over Mount Taurus to Tarsus.
+2. Arrian’s history of the conquest of Asia Minor by Alexander; in which
+the part more particularly worthy of the geographer’s attention is the
+march from Lycia into Pamphylia and Pisidia, and thence to Gordium in
+Phrygia, and to Ancyra, and through Cappadocia and the Pylæ Ciliciæ to
+Tarsus[12]. 3. The history of the Roman wars in Asia by Polybius, Livy,
+and Appian; especially the description by Livy of the marches of Cn.
+Manlius, in Phrygia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia, and thence into Gallogræcia,
+and to Ancyra[13]. 4. The march of the Emperor Alexius Comnenus, from
+Constantinople to Iconium, in an expedition against the Turks, as related
+by his daughter Anna Comnena.
+
+To these may be added, with regard to the southern coast, an anonymous
+Periplus, entitled, “σταδιασμὸς τῆς μεγάλης θαλάσσης,” which was
+extracted from a manuscript in the Royal Library of Madrid, and published
+in a volume called Regiæ Bibliothecæ Matritensis Codices Græci MSS. by
+the librarian Iriarte, in the year 1769. But the best and most numerous
+evidences of ancient geography are those which still exist in the country
+itself, in the ruins of the ancient cities, and in the inscriptions
+and other monuments which may be found there. When these remains of
+antiquity shall be thoroughly explored, and the results compared with the
+geographers, with the itineraries and with the passages of history just
+referred to, they will probably lead to a system of Ancient Geography in
+Asia Minor, much more correct than we at present possess[14]. For while
+we are still ignorant of the exact position of such important points as
+Gordium, Pessinus, Synnada, Celænæ, Cibyra, Sagalassus, Aspendus, Selge,
+Antioch of Pisidia and Isaura, it is almost a vain attempt to form any
+satisfactory system; as the several parts of it must depend so much upon
+one another, and upon an accurate determination of the principal places.
+
+After this remark, the reader will not be surprised, upon consulting the
+map, to find that not only the boundaries of the provinces or districts
+are indistinctly marked, but that even the names of places, both ancient
+and modern, are often inserted without the usual note of exact locality.
+
+The ancient provincial divisions are distributed according to the
+description of Strabo; or, in other words, according to their usual
+acceptation at the time of the establishment of the Roman Empire, when,
+as they ceased to have any political use, their boundaries became, as
+they had always in some degree been, extremely uncertain.
+
+The appellations of the Turkish districts are either derived from the
+principal town of each district, or from the names of those chieftains
+who, together with the founder of the Ottoman dynasty, shared Asia Minor
+among them, on the breaking up of the Seljukian kingdom of Iconium, at
+the death of Aladin the Second, about the year 1300 of the Christian æra.
+These chieftains were, Karamán, Kermián, Teke, Aidín, Sarukhán, Sassan or
+Sagla, and Karasi. Múntesha, the appellation of the southwestern corner
+of Asia Minor, is supposed to be a corruption of Myndesia, or the country
+of Myndus; and this is the only district, therefore, the name of which
+the Turks adopted from the conquered people.
+
+All the north-eastern part of the peninsula fell to the share of Amur and
+his sons, but its divisions were not distinguished by their names.
+
+Osman, who inherited the country around Shughut from his father Ertogrul,
+soon increased his territory by the country to the northward and westward
+of that town, as far as the Propontis and the Black Sea. This part of
+the peninsula still retains the appellation of Khodja-Ili, or the country
+of Khodja, given to it in honour of Aktshe Khodja, the officer of Osman,
+who effected the conquest.
+
+Khodavenkiar[15], which was the surname of Murad, son of Orkhan son of
+Osman, has been attached to the district of Brusa ever since Orkhan,
+having conquered that country from the Greeks, confided the government of
+it to his son.
+
+Kermián-oglu, or the successor of Kermian[16], was the first of the
+Turkish princes of Asia Minor who resigned a part of his dominions to
+the house of Osman, and who put his family under their protection, by
+the marriage of his daughter with the son of Murad, the celebrated
+Bayazid. During the three subsequent reigns, those princes were generally
+tributary to, but not otherwise dependent on, the Ottoman monarchs, whom
+they often resisted in the field; and it was not until the family of
+Isfendiar, who governed in Heracleia Pontica, Castamon, and Sinope, was
+reduced by Mahomet the Second, and the kingdom of Karaman by Bayazid the
+Second, in the year 1486, that the whole of Asia Minor became an Ottoman
+province.
+
+Thus much it seemed necessary to recall to the reader’s recollection, in
+explanation of the Turkish provincial names in the map.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+ CHAPTER I.
+
+ Journey from Constantinople to Kónia 1
+
+ CHAPTER II.
+
+ Illustration of the Ancient Geography of the Central Part of Asia
+ Minor 51
+
+ CHAPTER III.
+
+ Continuation of the Journey—From Kónia to Cyprus, Alaia, and Shughut 93
+
+ CHAPTER IV.
+
+ Of the ancient places on the road from Adalia to Shughut, including
+ remarks on the comparative geography of the adjacent country 144
+
+ CHAPTER V.
+
+ Of the ancient places on the southern coast of Asia Minor 171
+
+ CHAPTER VI.
+
+ Some remarks on the comparative geography of the western and
+ northern parts of Asia Minor 219
+
+ ADDITIONAL NOTES.
+
+ 1. On the military operations of the first Crusade in Asia Minor 313
+
+ 2. Another error in Xenophon’s march of Cyrus 319
+
+ 3. On Cilicia and the position of Claudiopolis 319
+
+ 4. On the Theatres of Telmissus and Patara 320
+
+ 5. On the distinction between the Greek and Roman Theatre.
+ Peculiarities of the Asiatic Greek theatre. Dimensions
+ of the principal Greek theatres 321
+
+ 6. On a Latin inscription at Stratoniceia, relating to the
+ prices of various commodities 329
+
+ 7. On a Greek inscription at Mylasa 328
+
+ 8. Two Greek inscriptions, proving the site of Tralles 339
+
+ 9. Plans of the Theatre and Palæstra of Hierapolis. On the
+ Plutonium at the same place 340
+
+ 10. A description of the antiquities of Sardes, by Mr. Cockerell 342
+
+ 11. On the principal Temples of Asia Minor 346
+
+ 12. On the description of the battle of Magnesia by Appian 352
+
+
+
+
+[Illustration: ESSAY of a MAP of ASIA MINOR, Ancient and Modern
+
+By W. M. Leake, 1822.
+
+_Published as the act directs Febʸ. 1824, by John Murray Albermarle Street
+London._
+
+J. Walker sculpt.]
+
+
+
+
+JOURNAL OF A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR, _&c._
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I.
+
+JOURNEY FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO KÓNIA.
+
+ _Departure from Constantinople—Kartal—Ghebse—Kizderwént—Lake
+ Ascanius—Nicæa—Site of the ancient Towns between Constantinople
+ and Nicæa—Ruins of Nicæa—Lefke—Shughut—Eski-shehr, the
+ ancient Dorylæum—Seid-el-Ghazi—Doganlú, probably the ancient
+ Nacoleia—Kosru-Khan—Bulwudún—Isaklú—Ak-shehr—Ilgún—Ladík—Ruins of
+ Laodiceia—Kónia._
+
+
+On the 19th of January 1800, I quitted Constantinople, on my way to
+Egypt, in company with the late Brigadier General Koehler, the late
+Sir Richard Fletcher, the late Archdeacon Carlyle, Arabic professor
+at Cambridge, and Mr. Pink, of the corps of Royal Military Surveyors,
+and Draftsmen. We were well armed, and dressed as Tatár Couriers; and
+the whole party, including servants, baggage, Turkish attendants, and
+postillions, formed a caravan of thirty-five horses. At this time, there
+were two roads across Asia Minor, used by messengers and other persons,
+travelling post between the Grand Vizier’s army, and the capital; the one
+meeting the south coast at Adália, the other at Kelénderi. We deferred
+deciding as to which we should follow, until we should arrive at the
+point of separation.
+
+We left Iskiodár (in Greek, Σκουτάριον, Skutári) at 11 A.M., and
+travelled for four hours along the borders of the sea of Marmora, through
+one of the most delightful tracts in the neighbourhood of Constantinople;
+its beauty heightened by the mildness of the weather and the clearness
+of the atmosphere. On our right was the tranquil expanse of the sea of
+Marmora, as far as the high woody coast on the south side of Nicomedia,
+surmounted by the majestic summits of the Bithynian Olympus. In the
+midst of this magnificent basin were seen immediately before us the
+Princes Islands, with their picturesque villages and convents, amidst
+pine groves and vineyards. The road led sometimes through rich pastures,
+covered with sheep, but, for the most part, through the gardens which
+supply a large proportion of the vegetables consumed in the city and its
+suburbs. Already the beans, and other productions of the spring, were in
+a forward state. The road was in some places muddy, but in general very
+good. Kartal, where we arrived at the end of four hours, is a small place
+upon the edge of the gulf, in the midst of a fertile and well cultivated
+district, and has a harbour for small vessels. Half an hour further is
+a Greek village, which preserves unaltered the ancient name Παντίχιον,
+pronounced Pandíkhi.
+
+Jan. 20.—From Kartal to Ghebse[17] five hours, passing through Pandíkhi;
+and at the end of three hours Tuzla, so called from the salt-works
+belonging to it. The road winds along the side of the gulf, which, as
+it narrows, presents a great variety of beautiful landscapes. The soil
+affords a fine pasture, in some parts of which appear rocks of blue
+and white marble, projecting above the surface; and several remains of
+ancient quarries. We met a Mollah travelling in a Taktreván, lounging
+upon soft cushions, smoking his Narghilé[18], and accompanied by
+splendidly-dressed attendants on horseback. His baggage-horses were
+loaded with mattresses and coverings for his sofas; with valises
+containing his clothes; a large assortment of pipes; tables of copper;
+cauldrons; saucepans; and a complete _batterie de cuisine_. Such a mode
+of travelling is undoubtedly very different from that which was in use
+among the Turks of Osman, and Orkhan. The articles of the Mollah’s
+baggage are, probably, for the most part, of Greek origin, adopted from
+the conquered nation in the same manner as the Latins borrowed the arts
+of the Greeks of a better age. In fact, it is in a great degree to Greek
+luxuries, with the addition of coffee and tobacco, that the present
+imbecile condition of these barbarians is to be ascribed; and “Græcia
+capta ferum victorem cepit” applies as well to the Turk as it once did to
+the Roman; for though Grecian art in its perfection may be degraded by
+a comparison with the arts of the Byzantine Greeks, yet in the scale of
+civilization, the Turks did not bear a higher proportion to these than
+the Romans did to the ancient Greeks.
+
+Ghebse, called by the Greeks Gívyza[19] (Κίβυζα), is a Turkish town,
+having a few Greek houses. The only remarkable object in it is a fine
+mosque of white marble, surrounded by a grove of large cypresses, both
+of the pointed kind and of that of which the branches are looser and
+more spreading. This mosque, and some good baths, were built by Mustafá
+Pasha, who was Grand Vizier to Sultán Selím the First at the time of the
+conquest of Egypt. An imperfect Greek inscription was the only indication
+which I observed of Ghebse being on the site of a Greek city.
+
+Jan. 21.—From Ghebse to Kizderwént, nine hours. Our route for the
+first three hours was parallel to the shore of the gulf, which here
+presents, on either side, a beautiful scenery of abrupt capes and
+woody promontories, with villages upon the sides of the mountains, and
+corn-fields and vineyards to their very tops. The road then descends to
+the water-side under the small village of Malsúm, where a long tongue
+of land, projecting from the opposite shore, affords a convenient ferry
+of about two miles across, to the south side of the gulf. It is called
+the ferry of the Dil (tongue), and being much frequented, is well
+supplied with large boats and constant attendance. The persons employed
+in it are lodged in tents by the water-side. We write to our friends at
+Constantinople by a huntsman of the Sultan, who is returning from the
+chace loaded with pheasants, partridges, and other game, which he has
+been killing for the Imperial table in the woods near the gulf. It takes
+us two hours to unload, cross the ferry, and reload. We then ride three
+miles along the Dil before we gain the line of coast. Leaving the town
+of Ersek at no great distance on our right, we proceed up a beautiful
+valley, watered by a river which joins the gulf near the Dil. This river
+we cross more than twenty times; passing through the water, or over good
+stone bridges. In many places the river falls in cascades over the rocks.
+The sky is without a cloud; and the temperature that of England in April
+or May. The ground is covered with violets, crocusses, and hyacinths.
+The road being excellent, we travel nearly at the rate of four miles
+and a half an hour, and complete our computed journey of nine hours in
+seven. We passed a ruined castle of the lower Greek empire, with many
+towers. On the slopes on either side are seen flocks of sheep and goats;
+in the valley the peasants are at plough, and we meet long caravans of
+camels tied together, and preceded by an ass. As we approach Kizderwént,
+which is situated in a retired part of the valley, near the source of
+the river which we have been following, we enter an extensive mulberry
+plantation, this being one of the numerous villages in the neighbourhood
+that supply Brusa with the excellent silk for which it is noted in the
+commercial world. Vineyards, on the slopes of the hills around, furnish
+also a tolerable wine. Kizderwént (the pass of the girls) having the
+misfortune to lie upon the great road from Constantinople to Brusa,
+Kutáya, and Kónia, is exposed to a thousand vexations from passengers,
+notwithstanding the privileges and exemptions which have been granted
+to it by the Porte. It is inhabited solely by Greeks. Upon our arrival
+we found our konakjí, or Tatár courier, who has the charge of riding
+forward to procure lodgings (konák), seated over a blazing fire in a neat
+cottage, which formed a favourable contrast to the meanness and want of
+comfort seen amidst the pretended magnificence of some of the Turkish
+houses which we had seen. To judge from what we have hitherto observed,
+the lower order of Christians are not in a worse condition in Asia Minor
+than the same class of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey
+have some advantages arising from the effects of the superiority of their
+numbers over the Turks, those of Asia have the satisfaction of seeing
+that the Turks are as much oppressed by the men in power as they are
+themselves; and they have to deal with a race of Mussulmans generally
+milder, more religious, and better principled than those of Europe.
+
+Jan. 22.—We travel in a fine valley, continually ascending. At the end of
+an hour we come suddenly upon a view of the lake Ascanius. It is about
+ten miles long, and four wide; surrounded on three sides by steep woody
+slopes, behind which rise the snowy summits of the Olympus range. A
+forest of Ilex, and other evergreens, mixed with oaks, cover the nearer
+hills; while on the left, along the head of the lake, we perceive a rich
+cultivated plain, at the extremity of which, soon afterwards appears, on
+the edge of the lake, the entire circuit of the ancient walls of Nicæa,
+with their massy towers and gates. Nothing is more striking in this
+magnificent prospect, than that clearness of atmosphere, and brilliancy
+of colouring, which is so seldom seen in our northern scenery. We make
+the circuit of the northern end of the lake; passing for ten miles
+through the plain, and traversing plantations of olives, mulberries, and
+vines: the almond-trees were already in blossom. At about two miles on
+our left, we saw an ancient triangular obelisk, standing single in the
+middle of the plain. It bears an inscription, which has been published
+by Pococke, and which proves that the obelisk was erected in honour of
+C. Cassius Philiscus. Having passed through one of the ancient gates
+of Nicæa, and through the garden ground now inclosed within its walls,
+we arrive at the wretched Turkish town of Isnik, distant five complete
+hours, or about twenty miles, from Kizderwént.
+
+Among the ancient places situated between Constantinople and Nicæa,
+there is sufficient evidence of the situation of Scutarium[20] and
+Pantichium[21], in the preservation of their ancient names. Gívyza has
+generally been supposed a corruption of Libyssa, the name of a small
+maritime town, celebrated as having been the burying-place of Hannibal;
+but Gívyza is more probably a corruption of Dacibyza; being, when
+written in Greek (Κίβυζα), no other than the ancient Δακίβυζα, with the
+loss of the first syllable. The thirty-six or thirty-nine Roman miles,
+moreover, placed in the itinerary, between Chalcedonia and Libyssa, will
+not agree so well with the nine hours from Skutári to Gívyza, as with
+the twelve hours to Malsúm; which place, therefore, I take to stand on
+the site of Libyssa. Plutarch appears to confirm this supposition, for
+in mentioning Libyssa[22], he speaks of a sandy place near it on the
+sea-side, answering to the promontory of Dil, which, as we have seen, is
+immediately below Maldysem or Malsum. Dacibyza is mentioned by several
+of the historians of the Lower Empire, as a place where, by order of the
+Arian Emperor Valens, eighty priests of the opposite sect were burned,
+with the ship wherein they were embarked[23]. The river descending from
+Kizderwént to the Dil, can be no other than the Draco, which joined the
+sea at Helenopolis, a small town, so named by Constantine in honour of
+his mother: for it seems evident, upon comparing Procopius with Anna
+Comnena, that Helenopolis was at or near Ersek. The Dil has been formed
+by the alluvial deposition of the Draco; whose impetuosity has been well
+described by Procopius, as well as its winding course[24]. In riding
+from the Dil to Kizderwént, I remarked that we traversed the river about
+twenty times, without being aware that Procopius has made precisely
+the same remark with regard to the Draco[25].—In the first crusade,
+the passes of this stream were fatal to many of the followers of Peter
+the Hermit; who, after having by the assistance of the Emperor Alexius
+crossed the sea from Constantinople, encamped at Helenopolis. From thence
+they proceeded to ravage the country around Nicæa, which city was then
+in the possession of the Turks of Kilidj Arslan; and they occupied the
+fortress of Xerigordus. But this place was soon retaken by the Sultan;
+who slew many of the Franks, captured others, and destroyed a still
+greater number by means of an ambuscade, which he stationed in the passes
+of the Draco[26].
+
+In the evening we found time to walk among the ruins of Nicæa. The
+ancient walls, towers, and gates are in tolerably good preservation.
+Their construction resembles that of the walls of Constantinople, with
+which they are coæval. In most places they are formed of alternate
+courses of Roman tiles, and of large square stones, joined by a cement
+of great thickness. In some places have been inserted columns, and
+other architectural fragments, the ruins of more ancient edifices. Of
+the towers, those on the edge of the lake, and on either side of the
+different gates, are the largest and most perfect. We remark, also,
+the remains of two walls which projected from the main inclosure
+into the water, and which were undoubtedly intended to exclude, when
+necessary, all communication under the walls, along the edge of the
+lake. Some of the towers, like those of Constantinople, have Greek
+inscriptions; these have been published in the Inscriptiones Antiquæ
+of Pococke. The ruins of mosques, baths, and houses, dispersed among
+the gardens and corn-fields, which now occupy a great part of the space
+within the Greek fortifications, show that the Turkish Isnik, though
+now so inconsiderable, was once a place of importance, as indeed its
+history under the early Ottomans, before they were in possession of
+Constantinople, gives sufficient reason to presume. But it never was so
+large as the Grecian Nicæa, and it seems to have been almost entirely
+constructed of the remains of that city; the walls of the ruined mosques
+and baths being full of the fragments of Greek temples and churches.
+
+Jan. 23.—From Isnik to Lefke, six hours, and from Lefke to Vezir-Khan,
+four hours. We rise at two in the morning; but as it takes near three
+hours for the whole party to breakfast, pack up the baggage, and load
+the horses, we are not ready till five, and have then to wait an hour
+and a half for horses. We soon leave the borders of the beautiful lake
+of Isnik, and proceed up a valley, which we quit after three or four
+miles, and suddenly ascend to the left a hill of moderate height. Soon
+losing sight of the lake, we advance along an elevated barren country,
+until we enter a deep ravine formed by towering cliffs on either side,
+where a great variety of luxuriant evergreens spring from among the
+rocks. The ravine leads into a valley, where the same kind of scenery
+receives additional beauty from the contrast which opens upon us of
+a fine valley, watered by the Sakaría, a name corrupted from the
+ancient Sangarius, although this river is not the main branch of the
+Sangarius, but that which was anciently called Gallus[27]. Lefke, a
+neat town built of sun-baked bricks, is situated in the middle of this
+beautiful valley near the river, which we crossed by a handsome stone
+bridge a little before we entered the town. We find the cultivation in
+this valley as perfect as that of some of the most civilized parts of
+Europe. The fields are separated by neat hedges and ditches. Extensive
+plantations of mulberry-trees, mixed with vineyards and corn-fields,
+occupy the lower grounds, while cultivated patches are seen to a great
+height in the hills, which in other parts furnish a fine pasture to
+sheep and goats. This delightful region exhibits a most picturesque
+contrast with the unevenness and grandeur of the surrounding mountains.
+We were told there had lately been an insurrection, with the design of
+expelling an obnoxious Kadi, but we did not perceive the least symptom
+of disturbance. We follow the valley, passing many villages on either
+hand, for four hours more, to Vezir-Khan. Since leaving the gulf of
+Nicomedia we have seen no marks of wheel-carriages, and we met with
+scarcely any person on the road during this day’s journey, except a party
+of Turkish horsemen with their dogs, in search of hares. The Turks of
+this part of the country are an extremely handsome race: they have a
+great variety of head-dresses, most of which are highly becoming to their
+fine countenances. The women who appear abroad are invariably dressed in
+the shapeless ferijé, and the veil so often described by travellers. At
+Vezir-Khan we were lodged in a small mud-built house, and had to wait a
+considerable time before our attendants could prevail upon the people to
+kill the fowls intended for our dinner, and to send men to the river to
+catch some fish. The valley around is covered with extensive plantations
+of mulberry-trees, and with orchards, vineyards, and corn-fields,
+inclosed with hedges; but to these signs of neatness and comfort there is
+a great contrast in the misery of the houses.
+
+Jan. 24.—From Vezir-Khan to Shughut, eight hours: the weather still
+delightfully clear and mild. For the first two hours we continue to
+pursue the valley, and then ascend a lofty ridge, a branch of Olympus. It
+incloses on the east the valleys watered by the branches of the Sangarius
+which we have passed, as the heights between Isnik and Lefke do on the
+opposite side. Our road across the mountain presents some wild scenery of
+broken rocks and barren downs with little or no wood, and occasionally
+the view of extensive valleys on either side. At the summit of the ridge
+we pass a Karakol-hané (guard-house), and at the foot of the mountain
+on the east side we enter some pleasant valleys, conducting into an
+open expanse of undulated ground, well cultivated with corn. It gives
+a favourable idea of Asiatic husbandry; but there is little appearance
+of inhabitants, only three or four small villages being in sight in the
+whole of our day’s journey. The weather being dry the road is excellent;
+but in seasons of rain it must be quite the reverse, on account of the
+rich deep soil. At the further end of this champaign country we perceive
+the town of Shughut, and upon an adjacent hill the tomb of Ali Osman,
+founder of the Ottoman dynasty. Shughut was bestowed upon Ertogrul, the
+father of Osman, by the Sultan of Kónia, for his services in war; and
+became the capital of a small state, which included the adjacent country
+as far as A´ngura on the east, and in the opposite direction all the
+mountainous district lying between the valleys of the Sangarius and those
+of the Hermus and Mæander. From hence Osman made himself master of Nicæa
+and Prusa, and gradually of all Bithynia and Phrygia, and thus laid the
+foundations of the Turkish greatness. There is another tomb of Osman
+at Brúsa, the most important of the places which he conquered from the
+Greeks. But the Turks of this part of Asia Minor assert that the monument
+at Brúsa is a cenotaph, and that the bones of Osman were laid by the side
+of those of his father Ertogrul in his native town. The tomb is built
+like some of the handsomest and most ancient of the Turkish sepulchres at
+Constantinople, and is situated in the midst of a grove of cypresses and
+evergreen oaks.
+
+The town is said to contain 900 houses, but now exhibits a wretched
+appearance, chiefly in consequence of a late insurrection of the
+inhabitants, a party of 300 of whom have put to death, within three
+months, three different Ayáns sent here by the Porte. At present the
+government of Constantinople has the upper hand, and the insurgents have
+been obliged to fly to the mountains; but we find the new governor with
+all his troops still on the _alerte_ to prevent the place from being
+once more surprised and pillaged. Our situation is rendered still more
+uncomfortable by the discovery we now make, that our travelling firmahn,
+in consequence of an intrigue at Constantinople, of which we too well
+know the original mover, is drawn up in such a manner as to leave it in
+the power of any of the Turks to obstruct our progress; and the Ayán of
+Shughut accordingly takes advantage of it to extort a present before
+he will give us the smallest assistance. We are wretchedly lodged in
+a ruinous apartment over a stable occupied by the Ayán’s cavalry; and
+cannot prevent the soldiers from coming into the room, or from examining
+our arms and baggage. There are large plantations of mulberries around
+the town, and every house manufactures a considerable quantity of raw
+silk.
+
+Jan. 25.—It is nine o’clock before we can procure any horses, and then
+find none to be had but some wretched animals covered with sores, and
+almost skeletons. At first setting out they are hardly able to walk;
+but to our surprise we find, before we have travelled many miles, that
+most of them have a very easy and rapid pace; they performed a journey
+of ten hours’ distance with only a few short halts, and arrived at our
+konák at Eski-shehr apparently in better travelling condition than when
+they set out. Our road indeed is dry and level, and the weather still
+fine. Half the route was over mountains, and woody; the latter half over
+an extensive plain not less than 30 miles in length and 10 in breadth,
+but very thinly peopled and not above one-third cultivated. Seven or
+eight miles short of Eski-shehr are some ancient Greek ruins upon a
+rising ground in the plain. Amidst a great number of scattered fragments
+of columns, and other remnants of architecture, we find several square
+pedestals or στήλαι of a clumsy construction, with some almost-defaced
+fragments of Greek inscriptions, in which we endeavoured in vain to
+discover the name of the city, though the word πόλις was visible.
+The ruins are called Besh-Kardash (the five brothers); the number of
+pedestals standing, however, is more than five, but five is a favourite
+number with the Turks: the generality of whom, having little idea of
+numerical accuracy, confine themselves in common conversation to a few
+numbers, which they particularly affect. These numbers are 5, 15, 40,
+100, and 1001.
+
+Eski-shehr is about the same size as Shughut, and is advantageously
+situated on the root of the hills which border on the north the great
+plain already mentioned. The town is divided into an upper and lower
+quarter; and is traversed by a small stream, which at the foot of the
+hills joins the Pursek, or ancient Thymbres. This river rises to the
+south of Kutáya, passes by that city, and joins the Sangarius a few hours
+to the north-east of Eski-shehr. This place is now celebrated for its
+natural hot-baths: we were unable to ascertain whether it preserves any
+remains of antiquity[28]; but there can be little doubt that it stands
+upon the site of Dorylæum. The plain of Dorylæum is often mentioned by
+the Byzantine historians as the place of assembly of the armies of the
+Eastern empire in their wars against the Turks, and it is described by
+Anna Comnena[29] as being the first extensive plain of Phrygia after
+crossing the ridges of Mount Olympus from Nicæa, and after passing Leucæ.
+As we have the strongest evidence of the position of Leucæ in the name of
+the village Lefke, which is exactly the modern pronunciation of the Greek
+Λεύκαι, there cannot be any doubt that the plain of Dorylæum is that
+which surrounds Eski-shehr.
+
+The site of the ancient town is not less decisively fixed at Eski-shehr.
+Athenæus speaks of the hot waters of Dorylæum, and remarks that they
+are very pleasant to the taste. Cinnamus mentions the hot baths, the
+fertile plain, and the river of Dorylæum[30]; and the site is indicated
+with equal certainty by the ancient itineraries[31]: for from Dorylæum
+diverged roads, to Philadelphia; to Apameia Cibotus; to Laodiceia
+Combusta, and Iconium; to Germa, and to Pessinus: a coincidence of lines
+which (their remote extremities being nearly certain) will not apply to
+any point but Eski-shehr, or some place in its immediate neighbourhood.
+The position of Eski-shehr accords also with the Antonine and Jerusalem
+itineraries, inasmuch as we observe in these tables, that the road from
+Nicæa to Ancyra did not pass through Dorylæum, but to the northward of
+it; and Eski-shehr is about thirty miles to the southward of a line drawn
+from Isnik to A´ngura.
+
+The Aga of Eski-shehr was formerly in the government of a town six hours
+distant, the name of which we neglected to note. He had long been at
+war with the governor of Eski-shehr, and at length having acquired the
+preponderancy so far as to carry off all his opponent’s sheep and cattle,
+he followed up his successes last year with such increased energy that
+he added his rival’s head to the other spoils, and has since been in
+undisturbed possession of both places, and confirmed in his authority by
+the Porte.
+
+Jan. 26.—From Eski-shehr to Seid-el-Gházi, a computed distance of nine
+hours. We have a sharp wind at east. Our road for the first half of
+the journey continues to cross the same wide uncultivated plains; but
+towards the end they are more broken into hill and dale, and appear less
+wild and desolate. Scarcely a tree is to be seen through the whole day’s
+journey. Upon the edge of the plains we observe in many places sepulchral
+chambers excavated in the rocks. In these, and in the fragments of
+ancient architecture dispersed in different parts of the plains, we have
+undoubted proofs of their ancient cultivation and populousness. At about
+half way we found, near a fountain, several inscribed stones. The annexed
+is the only inscription I could decypher:
+
+ ΔΗΜΑΣΚΑΙ
+ ΓΑΙΟΣΥΠΕΡ
+ ΒΟΩΝΙΔΙΩΝΠΑ
+ ΠΙΑΔΙ ΙΣΩΤΗ
+ ΡΙΕΥΧΗΝΚΑΙ
+ ΗΡΑΚΛΗΑΝΙΚ
+ ΗΤ.
+
+It appears to be a dedication of thanks to Jupiter Papias, the Saviour,
+and Hercules, the Invincible, for their care of the oxen of Demas and
+Gaius.
+
+This inscription is upon a flat slab, surmounted with a pediment, in the
+middle of which is a _caput bovis_, with a festoon. Here also is a square
+stele, with an ornamented cornice; on one of its sides is an obliterated
+inscription, in the centre of a garland.
+
+[Illustration: _To face Page 21._
+
+_Inscription at a...b._
+
+ΙΑΕϜΑϜΑΚΕΝΑΝΟΓΑϜΟΣ:ΜΙΔΑΙ:ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ:ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ:ΕΔΑΕ
+
+_Inscription at c...d._
+
+ΒΑΒΑ:ΜΕΜΕϜΑΙΣ:ΠΡΟΙΤΑϜΟΣ:ΚΦΙͿΑΝΑϜΕͿΟΣ:ΣΙΚΕΜΕΜΑΝ:ΕΔΑΕΣ
+
+_G. Scharf Lithog: London. Pub: by J. Murray. Albemarle Sᵗ. 1824. Printed
+by C: Hullmandel_]
+
+The latter part of our journey is over low ridges; the road throughout
+is excellent, and fit for wheel-carriages. Seid-el-Gházi is a poor
+ruined village, but it bears marks of having once been a place of more
+importance, even in Turkish times; upon the side of a hill which commands
+the village, there is a fine mosque dedicated to the Mussulman saint from
+whom the place derives its name. There are also several fragments of
+architecture which fix it as the site of an ancient Greek city.
+
+Jan. 27.—From Seid-el-Gházi to Kósru Pasha-Khany, the distance is seven
+hours; but we made a détour to the right of the direct road, for the
+sake of viewing some monuments of antiquity, which were reported to us
+at Seid-el-Gházi. We first ascend for some distance, and pass over an
+elevated stony heath, in a direction to the westward of south; we then
+enter a forest of pine-trees, from many of which they had been extracting
+the turpentine, by making an incision at the foot of the tree, and then
+lighting a fire under it. By these means the resin descends rapidly, and
+is soon collected in large quantities, but the tree is killed; and it
+sometimes happens that the fire communicating destroys large tracts of
+the forest. We saw several remains of these conflagrations as we passed
+along. After traversing the forest for an hour, we came in sight of
+a beautiful valley, situated in the midst of it. Turning to the left,
+after we had descended into the valley, we found it to be a small plain,
+about a mile long and a quarter of a mile broad, embosomed in the forest,
+and singularly variegated with rocks, which rise perpendicularly out
+of the soil, and assume the shape of ruined towers and castles. Some
+of these are upwards of 150 feet in height, and one or two, entirely
+detached from the rest, have been excavated into ancient catacombs, with
+doors and windows, and galleries, in such a manner that it required a
+near inspection to convince us that what we saw were natural rocks, and
+not towers and buildings. We found the chambers within to have been
+sepulchres, containing excavations for coffins, and niches for cinerary
+vases. Following the course of the valley to the S.E., we came in
+sight of some sepulchral chambers, excavated with more art, and having
+a portico with two columns before the door, above which a range of
+dentils forms a cornice. But the most remarkable of these excavations,
+is that which will best be understood by the annexed sketch of it,
+taken by General Koehler, while Mr. Carlyle and myself were employed
+in copying two inscriptions engraved upon the face of the rock. In the
+upper inscription a few letters are deficient at the beginning and end;
+the lower appeared to us to be complete. The letters of the first are
+larger and wider asunder than those of the second. Both are written
+from left to right, but in the lower inscription the letters are written
+_downwards_, along the edge of the monument, so that to place the eyes
+upon the same line with the inscription, the head must be held sideways.
+The rock which has been shaped into this singular monument rises to a
+height of upwards of one hundred feet above the plain; and at the back,
+and on one of the sides, remains in its natural state. The ornamented
+part is about sixty feet square, surmounted by a kind of pediment, above
+which are two volutes. The figures cut upon the rock are no where more
+than an inch deep below the surface, except towards the bottom, where the
+excavation is much deeper, and resembles an altar. It is not impossible,
+however, that it may conceal the entrance into the sepulchral chamber,
+where lie the remains of the person in whose honour this magnificent
+monument was formed; for in some other parts of Asia Minor, especially
+at Telmissus, we have examples of the wonderful ingenuity with which the
+ancients sometimes defended the entrance into their tombs. There can be
+little doubt that the monument was sepulchral; the crypts and catacombs
+in the excavated rocks around it prove that the valley was set apart for
+such purposes, to which its singularly retired position and romantic
+scenery, amidst these extensive forests, rendered it peculiarly well
+adapted.
+
+The valley bears the name of Doganlú, from a neighbouring village which
+we did not see, but where, according to the information we received, are
+remains of an ancient fortification, called by the Turks Pismésh Kálesi.
+I am inclined to think they mark the site of Nacoleia[32], named by
+Strabo among the cities of Phrygia Epictetus, together with Cotyaeium,
+Dorylæum, and Midaeium; the first of which places (now Kutáya) is within
+twenty geographical miles, in direct distance, to the north-westward of
+Doganlú; the second, Dorylæum (Eski-shehr), is at nearly that distance
+to the north of Doganlú; and Midaium was to the north-eastward, distant
+about 35 G. M. direct. But a still closer argument, in favour of this
+situation of Nacoleia, is derived from a comparison of the several routes
+leading from Dorylæum, as stated in the ancient itineraries, with their
+directions on the map. These roads are five in number; and though little
+reliance can be placed upon the distances between the several places, the
+order of names furnishes evidence that cannot be very erroneous, and the
+positions of the places at the extremity of each route are known with
+tolerable accuracy. The first of the roads, as they are arranged in the
+subjoined note[33], led by Midaium to Pessinus; the second by Archelaium
+to Germa, now Yerma; the third conducted south-eastward to Synnada,
+Philomelium, and Laodiceia Combusta (now Yorgán Ladík); the fourth by
+Nacoleia and Eumenia to Apameia Cibotus; and the fifth south-westward, by
+Cotyaium to Philadelphia (Allah-Shehr). Now, although the site neither
+of Apameia Cibotus, Synnada, nor Pessinus, has yet been explored, their
+situations are very nearly certain. Apameia was at the source of the
+Mæander, and bore a little westward of south from Eski-shehr. Nacoleia,
+therefore, bore in about that direction from Dorylæum; it lay between the
+roads conducting from that city to Synnada and Laodiceia, and to Cotyaium
+and Philadelphia; and it was the first town which occurred on the road to
+Apameia: all which circumstances accurately accord with the position of
+Doganlú in respect of Eski-shehr.
+
+On first beholding the great sculptured rock of the valley of Doganlú,
+and on remarking the little resemblance which it bears to the works of
+the Greeks, our idea was, that it might have been formed by the ancient
+Persians, when in possession of this country; and that the lower part,
+resembling an altar, might have had some reference to their worship of
+fire; but, upon further reflection, there appeared several objections
+to such a supposition. In the first place, none of the great monuments
+of the Persians are likely to be found at so great a distance from
+Susa and Persepolis, in a part of the country of which they had only
+a temporary possession, and which could never have been considered by
+them otherwise than as a conquered foreign country, of doubtful tenure.
+Secondly, the style of ornament does not exactly resemble any known
+monument of the ancient Persians; and, thirdly, the characters of the
+inscriptions, which have every appearance of being coeval with the rest
+of the work, bear so close a resemblance to the letters of the Greek
+alphabet, in their earliest form, that the most reasonable conjecture
+seems to be that this monument is the work of the ancient Phrygians,
+who, like the Ionians[34], Lydians, and other nations of Asia Minor, who
+were in a state of independence before the Persian conquest, made use
+of an alphabet differing slightly from the Greek, and derived from the
+same oriental original. While the form of the characters, as well as the
+vertical ranges of points for noting the separation of the words, bear a
+marked resemblance to the archaic Greek: on the other hand, some of the
+words agree with the semibarbarous style of the sculptured ornaments of
+this monument, in indicating that the inscriptions are not in pure Greek.
+Both in the resemblance and dissimilitude, therefore, they accord with
+what we should expect of the dialect of the Phrygians, whose connexion
+with Greece is evident from many parts of their early history; at the
+same time, that the distinction between the two nations is strongly
+marked by Herodotus, who gives to the Phrygians the appellation of
+barbarians.
+
+It is further remarkable that the sculpture of the monument of Doganlú,
+though unlike any thing of Greek workmanship, is very much in the same
+style as the elaborate ornaments (equally remote from Grecian taste)
+which covered the half columns formerly standing on either side of the
+door of the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenæ[35], a building said to have
+been erected by the Cyclopes, who were supposed to have been artisans
+from Asia[36].
+
+Upon comparing the alphabet of the monument of Doganlú with the archaic
+Greek, and with the Etruscan, it is observable that there is no greater
+difference between the three than might be expected in distant and
+long-separated branches of the same family. It may be remarked, however,
+that the Greek alphabet, and that of Doganlú, resemble each other much
+more than they resemble the Etruscan, as well in the form of the letters,
+as in the important circumstance of their being written from left to
+right, instead of from right to left, as the Etruscan always continued to
+be[37].
+
+It may seem a vain attempt to endeavour to explain inscriptions, written
+in a language or dialect of which we have no other remains; yet as the
+characters are themselves a proof that there was a great resemblance
+between this dialect and the Greek, it is not impossible that some light
+may be thrown upon ancient history by the monument of Doganlú, if other
+inscriptions in the same dialect should hereafter be discovered. Upon
+this subject one or two remarks occur which may not be unimportant.
+
+It has already been observed, that the lower inscription beginning ΒΑΒΑ
+is complete, and it may be assumed that the upper, though incomplete
+at either end, has lost but a few letters. This seems evident, as well
+from its occupying the whole length of a sort of outer pediment, as
+from its concluding word, which wants only one letter of being the
+same as the concluding word of the lower inscription. This concluding
+word is very remarkable; written in Greek it is ΕΔΑΕ, or ΕΔΑΕΣ. Now
+ἔδαε from δαίω, to divide or cut with a sharp instrument, is precisely
+such a Greek word as one might have expected to find in a very ancient
+_Greek_ inscription upon a monument, all the apparent merit of which
+is the cutting of squares, lozenges, and other regular figures, upon
+the smoothed surface of a rock. In examining the other words, we find
+further resemblances of the Greek. The 2d, 3d, and 4th words of the
+lower inscription, and the first word of the upper inscription (if it
+be a single word), all seem to end in sigma, and three of them in ος,
+thus rendering it not improbable that the words 1, 2, 3, 4, of the lower
+inscription, contained the name and title of the person who engraved that
+inscription; that the fifth word Σικεμεμαν may have indicated some such
+distinction, as the place from whence he came; and that the long word,
+No. 1. of the upper inscription, was the name of the person who placed
+that inscription. But the most remarkable words of all are the second
+and fourth of the upper inscription, which, written in Greek, are ΜΙΔΑΙ
+ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, “to King Midas;” and which furnish an immediate presumption
+that the monument was erected in honour of one of the Kings of Phrygia
+of the Midaian family. The situation of the place is no less favourable
+to this supposition than the construction of the monument, the tenor of
+the inscription, and the form of the letters; for it cannot be doubted
+that the valley in which the monument stands is precisely in the heart of
+the country which formed the ancient kingdom of Phrygia. Strabo remarks,
+that the royal families of Gordius and Midas possessed the countries
+adjacent to the river Sangarius, on the banks of which stood the cities
+of Midaeium and Gordium[38]. We learn from Pausanias[39] that Ancyra
+was founded by Midas, and that in his time there was a fountain in that
+city, called the fountain of Midas; and both these authors concur in the
+testimony[40] that a tribe of Gauls, in seizing the country adjacent to
+Ancyra and Pessinus, occupied a part of the ancient dominions of the
+Gordian dynasty. The fertile valleys of the Sangarius, and its branches,
+seem, therefore, to have formed the central part of the dominions of the
+kings of Phrygia. According to this supposition, the date of the monument
+of Doganlú is between the years 740 and 570 before the Christian æra;
+for that such was nearly the period of the Gordian dynasty appears from
+Herodotus[41], who informs us that Midas, son of Gordius, was the first
+of the Barbarians who sent offerings to Delphi, and that his offerings
+were earlier than those of Gyges, king of Lydia, who began his reign
+B.C. 715. Phrygia lost its independence, when all the country to the
+west of the Halys was subdued by Crœsus, king of Lydia, in or about the
+year 572 B.C. A few years afterwards Atys, son of Crœsus, was killed
+accidentally by Adrastus, who was of the royal family of Phrygia, and son
+of the Gordius who had been rendered tributary to Crœsus. As this Gordius
+was son of a Midas[42], and the first Midas was son of a Gordius, it is
+probable that several of the intermediate monarchs of the dynasty, during
+the two centuries of their independence, bore the same names.
+
+The distinguishing appellation of the particular Midas to whom the
+monument was dedicated, seems to be contained in the word of the upper
+inscription, which occurs between Μίδᾳ and ἄνακτι[43]; but as we possess
+no details of the history of independent Phrygia, it is impossible to
+determine to what period in the two centuries the monument of Doganlú
+is to be ascribed. In regard to the word ΒΑΒΑ, which begins the lower
+inscription, it was probably the highest title of honour at that period.
+Papas, or Papias, derived from ΠΑΠΑ, nearly the same word as ΒΑΒΑ, and
+meaning _father_, was a common epithet of Jupiter in this part of Asia
+Minor at a subsequent period. The dedication to Jupiter Papias, mentioned
+in a preceding page, was copied from a marble found at no great distance
+from Doganlú: and we are informed by an ancient author, that Papas was
+the name of the Bithynian Jupiter[44]. In another part of the country
+we find the title applied, by a natural descent, to the magistrate of a
+city[45]; and it was a common name among the Etruscans, the kinsmen of
+the Phrygians[46].
+
+Close by this magnificent relic of Phrygian art is a very large
+sepulchral chamber with a portico, of two columns, excavated out of the
+same reddish sandstone of which the great monument and other rocks are
+formed. The columns have a plain plinth at the top, and are surmounted
+by a row of dentils along the architrave. They are of a tapering form,
+which, together with the general proportions of the work, give it an
+appearance of the Doric order, although, in fact, it contains none of
+the distinctive attributes of that order. It is an exact resemblance
+of the ordinary cottages of the peasants, which are square frames of
+wood-work, having a portico supported by two posts made broader at either
+end. The sepulchral chambers differ only in having their parts more
+accurately finished; the dentils correspond to the ends of the beams,
+supporting the flat roof of the cottage.
+
+I cannot quit the subject of this interesting valley without expressing
+a wish that future travellers, who may cross Asia Minor by the routes
+of Eski-shehr or Kutáya, will employ a day or two in a more complete
+examination of it than circumstances allowed to us; as it is far from
+improbable that some inaccuracy or omission may have occurred in our copy
+of the inscriptions, from the singularity of the characters, the great
+height of one of the inscriptions above the ground, and the short time
+that was allowed us for transcribing and revising them.
+
+After leaving the great sculptured rock, we followed the valley for a
+short distance, and then passed through a wild woody country, having met
+scarcely any traces of habitations till we reached our konák, at the
+little village which receives its appellation from the Khan built there
+by a Pasha of the name of Kosru; and where we arrived at five in the
+evening, having, according to our calculation, made a circuit of nine
+or ten miles more than the direct distance from Seid-el-Gházi. We had a
+sharp shower of hail as we galloped through the wood, but the weather
+soon cleared again.
+
+Jan. 28.—From Kosru Khan to Bulwudún, twelve hours. We rose at two in
+the morning: the baggage set off at five, ourselves at six. The road
+lay through several small woody valleys, and towards the latter part
+of our journey across a ridge of hills, with a fine soil, containing a
+few cultivated patches of ground, but for the most part overgrown with
+brushwood; at intervals we saw a few flocks of sheep and goats, and in
+one place a large herd of horned cattle. We saw many sepulchral chambers
+excavated in the rocks, some of which were ornamented on the exterior;
+others were plain. In several parts of our route, also, were appearances
+of extensive quarries, from some of which was probably extracted the
+celebrated Phrygian marble, called Synnadicus, or Docimitis, from the
+places where it was found.
+
+This marble was so much esteemed that it was carried to Italy[47]; and
+such was the force of fashion or prejudice, that Hadrian placed columns
+of it in his new buildings at Athens[48], where the surrounding mountains
+abound in the finest marble. At about ten miles from Bulwudún we came
+in sight of that town with a lake beyond it: to the southward was the
+high range of mountains called Sultán-dagh, and parallel to it, on the
+northern side of the plain of Bulwudún, the Emír-dagh.
+
+From hence we descended by a long slope to Bulwudún, which is situated in
+the plain. It is a place of considerable size, but consists chiefly of
+miserable cottages. There are many remains of antiquity lying about the
+streets, and around the town, but they appeared to be chiefly of the time
+of the Constantinopolitan empire. At Bulwudún we had to make choice of
+two roads to the coast; one leading to Satalía, the other, by Kónia and
+Karaman, to Kelénderi. We prefer the latter on account of the uncertainty
+of the long passage by sea from Satalía to Cyprus at this season of the
+year; and we are informed that all the Grand Vizier’s Tatárs now take the
+Kónia road.
+
+Jan. 29.—From Bulwudún to Ak-shehr, eleven hours. For the first two
+hours the road traversed the plain which lies between Bulwudún and the
+foot of Sultán-dagh; towards the latter a long causeway traverses a
+marshy tract, through the middle of which runs a considerable stream.
+This river comes from the plains and open country, which extend on our
+right as far as Afiom Karahissár, and joins the lake which occupies the
+central and lowest part of the plain lying between the parallel ranges
+of Sultán-dagh and Emír-dagh. Our road continues in a S.E. direction
+along the foot of Sultán-dagh; it is perfectly level, and, owing to the
+dry weather, in excellent condition. On our left were the lake and plains
+already mentioned. The ground was every where covered with frost, and
+the hills on either side of the valley with snow; but these appearances
+of winter vanished as the day advanced, and from noon till three P.M.
+the sun was warmer than we found agreeable; our faces being exposed to
+it by that most inconvenient head-dress, the Tatar Kalpak. Our Surigis
+(postillions) wore a singular kind of cloak of white camels’ hair felt,
+half an inch thick, and so stiff that the cloak stands without support
+when set upright upon the ground. There are neither sleeves nor hood;
+but only holes to pass the hands through, and projections like wings
+upon the shoulders for the purpose of turning off the rain. It is of the
+manufacture of the country. At the end of six hours we passed through
+Saakle or Isaklú, a large village surrounded with gardens and orchards,
+in the midst of a small region well watered by streams from Sultán-dagh,
+and better cultivated than any place we have seen since we left the
+vicinity of Isnik and Lefke. Yet the Aga of Isaklú is said to be in a
+state of rebellion; and this is not the first instance we have seen of
+places in such a state being more flourishing than others; whence we
+cannot but suspect that there is a connexion in this empire between the
+prosperity of a district and the ability of its chieftain to resist the
+orders of the Porte. This is nothing more than the natural consequence
+of their well-known policy of making frequent changes of provincial
+governors, who, purchasing their governments at a high price, are obliged
+to practise every kind of extortion to reimburse themselves, and secure
+some profit at the expiration of their command. It seems that the Aga
+of Isaklú, having a greater share of prudence and talents than usually
+falls to the lot of a Turk in office, has so strengthened himself that
+the Porte does not think his reduction worth the exertion that would be
+required to effect it, and is, therefore, contented with the moderate
+revenue which we are told he regularly remits to Constantinople. In the
+mean time he has become so personally interested in the prosperity of the
+place, that he finds it more to his advantage to govern it well than to
+enrich himself rapidly by the oppressive system of the other provincial
+governors. The territory of Isaklú contains several dependent villages to
+which fertility is ensured by the streams descending from Sultán-dagh.
+We here observe a greater quantity and variety of fruit-trees than in
+any place in Asia Minor we have yet seen. Their species are the same as
+those which grow in the middle latitudes of Europe, as apples, pears,
+walnuts, quinces, peaches, grapes; no figs, olives, or mulberries[49].
+The climate, therefore, though now so mild, and exposed undoubtedly to
+excessive heat in summer, is not warmer upon the whole than the interior
+of Greece and Italy.
+
+We follow the level grounds at the foot of Sultán-dagh until we come in
+sight of Ak-shehr (white city), a large town, situated, like Isaklú, on
+the foot of the mountains, and furnished with the same natural advantages
+of a fertile soil, and a plentiful supply of water. It is surrounded with
+many pleasant gardens, but in other respects exhibits the usual Turkish
+characteristics of extensive burying-grounds, narrow dirty streets,
+and ruined mosques and houses. At a small distance from the western
+entrance of the town we pass the sepulchre of Nureddin Hoja, a Turkish
+saint, whose tomb is the object of a Mussulman pilgrimage. It is a stone
+monument of the usual form, surrounded by an open colonnade supporting
+a roof; the columns have been taken from some ancient Greek building.
+The burying-ground is full of remains of Greek architecture converted
+into Turkish tomb-stones, and furnishes ample proof of Ak-shehr having
+been the position of a Greek city of considerable importance. The only
+apartment our Konakjí could procure for us at Ak-shehr was a ruinous
+chamber in the Menzil-hané (post-house); and the Aga sending insolent
+messages in return to our remonstrances, we resolve, though at the end of
+a long day’s journey, upon setting out immediately for the next stage.
+While the horses are preparing, we eat our _kebáb_ in the burying-ground,
+and take shelter from the cold of the evening in the tent of some
+camel-drivers, who were enjoying their pipes and coffee over a fire.
+On our arrival, we had observed the people fortifying their town, by
+erecting one of the simplest gates that was ever constructed for defence.
+It consisted of four uprights of fir, supporting a platform covered with
+reeds, in front of which was a breastwork of mud-bricks with a row of
+loop-holes. These gates and a low mud-wall are the usual fortifications
+of the smaller Asiatic towns. In one place we saw the gates standing
+alone without any wall to connect them.
+
+The lake of Ak-shehr is not close to the town as D’Anville has marked it
+on his map; but at a distance of six or eight miles: it communicates by
+a stream with that of Bulwudún, and after a season of rain, when these
+lakes are very much increased in size, they form a continued piece of
+water, thirty or forty miles in length. It is probable that D’Anville
+was equally mistaken in placing Antioch of Pisidia at Ak-shehr: for if
+Sultán-dagh is the Phrygia Paroreia of Strabo, as there is reason to
+believe, Antioch should, according to the same authority, be on the
+south side of that ridge; whereas Ak-shehr is on the north.
+
+At six in the evening we set out from Ak-shehr, and at one in the morning
+of January 30 arrived at Arkut-khan. Our pace was much slower than by
+day. The road lay over the same open level country as before, and towards
+the latter part of the route, over some undulations of ground, which
+separate the waters running into the lake of Ak-shehr from those which
+flow into the lake of Ilgún. The weather was frosty and clear, but very
+dark after eleven o’clock, when the moon set. Several of our party then
+became so oppressed by sleep as to find it difficult to save themselves
+from falling from the horses. After two or three hours’ repose at
+Arkut-khan, we pursued our route for three hours to Ilgún, a large but
+wretched village, containing some scattered fragments of antiquity, where
+we procured some eggs and kaimak (boiled cream) for breakfast, and then
+continued our route to Ladík. From near Ak-shehr, the loftier summits of
+the range of Sultán-dagh begin to recede from our direction towards the
+south; and our route has continued through the same wide uncultivated
+champaign, intersected by a few ridges, and by torrents running from
+the Sultán-dagh to the lakes in the plain. At two hours is a more
+considerable stream, crossed by a bridge, and discharging itself into the
+lake of Ilgún. Six hours beyond Ilgún we pass through the large village
+of Kadún-kiúi, or Kanun-haná, said to consist of 1000 houses; and three
+hours further we come to Yorgan-Ladík, or Ladik-el-Tchaus, another large
+place, famous throughout Asia Minor for its manufacture of carpets; and
+advantageously situated in a well-watered district, among some low hills
+to the northward of which lies a very extensive plain.
+
+The road through the open country which we have passed has been wide,
+well beaten, fit for any carriage, and, owing to the late dry weather,
+in an excellent state. We continue to enjoy a sky without a cloud: there
+is generally a slight breeze from the east in the day: in the afternoon
+the sun is hot; and at night the sky is perfectly calm and clear, with
+a sharp frost, which in the shaded places generally continues to a late
+hour in the afternoon.
+
+The plains between Arkut-Khan and Ladík are traversed by several low
+stony ridges, and by streams running towards the lake of Ilgún. The
+country is bare and open; not a tree or inclosure was to be seen, nor
+any appearance of cultivation, except in small patches around a few
+widely-scattered villages. The country to our right forms the district
+of Dogan-hissár, a town belonging to the Sanjak of Ak-shehr. To the left
+is seen the continuation of the series of long narrow lakes which begin
+near Bulwudún: they receive the torrents running from the surrounding
+mountains, and are greatly enlarged in winter, but in summer are
+entirely dried up.
+
+Jan. 31.—From Ladík to Kónia nine hours; the road excellent, and weather
+very fine; the sun even scorching, and much too glaring for our exposed
+eyes. At Ladík we saw more numerous fragments of ancient architecture
+and sculpture than at any other place upon our route. Inscribed marbles,
+altars, columns, capitals, frizes, cornices, were dispersed throughout
+the streets and among the houses and burying-grounds; the remains of
+Laodiceia κατακεκαυμένη, anciently the most considerable city in this
+part of the country. At less than an hour’s distance from the town, on
+the way to Konia, we met with a still greater number of remains of the
+same kind, and copied one or two sepulchral inscriptions of the date
+of the Roman empire. The following fragment appears to be part of an
+imprecation against any person who should violate the tomb upon which it
+is inscribed.
+
+ ΤΟΝ ΒΩΜΟΝ ΑΔΙΚΗϹΕΙ
+ Η ΚΑΙ ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΝ ΤΑΦ
+ ΟΝ ΤΙ ΟΡΦΑΝΑ ΤΕΚΝΑ ΛΙΠΟΙ
+ ........................
+ ΤΟΝ ΧΗΡΟΝ ΒΙΟΝ ΟΙΚΟΝ Ε
+ ΡΗΜΟΝ
+
+Soon after we had quitted this spot, we entered upon a ridge branching
+eastward from the great mountains on our right, and forming the northern
+boundary of the plain of Kónia. On the descent from this ridge we came
+in sight of the vast plain around that city, and of the lake which
+occupies the middle of it, and we saw the city with its mosques and
+ancient walls, still at the distance of 12 or 14 miles from us. To
+the north-east nothing appeared to interrupt the vast expanse but two
+very lofty summits covered with snow, at a great distance. They can
+be no other than the summits of Mount Argæus above Kesaría, and are,
+consequently, near 150 miles distant from us, in a direct line. To the
+south-east the same plains extend as far as the mountains of Karaman,
+which to the south-west of the plains are connected with the mountains of
+Khatun-serái, on the other side of which lies Bey-shehr and the country
+of the ancient Isaurians; and these bending westward in the neighbourhood
+of Kónia form a continuous range with the ridge of Sultán-dagh, of which
+we have been following the direction ever since we left Bulwudún. At
+the south-east extremity of the plains beyond Kónia we are much struck
+with the appearance of a remarkable insulated mountain, called Kara-dagh
+(black mountain), rising to a great height, covered at the top with snow,
+and appearing like a lofty island in the midst of the sea. It is about
+sixty miles distant, and beyond it are seen some of the summits of the
+Karaman range, which cannot be less than ninety miles from us; yet it
+is surprising with what distinctness the form of the ground and of the
+woods is seen in this clear atmosphere. As far as I have observed, the
+air is much more transparent in a fine winter’s day in this climate than
+it is in summer, when, notwithstanding the breeze of wind which blows,
+there is generally a haze in the horizon, caused probably by the constant
+stream of vapour which rises from the earth. The situation of the town of
+Karaman is pointed out to us exactly in the line of our route, a little
+to the right of Mount Kara-dagh. After descending into the plain we move
+rapidly over a road made for wheel-carriages; the first we have met with
+since we left the neighbourhood of Skutári.
+
+At Kónia we are comfortably accommodated in the house of a Christian
+belonging to the Greek church, but who is ignorant of the language,
+which is not even used in the church-service: they have the four Gospels
+and the Prayers printed in Turkish. At the head of the Greek community
+is a Metropolitan bishop, who has several dependent churches in the
+adjacent towns. As it is now the moon Ramazan, when the Turks neither
+take nourishment nor receive visits till after sunset, we are obliged
+to defer our visit to the Governor of Kónia till the evening. He is a
+Pasha of three tails, but inferior in rank to the Governor of Kutáya,
+who has the title of Anadol-Beglerbeg, or Anadol-Valesi, and who has the
+chief command of all the Anatolian troops when they join the Imperial
+camp. Our visit, as usual among the Turks, was first to the Kiaya, or
+Deputy, and afterwards to the Pasha. The entrance into the court of the
+Serai was striking; portable fires of pine-wood placed in a grating fixed
+upon a pole, and stuck into the ground, were burning in every part of
+the court-yard; a long line of horses stood ready saddled; attendants in
+their gala-clothes were seen moving about in all directions, and trains
+of servants, with covered dishes in their hands, showed that the night
+of a Turkish fast is a feast. The building had little in unison with
+these appearances of gaiety and magnificence, being a low shabby wooden
+edifice, with ruinous galleries and half-broken window frames; but it
+stands upon the site of the palace of the ancient sultans of Iconium,
+and contains some few remains of massy and elegant Arabic architecture,
+of an early date. The inside of the building seemed not much better than
+the exterior, with the exception of the Pasha’s audience-chamber, which
+was splendidly furnished with carpets and sofas, and filled with a great
+number of attendants in costly dresses. The Pasha, as well as his deputy
+in the previous visit, received us with haughtiness and formality, though
+with civility. The Pasha promised to send forward to Karaman for horses
+to be ready to carry us to the coast, and to give us a travelling order
+for konáks upon the road. After passing through the usual ceremony of
+coffee, sweetmeats, sherbet, and perfumes, which in a Turkish visit
+of ceremony are well known to follow in the order here mentioned, we
+return to our lodging. Nothing can exceed the greediness of the Pasha’s
+attendants for Bakshish. Some accompany us home with mashallahs (the
+torches above mentioned), and others with silver wands. Soon after our
+return to our lodgings we are visited by a set of the Pasha’s musicians,
+who seem very well to understand that after our fatigues we shall be glad
+to purchase their absence at a handsome price; but no sooner are they
+gone than another set make their appearance; the Kahwejí, the Tutunjí,
+and a long train of Tchokadars; and these being succeeded by people of
+the town, who come simply to gratify their curiosity, it is not till a
+late hour that we are at liberty to retire to rest.
+
+The circumference of the walls of Kónia is between two and three miles,
+beyond which are suburbs not much less populous than the town itself.
+The walls strong and lofty, and flanked with square towers, which at
+the gates are built close together, are of the time of the Seljukian
+kings, who seem to have taken considerable pains to exhibit the Greek
+inscriptions, and the remains of architecture and sculpture belonging to
+the ancient Iconium, which they made use of in building their walls. We
+perceived a great number of Greek altars, inscribed stones, columns, and
+other fragments inserted into the fabric, which is still in tolerable
+preservation throughout the whole extent. None of the Greek remains that
+I saw seemed to be of a very remote period, even of the Roman Empire.
+We observed in several places Greek crosses, and figures of lions, of a
+rude sculpture; and on all the conspicuous parts of the walls and towers,
+Arabic inscriptions, apparently of a very early date. The town, suburbs,
+and gardens around are plentifully supplied with water from streams,
+which flow from some hills to the westward, and which to the north-east
+join a lake varying in size according to the season of the year. We are
+informed that in the winter and after the melting of the snows upon the
+surrounding mountains, the lake is swollen with immense inundations,
+which spread over the great plains to the eastward for near fifty miles.
+At present there is not the least appearance of any such inundation,
+the usual autumnal rains having failed, and the whole country labouring
+under a severe drought. The gardens of Kónia abound with the same variety
+of fruit-trees which we remarked in those of Isaklú and Ak-shehr; and
+the country around supplies grain and flax in great abundance. In the
+town carpets are manufactured, and they tan and dye blue and yellow
+leather. Cotton, wool, hides, and a few of the other raw materials which
+enrich the superior industry and skill of the manufacturers of Europe,
+are sent to Smyrna by the caravans. The low situation of the town and
+the vicinity of the lake seem not to promise much for the salubrity of
+Kónia; but we heard no complaint on this head; and as it has in all
+ages been well inhabited, these apparent disadvantages are probably
+corrected by the dryness of the soil, and the free action of the winds
+over the surrounding levels. The most remarkable building in Kónia is
+the tomb of a saint, highly revered throughout Turkey, called Hazret
+Mevlana, the founder of the Mevlevi Dervishes. His sepulchre, which is
+the object of a Mussulman pilgrimage, is surmounted by a dome, standing
+upon a cylindrical tower of a bright green colour. The city, like all
+those renowned for superior sanctity, abounds with Dervishes, who meet
+the passenger at every turning of the streets, and demand paras with
+the greatest clamour and insolence. Some of them pretend to be idiots,
+and are hence considered as entitled to peculiar respect, or at least
+indulgence. The bazars and houses have little to recommend them to notice.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II.
+
+ILLUSTRATION OF THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF THE CENTRAL PART OF ASIA MINOR.
+
+ _Geographical Structure of the Country—Ancient Sites near the
+ Road from Eski-Shehr to Kónia—Polybotum—Synnada—Docimia—Metropolis—
+ Julia—Philomelium—Tyriaium—Iconium—Ancient Sites between Iconium
+ and Mazaca or Cæsareia—Tyana—Castabala—Cybistra—Cilician Taurus—
+ Archalla—Country called Axylus—Lycaonian Downs—Garsabora—
+ Coropassus—Sabatra—Lakes Coralis, Trogitis, and Tatta—Germa—
+ Orcistus—Places in the ancient Itineraries on the Road from
+ Ancyra to the Pylæ Ciliciæ, Archelais, &c.—Roads in the Peutinger
+ Table across the Taurus to the southern Coast—Juliopolis or
+ Gordium—Pessinus—Amorium—Santabaris—Pœmanene—Orcaoryci—Pitnisus—
+ Caballum—Tolistochora—Sub-divisions of Galatia._
+
+
+Before we pursue our route beyond the capital of the Greek province
+Lycaonia and of the Turkish kingdom Karamán, it may be right to offer a
+few remarks upon the general geography of this part of the peninsula, and
+upon the situation of some of the opulent and celebrated cities which
+anciently adorned it.
+
+From the sources of the Sangarius and Halys on the north and east, to
+the great summits of Mount Taurus on the south-west and south, there is
+an extent of country nearly 250 miles long and 150 broad, in which the
+waters have no communication with the sea. Its southern part consists of
+fertile valleys or of extensive plains intersected by a few ranges of
+hills, and it is bounded to the southward by the great ridges of Mount
+Taurus, from whence are poured forth numerous streams, which, after
+fertilizing the valleys, collect their superabundant waters in a chain
+of lakes, extending from the neighbourhood of Synnada in Phrygia through
+the whole of Lycaonia to the extremity of the Tyanitis in Cappadocia.
+In the rainy season these lakes overflow the lower part of the plains,
+and would often form one entire inundation 200 miles in length, were
+it not for some ridges which traverse the plains and separate them
+into several basins. By the structure of the hills, and the consequent
+course of the waters, these basins form themselves into three principal
+recipients, having no communication with one another, unless it be in
+very extraordinary seasons. These are, 1. The recipient of Karahissár
+and Ak-shehr. 2. That of Ilgún and Ladik, which receives I believe the
+superfluous water of the lake of Karajeli as well as that from the slopes
+of the neighbouring mountains. 3. The recipient of Kónia, which collects
+the overflowings of the lakes of Sidyshehr and Bey-shehr. 4. The basin
+lying between the Cilician Taurus to the south-east and the Cappadocian
+mountains in the opposite direction, which mountains are now called the
+Hassan Daghi, and give rise to the western branch of the Halys. Were the
+bountiful intentions of Providence seconded by a rational government,
+the inundations would but prepare the plains for an abundant harvest: at
+present they water only an immense extent of pasture land[50], while the
+lakes supply the surrounding inhabitants with fish, and with reeds for
+the construction of their miserable cottages.
+
+Concerning two of the ancient sites traversed by the modern road leading
+from Eski-Shehr to Kónia, there can be little doubt. The modern name
+of Ladik is decisive of its being upon the site of Laodiceia Combusta,
+and the sound of Πολυβοτόν as pronounced by the modern Greeks, with the
+accent on the last syllable, so nearly resembles that of Bulwudún, that
+the latter name is probably a Turkish corruption of the former. The
+position of Bulwudún, moreover, agrees perfectly with that ascribed to
+Polybotum in the narrative of Anna Comnena[51]. Polybotum, however, is
+mentioned only in the history of the Lower Empire[52]: and although from
+the 6th to the 12th century it appears to have been with Philomelium and
+Iconium the chief city of these vast plains[53], its name is not found in
+the earlier periods of history, when Synnada, Philomelium, and Iconium
+seem to have been the principal places[54]. The position of Polybotum,
+therefore, affords us no assistance in tracing the other ancient places
+on the main route between Dorylæum and Laodiceia.
+
+Of these places the most important to determine is Synnada, which indeed
+is in some measure the key to the ancient geography of the central parts
+of Asia Minor. It appears from the Table that Synnada was on the road
+from Dorylæum to Philomelium and Laodiceia Combusta,—from Livy, that
+it was in the way from the country lying eastward of Apameia Cibotus
+towards the frontiers of Galatia,—and from Cicero[55], that it was
+in the way or nearly so from Apameia to Philomelium and Iconium. The
+crossing of these lines will fall not far from the modern Bulwudún, as
+appears from the route of Pococke in his way from the upper valley of the
+Mæander to Ancyra. It is highly probable, therefore, that the extensive
+quarries which we saw on the road from Khosrukhan to Bulwudún are those
+of Docimia, a small town in the plain of Synnada, celebrated for the
+marble extracted from thence in large quantities, and sent even to Rome.
+This marble was known to the Romans by the name of Synnadic, from the
+more important town of Synnada, which was only sixty stades distant from
+Docimia[56].
+
+It is difficult to ascertain the name of the ancient city which occupied
+the remarkable position of Karahissár, which is distinguished from some
+other towns of the same name by the epithet of Afiom, in reference to
+its abundant produce of opium. D’Anville supposed it to be the site
+of Apameia; but the waters of Karahissár, instead of running into the
+Mæander, of which the principal sources were at Apameia, flow to the lake
+of Bulwudún. Pococke asserts that he found an inscription at Karahissár,
+which proves it to be the site of Prymnesia; but upon referring to his
+_Inscriptiones Antiquæ_, it appears that the inscription to which he
+alludes is nothing more than the memorial of a man whose name ends in
+ΜΕΝΝΕΑΣ, and who with his wife had constructed a tomb for themselves
+and their only daughter. A few miles southward of Karahissár are the
+fountains of a branch of the Mæander; it is probably the Obrimas, whose
+sources according to Livy were at Aporis[57]. As the Consul Manlius
+entered the plain of Metropolis from Aporis, and marched onward to
+Synnada and Beudos vetus in his way towards Galatia, there is some reason
+to think that Karahissár stands on the site of Metropolis.
+
+If we suppose the Beudos vetus of the Latin historian to have been at
+Beiad, from the similarity of name and the proximity of Beiad to the
+site of Synnada (for Beudos, according to Livy, was only five Roman
+miles from Synnada), we shall find that the distance from Karahissár to
+Beiad, which is twenty G. M. direct, agrees very exactly with the march
+of two days and five miles by the Consul Manlius, according to the mean
+rate of armies reduced a little in consequence of the plunder which, as
+the historian tells us, impeded the movement of the Romans. It will be
+found, moreover, that the situation of Metropolis at Karahissár, accords
+extremely well with the description given by Artemidorus of the road
+through Asia from Ephesus to Mazaca or Cæsareia in Cappadocia, which,
+after ascending the valley of the Mæander to its sources at Apameia,
+proceeded by Metropolis and through Phrygia Paroreius to the termination
+of that district at Tyriaium; and thence through Lycaonia to Garsabora
+and Mazaca[58]: for although the distances on that road in our copies
+of Strabo from Apameia as far as Laodiceia Combusta will not bear
+examination,—and although Karahissár does not fall in the direct line
+from Ephesus to Mazaca,—neither of these objections can be considered of
+much weight: the inaccuracy of numbers in the ancient MSS. is too common
+an occurrence to overthrow other testimony; and the divergence of the
+ancient road to the northward at Karahissár, was evidently occasioned
+by the projection of that part of Mount Taurus which is now called the
+Sultan-dagh, and which causes so many of the modern routes to pass
+through Karahissár.
+
+Though the proportionate distances do not exactly agree with the numbers
+in the Table, it may be inferred from the remains of antiquity at
+Ak-shehr and Ilgún, that these were the Jullæ and Philomelium named in
+that itinerary. Strabo describes Philomelium as being in the midst of a
+plain on the north side of the hills of Paroreia; his description[59]
+of which district agrees exactly with the Sultan-dagh and the plain on
+its northern side. Its position no less accords with the testimony of
+Artemidorus cited in the preceding page, according to whom the road
+from Apameia to Mazaca led through the Paroreia. And the territory of
+Philomelium appears from the narrative of Anna Comnena[60] to have
+been at no great distance from that of Iconium; for as soon as the
+Emperor Alexius had taken Philomelium from the Turks, his troops spread
+themselves over the country round Iconium. The lake of the Forty Martyrs
+mentioned in this narrative corresponds also with that of Ilgún, so that
+it will probably be found that Ilgún stands upon the site of Philomelium.
+
+The Jullæ of the Table seems to be a false writing for Julia, a name
+which became common in every part of the Roman world under the Cæsars;
+and it is probably the same place as the Juliopolis placed by Ptolemy[61]
+in the part of the country where stood Synnada, and Philomelium. But
+there can be little doubt that so fine a situation as that of Ak-shehr
+was occupied, before the time of the Cæsars, by some important place,
+which on its being repaired or re-established may have assumed the new
+name of Julia or Juliopolis.
+
+Of the cities mentioned by Xenophon on the route of Cyrus through Phrygia
+into Lycaonia, Tyriaium and Iconium are the only two which occur in later
+authors. Tyriaium, which is named by Hierocles as well as by Strabo (from
+Artemidorus), is shown by the latter to have been between Philomelium
+and Iconium. It must consequently have been at no great distance from
+Laodiceia, although this situation is quite incompatible with the
+distance which Xenophon has stated between Tyriaium and Iconium[62].
+
+In following the march of Cyrus onwards from Iconium towards the Ciliciæ
+pylæ of Mount Taurus, we find the distances of Xenophon rather more
+reconcileable with the reality. It is agreed that Dana, which he places
+at nine marches or fifty-five parasangs from Iconium, was the same
+place as Tyana, otherwise called Eusebeia ad Taurum, and which under
+Archelaus and the Romans was the chief town of one of the præfectures of
+Cappadocia[63]. It was the only place in that province, except Mazaca,
+which Strabo thought deserving to be called a city; and under the
+Byzantine empire it was the capital of the second Cappadocia, and the see
+of a metropolitan bishop until the Turkish conquest.
+
+There can be little doubt that the site of Tyana is now occupied by
+Kílisa Hissár, or the Castle of Kílisa near Bor[64]. This place is
+acknowledged by the Greek clergy as the site of their episcopal see
+of Tyana; it is situated, as Strabo describes Tyana to have been, in
+a fertile plain not far from the entrance of the Pylæ Ciliciæ, or the
+easiest and most frequented pass leading over Mount Taurus into Cilicia
+Pedias and Syria,—and midway in the road to that pass from Mazaca[65].
+
+At Kílisa Hissár are found very considerable ruins of an ancient city,
+among which are those of an aqueduct upon arches, designed to convey
+water to the town from the hills to the southward, which are connected
+with the last slopes of Mount Taurus. Aqueducts of this description are
+indubitable signs of an ancient place which flourished under the Romans,
+and such we know to have been the condition of Tyana.
+
+Strabo remarks that Castabala and Cybistra were not far from Tyana; that
+they were nearer than that city to the heights of Taurus; that they
+belonged to the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia, and that Cybistra was
+situated at a distance of three hundred stades from Mazaca[66]. We learn
+also from the Table, that Cybistra was on the road from Tyana to Mazaca,
+sixty-four Roman miles from the former. These data seem sufficient to fix
+the site of Cybistra at Karahissár[67], where are considerable remains
+of an ancient city; and they render it probable that the position of
+Castabala is now occupied by Nigde, where we find similar evidences of an
+ancient site.
+
+The situation of Cybistra at Karahissár illustrates the interesting
+account which Cicero has left us of his military operations, in defending
+Cilicia and Cappadocia against a threatened attack of the Parthians[68],
+when he fixed his camp at Cybistra, because it was on the frontier of the
+two provinces, but nearer to the great plains of Cappadocia lying to the
+eastward of Mount Taurus. These plains (he remarks) afford an easy access
+to Cappadocia from Syria, while nothing can be stronger than Cilicia on
+the side of Syria. In the end, however, the Parthians having advanced
+towards Antioch, Cicero was obliged to cross Mount Taurus from Cybistra
+to Tarsus, from whence he proceeded to clear Mount Amanus of the enemy.
+
+In order thoroughly to understand the reason of one of the præfectures
+of Cappadocia being called Cilicia by the Romans, it is to be observed
+that more anciently both the sides of Taurus belonged to the
+Eleuthero-Cilices, or independent Cilicians; and that the whole range
+from the plains of Lycaonia to the Antitaurus was called the Cilician
+Taurus[69]. Archelaus the last king of Cappadocia, having added all the
+country on the northern side of the mountain to his kingdom, together
+with a large portion of Cilicia Tracheia, Tiberius, who put him to
+death at Rome, included it all, except the maritime parts, in the Roman
+province of Cappadocia; and he added to the ten præfectures of the late
+kingdom of Archelaus an eleventh, composed chiefly of his Cilician
+conquests: and hence called the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia. Its
+chief town was Mazaca; it comprehended Cybistra and Castabala, and
+extended along the mountains on the south side of the Tyanitis as far
+as Derbe inclusively[70]. The inconvenience, however, of a division
+which included in the same district two such distant places as Mazaca
+and Derbe, seems to have been soon felt: for we find that in the time
+of Hadrian, Derbe, Laranda, and a neighbouring region of Taurus
+containing the town of Olbasa, formed a separate district called the
+Antiochiana[71]; and that the Cilician præfecture was confined to the
+parts about Mazaca and Cybistra.
+
+The name of Erkle so much resembles the Turkish corruption of Heraclia,
+as instanced in two cities of that name on the coasts of the Euxine and
+Propontis, that it has often been supposed that the Erkle on the road
+from Kónia to the Cilician Pylæ occupied the site of a Heraclia; and
+Hadji Khalfa even asserts that it was so. No Greek or Latin authorities,
+however, hint at the existence of a Heraclia in this situation. I have
+little doubt therefore that Erkle occupies the site of Archalla, named as
+one of the cities of the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia[72], which,
+as we have already seen, comprehended Erkle. Erkle, it may be added, is
+precisely the softened sound which Turks would give to the word Ἄρχαλλα
+pronounced in the Greek manner with the accent on the first syllable.
+
+To the northward of the region of lakes and plains, through which leads
+the road from Afióm Karahissár to Kónia and Erkle, lies a dry and naked
+region, anciently called Axylus, which extends as far as the Sangarius
+and Halys. Pococke, who crossed a part of this dreary country, describes
+it exactly in the same manner as Livy[73], though apparently without
+having adverted to that historian.
+
+The southern part of this open country consists of a range of mountains
+running parallel to Mount Taurus, and bordering the great valleys of
+Philomelium, Iconium and Tyana on the northern side. The western part of
+this range is a summit called Emír-dagh, which rises to a considerable
+elevation from the lakes of Bulwudún and Ak-shehr, slopes gradually
+into the open champaign to the eastward, and to the north is bounded by
+a very broad naked valley, which is included on the opposite side by
+the hills in which originate some of the branches of the Sangarius. To
+the N.W. this valley opens into the great _axylous_ plains of Phrygia,
+extending to Dorylæum; and to the S.E. into those of Galatia or Lycaonia.
+The ridges lying to the northward of Kónia and Erkle form the district
+described by Strabo as the cold and naked downs of Lycaonia, which
+furnished pasture to numerous sheep and wild-asses, and where was no
+water, except in very deep wells. As the limits of Lycaonia are defined
+by Strabo, and by Artemidorus, whom he quotes[74], to have been between
+Philomelium and Tyriaium on the west, and Coropassus and Garsabora on the
+east,—which last place was 960 stades from Tyriaium, 120 from Coropassus,
+and 680 from Mazaca,—we have the exact extent of the Lycaonian hills
+intended by the geographer. Branching from the great range of Taurus,
+near Ilgún (Philomelium), and separating the plain of Laodiceia from
+that of Iconium, they skirted the great valley which lies to the
+south-eastward of the latter city, as far as Erkle; comprehending, to the
+north of Erkle and Bor, a part of the mountains of Hassan Daghi. It would
+seem that the depopulation of this country, which rapidly followed the
+decline of the Roman power, and the irruption of the Eastern barbarians,
+had left some remains of the vast flocks of Amyntas, mentioned by Strabo,
+in undisturbed possession of the Lycaonian hills to a very late period:
+for Hadji Khalfa, who describes the want of wood and water in these
+hills, adds, that there was a breed of wild sheep on the mountain of
+Fudul Baba, above Ismil, and a tomb of the saint from whom the mountain
+receives its name: and that sacrifices were offered at the tomb by all
+those who hunted the wild sheep; and who were taught to believe that they
+should be visited with the displeasure of heaven, if they dared to kill
+more than two of these animals at a time[75].
+
+At the back of the Lycaonian hills was Soatra, or Sabatra, situated in
+a part of the country so desolate, that water was sold in the streets.
+Sabatra was at a distance of 55 Roman miles from Laodiceia Combusta, and
+of 44 from Iconium[76].
+
+There is some difficulty in understanding to which of the lakes at
+the foot of the Lycaonian hills we are to apply the names Coralis and
+Trogitis. Stephanus mentions a city of Carallis, or Caralleia, which he
+ascribes to Isauria. About the same period of time there was a Caralia
+belonging to the consular government of Pamphylia, and a bishopric of
+that province; but which had ceased to be an episcopal see in the ninth
+century[77]. If these notices refer to one and the same place, it is
+probable that the lake of Karajeli is the ancient Coralis, or Caralis;
+and that the ruins which are found near its shore are those of the town
+Caralleia[78]. In this case, the lake of Ilgún is probably the Trogitis
+of Strabo; for it is difficult to suppose that he meant the lake of
+Iconium by either of those which he names. As to the difference of size
+which he remarks between them, our information is so imperfect, and the
+lakes themselves differ so much in size, according to the seasons, that
+no certain inference can be drawn from this distinction of the geographer.
+
+One of the most remarkable features of this part of Asia Minor is the
+lake Tatta; which, according to Strabo, produced salt in such abundance,
+that any substance immersed in it was very soon entirely covered with
+the crystal; and that birds were unable to fly, if they had dipped their
+wings in it. The lake still furnishes all the surrounding country with
+salt, and its produce is a valuable royal farm in the hands of the Pasha
+of Kir-shehr. In 1638, Sultan Murad the Fourth made a causeway across
+the lake, upon the occasion of his army marching to take Bagdad from the
+Persians. The road from Ak-serai and Khoja Hissár to Haimane and to the
+north-westward, passes across the lake.
+
+The numerous places noticed in ancient history in the country round
+the lake Tatta, and from thence north-westward as far as Dorylæum,
+prove that, however naked and disagreeable, it was not unfruitful. The
+natural landmarks, however, are so few, and the mention of the towns by
+the ancients is so slight, that it will be difficult for travellers to
+identify any ruins which may exist, unless where they are assisted by
+the preservation of the ancient appellations, either in inscriptions or
+in the modern names. At present, Germa and Orcistus are the only two
+places whose sites are exactly determined; the former by the modern
+name of Yerma, the latter by means of a Latin inscription which Pococke
+copied at the modern village of Alekiam[79]. Germa was a Roman colony,
+and probably flourished after the decline of the neighbouring city of
+Pessinus. Of Orcistus we know nothing, except that its bishop subscribed
+to the Council of Chalcedon in the year 451, and that it continued to
+be a see of the ecclesiastical province of the Second or Pessinuntine
+Galatia until a late period of the Byzantine Empire[80].
+
+The documents which chiefly assist in placing the ancient cities of these
+parts of Lycaonia, Galatia, and Phrygia, are the Antonine and Jerusalem
+Itineraries, and the Peutinger Table. It is to be regretted that we
+can seldom place entire confidence in the distances contained in these
+authorities—flagrant instances of discrepancy and inaccuracy being so
+frequent as to make one very cautious in trusting implicitly to them,
+without some corroborating evidence.
+
+The following is a comparative view of the distances in Roman miles, in
+the three Itineraries, between the several places on the great Roman
+road from Nicæa, by Juliopolis and Ancyra to Tyana, omitting such of the
+mere changing- or halting-places[81] as are found only in one of the
+itineraries, and correcting the orthography of some of the names from the
+better authority of Strabo, Ptolemy, &c.
+
+ _It. Anton._ _It. Hierosol._ _Tab._
+ Itinerary of Itinerary of Peutinger
+ Antoninus. Jerusalem. Table.
+ From Nicæa to Tottaium 44 40 40
+ Dablæ 28 29 23
+ Dadastana 45 22 40
+ Juliopolis 26 25 28
+ ---------------------------------
+ Total from Nicæa to Juliopolis 143 116 131
+ ---------------------------------
+ Laganeos (Agannia in It. Heiros.) 24 24 50
+ Minizus 23 16
+ Ancyra 52 25 + the last 66 from
+ stage Lagania.
+ ---------------------------------
+ Total from Juliopolis to Ancyra 99 about 75 116
+ ---------------------------------
+ Total from Nicæa to Ancyra 242 about 191 247
+ =================================
+ Ancyra to Corbeus 20 21
+ Rosologiacum 12 12
+ Aspona 31 31 73 from
+ Parnassus[82] 24 35 Ancyra.
+ ---------------------------------
+ Total from Ancyra to Parnassus 87 99
+ ---------------------------------
+ Ozzala (Iogola in Hieros.) 17 16
+ Nitazus (Nitalis in Hier.) 18 18
+ Colonia Archelais 27 29
+ ---------------------------------
+ Total from Parnassus to Archelais 62 63
+ Total from Ancyra to Archelais 149 162 118[83]
+ =================================
+ Nazianzus (Nantianulus in Anton.,
+ Anathiango in Hieros.) 25 24
+ Sasima 24 24
+ Andabalis 16 16 27[84]
+ Tyana 16 deest.
+ ---------------------------------
+ Total from Archelais to Tyana 81 64 + the 68[85]
+ last stage
+ ---------------------------------
+ Total from Ancyra to Tyana 230 242[86] 186
+ =================================
+
+The Antonine and Jerusalem proceed together as far as Mopsucrene[87],
+56 M. P. from Tyana in the former and 63 in the latter. From thence
+the Antonine proceeds by Ægæ to Baiæ and Alexandria ad Issum—and the
+Jerusalem to the same points by Tarsus and Adana.
+
+Between Tyana and the Pylæ was situated Faustinopolis, probably not far
+from the camp of Cyrus[88]; for it can hardly be doubted that Curtius,
+in stating the Pylæ to have been only fifty stades from the camp of
+Cyrus, alluded to the beginning of the passes. The narrowest part, which
+was particularly called the Pylæ, was towards the southern side of the
+mountain, as the Jerusalem Itinerary[89] and modern travellers concur in
+showing.
+
+Of the places contained in the preceding extract from the Itineraries,
+Andabilis is the only one of which the position is determined by the name
+in actual use. But there is a strong presumption that Ak-serai stands
+on the site of Archelais, as well from the agreement of its position on
+a line drawn from A´ngura to Bor with that which the distances in the
+Itineraries give to Archelais on the same line, as from the remark of
+Pliny, that this colony of Claudius stood on the Halys; for Ak-serai by
+all accounts is watered by the stream which forms the western branch of
+that river. As no traveller, however, has yet described Ak-serai, we
+are still uninformed whether it stands on the exact site of the ancient
+colony, or only near it.
+
+Upon comparing together the distances from Nicæa to Tyana in the three
+itineraries, it is obvious that the Antonine is most to be depended
+upon; for in some of the important points in which it differs from the
+Jerusalem it is confirmed by the Table; and in one instance, where it
+differs from the Jerusalem, and where the Table fails us, it is confirmed
+by itself in another passage. We may conclude, therefore, in taking
+the road distance in Roman miles between Nicæa and Ancyra at 242, and
+from Ancyra to Tyana at 230. Both these measured on my construction in
+distances of half a degree along the general direction of the route give
+150 geographical miles or a rate of 62/100 of a G. M. to the M. P. on
+the former road, and of 65/100 on the latter; both somewhat below the
+correct rate of the Roman mile on level ground (and such is by far the
+greater part of this road), but sufficiently near the truth to give
+a strong presumption of accuracy both to the ancient numbers and to
+my construction. It must be confessed, however, that the ancient road
+which branched to Mazaca from the road Ancyra-Tyana, compared with the
+map, does not give a similar result. The distance of 114 M. P. between
+Parnassus and Mazaca in the Antonine Itinerary, compared with the 85 G.
+M. of the map, gives a rate to the M. P. of not much less than 75/100 or
+3/4 of a G. M. Future geographers will determine whether my construction
+is in fault or the Itinerary, which unfortunately on this route we have
+no means of checking by any other authority.
+
+There are five routes in the Table across Mount Taurus, from the
+interior plains to the southern coast. The easternmost is not connected
+at either end; but the word Paduando shows its real position. The Pylæ
+Ciliciæ was also called the pass of Podandus, which place was about
+midway between Tyana and Tarsus: this route of the Table, therefore, is
+evidently intended for that from Tyana to Tarsus; and should be connected
+accordingly[90]. Next to this is a road from Iconium, unconnected at its
+southern extremity, and without any places named on it, except “the
+boundaries of Cilicia” and “Mount Taurus[91].” It is evidently intended
+for the road from Iconium to Tarsus. The third route leads from Iconium
+by Tetrapyrgia to Pompeiopolis: the sum of its distances from “ad fines”
+(the boundary of Cilicia) to Pompeiopolis is 54 M. P., or very nearly the
+same as the distance from the “boundaries” to Tarsus in the former road,
+and from the “hot waters” to Tarsus, in the first road. It gives us the
+line of Tetrapyrgia[92]; a town, therefore, which cannot be the same as
+that placed by Ptolemy in the Garsauritis of Cappadocia. The fourth road
+led from Iconium by Taspa, Isaura, and Crunæ to Seleuceia, with a branch
+leading from between Isaura and Crunæ to Anemurium. It gives us the line
+of Isaura, but its distances are imperfect[93]. The fifth road across the
+Taurus led from Iconium to Side, with a branch to Antiocheia of Pisidia.
+The distance in the Table seems to be 80 M. P. to Side, which is about
+half the reality.
+
+Having drawn upon the map the several routes of the three Itineraries,
+inserting the names of the principal places at their proportional
+distances, and correcting occasionally their orthography from better
+authorities, it remains only for me, in reference to the central region
+immediately under consideration, to offer some remarks upon a few of the
+chief points on which the Itineraries are assisted by other authorities.
+It is hoped that by these several means the future traveller will be
+furnished with an approximation that may assist him in ascertaining the
+real sites.
+
+The most important places in the northern part of the country under
+consideration were (after Ancyra), Juliopolis, Pessinus, and Amorium.
+
+1. Juliopolis.—We learn from Strabo that this city stood on the
+Sangarius, on the site of the ancient Gordium[94], and that it received
+its name from Cleon, a native, who after having exercised the profession
+of robber with great success in Mount Olympus, Phrygia Epictetus, and the
+adjacent districts, had the good fortune to make himself useful, first to
+Marcus Antonius and afterwards to Julius Cæsar: for these services he was
+acknowledged by the Romans as an independent prince, and was honoured
+with the priesthood of Comana in Pontus, and of Jupiter Abrettenus in
+Mysia: in gratitude to Cæsar, he gave the name of Juliopolis to his
+native town, which had greatly declined from its former importance until
+he made it his capital[95].
+
+It appears from an existing coin of Juliopolis[96] that it was situated
+at the confluence of the Sangarius and Scopas, and from Procopius that it
+stood about ten miles to the west of the Siberis[97]. The latter seems
+to have been the same stream which Pliny calls Hiera, for he makes no
+mention of the Siberis, but names the Hiera next to the Scopius[98];
+and the Jerusalem Itinerary places the river Hierus at 13 M. P. to the
+eastward of Juliopolis[99]. The respective distances of Juliopolis
+from Nicæa and from Ancyra in the Antonine Itinerary fall precisely at
+the point, where the stream named Aladan by Paul Lucas unites with the
+Aialá or Sakaría not far to the westward of Sarilár. The character,
+also, of being subject to inundation, which Procopius shows to have
+been that of the Siberis[100], agrees with a remark of Lucas in regard
+to the Kirmir, which he crossed between Beybazar and Aiás, and which
+falls into the Sakaría about ten miles to the eastward of the junction
+of the Aladan. From all these considerations it appears that the Aladan
+is the Scopas, and the Kirmir the Siberis or Hierus; and that some
+vestiges of Juliopolis would probably be found at or near Sarilár at the
+junction of the Scopas or Aladan with the Sangarius. Pliny remarks that
+the Hierus was the boundary of Bithynia and Galatia, thus agreeing with
+Ptolemy[101], who places Juliopolis the last town in Bithynia, after
+Dablæ and Dadastana. At a later period, however, Dadastana, where the
+Emperor Jovian died, was considered the frontier town[102].
+
+That Juliopolis stood exactly at the junction of the two rivers Sangarius
+and Scopas, may be inferred as well from the coin as from Procopius,
+who informs us that Justinian erected a dyke to defend the walls of
+Juliopolis from the ravages of a river flowing on the western side of the
+city[103]: a remark which shows also, that the city was on the eastern
+side of the junction.
+
+The advantages which twice made this site the capital of the surrounding
+country were not entirely those of its position, at the confluence of two
+perennial streams in the centre of the fertile valley of the Sangarius,
+near the southern foot of the Olympene range, and at a favourable point
+for commanding the open country to the southward, though all these must
+have had a powerful influence on its prosperity. They were in part
+derived from its situation relatively to the sea-coasts of Asia Minor;
+its central position, and the facility of its communication as well with
+the Euxine and Ægæan as with the Pamphylian sea, having made it one of
+the most frequented commercial marts in the peninsula[104].
+
+2. Pessinus.—It unfortunately happens, that the only two ancient
+places in this country, the positions of which are deduced from the
+superior though not always infallible evidence, of a preservation of
+the ancient name, Orcistus and Germa, afford us very little assistance
+in a determination of the neighbouring sites. Orcistus does not occur
+in the itineraries or in the march of Manlius; its position at Alekiam
+serves, therefore, only to show where those roads did _not_ pass. As to
+Germa, its position at Yerma is in total disagreement with the itinerary
+of Antoninus, according to which, Germa was 16 M. P. on the road from
+Pessinus to Ancyra[105]; whereas Pessinus being by the consent of
+Polybius, Livy, and Strabo on the Sangarius[106], and Yerma being about
+15 miles to the S.W. of that river, Pessinus should rather have been on
+the road from Germa to Ancyra, if Germa was at Yerma. We are under the
+necessity, therefore, either of doubting the identity of Yerma, or of
+rejecting the evidence of the Antonine as to the site of Pessinus. I am
+the more inclined to adopt the latter part of the alternative, because
+that itinerary is liable to great suspicion in this place, from its total
+disagreement with the Peutinger Table in its distance from Dorylæum to
+Germa, while the Table on the other hand is confirmed by the actual
+construction. The Table gives 77 M. P. from Dorylæum to Pessinus[107],
+which agrees very accurately with the 56 G. M. of direct distance on
+the map; whereas the Antonine has only 50 M. P. from Dorylæum to Germa,
+although according to that itinerary Germa ought to be still further than
+Pessinus from Dorylæum. It is probable, therefore, that there is some
+error in this part of the Antonine itinerary, and that the Roman remains
+which Mr. Kinneir observed at Yerma are really those of the Roman colony
+of Germa.
+
+Pessinus was situated on the Sangarius, at the foot of mount
+Dindymum[108]. It appears from Livy[109] to have been on the right bank
+of the river; for he states that Manlius coming from the southward, after
+having constructed a bridge and crossed the river, was met by the priests
+of Pessinus as he marched along the bank; and that having accepted the
+omen of their predictions in favour of the Romans, he halted for the day
+in the same place where he met them, which appears to have been very near
+to Pessinus. As he arrived on the next day at Gordium, which we have
+already seen was only ten or thirteen miles from the river Hierus; and
+as his march in direct distance could hardly have been more than 14 G.
+M.—it is evident that Pessinus was not very far above the junction of the
+Hierus with the Sangarius. It is not improbable that it may have stood
+exactly at the junction of these two streams, and that the Hierus may
+have received that name as partaking of the sacred character of Pessinus.
+
+This position of Pessinus, it may be observed, is in exact agreement
+with the account which Ammianus gives of the march of Julian from Nicæa;
+who, after having followed the great road of the Itineraries as far
+as the confines of Gallogræcia (near Gordium), turned to the right to
+Pessinus[110]. The traveller, therefore, who after discovering the site
+of Gordium should turn out of the great road to A´ngura about Sarilár,
+and follow the right bank of the Sangarius, could hardly fail in finding
+some indications of the site of a place which is described by Strabo[111]
+as a great mart of commerce, and which flourished as a metropolitan
+bishopric until the Mussulman conquest[112]. It is not impossible that
+he might discover some remains of the very ancient and celebrated temple
+dedicated to Angistis, the Great Goddess, or Phrygian Cybele, which had
+been sumptuously adorned with porticos of white marble by the Pergamenian
+kings, and which was the object of the visit of the apostate emperor.
+
+The only evidence of ancient history militating against the position of
+Pessinus here supposed, is the assertion of Strabo that the sources of
+the Sangarius were only 150 stades distant from Pessinus, for this short
+interval does not very well agree with the description of the Sakaría
+given by Pococke and Kinneir, who crossed it considerably above the
+supposed site of Pessinus[113],—a better knowledge of the country will
+show whether the error is in the numbers of Strabo, or in my conjecture
+as to the site of Pessinus: or, perhaps, it may be found that the sources
+of the Sangarius alluded to by Strabo were, in the same manner as those
+of the Mæander and of several other Grecian rivers, not the natural or
+most distant springs of the river; although, from something remarkable in
+them, they may have been the reputed sources.
+
+3. Amorium chiefly flourished under the Byzantine empire. It was the
+metropolitan see of the Second Galatia, and was taken and cruelly
+plundered by the Caliph Motasem, in the year of the Christian æra
+837[114]. Under the Saracens it rose to be the chief town of all the
+surrounding country; and continued to be so in the eleventh century,
+when Idrisi wrote his geographical work[115]. The Turkish conquest,
+however, effected so complete a change in the political arrangement and
+geographical nomenclature of Asia Minor, that we find no trace of the
+name of Amorium in the Turkish Geographers; and future travellers will
+perhaps find the best evidence of its site in its Saracenic vestiges,
+combined with such slender data as the Greek authors have left us.
+Strabo, and Stephanus who follows him, place Amorium in Great Phrygia;
+and Strabo clearly describes it[116] as being in the country which lay
+southward of Cotyaeium, Dorylæum, and Pessinus; westward of Lycaonia,
+and in the parts near Phrygia Paroreius and Synnada. And this situation
+of Amorium serves to explain, and at the same time receives confirmation
+from, a part of the Peutinger Table which is rather obscure. We find in
+this Table a road from Pessinus to Amorium by Abrostola, and from thence
+to Laodiceia Combusta; it then returns from Amorium to Abrostola, and
+from the latter is carried to join the great route from Ancyra to Tyana,
+at Salaberina (the Salambria of Ptolemy) 20 M. P. beyond Archelais. Hence
+it seems evident, upon placing these routes upon the map, that Amorium
+must have been to the southward of Abrostola; a situation which agrees
+very well with that described in the words of Strabo.
+
+The princess Anna Comnena[117] relates that her father Alexius, in
+his expedition against the Turks in the year 1116, after moving from
+Dorylæum, sent forward detachments of his army from a place called
+Santabaris, towards Polybotum in one direction, and in another towards
+Pœmanene and Amorium. This seems to place Santabaris at or near
+Seid-el-Ghazi, and Pœmanene between that place and Amorium.
+
+Orcaoryci, which the passage of Strabo cited in the preceding note tends
+to place to the northward of Lycaonia, towards Pessinus, is shown by
+the geographer’s description of Galatia to have been between that city
+and the lake Tatta, on the confines of the Tectosages[118]. A third
+mention of Orcaoryci by the same author, seems to imply that it was not
+to the northward of Tatta[119]. Not far from these places was a town
+called Pitnisus, or Pitnissa[120], or Petenessus[121]. Ptolemy, who
+considers this country a part of Lycaonia, names Petenessus next to
+Daumana, or Ecdamua, or Ecdaumana—the same, undoubtedly, as the Egdaua
+of the Table, which places it at 71 M. P. from Abrostola, on the road to
+Tyana. This position, therefore, of Petenessus, and consequently of the
+neighbouring Orcaoryci, agrees perfectly with that which is deducible
+from the observations of Strabo. Orcaoryci and the neighbouring places
+formed a part of the _axylous_ country described by Livy, through which
+the consul Manlius marched his army in proceeding from Synnada to cross
+the Sangarius near Pessinus[122]. I am unable to trace his route,
+because none of the names of the intermediate places mentioned by him
+are found in any other author. In any such attempt it will be necessary
+to recollect that the boundaries of the Asiatic provinces followed by
+Strabo, were not established until long after the time of Manlius, by
+Augustus and Tiberius,—that the Gauls had not long before conquered
+the greater part of Asia Minor, and that the Consul’s expedition was
+for the purpose of reducing them. Hence we find that he arrived at the
+limits of the Tolistobogii only in three days’ march from Beudos; he
+then moved, in four days, to Alyatti; from thence crossed the _Axylus_
+to Cuballum, where he was attacked by the Galatian cavalry; and from
+thence, in several days’ continued march (continentibus itineribus), he
+arrived at the Sangarius. It is evident that the Consul was not marching
+in any regular line during these days, but was overrunning the country
+of the Tolistobogii, while waiting for an answer from the king of the
+Tectosages: it seems not at all improbable, therefore, that he may have
+advanced as far southward as the Caballucome placed in the Table at 23
+M. P. from Laodiceia, and at 32 from Sabatra; and consequently, that the
+Caballucome of the Table may be the same as the Cuballum of Livy.
+
+There can be little doubt that the Tolosocorio marked in the Table at
+24 miles from Abrostola, in the road to Tyana, and which by Ptolemy
+is written Τολαστόχωρα, ought to be Tolistochora, “the town of the
+Tolistobogii”; who being the southern and western division of the
+Galatians, must have precisely occupied the part of the country in
+which the direction and distances of the route in the Table place
+Tolistochora[123]. It has already been remarked, that the Egdaua of this
+road in the Table is the Ecdaumana of Ptolemy; in like manner Congusso
+may be corrected from him into Congustus; Petra into Perta, which
+writing is confirmed by the Notitiæ Episcopatuum[124]; and Salaberina
+into Salambria, at which place the road fell into that from Archelais to
+Tyana.
+
+
+_Additional note to page 51._
+
+The existence of a large district in the interior of Asia Minor, in
+which the waters do not flow to the sea, and that much larger tract on
+the frontier of Persia, and Caubul, which is watered by the Elmend,
+(Etymander) terminating in a lake subject to periodical inundations, seem
+sufficient without other examples to render it probable that a great
+part of the still larger continent of North Africa may have a physical
+construction of the same kind, and that its interior may be a system of
+oases, formed by rivers ending in lakes which vary in size according to
+the season of the year. The mode in which Nature fertilizes low lands in
+countries so situated as to climate that rain seldom falls, except in the
+mountains or their vicinity, is exemplified in Egypt; and it is obvious
+that the same end may be produced, whether the inundating river has a
+delta and a communication with the sea, or whether it terminates in a
+lake which overflows large plains around its banks after the season of
+rain in the high lands. In some instances, as in the small district of
+Taka, which is situated in the midst of the Desert, between the Astaboras
+and the Red Sea, the inundation which descends from the mountains of
+Abyssinia previous to the season of vegetation, is afterwards totally
+dried up. (Burckhardt’s Nubia, p. 387.) But it more frequently happens
+that the recipient preserves a part of its water all the year; and this
+seems to be the condition of the lakes of Fitré and Bornou. From the
+southern slopes of the African mountains bordering on the Mediterranean
+Sea, several considerable rivers run southward into the great Desert,
+which cannot terminate otherwise than in fertilized sands, or lakes, or
+inundations. The lake Dibbie, or Tybe, which was crossed by Alexander
+Scott in the course of his captivity, we know from Park to be an
+inundation derived from the Niger. It is not impossible that the lake
+of Bornou may originate, in part at least, from the same stream; for
+as Nature generally economizes her means, it is evident that in the
+case of an interior river the greatest effect will be produced by the
+spreading of its waters as its course advances, instead of their being
+collected into one bed, as occurs in rivers which flow into the sea. In
+proportion, therefore, as the information of travellers may show the
+impossibility of a junction of the Niger with the Nile (and Browne and
+English seem to have furnished the strongest evidence to this effect), it
+will become more probable that the Niger, by branching and by expanding
+into lakes and inundations, is the great fertilizing cause throughout
+the low countries of North Africa which lie just without the reach of
+the tropical rains. Thus spread out and exposed to the rapid evaporation
+of an African sun, the Niger may be as large, or perhaps even larger
+where Park saw it as Sego, than in any subsequent part of its course. In
+several rivers of Spain, Italy, and particularly of Greece, artificial
+derivations alone have caused a similar effect; so that the quantity of
+water in the bed of the river diminishes instead of increases from the
+foot of the mountains to the sea. Even the Nile carries very little of
+its water to the sea, except during the inundation; and in ancient times
+when the Mæris and other smaller lakes were annually filled to a great
+extent, and when three or four times as much land was watered by the
+overflowing of the river as in the present day, the quantity of water
+discharged by the mouths of the Nile must have been still smaller than it
+is at present.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III.
+
+CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNEY FROM KÓNIA.
+
+ _Tshumra—Kassabá—Karamán or Láranda—Ancient Cities of this Part
+ of the Country—Laranda, Derbe, Lystra, Ilistra—Passage over
+ Mount Taurus into the Valley of the Calycadnus—Mout—Passage
+ of another Ridge of Taurus—Sheikh-Amúr—Approach to the
+ Sea-coast—Gulnar or Kelénderi, ancient Colenderis—Ancient
+ Cities of the Interior of Tracheiotis—Olbasa
+ Claudiopolis—Philadelphia—Diocæsareia—Passage by Sea to
+ Cyprus—Tzerína—Lefkosía—Lárnaka—Return to Tzerína—Passage by Sea
+ to Kháradra—Cape Selenti—Aláya—Author’s Route by Sea along the
+ Coast to Constantinople—Journal of General Koehler from Aláya to
+ Shughut—Alara—Menavgát—Stavros—Adália—Bidjikli—Tshaltigshe—Búrdur—
+ Ketsiburlu—Dombai—Sandukli—Sitshanli—Altún Tash—Kutáya—In-óghi—
+ Shughut—Conclusion of the Tour._
+
+
+Feb. 1.—Our journey of this day is from Kónia to Tshumra, reckoned a
+six hours’ stage. We have remarked that since leaving Ak-shehr the
+post-horses are of an inferior kind. They are larger and not well formed,
+often broken-knee’d, and frequently falling, which seldom happened
+in the first part of our journey. Those supplied from Kónia for this
+day’s journey are very indifferent, and we did not get them till ten
+o’clock, nor till after we had paid some high fees to the post-master and
+Tatár-aga. The plain of Kónia is considered the largest in Asia Minor;
+our road pursues a perfect level for upwards of twenty miles, and is in
+excellent order for travelling. In such roads the journey, even with
+loaded horses, may be performed in two-thirds of the computed time. A
+rough kind of two-wheeled carriage, drawn by oxen or buffaloes, is used
+in this plain. It runs upon trucks, ingeniously formed of six pieces of
+solid wood, three in the centre, and three on the outside, the outer
+joints falling opposite to the centre of the inner pieces; the whole is
+kept together by an iron felloe, and by fastenings connecting the outer
+pieces with the inner.
+
+Tshumra is a small village with a scanty cultivation around it. We are
+lodged in a Turk’s cottage, which consists of two apartments. The inner
+(which is considerably the larger of the two) is for his horse; the other
+is separated from the passage leading into the stable by two or three
+steps and a low rail, and is just sufficient to contain the fireplace,
+and a sofa on either side of it. This is the whole of his habitation, and
+here we are just able to find room enough to lie down at night.
+
+Feb. 2.—From Tshumra to Kassabá, nine hours over the same uninterrupted
+level of the finest soil, but quite uncultivated, except in the immediate
+neighbourhood of a few widely dispersed villages. It is painful to behold
+such desolation in the midst of a region so highly favoured by nature.
+Another characteristic of these Asiatic plains is the exactness of the
+level, and the peculiarity of their extending, without any previous
+slope, to the foot of the mountains, which rise from them, like lofty
+islands out of the surface of the ocean. The Karamanian ridge seems to
+recede as we approach it, and the snowy summits of Argæus are still seen
+to the north-eastward. We passed only one small village in this day’s
+route. It was called Alibey Kiúi, and was situated at one hour’s distance
+short of Kassabá. We observed, however, some ruins of villages, and in
+several places fragments of ancient architecture, particularly about
+half way, at a bridge constructed almost entirely of such remains, which
+traverses a small stream running from the mountain on our right to the
+lake of Kónia. At three or four miles short of Kassabá, we are abreast of
+the middle of the very lofty insulated mountain already mentioned, called
+Kara-dagh. It is said to be chiefly inhabited by Greek Christians, and to
+contain 1001 churches; but we afterwards learned that these 1001 churches
+(Bin-bir Klissa) was a name given to the extensive ruins of an ancient
+city at the foot of the mountain. Since leaving Kónia we have experienced
+more civility from the inhabitants than before; a change to be ascribed
+to our being now upon a less frequented route. On approaching Kassabá,
+the people met us in great numbers. One person threw a pair of pigeons,
+with the legs tied together, under the feet of the general’s horse;
+others wrestled and danced. On arriving at our lodging they brought
+us presents of water-melons, dried grapes, and other fruits. Kassabá
+differs from every town we have passed through, in being built of stone
+instead of sun-baked bricks. It is surrounded with a wall flanked by
+redans, or angular projections, and has some handsome gates of Saracenic
+architecture. It has a well supplied bazar, and seems formerly to have
+been a Turkish town of more importance than it is at present. The dry
+clear weather which has been so propitious to our travelling, has been
+very unfavourable to agriculture. At Kassabá we are informed that there
+has been neither snow nor rain for two months, and that the drought is
+very distressing. Khatun-serái is four hours to the westward of Kassabá,
+in a pleasant situation in the mountains.
+
+Feb. 3.—From Kassabá to Karamán, four hours: the weather cool and
+overcast; the road still passing over a plain, which towards the
+mountains begins to be a little intersected with low ridges and ravines.
+At one hour from Kassabá we pass on the outside of Illísera, a small
+town with low walls and towers, built of mud bricks, and situated upon a
+rising ground half a mile from the foot of the mountains. Between these
+mountains and the Kara-dagh there is a kind of strait, which forms the
+communication between the plain of Karamán and the great levels lying
+eastward of Kónia. Having passed this opening, we enter the plain of
+Karamán. Our course from Kónia has been more southerly than it was before
+we reached that town, or upon an average S. by E. by compass. We are told
+that the mountains above Illísera produce madder in great abundance,
+partly used in the dyeing manufactories of Kónia, and partly sent to
+Smyrna. The plain of Karamán and the foot of the surrounding mountains
+are in general well cultivated; and as they present a more bounded
+prospect, and are intersected with frequent streams, and varied with
+swelling grounds, they are much more pleasing and picturesque than the
+immense unbroken levels we have for so many days been travelling over.
+
+Advancing towards Karamán I perceive a passage into the plains to the
+N.W. round the northern end of Kara-dagh, similar to that of Illísera on
+the south, so that this mountain is completely insulated. We still see to
+the north-east the great snowy summits of Argæus, which is probably the
+highest point of Asia Minor[125]. As we approached the town of Karamán
+two horsemen met us, and conducted us to our Konák, at the house of the
+Vekíl of the Bishop of Iconium, who is at the head of the Christian
+community of the place. Karamán is situated at a distance of two miles
+from the foot of the mountains. Its ancient Greek name, Láranda, with
+the accent on the first syllable, is still in common use among the
+Christians, and is even retained in the firmahns of the Porte. The
+houses, in number about a thousand, are separated from one another by
+gardens, and occupy a large space of ground. There are now only three or
+four mosques, but I observed the ruins of several others; and the remains
+of a castle show that the place was formerly of much greater importance.
+It was the capital of a Turkish kingdom, which lasted from the time of
+the partition of the dominions of the Seljukian monarchs of Iconium until
+1486, when all Caramania was reduced to subjection by the Ottoman emperor
+Bayazíd the Second. Karamán derives its name from the first and greatest
+of its princes, who on the death of Sultan Aladin the Second, about the
+year 1300, made himself master of Iconium, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycaonia,
+and of a large portion of Phrygia and Cappadocia. His name, like those
+of some other Turkish chieftains[126], who at the same time shared among
+them a great part of the western provinces of the peninsula, has been
+transmitted to posterity in one of the great Turkish divisions of Asia
+Minor. The Ottomans upon obtaining possession of Karamán subdivided
+it into Kharidj the outer and Itshili the interior country: probably
+because to them who came from the north-east Itshili, which comprises the
+Cilician coast and Cyprus, lay behind or within the mountains; Iconium
+the former Seljukian capital became the seat of the Ottoman Pashalik; and
+the decline of the town of Karamán may be dated from that period.
+
+The appearance of Karamán indicates poverty. The only manufactures are
+some coarse cotton and woollen stuffs; but they send the produce of the
+surrounding mountains, consisting chiefly of hides, wool, and acorns
+used in dyeing, to the neighbouring coasts and to Smyrna. The houses
+are built of sun-baked bricks, with flat roofs. The chimneys being very
+wide, and much exposed to violent winds from the surrounding mountains,
+have a trap-door on the top, which may be raised or lowered at pleasure,
+by means of a cord, communicating through the roof into the house. The
+women of Karamán when passing through the streets conceal their faces
+with unusual care. In the other parts of Asia Minor a veil covering the
+upper and lower parts of the face has been the utmost we have remarked,
+but here I see several women with only a single eye exposed to the view
+of passengers. The rest of the person is in the usual shapeless form of
+Turkish drapery.
+
+We could not find any Greek remains at Karamán, with the sole exception
+of a stone in a wall near the entrance of the castle with the words
+ΙΩΑΝΝΗϹ ΔΟΜΕϹΤΙΚΟϹ upon it.
+
+The chief ancient towns near Laranda were Derbe and Lystra, whose
+names have been immortalized by the sacred writer of the Acts of the
+Apostles[127].—About the middle of the century preceding the birth of
+Christ, Derbe was the residence of an independent chief, or robber, as
+Strabo calls him[128], named Antipatrus, who possessed also Laranda.
+Antipatrus having been slain by Amyntas king of Galatia, Derbe fell
+into the power of the latter; who had already received Isauria from
+the Romans, upon its reduction by Servilius. Amyntas conquered all
+Pisidia, as far as Apollonias, near Apameia Cibotus; but having fallen
+in fighting with the Homonadenses, his dominions devolved to the Romans;
+who having not long afterwards succeeded also to those of Archelaus
+king of Cappadocia, made a new distribution of these provinces, in
+which Derbe, as we have already seen, was the western extremity of the
+Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia. Strabo, from whom we learn most of
+the preceding facts[129], observes in another place, that Derbe was on
+the Isaurian frontier of Cappadocia[130]. But it must also have been on
+the frontier of Lycaonia; for about the same time St. Luke calls both
+Derbe and Lystra cities of Lycaonia. About a century afterwards, we find
+that Derbe had been separated from the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia,
+and that it formed,—together with Laranda and the adjacent part of Mount
+Taurus, which contained Olbasa,—a separate district called Antiochiana;
+which Ptolemy places between Lycaonia and the Tyanitis[131]. From all
+these circumstances, there seems no doubt that Derbe stood in the great
+Lycaonian plain, not far from the Cilician Taurus, on the Cappadocian
+side of Láranda; a situation precisely agreeing with that of the ruins
+called the 1001 churches of Mount Kara-dagh. These ruins have never been
+visited, or at least described, by any modern traveller; nor has the
+route from Láranda to Erkle, near which they stand, been traversed by any
+except Bertrandon de la Brocquière, in 1432, from whom we learn nothing
+more than that he travelled for two days in a plain from Erkle to
+Láranda. It is impossible, therefore, to say, whether there is any lake
+near these ruins, which will support the conjecture that the word λιμὴν,
+used by Stephanus[132] in speaking of Derbe, may be altered into λίμνη;
+for without this change the word can have no meaning.
+
+Lystra appears to have been nearer than Derbe to Iconium; for St. Paul,
+leaving that city, proceeds first to Lystra, and from thence to Derbe;
+and in like manner returns to Lystra, to Iconium, and to Antiocheia of
+Pisidia. And this seems to agree with the arrangement of Ptolemy, who
+places Lystra in Isauria, and near Isaura, which seems evidently to have
+occupied some part of the valley of Sidy Shehr, or Bey Shehr. Under
+the Greek empire, Homonade, Isaura, and Lystra, as well as Derbe and
+Laranda, were all included in the consular province of Lycaonia, and were
+bishoprics of the metropolitan see of Iconium. The similarity of name
+induced me at first to believe that Lystra was situated at the modern
+Illísera; but we find, as well in the civil arrangement of the cities in
+Hierocles as in two ecclesiastical lists in the Notitiæ Episcopatuum,
+that Lystra and Ilistra were distinct places. I am inclined to think that
+the vestiges of Lystra may be sought for with the greatest probability of
+success at or near Wiran Khatoun or Khatoun Serai, about 30 miles to the
+southward of Iconium. Nothing can more strongly show the little progress
+that has hitherto been made in a knowledge of the ancient geography
+of Asia Minor, than that of the cities, which the journey of St. Paul
+has made so interesting to us, the site of one only (Iconium) is yet
+certainly known. Perga, Antioch of Pisidia, Lystra, and Derbe, remain to
+be discovered.
+
+Feb. 4.—Such is the poverty of Karamán, that we cannot procure the
+number of horses necessary for our party, and are obliged to perform the
+remainder of the journey to the coast, reckoned at thirty-six hours,
+with camels, instead of horses, for carrying our baggage, although
+the intervening track, being almost entirely mountainous, is the kind
+of country the least adapted to that animal. It requires all this day
+to procure a sufficiency of camels and horses; and we are under the
+necessity of deferring our departure.
+
+Feb. 5.—The arrival of Captain Lacy from Constantinople produces a
+further delay this morning, an addition to our cattle being necessary.
+It was eleven o’clock before we set out from Karamán, though we rose at
+two, and were ready to start at four. At the distance of two or three
+miles from the town we began to ascend, and entered the mountainous
+region which extends all the way to the coast, and which anciently
+formed part of the division of Cilicia called Tracheiotis, or Cilicia
+Tracheia. Our caravan now consists, besides saddle-horses, of thirteen
+camels, one of which is laden with provisions for the rest. On account of
+the difficulty of the road, their burthen is light; they carry no more
+than the usual load of a horse, yet with this easy weight they do not
+move quicker than two miles and a half in the hour. They step a yard at
+a time, and make about seventy-five steps in a minute. The post-horses
+laden with baggage in the former part of the route, moved at the rate of
+three miles and a half an hour in the plains. Entering the hills, we see
+rocks excavated into a great number of chambers, anciently sepulchral,
+but now inhabited by peasants and shepherds. As we leave the plains the
+climate changes. At four hours from Karamán, in the lower region of the
+mountains, we pass a village where the snow beginning to fall heavily,
+and there being no habitation beyond for the next fifteen hours, our
+guides and attendants are much inclined to remain for the night; but our
+delay at Karamán makes us impatient to proceed, and we advance four hours
+further to a khan in the wildest part of the mountain. During the ascent,
+the road presented some magnificent views of mountain-scenery. On the
+left was a very lofty peaked summit, one of the highest of the range of
+Taurus, probably between 6 and 7000 feet above the level of the sea. In
+the lower regions of the mountain, we passed through woods consisting
+chiefly of oak, ilex, arbutus, lentisk, and junipers of various species.
+As we ascend, we enter the region of pines; and through the latter part
+of the route do not see a living creature; though we are told that the
+woods abound with deer, wild boars, bears, and wolves. The khan where
+we take up our lodging for the night is deserted, and partly in ruins.
+As we resolve not to unload the camels, they are seated on the outside
+of the khan in a ring round the door. We break some branches from the
+fir-trees, now heavily covered with snow, which grow near the khan, then
+select a part of the building where the roof is still entire, and make a
+fire on one of the hearths which are ranged in a line along the inside
+of the wall. Here we cook some meat which we had brought with us, and
+then sleep round the fire till midnight; soon after which we send off
+our camels in advance, and at six o’clock (Feb. 6.) pursue our journey
+to Mout, distant eleven hours.—The weather is again fine. The road lies
+over the highest ridges of the mountains, where, amidst the forests of
+pines, are several beautiful valleys and small plains, forming with
+the surrounding rocks and woods the most beautiful scenery. In several
+places we trace the footsteps of the wild animals, and observe spots
+where wild boars have been rooting up the earth. The soil is fertile in
+the intervals of the woods, and the climate cannot be very severe during
+the greater part of the year, there being no permanent snow, now in
+the middle of winter, upon any but the highest summits. There appears,
+however, no trace of cultivation, though there is ample proof that these
+mountains were anciently well inhabited; for we meet with scarcely a rock
+remarkable for its form or position, that is not pierced with ancient
+catacombs. Many of these rocks present at a small distance the exact
+appearance of towers and castles. At a khan half way between our last
+night’s konák and Mout, we begin to descend into the valley where this
+town is situated. The khan seems to stand upon the site of an ancient
+temple, or other public building, there being many fragments of ancient
+architecture in its walls, and lying around it, and among the latter a
+handsome Corinthian capital. Not far beyond the khan we stop to examine
+a tall rock, which, partly by its natural form, and partly by the effect
+of art, represents a high tower. At the foot of it is a niche with a
+semicircular top, the lower part forming a coffin, cut out of the solid
+rock; the lid of this sarcophagus, which is a separate stone, lies at
+the foot of the rock; upon it is the figure of a lion seated in the
+middle, with a boy at either end; the boy facing the lion has his foot
+upon the paw of the animal. The sculpture is much defaced, and the heads
+have been purposely destroyed. We find also many entire sarcophagi, with
+their covers. They had all been opened; in some instances by throwing
+off the covers, in others by forcing a hole through the sides. The usual
+ornament is the _caput bovis_ with festoons, but some have on one side
+a defaced inscription on a tablet; on either side of this are ornaments
+varying on different sarcophagi. We observe on some, a garland on one
+side of the tablet, and a crescent on the other; some have emblems which
+seem to refer to the profession of the deceased. These, and all the other
+monuments of antiquity we have met with, excepting those of Doganlú,
+are evidently of the time of the Romans. Not far from the spot where we
+saw these remains is the village of Máhile; not in view from our road;
+it may, perhaps, have been the site of the ancient town to which the
+sepulchres belonged. From hence we begin to descend through woods of oak,
+beech, and other timber-trees, growing amidst an underwood of arbutus,
+andrachne, ilex, lentisk, and many other of the shrubs cultivated with
+so much care in our gardens. As we approach the valley, we meet with
+the wild olive in considerable quantities, and at length, after a very
+rugged descent, we enter the valley of Mout. The town and its dependent
+territory are governed by a pasha of two tails: who in this retired and
+distant situation seems to care little for the orders of the Porte, for
+he laughs at our firmahn, and declares, what the desolate appearance
+of the place tends to confirm, that he has not a horse or a camel to
+furnish us with; but he offers us forage for our cattle, and lodging
+for ourselves. The latter is a ruinous hut in the castle, where we can
+procure nothing but some coarse barley-bread to add to the meat which we
+brought with us. The walls of the castle are surmounted with battlements,
+flanked by square towers open to the interior. In the middle is a round
+tower, cased, as it were, in another circular wall, rising to half the
+height of the tower, and leaving a narrow interval between them[133]. On
+one side of the castle is a precipice, the foot of which is washed by a
+river.
+
+Mout stands on the site of an ancient city of considerable extent and
+magnificence. No place we have yet passed preserves so many remains
+of its former importance, and none exhibits so melancholy a contrast
+of wretchedness in its actual condition. Among the ruined mosques and
+baths, which attest its former prosperity as a Turkish town under the
+Karamanian kings, a few hovels made of reeds and mud are sufficient
+to shelter its present scanty population. Some of the people we saw
+living under sheds, and in the caverns of the rocks. Among these Turkish
+ruins and abodes of misery may be traced the plan of the ancient Greek
+city. Its chief streets and temples, and other public buildings, may
+be clearly distinguished, and long colonnades and porticoes, with
+the lower parts of the columns in their original places. Pillars of
+verd-antique, breccia, and other marbles, lie half-buried in different
+parts, or support the remains of ruined mosques and houses. Most of the
+inhabitants whom we saw appeared half-naked, and half-starved; and this
+in a valley which promises the greatest abundance and fertility, and
+which is certainly capable of supporting a large population. Its scenery
+is of the greatest beauty: the variegated pastures, groves, and streams
+are admirably contrasted with the majestic forms and dark forests of the
+high mountains on either side. Every thing is seen that can be desired to
+complete the picturesque, unless it be an expanse of water.
+
+Feb. 7.—In leaving Mout this morning, we particularly admire the fine
+effect of the castle with its round and square towers, the precipices
+with the river below them, the surrounding trees, and the ancient
+colonnades; and, among the most remarkable of the modern buildings,
+an old Turkish mosque, with the tomb of Karamán-Oglu, its founder. On
+quitting the town, we pass along the ancient road, which led through the
+cemetery. Sarcophagi stand in long rows on either side; some entire and
+in their original position, others thrown down and broken; the covers
+of all removed, and in most instances lying beside them. The greater
+part were adorned with the usual bull’s head and festoons, and had a
+Greek inscription in a tablet on one side. The letters were sufficiently
+preserved to indicate the date to be that of the Roman Empire. We looked
+in vain for the name of the city; though, perhaps, it might have been
+found, with more leisure than we could command.
+
+The journey of this day is from Mout to Sheikh Amúr, reckoned 12 hours
+for walking horses, and 18 for camels; the proportion of their movements
+being nearly as two to three. We had wished to have sent off our camels
+in the middle of the night, and to have followed in the morning, that we
+might all have arrived at our journey’s end at the same time, but the
+Pasha’s language and the wildness of the country make us think it more
+advisable to keep together. Another apprehension of more real magnitude
+is suggested by our Tatár, that the drivers, having been forced to go
+beyond their post, would take some opportunity, unless we should send a
+sufficient force along with them, of cutting off the baggage, leaving
+it on the road, and perhaps plundering it, and riding away with the
+horses and camels. We had risen at three in the morning, but could not
+with every exertion set out from Mout before seven; from which time we
+continued travelling, without halting, except occasionally for a few
+minutes, till eleven at night; having during the last two hours preceded
+the camels, which arrived at a little past twelve. For the first two
+or three hours, the road led us along the delightful valley of Mout. A
+little beyond a small village, around which are some rice-grounds, we
+forded, by the help of guides belonging to the place, a deep and rapid
+river, called the Kiúk-su (Sky-blue river). The river of Mout is a branch
+of this stream, and joins it further down the valley. After passing over
+a level for a short distance, we crossed another stream rather wider than
+the former, the water of which runs perfectly clear over a bottom of
+pebbles. This branch, the principal of those which form the Calycadnus,
+is called the Ermenék-su, from a town of that name near its sources in
+the western part of the valley, where, we are informed, considerable
+remains of antiquity, similar to those of Mout, are to be seen. Others
+are said to exist also lower down the valley, between Mout and Selefke.
+The Calycadnus passes the ruins of Seleuceia at Selefke, and joins the
+sea not far below that place. Soon after crossing the Ermenék we began to
+ascend, and travelled for the rest of the day along a horse-track amidst
+the forests and mountains. The oaks are not numerous, and are chiefly
+confined to the lower regions, where they are intermixed with arbutus,
+ilex, cornel, juniper, lentisk, &c. In the upper parts scarcely any trees
+are seen but pines of different species: most of these are of a moderate
+size, but some which we saw in the highest parts of the mountain were
+straight, large, tall, and fit for the masts of ships of war. Great
+numbers had been destroyed for the sake of the turpentine, by making an
+incision near the foot of the tree and lighting a fire under it, which
+has the effect of making the resin run more freely. The summits in the
+centre of the ridge which we crossed yesterday are higher than any part
+of this range; but these mountains are more extensive, and of a still
+wilder and more rugged description. We are told, that in addition to
+the wild animals found in the ridge to the north of Mout, the forests
+of these mountains contain tigers, or at least an animal to which the
+Turkish name of Kaplán is given. The road sometimes passed along the edge
+of precipices of immense height; at other times it was a rugged path,
+climbing amidst broken rocks, where there seemed hardly a footing for a
+mule; and at others it was a descent upon banks and slopes so slippery
+that it was difficult even on foot to avoid falling. The camels, whose
+footing is so very ill formed for such roads, passed them nevertheless
+without any material accident; they had no doubt been often accustomed
+to carry the merchandize of the people of Karamán across the mountains
+which separate that town from the coast in every direction; and it may be
+mentioned as a remarkable instance of the force of habit. We met with a
+very civil reception from the Aga of Sheikh-Amúr, who presented us with
+part of a large wild boar which his men had killed in the woods.
+
+This morning, (Feb. 8.) we are much gratified by the delightful situation
+of the village perched upon a rocky hill, in a small hollow, surrounded
+by an amphitheatre of woody mountains. We proceed from Sheikh-Amúr
+to Gulnar, on the sea-side, a distance of six hours for horses. At a
+short distance from Sheikh-Amúr we remark several comfortable cottages,
+surrounded with patches of cultivation, and inclosures of palisades.
+These detached habitations, so uncommon in Turkey, indicate a degree
+of security which gives us a favourable opinion of the Caramanian
+mountaineers, whom indeed we have found very hospitable and inoffensive.
+The road is through the most beautiful mountain-scenery. A woody valley
+between high rocks, with a rivulet of clear water trickling through it,
+conducted us into a district more open and level, but at the same time
+more singularly wild, than any we had yet seen; for over the whole of it
+high perpendicular rocks, of the most grotesque and varied forms, stood
+up among the trees, resembling the representations of rocks on Chinese
+earthenware. From hence we passed along the dry bed of a torrent, which
+served as a road, between high calcareous precipices, rising close to
+us on either side. As we advanced, these rocks were fringed with ivy,
+saxifrage, &c., and mixed with small groves of evergreens: at the
+bottom, a clear stream ran along a natural groove in the rock. The
+prospect soon opened upon an extensive forest of oaks upon the slope of
+the mountain, through which we at length arrived at a pass between two
+summits, from whence we beheld the sea with almost as much delight as the
+soldiers of Xenophon, from the top of Mount Theches. The island of Cyprus
+appeared in the horizon. We descended into the valley which borders the
+coast, by a long and extremely steep and rugged mountain-path, often
+intersected by rivulets running in ravines, shaded by plane-trees. The
+valley presented a prospect very different from those we had passed. Its
+meadows and cultivated fields were in all the luxuriant vegetation and
+brilliant colours of an advanced spring. Among them were dispersed some
+cottages, with flat roofs and open galleries, like those of the interior
+country. In descending the mountain we followed the remains of an ancient
+aqueduct, and, as we approached the coast, traced it again leading
+towards the ruins which occupy the cape forming the bay of Celenderis.
+The road through the valley led along the beds of torrents adorned with
+oleander and agnus castus, and through groves of myrtle, bay, and other
+shrubs, produced only in the softer climate of the coast. The ruins, the
+beautiful curve of the bay, and the distant sea-view on the one side,
+and on the other the rich valley, contrasted with the steep mountains
+and dark woods behind, form a picture, the beauty of which was greatly
+heightened by the brightness of the weather.
+
+Gulnar is the name applied by the Turks, and Kelénderi by the Greeks,
+to a harbour and surrounding district, in which, with the exception of
+the dispersed cottages already mentioned, the only habitations are the
+tombs and subterraneous vaults of the ancient Celenderis; several of the
+latter were occupied by poor Turkish families. Our lodging was a brick
+vault, with a stone pavement, which seemed once to have been a cistern; a
+low arch divided it into two equal parts. The outer was without a roof,
+but the inner furnished a dry and comfortable apartment. The remains of
+Celenderis are of various dates, but none of them, unless it be some
+sepulchres excavated in the rock, appear to be older than the early
+periods of the empire of Rome; and there are some even of a late date in
+that of Constantinople. The town occupied all the space adjacent to the
+inner part of the bay, together with the whole of the projecting cape.
+The best preserved remains of antiquity are, a square tower upon the
+extremity of the cape, and a monument of white marble among the tombs;
+the latter is formed of four open arches, supported upon pilasters of
+the Corinthian order, of not very finished workmanship; and the whole is
+surmounted with a pyramid, the apex of which has fallen. I observed some
+handsome tessellated pavements among the ruins, and a great number of
+sarcophagi, together with fragments of columns and wrought stones.
+
+Celenderis, although it now preserves the remains only of a Roman town,
+seems in more ancient times to have been the principal place in this
+part of the country. It gave name to a region called Celenderitis, and
+coined those silver tetradrachms which supply some of the earliest and
+finest specimens of the numismatic art. The antiquity of the city is
+proved by the tradition of its having been founded by Sandocus, son of
+Phaethon[134], and like the neighbouring Nagidus, it received a colony
+from the island of Samus[135]. It is situated about the centre of the
+coast of Cilicia Tracheia.
+
+As this province extended to the boundaries of Tarsus on the east, of
+Coracesium on the west, and of Laranda on the north[136], it seems to
+have corresponded exactly to the Turkish province of Itshili. The most
+fertile and the only extensive level in Tracheiotis is the valley of
+the Calycadnus, a district which was sometimes called Citis[137]. This
+river, which rises to the north-west, passes by Ermenék, Sinanli, Mout,
+and Selefke, and joins the sea not far below the last of these modern
+places. Olbasa being the only city mentioned in the inland part of
+Citis by Ptolemy[138], and Claudiopolis by Ammianus[139], it is not
+improbable that Olbasa may have changed its name to Claudiopolis, when
+a Roman colony was established there by the Emperor Claudius, and that
+its situation may have been at Mout. The extent and description of
+the remains of antiquity at that place are highly favourable to the
+supposition of its being the site of a city which flourished under the
+Roman Empire, at the same time that the vicinity of this part of Taurus
+to the plains which contain Derbe and Laranda is in agreement with the
+evidence of Ptolemy[140] as to the position of Olbasa; for he states the
+district of Antiochiana to have consisted of the townships of Laranda,
+Derbe, Olbasa, and a fourth town which he calls Musbanda. If the Roman
+colony at Mout was entirely a new foundation, perhaps it will be found
+that Olbasa was at Mahile. Philadelphia and Diocæsareia, which were also
+in this part of the country, may have been the one at Ermenék, and the
+other at the ruins already mentioned between Mout and Selefke.
+
+Feb. 9.—Nothing can more strongly show the present desolation of these
+fine countries, than the fact, that as we descended the hills yesterday,
+towards the coast, only one vessel was visible in the vast extent of
+sea then open to our view. It proved to be the boat which was to carry
+us across to Cyprus, and in which we embarked this evening, having
+delayed until that time, in the hope of profiting about midnight by the
+land-breeze from the mountains, which seldom fails when the weather is
+fair.
+
+Feb. 10.—The land-breeze carries us half across the channel, and then
+leaves us to be tossed all day by the swell in a calm.
+
+Feb. 11.—We land this forenoon at Tzerína, called by the Italians
+Cerina, and by the Turks Ghirne. It is a small town with a Venetian
+fortification, and a bad port on the northern coast of Cyprus; it is
+reckoned by the Greek sailors to be eighty miles from Kelénderi, but is
+probably less than sixty English. The town is situated amidst plantations
+of oranges, lemons, olives, dates, and other fruit-trees; and all the
+uncultivated parts of the plains around are covered with bay, myrtle,
+and lentisk. On the west side of the town are extensive quarries, among
+which are some catacombs, the only remains of the ancient Ceryneia. The
+harbour, bad and small as it is, must, upon a coast very deficient in
+maritime shelter, have always ensured to the position a certain degree
+of importance. The natural formation of the eastern part of the north
+side of Cyprus is very singular: it consists of a high rugged ridge
+of steep rocks, running in a straight line from east to west, which
+descend abruptly on the south side into the great plain of Lefkosía,
+and terminate to the north in a narrow plain bordering the coast. Upon
+several of the rocky summits of the ridge are castles which seem almost
+inaccessible. The slope and maritime plain at the foot of the rocks, on
+the north, possess the finest soil and climate, with a plentiful supply
+of water; it is one of the most beautiful and best cultivated districts I
+have seen in Turkey.
+
+Feb. 12.—Finding it impossible to procure horses in time to enable us
+to reach the gates of Lefkosía before sunset, at which time they are
+shut, we are under the necessity of remaining at Tzerína to-day. I
+visit a large ruined monastery, in a delightful situation, not far to
+the eastward of Tzerína, at no great distance from the sea. It contains
+the remains of a handsome Gothic chapel and hall, and bears a great
+resemblance to the ruins of an English abbey[141].
+
+Feb. 13.—From Tzerína to Lefkosía, six hours. At the back of Tzerína the
+road passes through a natural opening in the great wall of rock I have
+already described, and descends into the extensive plain of Lefkosía.
+This is in some places rocky and barren, and is little cultivated even
+where the soil is good. Like most of the plains of Greece, it is marshy
+in the winter and spring, and unhealthy in the summer. On the west and
+south are the mountains which occupy all that part of the island, and
+the slopes of which produce the wines exported in so large a quantity
+from Cyprus to all the neighbouring coasts. In the centre of the plain is
+Lefkosía (Λευκοσία), called Nicosia by the Italians, the capital of the
+island and of the province of Itshili, of which Cyprus is considered a
+part, though the government is now always administered, like that of the
+other Greek islands, by a deputy of the Capudán Pasha. The ramparts of
+the Venetian fortifications of Lefkosía exist in tolerable preservation;
+but the ditch is filled up, and there is no appearance of there ever
+having been a covert way. There are thirteen bastions: the ramparts are
+lofty and solid, with orillons and retired flanks. In the town is a large
+church converted into a mosque, and still bearing, like the great mosque
+at Constantinople, the Greek name of St. Sophia: it is said to have been
+built by Justinian; but this may be doubted, as Procopius, in his work
+on the edifices of that emperor, makes no mention of it; and its Gothic
+style seems rather to mark it for the work of one of the Frank kings of
+Cyprus. The flat roofs, trellised windows, and light balconies of the
+better order of houses, situated as they are in the midst of gardens of
+oranges and lemons, give, together with the fortifications, a respectable
+and picturesque appearance to Lefkosía at a little distance, but, upon
+entering it, the narrow dirty streets, and miserable habitations of the
+lower classes, make a very different impression upon the traveller;
+and the sickly countenances of the inhabitants sufficiently show the
+unhealthiness of the climate. At Lefkosía we were very hospitably
+entertained by an Armenian merchant, of the name of Sarkís, who is an
+English baratli, and under that protection has amassed a considerable
+property, and lives in splendour: he and his relations seem to occupy all
+the principal offices of the island held by Christians, such as those of
+interpreter and banker to the Motsellim, or deputy of the Capudán Pasha,
+of collector of the contributions of the Christians, of head of the
+Christian community, &c.
+
+Feb. 14.—From Lefkosía to Lárnaka, eight hours. The first half of the
+distance was a continuation of the same plain as before; the remainder
+lay over rugged hills of soft limestone, among which we cross some long
+ridges of selenite. At Lárnaka we found Sir Sidney Smith with his small
+squadron: he had just signed a treaty for the evacuation of Egypt by the
+French.
+
+Feb. 15.—We pass the day on board the Tigre, where we find General Junot,
+afterwards Duke of Abrantes, and Madame Junot and General Dupuy: the
+latter, next to Kleber, the senior general of the army of Egypt. They
+were taken by the Theseus, Captain Styles, in attempting to escape from
+Alexandria.
+
+The town of Lárnaka stands at the distance of a mile from the shore,
+and has a quarter on the sea-side, called Ἀλικαίς by the Greeks, and
+Marina by the Italians. In the intermediate space are many foundations
+of ancient walls, and other remains, among the gardens and inclosures.
+The stones are removed for building materials as quickly as they are
+discovered; but the great extent of these vestiges, and the numerous
+antiquities which at different times have been found here[142], seem to
+leave little doubt that here stood Citium, the most ancient and important
+city in this part of Cyprus.
+
+March 2.—After having remained several days at Lárnaka and Lefkosía, we
+arrive to-day at Tzerína, on our return to Constantinople. The purity of
+the air on the north coast of Cyprus is very sensibly perceived, after
+leaving the interior plains and the unhealthy situation of Lárnaka. The
+Turkish troops are already arriving in large bodies, on their way home,
+in the faith that the war of Egypt is concluded.
+
+We set sail at eight this morning, in a three-masted covered vessel,
+with latine sails, for Adália. A halo round the moon last night, and a
+turbid atmosphere this morning, portend a change of weather. At two or
+three miles from the port, the land-wind which carried us out, falls and
+leaves us becalmed, but a breeze soon springs up from the eastward, and
+we steer N. by W. Having come in sight of the coast, we soon perceive the
+point of Anamúr, five or six leagues to leeward of us. As we approach the
+shore, the wind coming from the westward, and freshening, we are unable
+to weather Cape Selenti, and are obliged to make for a small cove, called
+Kalándra by the Turks, and Kháradra (its ancient name) by the Greeks.
+Here we are sheltered under the lee of a high cape, and by the help of
+six cables, three attached to the anchors, and three to the shore, we
+ride out a most tempestuous night of wind, rain, and thunder.
+
+March 8.—At ten this forenoon, the weather having become serene, we land
+and spend the day at some huts on the sea-shore, belonging to a village
+on the hills which we do not see. Here the coast, retiring from the cape
+under which we were sheltered last night, forms a small bay; around it is
+a fertile valley; at the head of which a _torrent_, making its way from
+high mountains[143], between lofty precipices, seems to have given to
+this place its Greek name of Kháradra. The retired valley, with the bold
+coast, and the woods and precipices at the back, is extremely beautiful.
+The only remains of antiquity are part of a mole, just below the huts
+on the sea-shore. On the side of the torrent, a mile up the valley, is
+a deserted building, which has every appearance of Venetian or Genoese
+construction. Kháradra is reckoned by our boatmen ninety miles from
+Tzerína, twenty or thirty from Cape Selenti, and sixty from Aláya. It has
+been already remarked that they reckon eighty from Kelénderi to Tzerína.
+Comparing these computed distances with the real distances on the map, it
+appears that the Greek mile is about two-thirds of the geographical. As
+the word μίλι was borrowed from the Latin, the measure must originally
+have been the same as the Roman mile, though it is now shorter. It is,
+however, merely a computed and not a measured distance, and I could never
+obtain from the Greeks any accurate definition of it.
+
+March 9.—We sail this forenoon at ten with a fair breeze, which in two
+hours brings us abreast of Cape Selenti. Here the wind slackens, and
+becomes variable, and sometimes contrary with frequent showers and calms,
+so that we do not arrive at Aláya till eight in the evening. During the
+first half of the distance from Cape Selenti, we sail under high cliffs
+and headlands, beyond which are some very lofty mountains covered with
+snow. Further on, the mountains retire more inland, and leave upon the
+coast a fertile plain, which increases in breadth as we approach Aláya.
+
+March 10.—This town is situated upon a rocky hill, jutting into the
+sea from the outer or westernmost angle of the plain. It resembles
+Gibraltar, the hill being naturally fortified on one side (the western)
+by perpendicular cliffs of vast height, and falling in the opposite
+direction by a very steep slope to the sea. The whole face of the hill
+is surrounded by high solid walls[144] and towers, but the lower part
+only is occupied by the town, which is about a mile in circumference. The
+ground upon which it stands is in some parts so steep that the houses
+rise above one another in terraces, so that the flat roofs of one row of
+houses serve for a street to those above them. To the eastward of the
+town there is an anchorage for large ships, and small vessels are drawn
+up on the beach. In the middle of the sea-front are some large vaulted
+structures, on a level with the water’s edge, intended for sheltering
+galleys; and constructed, perhaps, by the Genoese. They now serve for
+building the vessels, called by the Turks Ghirlanghitsh (swallow), which
+are generally formed with three masts and a bolt-sprit, all bearing
+triangular sails. Of these and other vessels nearly resembling them, of
+from twenty to sixty tons burthen, there are several belonging to Aláya.
+The place is said to have taken its name from its founder Alah-ed-din,
+son of Kai-kosru, who was surnamed Kaikobad, and who was the tenth of
+the Seljukian dynasty, and the founder of the Iconian race. It seems to
+have become the principal maritime fortress and naval arsenal of these
+sovereigns, and of their successors the princes of Karamán. In the old
+maps Aláya is called Castel Ubaldo, which may possibly have been the
+name given to it by the Venetians or Genoese, when in possession of
+this and other strong holds upon the Caramanian coast, but there is no
+recollection of the name in this country at present. In the year 1471
+the Prince of Karamán, then engaged in a struggle for independence with
+Mahomet the Second, was put in possession of Aláya, and several other
+places, by the Venetians, who were then in alliance with him as well as
+with Usum Kassan King of Persia against the Ottoman Emperor[145]. From
+the town, the beach runs eastward, and thence forms a long sweep to the
+south-east to Cape Selenti, which is seen from Aláya. The level coast
+extends about half that distance, and ends in an angle, where some trees
+are seen round a village, at which I was informed there are remains of an
+ancient city. There are other ruins said to be of great extent at a few
+hours to the northward of Aláya.
+
+I was detained at Aláya by illness; and while General Koehler, with his
+two remaining companions, (Mr. Carlyle having left them in Cyprus,)
+pursued their journey overland to Constantinople, I proceeded thither
+by sea, visiting the most remarkable places on the coast, as well as
+the adjacent islands of Rhodus, Cos, Patmus, Samus, Chius, Lesbus,
+and Tenedus. Of those places which I visited on the coast, and which
+deserve to be more thoroughly described than they have yet been, the
+most remarkable are, 1. The ruins of a large city, with a noble theatre,
+at Kákava, in a fine harbour, formed by a range of rocky islands. 2.
+The island called Καστελόρυζον by the Greeks, and Castel Rosso by
+the Italians. It is a flourishing little Greek town, carrying on a
+considerable commerce of timber and charcoal with Egypt. In a plain
+in the interior of the island, I found the remains of some ancient
+buildings, of Hellenic construction. The importance of the situation
+must at all times have attracted inhabitants. 3. Antiphellus, on the
+main land, opposite to Castel Rosso. Here I found a small theatre nearly
+complete, the remains of several public buildings and private houses,
+together with catacombs, and a great number of sarcophagi, some of which
+are very large and magnificent. The greater part have inscriptions,
+few of which are legible. In two or three, however, I read the name
+of the city Antiphellus. 4. Telmissus, at Méi, the port of Mákri, at
+the bottom of the gulf anciently called Glaucus. The theatre, and the
+porticoes and sepulchral chambers, excavated in the rocks at this place,
+are some of the most remarkable remains of antiquity in Asia Minor.
+5. The ruins of Assus, at Behrém or Beriám Kalesi, opposite to Mólivo
+(the ancient Methymna), in Mytilene. The ruins are extremely curious.
+There is a theatre in very perfect preservation; and the remains of
+several temples lying in confused heaps upon the ground; an inscription
+upon an architrave belonging to one of these buildings shows that it
+was dedicated to Augustus; but some figures in low relief on another
+architrave, appear to be in a much more ancient style of art, and they
+are sculptured upon the hard granite of mount Ida, which forms the
+materials of several of the buildings[146]. On the western side of the
+city the remains of the walls and towers, with a gate, are in complete
+preservation; and without the walls is seen the cemetery, with numerous
+sarcophagi still standing in their places, and an ancient causeway
+leading through them to the gate. Some of these sarcophagi are of
+gigantic dimensions. The whole gives, perhaps, the most perfect idea of a
+Greek city that any where exists.
+
+I shall now subjoin a brief itinerary of the route of General Koehler
+and his party from Aláya to Shughut, where he fell into the same road by
+which we came from Constantinople in January.
+
+March 11.—From Aláya to A´lara, eight computed or caravan hours. The
+road leads along the sea-shore, sometimes just above the sea-beach,
+upon high woody banks, connected on the right with the great range of
+mountains which lies parallel to the coast; at others, across narrow
+fertile valleys, included between branches of the same mountains. There
+are one or two fine harbours formed by islands and projecting capes; but
+the coast for the most part is rocky and without shelter, and after such
+a westerly gale as occurred last night, is exposed to a tremendous surf.
+The equinoctial monsoon occurs very regularly upon these coasts, and
+the Greek sailors think themselves sufficiently prudent if they remain
+in port during the first fortnight of March, old style. A´lara is two
+or three miles from the sea, in a valley inclosed between woody hills,
+and situated amidst gardens and corn-fields, with neat fences. Near the
+village is a remarkable conical hill, with the ruins of a strong castle
+upon it in good preservation. It is said by the natives to have been
+built by the Sultan Alah-ed-din, of Iconium.
+
+March 12.—From A´lara to Hadji-Ali Kiúi, eight hours. The road proceeded
+at a distance of three or four miles from the sea, crossing several
+fertile and well-cultivated valleys, and passing some neat villages
+pleasantly situated. The valleys are watered by streams coming from a
+range of lofty mountains, appearing at a great distance on the right. The
+largest of these rivers was a little beyond the fortified hill of A´lara,
+and was traversed by a wooden bridge sixty feet in length. Another large
+river occurred about three hours further. On the west side of the gulf,
+a little to the left of the direction of the route, appeared another
+range of mountains[147], still more lofty than those on the right, and so
+distant that nothing but their outline was visible. No remains of Grecian
+antiquity were seen by the travellers either this day or yesterday.
+
+March 13.—From Hadji-Ali Kiúi to Menavgát, four hours: weather rainy.
+Crossed the large river of Menavgát at one hour short of the town, which
+is situated in the midst of fields and gardens, in a fertile district,
+watered by many rivulets. The surrounding valleys are well cultivated
+and inhabited. Distant mountains appear to the north and east; and to
+the N.W. is the steep range which rises from that side of the gulf, and
+extends from Cape Khelidóni to Adália. The price of a sheep at Menavgát
+is eight piastres, equal to twelve shillings sterling; four fowls for a
+piastre.
+
+March 14.—Detained at Menavgát for want of horses.
+
+March 15.—From Menavgát to Dashashéhr, six hours. These two days were
+frosty, and perfectly clear. The road passes at the same distance from
+the sea as before, but winds for the most part through deserted valleys,
+where the rich soil, and the rains which had lately fallen, had made
+the road very muddy. There was seen abundance of the cattle which is
+brought for pasture in the winter and spring from the mountainous
+districts of the interior; at intervals are several villages, with a
+scanty cultivation around them. Dashashéhr is situated upon some rocky
+hills, commanding a view of the sea; and the cottages have gardens,
+and orchards, and plantations of vines and fig-trees attached to them.
+The great range of mountains is seen at a distance of twenty or thirty
+miles to the northward. The whole of this part of Pamphylia seems to be
+a succession of fine valleys, separated by ridges branching from the
+mountains, and each watered by a stream of greater or less magnitude.
+
+March 16.—From Dashashéhr to Stavros, six hours, through a vast plain of
+the richest pasture, in which were great numbers of oxen and sheep. At
+the end of two or three hours was a large river, crossed by a bridge
+built upon the ruins of a magnificent ancient bridge, one arch of which,
+still standing, forms a part of the modern work. Several other smaller
+streams were passed in the course of the day. In the last half of the
+road the late rains had inundated the plains in several places. The
+villages are numerous, and the population consists entirely of Turks, who
+are hospitable and inoffensive.
+
+March 17.—From Stavros to Adália, six hours. The first half over the same
+kind of road, inundated in many places. At the end of two hours a large
+and rapid stream was passed by a ferry, a little beyond which, appeared
+on the left the ruins called by the Turks Eski-Kálesi, where are great
+remains of walls and vaulted buildings. The road passes from thence
+over a more elevated level, with a dry soil, nearly as far as the walls
+of Adália, at one hour short of which it crosses a very deep and rapid
+stream[148], dividing itself into several branches, from which there
+are artificial derivations for irrigating the gardens and cultivated
+fields around Adália. Besides the two principal streams just mentioned,
+the road from Stávros crossed several smaller, particularly one between
+those two, the banks of which are thickly sheltered with trees, and where
+is a solid ancient bridge, its summit level with the banks. Adália is
+a large and populous town, which, though governed only by a Motsellim,
+is considered as one of the best governments in Anatolia, the district
+being large and fertile, and the maritime commerce extensive. The town
+is situated around a circular port; behind it, on a height, is a castle,
+built with battlements and square towers. In the suburbs, the houses are
+dispersed amidst orange groves and gardens, and thus occupy a large space
+of ground. Granite columns, and a great variety of fragments of ancient
+sculpture, found about the place, attest its former importance as a Greek
+city. Among other remains are those of an aqueduct, extending the whole
+length of the suburbs, but now quite ruined and overgrown with bushes.
+These different objects, with the sea, and the stupendous ridge of rugged
+mountains on the west side of the gulf, render the place extremely
+picturesque.
+
+March 18.—Halt at Adália.
+
+March 19.—From Adália to Bidjikli, seven hours, due north. The road
+passes over a region of rugged rocks, intersected with hollows full of
+water. No cultivation was in sight; to the left the same kind of ground
+seemed to extend as far as the ridge of rocky mountains, which borders
+the west side of the gulf, and to the right as far as the Dudén, or river
+of Adália.
+
+March 20.—From Bidjikli to Karabunár Kiúi, nine hours: the first two
+hours over the same rugged plain not far from the river. The two great
+ranges on the west and north of the plains of Adália now approach each
+other, and at length are only divided by the passes, through which the
+river finds its way. The road, however, leaves this gorge to the right,
+and ascends the mountain by a paved winding causeway, a work of great
+labour and ingenuity. At the foot of it, in the plain, are the ruins
+of a castle, and of many towers and gateways of elegant architecture,
+with cornices, capitals, and fluted columns lying upon the ground.
+Sarcophagi, with their covers beside them, are seen in great numbers,
+as well in the plain as for a considerable distance up the side of the
+hill. Some of them were of large size, many with inscriptions. At the
+top of this formidable pass, which was anciently commanded by the city,
+standing at the foot of it, the road enters an elevated level surrounded
+with mountains, and proceeds along a winding valley amidst rocks and
+precipices, some of which, being quite detached and perpendicular, appear
+at a distance like castles and towers. The konák this evening was a
+tchiftlik (farm and country-house) of the Motsellim of Adália, situated
+near three small villages on the banks of a rivulet, in a pure air and
+most romantic situation. The usual spring weather of these climates has
+now prevailed for some days; showers, often accompanied with thunder,
+occur in the afternoon and in the early part of the night, and during the
+remainder of the day the sky is perfectly clear and serene.
+
+March 21.—From Karabunár Kiúi to Tsháltigtshi Kiúi, five hours and a
+half. One hour from the place of departure is a khan, formed out of
+the remains of an old building, upon which are angels sculptured on
+either side of a large arched gate. It appears to have been a church
+of the earliest ages of Christianity. The route continues through
+valleys of the same description as that of Karabunár Kiúi, level and
+surrounded by barren rocks and mountains. A neighbouring town called
+Butshuklu, is said to contain a thousand houses, and has the reputation
+of refusing quarters to strangers, especially to couriers and persons
+travelling under the orders of the Porte. This district, however, as has
+already been remarked in regard to other places having the character of
+rebellious, exhibits several marks of superior industry, and a better
+kind of public economy; good roads and bridges are seen, and large clean
+pieces of wheat surrounded with ditches or fences. In the mountain not
+far from Butshuklu there are said to be ruins of ancient buildings with
+columns, and sculptured and inscribed stones. A hill which bounds the
+district of Butshuklu to the north limits the command of the Motsellim of
+Adália. At the foot of this hill is a khan, which appears to have been
+constructed from the ruins of some large ancient building; fragments of
+architecture, and ruins of walls, are seen on every side of it. The hill
+is rugged and extensive, and has on the north side a level much lower
+than all those lying between it and Adália. A river flows through this
+plain, and there are many villages, among which is that of Tsháltigtshi.
+The people appeared simple and hospitable, and welcomed the travellers
+by presents of fruit and flowers, which they threw down at their feet,
+and then departed without saying a word. The villages are surrounded
+with fruit-trees, but no oranges, nor lemons, nor olives are seen among
+them; and the season here is a month or six weeks behind that of Adália.
+Wheel-carriages are used: the wheels being either solid trucks formed of
+one piece of wood, or of three pieces joined together, and shod with an
+iron plate turned up at the edges, and thus fixed on without any nails.
+They had also iron axles, and a box for them to turn in, exhibiting a
+neatness of workmanship seldom seen in Turkey.
+
+March 22.—From Tcháltigtshi to Burdur, seven hours and a half; for the
+first two hours along the valley; then up a high steep mountain, not a
+mere rock, like the others which the travellers had passed, but having
+trees, and a soil fit for any vegetation. They passed an insulated
+valley, where was a rivulet which disappeared in a cavity at the foot
+of a mountain. The weather was very cold, and four inches of snow lay
+upon the ground at no great distance above them. After a narrow craggy
+pass, they entered an open country, which, unlike the level valleys to
+the southward, was diversified with undulations and slopes. At two hours
+short of Burdur, they came into a valley full of rocks, thrown about
+in the wildest manner: some of these were of a kind which looked like
+bundles of rushes, incrusted with cement, and petrified into a solid
+mass: in some places the scene around had the appearance of a succession
+of enormous sand-pits. They passed several water-mills, and saw nothing
+of the town or lake of Burdur until they were close upon it. The houses
+are flat-roofed; the town is large, and comparatively well paved, and
+there is some appearance of wealth and industry in the streets. Tanning
+and dyeing of leather, weaving and bleaching of linen, seemed to be
+the chief occupations. Streams of clear water flow through most of the
+streets. The country around produces good butter. The salt lake of
+Burdur begins at a very short distance from the town, and stretches to
+the N. and N.W., forming a beautiful picture with its winding shores,
+its shrubby or bare and rocky capes, and the cultivated lands, numerous
+villages, and woody hills around it.
+
+March 23.—Detained at Burdur by a violent southerly gale and heavy rain.
+
+March 24.—From Burdur to Ketsiburlu, six hours. The road along the
+edge of the lake having been rendered difficult by the rains, they
+took another nearer the hills. They passed a good deal of arable land,
+and many villages with abundance of fruit-trees and vineyards. The
+walnut-trees grow to a great size: on the 22nd they had seen poplars also
+of not less than six and eight feet in diameter.
+
+March 25.—From Ketsiburlu to Dombai-óvasi (the valley of Dombai) five
+hours: the wind north: a sharp frost, and the hills around covered with
+snow: the road very good, leading at first through rocky hills, but
+afterwards through a rich valley, where are many villages; Dombai is the
+chief and one of the largest. Here they received much civility from the
+Motsellim, whose design in it was to get their interest at the Porte in
+his endeavours to obtain the Pashalik of Isbárta, a considerable town at
+no great distance to the eastward. At Dombai they were told of the ruins
+of an ancient town very near, with the remains of columns, inscribed
+stones, and statues.
+
+March 26.—From Dombai to Sandukli on the river Méndere, the distance
+seven hours, through a fine country variegated with gentle undulations,
+but bare of wood, except upon the mountains, which are at no great
+distance on either side. There were several small villages and a good
+deal of arable land, but the season was still six weeks behind that of
+the coast: the cold severe with much snow.
+
+March 27.—From Sandukli to Sitshanli, seven hours: a north wind, with ice
+an inch thick: the road was for the most part hilly and stony, but in
+some places there were villages and cultivated lands. Sitshanli is in a
+fertile valley, with many villages around.
+
+March 28.—From Sitshanli to Altún-Tash, nine hours: the country is of
+an undulated form with little wood. They observed several villages, and
+in many places scattered fragments of ancient buildings, but in no one
+spot any thing that indicated the site of a large town. At Altún-Tash the
+snow was lying on the ground. The place takes its name (signifying golden
+stone) from some rocks of a yellow colour in the neighbourhood. It stands
+on the left bank of the river Pursek, the ancient Thymbrius, or Thymbres,
+a branch of the Sangarius. Here were 200 horsemen of the Pasha of Kutáya,
+who had been reducing a rebellious chieftain, and were in the act of
+driving away his flocks.
+
+March 29.—From Altún-Tash to Kutáya, nine hours: at first over a swampy
+plain, which had been inundated by the rains and the melting of the
+snow upon the hills, then across the Pursek, which between this place
+and Kutáya forms an S: a high mountain, at the foot of which Kutáya is
+situated, filling up the northern part of the S. After crossing the
+Pursek at Altún-Tash, they passed over gentle hills and a pleasant
+country. Nearly midway were a fountain, the ruins of a mosque, and an
+ancient Greek church. A good gravel road led in a winding direction
+through a delightful scene of lawns of the finest herbage, adorned with
+detached trees and clumps of evergreen, disposed in a manner which art
+could not have improved. From hence, after passing a tract of wild
+cliffs and rocks, which formed a remarkable contrast to the former, they
+descended a steep hill to the Pursek, here a very deep and rapid river.
+Having crossed it by a bridge, and ascended a part of the mountain of
+Kutáya, they proceeded along a dangerous path on the edge of an immense
+precipice: the mountain, with its snow-topped summit, rising to a
+great height on the left, and on the right the Pursek taking a large
+sweep round the base of the mountain. Thus they made almost half the
+circuit of it before they arrived at Kutáya. This is a large town with
+an ancient castle, which stands upon a projecting point of the hill
+rising above the town. Being the usual residence of the Beglerbeg of
+Anatolia, Kutáya may in some measure be considered the capital of the
+province, though much inferior in size to Smyrna, Tokát, and A´ngura. The
+Pasha being absent with the army in Syria, the place was governed by a
+Motsellim, who furnished the travellers with a tchaous to accompany them
+to Constantinople, and orders for horses and other necessaries. Ancient
+coins and gems may be collected in the bazars of Kutáya in considerable
+numbers.
+
+March 30.—Halt at Kutáya.
+
+March 31.—From Kutáya to In-óghi, twelve hours: the weather fine, and the
+road for the most part good. They soon crossed the Pursek, and passed at
+first over a flat swampy road, inundated by floods from the mountains;
+they then ascended a hill, upon the top of which the rocks appeared to
+be of a hard and handsome kind of breccia. Thus they proceeded nearly
+half the day’s journey: the scenery sometimes very dreary and barren;
+at others grand and picturesque; but the country no where cultivated.
+They then descended a steep slope to the Pursek, which they now crossed
+for the second time since they had left Kutáya, and proceeded for some
+distance along its left bank with high steep cliffs on each side;
+among these, and along the river, grow a variety of trees and shrubs,
+particularly evergreens. In one part conical and sharp-pointed rocks
+arise to a great height, resembling in some places the spires and
+ornamented sides of Gothic churches. Here the ancients had excavated
+crypts, niches, and sepulchral chambers with doors and windows. After
+the pass the valley opens into fine meadows, with the river winding
+through the middle. Soon afterwards the road quits this valley and
+turns to the right up another, watered by a small branch of the same
+river; the route then passes through a tract of country where it winds
+amidst clumps of evergreens beautifully disposed by nature upon a fine
+turf, with hills, valleys, and lawns, as in an English park. Here they
+met a company of Turks coursing with their greyhounds, who made them a
+present of a hare. They then crossed a ridge, the absolute height of
+which (though apparently inconsiderable, when compared with the adjacent
+valleys) was indicated by large patches of snow lying upon the ground.
+The country consists of fine pasture-lands, mixed with good timber-trees.
+On a long descent from this place they looked down upon an extensive and
+well cultivated plain, and at the foot of the descent they arrived at
+In-óghi, a large village situated on the edge of the plains under the
+vast precipices of a mountain of bare rock, excavated naturally into
+caverns, and artificially into sepulchral chambers. Some of those in the
+upper part of the heights are the abode of eagles, which are seen soaring
+around them in great numbers. One enormous cavern is shut up in front by
+a wall with battlements and towers, and seems once to have served as a
+sort of citadel to the town.
+
+April 1.—From In-óghi to Shughut, five hours: the weather very clear. The
+road passes over pleasant hills and dales, where appears a considerable
+degree of cultivation. The country is interspersed with fine oaks and
+beeches, and in one place there is a large forest. Some symptoms of
+spring have begun to appear, but the season is not yet so forward as
+it was upon the south coast in the beginning of February. Not a tree
+has begun to bud: the corn is but just above the ground; and primroses,
+violets, and crocuses, are the only flowers to be seen. At Shughut the
+appearance was more wintry than when we passed in January; and the broad
+summit of Olympus was capped with snow to a much greater extent.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV.
+
+OF THE ANCIENT PLACES ON THE ROAD FROM ADALIA TO SHUGHUT, INCLUDING
+REMARKS ON THE COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY OF THE ADJACENT COUNTRY.
+
+ _Ancient Authorities—Cotyaeium—Termessus—Lake Ascania—Milyas—
+ Cibyra—Selge—Pednelissus—Cretopolis—Lyrbe—Sagalassus—Cremna—
+ Lysinoe—Sinda—Isionda—Tabæ, Tiaba—Mender-su at Sandukli the
+ ancient Obrimas—Ancient Sites on the four Roads of the Table,
+ which cross the modern Route from Adália to Shughut—Themisonium—
+ Cormasa—Celænæ or Apameia—Eumeneia—Apollonia—Euphorbium—Conni—
+ Eucarpia—Acmonia—Cadi—Azani—Synaus._
+
+
+I shall now submit to the reader some observations on the ancient
+geography of the route of General Koehler and his party from Adália to
+Shughut.
+
+This road traverses a part of Asia Minor upon which ancient history
+throws little light. The text of Strabo is almost contradictory in
+regard to some of the principal places which lay near the road; and the
+itineraries supply no routes in this direction, though there are five in
+the Peutinger Table which intersect it.
+
+The march of Alexander from Pamphylia to Gordium in Phrygia, as related
+by Arrian; and the description by Livy of the progress of the Consul
+Cneius Manlius in his Expedition from Cibyra into Pamphylia and from
+thence by Sagalassus to Synnada and into Galatia, are the only historical
+documents. As the passage of Livy is very detailed and was borrowed from
+Polybius[149], its information deserves more confidence than is usually
+due to that of a Latin author in regard to Grecian geography; and it
+may hereafter be extremely useful, when the ancient ruins, with which
+Pisidia and the adjacent districts are known to abound, shall have been
+more explored. In the present state of our knowledge of the country, it
+supplies not much positive information.
+
+The only point in General Koehler’s route which can be considered
+absolutely certain is Cotyaeium. The position of that city in Phrygia
+Epictetus, not far from Nacoleia, and Dorylæum[150], agrees perfectly
+with that of Kutáya, the resemblance of which name to the Greek Κοτυάειον
+is still more striking when we observe the identity of accent.
+
+There are two other places also in General Koehler’s route, upon the
+ancient names of which we cannot entertain much doubt. These are
+Termessus and the lake Ascania. The latter corresponds with the salt
+lake of Burdur; for Arrian relates that Alexander, after having reduced
+Sagalassus and some other strong places in Pisidia, passed by the lake
+Ascania in his way to Celænæ (afterwards Apameia), and that the water
+of this lake was so salt, that the inhabitants had no need of sea salt
+for domestic purposes[151]. The same fact is mentioned by the anonymous
+geographer of Ravenna. Perhaps this is the lake Ascanius, of which Pliny
+remarks, that the upper surface of the water was fresh, while the lower
+was nitrous[152].
+
+The great ruins which General Koehler passed through at the ascent of the
+mountains, on the second day of his departure from Adália, seem to be
+those of Termessus, which, next to Selge, was the largest of the Pisidian
+cities, and was situated at the passes of mount Solyma, leading from
+the maritime plains through Milyas to the lake Ascania[153], and from
+thence to Celænæ. Milyas was the country of the more ancient Solymi[154];
+and being also described by Strabo as the mountainous district, which
+extended from the passes of Termessus to the district of Apameia, it
+answers exactly to the elevated region which General Koehler traversed
+after he had mounted the pass which I have supposed the Termessian.
+
+Between Milyas and the valley of the Mæander were Cabalis and the
+Cibyratis[155]. The latter district, which long flourished under the
+monarchy of a family named Moagetes[156], was a tetrapolis; the four
+cities were, Cibyra, which had two votes in the general council, Œnoanda,
+Balbura, and Bubon. The Cibyratis is clearly indicated by Strabo to have
+been situated between Lycia and the parts of the valley of the Mæander
+about Nysa and Antiocheia[157]; in the height of its prosperity, its
+dependencies extended from Pisidia and Milyas to Lycia and Peræa of the
+Rhodii[158]. Balbura and Bubon having been given to Lycia by Murena, on
+the reduction of the last Moagetes, and Œnoanda having been included
+in the same province, in the arrangement of Constantine[159], while
+Cibyra was ascribed to Caria, it may be presumed that Cibyra lay to the
+northward of the three other cities. This in some measure agrees with
+Ptolemy, who places Bubon, Œnoanda, and Balbura in a district of Lycia
+called Carbalia; under this name, as a part of Pamphylia, he ranges also
+Termessus, Cretopolis, and six other towns; Cibyra he places in Phrygia.
+Such are the data afforded by ancient history, to assist the traveller in
+discovering the sites of the four cities of the Cibyratis.
+
+Polybius[160], in his account of the proceedings of Achæus, king of
+the provinces _within_ Taurus, against Antiochus the Great[161], has
+furnished a few data as to the situation of some of the towns on the
+frontiers of Pisidia and Pamphylia. In relating the operations of
+Garsyeris, commander of the army of Achæus, whose ostensible object was
+to assist the people of Pednelissus against the Selgenses, Polybius
+appears to apply the name of Climax to all the ridge of the mountains
+Solyma, from the summit called Olympus on the shore of the Gulf of
+Attaleia, to the great heights of Taurus. Garsyeris was at first unable
+to penetrate through the passes of Mount Climax, leading to Pednelissus,
+because they were occupied by the Selgenses, and particularly the pass
+of Saporda—a place not mentioned by any other author. We know from
+Strabo[162], that Pednelissus was situated inland from Aspendus; and
+it has been seen that the principal pass of the Solyma was commanded
+by the city of Termessus: Saporda, therefore, may perhaps have stood
+at another pass which leads over the ridge of Solyma from Adália in
+a W.N.W. direction to Dauas and Denizli. Cretopolis in Milyas, where
+Garsyeris encamped before he attempted the passes, is shown from this
+circumstance to have been on the western side of Mount Climax: and
+the Etennenses, who, together with the Aspendii, joined the party of
+Achæus against Selge, are stated by the historian to have inhabited the
+mountains above that city,—being thus obviously the same people as the
+Catennenses of Strabo[163]; who describes them as bordering on Selge and
+the Homonadenses.
+
+Lyrbe, which, as well as Etenna, was still a bishopric in the ninth
+century[164], under the metropolitan of Side, seems, from some verses of
+Dionysius of Charax[165], to have stood between Termessus and Selge, a
+little above the maritime plains, among hills once covered with olives,
+but now affording little but pasture.
+
+There is great difficulty in reconciling the authority of Arrian with
+that of Strabo in regard to the site of Sagalassus, otherwise called
+Selgessus[166], one of the most important cities and most fertile
+districts in Pisidia[167]; and which could not have been far from the
+route of General Koehler. Arrian, in a passage already referred to,
+seems to place it to the south of Burdur[168]; thus far agreeing with
+Strabo, who, after describing the cities on the southern side of Mount
+Taurus, just noticed, remarks that Sagalassus was _within_, or on the
+northern side of Taurus, near Milyas[169], which district, as he tells us
+in another place, extended northward as far as those of Sagalassus and
+Apameia[170].
+
+Strabo further informs us[171], that Sagalassus was one day’s journey
+from Apameia; whereas Arrian relates that Alexander was five days in
+marching from Sagalassus to Celænæ, passing by the lake Ascania.
+
+Nothing but an examination of this country by an intelligent traveller
+can clear up this difficulty, or explain the passage of Strabo cited in
+the note below; and for this purpose the ruins seen by Paul Lucas in this
+country, and the others heard of by General Koehler, probably contain
+ample materials. The remarkable site which gave name to Cremna[172] could
+hardly elude research; and it is the more likely to preserve some remains
+of antiquity, as having been a Roman colony.
+
+If by the _lake_, mentioned in the march of Manlius, Polybius, from whom
+Livy has taken all this part of his history, meant the lake of Burdur,
+Lysinoe may have occupied the site of Burdur; or more probably some
+situation near the opposite end of the lake, where the future traveller
+may perhaps find the river Lyses, from which Lysinoe seems to have taken
+its name. And this might also lead to the discovery of the lake Caralitis
+and Sinda[173].
+
+It is evident from the passage of Livy just cited, that Sinda and
+Isionda were different places, and not the same place as has sometimes
+been supposed. Livy seems to agree with Strabo in placing Sinda to the
+northward of Cibyra at the extremity of Pisidia bordering on Caria and
+Phrygia; whereas Isionda appears clearly to have been on the Pamphylian
+side of Termessus[174].
+
+Dombai seems to be a corruption of Tabæ: hardly, indeed, a corruption, as
+it is no more than the hard and rustic pronunciation of the Greek word
+Τάβαι. The situation of Dombai accords very well with that which Strabo
+assigns to Tabæ, for he places it in the part of Pisidia adjacent to
+Phrygia and Caria[175], and names it among the cities which lay around
+Apameia and Laodiceia, which is precisely the position of Dombai[176].
+The fertile plain which has obtained the name of Dombai-ovasi, or
+Valley of Dombai, corresponds equally with the Ταβηνὸν πεδίον, which,
+according to another passage of Strabo, lay on the confines of Phrygia
+and Pisidia[177]. It can hardly be doubted that Livy has incorrectly
+described Tabæ as situated on the frontier of Pisidia towards the
+Pamphylian sea[178].
+
+The river called the Mender-su, which General Koehler crossed at
+Sandukli, seems to be that branch of the Mæander anciently called
+Obrimas, the fountains of which were something more than two days’
+march from Synnada, and not far from Metropolis on the side towards
+Apameia[179]. The modern application of the name Mæander (slightly
+corrupted) to a stream which was anciently considered a tributary of
+that river, is another instance of those natural changes of geographical
+nomenclature, of which a similar example has already been given in the
+case of the river Sangarius.
+
+It has already been remarked, that General Koehler’s route was crossed
+by five of the Roman roads marked in the Peutinger Table. These are,
+beginning from the southward, 1. From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge;
+2. From Apameia Cibotus to Antiocheia of Pisidia; 3. From Apameia
+to Synnada; 4. from Apameia to Dorylæum; 5. From Philadelphia to
+Dorylæum.—The real situations of all these cities, except Antioch, being
+known with sufficient exactitude, those of the intermediate places on
+the several roads would also have been determined, had the distances in
+the Table been accurate; but unfortunately, like some of those to which
+I have already had occasion to advert, they are either imperfect or they
+are obviously erroneous, when compared with the map.
+
+1. From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge, passing through Themisonium and
+Cormasa.—Although the direct distance is upwards of 100 G. M. there
+are only 46 M. P. marked in the Table, namely, 34 between Themisonium
+and Cormasa, and 12 from Cormasa to Perge. If these two distances
+were correct, therefore, the omitted distance between Laodiceia and
+Themisonium ought to be supplied with about 100 M. P. It is impossible
+to believe however that Themisonium, which is named by Strabo among the
+smaller towns around Apameia and Laodiceia[180], could have been so far
+to the south-east. Cormasa, on the other hand, must have been much more
+than 12 M. P. from Perge; for it appears from Livy that Cormasa was at a
+considerable distance from the borders of Pamphylia towards Lysinoe and
+the lake of Burdur[181]; which agrees with Ptolemy, who names it among
+the cities of Pisidia and next to Lysinia. The suspicion of inaccuracy in
+this route of the Table is confirmed by the negligences which occur on
+its continuation to Side; where the distance between Perge and Syllium
+is wanting, and where Syllium and Aspendus occupy each other’s places.
+Upon the whole, therefore, this route serves only to give us the line of
+Themisonium and Cormasa, the distance between which two places (34 M. P.)
+may perhaps be correct. And so far it may be an useful approximation to
+the traveller.
+
+2. From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia.—There cannot be a stronger
+proof of the little progress yet made in geographical discovery in Asia
+Minor, than the fact, that the site of Apameia still remains unexplored.
+Under the name of Celænæ, it was the capital of Phrygia; and in Roman
+times, although not equal in political importance to Laodiceia, which was
+the residence of the proconsul of Asia, it was inferior only to Ephesus
+as a centre of commercial transactions[182]. It appears from Pococke to
+have been at a place called Dinglar (or some such name), situated, as
+well as we can discover amidst the negligence and want of precision which
+are the usual characteristics of Pococke’s narrative, at 8 or 10 miles
+on the right of the road leading from Khónos to Ishékle[183], and about
+16 miles[184] to the southward of the latter place. Pococke himself had
+no doubt that some remains of antiquity which he observed at Ishekle
+were those of Apameia; thus overlooking, or failing to decypher, an
+inscription which he copied at that place, and which clearly proves it to
+be the site of Eumeneia or Eumenia[185].
+
+Eumenia was situated on the river Glaucus, as appears from an existing
+coin[186]. Pliny names the Glaucus, but places Eumenia upon the river
+Cludrus. Possibly this may have been the name of the sources of the
+Glaucus, those fine fountains which Pococke observed at Ishékle, and
+which may perhaps join another stream in or near the town.
+
+As Eumenia is marked in the Table on the road from Dorylæum to Apameia
+at 26 M. P. from the latter, we have a presumption in this datum alone
+that Apameia was not far from Dinglar, the site of which modern place,
+relatively to the other chief ancient cities of Phrygia, is in conformity
+with that of Apameia, as described by Strabo[187]. Our knowledge of the
+peculiarities of the place itself is derived from Pococke and some recent
+travellers, who were informed that at the place called Dinglar or Dizla
+there are many remains of antiquity under a high hill which has a lake
+on the summit and a river falling down the face of the hill; for this
+description of Dinglar accords precisely with that of Celænæ as given
+by several ancient authors. According to Xenophon[188] the Mæander rose
+in the palace of Cyrus, flowing from thence through his park and the
+city of Celænæ: and the sources of the Marsyas were at the palace of
+the king of Persia in a lofty situation under the acropolis of Celænæ.
+From Arrian and Q. Curtius[189] we learn that the citadel was upon a
+lofty precipitous hill, and that the Marsyas fell from its fountains
+over the rocks with a great noise: from Herodotus[190] it appears that
+the same river was from this circumstance called Catarrhactes; and from
+Strabo[191], that a lake on the mountain above Celænæ was the reputed
+source both of the Marsyas, which rose in the ancient city, and of the
+Mæander. Comparing these authorities with Livy[192], who probably copied
+his account from Polybius, with Pliny[193], with Maximus Tyrius[194],
+and with the existing coins of Apameia[195], it may be inferred that a
+lake or pool on the summit of a mountain which rose above Celænæ, and
+which was called Celænæ or Signia, was the reputed source of the Marsyas
+and Mæander; but that in fact the two rivers issued from different parts
+of the mountain below the lake: that the lake was named Aulocrene, as
+producing reeds well adapted for flutes, and that it gave the name of
+Aulocrenis to a valley extending for ten miles from the lake to the
+eastward: that the source of the Marsyas was in a cavern on the side
+of the mountain in the ancient agora of Celænæ: that the Marsyas and
+Mæander, both of which flowed through Celænæ, united a little below the
+ancient site: that to this junction the city was removed by Antiochus
+Soter, son of Seleucus Nicator, when he gave it a new name after his
+mother Apama; and that the united stream was soon afterwards joined
+by the Orgas and the Obrimas. Whether these inferences drawn from the
+ancient authors are correct, will be decided by the future traveller.
+He may also ascertain whether there are any volcanic rocks, the burnt
+appearance of which will justify the etymologist[196] who ascribed to
+that cause the origin of the word Celænæ; or he may discover the valley
+of Aulocrenis, the scene of the celebrated contest of Apollo with
+Marsyas, whose skin was still shown in the time of Herodotus, in the
+acropolis of Celænæ[197].
+
+I have been thus particular in laying before the reader the ancient
+evidences on the site of Apameia, because it is a point of great
+importance to the ancient geography of the western part of Asia
+Minor,—not less so than Tyana is to the eastern: and because in regard
+to both these places, I have the misfortune to differ from the author in
+whose opinion the public is justly in the habit of placing the highest
+confidence[198].
+
+The Roman road from Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia passed through
+Apollonia, otherwise called Mordiæum[199], which was 24 M. P. distant
+from the former, and 45 from the latter. Although on account of our
+ignorance of the site of Antiocheia, no exact comparison can be
+instituted between the amount of the two numbers just mentioned and the
+actual distance on the map, it is manifestly not very erroneous; and the
+position of Apollonia therefore was probably at no great distance from
+a town called Ketsibúrlu, which General Koehler passed through between
+Burdur and Dombai, and which according to Abubekr Ben Behren is a kadilik
+of Hamed, of which Isbárta is the chief city. Ptolemy places Apollonia
+near Antiocheia; and its situation, between that city and Apameia, which
+the Table gives, is in exact conformity with Strabo’s description of the
+conquests of Amyntas. Having taken Derbe, and received Isauria from the
+Romans, he made himself master of Antiocheia, and the country as far
+as the district of Apollonia, near Apameia Cibotus[200], together with
+Lycaonia and some part of Phrygia Paroreius. He took Cremna, but did not
+venture on attacking Sandalium: and after capturing the greater part
+of the places belonging to the Homonadenses, (whose tyrant he slew,)
+he was himself destroyed by a stratagem of the wife of the latter.
+Sulpicius Quirinius and the Romans afterwards reduced Homona:—all the
+late territories of Amyntas were then placed under the government of a
+præfect[201].
+
+3. The ancient road from Apameia to Synnada must have crossed that of
+Gen. Koehler at or near Sandukli, on the river now called the Mendere
+(Mæander), but which anciently, I suppose to have been the Obrimas, a
+branch of the Mæander. The total distance of 73 Roman miles on this road
+agrees tolerably with the 66 geographical miles in direct distance,
+which the map gives between the assumed site of Synnada and that of
+Apameia at Dinglar. Euphorbium, the only place on the road mentioned
+in the Table, and which was midway between the two extremes, will fall
+at Sandukli. Euphorbium is noticed as a town in this part of Asia by
+Pliny only, who tells us that its people formed,—together with those of
+Metropolis, Peltæ, Acmonia and some other towns,—the _conventus_ held
+under the Romans at Apameia[202].
+
+4. The fourth Roman road which crossed the modern route from Adália to
+Shughut, is that marked in the Table from Dorylæum to Apameia Cibotus,
+leading through Nacoleia, Conni, Eucarpia, and Eumenia[203]. Although
+the total distance of 148 M. P. on this road sufficiently agrees with
+the 100 G. M. in direct distance on the map, it must be confessed that
+the 26 Roman miles and the 15 geographical miles of direct distance,
+between Eumeneia at Ishékle and Apameia at Dinglar, do not bear the
+same proportion as the Roman and geographical numbers on the whole line;
+and that, if I am right in the position of Nacoleia, the 20 M. P. of the
+Table, between Dorylæum and Nacoleia, errs almost as much in defect, as
+the 26 M. P. between Eumeneia and Apameia does in excess. But it is in
+vain that we look for much accuracy of detail in the Table. The positions
+of Nacoleia and Eumeneia rest upon very satisfactory grounds. All that
+remains to be done, therefore, is to arrange Conni and Eucarpia between
+Doganlu and Ishékle, at the proportional distances of the numbers in the
+Table. This will place Conni not far to the southward of Altun Tash, near
+where the roads to Altun Tash, both from Karahissár and from Sandukli,
+cross the ancient road; a position which agrees with that of Conna in
+Ptolemy[204], according to whom it appears to have been not far from
+Cotyaeium, to the southward. Under the Byzantine emperors, Conna (then
+called Cone[205]) was a bishopric of the province of Phrygia Salutaris,
+of which Synnada was the metropolis.
+
+Eucarpia was another bishopric of the same province. Its name was derived
+from the fertility of the soil[206], which by attaching the people to
+agriculture may have contrasted them with those of the neighbouring
+Euphorbium, celebrated probably for its flocks and pasture. The position
+of Eucarpia in the Table agrees with that which Ptolemy gives it to the
+southward of Conna.
+
+5. The fifth and last of the ancient roads intersected by the modern
+road from Adália to Shughut was from Dorylæum to Philadelpheia: its two
+extremities are known points; its length in direct distance is equal to
+two degrees of latitude, or 120 G. M., which corresponds with as much
+accuracy as one can expect to the 155 M. P. of the Table. The _line_, as
+will be seen on referring to the map, leads directly through Kutáya. We
+cannot doubt therefore that _Cocleo_, the first name occurring on this
+road in the Table, is an error for Cotyaeio; especially as the distance
+of 30 M. P. answers very well to the real distance from Eski-shehr
+to Kutáya. The distance of 35 M. P. between Cotyaeium and Acmonia
+furnishes the traveller with a good approximation for discovering the
+site of the latter city, which is mentioned in one of the Orations of
+Cicero[207], and which was one of the towns of the conventus of Apameia,
+and afterwards a bishopric under the metropolitan of Laodiceia. It is
+difficult to reconcile the position of Aludda, 25 miles beyond Acmonia on
+the road to Philadelpheia, with that which may be inferred from Ptolemy,
+who names Alydda among the towns of the greater Mysia, together with
+Pergamum and Apollonia on the Rhyndacus. Clanudda I suspect to be an
+erroneous writing; but its correction I am unable to discover.
+
+It is in the unexplored part of Phrygia Epictetus[208], lying between the
+Thymbres and the branches of the Rhyndacus on the southern side of the
+Olympene mountains, that the future traveller will seek for the Phrygian
+cities of Cadi, Azani, and Synaus. One is much disposed at first sight to
+consider the remarkable position of In-óghi, which General Koehler passed
+through in his way from Kutáya to Shughut, to have been the site of one
+of these cities of Phrygia Epictetus; but upon further examination, they
+all appear to have been situated considerably to the westward of this
+position. The Azanitis, or district of Azani, contained the sources of
+the river Rhyndacus, which, after passing through the lake of Apollonia,
+joined the Propontis opposite the island of Besbicus, having first
+received the united waters of several streams from Mysia Abrettena,
+particularly the Mecistus, which flowed from Ancyra Abassitis, a Phrygian
+town on the frontier of Lydia[209]. Synaus appears to have been near
+this Ancyra; for in the acts of one of the Councils, a bishop of the
+Phrygian Ancyra signs himself Αγκύρας Συννάου, no doubt in order to
+distinguish this Ancyra from the Galatian. Cadi also may be presumed to
+have been to the westward of the meridian of In-óghi and Kutáya; for we
+find that Cadi is assigned by some authors to Mysia[210]. It is precisely
+in the situation, which may be inferred from this circumstance, combined
+with what has been said of the position of Synaus and Azani,—that is to
+say, between the Thymbres and the sources of the Rhyndacus,—that we find
+a town of the name of Kodús, which has not been visited by any modern
+traveller, but which is briefly described by Hadji Khalfa—as situated
+on the banks of a river, in a plain surrounded by mountains. He adds
+that the river, which bears the same name as the town, descends from
+Mount Morad, and passes by Magnesia into the Gulf of Smyrna. We know
+from modern travellers, that this river, which is the ancient Hermus, is
+still called Kodús or Ghedís in all the lower part of its course; and
+Kodús, it can hardly be doubted, is the same place as Καδοί, the name of
+which the Turks received from the Greeks, in the usual Romaic form of the
+accusative case Καδούς.
+
+In exploring the equally unknown country which extends to the southward
+of this part of Phrygia Epictetus, towards the mountains Messogis and
+Tmolus, and which formed the frontier of Lydia and Great Phrygia, the
+traveller may derive assistance from a passage in Strabo[211], where
+he enumerates the principal plains in their order from west to east.
+Adjacent to the Caystrian, which lay between Tmolus and Messogis, was
+the Cilbian, then the Hyrcanian, the plain of Cyrus, the Peltene, the
+Cillanian, and the Tabene. It cannot be doubted that a journey through
+these plains would lead to a knowledge of the general distribution of
+the geography of the country, as well as to that of the sites of some
+of the towns which gave name to the several plains. Peltæ, Lysias,
+and Silbium appear to have been in the country northward of the upper
+Mæander, which is traversed by the caravan route from Smyrna to Tokát:
+but the few names and distances which Tavernier and Seetzen have left us
+between Alláh-Shehr and Karahissár, throw no light whatever upon ancient
+geography.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V.
+
+OF THE ANCIENT PLACES ON THE SOUTHERN COAST OF ASIA MINOR.
+
+
+Although the _Karamania_ of Captain Beaufort has anticipated all that is
+most interesting in regard to the southern coast, the publication which
+has recently been made of his minute and accurate delineation of this
+coast, induces me to enter into an examination of its ancient geography
+at greater length than was consistent with the plan of the _Karamania_:
+for poor and deserted as this country now is, the numerous remains of
+antiquity which it possesses, attest that it was formerly one of the most
+populous and flourishing regions of the ancient world. It is remarkable
+that in Strabo, and in the anonymous Periplus, entitled the Stadiasmus
+of the Sea (σταδιασμὸς τῆς θαλάσσης), a fragment of which is preserved
+in the Madrid library, we have a more ample description of this coast
+than of any other that has been distinguished by Grecian civilization:
+and thus at the same time that history has preserved an abundance of
+information concerning its ancient places, the survey of Capt. Beaufort
+furnishes us with a most correct representation of its real topography.
+
+The most convenient mode of putting the reader in possession of the
+ancient authorities on the sea coast of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia,
+in order that he may compare them with the actual delineation, will be
+to give a translation of its description by Strabo, subjoining in the
+notes the collateral information of other ancient authors, together with
+a few remarks suggested by a comparison of them. The passages of the
+Stadiasmus I shall cite at length in the original language, because they
+are found only in a scarce work. So minute is the description which this
+coasting pilot has given, that nothing short of the detailed accuracy of
+Captain Beaufort’s survey could have been sufficient to explain it, or to
+detect and rectify the numerous errors which have been left in it by the
+negligence and ignorance of the copier[212].
+
+As Captain Beaufort’s survey begins at the gulf anciently called
+Glaucus, and now the gulf of Mákri, I shall also begin the extract from
+Strabo[213] at the same point, omitting all the passages which do not
+assist in elucidating the geography.
+
+“Beyond Dædala, which is the last place in Peræa of the Rhodii(1), is
+a mountain of the same name, from whence begins the coast of Lycia,
+which is 1720 stades in circum-navigation, rugged and dangerous, but
+provided with good harbours.... Near Dædala, a mountain of the Lycii, is
+Telmissus, a small city of the Lycii, and Cape Telmissis with a harbour.
+Next is Anticragus, a very steep mountain, under which is Carmylessus,
+situated in a narrow valley: beyond it is Cragus, which has eight capes
+and a city of the same name. It is to these mountains that the fables
+related of the Chimæra are applied, and in the vicinity there is a ravine
+called Chimæra opening to the sea. Under Mount Cragus in the interior
+is Pinara, one of the largest cities in Lycia. Then occurs the river
+Xanthus, formerly called Sirbe. It may be ascended in small boats to the
+temple of Latona, which is situated ten stades above its mouth: sixty
+stades above the temple is the city of the Xanthii, the greatest in
+Lycia(2). Beyond the Xanthus is Patara, also a great city, and having
+a port and a temple of Apollo, founded by Patarus(3).... Then occurs
+Myra(4), situated twenty stades above the sea on a commanding hill;
+then the mouth of the river Limyrus; and twenty stades inland from it,
+the small town of Limyra. On the coast just mentioned are many harbours
+and islands: of the latter, the largest is called Cisthene(5), and has
+a town of the same name. In the interior are Phellus, Antiphellus(6),
+and Chimæra, of which last we have already spoken. Beyond the mouth of
+the Limyrus is the Sacred Promontory(7), and the three rugged islands
+called the Chelidoniæ, equal in size, and distant from each other
+about five stades, and from the continent six stades; one of them has
+an anchorage. From hence it is generally thought that Mount Taurus
+has its beginning.... But in truth the mountains are uninterrupted
+from Peræa of the Rhodii, as far as the parts about Pisidia; and the
+whole of this range also bears the name of Taurus.... From the Sacred
+Promontory to Olbia there is a distance of 367 stades(8), in which space
+occurs Crambusa(9) and Olympus: the latter is a large city, and has a
+mountain of the same name, which is also called Phœnicus(10); next to
+it is the coast named Corycus(11); and then Phaselis, a large city with
+three harbours and a lake. Above Phaselis is Mount Solyma. Termessus,
+a Pisidian city, is situated at the straits of Mount Solyma, where is
+the ascent into Milyas. Alexander destroyed Termessus, because he was
+desirous of opening those passes. Near Phaselis is the defile on the
+sea-shore through which Alexander led his army. The mountain is called
+Climax; it borders upon the Pamphylian sea, leaving a narrow passage
+along the shore, which, when the sea is calm, is dry and practicable
+to travellers, but when swollen, is, for the most part, covered by the
+waves. The road over the mountain is circuitous and difficult, for
+which reason the passage along the shore is preferred in fair weather.
+Alexander happening to be here in the winter season, and trusting to
+fortune, attempted to pass before the waves had subsided; the soldiers
+in consequence had to march the whole day up to the middle in water(12).
+Phaselis is a city of Lycia on the confines of Pamphylia; it does not,
+however, belong to the community of the Lycians, but has a separate
+government of its own. In like manner Homer considers the Solymi as
+separate from the Lycians.... Next to Phaselis is Olbia(13), a great
+fortress, and the beginning of Pamphylia; then the Catarrhactes, a
+large and rapid river, which falls from a lofty rock, with a sound
+heard at a great distance(14). Next is the city Attaleia, so named from
+its founder Attalus Philadelphus, who having also introduced a colony
+into the neighbouring town of Corycus, comprehended them within a wall,
+which inclosed a space of ground of no great extent(15). It is said that
+Thebe and Lyrnessus[214] are to be seen between Phaselis and Attaleia;
+for Callisthenes informs us that a part of the Cilices of Troas being
+driven out of the plain of Thebe, came into Pamphylia. Next is the river
+Cestrus(16), navigable for sixty stades to Perge; near Perge, in a lofty
+situation, is the temple of Diana Pergæa, where a religious assembly is
+held every year. Then, at a distance of forty stades from the sea, is a
+lofty city, conspicuous from Perge; then a lake of considerable size,
+called Capria; and next the river Eurymedon; and a navigable ascent of
+sixty stades to the populous city of Aspendus, which was a colony from
+Argus. Higher up lies Pednelissus. Beyond (the Eurymedon) is another
+river, with many small islands lying before it(17). Then occurs Side(18),
+a colony from Cyme, and having a temple of Minerva. Near it is the coast
+of the lesser Cibyra; then the river Melas(19), and a station for ships;
+and then the city Ptolemais(20), beyond which are the boundaries of
+Pamphylia and Coracesium, which is the beginning of Cilicia Tracheia. The
+whole circumnavigation of Pamphylia is 640 stades.
+
+“Of Cilicia, beyond Taurus, a part is called Tracheia (rugged), and a
+part Pedias (plain). Of the rugged, the maritime part is narrow, and has
+very little or no level country; the part which the Taurus overhangs
+is equally mountainous, and is thinly inhabited as far as the northern
+flanks near Isaura, and the Homonadenses, and as far as Pisidia. Hence
+the country is called Tracheiotis, and the inhabitants Tracheiotæ.
+Cilicia Pedias extends from Soli and Tarsus as far as Issus; and includes
+all the country as far as the part of Cappadocia which is adjacent to the
+northern flank of Taurus. This division of Cilicia consists for the most
+part of plains, and a fertile land.
+
+“Having spoken of the parts (of Cilicia) within Taurus[215], we shall now
+proceed to speak of those without Taurus, beginning with Tracheiotis. The
+first fortress of the Cilicians is Coracesium, built upon a precipitous
+rock(21). Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon, made use of it as an arsenal,
+when, with varying success, he headed an insurrection of Syria against
+its kings, and at length was forced to put an end to his own life, upon
+being blockaded in a certain fortress by Antiochus the son of Demetrius.
+Tryphon set the example of piracy to the Cilicians, &c.
+
+“After Coracesium is Syedra(22), then Hamaxia(23), a small inhabited
+place upon a rock, with a station for vessels below it, to which
+ship-timber is brought down from the mountains. This consists chiefly of
+cedar, a wood apparently very abundant in these parts; for which reason
+Antonius gave this region to Cleopatra, as being well suited for fitting
+out her fleets. Next occurs Laertes(24), a fortress situated upon a hill
+shaped like a woman’s breast, and having an anchorage below it; then the
+river Selinus; then Cragus, a rock rising from the sea, and precipitous
+on every side; and then the castle of Charadrus, which has an anchorage
+below it. The mountain Andriclus rises above Charadrus, beyond which is
+a rugged shore called Platanistus, and the promontory Anemurium. Here
+the continent lies nearest to the coast of Cyprus, at the promontory
+Crommyon, the distance being 350 stades. From the frontier of Pamphylia
+to Anemurium, the length of the coast of Cilicia is 820 stades; the
+remainder, as far as Soli, is 500 stades(25). In this space Nagidus(26)
+is the first city which occurs after Anemurium; then Arsinoe(27),
+having a station for ships before it; then the place called Melania,
+and Celenderis, a city with a harbour(28). Some consider this place,
+and not Coracesium, as the beginning of Cilicia.... Next occurs Holmi,
+where the people of Seleuceia first dwelt, but who after the erection
+of Seleuceia upon the Calycadnus emigrated to that place. Immediately
+after turning the shore which forms a promontory, called Sarpedon, is
+the mouth of the Calycadnus; near the Calycadnus is Zephyrium, also a
+promontory; the river is navigable up to Seleuceia, which is a populous
+city(29).... Beyond the Calycadnus is the rock Pœcile(30), cut into steps
+leading to Seleuceia. Then occurs Anemurium, a cape, of the same name as
+the former, and the island Crambusa, and the promontory Corycus(31), 20
+stades above which is the Corycian cave.... Next to Corycus is Elæussa,
+an island near the shore(32). The town was founded by Archelaus, and
+became his residence when he took all Cilicia Tracheia, except Seleuceia,
+in the same manner as Amyntas had it before him, and still earlier
+Cleopatra.... The boundary of Cilicia Tracheia is between Soli and
+Elæussa, at the river Lamus, where is a town of the same name.... Beyond
+Lamus is the important city of Soli, the beginning of Cilicia Issensis:
+it was founded by the Achæans, and the Rhodii of Lindus. To this place,
+being in a deserted state, Pompey the Great removed such of the pirates
+as he thought most worthy of clemency and protection, and named the place
+Pompeiopolis(33).... Next occurs Zephyrium, of the same name as that at
+the Calycadnus(34); then Anchiale, situated at a short distance from the
+shore(35).... Above it is the fortress Cyinda, where the Macedonians
+formerly kept their treasures, which Eumenes seized, rebelling against
+Antigonus. Above this place and Soli are mountainous districts, where
+is the city Olbe, with a temple of Jupiter, founded by Ajax the son of
+Teucer.... Next to Anchiale are the mouths of the Cydnus, near the place
+called Rhegma. This place, which resembles a lake, preserves some remains
+of the naval arsenal, which it formerly contained; it is now the port of
+Tarsus. The river Cydnus, which rises in the part of Mount Taurus above
+Tarsus, flows through the middle of that city, and into the lake(36)....
+Beyond the Cydnus is the Pyramus, flowing from Cataonia(37). Artemidorus
+says that the distance from this river to Soli, in a direct line, is
+500 stades. Near it is Mallus, situated upon a height; it was founded
+by Amphilochus and Mopsus, who, having slain one another in single
+combat, were buried so that the tomb of one should not be visible from
+that of the other:—the sepulchres are now shown near Magarsa and the
+Pyramus.... Above this coast is the plain called Aleium, through which
+Philotas led the cavalry of Alexander, while the king himself conducted
+the phalanx from Soli by the sea-coast and the Mallotis to Issus(38)....
+Beyond Mallus is the town Ægææ, which has an anchorage below it, and
+then the gates (Pylæ) Amanides. Here also is an anchorage; and here
+Mount Amanus terminates, which joins to Taurus, and bounds Cilicia on
+the East. Next to Ægææ is the small town of Issus, where the battle was
+fought between Alexander and Darius. The gulf is called Issic: in it are
+the towns Rhosus and Myriandrus, and Alexandreia, and Nicopolis, and
+Mopsuestia(39): and the gates (Pylæ) as they are called, which are the
+boundary of Cilicia and Syria.”
+
+
+NOTES.
+
+(Note 1.) Peræa (from Πέρα) was the name of the coast of Caria opposite
+to Rhodus, which for several centuries formed a dependency of that
+opulent republic. In the time of Scylax, the Rhodii possessed only the
+peninsula immediately in face of their island. As a reward for their
+assistance in the Antiochian war, the Romans gave them a part of Lycia
+and all Caria as far as the Mæander. By having adopted a less prudent
+policy in the second Macedonic war, they lost it all, including Caunus,
+the chief town of Peræa. It was not long, however, before it was restored
+to them, together with the small islands near Rhodus; and from this time
+Peræa retained the limits which Strabo has described, namely, Dædala on
+the east, and Mount Loryma on the west, both included. Vespasian finally
+reduced Rhodus itself into the provincial form, and joined it to Caria.
+Liv. l. 38. c. 39.—l. 45. c. 20, 25. Cicero, Ep. ad Fratrem. l. 1. c. 1.
+Sueton. in Vespas. c. 8.
+
+(2) The names and distances on this part of the coast, in the anonymous
+Periplus or Stadiasmus, which proceeds in a contrary direction to Strabo
+(or from east to west), are as follows:
+
+ Ἀπὸ Πατάρων ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν ὑπέρκειται πόλις Ξάνθος σταδ. ξ.
+ (60.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ Ξάντου εἰς Πύδνας ἐπ’ ἐπευθείας σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Πύδνων ἕως τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας σταδ. π. (80.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας εἰς Καλαβαντίαν σταδ. λ. (30.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Καλαβαντίων εἰς Περδικίας σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Περδικίων εἰς Κισσίδας σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Κισσίδων εἰς νῆσον Λάγουσαν σταδ. π. (80.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Λαγούσων εἰς Τελεμενσὸν σταδ. εʹ. (5.)
+
+Here it may be observed, that, reckoning about ten stades to the
+geographical mile, the total coasting distance of 355 stades between
+Telmissus and the Xanthus is not incorrect when applied to the map; that
+the 140 stades from the Xanthus to Cape Hiera, carries us to the most
+projecting point of the Efta Kávi, or _Seven Capes_, as the _eight_
+promontories of Mount Cragus mentioned by Strabo are now called; and
+that the 130 stades from Cape Hiera to Cissides, and the 85 stades from
+Cissides to Telmissus,—concur in showing that Cissides was the name of
+the peninsular promontory, on the south side of which is the island and
+harbour of St. Nicholas. As the ruins upon this cape and island, which I
+visited in coasting from Castel Rosso to Mákri, indicate a late period
+of the Roman Empire, it is probable that the town did not exist in the
+time of Strabo; for the position will not answer to that of Carmylessus,
+which, according to the Geographer, was in a φάραγξ, or narrow valley,
+of Mount Anticragus. The exact situation of Carmylessus, therefore,
+still remains unknown; as well as that of the cities of Cragus, of
+Pinara at the foot of Mount Cragus, and of Tlos at the passage of the
+mountains leading from the sea-coast into the Cibyratis[216]. According
+to Artemidorus,—Pinara, Tlos, Patara, Xanthus, Myra, and Olympus were the
+six great cities of Lycia: so that Telmissus, which is styled a πολίχνη,
+probably had not in the time of Artemidorus reached that importance
+which its theatre shows that it afterwards enjoyed. The ruins remarked
+by Captain Beaufort under Mount Cragus, at the northern extremity of
+the sandy beach which extends to the river Xanthus, seem to answer to
+the Pydnæ of the Stadiasmus: it is perhaps the same as the Cydna, which
+Ptolemy places among the cities of Mount Cragus.
+
+(3) The port of Patara, which was too small to contain the allied fleet
+of the Romans, Rhodii, and other Greek states under the command of L.
+Æmilius Regillus in the Antiochian war[217], is now entirely choked up by
+encroaching sands. The ruins of the city are extensive; consisting of the
+town-walls, and of numerous sepulchres on the outside; and within, of the
+remains of several public buildings. Among these is a theatre, in good
+preservation, and nearly of the same size as that of Telmissus; it is 295
+feet in diameter, with thirty-four rows of seats, and a proscenium, upon
+which a long inscription shows that the theatre was built by Q. Velius
+Titianus, and dedicated by his daughter Velia Procla, in the fourth
+consulate of the Emperor Antoninus Pius (A.D. 145). Appian remarks, that
+Patara was like a port to Xanthus; which city appears from Strabo and
+the Stadiasmus to have been on the banks of the river Xanthus, eight or
+nine miles above Patara. Ruins are known to exist in this situation, but
+they have not yet been described by any modern traveller. According to
+Arrian[218], it seems to have been on the left bank of the river; for
+Alexander crossed the river Xanthus from Telmissus, before he took the
+cities Pinara, Xanthus, and Patara. Hence, also, we have some light on
+the site of Pinara.
+
+(4) Myra still preserves its ancient name, together with the ruins of a
+theatre 355 feet in diameter; the remains of several public buildings,
+and numerous inscribed sepulchres, on some of which are the Lycian
+characters, found also at Limyra, Telmissus, and Cyana. The distance
+of the ruins of Myra from the sea corresponds very accurately with the
+twenty stades of Strabo.
+
+Andriace, described as the port of Myra by Appian[219], and which is
+named also by Pliny and Ptolemy, is still called Andráki. On the banks of
+the river by which Lentulus ascended to Myra, after breaking the chain
+which closed the port, are the ruins of a large building, which appears
+by an inscription to have been a granary of Hadrian. Here are also
+several other remains of antiquity.
+
+(5) There is no variation in the MSS. of Strabo in this place, and
+Isocrates also names Κισθήνη in a manner which leads one to believe
+that he is speaking of a place on this coast[220]. Later writers,
+however, make no mention of Cisthene; and Ptolemy[221], Pliny[222],
+and Stephanus[223], agree in showing that Megiste and Dolichiste were
+the two principal islands on the coast of Lycia: the former word
+(_greatest_) well describing the island of Kastelóryzo, or Castel Rosso,
+as the latter word (_longest_) does that of Kákava. Nor is Scylax less
+precise in pointing out Kastelóryzo as Megiste; which name is found in an
+inscription copied by Mr. Cockerell from a rock at Castel Rosso[224]. It
+would seem, therefore, that this island was anciently known by both names
+(Megiste and Cisthene), but in later times perhaps chiefly by that of
+Megiste. Its convenience to maritime war and commerce must have secured
+its importance in every age; whence its mention in the narrative, by
+Livy[225], of the transactions of the Rhodian fleet against Antiochus,
+would alone perhaps have been sufficient, without other evidence, to
+identify Castel Rosso with Megiste, although the historian describes
+Megiste as a port only, not as an island. The anonymous Periplus, or
+Stadiasmus, has accurately enumerated the islands between Antiphellus
+and Patara, in the passage cited in a following Note. His Rhope and
+islands of Xenagoras are evidently the Rhoge and Enagora of Pliny. Rhoge
+is now called St. George. The two islands of Xenagoras, now named Volo
+and O’khendra, are situated at the mouth of the bay of Kalamáki; the
+situation of which harbour, two miles eastward of the ruins of Patara,
+accords, no less than its steep rocky shore, with the description of Port
+Phœnicus, from whence, in the course of the operations against Antiochus,
+C. Livius made an unsuccessful attempt upon Patara[226].
+
+(6) Strabo is inaccurate in placing Antiphellus among the inland towns,
+ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ, in contradiction to Ptolemy, Pliny, and the author
+of the Stadiasmus. There can be no doubt of the ruins on the coast
+opposite to Castel Rosso being those of Antiphellus: the ancient name
+is still preserved in the corrupted form of Andífilo; at which place I
+distinguished on many of the ancient tombs the word Ἀντιφελλείτης, which
+is found to be the ethnic adjective in Stephanus of Byzantium.
+
+(7) The name of the Chelidoniæ insulæ has been transferred to Cape Hiera,
+or the Sacred Promontory, which is now called Cape Khelidhóni. The
+following is the description of the coast between Patara and the Sacred
+Promontory in the Stadiasmus, which, as I have already observed, travels
+in an opposite direction to Strabo, or from east to west:—
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας ἐν Μελανίππη σταδ. λ. (30.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης εἰς Γάγας σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης ἐπὶ Ταμὸν (leg. ποταμὸν) ἀλμυρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+ ὑπὲρ σταδ. ξ. (60.) κεῖται πόλις Ἀλμυρὰ καλουμένη.
+
+ Ἀπὸ Μελανίππης (τοῦ Λιμύρου?) εἰς πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον καλούμενον
+ σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰσίου πύργον εἰς Ἀδριακὴν σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀδριακὴς εἰς Σόμηναν σταδ. δ. (4.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Σόμηναν εἰς Ἀπέρλας σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀκρωτηρίου εἰς Ἀντίφελλον σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀντιφέλλου εἰς νῆσον Μεγέστην σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Μεγέστης εἰς νῆσον Ῥόπην σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ῥόπης εἰς τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσους σταδ. τ. (300.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσων εἰς Πάταραν σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+
+The greater part of the distances towards the beginning of this extract
+are quite unintelligible. Melanippe, however, seems to accord with
+the bay on the north side of Cape Khelidhóni. This place may possibly
+have been the port of Gagæ, which was a city of some celebrity[227],
+and appears from Scylax to have been near the coast, between Limyra
+and the Chelidoniæ. Being also named by Pliny[228] as near Olympus and
+Corydalla,—which last place, according to the Peutinger Table, was
+29 miles from Phaselis on the road to Patara,—the site of Gagæ will
+accord very well with the ruins marked in Captain Beaufort’s survey at
+Aladjá, five miles from the centre of the Bay of Fínika. Following the
+same direction into the interior, we ought to meet with the remains of
+Corydalla, coins of which city are still extant. Rhodiopolis, also,
+called Rhodia by Stephanus and Ptolemy, which Pliny names next to
+Corydalla, and which Ptolemy enumerates together with Corydalla, among
+the cities adjacent to Mount Masicytus,—would also probably be found in
+the neighbouring part of the interior of Lycia[229]. And here it may
+be observed, that the position of several of the towns which Ptolemy
+enumerates around Mount Masicytus[230], are now determined with a degree
+of accuracy sufficient at least to show the situation and extent of that
+mountain, a very lofty projection of which separates the bays of Fínika
+and Myra, under the name of Cape Fínika.
+
+Following the Stadiasmus to the westward, we cannot doubt that his river
+Almyrus is a corruption of Limyrus, mentioned, together with the town
+of Limyra, by Pliny and Stephanus, as well as by Strabo. The remains of
+Limyra are found at Fínika, on the river which enters the bay of Fínika
+at its western angle: not, however, at a distance of sixty stades
+from the river’s mouth, as the Stadiasmus indicates, but, as Strabo
+remarks, at twenty. Some of the curious sepulchres inscribed in the
+Lycian character and dialect, which Mr. Cockerell found here, have been
+published by him in the 2d volume of Walpole’s Collection (p. 524). A
+stream which joins the sea close to the mouth of the Limyrus, seems to
+be the Arycandus of Pliny[231], which name we learn to have been that of
+a Lycian city, from Hierocles, from Stephanus, and from the Scholiast
+of Pindar[232], who speaks also of a sacred place called Embolus in
+its vicinity. That Arycanda was in this part of the country, might be
+presumed likewise from an inscription found by Mr. Cockerell[233] at
+Limyra, in honour of a person who had acquired the rites of citizenship
+at Arycanda and Olympus. Some vestiges of Arycanda, therefore, might
+possibly be found on the banks of the river above mentioned. I am
+inclined to think that the name of a town near Mount Masicytus, which in
+some of the copies of Ptolemy is Τριβένδα, and in others Ἀρένδαι, ought
+to be Ἀρυκάνδαι. Pliny places Arycanda (perhaps improperly) in Milyas.
+
+In Captain Beaufort’s survey, we find the beach of Myra bounded to the
+west by a small rocky cape, called Pýrgo. This seems to be the tower
+named Isium (εἰς Πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον καλούμενον) in the Stadiasmus; though in
+arriving at that conjecture we must overlook the distance from Andriace
+there stated. As to the distance of the same tower from Melanippe, I
+take that word to have been a mistake of the copier of the Stadiasmus
+for Limyrus: the repetition of Melanippe a second time was necessary,
+because Gagæ being an inland place, the Periplus was obliged to revert
+to Melanippe: and this second repetition may have led to an erroneous
+repetition a third time; for it is to be observed that the total distance
+from Cape Hiera to Andriace _minus_ that from Melanippe to Gagæ is
+correct. And so is the distance (120 stades) from Limyrus to Andriace,
+assuming the correction which I have mentioned.
+
+To the westward of Andriace we have two ancient sites determined by
+inscribed sepulchres, which record the name of the city, and the
+inscriptions upon which have been copied by Mr. Cockerell:—that of Cyana,
+or the city τῶν ΚΥΑΝΕΙΤΩΝ, at the head of Port Trístomo, as the inner
+part of the bay behind the island of Kákava, is now called ——; and that
+of Aperlæ, or the city τῶν ΑΠΕΡΛΕΙΤΩΝ at the head of Assar Bay. In our
+copies of Pliny, the former name is written Cyane; in Hierocles and
+the Notitiæ Episcopatuum it is Cyaneæ. The Stadiasmus has omitted it,
+probably because it is at a considerable distance from the open sea.
+Aperlæ is erroneously written by Ptolemy Aperræ, by Pliny Apyræ; in the
+Notitiæ the bishopric is styled Ἀπριλλῶν: in Hierocles and the Stadiasmus
+we find the orthography correct. The Somena of the Stadiasmus we can
+hardly doubt to be the same place as the Simena mentioned as a Lycian
+city by Pliny (l. 5. c. 27.), and by Stephanus. Simena is placed by the
+Stadiasmus at four stades to the westward of Andriace, precisely in
+which situation we find some sepulchres marked in the survey of Captain
+Beaufort. A further examination of these monuments might perhaps discover
+the name of Simena as that of the ancient town which stood here.
+
+(8) The Stadiasmus describes the places between Attaleia and Cape Hiera
+as follows:—
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀτταλείας ἐπὶ χωρίον Τένεδον σταδ. κ. (20.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Τενέδου εἰς Λύρναντα χωρίον σταδ. ξ. (60.) ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως
+ ὄρος μέγα ὑπέρκειται Φασίλις ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ.
+ (_deest_.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Κωρύκου ἐπὶ τὸν Φοινικοῦντα σταδ. λ. (30.) ὑπὲρ μέγα ὄρος
+ ὑψηλὸν κεῖται Ὄλυμπος καλούμενον. Ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος ἐπ’ εὐθείας εἰς
+ Κράμβουσαν σταδ. ρ. (100.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Κραμβούσης ἐπὶ χώρας Ποσιδαρισοῦντος σταδ. λ. (30.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ποσιδαρισοῦντος ἐπὶ Μωρὸν ὕδωρ καλούμενον σταδ. λ. (30.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Μωροῦ ὕδατος ἐπὶ ἄκραν Ἱερὰν καὶ νῆσον Χελιδονίαν σταδ. ν.
+ (50.)
+
+Captain Beaufort discovered the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash, and those
+of Phaselis at Tékrova; the inscriptions at either place leaving no doubt
+of the identity. The ὄρος μέγα, in the second paragraph of the above
+passage of the Stadiasmus, is Mount Solyma, which extends 70 miles to
+the northward, but the highest part of which, now called Taghtalu, is
+immediately above the ruins of Phaselis. From the third paragraph of the
+preceding passage of the Stadiasmus compared with Strabo, it appears
+that the names Phœnicus and Olympus were applied indifferently, both
+to the city which stood at Deliktash and to the mountain above it. In
+the inscriptions, however, and in the coins of this city, Olympus only
+occurs. In several of the inscriptions found at Deliktash, the name of
+the people is written ΟΛΥΝΠΗΝΟΙ, in others, as well as on the existing
+coins, it is ΟΛΥΜΠΗΝΟΙ, and thus also we find the name in the ancient
+authors. Scylax, in the place of Olympus, names the cape and harbour of
+Siderus[234]; and it cannot be doubted that he meant the bay of Deliktash
+or Olympus; for he adds that in the mountain above there was a temple
+of Vulcan, at which there was a perpetual fire issuing from the earth,
+exactly as Captain Beaufort discovered it, at a short distance above the
+ruins of Olympus.
+
+(9) Crambusa is an island still known by its ancient name, slightly
+corrupted. It is probably the same as the Dionysia of Scylax and Pliny.
+
+(10) Strabo in a subsequent passage (p. 671) remarks, that all Lycia,
+Pamphylia, and Pisidia, were visible from Mount Olympus; and that upon it
+was the fortress of a celebrated pirate named Zenicetus.
+
+(11) The Corycus of the Stadiasmus corresponds exactly in situation with
+that which Strabo describes as a coast (Κώρυκος αἰγαλός) between Olympus
+and Phaselis; and Lyrnas is evidently the representative of Lyrnessus;
+which Homer mentions together with Thebe. According to Strabo, Thebe and
+Lyrnessus were supposed to have been between Phaselis and Attaleia.
+
+(12) Arrian (l. 1. c. 26.) relates the same occurrence in the following
+manner: “Alexander moving from Phaselis, sent part of his army through
+the mountain to Perge, the Thracians pointing out the road, which was
+difficult, but not long. Those attached to his person, were led by
+himself along the sea-side. This road cannot be used, except when the
+wind is northerly; when the south wind blows, it is impracticable. When
+Alexander arrived there, a north wind succeeding to violent south winds,
+rendered the passage short and easy; an accident which, by Alexander and
+his court, was considered as having happened by the interposition of some
+deity.”
+
+The incident is well illustrated by the actual geography; for the whole
+coast, from the ruins of Phaselis to the western corner of the plain of
+Attaleia, consists of a lofty mountain, rising abruptly from the shore.
+Arrian, in saying that the passage was not long through the mountains
+from Phaselis into the plains where Perge was situated, shows that there
+was a pass in Mount Solyma not far from Attaleia; for Alexander was not
+yet in possession of Termessus, which commanded the principal pass of
+Mount Solyma, and the detour that way instead of being short would have
+been very long.
+
+(13) The position of Olbia is still uncertain; but as Strabo and Ptolemy
+agree in placing it at the beginning of Pamphylia, between Attaleia
+and the Lycian frontier, I am inclined to think that its remains may
+still be found (especially if Strabo has truly described it as a great
+fortress) in some part of the plain which extends for seven miles from
+the modern Adália to the foot of Mount Solyma. Stephanus, who states
+that the name is properly Olba, not Olbia, adds that it did not belong
+to Pamphylia, but to the country of the Solymi—a strong presumption that
+it stood upon or at the foot of Mount Solyma. As the Stadiasmus was a
+Periplus, the omission of Olbia is at once explained, if we suppose it
+to have been situated at some distance from the coast: and as Captain
+Beaufort’s survey was equally a Periplus, the same circumstance would
+account for the site of Olbia having eluded his researches. The following
+is the description of the coast between Coracesium and Attaleia in the
+Stadiasmus:
+
+ Ἀπὸ Κορακησίου εἰς Αὔνησιν ἐπὶ χωρίον Ἀνάξιον σταδ. π. (80.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀναξίων εἰς χωρίον καλούμενον Αὐγὰς σταδ. ο. (70.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Αὐγῶν ἐπὶ ἀκρωτήριον Λευκόθειον σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Λευκοθείου εἰς Κύβερναν σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Κυβέρνης ἐπὶ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν Μέλανον σταδ. θ. (9.)
+
+ Λοιπὸν Παμφυλία.
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ εἰς Σίδην σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Σίδης εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. π. (80.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Σελευκείας εἰς ποταμὸν πλωτὸν καλούμενον Εὐρυμέδοντα σταδ. ρ.
+ (100.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Κυνοσθρίου ἐπὶ ποταμὸν καλούμενον Κεστρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+ ἀναπλεύσαντι τὸν ποταμὸν πόλις ἐστὶ Πέργη τοῦ Κέστρου ἐπὶ
+ Ῥουσκόποδα.
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ῥουσκόποδος ἐπὶ Μάσουραν καὶ τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Μασούρας εἰς Μυγδάλην σταδ. ο. (70.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Μυγδάλων εἰς Ἀττάλειαν σταδ. ι. (10.)
+
+(14) Pomponius Mela gives a similar description of the
+Catarrhactes:—“Deinde duo validissimi fluvii, Cestros et Catarrhactes:
+Cestros navigari facilis, hic quia se præcipitat ita dictus. Inter
+eos, Perga est oppidum.” The Stadiasmus affords a still more accurate
+allusion to its present state, by using the plural τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας,
+the Cataracts. The river on approaching the coast divides itself into
+several branches, which in falling over the cliffs that border the coast
+from Laara to Adália, form upon their upper part a mass of calcareous
+deposition, projecting considerably beyond the perpendicular line of the
+cliffs. Through the calcareous crust, the water makes its way to the sea;
+and being thus separated into several streams by a natural process, which
+has been rapidly increasing in its operation in the course of time, the
+river has now no determinate mouth (as it may perhaps have had in former
+ages), unless it be after heavy rains, when, as I saw it in passing along
+the coast, it precipitates itself copiously over the cliffs near the most
+projecting point of the coast a little to the west of Laara. Besides this
+natural peculiarity which divides the Catarrhactes into many branches,
+its main stream is further diminished by the derivations which turn the
+mills and supply water to the gardens and town of Adália.
+
+(15) I am aware that this passage has been differently interpreted. The
+words of Strabo are these: Εἶτα πόλις Ἀττάλεια, ἐπώνυμος τοῦ κτίσαντος
+Φιλαδέλφου καὶ οἰκίσαντος εἰς Κώρυκον πολίχνιον ἄλλην κατοικίαν ὅμορον
+καὶ μικρὸν περίβολον περιθέντος. That the meaning of the geographer was
+that which I have given, seems confirmed by Demetrius, as quoted by
+Stephanus in the following words, in which, however, he has misnamed
+Cilicia for Pamphylia: Ἀττάλεια ... οἱ δὲ τὴν Κιλικίας Κώρυκον οὕτω
+φασὶ λέγεσθαι, ὡς Δημήτριος· ἀπὸ Ἀττάλου Φιλαδέλφου κτίσαντος αὐτήν. It
+seems, therefore, that Attalus sent a colony to occupy the shore of the
+harbour of Adália, near a small town then called Corycus; that Corycus
+also received a part of the colony, and that he inclosed that town and
+his new settlement within the same walls. The passage of Strabo is
+further illustrated by Suidas, (in Κωρυκαῖος,) who says that Corycus was
+a cape of Pamphylia, where Attaleia was built: Κώρυκος γὰρ τῆς Φαμφυλίας
+ἀκρωτήριον παρ’ ᾧ πόλις Ἀττάλεια.
+
+Captain Beaufort expresses his conviction that the modern Adália stands
+on the site of Olbia; and he places Attaleia at some ancient ruins, which
+he discovered at Laara, to the eastward of the Catarrhactes. D’Anville,
+as well as M. Gosselin (See the new French translation of Strabo, l. 14.
+c. 4.), are of a similar opinion. This opinion is founded entirely upon
+the order of names in Strabo, though he is contradicted by the evidence
+of Ptolemy[235], of the Stadiasmus, and of the modern name of Adália.
+To me it appears that the ruins at Laara, whose position possesses no
+advantages adapted to the seat of a colony, are too inconsiderable
+for those of a city, the importance of which may be traced from the
+time of its Pergamenian founder, through the history of the Greeks,
+Romans, Crusaders, and Byzantines, down to the Turkish conquest of
+Constantinople, without any indication or probability of a change of
+situation. Adália possesses all the natural advantages likely to have
+made it the chief settlement of the adjacent country, when the power of
+Asia became embodied under the successors of Alexander. The walls and
+other fortifications—the magnificent gate or triumphal arch, bearing an
+inscription in honour of Hadrian—the aqueduct—the numerous fragments of
+sculpture and architecture—the inscribed marbles found in many parts of
+the town—the Episcopal church, now converted into a mosque—the European
+coats of arms seen upon this church and upon the city walls—and lastly,
+the bishopric of Attaleia (τῆς Ἀτταλείας), of which Adália is still the
+see—appear to me incontrovertible evidences of identity[236]. In regard
+to the names Adália and Satalía applied to the place by the Turks and
+Italians respectively, it may not be unworthy of observation that they
+are both taken immediately from the Greek; the former from the nominative
+or accusative case (ἡ Ἀττάλεια, or στὴν Ἀττάλειαν), which were the forms
+most frequently used by the Greeks in speaking of the town itself; the
+latter from the genitive case (τῆς Ἀτταλείας), this being perhaps the
+case which the Italian navigators are chiefly in the habit of hearing the
+Greeks employ in speaking of the gulf or port (of the κόρφος or πόρτος
+τῆς Ἀτταλείας). The great difference of sound in the two modern words has
+been the necessary consequence of the difference between the accent of
+the gen. case of the Greek word, and that of the nom. or acc. The Turkish
+name Adália is precisely the Greek, except that the Turks have hardened
+the tt into d.
+
+The vestiges of an ancient town and port, which Captain Beaufort
+observed at Laara, answer to the Magydus of Ptolemy, a place which
+flourished under the Byzantine Empire, and was a bishopric of the
+province of Pamphylia[237]. The Masura of the Stadiasmus, and the Μάσηδος
+of Scylax, appear to be the same place as Magydus.
+
+(16) Although the ancient geography of the coast of Pamphylia cannot be
+thoroughly illustrated until the position of its chief towns is examined
+and ascertained, there seems little doubt that the four rivers mentioned
+by Strabo,—namely the Cestrus, the Eurymedon, a third river not named
+with islands before it, and the Melas,—are accurately fixed by the
+survey of Captain Beaufort and the route of General Koehler, confronted
+with Strabo, the Stadiasmus, Zosimus[238], and Pomponius Mela[239]. The
+Cestrus is that which General Koehler crossed at two hours to the west of
+Stavros, and the ruins which he had on his left hand in crossing it seem
+to be those of Perge. The Eurymedon is called Kápri-su, a name derived
+from the ancient city of Capria, which, as well as can be understood from
+the imperfect text of Strabo, stood at the distance of about two miles
+from the sea, upon the banks of a lake of the same name, which occupies a
+part of the maritime region between the Eurymedon and Cestrus. The name
+of Kápri has, by a process not uncommon, been transferred from the lake
+or city to the neighbouring river Eurymedon. The remains of Aspendus
+ought to be found at six or eight miles from the mouth of the Eurymedon,
+on a lofty precipitous height on the banks of the river[240]. Higher up
+was Pednelissus. But the most interesting discovery in this part of the
+country would be Selge, a colony from Laconia, situate on the frontiers
+of Pisidia and Pamphylia, in a very fertile district, difficult of
+approach, in the upper regions of Mount Taurus, near the sources of the
+Cestrus and Eurymedon[241].
+
+(17) There can be little doubt that the river without a name here
+mentioned, is that which is marked on the map between Side and the
+Eurymedon, although instead of any islands before it, nothing is now seen
+but some rocks below or even with the water’s surface. In proceeding by
+sea from Alaya to Castel Rosso, I remained for two or three days in the
+mouth of this river, in a two-masted vessel of Alaya of about 50 tons. It
+is the only river which affords shelter, or even entrance to a boat; the
+Cestrus and Eurymedon, although much larger streams, being now closed by
+_bars_. It is very probable that the remains of Sylleium would be found
+upon the banks of this river, for which we have no name either ancient
+or modern; for Sylleium appears both from Scylax and Arrian[242] to have
+been situate between Side and the Eurymedon; and as it continued to be a
+place of importance under the Byzantine empire, and became the principal
+bishopric of the province of Pamphylia upon the decline of Perge, and
+superior even in rank to Attaleia[243], I have little doubt that its
+site might be ascertained. According to the Stadiasmus, there stood
+also between Side and the Eurymedon one of the numerous places named
+Seleuceia. This may perhaps have been the port of Sylleium. The relative
+distances of the Stadiasmus, which are tolerably correct on this part
+of the coast, would place Seleuceia in the bay to the eastward of the
+nameless river. At the mouth of that river I did not observe any remains
+of antiquity.
+
+(18) The fine ruins of Side have been described by Captain Beaufort. Its
+site is decisively fixed by the inscriptions found there. The extensive
+moles and artificial harbours, of which the remains still exist,
+illustrate the remark of Strabo, that Side was the chief port and place
+of construction of the piratic fleets; and its magnificent theatre, 400
+feet in diameter, indicates that under the more civilised government of
+the Romans it still continued to be the chief city of this coast. Though
+the Turks are so ignorant as to give it the name of Eski Adália (Old
+Attaleia), the name of Side was not unknown to their geographers 150
+years ago, being mentioned by Hadji Khalfa. The Greeks give the name of
+Παλαιὰ Ἀττάλεια to the ruins of Perge.
+
+(19) There can be no doubt that the Melas is the river now called
+Menavgát-su, for Zosimus and Mela[244] agree in showing its proximity to
+Side. Strabo, Mela, and the Stadiasmus, all place it to the eastward of
+Side; and the distance of 50 stades in the Stadiasmus between the Melas
+and Side, is precisely that which occurs between the ruins of Side and
+the mouth of the river of Menavgát.
+
+Cape Karáburnu being the most remarkable projection upon this coast,
+seems to be the promontory Leucotheius of the Stadiasmus, although the
+modern name implies _black_ and the ancient _white_. The situation of
+Karáburnu relatively to Coracesium and the Melas, agrees also with that
+of Leucotheius with regard to the same places in the Stadiasmus. It is
+probably the same as the Cape Leucolla of Pliny[245].
+
+If the Κύβερνα of the Stadiasmus is the same as the Little Cibyra of
+Strabo, as we can hardly doubt, there is a manifest disagreement between
+the two authorities in regard to the position of its territory. It is
+probable that the text of Strabo is in fault, and that in the order of
+names the coast of Lesser Cibyra should follow instead of preceding the
+Melas; for it is difficult to believe that any other territory should
+have been interposed between that of so large a city as Side and a river
+which was only four miles distant from it. The vestiges of Cibyra are
+probably those observed by Captain Beaufort upon a height which rises
+from the right bank of a considerable river about 8 miles to the eastward
+of the Melas, about 4 miles to the westward of Cape Karáburnu, and nearly
+2 miles from the shore. Ptolemy[246] places Cibyra among the inland
+towns of Cilicia Tracheia; Scylax names it as a city of Pamphylia, near
+Coracesium.
+
+The 200 stades of the Stadiasmus between Coracesium and Leucotheius,
+accord tolerably well with the 16 G. M. of the map between Alaya
+Coracesium and Karáburna: and although the relative distances of the
+two ancient ruins which occur in this interval do not very accurately
+agree with the two places mentioned in that Periplus, I am inclined to
+consider the easternmost of the ruins as Anaxia, and the westernmost
+(which is on a cape) as Augæ. The meaning of the Stadiasmus seems to
+be, that Anaxia was not on the coast, and that it had a port called
+Aunesis,—circumstances which exactly agree with the ruins nearest to
+Alaya. I greatly suspect also that the Anaxia of the Periplus is the
+Hamaxia of Strabo, and that the geographer has erroneously placed that
+town to the eastward of Coracesium.
+
+(20) As no other author makes mention of this Ptolemais, and as its name
+is not found in the Stadiasmus, it may be conjectured that Ptolemais did
+not stand upon the coast, but occupied, perhaps, the situation of the
+modern town of A´lara, where is a river, and upon its banks a steep hill
+crowned with a Turkish castle.
+
+(21) The testimonies of Strabo, Ptolemy, Scylax, and the Stadiasmus,
+concur in placing Coracesium at Alaya, the extraordinary situation of
+which town upon a rocky promontory, precipitous on one side and on the
+other extremely steep, is well suited to that fortress, which alone held
+out against Antiochus the Great, when all the other places on the coast
+of Cilicia had submitted to his arms[247]. Coracesium was one of the
+positions which particularly assisted in supporting the spirit of piracy
+upon this coast; and it was the last at which the pirates ventured to
+make any united resistance to the fleet of Pompey, before they separated
+and retired to their strong holds in Mount Taurus. For the history of the
+pirates the reader may consult Strabo, the Mithridatic war of Appian,
+(who gives an account of their reduction by Pompey,) and Plutarch’s
+life of the same Roman commander. Their long success was owing to the
+commodious ports and strong positions of the coast, to the strength of
+Mount Taurus behind, and to the frequent disputes of the kings of Cyprus,
+Egypt, and Syria, among one another and with the Romans; which made it
+occasionally the interest of every party to support the Cilician cities
+in piracy and independence. Thus, like the Barbary states in the present
+day, the opportunity was afforded them of collecting plunder and captives
+from every vessel and shore that was unable to resist them. The sacred
+island of Delus became the entrepôt of their trade; and the increasing
+luxury of the Romans gave encouragement to their commerce in slaves.
+
+(22) Lucan[248] calls Syedra a port. Floras describes it as a desertum
+Ciliciæ scopulum; yet its copper-coins are not uncommon[249]; it probably
+shared with Coracesium a fertile plain which here borders the coast, and
+stretches for ten miles to the eastward of the latter place.
+
+(23) I have already observed that I am inclined to prefer the testimony
+of the Stadiasmus, as to the site of Hamaxia, to that which Strabo
+has here given: for notwithstanding the frequent interruptions, false
+spellings, and false distances in the Periplus, the order of names in
+a work of that description is more to be depended upon than in Strabo.
+Unfortunately, Hamaxia is not mentioned by any other author.
+
+(24) The following is the description in the Stadiasmus of the coast
+between Anemurium and Coracesium.
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ Ἀνεμουρίου εἰς Πλατανοῦντα σταδ. τν. (350). Error.
+
+ Ἀπὸ Πλατανοῦντος εἰς χωρίον Χάραδρον σταδ. τν. (350). Error.
+
+ Ὑπὲρ δὲ Χαράδρου κεῖται ὄρος μέγα Ἄνδροκος καλούμενος ἀπὸ σταδ.
+ λ. (30.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Χαράδρου ἐπὶ χωρίον Κράγον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100).
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κράγου ἐπὶ χωριὸν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης, Ζεφελίους (lege Νεφέλεως)
+ σταδ. κε. (25).
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφελίου ἐπὶ ἄκραν Νησιαζούσης σταδ. π. (80).
+
+ Ἀπὸ Νησιαζούσης ἄκρας εἰς Σελινοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100).
+
+ * * * * *
+
+ Ἀπὸ Λαερτοῦ εἰς Κορακήσιον σταδ. ρ. (100).
+
+The distance between Selinus and Laertes is wanting; which, as it
+deprives us also of the whole number of stades between Anemurium and
+Coracesium, deducts very largely from the information contained in this
+passage of the Stadiasmus, where, moreover, there are great errors in
+some of the separate distances. Neither Syedra nor Hamaxia are mentioned;
+but the other names are the same as in Strabo and in the same order,
+with the addition of Cape Nesiazusa, which is not mentioned by any other
+author, and of Cape Nephelis, which according to Livy[250] was the
+station of the fleet of Antiochus the Great, when having reduced the
+cities of Cilicia as far as Selinus inclusive, he was employed in the
+siege of Coracesium, and where he received the ambassadors of the Rhodii.
+
+The preservation of the ancient names of Selinus, Charadrus, and
+Anemurium, renders it easy to fix the principal places on the line of
+coast between Alaya and Anamúr. If we allow any weight to the evidence
+of the distances in the preceding passage of the Stadiasmus, the site of
+Laertes was at some ruins on a hill near the shore, 9 G. M. direct from
+Alaya, and 13½ from the ruins of Selinus, or Trajanopolis, at Selinti.
+Cragus, the Antiocheia super Crago of Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 8.), who places
+it next to Selinus eastward, is found about half way between Selinus
+and Charadrus on a steep hill rising from the shore, which exactly
+corresponds with the description of Cragus by Strabo. Nephelis appears
+from the distance in the Stadiasmus to have been the promontory two or
+three miles to the westward of the same place. But in this case Ptolemy
+has improperly inserted Nephelis between Antiocheia and Anemurium. It
+seems not improbable that Antiocheia was founded or named by Antiochus,
+when he chose the bay of Nephelis for the station of his fleet in his
+operations against the Cilician fortresses. According to Appian (Mithrid.
+c. 96.) there was a fortress of Anticragus, as well as of Cragus. In
+regard to Platanus, Captain Beaufort remarks, that “between the plain of
+Selinti and the promontory of Anamúr, a distance of 30 miles, the ridge
+of bare rocky hills forming the coast is interrupted but twice by narrow
+valleys which conduct the mountain torrents to the sea. The first of
+these is Kháradra; the other is half way between that place and Anamúr.”
+The latter seems therefore to be the Platanus of the Stadiasmus: in
+comparing which authority with Strabo and with the map, it would appear
+that Platanus gave the name of Platanistus to the whole coast between
+Charadrus and Anemurium, and that the distance of Platanus from either
+place in stades should be ρν (150) instead of τν (350).
+
+(25) These two numbers, namely, 820 stades from Coracesium to Anemurium,
+and 500 stades from Anemurium to Soli, are obviously incorrect; nor
+would they be very accurate if they were to change places, the distance
+from Coracesium to Anemurium being about 50 geographical miles in direct
+distance, and that from Anemurium to Soli near 100.
+
+(26) Nagidus, a colony of the Samii[251], appears from its silver
+coins[252] to have been anciently one of the chief cities upon this
+coast: it probably declined in proportion as the neighbouring position of
+Anemurium (which was better adapted to be one of the fortresses and ports
+of the pirates) rose into importance. The two theatres, the aqueduct, and
+other ruins at Anemurium, all show that it chiefly flourished under the
+Romans. The site of Nagidus appears to have been on the hill above the
+castle of Anamúr.
+
+The river Arymagdus, placed by Ptolemy between Anemurium and Arsinoe,
+seems to be the same as the Lalassis, which, according to Pliny, flowed
+from Isauria into the sea of Anemurium[253]. The name of Lalassis was
+applied also to the country on the banks of this river. Ptolemy mentions
+Nineia, as the only town which it contained. The river is now called the
+Direk-Ondasi; it joins the coast at the castle of Anamúr, five miles
+north-eastward of Cape Anamúr.
+
+The following are the places between Celenderis and Anemurium according
+to the Stadiasmus:
+
+ Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100).
+
+ Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπ’ ἀκρωτήριον Ποσείδιον καλούμενον σταδ. ζ. (7).
+
+ Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπὶ τὰς Διονυσιοφάνους σταδ. λ. (30).
+
+ Ἀπὸ Διονυσιοφάνους εἰς Ρυγμάνους (qu. Ἀρυμάγδους?) σταδ. ν. (50).
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ρυγμανῶν εἰς Ἀνεμούριον σταδ. ν. (50).
+
+Notwithstanding the distortion of names in this passage, yet as the two
+extreme places preserve their ancient appellations, and the amount of
+distance 237 stades corresponds with the 26 G. M. of the map, we may
+place some confidence in the intermediate positions. The fifty stades
+of the Stadiasmus between Rhygmana and Anemurium accord with the real
+distance between the cape of Anamúr and the castle of Anamúr, which
+stands at the mouth of the Arymagdus: it is probable therefore that
+Ρύγμανα is an error for Ἀρύμαγδος. Nor can it well be doubted that the
+promontory Poseidium is the cape now called Kizlimán, this being the
+only remarkable headland between Anemurium and Celenderis, and the
+distances in the Stadiasmus according very accurately with the reality.
+According to an emendation of Saumaise, who was not acquainted with this
+corroborating passage of the Stadiasmus, Scylax also makes mention of the
+promontory of Poseidium.
+
+(27) The Arsinoe here mentioned by Strabo is the only place in Ptolemy
+between the mouth of the Arymagdus and Celenderis: it is named also by
+Pliny, Stephanus, and the geographer of Ravenna, the last of whom in
+giving the names in this order, Anemurium, Arsinoe, Sicæ, Celenderis,
+corroborates Strabo and Ptolemy, and justifies us in placing Arsinoe at
+or near the ruined modern castle called Sokhta Kálesi, below which is a
+port such as Strabo describes at Arsinoe, and a peninsula on the east
+side of the harbour covered with ruins. The relative distances in the
+Stadiasmus place Dionysiophanæ at the same spot. Possibly this may have
+been the name of the harbour or peninsula, and Arsinoe may have stood
+upon the hill of Sokhta Kálesi. The name of Syce or Sycea, the Sicæ of
+the geographer of Ravenna, is found as a Cilician town in Athenæus[254]
+and Stephanus of Byzantium; and if the emendation of Scylax by Gronovius
+may be followed, it was very near the promontory Poseidium.—Perhaps it
+possessed the fertile valley lying on the east side of the hills which
+end in Cape Kizliman.
+
+One cannot but suspect at first sight that the Mandane of the Stadiasmus
+is the same place as the Melania of Strabo. The seven stades however of
+the Stadiasmus place Mandane very near Poseidium to the eastward. On the
+other hand there is a small bay only two or three miles to the westward
+of Kelénderi, where Captain Beaufort remarked some vestiges of antiquity:
+it remains doubtful therefore whether the distance in the Stadiasmus is
+correct, and whether Melania and Mandane were the same, or different
+places.
+
+(28) As the Stadiasmus does not mention any distance between the Gulf of
+Berenice and Celenderis, there is reason to think that Berenice was the
+name of the _bay_ to the eastward of the little _port_ of Kelénderi. The
+following are the names and distances of the places in the Stadiasmus
+between the mouth of the Calycadnus and the Gulf of Berenice:
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ (scil. Καλυκάδνου) ἐπὶ ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν
+ Σαρπεδονίαν καλουμένην. σταδ. π. (80.)
+
+ Ἀπ’ αὐτῆς ἀνατεινὸν τὰ βραχέα ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας σταδ. κ.
+ (20.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἔγγιστα πρὸς τὴν Κύπρον εἰς πόλιν Καρπασίου
+ νεωτάτου σταδ. υʹ. (400.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) ὁμοίως καὶ
+ εἰς Σώλους (leg. Ὁρμοὺς sive Ὁλμοὺς) σταδ. ρκ. (120.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν Ὁρμῶν ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ κώμην καλουμένην Μύλας σταδ. μ.
+ (40.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ λιμένα Νησούλιον καὶ ἄκραν ἐπινήσιαν σταδ. ξ.
+ (60.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ χωρίον Φιλαίαν σταδ. κ. (20.) Οἱ πάντες ἀπὸ
+ Μυλαίων τὸν ἐπίτομον, σταδ. φ. (500.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς Φιλαίας ἐπὶ νῆσον Πιτυοῦσαν σταδ. ρλ. (130.) Ἀπέχει ἡ
+ Πιτυοῦσα ἀπὸ Χεῤῥονήσου τῇ πρὸς τὴν Μύλη σταδ. κ. (20.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων τῆς Πιτυούσης πρὸς τὴν Ἀφροδισιάδην σταδ. μεʹ. (45.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐκ τῶν εὐωνύμων ὑμῶν εχον’ τὴν Πιτυοῦσαν ἐπὶ
+ πύργον κείμενον πρὸς ἄκραν ἡ προσονομάζεται Ζεφύριον σταδ. μ.
+ (40.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφυρίου ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ πόλιν Ἀφροδισιάδα σταδ. μ. (40.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Ἀφροδισιάδα ὁ πλοῦς ἐπὶ τὴν κα
+ ... δέθιν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) Ἡ δὲ Ἀφροδισιὰς κεῖται ἔγγιστα τῆς
+ Κύπρου πρὸς τὴν Αὐλιῶνα ἄκτην κατὰ πρύμναν ἔχουσα πρὸς τὰ μέρη
+ τῆς ἄρκτου σταδ. φ. (500.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ χωρίον καλούμενον Κίφισον σταδ. λεʹ. (35.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ ἄκραν Κραύνους σταδ. μ. (40.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῶν Κραύνων ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια εὐώνυμα ἔχοντα τὴν Κράμβουσαν
+ σταδ. με. (45.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια σταδ. ρκ. (120.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῶν Πισουργίων εἰς κόλπον Βερνίκην (leg. Βερενίκην) σταδ. ν.
+ (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100.) &c.
+
+(29) Although there is not much to be learnt from the preceding passage
+of the Stadiasmus, one very important point is settled by it. The long
+sandy promontory of Lissan El Kahpeh is so accurately described by
+the words ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν, as to leave no doubt of its identity
+with Sarpedonia, celebrated as being the place beyond which the ships
+of Antiochus the Great were forbidden to sail by his treaty with the
+Romans[255]. Strabo has therefore justly described the mouth of the
+Calycadnus as occurring after turning Cape Sarpedon to the eastward;
+and the same relative situation of the places is indicated as well
+by the Stadiasmus, as by Ptolemy, whose names are in the following
+order: Celenderis, Aphrodisias, Sarpedon, the mouth of the Calycadnus,
+Zephyrium, Corycus. Although Ptolemy here describes the mouth of the
+Calycadnus and Zephyrium as separate places, I believe them to have been
+the same, and that Cape Zephyrium was nothing more than the remarkable
+projection of the sandy coast at the mouth of that river; for Polybius,
+Livy, and Appian, all speak of Calycadnus as a cape, and the two latter
+as a cape different from Sarpedon: it can hardly be doubted therefore
+that the projection at the mouth of the river was meant by them. In
+corroboration of this opinion, it is to be observed that the Stadiasmus
+does not notice any Zephyrium on this part of the coast, but names only
+the mouth of the Calycadnus at 80 stades to the east of Sarpedonia,
+which is nearly the distance of the mouth of the Ghiuk Su from Lissan El
+Kahpeh. Pliny[256] in like manner omits Cape Zephyrium, stating the order
+of names (from E. to W.) as follows: “Corycus eodem nomine oppidum et
+portus et specus; mox flumen Calycadnus, promontorium Sarpedon, oppida
+Holme, Myle promontorium et oppidum Veneris, a quo proxime Cyprus insula.”
+
+The Aphrodisias or city of Venus which Ptolemy here names, although
+unnoticed by Strabo, is mentioned by Stephanus, by Diodorus[257], and by
+Livy[258]; from the last of whom it appears to have ranked in the time
+of Antiochus the Great among the chief towns of the coast. Its position,
+as indicated by Pliny, agrees with that ascribed to it by Ptolemy and
+the Stadiasmus; and it appears from their joint authority to have been
+situated between Celenderis and Sarpedon, on or very near a promontory,
+also called Aphrodisias, which lay about north of Cape Aulion the
+north-eastern extremity of Cyprus. These data, however precise, are not
+sufficiently so to decide the question between two adjacent capes on
+the coast westward of Sarpedon; and the confused account of the places
+in the Stadiasmus does not inspire much confidence in that authority.
+We perceive, however, that the Stadiasmus accords with Strabo and Pliny
+in naming Holmi as the first place to the westward of Cape Sarpedon,
+and Pliny confirms the Stadiasmus in placing Mylæ between Holmi and
+Aphrodisias. Mylæ in the Stadiasmus is called a Cape and Chersonese, a
+description precisely applicable to Cape Cavaliere, which is a peninsula
+connected with the continent by a very narrow isthmus. I am inclined to
+think, therefore, that cape Cavaliere was Mylæ, that the cape near the
+Papadúla rocks was the promontory of Venus, and that some vestiges of
+the town of Aphrodisias would be found near the harbour behind the cape.
+Captain Beaufort informs us that he did not observe many remains of
+Grecian antiquity on this part of the coast; they were probably converted
+into new buildings by the Crusaders, many marks of whose residence
+are found here, and among others the names of Cavaliere and Provençal
+attached to the most remarkable cape and island[259]. The island of
+Provençal, called by the Turks Menavát, is probably the Pityussa of
+the Stadiasmus; for the Papadúla islands, consisting of several small
+rocks, would hardly have been described by a Greek word in the singular.
+Holmi, the ancient residence of the people of Seleuceia before the time
+of its foundation by Seleucus Nicator[260], was probably at Aghalimán,
+the modern port of Seléfke. The observation of the Stadiasmus, that the
+distances were equal between Cape Sarpedonia and Seleuceia, and between
+the same promontory and Holmi, will be found accurate when applied to
+Aghalimán and Seléfke, relatively to the extreme point of the sandhills
+above the low sandy cape of Lissan el Kahpeh: for it may easily be
+credited that the point of the sandhills was the extreme cape at the
+date of the Stadiasmus; at which time the long low spit may have been
+the shoals which that authority notices as extending twenty stades
+beyond Sarpedonia. The distance, however, of 120 stades from Sarpedon to
+Seleuceia and to Holmi will be found too great, when measured from the
+point of the sandhills to Seléfke and Aghaliman.
+
+The river which joins the sea at the bottom of the Bay of Papadúla,
+being the largest stream on the part of the coast under consideration,
+seems to be the Melas of the Stadiasmus; and the cape which lies midway
+between that stream and Celenderis may possibly be the Crauni of the same
+authority. The other places mentioned in the Stadiasmus, I shall not
+pretend to determine, but proceed to extract from it the names of the
+places on the whole extent of the coast of Cilicia Campestris, with their
+respective distances. As this authority proceeds in a contrary direction
+to Strabo, it will be found more convenient to examine the entire passage
+relating to the coast of Cilicia before we continue the immediate
+reference to the text of Strabo, followed in the numbers attached to
+these Notes.
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀλεξανδρείας εἰς τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας σταδ. σ. (200.) ὁμοῦ οἱ
+ πάντες ἀπὸ Πάλτου ἕως τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν σταδ. β͵φ. (2500.)
+
+ Λοιπὸν Κιλικία.
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν εἰς τὸ Ἱερὸν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) τοῦτο ἐστὶν
+ ὑπερβῆναι εἰς τὸν τόπον εἰς πόλιν.
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἱεροῦ εἰς πόλιν Ἀμινσὸν σταδ. ψ. (700.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀμινσοῦ εἰς τὰς Ἀμμωνιακὰς (leg. Ἀμανικὰς) πύλας ἐντ’
+ κοιλοτάτου τοῦ κόλπου σταδ. ϛ. (6.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν εἰς κώμην Ἄλλην σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου οὐριοδρομοῦντος σταδ. ρ. (100.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῶν Ἄλλων εἰς πόλιν Αἰγαίας σταδ. ρ. (100.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου εἰς Αἰγαίας εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ
+ νότου σταδ. ρ. (100.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Αἰγαίων ὁ παράπλους Κρημύωδος ἐπὶ κώμην Σερετίλην σταδ. ρν.
+ (150.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ Ῥωσοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τὴν Σερετίλην ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ
+ νότου σταδ. σν. (250.) κατὰ δὴ τὴν Σερετίλην κώμη ἐπάνω Πύραμος
+ καλεῖται· καὶ ὑπεράνω αὐτοῦ ὄρος καλούμενον Πάριον ἀπὸ σταδ. ξ.
+ (60.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς Σερετίλλεως εἰς κώμην ἐπ’ ἄκραν Ἰανουαρίαν σταδ. α͵.
+ (1000.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰανουαρίας ἄκρας ἐπὶ τὰς Διδύμους νήσους σταδ. λ. (30.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῶν Διδύμων νήσων εἰς πόλιν καλουμένην Μάλλον σταδ. ρ. (100.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Μάλλου εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπὶ Πύραμον ποταμὸν σταδ. ρν. (150.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, ἣν νῦν Κέφαλον καλοῦσι σταδ.
+ ο. (70.) παρὰ τὸ ἀκρωτήριον ποταμός ἐστι πλωτὸς Πύραμος καλεῖται.
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Σκοπέλου (scil. Ῥωσσικοῦ[261]) δὲ μὴ κατακολπίζοντι, ἀλλ’
+ ἐπ’ εὐθείας πλέοντι εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν· ἔπειτα πρὸς ἀνατολὴν τῆς
+ Ἠπείρου νότῳ τὰ εὐώνυμα μάκρον διαφάλλω σταδ. τν. (350.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι εἰς Σώλους ἐπὶ τὰ πρὸς
+ ἑσπέραν μέρη τῆς ἄρκτου νότῳ μίκρᾳ παρέλκας σταδ. φ. (500.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Πυράμου ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Ἄρειον σταδ. ρκ.
+ (120.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ἀρείου ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ στόματος λίμνης, ὃ καλεῖται Ῥηγμοὶ σταδ.
+ ο. (70.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Ῥηγμῶν εἰς Τάρσον σταδ. οʹ. (70.) ῥέει δὲ μέσης τῆς πόλεως
+ ποταμὸς Κύδνος.
+
+ Ἀπὸ Τάρσου ἐπὶ χωρίον Ζεφύριον σταδ. ρκ. (120.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων ἐπὶ κώμην Καλάνθιαν σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Καλανθίας κώμης εἰς Ἐλαιοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ Σεψαούσης (qu. Σεβάστης?) εἰς κώμην καλουμένην Κώρυκον σταδ.
+ κ. (20.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ. σπ. (280.) ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀπέχον ἐστὶν
+ ἀκρωτήριον Κωρύκιον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κωρυκίου ἐπὶ λιμένα καλούμενον καλὸν Κορακήσιον σταδ.
+ ρκε. (125.)
+
+ Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κορακησίου ἐπὶ τὴν Ποικίλην Πέτραν, ἥτις ἔχει κλίμακα δι’
+ ἧς ἐστιν ὁδὸς εἰς Σελεύκειαν τὴν ἐπὶ Λύκου σταδ. οʹ. (70.) (lege
+ Καλυκάδνου sive Καλύδνου[262]).
+
+ Ἀπὸ τῆς κλίμακος ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Καλύδιον (lege Καλυδνον) σταδ.
+ μ. (40.)
+
+The reader will think, perhaps, that this long passage was hardly worth
+transcribing. Some of the distances indeed between the known points
+give us not much confidence in its authority: the number of stades, for
+instance, from Paltus on the coast of Syria to the Cilician pylæ is more
+than double, and that across the Gulf of Issus from Myriandrus to Ægæ
+is less than half the true distance. Nor will the shorter lines along
+the coast bear much examination. I have thought it worth while, however,
+to complete the comparison of this Periplus with the survey of Capt.
+Beaufort, because its minute description can be illustrated only by a
+delineation so detailed and accurate as that of Capt. B. In the part of
+the Gulf of Issus which has not yet been surveyed, the names and their
+order may be of use to future investigators of the comparative geography
+of these countries: and the Periplus may throw some light upon ancient
+topography, when it has itself received illustration from a correct
+delineation.
+
+There are two points at the head of the Gulf of Issus besides
+Alexandreia, which have preserved the ancient name. These are Baiæ and
+Ægæ, both which words are still used in the _Romaic_ form (the accusative
+case), in which they were received by the Turks from the Byzantine
+Greeks. Βαιαί is now called Bayás, and Αἰγαί or Αἰγαῖαι, Ayás. The former
+stands in a small plain at the foot of Mount Amanus, which rises from
+the extremity of the Gulf; the latter occupies a point on the north side
+of the gulf, at the entrance of a bay, which is formed on the opposite
+or western side by a low cape, at the mouth of the Djihún, or Ghihún—the
+ancient Pyramus.
+
+Strabo, Ptolemy[263], and the Stadiasmus agree in naming two pylæ, or
+passes, fortified with a wall and gate at the head of the gulf; namely,
+the gate of Amanus, which was in Cilicia, and the Cilician gate, which
+formed the division between Syria and Cilicia. The position of both
+these pylæ has been ascertained[264]; the northern or Amanic, between
+Ayás and Bayás, at the northern or innermost extremity of the gulf, ἐν
+τῷ κοιλοτάτῳ τοῦ κόλπου, as the Stadiasmus has well described it,——the
+southern or Cilician, between Bayás and Iskenderún, not far from, if not
+exactly at the place, where Pococke and other modern travellers observed
+some ruins vulgarly known by the name of the Pillars of Jonas. The pass
+of Beilan, leading from Iskenderún over the mountain into the plain of
+Antioch, was a third pylæ[265], which has been well distinguished by
+Ptolemy from the other two, and was justly called the Gate of Syria.
+
+It will follow from the foregoing remarks, that I cannot agree with the
+author of the Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus, in thinking
+that Strabo, by the words Ἀμανίδες Πύλαι, and αἱ Πύλαι λεγόμεναι, ὅριον
+Κιλίκων τε καὶ Σύρων[266], meant one and the same pass; or that by either
+of these pylæ he meant the pass of Beilan. For it is to be observed,
+that his words Ἀμανίδες πύλαι occur in enumerating the places in their
+order, thus: Mallus, Ægæ, Amanides Pylæ, Issus. At Issus, after observing
+that the gulf took its name from that city, he suddenly breaks off from
+his former order, mentions several cities in the neighbourhood of the
+Gulf, and ends with naming the gate which formed the boundary of Syria
+and Cilicia; which, it is to be observed, could not have been the Pass
+of Beilan, because in that case Alexandria would have been included in
+Cilicia: whereas we know that Issus was the last town of that province.
+Nor is the meaning which Major Rennell gives to these words of Strabo
+supported by the other passage which he cites (from p. 751); the words
+of which are ... αἱ Πάγραι τῆς Ἀντιοχίδος, χωρίον ἐρυμνὸν κατὰ τὴν
+ὑπέρθεσιν τοῦ Ἀμανοῦ τὴν ἐκ τῶν Ἀμανίδων πυλῶν εἰς τὴν Συρίαν κείμενον.
+Ὑποπίπτει μὲν οὖν ταῖς Πάγραις τὸ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πεδίον. The ruins of
+Pagræ are found under their ancient name, in the usual modern form of
+the accusative case (Pagras), on the southern slope of Mount Amanus
+eight or nine miles below Beilan on the road to Antioch. Had Beilan been
+the Amanic gate meant by Strabo, he would surely have described Pagræ
+simply as being on the descent from the gates of Amanus into the plain
+of Antioch, not as on the _passage over_ Mount Amanus, which leads from
+the Pylæ Amanides into Syria; for thus the passage should be translated,
+and not as Dr. Gillies has given it, “situate upon the _ascent_ of Mount
+Amanus leading from the gates of Amanus into Syria.” Beilan certainly
+was, as I have just observed, _a Pylæ_, and it was upon Mount Amanus,
+or rather exactly at the point which separated Mount Amanus from Mount
+Pieria; but it was not the Pylæ Amanides of Strabo, the position of
+which, as already described, is exactly confirmed by the Stadiasmus,
+as well as by Ptolemy. There was a fourth pass, as Major Rennell has
+justly observed, which crossing Mount Amanus from the eastward, descended
+upon the centre of the head of the gulf, near Issus. By this pass it
+was that Dareius marched from Sochus, and took up his position on the
+banks of the Pinarus; by which movement Alexander, who had just before
+marched from Mallus to Myriandrus, through the two maritime pylæ, was
+placed between the Persians and Syria. Cicero also alludes to this pass
+when he observes, that “nothing is stronger than Cilicia on the side of
+Syria, there being only two narrow entrances into it over the Amanus, the
+ridge of which mountain divides the two provinces: “qui Syriam a Cilicia
+aquarum divortio dividit[267].” The other pass to which he alludes was
+that of Beilan.
+
+With regard to the military operations of Alexander and of Cyrus on this
+celebrated scene of action, I must be satisfied, until we have a more
+detailed and accurate map, with referring the reader to Major Rennell,
+who has ably confronted the various evidences upon the subject in his
+illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus. The chief movements and the
+general situation of the places are sufficiently clear, and I fully
+subscribe to Major Rennell’s opinions, with the sole exception which I
+have just stated.
+
+Having ascertained the eastern extremity of the line of coast
+comprehended between the mouth of the Calycadnus and the head of the gulf
+of Issus, I shall now return to the western extremity, and, proceeding
+according to the order of names in the extract from Strabo, examine how
+far the text of the Geographer can be illustrated by other authorities,
+particularly the Stadiasmus. The modern names of Kórgos, Lámas, and
+Tersús, which would probably be still nearer the original Corycus,
+Latmus, and Tarsus, when written by a Greek, are the principal landmarks,
+and together with the ruins of Pompeiopolis at Mezetlu, they render it
+not difficult, with the assistance of Captain Beaufort’s survey, to fix
+most of the intermediate places.
+
+(30) Here it will be observed that the Stadiasmus exactly confirms
+Strabo’s description of the rock Pœcile, with its steps leading to
+Seleuceia. Its distance of 40 stades from the Calycadnus, if correct,
+will place it about Pershendi, at the north-eastern angle of the sandy
+plain of the Calycadnus, where a sheltered bight between the sandy beach
+and a projection of the mountains which constitute the coast from thence
+as far as the Lámas, serves as the harbour of Selefke towards the east,
+as Aghalimán is to the west. Instead of any steps in the rocks, Captain
+Beaufort here found the “extensive ruins of a walled town, with temples,
+arcades, aqueducts, and tombs built round a small level, which had some
+appearance of having once been a harbour, with a narrow opening to the
+sea.” An inscription copied by Captain Beaufort from a tablet over the
+eastern gate of the ruins, accounts for the omission of any notice
+of this _town_ by Strabo; for the inscription states it to have been
+entirely built by Fluranius, archon of the Eparchia of Isauria, in the
+reign of the Augusti Valentinian, Valens, and Gratianus[268]. It seems
+probable that it is the same place called Pœcile Petra by Strabo; and
+that being the eastern port of Seleuceia, it acquired under the Roman
+emperors a share of the importance to which Seleuceia then attained,
+and probably some new name, perhaps Zephyrium. As the Stadiasmus speaks
+of the place in the same terms as Strabo, it may be inferred that this
+Periplus is older than the ruins at Pershendi, or older than the 4th
+century.
+
+(31) Between Pœcile Petra and Corycus, Strabo places Cape Anemurium
+and the island Crambusa; the Stadiasmus names only port Coracesium.
+Κώρυκος still preserves its name; but instead of being a promontory as
+described by Strabo, it is an island, upon which stands a castle similar
+in structure to another larger castle on the neighbouring shore of the
+continent. The castle on the island appears from the inscriptions which
+it preserves, to have been of the time of the Armenians, who possessed
+this country in the beginning of the 13th century. In 1432 Korgos
+belonged to the king of Cyprus[269]. In 1471 it was taken from the Turks
+of Mahomet the Second by the Venetians, who gave it up to the prince of
+Karaman[270]. The castle on the shore stands on the site of a Greek town,
+the ancient Corycus[271], which Strabo has not noticed. There does not
+appear to be any cape on the four miles of coast between this point and
+Pershendi that will readily identify itself with his cape Anemurium, nor
+any harbour that will agree with the Coracesium of the Stadiasmus; and
+the distances in the last authority are quite absurd. On the summit of
+the mountain, above the ruins of Corycus, ought to be found the Corycian
+cave, of which Strabo, Mela, and Solinus have related such wonders, that
+with regard to the greatest part of them we may use the words applied
+by Solinus himself to one of the circumstances reported of the cave—Qui
+volunt, credunt.
+
+(32) Elæussa is no longer an island; and it is remarkable that Stephanus,
+though in one place[272] he calls it an island near Corycus, in
+another[273] describes it as a Chersonese. A sandy plain now connects
+Elæussa with the coast, and with the ruins of the city which derived
+its importance and its name of Sebaste from having been the residence
+of Archelaus king of Cappadocia[274]. These ruins consist of a temple,
+theatre, numerous sepulchres, and three aqueducts, one of which is
+derived from the river Lamus, six miles distant. The distance of Elæussa
+as well as of Soli from Corycus is tolerably exact in the Stadiasmus;
+consequently there must be some error either in the distance between Soli
+and Calanthia, or in that between Calanthia and Elæussa: and hence, as
+there are no conspicuous ruins upon this part of the coast, it becomes
+impossible to fix Calanthia.
+
+(33) Soli, which like Aspendus and Rhodus was a colony from Argus, was
+at one time the chief city on the coast of Cilicia; but it had fallen
+into decay, chiefly by the ill treatment of Tigranes, when Pompey,
+having reduced Cilicia, rebuilt it and named it Pompeiopolis[275].
+Captain Beaufort has published a plan of its ruins. The elliptical
+mole and artificial port seem to have been a magnificent structure,
+and may perhaps be only a repair of an ancient Greek work. The other
+remains, the walls, aqueduct, theatre, temples, and the long colonnade
+on either side of the main street, were probably erected by Pompey, as
+they resemble the skeletons of Roman cities seen at Antinoe in Egypt, at
+Gerasa in Syria, and less perfectly in many other places.
+
+(34) The most projecting point between the ruins of Soli and the mouth
+of the Tersús-tshai, or Cydnus, is the sandy cape at the mouth of the
+river of Mersín. This cape, therefore, is probably the ancient Zephyrium,
+though its distance from Tarsus is somewhat greater than that which
+the Stadiasmus gives between these two places, namely 120 stades. The
+Stadiasmus agrees with Hierocles in showing that there was a town as well
+as a cape of Zephyrium.
+
+(35) We naturally look for Anchiale, the port of Tarsus, at the nearest
+part of the coast at which there is shelter for shipping, or at that
+from whence the maritime traffic of Tarsus is now carried on. The shore
+opposite to Kazalú and Karaduar is in both these predicaments; and
+between these two villages is a river answering to the Anchialeus[276].
+Anchiale boasted of an antiquity equal to that of Tarsus; but as early
+as the time of Alexander the Great it retained only the vestiges of
+its former importance, in its massy and extensive walls[277]. A large
+mound, not far from the Anchialeus, with some other similar tumuli near
+the shore to the westward, are the remains, perhaps, of the works of
+the Assyrian founders of Anchiale, which probably derived its temporary
+importance from being the chief maritime station of the Assyrian monarchs
+in these seas.
+
+(36) The Cydnus, instead of flowing through Tarsus, as in former
+times[278], leaves the present city to the westward, and no longer forms
+the lake towards its mouth, which once served as a naval arsenal to
+Tarsus. The alluvion of the river itself has converted this lake into a
+sandy plain.
+
+Although Strabo has omitted to mention the Sarus in this place, there is
+sufficient proof that it was the modern Sihún, which enters the sea at
+a short distance to the S.E. of the Cydnus; for the town of A´dana, the
+district of which adjoined to that of Tarsus, still retains its ancient
+name and situation on the western bank of the Sihún[279]; the course of
+which river is traced upwards through mount Taurus into the plains of
+Cappadocia, exactly as Strabo describes the Sarus[280].
+
+(37) It is equally evident that the Ghihún is the Pyramus, whose origin,
+like the Sarus[281], was in Cappadocia, from whence it flowed through the
+Taurus; for the Pyramus was the next river eastward of the Sarus[282];
+and at Mensís, the Ghihún flows within 20 miles of the Sihún at Adana,
+without any intermediate river of magnitude between them; from thence it
+winds to the east, and joins the sea in the middle of the Issic gulf. The
+Ghihún is larger than any other river in Cilicia, as Strabo describes
+the Pyramus, and it has deposited a large tract of alluvial land at its
+mouth, which, however, has not increased so rapidly as the ancients had
+predicted.
+
+(38) The great plain situated between the lower course of these two
+rivers and the sea was called Aleium. The only hill which it contains
+rises from the shore of the gulf of Iskenderun, and forms at its southern
+extremity the northern cape of that gulf under the name of Karadash.
+Here Captain Beaufort observed the vestiges of an ancient town. This I
+believe to have been Megarsus, and that Mallus was situated on another
+hill which rises from the eastern bank of the Pyramus near its mouth;
+for these two situations accord perfectly with the evidence which the
+ancients have left respecting the position of Megarsus and Mallus. 1.
+Megarsus was a sea-beaten hill in the neighbourhood of Mallus and the
+mouth of the Pyramus[283], and Karadash is the only hill near the Aleian
+plain which borders the sea-coast. 2. Mallus was upon a height near the
+Pyramus, as Euphorion[284], Scylax[285], Strabo, Stephanus[286], and
+Mela[287], all indicate, and not far from the sea-coast, as appears
+from its being noticed in the Periplus of Scylax, as well as in the
+Stadiasmus. 3. Strabo and Ptolemy agree in naming the Pyramus before
+Mallus in proceeding from west to east. 4. This position of Megarsus, the
+Pyramus, and Mallus, agrees perfectly with the proceedings of Alexander,
+as related by Strabo, Arrian, and Curtius[288]. Alexander having sent
+his horse under Philotas from Tarsus across the Aleian plain to the
+Pyramus, marched the infantry from Soli along the sea-coast to Megarsus;
+from whence, after having sacrificed to Minerva Megarsis, he proceeded
+to Mallus, which it appears that his army did not enter until they had
+thrown a bridge across the Pyramus.
+
+It is further remarkable, in reference to the site of Mallus, that
+the sailing distance in the Stadiasmus from Mallus to Soli, accords
+precisely with that of Artemidorus[289] from the Pyramus to Soli, namely
+500 stades, which is very near the truth; and that the description which
+the Stadiasmus gives of the navigation is exactly confirmed by the
+form of the intermediate coast, namely, that it trended first to the
+southward, and then to the north-westward.
+
+(39) Mopsuestia is represented to have stood on the Pyramus[290]. Its
+name under the Byzantine empire was corrupted to Mampsysta, or Mamista,
+or Mansista[291]; of which names the modern Mensís appears to be a
+further corruption. This town stands on the Ghihún, on the road from
+Baiás to A´dana, nearly at the distance from each at which the Jerusalem
+Itinerary places Mansista. The Peutinger Table, also, places Mopsuesta at
+19 M. P. from A´dana. We cannot doubt, therefore, that Mensis occupies
+nearly, if not exactly, the site of the ancient city of Mopsus.
+
+Above this place, on the same river, stood Anazarba, or Cæsareia at Mount
+Anazarbus, which has probably preserved some remains of antiquity, as it
+was the capital of the second or eastern Cilicia about the fifth century,
+Tarsus being at that time the metropolis of the western[292].
+
+To the north-eastward of Ægæ was Epiphaneia[293], one day’s march from
+Mount Amanus[294], on the road from Alexandria to Anazarbus[295], which
+probably branched from the road to Mopsuestia, not far from the Amanic
+gates. In the mountains above Epiphania and Anazarbus towards Cappadocia
+were Pindenissus and Tibara, two strong towns of the Eleuthero-Cilices
+which were taken by Cicero[296]. Castabalum, placed by the Itineraries
+about 16 M. P. from Baiæ, and about 26 from Ægæ, appears from Curtius
+to have been very near the Pylæ Amanides, on the northern side[297].
+According to the Table, Issus was 5 M. P. to the southward of Castabalum.
+
+Below Mopsuestia, between that place and Mallus, there appears to have
+been a town upon the Pyramus called Antiocheia; for besides the evidence
+which the Stadiasmus affords of this fact, we find it exactly confirmed
+by Stephanus, who mentions it as one of ten cities of that name[298].
+
+The Seretila, which the Stadiasmus places between Mallus and Ægæ, is
+probably an error for Serrepolis, which name is inserted by Ptolemy[299]
+in the same situation; and this conjecture is in some measure confirmed
+by the genitive Σερετίλλεως, in which form the Stadiasmus afterwards
+mentions the same name, and which nearly approaches to Σεῤῥεπόλεως.
+
+I shall not pretend to explain the Stadiasmus any further, or to justify
+its distances, some of which may, however, be found accurate, when a
+better knowledge of the real geography and of the ancient sites shall
+have illustrated its meaning. With such a multitude of verbal and literal
+errors, we cannot be surprised at finding many of the numbers also
+inaccurate. It may be observed, however, that of the three distances
+which the author has drawn across the gulf of Issus,—namely, from
+Myriandrus to Ægæ, from Rhosus to Serrepolis, and from the Rhosic rock
+(now cape Hanzír) to Antiocheia on the Pyramus,—the two latter seem to be
+tolerably near the truth.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI.
+
+SOME REMARKS ON THE COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY OF THE WESTERN AND NORTHERN
+PARTS OF ASIA MINOR.
+
+ _Principal places in Peræa Rhodia—in Doris—in Caria—in the
+ valley of the Mæander—in the valley of the Caystrus—on the coast
+ of Ionia—in the valleys of the Hermus and Caicus, and in the
+ adjacent country—in Troas—in Bithynia—in Paphlagonia._
+
+
+It remains to submit to the reader some observations in justification
+of the ancient names in the western and northern parts of the map which
+accompanies the present volume. It will not be necessary to enter into
+this part of the subject so fully as into those which have already
+been under consideration. The western provinces, in consequence of
+their celebrity and greater advantages of climate, soil, and situation,
+have been more fully described, both by ancient and modern writers; so
+that, in conducting the reader to the results recorded on the map, a
+general reference on the one hand to the travellers whose routes are
+there marked, and on the other to the ancient historians, geographers,
+and itineraries, will be sufficient. In those instances only, it may
+be necessary to be more particular, where the ancient positions are
+determined by less obvious authorities or by unpublished documents,
+or where the question is rendered doubtful by deficient or conflicting
+evidence. As to the north-eastern part of the peninsula, we must be
+contented with a brief notice of its geography, for a reason the reverse
+of that which induces me to abridge the geographical notice of the
+provinces bordering on the Ægæan sea. The distance of Paphlagonia and
+Eastern Bithynia from the centre of Grecian civilization, and the little
+attention which those countries have received from ancient history,
+have hardly tempted a single traveller to trust himself among their
+barbarous tribes, or to explore their mountains and forests; and hence
+the evidences of the geography of that country, both ancient and modern,
+are extremely imperfect.
+
+I shall begin from the western extremity of Captain Beaufort’s Survey,
+and shall proceed to the westward and northward from the same point
+at which the remarks of the preceding chapter set out in the opposite
+direction. It so happens that Dædala is precisely the point at which
+Strabo also changes the course of his observations; and from which, after
+describing the coast of Caria with the adjacent islands and continent
+in a western direction, he proceeds, as we have seen in the translated
+extract at the beginning of the last chapter, to direct his description
+of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia, from west to east.
+
+Captain Beaufort not having surveyed any part of the coast between
+Telmissus and Halicarnassus, excepting that near Cnidus; and no
+traveller having pretended to publish a delineation of it, except M.
+de Choiseul Gouffier, whose map is too obviously incorrect, both in
+construction and in detail, to merit much attention; this part of the
+coast-line of Asia is more subject to a suspicion of inaccuracy than any
+other. The important positions of Rhodus, Cnidus, Cos, and Halicarnassus,
+are indeed ascertained by the observations of Captain Beaufort, and I
+have derived some assistance from a few measurements taken with the
+compass and sextant from the same places, by Sir William Gell; but no
+reliance can yet be placed on the outline of the gulfs of Syme and Kos:
+even the extent of those magnificent bays is very uncertain, and nothing
+is known of the situation of the numerous towns and islands placed in
+them by the ancient authors, especially by Pliny: in short, the exploring
+of these two gulfs with that of the coast in the vicinity of Caunus, is
+now one of the most interesting desiderata in the geography of Asia Minor.
+
+Strabo[300] describes Peræa as beginning at the fort and mountain Dædala,
+near Telmissus, and as ending at mount Phœnix, both places included.
+“Next to the gulf Glaucus occurs the cape and temple Artemisium, and
+then the grove of Latona; above which, 60 stades inland, is the city
+Calynda, then Caunus, a city with docks and a closed port; and near it
+the Calbis, navigable by boats. Between Caunus and the Calbis is Pisilis;
+and on a height above Caunus is a fort named Imbrus. The next place on
+the coast to Caunus is Physcus, a small city which has a harbour and a
+grove of Latona; then the rugged coast of Loryma, the highest mountain
+above which is named Phœnix, and has a castle of the same name on its
+summit. Before this coast lies Elæussa, 4 stades from the sea, 8 stades
+in circumference, and 120 stades distant from Rhodus. Beyond Loryma is
+the cape Cynossema and the island Syme.”
+
+As it appears from another passage in Strabo[301], where he cites
+Artemidorus, that the common road from this coast to the northward, was
+from Physcus by Alabanda and Tralles, there seems little doubt that
+Physcus was at Mármara, which is still the usual place of debarkation
+from Ródos to those going towards Ghiuzel-hissár and Smyrna.
+
+The distances of Elæussa and port Cressa from Rhodus, as given by Strabo
+and Pliny[302], are sufficiently accurate to identify those two places.
+The excellent harbour of Cressa is now called Aplothíka by the Greeks,
+and Porto Cavaliere by the Italians, and on its western shore are the
+ruins of a Hellenic fortress and town, which are undoubtedly those
+of Loryma; for Loryma is called a city by Seneca[303] and Stephanus,
+although not so designated by Strabo or by Pliny; and port Loryma is
+described by Livy as being opposite to Rhodus[304], at a little more
+than the distance[305] which Pliny assigns to Cressa. The order of names
+on this coast in Ptolemy[306] is in exact agreement with the other
+authorities which I have cited in proof of their position, as marked on
+the map, if we suppose his cape Onugnatus to be the same as the Cynosema
+of Strabo.
+
+Although Choiseul Gouffier must have nearly crossed the sites of Dædala
+and Calynda, he did not ascertain the position of either of them: nor
+has that of Caunus, the chief city of Peræa, yet been explored. The
+promontory called by Strabo Artemisium, from the temple of Diana which
+stood upon it, appears to have been the same as the Pedalium of Pliny
+and the Stadiasmus, and to be the cape now called Bokomadhi.
+
+The Clydæ, which the Stadiasmus[307] names between Pedalium and Crua
+(Crya) is evidently the same as the Chydæ, which Ptolemy places a
+little to the westward of Crya, and Crya is undoubtedly the Cryassus
+of Stephanus and Plutarch[308]. We are not surprised at finding in the
+modern town of Ródos an inscription[309], in which Cryassus and Chalce
+(the island still called Khalki) are alluded to, both these places
+having been dependencies of the Rhodian republic. The islands off the
+coast of Dædala and Crya are noticed by Pliny[310], who says there
+were two belonging to the Dædalenses; and three, two of which are by
+Stephanus[311] named Alina and Carysis, belonging to the Cryenses.
+
+In consequence of our ignorance of the actual topography of the gulfs
+of Doris and Ceramus, I have not attempted to place any of their towns,
+even conjecturally, except Euthenæ, which is stated by Mela[312] to have
+been in a bay between Cnidus and the Ceramic gulf: Bargasa and Ceramus
+are described by Strabo[313] as being near the sea, between Cnidus and
+Halicarnassus; and Passala, an island in the same gulf, was the port
+of the Mylassenses[314]. The modern name Kéramo, which, if it exists,
+identifies the site of Ceramus, rests, I believe, solely upon the
+authority of D’Anville.
+
+The Dorian colonies from the Peloponnesus, which settled in
+Halicarnassus, Cnidus, Cos, and in the three cities of Rhodus, introduced
+the use of Doric architecture, and of the Doric dialect, into this angle
+of Caria. Remains of Doric buildings are found at Lindus, Cnidus, and
+Halicarnassus[315]; and inscriptions in the Doric dialect have been
+found in most of the cities of the Hexapolis. It appears that they had
+not neglected the latter mark of their origin in the early ages of the
+Roman empire[316].
+
+The conversion into a peninsula of the island on which Strabo and
+Stephanus represent Jasus (now Asýn Kale) to have stood, is probably a
+remote effect of the encroachments of the Mæander upon the sea. We find
+another instance of the same kind at Caryanda: for there can be little
+doubt that the large _peninsula_, towards the western end of which is the
+fine harbour called by the Turks Pasha Limáni, is the ancient _island_ of
+Caryanda, now joined to the main by a narrow sandy isthmus. Pasha Limáni
+(the port of the Pasha) is the _harbour_ of Caryanda, noticed by Strabo,
+Scylax, and Stephanus; its position according with that of the other
+places along this coast, as described by Strabo. “Next to Halicarnassus,”
+he says, “is Termerium, a cape of the Myndii, opposite to cape Scandaria
+of Cos.... Proceeding towards Myndus are the capes Astypalsæa and
+Zephyrium; and immediately beyond the latter, the city Myndus, with a
+harbour; then Bargylia, also a city, between which and Myndus is the
+harbour and the island of Caryanda[317]. Near Bargylia is the temple of
+Diana Cindyas. Next occurs Iasus.”
+
+We can hardly doubt that Myndus stood in the small sheltered port of
+Gumishlú, where Captain Beaufort remarked the remains of an ancient pier
+at the entrance of the port, and some ruins at the head of the bay. The
+cape to the southward of this port will consequently be Zephyrium; and
+it is not improbable that the ruins which the same traveller observed
+at Kadí Kálesi, in a bay on the south side of that cape, are those of a
+small ancient town of the same name, which has not been noticed by the
+ancient authors.
+
+Such having been the situation of Myndus and of Caryanda, Bargylia
+(called Andanus[318] in the Carian language) should be sought for on the
+coast between Pasha Limáni and Asýn Kálesi: this position, it may be
+added, agrees with that which Mela[319] ascribes to Bargylia, as well
+as with the fact that the gulf of Iasus was often called the gulf of
+Bargylia[320].
+
+Of the interior cities of Caria, Stratoniceia is shown to have been at
+Eski-hissár, by the important ruins which have given rise to the modern
+name, in conjunction with an inscription[321] found there, which relates
+to Jupiter Chrysaoreus, the deity particularly worshipped at Stratoniceia.
+
+The names of Lagina and Mylasa still subsist, slightly corrupted. Of
+the latter city there are many remains; but that which constituted its
+most remarkable antiquity in the time of Pococke, the temple of Rome
+and Augustus, was destroyed about the middle of the last century by the
+Turks, who built a new mosque with the materials[322].
+
+The situation of Alabanda is still doubtful; and the ancient testimony on
+that of Labranda is so much connected with it, that the same uncertainty
+prevails as to the site of the latter. The following is the substance of
+what Strabo says of these places:
+
+Labranda was a dependency of Mylasa, distant from thence 68 stades,
+and situated in the mountain over which lay the route from Mylasa to
+Alabanda. As far as Labranda there was a paved road, which, as leading to
+the temple of Jupiter Stratius, (otherwise named Labrandenus,) was called
+the Sacred Way[323]. Alabanda stood at the foot of a hill with a double
+summit, which resembled an ass bearing a pack-saddle. It was situated
+near a very winding river, and its territory was separated by a ridge of
+hills from that of Mylasa[324].
+
+Pococke and Chandler supposed Alabanda to have been at Karpúsli, where
+they found sepulchres and the remains of public buildings, of a theatre,
+and of town walls; and Chandler was the first to describe the ruins
+(at Iakli, not far to the southward of Kizeljik or Mendeliat,) of a
+small fortified town containing a theatre, and a ruined temple of the
+Corinthian order, of which 16 columns of 2½ feet in diameter, with a
+part of the entablature, were standing in the year 1776. This, Chandler
+supposed to have been the temple of Jupiter of Labranda[325]. M. de
+Choiseul Gouffier[326] and M. Barbié du Bocage[327] were of a different
+opinion. Without pretending to determine the position of Alabanda,
+they agreed in thinking that the ruins at Iakli are those of Euromus,
+which we know from Polybius and Livy[328] to have been one of the most
+important places in this part of the country, at the time of the Roman
+wars; and from Strabo, to have been situated, as the ruins at Iakli are,
+near the eastern extremity of Mount Grium[329]. It appears, moreover,
+from a coin of the emperor Caracalla[330], that the Jupiter of Euromus
+had considerable celebrity; to him, therefore, the existing temple may
+have been sacred, and not to Jupiter of Labranda: in favour of which
+opinion, it may be added that the temple of Labranda was noted for its
+antiquity, whereas the architecture at Iakli is of Roman times.
+
+On the other hand, it may be remarked that the distance of Iakli from
+Mylasa agrees tolerably with the 68 or 70 stades between that place and
+Labranda; that supposing Alabanda to have been at Karpúsli, the direction
+of Iakli from Mylasa is not much to the left of a line drawn from thence
+to Karpúsli: and that the deviation is a natural consequence of the
+projection westward of the range of hills, a part of which overhangs the
+temple at Iakli.
+
+There are some reasons, however, for thinking that Alabanda was not at
+Karpúsli, but at Arabissár. 1. Pococke describes the ancient remains at
+Arabissár as consisting of town-walls, a theatre, and a large oblong
+Roman building with windows, which appeared to him to have been intended
+for public assemblies: he adds that the city occupied the slope and
+foot of two hills. Now the two hills accord with Strabo’s description
+of Alabanda; and the oblong building may have belonged to the Roman
+conventus of which Alabanda was the chief town[331]. 2. The river Tshina,
+near Arabissár, accords extremely well with the river upon which Alabanda
+was situated; as do the mountains which separate its valley from the
+plain of Mylasa, with the geographer’s words, ἡ μεταξὺ ὀρεινὴ, relating
+to the mountain between Mylasa and Alabanda.—3. The other words of
+Strabo, descriptive of the situation of the temple, ἐν τῷ ὄρει, and of
+the road which led to Labranda from Mylasa, tend to show that the temple
+was on a mountain, and that the road thither did not lead through a plain
+like that from Mylasa to Iakli. It may be added, 4. that the ancient gate
+at Mylasa, upon which Chandler observed the figure of a hatchet, the
+symbol of Jupiter Labrandenus, and from which he inferred that it was the
+gate leading to Labranda, does not open towards Iakli, but faces the east
+towards the mountain and Arabissár[332]. Upon the whole, therefore, I am
+inclined to think that Alabanda was at Arabissár, and Euromus at Iakli;
+and that the vestiges of Labranda will hereafter be found on the mountain
+to the north-eastward of Mylasa. The ancient remains at Karpúsli are
+perhaps those of Orthosia. This was a place of some importance; and we
+know that it was situated in the country to the southward of the Mæander,
+opposite to Tralles and Nysa; that it was not far from Coscinia[333], and
+that Coscinia was upon the same river as Alabanda[334].
+
+If Alabanda was at Arabissár, Tshina, where Pococke[335] found
+considerable remains, may be the site of Coscinia, and its modern name
+may possibly be a corruption of the ancient.
+
+M. Barbié du Bocage[336] has with great reason supposed that the river of
+Tshina was the branch of the Mæander called Marsyas by Herodotus[337].
+The historian describes the Marsyas as flowing from the country of Idrias
+into the Mæander; and he relates that the Persians under Daurises having
+met the revolted Carians not far from the junction of the two streams,
+the Carians were defeated, and retired to Labranda, where they took up a
+position in the sacred grove, and were joined by the Milesii and others
+of their allies. They were defeated a second time, and the Persians
+continued to advance into Caria, until the Carians, attacking the
+invaders by night on the road to Pedasus, were in their turn victorious,
+and slew Daurises and several others of the Persian leaders. It is
+evident that the Marsyas of which the historian here speaks was a Carian
+river, totally different from the stream or fountain of the same name at
+Celænæ, the course of which was not longer than that city itself[338].
+Idrias was one of the earlier names of the city, which under the
+Macedonians assumed the name of Stratoniceia, and its territory included
+Lagina, celebrated for a temple of Hecate[339]. The latter place still
+preserves its ancient name, and not far from it are the sources of the
+Tshina. It may be further observed, in confirmation of the identity of
+this river with the Marsyas of Herodotus, that the retreat of the Carians
+from its valley into the hills to the westward was a very natural
+movement, and perfectly conformable with the other circumstances of these
+transactions.
+
+In opposition to the placing of Alabanda at Arabissár will perhaps be
+adduced the distances on the road which led from Physcus by Tralles to
+Smyrna, as stated by Artemidorus, and preserved by Strabo[340]. These
+distances are from Physcus to Lagina 850 stades, to Alabanda 250, to the
+Mæander, which was the boundary of Caria, 80, to Tralles 80, to Magnesia
+140, to Ephesus 120, to Smyrna 320,—total from Physcus to Tralles 1260,
+from Tralles to Smyrna 580. The numbers from Tralles to Smyrna agree
+tolerably well with the reality: but it is sufficient to refer for a
+moment to the map, to perceive how totally unworthy of credit those
+on the road from Physcus to Tralles must be, both in the aggregate
+and in detail. The 1260 stades are represented on the map by only 60
+geographical miles in direct distance, making more than 20 stades to a
+mile. Instead of 850 stades from Physcus to Lagina, there could not have
+been with all the windings of the road more than 300; nor are there more
+than 50, instead of 80, from the Mæander to the ruins of Tralles. The
+evidence of position derived from this passage may therefore be rejected,
+except inasmuch as it shows that Alabanda lay in the road from Physcus to
+Tralles.
+
+The second-rate places of Caria, dependent upon the chief cities of the
+coast, or upon the three great towns of the interior, were Euromus,
+Chalcetor, Heracleia, and Amyzon[341].
+
+As Mount Grium extended from the Milesia eastward to Chalcetor and
+Euromus[342], Chalcetor would perhaps be found, supposing Euromus to have
+been at Iakli, at the foot of the mountain which lies between that place
+and Asýn Kálesi.
+
+The Heracleia mentioned by Strabo among the four smaller towns of the
+interior of Caria, is not the same as the Heracleia under Mount Latmus
+which he describes elsewhere, for this was a maritime town. It must
+therefore be the same which Ptolemy distinguishes from Heracleia of
+Latmus (πρὸς Λάτμῳ) by the name of Heracleia of Albanum (πρὸς Ἀλβάνῳ).
+Whether Albanum was the name of a river or mountain it is difficult to
+say;—but the traveller might perhaps seek for the site of this Heracleia,
+with some prospect of success, in the situation in which it stands in the
+enumeration of the towns of this country by Pliny[343], namely, between
+Euromus and Amyzon.
+
+The ruins of the citadel and town-walls of Amyzon are to be seen on
+the eastern side of Mount Latmus on the road from Bafi to Tchisme,
+one hour short of the latter, and a little above some villages called
+Kafaslár. Mr. Hamilton here copied an inscription in a very defective
+state of preservation, of which however some of the expressions are
+distinguishable. Towards the beginning I observe ΑΜΥΤΟΝΕΩΝ and ΧΑΙΡΕΙΝ.
+When the letters of the inscription were perfect, the former word was
+undoubtedly [Illustration: ΑΜΥΖΟΝΕΩΝ], and it proves that these remains
+belonged to Amyzon[344]. Mixed with Hellenic ruins, there are others at
+this place, of the date of the Byzantine empire,—a circumstance which
+agrees with the mention made of Amyzon among the places of Caria in
+Hierocles, and in the list of Greek bishoprics.
+
+The city of Latmus or Heracleia at Mount Latmus has preserved
+considerable remains of its walls, together with many sepulchres and a
+small temple. These ruins are found at the foot of a rocky mountain, the
+ancient Latmus, on the shore of a lake, which takes its name from the
+village of Báfi near the eastern extremity. This lake is the Latmic Gulf
+described by Strabo[345], but which since his time has been separated
+from the sea by the new plain formed at the mouth of the Mæander.
+Chandler, not adverting to this remarkable change, mistook the lake of
+Báfi for that of Myus, and consequently the ruins of Heracleia for those
+of Myus—an error which was corrected by M. de Choiseul Gouffier. With
+this adjustment, and the undoubted landmarks afforded by the fine ruins
+of Priene at Samsún[346], and by the theatre of Miletus at Palátia, we
+have accurate data for judging of the progress of the encroachments of
+the Mæander upon the sea, as well as for determining the sites of the two
+towns of Pyrrha and Myus, the situation of which relatively to Miletus is
+accurately described by Strabo[347].
+
+The reader has perceived that in the question concerning the site
+of Alabanda, that of Tralles has been assumed to have been at
+Ghiuzel-hissár. It is now time to show that Smith, as well as Pococke
+and Chandler, who too blindly followed the opinion of Smith, were wrong
+in supposing that town to stand on the site of Magnesia—an error which
+infallibly led to others of equal importance. M. Barbié du Bocage in the
+notes to his translation of Chandler gave convincing reasons for thinking
+that Ghiuzel-hissár occupied the position of Tralles: but it was not
+until Mr. Hamilton explored the ruins of Magnesia at Inekbazar[348], and
+discovered the ruins of the celebrated temple of Diana Leucophryene,
+(which has since been measured and drawn by the Mission of the Society
+of Dilettanti,) that the question could be considered as satisfactorily
+determined. The decisive reasons in proof of the positions of Magnesia,
+Tralles and Nysa, as marked on the map at Inekbazar, Ghiuzel-hissár and
+Sultan-hissár, respectively, shall here be stated as briefly as possible.
+
+1. Magnesia was according to Pliny 15 miles[349], and according to
+Artemidorus 120 stades[350] from Ephesus. This is about the real distance
+of Inekbazar, and not half that of Ghiuzel-hissár, from the ruins of
+Ephesus at Aiasolúk.
+
+2. Tralles was on the road from Physcus to Ephesus[351]. But had Magnesia
+been at Ghiuzel-hissár, Tralles, which was 18 miles according to one
+author[352], or 140 stades according to another[353], to the eastward
+of Magnesia, must have been about Atshá, which is very much out of the
+direction from Mármara to Ephesus.
+
+3. We are told by Strabo, that to the traveller going from Magnesia to
+Tralles, with Mount Messogis on his left hand, the plain on his right
+belonged to the Magnetes, and to the people of Myus and Miletus[354]. But
+the two last places were too distant to have possessed any part of the
+plain opposite to Ghiuzel-hissár and Atshá.
+
+4. Strabo describes Magnesia as situated in a plain at the foot of a
+mountain called Thorax, not far from the Mæander, but nearer the Lethæus
+a stream flowing from Pactyas a mountain of the Ephesii[355]. This
+description agrees precisely with Inekbazar, in face of which are two
+insulated hills, which, when all the plain of the Mæander below Inekbazar
+was sea, were two islands called Derasidæ and Sophonia[356]. Besides the
+town-walls, theatre, stadium[357], and other indications of the site of
+a great city, are the vast prostrate fragments of an octastyle Ionic
+temple, the peristyle of which was near 200 feet in length, and was
+formed of columns more than 4 feet and a half in diameter. It agrees
+perfectly with the description given of the temple of Diana at Magnesia
+by Vitruvius[358] and Strabo[359]; the former of whom informs us that
+this building was a pseudodipterous octastyle of the Ionic order, and the
+latter that it was larger than any temple in Asia except those of Diana
+Ephesia and of Apollo Didymeus, and that it surpassed even the Ephesian
+temple in harmony and in the construction of the cell (τῇ εὐρυθμίᾳ καὶ τῇ
+τέχνῃ τῇ περὶ τὴν κατασκευὴν τοῦ σηκοῦ πολὺ διαφέρει). Among the ruins
+are seen inscribed pedestals which formerly supported statues of Nerva
+and Marcus Aurelius; one of these is dedicated by a high priest and
+scribe of the Magnetes; and on another fragment were found the names of
+some priestesses of Artemis Leucophryene[360].
+
+5. The ruins of Tralles are found above the modern town of
+Ghiuzel-hissár, in a situation such as Strabo[361] has described—a table
+summit strong by nature (ἵδρυται ἐπὶ τραπεζίου τινὸς, ἄκραν ἔχοντος
+ἐρυμνήν). The only ruin well defined is that of the theatre and stadium,
+which formed one building. The Ionic temple of Æsculapius built by
+Argelius, which Vitruvius mentions[362], as well as the other works of
+the purer times of Grecian art, seem to have been buried by earthquakes
+beneath the ruins of later buildings; among which are many remains of
+the architecture of the Lower Empire, vestiges of the restoration of
+Tralles by Andronicus Palæologus[363]. Pococke copied a Latin inscription
+at Ghiuzel-hissár in which the name of Tralles occurs, but without
+having observed it. It is found also in two inscriptions copied at
+Ghiuzel-hissár by Sherard. The site of Tralles is traversed by a torrent
+answering to the ancient Eudon.
+
+6. At Sultán-hissár, not far to the westward of Nasli, are the remains
+of a large city, corresponding with the description which Strabo has
+given of Nysa. Nysa was situated for the greater part on the slope of
+Mount Messogis, and was divided by a torrent so as to appear like two
+separate towns—a bridge traversed this torrent in one place, and in
+another the valley was occupied by an amphitheatre, beneath which flowed
+the torrent[364]. Chandler’s account of the ruins at Sultan-hissár is
+exactly conformable with this description of Nysa,—so perfectly in regard
+to the remark of Strabo on the appearance of a double city, that Chandler
+supposed the western division to be Tralles, and the eastern Nysa.
+Pococke has reported an inscription found at Nasli, which contains the
+words ΝΥΣΑΕΙΣ and ΜΑΣΤΑΥΡΕΙΤΟΥ. Possibly Nasli may have been the site of
+Mastaura.
+
+The situation of the other dependencies of Nysa,—namely Briula, Aromata,
+celebrated for its vines, and Acharaca where was a Plutonium and
+cavern,—have not yet been discovered. The latter was not far from Nysa on
+the road to Tralles[365].
+
+It may be inferred from Strabo that Hydrela also was in this part of
+the valley; and notwithstanding his remark[366]—that when the three
+towns founded by Hydrelus and his two brothers fell into decay, their
+united population formed the single one of Nysa,—Hydrela appears to have
+flourished at the time of the Roman wars in Asia[367].
+
+To the eastward of the Marsyas, or river of Tshina, several other smaller
+streams join the Mæander on its southern bank. That which is nearly
+opposite to Nasli may perhaps be the Harpasus, which flowed near the town
+of Harpasa[368]; for we learn from Pococke[369], that some ruins in this
+situation are called Arpás-Kálesi. Not far to the eastward of this stream
+is another, which descends from Gheira and Karajasu. On the eastern side
+of its junction with the Mæander are the remains of an ancient city.
+This was probably Antiocheia, which stood at the junction of the Mosynus
+with the Mæander; having a bridge over the latter river, and a fertile
+territory on either bank[370]. At this bridge it appears that the great
+eastern road from Ephesus to Mazaca—which passed through Magnesia,
+Tralles, and Nysa—crossed the river, leading afterwards from Antiocheia
+along the left bank to Carura and Laodiceia[371].
+
+Other ancient sites were observed in this region by Sherard[372] and
+Pococke: but all the ancient geography of the country to the southward of
+the Mæander is still involved in great uncertainty, there being no points
+absolutely certain except Laodiceia ad Lycum, Aphrodisias, and Mount
+Cadmus, now called Baba-dagh.
+
+Aphrodisias is proved to have been at Gheira, by the numerous remains
+of antiquity still to be seen at that place. Among these are several
+inscriptions containing the name of the people; and ruins still exist
+of the temple of Venus[373], from whose worship was derived the name by
+which the city was most commonly known[374].
+
+There can be little doubt that the hot springs observed by Pococke[375]
+and Chandler[376] on the south bank of the Mæander, about 12 miles west
+of Denizlú, mark the site of Carura, which was celebrated for its hot
+baths in the time of Strabo, and was then the boundary of Caria and
+Phrygia. It was the same place, probably, as the Cydrara of Herodotus;
+for either here, or at no great distance, must have been the meeting of
+the three great roads which the historian mentions[377], one leading into
+Lydia through the opening of Mount Messogis by Tripolis to Philadelphia;
+a second down the valley of the Mæander into Caria; and the third into
+Phrygia by the valley of the Lycus and Celænæ. Cydrara, in the time of
+Herodotus, was near the frontier of the three provinces.
+
+Smith, in his Journey to the Seven Churches in 1671, was the first to
+describe the sites of Laodiceia, Hierapolis, Tripolis, and Colossæ. In
+all these places, except Tripolis, he has been followed by Pococke, or
+by Chandler; and at Hierapolis, recently, by Mr. Cockerell: the general
+topography and the antiquities which exist in these places are therefore
+known, although they have not yet been described to the public with
+sufficient accuracy or detail[378].
+
+Laodiceia[379] preserves great remains of its importance as the
+residence of the Roman governors of Asia under the emperors; namely, a
+stadium in uncommon preservation, three theatres, one of which is 450
+feet in diameter, and the ruins of several other buildings[380].
+
+There are few ancient sites more likely than Laodiceia to preserve
+many curious remains of antiquity beneath the surface of the soil: its
+opulence, and the earthquakes to which it was subject[381], rendering
+it probable that valuable works of art were often there buried, beneath
+the ruins of the public and private edifices[382]. And a similar remark,
+though in a smaller degree perhaps, will apply to the other cities of the
+vale of the Mæander, as well as to some of those situated to the north
+of Mount Tmolus: for Strabo informs us that Philadelphia, Sardes, and
+Magnesia of Sipylus were not less than Laodiceia and the cities of the
+Mæander, as far as Apameia at the sources of that river, subject to the
+same dreadful calamity[383].
+
+Hierapolis, now called Tabúk-Kale or Pambúk-Kale, owed its celebrity,
+and probably the sanctity indicated by its name, to its very remarkable
+sources of mineral water, the singular effects of which, caused by
+the rapid accumulation of its deposit, are shown by the narratives
+of Pococke and Chandler[384] to have been accurately described by
+Strabo[385]. A great number and variety of sepulchres are found on the
+different approaches to the site, which is a commanding hill overlooking
+the valleys of the Lycus and Mæander, and terminating on that side
+in a precipice. The town-walls are seen on the other sides, and the
+main street is traced in its whole length, bordered by three Christian
+churches, one of which is upwards of 300 feet long. About the middle of
+the street, just above the mineral sources, Pococke, in 1740, thought
+that he distinguished some remains of the temple of Apollo, which
+according to Damascius, quoted by Photius, was in this situation[386].
+Chandler distinguished the area of a stadium in a recess of the mountain.
+But the principal ruins are a theatre and gymnasium, both in a state of
+uncommon preservation; the former 346 feet in diameter, the latter nearly
+filling a square space of 400 feet the side.
+
+Of Tripolis we have a very imperfect description by Smith. Chandler saw
+at a distance the theatre which Smith mentions. Lucas, the only other
+traveller who has visited the site, was incompetent to give a description
+of its antiquities; and all that can be understood from his narrative
+is, that he really did pass by Tripolis, though he writes Kosh-Yenije,
+a village near the ruins of Tripolis, Kashashead, and Pambúk-Kálesi,
+Bambour-quezer.
+
+The remains of Colossæ were found by Smith and Pococke below the modern
+Khónas; which name serves to identify the site, as we learn from
+Constantine Porphyrogennetus[387] that Colossæ was in his time called
+Chonæ (Χῶναι). Herodotus[388] mentions a subterraneous course of the
+Lycus for about half a mile near this place; but no traveller has yet
+verified this observation of the historian, or has ascertained the
+existence of the salt lake of Anava between Colossæ and Apameia[389].
+
+M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French translation of
+Chandler’s Travels, has justly remarked that Chandler very improperly
+blames Pococke for having misunderstood the geography of this part of the
+country. It was Chandler himself who erred, in mistaking the river Caprus
+for the Lycus, and the Lycus for the Mæander. But although Pococke was
+right, he did no more than follow Smith, who clearly saw that the river
+which he crossed between Kosh-Yenije and Tabúk-Kálesi is the Mæander;
+that the stream between Tabúk-Kálesi and Eski-hissár (Laodiceia) is the
+Lycus; and that the small rivers which meet at the site of Laodiceia are
+the Caprus and the Asopus.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The valleys of four parallel rivers with the interjacent ridges of
+mountains, form the leading features of that beautiful and fertile
+country in the middle part of the western extremity of Asia Minor, which
+comprehended the ancient provinces of Ionia, Lydia, and Mysia.
+
+The Mæander and Hermus, which (in proceeding from south to north) are the
+first and third of those rivers, are nearly equal as well in magnitude
+as in the length of their course, which is between two and three hundred
+miles. The fourth or northernmost river, the Caicus, although not so
+celebrated as the Caystrus, which is the second in the above-mentioned
+order, is much more considerable in size. Deriving its origin from the
+same mass of Olympene mountains which give rise to the Hermus and the
+Rhyndacus, it is formed of two large branches, either of which is as long
+in its course as the Caystrus. But the latter, although little more than
+70 miles in length, collects all the waters from the adjacent slopes of
+the great mountains Tmolus and Messogis; and thus becomes a stream of
+considerable magnitude at Ephesus, where it joins the sea.
+
+There is very little certainty as to the names and positions of the
+ancient cities which occupied the valley of the Caystrus. The evidences
+of ancient history are so scanty with regard to them, that it is only
+from the discovery of their ruins, and of ancient inscriptions, that we
+can hope to ascertain either their situations or their names.
+
+The remains of antiquity at Beréki, on the southern side of Tmolus,
+seem from Strabo and Ovid to have belonged to Hypæpa[390]; and it is
+not improbable that, in the fertile and delightful region on the
+summit of the mountain between Beréki and Sart (Sardes), a part of
+which is occupied by a large lake, there might be found some remains of
+the city Tmolus; which, together with many of the surrounding places,
+was destroyed by an earthquake in the fifth year of the reign of
+Tiberius[391].
+
+From the many remains of antiquity at Tyre, it appears that this large
+and advantageously-situated modern town is the successor of the chief
+Grecian city of that part of the country. It is known from Strabo and
+Pliny[392], that the valley of the Caystrus was divided into that of
+Ephesus towards the sea; the plain properly called Caystrian; and the
+Cilbian plain: above the last were the Cilbian mountains, in which
+the Caystrus had its sources. We find that the Caystriani, the lower
+Cilbiani, and the upper Cilbiani, coined each their own money, with the
+name of the people inscribed[393]; and they had undoubtedly each a chief
+town in which the coinage took place. As Tyre stands in the central part
+of the Caystrian valley, it probably occupies the site of the city of the
+Caystriani: whether this place had any other name cannot be discovered
+in ancient history. Larissa Ephesia, which possessed a temple of Apollo
+Larissenus, and was supposed to have been anciently a city of much
+greater importance than it was in the time of Strabo, stood in another
+part of the Caystrian plain, 180 stades from Ephesus, towards Mount
+Tmolus[394]. There was another Larissa, 30 stades distant from Tralles,
+on the road leading from thence across the Messogis into the plain of
+Caystrus, from whence the worship of Jupiter Larissius at Tralles had its
+origin[395].
+
+Although the remains of Ephesus are still very considerable and of easy
+access, they have hardly yet been sufficiently explored, or at least
+they have not yet been described to the public with the accuracy and
+detail which they merit. The temple of Diana Ephesia, the largest and
+most celebrated of the Asiatic Greek buildings, is the only one of
+the great examples of the Ionic order, of which we do not now possess
+particulars more or less satisfactory. The temples at Samus, Branchidæ,
+Priene, Magnesia, and Sardes, have been measured and drawn by experienced
+architects;—but not a stone has yet been discovered that can with
+certainty be ascribed to the Ephesian temple, although very little doubt
+remains as to its exact situation[396].
+
+There has been some difference of opinion with regard to the ancient
+maritime sites between Ephesus and Cape Trogilium, which was the extreme
+point of Mount Mycale. Strabo[397] describes this coast in the following
+terms: “Beyond the strait formed by Samus and Mycale, in sailing towards
+Ephesus, a part of the coast on the right hand belongs to the Ephesii and
+a part to the Samii;—the first place is Panionium, situated three stades
+above the sea. Here is held the common festival of the Ionians, who
+sacrifice to Neptune Heliconius; the priesthood belongs to the people of
+Priene. Next occurs Neapolis, which the Ephesii exchanged with the Samii
+for Marathesium, the latter being nearer to them; then Pygela, a small
+city; then the port Panormus, and the temple of Diana Ephesia.”
+
+The uninhabitable aspect of the rocks and forests of Mycale from Cape
+Trogilium to the modern Tshanglí, is such as make it impossible to fix
+upon any spot, either on the face or at the foot of that mountain, at
+which Panionium can well be supposed to have stood. Tshanglí, on the
+other hand, situated in a delightful and well watered valley between two
+projecting points of the mountain, was admirably suited to the Panionian
+festival: and here Sir William Gell found, in a church on the sea-shore,
+an inscription in which he distinguished the name of Panionium twice. I
+conceive, therefore, that there can be little doubt of Tshanglí being on
+the site of Panionium.
+
+Several travellers in passing from Ephesus to Skalanóva have remarked the
+ruins of a small town near the sea, at about one-third of the distance
+from the former place to the latter. These are probably the remains of
+Pygela; though I am not aware how far the neighbouring coast will answer
+to Livy’s description of Pygela as a harbour[398]. Between this spot and
+Tshanglí there are only two places which we can suppose to have been
+anciently occupied by towns: one is Skalanóva; the other is half-way
+between Skalanóva and Tshanglí; where, in a valley watered by a stream,
+is a source of hot water, near the ruins of a fortress, which, although
+it appears to have been a work of the Lower Greek Empire, contains some
+remains of an earlier age. This latter I take to be the site of Neapolis,
+which the Ephesii built, and afterwards exchanged with the Samii; and
+Skalanóva stands probably on the ancient Marathesium.
+
+The survey by Captain Beaufort of the coast between Skalanóva and the
+canal of Khio, illustrates ancient history in the most satisfactory
+manner. There still exist on this coast some remains of two celebrated
+buildings—the Ionic temple of Bacchus at Teos, and the temple of Jupiter
+Clarius at Notium, the port of Colophon[399]. The chief written evidence
+is supplied by Livy and Strabo; and upon this the map will be found a
+sufficient commentary.
+
+Although the ancient names to the westward of Teos are not so certainly
+fixed as those to the eastward of that place, one can hardly doubt that
+the harbour of Sykiá, on the west side of Cape Corycus, now Kóraka, was
+the port called Corycus; for Livy describes Corycus both as a promontory
+of the Teii and as a harbour. In the war between Antiochus and the
+Romans, in the year B.C. 193[400], Polyxenidas, commander of the fleet
+of Antiochus, hearing that the Roman fleet was approaching from Delus,
+and being desirous of coming to an engagement with them before they
+should be joined by Eumenes and the Rhodii, sailed from Phocæa with a
+hundred vessels of a small class, of which seventy were covered. Having
+passed through the channel of Chius, he anchored in Cyssus, a port of
+the Erythræi. The Romans sailed from Delus to Phanæ in Chius, and from
+thence, after taking in provision at the city of Chius, they proceeded
+to Phocæa; where they were joined by Eumenes from Elæa, the port of
+Pergamum, with twenty-four covered, and many open vessels. The combined
+fleet, amounting to 200 ships, (a fourth of which were uncovered,) then
+sailed along the shore, with the view of passing into port Corycus, which
+was beyond Cyssus. Polyxenidas, when he saw the enemy approach, advanced
+against them, and was defeated. Cyssus, from this transaction, seems to
+have been the harbour now called Latzáta, the largest on this part of
+the coast; and it is probably the same which Strabo calls Casystes[401].
+Tshisme, noted for more than one Turkish disaster, seems to be the port
+Phœnicus of the Erythræi, in which the Romans anchored after the action,
+on their way to the city of Chius. The remains of Erythræ are found
+considerably to the northward of Tshisme, in a port sheltered by the
+islands, anciently called Hippi[402].
+
+As Strabo[403] states the entrance into the canal of Chius on this side,
+between Cape Argennum of the main land and Cape Poseidium of Chius, to
+have been sixty stades in breadth, these two capes could be no others
+than the promontories marked with those names in the map; the real
+distance agreeing exactly with the ancient number.
+
+The next place to Poseidium, in coasting the island with the shore on
+the light hand, was Phanæ[404], which is described by Livy as a harbour
+turned toward the Ægæan (portum Chiorum in Ægeum mare versum), and in
+another place as a promontory (promontorium Chiorum). We have already
+seen that it was the place at which the Roman fleet touched in proceeding
+from the isle of Delus to the Pergamenian coast; on another occasion they
+assembled at Phanæ, previously to their sailing to the same island[405]:
+it seems therefore to have been in the bay on the western side of the
+southernmost cape of Chius.
+
+The other ancient names of this island have been placed on the map, as
+well as the information afforded by the ancient authors[406] compared
+with the blind accounts of the modern travellers Pococke and Heyman would
+admit.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The rivers Hermus and Caicus, each of which is formed by the union of
+two branches meeting at thirty or forty miles above the mouth, water
+two extensive valleys equal in natural advantages to those of the
+Mæander and Caystrus, and not exceeded in beauty and fertility by any in
+the world. Sardes was the chief city of the valley of the Hermus, and
+Pergamum in that of the Caicus. Both have retained the ancient name a
+little corrupted by the Turks: but while Pergamum continues to be the
+capital of the surrounding country, Sardes has yielded to Magnesia of
+Mount Sipylus, and has dwindled to a small village. This village however
+and its vicinity have to boast of two of the most interesting remains
+of antiquity in Asia; the colossal tumulus of Alyattes near the lake
+Gygæa[407], and the vast Ionic temple of Cybebe[408] or the Earth, on
+the bank of the Pactolus[409]. Here is also a theatre connected with a
+stadium, and the ruins of a large church, perhaps the only one of the
+Seven Churches of Asia of which there are any distinguishable remains.
+
+Pergamum retained under the Romans that superiority over all the cities
+of Asia which it had acquired under the successors of Philetærus: and
+it still preserves many vestiges of its ancient magnificence. Remains
+of the Asclepium and of some other temples; of the theatre, stadium,
+amphitheatre, and several other buildings, are still to be seen[410].
+
+There is a confusion of names in regard to the two branches of the
+Hermus, similar to that which I have already had occasion to notice
+in the instances of the Sangarius and Mæander. It seems clear from
+Homer[411] and from Strabo[412], that the branch of the Hermus which
+waters the plain of Ak-hissár, and which joins the main stream not far
+from Magnesia, is the ancient Hyllus, which in the time of Strabo was
+called Phrygius; for we find no mention in ancient history of any other
+tributary stream of the Hermus, with the exception of the Cogamus near
+Philadelphia, that of Sardes the famed Pactolus, and a third the Cryus,
+obscurely named by Pliny, and which was probably of no greater magnitude
+than the other two just mentioned. Nor in fact is there any stream of
+importance joining the main river now called Kodus or Ghedis, in the
+lower part of its course, except the river of Ak-hissár. The course of
+the main stream, moreover, agrees exactly with the description which
+Strabo has given of the Hermus. “It rises,” he says, “in the sacred
+mountain Dindymene, flows through the Catacecaumene into the district of
+Sardes, and from thence through the subjacent plains into the sea[413].”
+
+From Livy however, in his narrative of the transactions which preceded
+the decisive victory gained by the Romans over Antiochus at Magnesia,
+it seems evident that Phrygius was the name by which the southern or
+main branch of the Hermus was better known to the Romans. Antiochus
+had collected his forces at Thyateira, when his opponent the Consul
+Lucius Cornelius Scipio crossed the Hellespont, and moved in six days
+from Ilium to the sources of the Caicus. Here he was joined by Eumenes
+from Elæa; and from hence, on the supposition that the king was still
+near Thyateira, he marched to meet him, and moved in five days into the
+Hyrcanian plain. But Antiochus in the mean time had quitted Thyateira,
+and after having _crossed the river Phrygius_, had entrenched himself at
+Magnesia. The Consul followed on the opposite side of the river, until
+he arrived in the enemy’s presence. When the armies had remained in this
+position, with the river between them, for two days, the Romans crossed
+it and took up a position with their left to the stream, consequently
+to the westward of the position of Antiochus, which was probably done
+for the sake of securing a communication with the fleet at Elæa, and
+a retreat in that direction in case of necessity. After his defeat
+Antiochus fled to Sardes and Apameia.
+
+From these transactions it cannot well be doubted that Livy applies
+the name of Phrygius to the southern or main branch of the Hermus, in
+contradiction to Strabo, who identifies it with the northern. And in this
+the historian agrees with Pliny[414], who by distinguishing the Phryx
+from the Hyllus, and by observing that the Phryx gave name to Phrygia,
+and that it separated that province from Caria, shews clearly that he
+applied the name Phryx to the largest, and at the same time to the
+southernmost branch. This instance serves, like that of the Sangarius,
+to prove how easily a confusion of names occurs in regard to the branches
+of a river.
+
+From the direction of Scipio’s route from Troy to the Hyrcanian plain,
+and from the proportion of his marches, it may be inferred that the
+north-eastern branch of the river of Bergma, which flows by Menduria and
+Balikesri, is that which was anciently called Caicus;—of the name of the
+southern branch I have not found any trace in ancient history.
+
+Strabo[415] informs us that the Caicus was joined by the Mysius flowing
+from Temnum; and that this mountain separated the valley of the Caicus
+from the plain of Apia, which bordered on Thebe and Adramyttium. Such is
+our ignorance of the real structure of this part of the country, that it
+is only from the ancient geographer that we have any knowledge either of
+the mountain or the river.
+
+Notwithstanding the facilities which were so long given to the researches
+of travellers by the favourable disposition of the ruling Turkish family
+of Kara-Osmán-Oglu, added to the influence of the European factories at
+Smyrna, even the most accessible parts of the valleys of the Hermus and
+Caicus and of their interjacent ridges are still very insufficiently
+explored. It seems strange to say, that of a coast so near to Smyrna
+as that between the mouths of the Hermus and Caicus, we possess no
+delineation that can be relied on; and consequently no satisfactory
+information upon the very interesting positions of Leucæ, Phocæa, Cyme,
+Ægæ, Neontichus, Myrina, and Grynium; the latter noted for a magnificent
+temple of Apollo, of white marble[416].
+
+In short, with the exception of Temnus, which appears from the Peutinger
+Table to have been at Menimen; and of Nacrasa, which an inscription
+mentioned by Chishull[417] shews to have been at Bakír,—we have no
+accurate information on the sites of any of the second-rate towns of
+this part of Asia Minor—and all to the east and north of Philadelphia,
+Thyateira and Pergamum, as far as the Thymbres, Mount Olympus, and the
+coast of the Propontis, is little better than an unknown land, in which
+there are very few ancient names that I have been able to place with any
+degree of certainty.
+
+The site of Cyzicus has been visited and imperfectly described by Pococke
+and Sestini, and Miletopolis appears from Chishull’s description of
+the neighbouring lake to have been at Miniás[418]. And hence we have
+two lines in the Table of which the extremities are known—namely, that
+leading from Pergamum to Miletopolis, and that leading from Pergamum to
+Cyzicus. On the former was Hadrianotheræ[419], for such undoubtedly is
+the correction that should be made of the corrupted name in the Table,
+though the distance there assigned to it of 8 M. P. from Pergamum cannot
+be implicitly relied on, as the 41 M. P. which forms the whole interval
+between Pergamum and Miletopolis is not half the reality. On the road
+from Pergamum to Cyzicus we find two names in the Table, which do not
+occur elsewhere in ancient history—Phemeneo—Argesis. The distance of
+Phemenium from Cyzicus is omitted in the Table: but if the other two
+distances on this line are correct, the mines of Ergasteria mentioned by
+Galen were between Phemenium and Argesæ[420].
+
+The name of Kesri or Balikesri seems to be a corruption of Cæsareia[421].
+It is the chief town of the Turkish district of Karasi, and is situated
+on the Caicus, near the great road from Smyrna to Constantinople: it is
+probably the site of one of the numerous places which under the Romans
+changed their more ancient name to Cæsareia.
+
+In some part of Mount Olympus, to the westward of Brusa, we find mention
+made by the Turkish geographer Abubekr, of a town called Edrenús. There
+can be little doubt that this is the ancient Hadriani ad Olympum or in
+Olympo, of which coins inscribed with this local distinction are still in
+existence[422]. Edrenús is no other than Ἀδριανούς, a slight corruption
+of Hadriani in the usual modern Greek form of the accusative, like Kodus
+for Cadi.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The geography of the western side of the Idæan range, which slopes to the
+Ægæan sea and the Hellespont, is in a very different state from that of
+the country to the eastward of that mountain. The natural beauties of the
+Troas, its accessibility by sea, but above all its celebrity as the scene
+of the Ilias, have attracted a greater number of travellers to it, than
+to any other part of Asia Minor[423].
+
+[Illustration: The TROAS from _RHŒTEIUM and ALEXANDREIA to the SUMMITS OF
+Mᵗ. IDA_.
+
+_W.M.L. del. Published Febʸ. 1824 by John Murray Albemarle Street London.
+J. Walker Sculpt._]
+
+[Illustration: _SKETCH to explain the supposed alteration in the_ coast
+_and in the_ rivers _of TROY since the time of the_ Trojan War.
+
+_The strong lines represent the supposed state of the rivers and coast in
+the time of the War. The dotted lines shew the course of the rivers and
+line of coast at the present day._
+
+_W.M.L. delᵗ. Published Febʸ. 1824 by John Murray Albemarle Street London.
+J. Walker sculpᵗ._]
+
+The most remarkable places in the Troas were Assus, Lectum, Hamaxitus,
+Larissa, Colonæ, Alexandreia, Cebrene, Neandria, Cenchreæ, Scamandria,
+Sigeium, and New Ilium.
+
+The two most important, and to which the greater part of the population
+of the others was drawn as early as the time of the successors of
+Alexander, were Alexandria and New Ilium; and these continued to be
+the chief towns under the Roman emperors. Alexandria has preserved
+considerable remains to this day. Of New Ilium only the foundations of
+the walls with a few other fragments are to be seen.
+
+As Hamaxitus, Larissa, and Colonæ, were from their proximity to
+Alexandria absorbed by that city at the time of its foundation[424],
+we are not surprised that no remains of them have been remarked by
+travellers. Some circumstances, however, mentioned by Strabo[425], are
+sufficient very nearly to fix their positions. Hamaxitus in particular
+is determined by the salt-works of Tragasæ, which are still in a state
+of operation on the sea-coast near the mouth of the river of Tuzla.
+This river (perhaps the ancient Satnioeis) does not, however, take its
+name, which means _salt_, from the maritime salt-works alone: there are
+other salt-works at some very copious sources of hot salt water, at a
+considerable distance from the sea, on the northern side of the valley,
+where is a village called Tuzla, and where the neighbouring hills are
+composed of rock salt. This curious fact accounts for the name Halesium,
+anciently applied to the district[426].
+
+As it appears from Strabo that Cebrenia bordered on the territories of
+Antandrus, Hamaxitus, Neandria, New Ilium, and Scepsis[427], and that
+the Scepsia was on the Æsepus[428], consequently on the eastern side of
+the summit of Ida,—Cebrenia seems to have occupied the higher region of
+Ida on the western side, and its city very probably stood at Kushunlú
+Tepe, not far from Bairamitsh, where Dr. E. D. Clarke, proceeding from
+the latter place towards the sources of the Mendere and the summit of
+Ida, found very considerable remains of antiquity. The fine valley which
+extends from thence to the modern town of Ene, seems to answer in its
+upper part to the level country of Cebrenia, mentioned by Strabo[429];
+and in its lower or western to the plain called Samonium, which belonged
+to Neandria[430]: for Neandria being described by the geographer as
+inland from Hamaxitus towards New Ilium, and as 130 stades distant from
+the latter[431], corresponds exactly in position with Ene.
+
+In the plain of Troy, or region watered by the lower course of the
+Mendere and its branches, the only positions proved to be ancient sites,
+by remains of buildings existing in their original places, are—
+
+1. That of New Ilium on a hill which rises to the eastward of the
+villages of Kum-Kiúi and Kalafátli, about 5 miles to the S.E. of Kum-Kalé
+or the lower castle of the Dardanells, and three miles from the nearest
+shore. The vestiges of the walls of the citadel are to be traced on the
+summit of the height; and some of the buildings of the town, on the
+western slope and at the foot of the hill: but very little now remains
+in its place, the site being resorted to (as it probably has been
+ever since its abandonment), as to a stone-quarry, for the materials
+of modern constructions—whence we find all the villages, farms, and
+particularly the Turkish cemeteries of the surrounding country, full
+of the inscribed or decorated marbles of New Ilium. 2. Paleó Aktshi
+Kiúi. This, by its direction and distance from New Ilium, corresponds
+exactly with the Ἰλιέων κώμη, or village of the Ilienses, described by
+Strabo[432] as being 30 stades eastward of New Ilium towards Ida and
+Dardania. 3. Paleó-Kastro, near the Turkish village of It-ghelmés, on
+a height overlooking the Bosphorus. This is probably the site of the
+town Rhœteium, on a part of the sea-shore of which was the Æanteium or
+tomb of Ajax[433], still existing. 4. Yenishehr, the ancient Sigeium.
+5. Another Paleó-Kastro, near the mouth of the small river which
+receives the canal derived from the river of Bunárbashi. This has been
+supposed, with great probability, to have been a small town and port
+called Agameia[434]. 6. The hill which rises above the less or lower
+Bunárbashi to the S.E., and which is bounded in the same direction by the
+deep valley of the Mendere. This, it is not improbable, was the site of
+Scamandria; for it may be presumed that Scamandria being named by Pliny
+together with New Ilium[435], was in some part of the lower plain of
+the Scamander, near that river; and there is no site on the Mendere so
+remarkable as that of Bunárbashi. Pliny describes Scamandria as a _small_
+town: but it seems from an extant inscription to have been of sufficient
+importance to make a recorded treaty with New Ilium concerning the sale
+of corn[436].
+
+The same heights are by many persons supposed to have been in an earlier
+age the position of the renowned capital of Ilus and his successors:
+indeed, so many of the most intelligent _travellers_[437] in the Troas
+are agreed in placing the Homeric Ilium at Bunárbashi, that I should
+have been satisfied on the present occasion with stating my concurrence
+with their opinion, and with referring to the arguments of such of them
+as have supported it by their publications, had not some adverse systems
+been recently maintained with great learning and ingenuity; though
+chiefly, it must be admitted, by those who have considered the question
+in the closet only. I shall here offer, therefore, a few observations
+on this subject; first stating what appear to me to be the strongest
+grounds for thinking that Bunárbashi was the site of Troy, and then the
+principal objections that have been made to that opinion, together with
+the arguments which occur in reply to them[438].
+
+As even the identity of the country on the Asiatic side of the entrance
+of the Hellespontine strait with the scene of the Ilias has been
+doubted, it may not be useless to premise, that if the war of Troy was
+a real event, having reference to a real topography (and to doubt it
+would shake the whole fabric of profane history), no district has yet
+been shown that will combine even a few of the requisite features of
+the plain of Troy, except that between Kum-Kalé and Bunárbashi: whereas
+in that district, and in the surrounding country by land and by water,
+we find the seas and mountains and islands in the positions which the
+poet indicates, and many of them with the same or nearly the same names.
+The features which do not accord so well with his description are those
+which are the most liable to change in the lapse of ages,—the course and
+size of the rivers, and the extent and direction of the low coast where
+these waters join the sea. Instead of a river with two large branches,
+which Homer seems to describe, we find on one side of the plain a broad
+torrent, reduced in the dry season to a slender brook, and a few stagnant
+pools; and on the other side a small perennial stream, which instead of
+joining the former is diverted into an artificial channel, and is thus
+carried to a different part of the coast. But the diminutive size of some
+of the most celebrated rivers of antiquity is well known to those who
+have travelled in Greece; and it must be considered that a poet writing
+of a real scene is obliged to magnify those features, which without
+exaggeration would be beneath the dignity of his verse. In regard to
+the course of the streams, it seems sufficient still to find, at the end
+of three thousand years, two rivers which, if they do not now unite,
+evidently did so at a former period of time: and for the sources of that
+stream which Homer describes as rising under the walls of Troy, to find
+some very remarkable springs, not very different in their peculiarities
+from the poet’s description, and rising at the foot of a commanding
+height on the edge of the plain.
+
+For poetry this coincidence appears sufficient: and in regard to the
+position of Troy itself, it seems enough to find a hill rising above the
+sources just mentioned, not only agreeing in all particulars with the
+kind of position which the Greeks[439] usually chose for their towns, but
+the only situation in this region which will combine all the requisites
+they sought for; namely, a height overlooking a fertile maritime
+plain,—situated at a sufficient distance from the sea to be secure from
+the attacks of pirates, and furnished with a copious and perennial supply
+of water,—presenting a very strong and healthy position for the city; and
+for the citadel a hill beyond the reach of bowshot from the neighbouring
+heights, defended at the back by steep rocks and precipices, surrounded
+by a deep valley and broad torrent, and backed beyond the river by
+mountains which supplied timber and fuel. That it was precisely such a
+situation as the inhabitants of Greece and Asia in remote ages preferred,
+might be shown by a great variety of examples: and it can hardly be
+doubted that a person totally unacquainted with the Ilias, but accustomed
+to observe the positions of ancient Greek towns, would fix on Bunárbashi
+for the site of the chief place of the surrounding country.
+
+It is a necessary consequence of placing Troy on the heights to the
+S.E. of Bunárbashi, that the river flowing from the sources which give
+that village its name (meaning Spring-head), is the Scamander of Homer:
+that the large torrent which flows through a deep ravine on the eastern
+side of the heights, is the Simoeis: and that notwithstanding the much
+greater magnitude of the bed of the latter and occasionally of that
+stream itself, the united river after the junction in the plain was
+called by the name of the former, Scamander. In support of this opinion,
+it has been justly observed by Lechevalier, that Homer’s description,
+allowance being made for poetical exaggeration, is correct, both as to
+the springs themselves, and as to the very different character of the
+two rivers: nor can it be denied that the two hills, that of Bunárbashi
+and the higher eminence behind it, correspond to the mention by Homer
+of Ilium and its citadel Pergamus. The termination of the slope towards
+the springs accords also with the idea which we receive from the poet of
+the extent of the city on that side, and of the position of the gate Scææ
+or Dardaniæ, which was near the sources of the Scamander, and was the
+principal outlet towards the plain[440]. But if these assumptions are not
+unreasonable, it cannot be denied on the other hand that in attempting
+to identify such objects as the tombs of Ilus, Myrinna, and Æsyetes,
+Lechevalier has exposed himself to reasonable objections from his
+opponents, and has rather injured than strengthened his cause. For it is
+not certain that all the monuments mentioned by Homer were tumuli; and it
+is very possible that if they were, several of them have been obliterated
+by time. Nothing can be more likely than that the real history of
+the monuments should have been forgotten in the interval between the
+destruction of Troy and the foundation of New Ilium, and that names
+should have been ascribed to them by the inhabitants of the latter place,
+suited to their own system of Trojan topography, and favourable to the
+pretensions which they held, that their city stood upon the ancient site.
+With regard to the existing barrows, it seems incontrovertible only that
+those which stand in conspicuous situations on either side of the mouth
+of the Scamander, are the tumuli, supposed in the time of the Romans,
+and probably with reason, to have been the sepulchres of Ajax, Achilles,
+and some other chieftains; and these monuments are so far important, as
+they prove the identity of the plain of the Mendere with the scene of the
+Ilias[441].
+
+It is objected to the springs of Bunárbashi, that instead of being only
+two,—one hot and the other cold, as described by Homer[442],—they are
+in one place so numerous as to have received from the Turks the name of
+Kirk-Ghiuz, (the Forty Fountains), and that they are all of the same
+temperature.
+
+But viewing them as the springs of a river, they may in poetical
+language, or even in common speech, be considered as two, since they
+arise in two places, distant from each other about 200 yards: in one
+the water appears in a deep basin, which is noted among the natives for
+being often covered with a thick vapour like smoke: in the other place,
+there are numerous rills issuing from the rocks, into a broad shallow
+piece of water, terminating in a stream which is joined by that from the
+smoking spring. As to the temperature of the water, the observations
+of travellers give various results. Some have observed a difference:
+according to others, it would appear that being all deep-seated springs,
+their temperature is the same at all seasons, or about 60° of Fahrenheit
+at their eruption from the ground; consequently that they will feel cold
+when the air is at 70° or 80°, and warm when it is at 40° or 50°[443].
+But even in this case it is obvious that there will be a real difference
+between the heat of the shallow recipient of the springs called the
+Forty Fountains, and that of the single deep pool. It seems sufficient
+to justify Homer’s expression, that a difference of temperature was
+believed, and that an occasional appearance of vapour over one source was
+often observed by the natives: for the poet would probably flatter the
+local prejudices, even if he had examined the fountains so attentively as
+to be convinced that the warmth of all the sources was the same.
+
+Another and a more weighty objection to the placing of Troy on the
+heights of Bunárbashi, is that the much greater magnitude of the river,
+which flows on the east side of those heights, concurs with its modern
+name Mendere in showing it to be the Scamander of Homer; and that such
+was evidently the opinion of several authors of antiquity, particularly
+of Demetrius, a native of Scepsis in the Troas, from whom Strabo
+principally derived his information on the geography of this district.
+In fact there can be no doubt, that in the time of Demetrius, who wrote
+in the second century before Christ[444], the Mendere from its source in
+Mount Kazdagh to its junction with the sea was called Scamander. But was
+it so in the time of the Trojan war? In this inquiry we have nothing to
+do with any authority but that of the Ilias itself: for it is evident
+from the remarks of Demetrius and Strabo, that the topography of the
+poem and the site of Troy were as much a subject of doubt and dispute
+in their time as they are at present. Nor is this surprising. The result
+of the Trojan war was the subversion of Ilium and the extinction (with
+the exception of a single branch of the royal family) of the colony which
+had settled in this part of Phrygia[445]. Strabo repeatedly remarks that
+the revolutions following the Trojan war were the great cause of the
+difficulty which he experienced in adjusting the Homeric chorography.
+The barbarous people of Thrace, called Treres, who then established
+themselves in the Troas, could not have taken much interest in any thing
+relating to the former colony, to whose language they were strangers, and
+whose history was recorded only in the songs of an Ionian stranger. It
+was not till long afterwards that the Æolian Greeks of Lesbus extended
+their settlements into the Troas. It was not even by them that New
+Ilium was founded, but by a Lydian, and consequently a semibarbarous
+colony[446], about the eighth century before Christ; and it was not
+till a taste for the poems of Homer having begun to prevail in European
+Greece, and the Athenians having taken possession of Sigeium[447] and a
+part of the Chersonesus, that their enlightened sovereigns Pisistratus
+and his sons[448], if they were not the first to collect, arrange, and
+edit the Ilias,—were at least the first to bring it into notice among
+the most lettered of the European Greeks[449]. We cannot wonder that the
+Homeric topography should at that time have become subject to the same
+kind of uncertainty now found to prevail in regard to such places as
+Athens, Rome, Jerusalem, Alexandria of Egypt, and even many cities much
+more modern.
+
+For the New Ilium founded by the Lydians, colonized afterwards by the
+Æolians, and augmented and first fortified with a circuit of forty stades
+by Lysimachus[450], a situation was chosen which, being nearer to the sea
+than that of the ancient city, was better adapted to the more advanced
+state of commerce and civilization[451]. It was very natural that its
+inhabitants the Ilienses[452] should pretend that their town stood on
+the site of the ancient city[453]; and no less so, that a historian of a
+neighbouring and kindred race should flatter them by concurring in their
+opinion[454]. That the conquerors of Asia likewise, and so many other
+illustrious visitors of Ilium from Xerxes to the Cæsars, when they found
+it useful to their purposes or grateful to their vanity to sacrifice to
+Minerva Ilias, should have willingly followed the guidance of the priests
+to the temple in New Ilium, and should have admitted without inquiry that
+it stood on the site of the Pergamus of Priam—is nothing more than we
+should expect under such circumstances. But we know that the claim of the
+Ilienses was strongly contested during the whole period in which their
+city flourished. Demetrius of Scepsis and Hestiæa of Alexandria Troas
+opposed it about the time of the Antiochian war, and Strabo subscribed to
+their opinion in the Augustan age[455].
+
+Although Demetrius found it impossible to assent to the claim of the
+Ilienses in this respect, and seems to have been far from implicitly
+believing in the identity of all the Homeric places pointed out by
+them[456]; he appears never to have suspected that the Scamander was any
+other than the large torrent, to which he found that name then applied
+from its mouth in the Hellespont to its distant source in the summit of
+Ida called Cotylus[457]. It was a necessary consequence (as all those
+who have concurred in the same belief have experienced) to identify
+the Simoeis with one of the branches of the Mendere flowing from the
+eastward. The Ghiumbrek-su, the most important of the Trojan streams
+after the Mendere and Bunárbashi river, seems to have been that which
+Strabo (probably following Demetrius[458]) supposed to be the Simoeis,
+as may be inferred from his observation that the site of Troy, which
+he places at the Pagus Iliensium (Paleó Aktshi), was near the river
+Thymbrius; and that the temple of Apollo Thymbræus at the junction of
+this river with the Scamander, was 50 stades from New Ilium[459]; for
+these data concur in showing that the Kamára-su[460] was the Thymbrius,
+and consequently that the Ghiumbrek-su was the Simoeis of the geographer.
+
+But although a site had been found for Troy at Pagus by those who did
+not subscribe to the claims of the Ilienses in favour of their own
+site, neither Demetrius nor Strabo was able to discover any springs
+corresponding to the Scamandrian sources of Homer. Demetrius, having
+observed how utterly irreconcileable the single source of the Scamander
+in the distant summit of Mount Ida is with Homer’s description of the
+Scamandrian springs, was under the awkward necessity of imagining
+that those fountains, wherever they might be, were called the springs
+of Scamander, not as being in reality the sources, but only because
+they were near the Scamander, or because they afforded a stream which
+joined that river[461]. And as the valley and river of Ghiumbrek do not
+unite with the plain and river of the Mendere till very near the sea,
+Demetrius distinguishes the Simoeisian from the Scamandrian plain[462]—a
+distinction, it may be observed, which no where occurs in Homer, and is
+in fact inconsistent with his topography.
+
+There seems no other mode of obviating these difficulties, inevitably
+attendant upon taking the Mendere in its whole course for the Homeric
+Scamander, but to suppose that the river of Bunárbashi was the _ancient_
+Scamander, that it gave name to the united stream, and that the part of
+the Mendere above the junction was the Simoeis. The latter name appears
+to have become obsolete during the ages in which the events of the war
+of Troy had been almost forgotten on the scene itself, and in the time
+of Demetrius and Strabo to have been known only to antiquaries inquiring
+into the topography of the Ilias. The name of Scamander on the other
+hand, being the more illustrious of the two, and a name apparently of
+familiar import in Asia Minor[463], was retained in use: but as the river
+of Bunárbashi had lost much of its local importance, and had now become
+of inferior consideration, the name of Scamander before attached to the
+united stream and to the Bunárbashi-su, was after the revival of New
+Ilium by Lysimachus (and perhaps long before that time) applied to the
+united stream and to the whole course of the Mendere.
+
+In some of the preceding pages we have had occasion to remark in the
+instances of the Sangarius, Mæander, and Hermus, how easily the names
+of two branches of a river are confounded with one another or with the
+united stream, and how readily they are transferred from the one to
+the other. In addition to these examples, it may be observed that a
+similar transmutation of name in two branches of the same river, under
+circumstances which cannot so easily be accounted for as in the Trojan
+rivers, is to be found in Thessaly, where the river called by Herodotus
+and Thucydides Apidanus, is undoubtedly the same as the Enipeus of later
+writers, whose Apidanus is at twelve miles distance, and joins the other
+branch not far from the confluence of the united stream with the Peneus.
+
+The principal causes of the obscurity into which the Homeric Scamander
+(or river of Bunárbashi) had fallen at the time of Demetrius, are
+sufficiently manifest. When Troy stood at Bunárbashi, it was natural
+that the river which had its sources under the walls should be one
+of the _deified_ rivers of the district. In the climate of Greece a
+perennial fountain, however small, was held in at least equal honour
+with a large torrent affording only water that was either turbid or
+stagnant: and we find many proofs in ancient history, and upon ancient
+monuments, especially coins, of the importance often attached to streams,
+however diminutive, which flow near the sites of large cities. It is
+not surprising, therefore, that the river, which from the position of
+its sources and from its utility was more peculiarly the river of Troy,
+should, while Troy flourished, have had a preference over the broad
+torrent in giving name to the united stream; or that its local importance
+should have ceased when the capital of the district was removed to a
+situation nearer the sea.
+
+But besides these accidental causes, there were others arising from
+physical changes which tended to destroy the importance of the river
+of Bunárbashi. The Mendere and its tributary streams, which flow from
+Aktshi-Kiúi, from the Kamára valley, from Tshiblak and from Ghiumbrek,
+being all torrents descending from lofty mountains, bring down with them
+a great quantity of stones, earth, and other matter: while the Bunárbashi
+stream, deriving all its water from pure deep-seated veins, has little
+or no deposit. Hence during the ages which have elapsed since the Trojan
+war, the eastern side of the plain has been gradually rising; the course
+of the Mendere has been gradually receding from that side[464], and
+the western side has become more and more marshy; until at length the
+Bunárbashi, instead of uniting with the Mendere about the middle of the
+plain, as in the time of the Trojan war, is now forced to find its way
+through the marshes on the western side, and from those marshes into
+the Mendere by two exits not far from Kum-Kale, or towards the ancient
+Sigeium. Its waters in the plain have been still further diminished
+by a canal, which carries off a large portion of them into another
+stream, which joins not the Hellespont, but the Ægæan, at a part of the
+coast situated not less than seven miles from the ancient mouth of the
+Scamander. Whether this canal is the remains of an ancient work made for
+the purpose of draining the plain, when it became marshy by the operation
+of the causes above stated, or whether it was formed by the Turks merely
+for its present use, of turning some mills, may be doubtful: its effect
+has been to cut off in summer all communication between the Bunárbashi
+springs and the marshy ground on the western side of the plain; so
+that it is only in rainy seasons that the old bed of the river, which
+is still very traceable, is now filled with water. I shall here take
+occasion to remark, that the manner in which the alluvion collects in
+this plain, as already described, will account for an apparent difficulty
+in regard to those passages of the Ilias which shew that the Scamander
+(the united stream) flowed on the left of the Grecian encampment, or
+toward Rhœteium[465], instead of towards Sigeium, as might be inferred
+from Strabo[466] and present appearances: for it is evident from the
+causes mentioned, that the altered course of the river would be to the
+westward of the former course; and consequently that when there was a
+bay at the mouth of the Scamander, the river probably issued into that
+bay, not towards its western, but towards its eastern side[467]. No
+appearance of a bay indeed is now visible; but its former existence is
+undoubted, as well from the testimony of Homer as from the physical
+structure of the land. Instead of two promontories with a beach between
+them, as described by the poet, there is now only one low point of land,
+which has been formed between the two ancient capes by the soil brought
+down from the upper country by the river, and deposited at its mouth in
+the course of ages. The rate at which the new land has accumulated may
+be inferred from Strabo and Pliny, from whom it appears that in their
+time New Ilium was distant about a Roman mile and a half from the nearest
+shore[468]. Now it appears from the existing vestiges of New Ilium, by
+those of its citadel on the summit of the hill of Paleó Kastro, which
+rises behind Kalafatli, and Kum Kiui, and by other remains on the western
+slope of that hill,—that the lower part of the town reached nearly to the
+position of Kum Kiui, which is three miles from the shore, or more than
+double the distance assigned by Strabo. Allowing therefore the same rate
+of accumulation between the Trojan war and the Augustan age, as since
+that period, it becomes probable that in the former age the sea reached
+to about half a mile below the position of Kum Kiui: and consequently
+that Hestiæa of Alexandria was nearly correct in supposing that all the
+plain below the hill of New Ilium had been gained from the sea since the
+time of the Trojan war[469],—the sandy ground at the extremity of the
+slope of that hill, which gives name to Kum Kiui (Sand-village), marks
+perhaps what was at one period the sea beach. To those who may think this
+formation of new land over-rated[470], it is to be observed, that in
+every instance in which the history of Greece has left us the means of
+comparison, the same phenomenon has occurred in the maritime plains; and
+that in the instances of the Spercheius and Mæander, but particularly of
+the latter, the soil has been formed in the same period of time with a
+much greater rapidity.
+
+From all these considerations, therefore, it seems highly probable that
+the mouth of the Scamander in the time of the Trojan war was not far from
+the situation now occupied by the village of Kum Kiui, and that the
+river of Bunárbashi or Scamander, instead of then creeping along the foot
+of the southern and western heights, crossed the plain from near Erkessi
+in the direction of Kum Kiui, and that it joined the Mendere or Simoeis
+towards the middle of the plain, perhaps not far from the present village
+of Kalafatli. The passages of the Ilias in which the πόρος, or ford of
+the Scamander is mentioned, tend to show that such must have been the
+course of the river, if Troy stood at Bunárbashi; and we have seen that
+the nature of the plain, and the manner in which the alluvion has been
+accumulated, render such a state of the river in ancient times highly
+probable.
+
+A third objection to Bunárbashi as the site of Troy is, that its distance
+from the Grecian station at the mouth of the Scamander is so great as
+to render impossible some of the events of the Ilias. In considering
+this distance, however, we must first deduct from the actual distance
+of Bunárbashi from the nearest shore, the new land formed since the
+Trojan war, together with the _depth_ of the Grecian encampment, which in
+_length_ extended from the foot of the hill of Achilleium on the right,
+to the mouth of the Scamander on the left. The new land we have already
+seen to have been nearly all that which now lies below Kum Kiui. The
+following are the only circumstances upon which we may build a judgement
+as to the extent of the Grecian encampment.
+
+According to the poet, the bay was too narrow to contain the whole fleet,
+which was therefore arranged in several lines[471]. Although nothing
+but necessity could have made the Greeks submit to having any of their
+vessels at a distance from the sea, and that we may therefore suppose the
+number of lines to have been as few as possible, the poet’s expression
+will hardly allow the supposition that there were fewer than four or
+five lines. And this number agrees very well with the dimensions of the
+ground: for if we allow 25 feet for the breadth of each ship, added to
+the interval between it and the next, we shall find that about one-fifth
+of 1200, which is the amount of Homer’s enumeration[472], would have been
+sufficient to occupy the space of one mile and a quarter, to which the
+rear of the Greek encampment was confined by the hill of Achilleium on
+the right, and by the river on the left, supposing its mouth to have been
+near Kum Kiui[473].
+
+For the breadth or depth of the encampment it would not be necessary to
+assign more than three or four hundred yards, if it were measured only
+by the length of the ships, added to the necessary interval between the
+rows: but it is obvious that a large space must, either in the length or
+depth of the encampment, have been required for the tents of the leaders,
+for the chariots and horses, for the market, and for the places to
+contain the cattle and other commodities which the Greeks collected for
+provisions, or to be exchanged for wine[474]. In short, for a permanent
+encampment of between 50,000 and 100,000 men[475], with a front of a mile
+and a quarter, a depth of not less than half a mile would be necessary.
+Such a space would not be greater than was required by the Romans for
+their encampments[476]; in which, although there was ample accommodation
+for the several departments of the army, there was no necessity for the
+space required in the camp before Troy, for the ships, and for some of
+the other incumbrances incidental to its permanence. On the one hand
+we can hardly restrict the Greek camp to a smaller space than I have
+mentioned, because it would have been insufficient to contain the ships
+and tents: on the other, a much larger can hardly be assigned; because
+the inconvenience of having any of the ships at a distance from the
+sea-shore would be a powerful motive for contracting the space towards
+the plain, and because the poet expressly states that the army was
+crowded[477].
+
+In considering, therefore, the transactions of the Ilias, the present
+distance of Bunárbashi from the mouth of the Scamander must be diminished
+about three miles and a half, in order to give the distance between Troy
+and the Grecian rampart, which will thus be reduced to about six miles.
+
+The events which have been considered most inconsistent with the distance
+of Bunárbashi from the Hellespont, are those occurring on the days called
+by Pope the 23d and 28th; the former day occupies the 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th,
+6th, and the greater part of the 7th books of the poem; the 28th day
+extends from the beginning of the 11th to the middle of the 18th book.
+
+On the 23d day the Greeks are drawn out, after their forenoon’s repast,
+in the plain lying between the rampart and the Scamander; and from thence
+they advance to the city, where, after the duel between Menelaus and
+Paris, the armies join battle with alternate success. At one time the
+Trojans have so far prevailed as to have approached the Greek camp[478];
+and at another, the Greeks are again near the city[479]. Hector then
+rallies his army; a duel ensues between him and Ajax, which is put an
+end to by the approach of night[480], and the Greeks retire to their
+encampment. It does not seem necessary to suppose that the ground passed
+over by the Greeks on this day is more than 20 or 22 miles; six of which
+were performed after the close of day.
+
+On the 28th day the two armies drawn out in the plain before the Greek
+encampment, fought only with the light troops until the hour of the
+woodman’s meal[481], which, to judge by modern customs, was about 9 or 10
+o’clock in the forenoon. The charioteers of the two armies having then
+come to action, the Greeks had the superiority, and beat back the Trojans
+quite to the walls of Troy[482], where Agamemnon being wounded, Hector
+in turn leads the victorious Trojans to the Grecian rampart, forces it,
+and fights at the ships. Patroclus then advances to battle in the armour
+of Achilles, and drives the Trojans back to the city. Here he is slain,
+and the Trojans again advance near to the Greek camp before the day
+closes[483]. As the movements on this day carry the parties quite up to
+the hostile fortifications, the distance passed over is in so much, but
+no more, greater than on the 23d day; and 24 miles seems to be the utmost
+distance that we are obliged to suppose the Greeks to have passed over on
+this day.
+
+In considering the probability of these exploits, we must take into
+consideration that whatever may have been the proportion of the infantry
+to the chariots, the extreme distances appear to have been performed only
+by the latter; for Homer, in all the great movements from the Greek camp
+to Troy, and from Troy to the Greek camp, as well as in all the principal
+actions, notices the chariots only. Even in the assault of the wall, in
+the beginning of the 12th book, Hector descends from his chariot; and all
+the other Trojans, adds the poet, follow his example.
+
+Not much argument, however, seems necessary against objections
+which, when allowed in their fullest force, are founded only on the
+exaggerations of a poet, to whom, however accurate as a geographer and
+historian when it was his object to be so, we cannot refuse the usual
+poetical liberties in some of the most animated descriptions which his
+work contains. If the labours of the Trojan and Grecian heroes in the
+two days the events of which are thought to disprove the position of Troy
+at Bunárbashi, were too great for ordinary men; they were not beyond the
+power of heroes who could hurl such rocks as two men in the time of the
+poet were unable even to lift[484]; who could make their voices heard
+from the centre to either extremity[485], or even from the one end to
+the other[486] of an encampment of sixty or eighty thousand men; and
+who could see so clearly, that Helen is able from the walls of Troy to
+point out and minutely describe all the leaders of the Grecian host,
+when the whole Trojan army lay between[487]. It is evident that these
+are fictions which the Muse allows and encourages; and instances of them
+are so frequent throughout the poem, that it cannot be necessary to make
+any more particular reference to them. At one time the poet found it
+convenient to magnify beyond probability, or even beyond possibility,
+the common occurrences of war; at another, to bring together the actions
+of an extensive field, in order to present them to view in one continued
+scene.
+
+A fourth objection which has been made against the site of Bunárbashi
+is, that in this position it would have been impossible for Achilles
+to have pursued Hector three times round the walls of Troy, as Homer
+relates. But does Homer really so relate? It cannot be denied that many
+interpreters, ancient and modern, have understood the poet in this sense;
+and it is perhaps the most obvious meaning to a cursory reader, who does
+not particularly consider the fact described, or who has not, by a view
+of the site of Troy, been convinced of its extreme improbability. Virgil,
+however, who in the latter part of the 12th book of the Æneis, has very
+closely imitated every part of Homer’s description of the encounter
+between Achilles and Hector, seems to have understood his prototype very
+differently. He does not represent Turnus as pursued by his adversary
+_round_ the walls of Laurentum, but as forming a circle in a plain which
+was bounded by those walls, by a marsh, and by the Trojan army. In
+like manner the pursuit of Hector by Achilles occurred in sight of the
+Trojans, collected on the ramparts on one side, and of the Grecian army
+drawn out in the plain on the other. And the poet, in describing the
+action, mentions no objects passed by Hector and Achilles, except the
+Scæan or Dardanian gate, the carriage-way under the walls, the Erineus,
+and the source of the Scamander[488]; all places which we know to have
+been on the side of the city towards the plain. Can it be supposed that
+Homer intended to describe the heroes as following such a track as must
+have concealed them entirely from the view of both armies, except in a
+small portion of the circle?
+
+It has justly been observed by Lechevalier and Choiseul Gouffier that
+the word περὶ, which has given rise to the erroneous interpretation of
+this passage, means, in other passages[489] perfectly similar, _near_
+or _before_ the city, and not _around_ it. To this I may add, that no
+supposed situation of the city, which is not entirely in the plain, will
+suit the idea of a course round the entire circuit of the walls; and that
+such a situation would be totally unadapted to the description which
+Homer has given of Troy, as windy[490], lofty[491], and as surmounted
+with a citadel bordered by precipices[492]. Strabo in fact, following
+Demetrius, makes use of this very argument to prove that the ancient
+city did not stand at New Ilium; round which, he remarks, it would have
+been impossible for Achilles to have pursued Hector[493]. It would seem,
+therefore, that the poet, as a keen observer of nature, intended to
+describe that circular course, which a person invariably takes when he
+runs from another, and finds no shelter or advantageous position for
+defending himself. The track of the two heroes was from the Scæan gate,
+along the road under the walls, by the Erineus, and by the fountains of
+the Scamander back again to the Scæan gate. Ὣς οἳ τρὶς Πριάμοιο πόλιν
+περὶ δινηθήτην[494].
+
+ * * * * *
+
+It remains to offer a few remarks in justification of the north-eastern
+portion of the map which accompanies the present volume. This part of
+Asia Minor was called Pontus by the Romans, from its bordering on the
+Euxine _sea_: though it still retained the divisions of its ancient
+inhabitants, the Bithyni, Maryandini, Caucones, and Paphlagones. Here,
+as in many other parts of the peninsula, modern travellers have not yet
+afforded us sufficient information to enable us to make the best use of
+the evidence of ancient history. The astronomical observations of M.
+Beauchamp and Capt. Gauttier have been of great importance in giving the
+correct length of the coast, its general outline, and the exact position
+of the principal places: but it requires such a careful survey as that
+of the southern coast by Capt. Beaufort, to illustrate fully the three
+ancient Periplus of the Pontic coast[495], and to correct the numerical
+errors which their disagreement with one another proves to exist in them.
+
+On the sea-coast all the most important sites of antiquity are determined
+by the actual names.—These sites are _Rhebas_, now Ríva; _Calpe_,
+Kerpe; the river _Sangarius_, Sakaría; _Heraclia_, Erégri; the river
+_Parthenius_, Bartan, in Greek Parthéni; _Amastris_, Amásera; _Cytorus_,
+Kídros; _Thymena_, Temena; _Carambis_, Kerempe; _Abonuteichus_, afterward
+_Ionopolis_, Aináboli; _Cinolis_, Kinóli; _Stephane_, Istefán, in Greek
+Stéfanos; _Sinope_, Sinub, in Greek Sinópi; _Carusa_, Kerze; _Amisus_,
+Samsun. With these data it will not be difficult for the future traveller
+to fix the intermediate names of the three Periplus: especially as
+existing vestiges of antiquity, and the rivers which form a large
+proportion of the ancient names, will greatly facilitate the task.
+
+Although the route along this coast, in the Peutinger Table, is unworthy
+of much notice, and conveys very little information, it is right to point
+out the obvious correction of one remarkable error which it contains. The
+author, misled by the similarity of the name of Amastris (written Mastrum
+in the Table) with that of Amasia, has substituted the coast-road from
+Amastris to Sinope for that leading from Amasia to Sinope. Of this the
+names along the latter route in the Table, although disfigured, leave no
+doubt.—Cromen, Cythero, Egilan, Carambas, Stefano, Syrtas, are obviously
+intended for Cromna, Cytorum, Ægiali, Carambis, Stephane, Syrias; and the
+sum of the distances, 149 M. P., is tolerably correct. It is probable,
+therefore, that the two roads should change places in the Table; although
+it must be confessed that no proof of this inference is to be found
+in the road of the Table from Mastrum to Sinope; for the sum of the
+distances of the three places on that route is not above half the real
+road-distance, and I can find no traces of their names (Tycæ, Cereæ, and
+Miletus) in any other ancient author.
+
+Another and a more important defect in the routes of the Table through
+Paphlagonia, is the omission of the name of the place which by its _two
+towers_ is shown to have been the most remarkable on the road leading
+from Nicomedia to Gangra, with a branch to Amasia. As this route of
+the Table lies between the coast road and that leading from Nicæa to
+Amasia by Juliopolis, Ancyra, and Tavium, it seems evidently to have
+been the same as the modern road from Nicomedia to Amasia by Boli;
+for the structure of the country, and the direction of its mountains,
+passes, valleys, and rivers, must naturally have led the main ancient
+road in the same direction as the modern. The position in the Table of
+the place with two towers without a name, relatively to the two ends
+of the route, shows that it stood on or about the site now occupied
+by Boli. Now Boli is evidently an abbreviation of some name ending in
+Polis, which in process of time was vulgarly used in that form, like ἡ
+πόλις for Constantinople. In Honorias, which under Constantine formed a
+district separate from Paphlagonia proper, lying between it and Bithynia,
+there were three places with the termination of polis—Claudiopolis, or
+Bithynium; Flaviopolis, or Cratia; and Hadrianopolis[496]. The other
+towns of Honorias were Tium, Heraclia Pontica, and Prusias on the Hypius;
+so that the district seems to have chiefly comprehended the country lying
+between the Sangarius and the Billæus. Bithynium or Claudiopolis was on
+the Sangarius[497]; and having been originally a colony from Greece[498],
+was probably not far from the mouth of that river, Greek colonies
+having generally settled in maritime situations, as we see instanced in
+several cities on this coast. Flaviopolis was twenty or thirty miles
+from Claudiopolis, on the road leading from that place to Ancyra[499];
+consequently to the westward of Boli. Boli, therefore, seems to have
+been the ancient Hadrianopolis. It is singular that among the numerous
+inscriptions which so many travellers agree in having observed near
+Boli, not one should yet have been copied, containing the name of the
+ancient city.
+
+The other places on this road in the Table have been inserted in the Map,
+in the situations which I have thought the most probable, trusting less
+to the distances in the Table, (which are probably not more correct in
+detail than they are in the general result,) than to the situation of the
+valleys and fertile districts. Potamia, a place which Strabo has noticed
+as being in this part of the country[500], seems to have stood in the
+valley of Beinder, where the branches of the Parthenius first unite into
+a considerable stream.
+
+On another route in the Table, which crosses the preceding nearly
+at right angles, the only place named between Gangra and Sinope is
+Pompeiopolis. This place seems to have occupied the site of Tash Kiupri,
+as well from the position of that modern town, as from the considerable
+remains of antiquity found there, and which are apparently of the date
+when Pompeiopolis may be supposed to have flourished.
+
+Of Germanicopolis, or Germanopolis, we know only that it was one of the
+principal places of the interior of Paphlagonia, and that it continued
+to be so in the sixth century[501]. It has probably left some remains
+similar to those of Pompeiopolis, though they have not yet been
+discovered by modern travellers. D’Anville supposed Germanicopolis to
+have occupied the site of Kastamúni; but the words in the Novellæ of
+Justinian seem to place it near Gangra[502].—Kastamúni is the modern
+corruption of Castamon, which we find mentioned in the Byzantine
+history[503], and which may have been a more ancient name, although it is
+not found in Ptolemy, nor in any authority earlier than the 12th century.
+
+The subordinate districts of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia Pontica; namely,
+Timonitis, Bogdomanis, Zygiani, Marmolitis, Blaene, Domanitis, Cimiatene,
+Gazelonitis, Saramene, Phamezonitis, Diacopene, Babamonitis,—have been
+inserted in the map, from the information, as well as it could be
+understood, of Strabo and Ptolemy; and some of the Turkish names from the
+still obscurer description of Abubekr Ben Behrem.
+
+It is much to be regretted that no modern traveller has visited Tshorúm,
+which there is the strongest reason to believe occupies the site of
+Tavium, the chief fortress of the Trocmi, and a very important point in
+the ancient itineraries.
+
+Upon comparing the road from Tavium to Cæsareia (Mazaca) in the Table
+with that in the Antonine itinerary, we find that none of the names
+agree—that the distance in the Table is nearly double that in the
+Antonine—and that both of them give an incorrect rate to the Roman mile.
+It might be supposed, in explanation of this difficulty, that there were
+two roads from Tavium to Cæsareia; but I am inclined to think there is
+some error here in the Antonine, as it places Soanda on this road, which
+we have good authority for believing to have been in a very different
+situation, namely, on the great western road from Cæsareia, between that
+city and Garsabora[504].
+
+
+
+
+ADDITIONAL NOTES.
+
+
+I have reserved to this place all observations on the geographical
+information contained in the Latin historians of the 12th century,
+who have described the first crusade[505]; because, upon a careful
+examination of it, I have not found any thing either to invalidate or
+materially to confirm that which is deducible from the ancients or from
+the Byzantines. At the same time there are several passages in the Latin
+historians which may receive some illustration from the cotemporary
+Greeks, or from the ancient geographical authorities.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 9.
+
+The following is the substance, of a short account, by Anna Comnena,
+of the military operations in Bithynia in the autumn of the year 1096,
+which proved fatal to so many of the followers of Peter the Hermit.
+Peter having passed over into Asia, contrary to the advice which the
+Emperor Alexius gave him to wait for the other crusaders who were then
+on the way, encamped at Helenopolis, from whence the Normans proceeded
+to ravage the country around Nicæa; and having successfully defended
+themselves against a body of Turks, which advanced against them, they
+carried back their spoil in safety to Helenopolis. In a second expedition
+they occupied the fort of Xerigordus, but the sultan Kilidj Arslan,
+having sent one of his officers against them, retook that place, slew
+many of the Normans, and made many of them prisoners. He then sent two
+men to raise a report in the camp at Helenopolis, that the Normans had
+taken possession of Nicæa, and were plundering it; when the other troops,
+desirous of sharing in the spoil, proceeded in a disorderly manner
+towards Nicæ: and thus they fell into an ambuscade which the Sultan had
+stationed in a place called Draco, and were cut to pieces. The number
+that fell was so great that their bones formed a mountain. Peter then
+retired to Helenopolis, where he was invested by the Turks: but the
+Emperor, unwilling that he should be taken, sent his officer Catacalon
+with some ships to his succour, upon whose arrival the Turks retired, and
+Peter returned with his surviving followers into Europe.
+
+From the Latins there is great difficulty in extracting any clear account
+of these events, which may partly be ascribed to the want of a good map,
+partly to the ignorance of the authors in ancient geography, but chiefly
+to the circumstance of none of those writers having been personally
+engaged in Peter’ s imprudent expedition. They agree tolerably well with
+the Greek Princess in regard to the principal events, but are at variance
+both with her and with one another as to many of the particulars. They
+relate that the crusaders, having crossed the Bosphorus, marched to
+Nicomedia, and from thence to a place on the sea-side called Civitot
+or Civito, where they were amply supplied with provisions by sea. The
+French troops, separating from the others, spread themselves over the
+country and took possession of an abandoned fortress called Exerogorgo
+(the Xerigordus of Anna Comnena), the situation of which is variously
+described as four days beyond Nicomedia, as four days beyond Nicæa, and
+as three or four miles from the latter. Here they were soon surrounded
+by the Turks, who cut off their supply of water, slew many of them,
+and at length, by the treachery of one of the French chieftains named
+Reynald, captured many more. Soon after this event there was a general
+action in the field, which was fatal to the gallant military commander of
+Peter’s army, Gauthier Sansavoir, (Walter the moneyless,) as well as to
+several other distinguished leaders. The exact scene of action it is very
+difficult to understand, though it rather appears from a comparison of
+Anna Comnena with Albert of Aix-la-Chapelle, and William of Tyre, the two
+Latin authors who have given the fullest account of these transactions,
+to have been at the northern extremity of the plain of Nicæa, and on
+the adjoining hills. The chief slaughter of the Franks seems to have
+occurred in the passes leading from thence to the sea, of which passes
+the Turks had made themselves masters during the action, unknown to the
+enemy. According to the Latin historians, a part of their army found its
+way back to Civitot, where they were speedily surrounded by the Turks,
+and where they would have been in great danger of being all slain or
+taken, had not the Turks been induced, by the mediation of Alexis, to
+retire, and to leave the crusaders at liberty to return to Constantinople.
+
+It naturally occurs, on reading these two accounts of the same events,
+that Helenopolis, which name is not found in the Gesta Dei per Francos,
+was the same place which the authors of that collection mean by Civitot;
+but a little further examination will show this supposition to be
+inadmissible. In the first place, the passage of Procopius referred to
+in page 8 of this volume[506] is a convincing proof that Helenopolis
+was on the shore of the Gulf of Nicomedia. Procopius, in complaining
+of the injury which Justinian had done to the imperial establishment
+for the relay of horses on all the great post roads of the empire[507],
+remarks in particular, that the abolition of the post from Chalcedon to
+Dacibyza had obliged all persons who were going from Constantinople to
+Helenopolis to cross the sea in small boats, which often exposed them
+to great danger. It is evident, as well from this passage of Procopius
+as from several others in Anna Comnena, that Helenopolis was the usual
+place of debarkation for those going from the capital to Nicæa and
+the south eastward, as the Dil or Glossa is at present; and hence
+Constantine turned his attention to this important point soon after he
+had established the seat of empire at Byzantium, giving to the village
+of Drepanum[508], which before stood there, the name of Helenopolis in
+honour of his mother. From the same sense of its importance, Justinian
+augmented Helenopolis, and constructed there an aqueduct, a bath, and
+other buildings[509].
+
+Secondly, it cannot be doubted that the barbarous name Civitot or
+Civito, which, like many other parts of the narrative, the authors of
+the Gesta Dei have copied from one another, is no other than the Κιβωτὸς
+(pronounced Kivotó in modern Greek) of Anna Comnena. In the following
+year we find that it was the place of debarkation and maritime supply for
+the crusaders, especially during their operations before Nicæa; and it
+clearly appears, upon a comparison of the Latin historians with Anna, to
+have been in the Gulf of Cius, and not far from that city: for the former
+state that, in order to complete the blockade of Nicæa, and to prevent
+the Turks in the city from receiving succours by the lake, boats were
+collected at Civitot and conveyed from thence overland into the lake;
+while from the Greek princess we learn[510] that this operation, which
+according to her was performed by placing the boats in chariots, took
+place on the side of the lake towards Cius. Here, in fact, the ground was
+more favourable to it than in any part of the borders of the lake, and
+here also the lake approaches nearest to the sea, the interval being, as
+Albert of Aix remarks, about seven miles.
+
+As to the statement of Anna, that Alexius sent ships to the assistance
+of Peter, when invested by the Turks at Helenopolis, compared with that
+of the Latin historians, who represent Civitot to have been the last
+retreat of the crusaders, the only mode of reconciling this apparent
+contradiction is to suppose that the defeated and dispersed crusaders
+retreated through the woods to both those places, that both were invested
+by the victorious Turks, but that it was to Helenopolis that Alexius sent
+his admiral, whose interference with the Turks liberated the Franks at
+Cibotus, as well as those who were shut up in Helenopolis.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 18.
+
+The Latin historians are at variance with one another, and with Anna
+Comnena, in many of the circumstances attending the march of the
+crusaders, after the capture of Nicæa, to the plain of Dorylæum, and
+relating to the great battle which took place there. Thus much however
+may be gathered from them: that the crusaders moved in a single line in
+two days from Nicæa to Leucæ; that at Leucæ they crossed the Gallus by a
+bridge, and halted for two days to refresh themselves and their cattle
+in that fertile valley. They then divided themselves into two bodies;
+that which was accompanied by Godfrey took the road to the right, (the
+road probably which now leads through Bozavik,) while Bohemond and the
+remainder of the forces pursued the direct route to Dorylæum. On the
+fourth day, the latter corps being then, as it appears, encamped on the
+banks of the Thymbres in the plain of Dorylæum not far to the westward
+of that town, was attacked by an immense army of Turks under Kilidj
+Arslan. They supported the unequal contest from the 2d to the 8th hour of
+the day, when Godfrey, who had received from the messengers of Bohemond
+intelligence of what was occurring, arrived, and, making an immediate
+attack on the flank and rear of the Sultan’s army, gained a complete
+victory over them.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGES 37, 58.
+
+The crusaders now marched in a single body and suffered extreme distress
+from a want of water in the dry and barren country which they had to
+traverse, until they arrived at a river which appears to have been at no
+great distance from Antioch the Less, or Antiocheia of Pisidia. At this
+city several chieftains with their followers separated themselves from
+the main body and pursued different routes; the remainder moved forward
+to Iconium. It must be admitted, that if the evidence as to the position
+of Antiocheia of Pisidia contained in this part of the Gesta Dei is not
+sufficient to overthrow that of Strabo and the Peutinger Table,—both
+which authorities tend to show that it was not exactly on the modern
+route from Eski Shehr to Konia by Bulwudun and Ak Shehr,—it is at least
+a proof that Antiocheia lay not far from that line. The river which
+relieved the sufferings of the crusaders seems to have been that which
+flows through the plain of Karahissár to the lake of Bulwudún.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 65.
+
+The princess Anna is silent as to all the proceedings of the crusaders
+between the battle of Dorylæum and their arrival before Antioch of Syria.
+But the Latins agree in stating that, after marching from Iconium, they
+arrived at a place which is variously spelt Erachia, Eraclia, Heraclea,
+Reclei; and that here they turned to the right through the mountains to
+Tarsus. Some of them add, that on the first day from Iconium they were
+obliged to take a provision of water in skins, because none was met with
+at the end of that day’s journey; that on the second day they arrived
+at a river, and on the third at Heraclea. This account of the country
+through which the crusaders marched after quitting Iconium, is in every
+respect so accurate a description of the route from Konia to Tarsus
+through Erkle, that no doubt can remain of Erkle having been the place at
+which they arrived at the end of the third day’s march from Iconium,—and
+hence the authority of their historians may perhaps have been considered
+a proof that Erkle is the position of one of the many Greek cities called
+Heracleia. I have already remarked, however, that there does not appear
+at any period of ancient history to have been a Heracleia in this quarter
+of Asia Minor; and I have stated my reasons for thinking that Erkle is
+a corruption not of Ἡράκλεια but of Ἄρχαλλα. It must be recollected
+that the Mussulmans had been in possession of that part of the country
+400 years before the arrival of the crusaders, and that sufficient time
+therefore had elapsed for the Greek name to have assumed the form of
+corruption which it now bears: Albert of Aix, who writes it Reclei,
+which nearly represents the present sound, furnishes us with a strong
+presumption that it really had then assumed that form.
+
+It is natural that the historians of the crusade, having a sufficient
+degree of learning to write in Latin, but no profound knowledge of
+ancient geography, should have had just so much familiarity with the name
+of Heraclea as would lead them to suppose Erkle to be a corruption of
+Heraclea, and would induce them to translate it in Latin by that word. It
+has been seen, however, that they did not all so convert it. Tudebode,
+Archbishop Baldric, and the Abbot Guibert, all write it Erachia. Upon
+the whole, therefore, I find nothing in the Gesta Dei which invalidates
+the conjecture of Erkle being the site of Archalla.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 60.
+
+In addition to the other proofs which I have given in the note to
+this page of the little dependence that can be placed on Xenophon’s
+description of the route of Cyrus through Asia Minor, the following may
+also be mentioned: Xenophon states that there were three stations or
+thirty parasangs between Colossæ and Celænæ: the distance by the road is
+not more than 30 miles.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 117.
+
+The following is the description of Cilicia by Ammianus: “Superatis
+Tauri montis verticibus, qui ad solis ortum sublimius attolluntur,
+Cilicia spatiis porrigitur late distentis, dives bonis omnibus terra
+ejusque lateri dextro adnexa Isauria; pari sorte uberi palmite viret, et
+frugibus multis; quam mediam navigabile flumen Calycadnus interscindit.
+Et hanc quidem, præter oppida multa, duæ civitates exornant; Seleucia
+opus Seleuci regis, et Claudiopolis quam deduxit coloniam Claudius
+Cæsar. Isaura ... ægre vestigia claritudinis pristinæ monstrat admodum
+pauca.” Ammian. l. 14. c. 25. The situation of Mout between the two
+great parallel ridges of Taurus corresponds exactly with that of
+Claudiopolis as described by Theophanes: Κλαυδιοπόλεως ... τῆς μεταξὺ
+τῶν δύο Ταύρων ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένης. In the 3rd year of the Emperor
+Anastasius, Claudiopolis, which had been recently recovered by Diogenes
+from the Isaurians, was again suddenly invested by them and reduced to
+the greatest extremity, when it was opportunely relieved by John Cyrtus
+and Conon bishop of Apameia, who suddenly crossing the passes of Taurus
+(those between Mout and Láranda), were assisted by a sortie of Diogenes,
+and thus completely defeated the Isaurians. The bishop died of a wound
+which he received in the action. Theoph. Chronog. p. 119.
+
+Strabo (p. 672) describes a very ancient Greek colony of the name of
+Olbe, founded by Ajax, son of Teucer, and which had a temple of Jupiter
+that preserved its sanctity and importance through many revolutions. He
+places Olbe in the mountains behind Soli and Cyinda, which, although not
+a very accurate description of the situation of the valley of Mout, seems
+sufficient to identify the Olbe of Strabo with the Olbasa which Ptolemy
+places in the Citis or valley of the Calycadnus. Nothing indeed is more
+probable than that this spacious, fertile, and easily defensible valley
+should have attracted a colony of Greeks at an early period. Hierocles
+mentions both Olbe and Claudiopolis in the province of Isauria, of
+which in his time Seleucia was the chief town. It appears also from the
+Notitiæ, that they were separate Greek bishoprics.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 182.
+
+The theatre of Telmissus is smaller than that of Patara. According to
+Foucherot, (see Choiseul Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tome 1. pl.
+72) the diameter of the theatre of Telmissus was 238 French feet, equal
+to 254 English. That of Patara is 265 (not 295 as stated in page 182).
+At Telmissus the cavea contained 28 seats divided by a diazoma at the
+fifteenth seat from the bottom. The theatre of Patara had about 30 rows
+of seats. At Patara are the ruins of a bath, an inscription upon which
+shows that it was erected by the Emperor Vespasian. The theatre was built
+in the reign of Antoninus Pius.
+
+[Illustration: THEATRE OF PATARA.
+
+THEATRE OF MYRA.]
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 183.
+
+By the kindness of Mr. Cockerell, I am enabled to submit to the reader a
+plan on a small scale of the theatre of Patara, together with a sketch
+of the form and dimensions of the theatre of Myra. Their construction
+resembles that of the other theatres of Asia Minor, as exemplified at
+Side[511], Telmissus, Miletus, Hierapolis, Laodiceia, and in several
+other smaller theatres. It differs from that of the theatres of European
+Greece in the form of the extremities of the cavea, as far as we can
+judge from such of the European Greek theatres as are sufficiently
+preserved to show the construction of that part of the building. In the
+Asiatic theatres the ends of the cavea diverged from the orchestra, so
+as to form an oblique angle to the direction of the scene. We find, on
+the contrary, that in the theatres of Segeste, Tauromenium, Syracuse,
+Sparta, Epidaurus, Sicyon, in the theatre of Herodes at Athens, and in
+that near Ioannina in Epirus, the extremities of the cavea were parallel
+to the scene. In both, the cavea exceeded a semicircle; but in the
+Asiatic theatres the excess was formed by producing the same curve at
+either extremity of the semicircle, until the cavea occupied from 200 to
+225 degrees of a circle[512]; whereas at Tauromenium, Sicyon, Epidaurus,
+and in the theatre near Ioannina, the excess above a semicircle is
+formed by two right lines drawn from the extremities of the semicircle
+perpendicular to its diameter and to the direction of the scene, as in
+the annexed figure[513].
+
+[Illustration]
+
+At Syracuse, the cavea was a semicircle and no more. In the theatre of
+Herodes at Athens, the excess above a semicircle was a curve, and it
+is therefore an exception to the European rule. The other theatres of
+European Greece are too much ruined to admit of any certainty on this
+point.
+
+Vitruvius has not noticed this remarkable difference between the
+Greek theatres of Europe and Asia; but he gives the following precise
+distinction between the Greek and the Roman theatre: “To construct the
+Roman theatre,—having described a circle of the size intended for the
+lowest part of the theatre, inscribe in it four equilateral triangles,
+the angles of which will divide the circumference into 12 equal parts.
+Assume the side of one of the triangles for the position of the scene. A
+line drawn parallel to it through the diameter of the circle, will mark
+the separation of the pulpitum of the proscenium from the orchestra.
+The seven angles of the triangles in the semicircle of the orchestra
+determine the position of the scalæ or steps leading from the orchestra
+between the cunei into the first præcinctio. The scalæ leading from these
+to the second præcinctio are in the middle of the intervals between the
+scalæ of the lower cunei. The five remaining angles of the triangles
+determine the divisions of the scene, the length of which ought to be
+double the diameter of the orchestra. The construction of the Greek
+theatre differs in some respects from that of the Roman. In the Greek
+three squares are inscribed in the circle of the lowest part of the
+theatre, dividing the circumference into 12 equal parts as before. Having
+assumed a side of one of the squares for the position of the λογεῖον
+or pulpitum of the proscenium, a line parallel to it, touching the
+circumference of the circle in the point most distant from the cavea,
+will determine the line of the scene. Draw a diameter of the circle
+parallel to the scene, and from each extremity of the diameter as a
+centre describe a curve from the opposite extremity until it intersects
+the line of the proscenium. These two curves, the semicircle and the
+proscenium, inclose the orchestra.”
+
+[Illustration: CONSTRUCTION OF THE ROMAN THEATRE, ACCORDING TO VITRUVIUS.
+
+ A B C D E F A Cavea.
+ F D Pulpitum of the Proscenium.
+ G H Scene.
+ I Proscenium.
+ K K Cunei separated by Scalæ.
+ F E D F Orchestra.
+ L Postscenium.]
+
+[Illustration: CONSTRUCTION OF THE ORCHESTRA OF THE GREEK THEATRE,
+ACCORDING TO VITRUVIUS.
+
+ A C Pulpitum of the Proscenium.
+ A B C A Orchestra.
+ D D Cunei of the Cavea.
+ E Proscenium.
+ F G Scene.
+ H I K The three centres, from which the curve of the Orchestra
+ is described.]
+
+The effect of these two modes of construction was, to give a more
+spacious cavea and a more spacious orchestra to the Greek theatre than
+to the Roman; a scene further removed from the middle of the cavea, and
+a narrower pulpitum to the proscenium. The intention of their difference
+is to be found in the different destinations of the two theatres. Among
+the Greeks the tragic and comic actors only performed on the scene:
+all other exhibitions took place in the orchestra; and hence their
+theatrical artists were divided into Scenici and Thymelici—the latter
+term being derived from the thymele or altar of Bacchus; which in
+process of time was often used as synonymous with the whole orchestra.
+The Roman theatres, on the other hand, being chiefly intended for
+dramatic representations, it was desirable to bring the scene as near as
+possible to the centre of the cavea; the orchestra was used only for the
+moveable seats of privileged spectators, and the cavea seldom exceeded
+a semicircle. In Roman theatres the height of the pulpitum above the
+orchestra was only five feet, that the spectators in that part of the
+theatre might command a good view of the stage—as in our pit; in the
+Greek theatres, there being no spectators in the orchestra, it was ten or
+twelve feet high[514].
+
+As no science can less bear to be fettered by rules than architecture,
+it will not be surprising to find, as we increase our collection of
+ancient examples, that the speculations of Vitruvius seldom agree with
+the ancient monuments. His rules, in fact, are rather to be regarded as
+his own system, than that which was followed by the architects of Greece;
+whose genius is in nothing more remarkable than in the variety which
+pervaded their designs, according to the circumstances of each particular
+work; and in the singular felicity with which they harmonized the several
+parts of those designs.
+
+The theatre of Patara may exemplify the rules given by Vitruvius for the
+position of the scene in Greek theatres, and for that of the scalæ, which
+determine the dimensions of the cunei: but, like all the other theatres
+in Asia Minor, it is an exception to his rule for constructing the curve
+of the orchestra or cavea; this curve being in all those theatres a
+segment of one and the same circle, instead of being formed from three
+centres.
+
+And even in regard to the position of the scene, the theatre of Patara
+is subject to the remark, that between the lower seat of the cavea and
+the orchestra there is a præcinctio or διάζωμα[515], twelve feet wide,
+and four feet (not ten or twelve, as he prescribes in Greek theatres) in
+height above the level of the orchestra; which diazoma must be included
+within the circle of the orchestra, in order to make the scene a tangent
+to that circle, as the rule of Vitruvius requires. The scene of the
+theatre of Myra is still more distant from the cavea.
+
+It is impossible to determine, without further excavation, whether in
+any existing theatre the curve of the _orchestra_ at the two ends next
+the proscenium was formed from three centres as Vitruvius has described;
+but in no instance that has yet been remarked are the extremities of
+the _cavea_ constructed in this manner; they are either right lines or
+continuations of the same circle which forms the middle of the cavea.
+
+The great theatre of Laodiceia[516] is also an exception to the rules
+of Vitruvius, or rather it exemplifies a mixture of his Greek and Roman
+theatre; for with a cavea, spacious like that of the Greek theatre, it
+has a Roman scene; as not only appears from the position of the scene
+_within_ the curve of the orchestra, but likewise from the great niche
+in the centre of the scene, which is found also at Hierapolis, and is
+remarked at Nicopolis of Epirus, and in some other theatres of Roman
+construction[517].
+
+The advantage of the Asiatic over the European construction in Greek
+theatres, consisted only in the increase of capacity derived from the
+obliquity of the two ends of the cavea. As the spectators in the upper
+seats of the two extremities must have had a very imperfect view of the
+scene, the Asiatic construction may perhaps have been adopted to provide
+accommodation for the classes who cared less for the drama than for the
+dancing and dumb-show of the orchestra: and these classes may perhaps
+have been more numerous in the Asiatic than in the European cities of
+Greece.
+
+In Asia Minor the lower part of the cavea was generally excavated in a
+hill, and the upper part was built of masonry raised upon arches; so
+that there was a direct access from the level of the ground at the back
+of the theatre into the middle diazoma, either at the two ends of the
+diazoma, or by arched vomitories in the intermediate parts of the curve,
+under the upper division of the cavea. The same mode of construction
+occurred also in some of the theatres of European Greece; though in the
+more ancient theatres of that country it seems to have been the common
+practice to excavate all the middle part of the cavea and even the seats
+out of the rock. It seldom happened that theatres were constructed in
+plains, as it added so much to the labour and expense of them: instances,
+however, exist at Mantineia and Megalopolis.
+
+As the scene and every part of the theatre relating to the spectacle
+stood on level ground at the lowest part of the building, it has
+invariably happened, in all the remaining theatres of Greece and Asia,
+that the parts belonging to the scene have been more or less buried in
+their own ruins, and in those of the cavea, which rises above them like
+a crumbling mountain. It is only by excavating, therefore, that we can
+arrive at an exact knowledge of the construction of that which is the
+most important part of the Greek theatre: but when circumstances admit of
+a complete examination of the theatres of Hierapolis, Patara, Laodiceia,
+Side, of some in Syria, which are in a remarkable state of preservation,
+and of two or three in European Greece, great light may be thrown on many
+interesting inquiries relating to the ancient drama.
+
+I may here take the opportunity of observing, that there are no remains
+of Greek architecture more illustrative of the ancient state of society
+in Greece than the theatres. Comparing them with modern works of the same
+kind, we are astonished at the opulence required to collect the materials
+of those immense edifices, and afterwards to construct them; as well
+as at the effect of those customs and institutions, which, in filling
+the theatre, could inspire such a multitude of citizens with a single
+sentiment of curiosity, amusement, or political feeling. It may be said
+that the theatres of Greece are an existing proof of the populousness
+of the states of that country, much more convincing than the arguments
+of those who have endeavoured to confute the received opinion on this
+subject. No Grecian community was complete without a theatre. In the
+principal cities they were from 350 to 500 feet in diameter, and capable
+of containing from eight or ten to twenty thousand spectators. I have
+already, in another work[518], shown some reasons for believing that the
+Greeks were indebted for the invention of these buildings to the same
+city, to which they owed so large a share of their civilization. The
+Dionysiac theatre at Athens, in the form in which it was constructed at
+the time that Æschylus brought the drama to perfection, seems to have
+been the original model which, with some slight variations, was adopted
+throughout the Grecian states both of Europe and Asia.
+
+I subjoin the diameters of the principal theatres in existence. They were
+all measured by Mr. Cockerell, except those marked D.; which are from the
+Missions of the Society of Dilettanti. All those of Greece Proper I have
+myself measured; but the reader will undoubtedly be better satisfied in
+possessing the measurements of Mr. Cockerell.
+
+ Exterior Interior
+ Diameter. Diam.
+
+ THEATRES OF ASIA MINOR.
+
+ Ephesus 660 240
+ Tralles[519] 540 150
+ Miletus (D) 472 224
+ Stratoniceia (D) 390 106
+ Side 390 120
+ Sardes[519] 396 162
+ Laodiceia (D) 364 136
+ Myra 360 120
+ Hierapolis 346 100
+ Patara 265 96
+ Teos[519] (Roman construction) 285 70
+ Pompeiopolis[519] (Ditto) 219 138
+ Limyra 195 —
+ Anemurium (Roman construction) 197 —
+ Selinus in Cilicia 114 —
+ Cnidus (D) about 400 —
+
+ THEATRES IN EUROPEAN GREECE.
+
+ Sparta[520] 453 217
+ Near Joannina in Epirus 445 121
+ Argos[520] 435 217
+ Syracusa 342 114
+ Sicyon[520] 313 100
+ Mantineia[520] 227 —
+ Delus[520] 175 —
+ Epidaurus[520] — 91
+ Nicopolis in Epirus (Roman constr.) 360 120
+
+ ODEIA[521].
+
+ Nicopolis 139 93
+ Messene (of a singular form, being 112 feet long) 93
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 229.
+
+The reader will perhaps be curious to learn something more of the Latin
+inscription of Stratoniceia mentioned in the note to page 229; which,
+although it has been more than a century in England, and the greater
+part of that time in the British Museum, has never yet been published.
+It consists of a decree, very long and wordy, and written in a style
+strongly indicating a declining Latinity, followed by a list of articles
+of provision in most common use among the Romans, with prices annexed to
+each of them.
+
+The decree makes some allusion to the damages sustained by recent
+incursions of the Barbarians into the Roman empire, and to its actual
+pacific state. It contains repeated reflections on the avarice of
+forestallers, who frustrate the bounty of nature; refers to the plenty
+which generally reigns in Asia; directs that those engaged in the
+traffic of provisions shall never exceed the subjoined prices in time
+of scarcity; and denounces capital punishment against such as shall
+infringe the decree which is promulgated to the whole world—called
+_our_ world: the decree being as usual in the first person. There is
+no mention however made of the Emperor’s name, but there are some
+expressions which seem to indicate that his reign had already been of
+some length. For the following reasons I am inclined to think it was a
+decree of the Emperor Theodosius. It appears by the tailor’s work at the
+end of the catalogue, that silken garments were in very common use. Now
+it is known that, as late as the reign of Aurelian, they were still very
+rare and expensive; and that their use was confined almost entirely to
+women[522]. The only successors of Aurelian, whose length of reign and
+stability of power were suited to the language of the Inscription, are
+Diocletian, Constantine, and Theodosius. As Diocletian arrived at the
+empire only ten years after the death of Aurelian, it cannot be supposed
+that the use of silk had in his time become so common as the Inscription
+indicates. Constantine chiefly triumphed over his Roman rivals; but the
+victories of Theodosius over the Goths, who under Valens had overrun
+all Thrace, were the peculiar pride and characteristic of the reign of
+Theodosius. Ammianus, who wrote his History in that reign, observes
+that the use of silken garments, formerly confined to the nobility, had
+then become common among the lower classes[523]; a state of customs
+which appears to be in exact conformity with the prices of the tailors’
+work in silk in the Inscription, as well as with the classification of
+those articles of dress among the other garments used by the common
+people of that age—namely, the rough coat, or birrhus; the caracallis,
+or hooded cloke, which soon afterwards became the dress of the monks;
+the Gallic breeches, and the socks. The late date of the Inscription is
+shown by its barbarous style, and the use of several words not found in
+earlier Latin; but that which declares its age more strongly, perhaps,
+than any other peculiarity, is the very reduced value of the drachma
+or denarius, in its exchange for the necessaries of life. It is true
+that the prices in the decree are given as a maximum; but the value of
+the denarius must have very greatly diminished from that which it bore
+in the two first centuries of the Roman Empire, when butchers’ meat
+was about 2 denarii the pound, and middling wheat from 3 to 6 denarii
+the modius[524],—before, under any circumstances contemplated by the
+Roman government, it could have been equivalent to an oyster, or the
+hundredth part of a lean goose. It appears from the coins of the early
+Byzantine Emperors, that great liberties were at that period taken with
+the weight of the denarius, and that it varied greatly between the time
+of Constantine and that of the final division of the Empire; but its
+diminution of value seems from this inscription to have been much greater
+than has hitherto been supposed[525].
+
+The Inscription cannot well be referred to a later time than that of
+Theodosius, as under his sons the Empire was again oppressed by the
+Barbarians; and after the final separation of the Empire, which took
+place in their reign, the use of the Latin language was gradually laid
+aside in the acts of government of the Eastern Empire.
+
+It would be difficult to deduce any inference as to the date of the
+Inscription from the form of the letters; more especially as the Harleian
+MS. of Sherard, in which it is preserved, is only the copy of a copy. The
+characters seem to have been executed by a Greek engraver, and to have
+been left unfinished, so that the S resembles a Greek gamma, and the A a
+lambda. The following is a specimen of the characters, as nearly as they
+can be represented by printed types.
+
+ ETΓEMPERPRɅECEPTORMETUΓIUΓTIΓΓI
+ MUΓOFFICIORUMΙNUENITUREΓΓEMODE
+ RATORPLɅCEΤΓIQUIΓCONTRɅFORMAM
+ ΓTATUTIΗUIUΓCONUIXUΓFUERITɅUDE
+ NTIɅCɅPITɅLIPERICULOΓUBICIETUR
+
+Et semper præceptor metus justissimus invenitur esse moderator. Placet
+si quis contra formam statuti hujus convictus fuerit audentia capitali
+periculo subjicietur.
+
+The following is the list of provisions with their prices. It is very
+possible that Mr. W. Bankes may have procured a more complete copy of the
+Inscription, and a longer list.
+
+It should be observed that the denomination of coin, here expressed by an
+asterisk, is in the original denoted by the usual sign of the denarius,
+namely X with a transverse line, or an asterisk with six points. The sign
+of quantity here expressed by _ƒ_, which nearly resembles the note in the
+original, is probably _S_ for sextarius, with a transverse line; but it
+may be worthy of remark, that this note is not commonly found in ancient
+manuscripts like the asterisk for drachma or denarius.
+
+ Conditi ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti quatuor[526]
+ Apsinthi ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti
+ Rhosati[527] ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti
+ Item olei
+ Olei floris[528] ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti quatuor
+ Olei sequentis ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti qua....
+ Olei cibari[529] ital _ƒ_ unum * duodecim
+ Olei raphanini[530] ital _ƒ_ unum * octo
+ Aceti ital _ƒ_ unum * sex
+ Liquaminis[531] primi ital _ƒ_ unum * se......
+ Liquaminis secundi ital _ƒ_ unum * decem
+ Salis F M̊[532] unum * centum
+ Salis conditi[533] italicum _ƒ_ unum * o......
+
+ Mellis optimi ital _ƒ_ unum * cu.......
+ Mellis secundi ital _ƒ_ unum * vig....
+ Mellis fœnicini[534] ital _ƒ_ unum * octo
+
+ Item carnis
+ Carnis porcinæ ital po[535] unum * duodecim
+ Carnis bubulæ ital po unum * octo
+ Carnis caprinæ sive vervecinæ ital po unum * ......
+ Vulvæ[536] ital po unum * viginti quattuor
+ Suminis[537] ital po unum * viginti
+ Ficati[538] optimi ital po unum * sedecim
+ Laridi optimi ital po unum * sedecim
+ Pernæ optimæ petasonis sive Menapicæ vel Ceritanæ[539] ital po
+ unum * viginti
+ Marsicæ[540] ital po unum * viginti
+ Adipis recentis ital po unum * duodecim
+ Axungiæ ital po unum * duodecim
+ Ungellæ—quattuor et Aqualiculum[541] pretio quo distrahitur
+ Isicium[542] porcinum unciæ unius * duod....
+ Isicia bubula ital po unum * decem
+ Lucanicarum[543] ital po unum * sedecem
+ Lucanicarum bubularum ital po uno * dec..
+ Fasionus pastus * ducentis quinquaginta
+ Fasionus agrestis * centum viginti quinque
+ Fasia pasta po ... * ducentis
+ Fasiana non pasta * centum
+ Anser pastus * ducentis
+ Anser non pastus * centum
+
+ Pullo .... * sexaginta
+ Perdix .... * triginta
+ Turtur .. * duodecim
+ Turtur .. * duodecim
+ Turdorum .. * sexaginta
+ Palumb .... * viginti
+ Columb .... * viginti quattuor
+ Attagen * viginti
+ Anas * cuadraginta
+ Lepus * centum quinquaginta
+ Cunic(ulus) * quadraginta
+ .. pe .. viginti
+ ........ quadraginta
+ ........ sedecim
+ Femina..........
+ Coturnices n * numero ducentis
+ Sturni decem * viginti
+ Aprunæ ital po * sedicim
+ Cervinæ ital po * duodecim
+ Dorcis sive capræ vel dammæ ital po duodecim
+ Porcinæ lactantis * sedicim
+ Agnus M po .... * duodecim
+ Hædus[544] M po l * duodecim
+ Sevi ital po l * sex
+ Butyri ital po l * sedecim
+
+ Item pisces
+ Piscis aspratilis[545] marini ital po l * viginti quattuor
+ Piscis secundi ital po l * sedecim
+ Piscis fluvialis opt. po l * duodecim
+ Piscis secundi fluvialis ital po l * octo
+ Piscisalsi ital po l * sex
+ Ostriæ no centum * centum
+ Echini no centum * quinquaginta
+ Echini recentis purgati ital _ƒ_ unum * quadraginta
+ Echini salsi ital _ƒ_ unum * centum
+ Sphondili[546] marini no centum * quinquaginta
+ Sagenici[547] ital po l * duodecim
+ Sardæ sive Sardinæ po l * sedecim
+
+ Item Cardus majores no quinque * decem
+ Sequentes no decem..............
+ Intibus optima no decem............
+ Sequentis no decem..............
+ Malvæ maximæ no VI............
+ Malvæ sequentis decem..........
+ Lactucæ optimæ no V............
+ Sequentes no decem * quattuor
+ Coliculi optimi no V * quattuor
+ Sequentes no X * quattuor
+ Cumæ[548] optimæ fascem l * quinque
+ Porri maximi no X * octo
+ Sequentes no viginti......
+ Betæ maximæ no V........
+ Sequentes no X......
+ Radices maximæ......
+ Sequentes............
+ Rapæ maximæ no X......
+ Sequentes no X..........
+ Ceparum siccarum........
+ Cepæ verdes[549]............
+ Sequentes..............
+ Capparis..............
+ Sisinariorum[550] ital........
+ Cucurbitæ............
+ Sequentes..............
+ Melopepones............
+ Sequentes..............
+ Pepones..............
+ Fasiolorum............
+ Asparagi Hortulani......
+ Asparagi Agrestes......
+ Rusci[551]..............
+ Ciceris................
+ Fabæ virdes............
+ Fascioli virdes..........
+
+ .... etiam
+ licitum sit..........
+ Frumenti K M̊..........
+ Hordei K M̊ unum *........
+ Centenum sive sicale[552] K M̊ unum........
+ Milipisti K M̊ unum * centum
+ Militegri[553] K M̊ * quinquaginta
+ Panicii[554] K M̊ * quinquaginta
+ Speltæ .... K M̊ * centum
+ Scandulæ[555] sive speltæ K M̊ * triginta
+ Fabæ fressæ ..... * centum
+ Fabæ non fressæ[556] * sexanta ....
+ Lenticlæ ..... * centum
+ Herviliæ .... * octocenta
+ Pisæ fractæ ..... * centum
+ Pisæ non fractæ .... * sexacinta
+ Ciceris .... * centum
+ Hervi .... * centum
+ Avenæ .... * triginta
+ Fœnigræci .... * centum
+
+ .......... scripturæ versuum no centum........
+ Tabellanioni in scriptura livelli bel tabulæ versibus no
+ centum..................
+ Bracario pro excisura et urnatura
+ Pro birro qualitatis primæ * se............
+ Pro birro qualitatis secundæ * quadra......
+ Pro Caracalli majori * viginti
+ Pro Caracalli minori * viginti
+ Pro Vracibus * viginti
+ Pro Udonibus * quattuor
+ Sarcinatori in beste soubtili replicatoriæ * sex......
+ Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura sit olosericæ * quinquaginta
+ Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura subsericæ[557] * triginta
+ Subsuturæ in beste grossiori * quattuor
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 230.
+
+Sherard copied the following curious inscription in two places at Mylasa:—
+
+ ΜΑΥΣΣΩΛΟΣΕΚΑΤΟΜΝΩΤΟΜΒΩΜΟΝΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ
+
+Mausolus, who here erects an altar to Hecatomnus, was his eldest son,
+and his successor in the kingdom of Caria. Mausolus married his eldest
+sister Artemisia, who on his death built the celebrated sepulchre at
+Halicarnassus called Mausoleum. According to Pliny, Mausolus died in
+the second year of the 106th Olympiad, or before Christ 355.[558] He
+was succeeded in the regal authority by Artemisia, according to a
+custom which Arrian observes to have been not uncommon in Asia[559].
+Artemisia died before the monument of Mausolus was finished, and was
+succeeded by Hydrieus the second son of Hecatomnus, and he by his widow
+and sister Ada. Ada was expelled from Halicarnassus by her brother
+Pixodarus, the third son of Hecatomnus; who submitted to the Persians,
+and was succeeded by the Persian satrap Orontobates, who had married his
+daughter. It was from this Persian that Alexander took Halicarnassus,
+after an obstinate defence, in the year B.C. 334, when he restored the
+kingdom of Caria to Ada; who, on being expelled from the sovereignty by
+her brother, had remained in possession of Alinda[560].
+
+The reduplication of the sigma in Μαύσσωλος is found also in other proper
+names of this period of time. The conversion of N before B into M, was in
+conformity with a pronunciation which has continued to the present day.
+Other conversions of a similar kind are often found in inscriptions: see
+some examples in the Inscriptiones Antiquæ of Chishull and of Chandler.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 248.
+
+The following are the two inscriptions mentioned in the text as
+containing the name of Tralles, and as having been copied by Sherard at
+Ghiuzél Hissár.
+
+I.
+
+ ... ΣΤΗΜΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΕΡΟΥ-
+ -ΣΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΦΙΛΟΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ
+ ΝΕΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΕΝ ΤΡΑΛΛΕΣΙ
+ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΙ ΕΤΕΙΜΗΣΑΝ ΤΙΒ
+ ΚΛ ΠΑΝΥΧΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΟΝ
+ ΚΟΙΒΙΛΟΝ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ-
+ -ΤΑ ΤΗΝ ΝΥΚΤΕΡΙΝΗΝ ΣΤΡΑ-
+ -ΤΗΓΙΑΝ ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝ-
+ -ΤΑ ΑΡΓΥΡΟΤΑΜΙΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ
+ ΕΚΔΑΝΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΟΥΡΑΤΟ-
+ -ΡΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΩΝ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ
+ ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΑΠΟ ΑΙΓΥ-
+ -ΠΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΕΡΓΟΝ ΠΟΙΗΣΑΝ-
+ -ΤΑ ΕΙΣ ΤΟΝ ΣΕΙΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΔΟΝΤΑ
+ ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΝ ΧΒΦΚΖ ΝΕ-
+ -ΟΠΟΙΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ-
+ -ΤΑ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΦΙΛΟ-
+ ΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΑΝΑΘΕΝΤΑ ΔΕ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ
+ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΑΣ ΕΝ ΤΗ ΟΨΑΡΙΟ-
+ -ΠΩΛΕΙ ΜΑΡΜΑΡΙΝΑΣ ΤΡΑΠΕ-
+ -ΖΑ. ΙΒ Σ.. ΤΑΙΣ ΒΑΣΕΣΙΝ Β
+ Π. ΤΙΤΙΟΣ ΜΗΟΥΒΙΑΝΟΣ Κ.
+ -ΛΩΝ ΤΟΝ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΝ
+
+II.
+
+ ΜΑΡΚΟΝ ΝΩΝΙΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ
+ ΤΟΝ ΑΞΙΟΛΟΓΩΤΑΤΟΝ
+ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑ
+ ΒΟΥΛΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΥ
+ ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΕΙΡΗΝΑΡΧΗ-
+ -ΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ
+ ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ
+ ΔΙ ΟΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΝ
+ ΚΑΙ ΜΟΝΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ
+ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ
+ ΚΑΙ ΘΕΝΤΑ ΕΛΑΙΟΥ
+ ΗΜΕΡΑΣ ΠΕΝΤΕ
+ Η ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΗ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΝ
+ ΤΡΑΛΛΙΑΝΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΣ
+ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΟΔΩΝ
+ ΠΡΟΝΟΗΣΑΜΕΝΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑ-
+ -ΣΕΩΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΙΜΗΣ Μ ΑΥΡ ΛΗΤΟΙΔΟΥ
+ ΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΥ ΧΡΥΣΟΦΟΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ
+ Μ ΑΥΡ ΤΡΟΦΙΜΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΩΣ.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 253.
+
+In the annexed plate are plans, on a small scale, of the theatre and
+palæstra of Hierapolis, from the drawings of Mr. Cockerell. I know of
+only two other palæstræ, or gymnasia[561], in a state of preservation
+sufficient to give any useful information on the subject of these
+buildings, whose spacious chambers and massy walls show the importance
+which was attached to them by the ancients.
+
+[Illustration: THE THEATRE OF HIERAPOLIS.
+
+THE PALÆSTRA OF HIERAPOLIS.]
+
+Near the mineral sources which rise in the centre of the site of
+Hierapolis, Mr. Cockerell observed the Plutonium or mephitic cavern,
+which eluded the search of Pococke and of Chandler. Dio accurately
+remarks that it was situated below the theatre, Strabo says that it was
+fatal to oxen placed within its influence, and both he and Dio assert
+that they exposed birds to it, which fell dead immediately. Mr. C. found
+several small birds lying dead near the grotto; and though he tried its
+effects on a fowl for a whole day without any result, he was assured by
+the inhabitants that it was sometimes fatal to their sheep and oxen, but
+that it was not always equally dangerous. The ancient authors who have
+mentioned this Plutonium are Strabo (p. 629.), Pliny (l. 2. c. 95.), Dion
+Cassius (l. 68. c. 27.), Apuleius (de Mundo), Ammianus (l. 23. c. 6.),
+and Damascius (ap. Photii Bibl. p. 1054.)
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 259.
+
+Pliny (l. 36. c. 21.) says, the temple of Ephesus was built “in solo
+palustri ne terræ motus sentiret aut hiatus timeret.”
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 265.
+
+Mr. Cockerell has been so kind as to furnish me with the following note
+on the antiquities of Sardes:—
+
+ “Sardes was magnificently situated on one of the roots of Mount
+ Tmolus, which commands an extensive view to the northward over
+ the valley of the Hermus, and the country beyond it. To the south
+ of the city, in a small plain watered by the Pactolus, stood the
+ temple, built of coarse whitish marble. The western front was on
+ the bank of the river; the eastern under the impending heights of
+ the Acropolis.
+
+ “Two columns of the exterior order of the east front, and one
+ column of the portico of the pronaus, are still standing, with
+ their capitals: the two former still support the stone of the
+ architrave, which stretched from the centre of one column to
+ the centre of the other. The columns are buried nearly to half
+ their height in the soil, which has accumulated in the valley
+ since their erection; chiefly, it is probable, by the destruction
+ of the hill of the Acropolis, which is continually crumbling,
+ and which presents a most rugged and fantastic outline. On the
+ edges of its summit the remains of the ancient walls are still
+ observable in many places. I was told that, four years ago, three
+ other columns of the temple were still standing, and that they
+ were thrown down by the Turks, for the sake of the gold which
+ they expected to find in the joints[562].
+
+ “Besides the three standing columns which I have mentioned,
+ there are truncated portions of four others belonging to the
+ eastern front, and of one belonging to the portico of the
+ pronaus; together with a part of the wall of the cella. When it
+ is considered that these remains are 25 feet above the pavement,
+ it cannot be doubted that an excavation would expose the greater
+ part of the building: even now, however, there is sufficient
+ above the soil to give an idea of the dimensions of the temple,
+ and to show that it was one of the most magnificent in Greece;
+ for though in extent it was inferior to the temples of Juno at
+ Samus, and of Apollo at Branchidæ, the proportions of the order
+ are at least equal to those of the former, and exceed those of
+ the latter. The following plan and elevation will illustrate what
+ I have just stated: the shading expresses those parts which still
+ remain in their places above the soil.
+
+ “The dimensions are as follow:—
+
+ Diameter of the exterior columns, at about 35 feet F. In.
+ below the capital 6 4½
+ Diameter of the exterior columns under the capital 5 6¼
+ Diameter of interior columns under the capital 6 0¾
+ Diameter of the same under the caps 5 3
+
+ “The height of the entire column has been assumed from the
+ proportions of those at Branchidæ, Miletus, &c. The stone A must
+ have weighed 25 tons, and that above the centre intercolumnium
+ was still larger.
+
+ “The capital, appeared to me to surpass any specimen of the Ionic
+ I had seen in perfection of design and execution. I suppose the
+ temple to have been an octastyle dipterus, with seventeen columns
+ in the flanks; though in regard to the number in the flanks, I
+ am more guided by the proportion of the other dipteral temples
+ of the Ionic order than by any proof that can be derived from
+ the ruins in their present state. The gradual diminution of the
+ intercolumnia from the centre of the front to the angles, is
+ remarkable, and, I believe, without any other example. The larger
+ intercolumnium in the centre is indeed found in the temple of
+ Diana at Magnesia; and is recommended by Vitruvius lib. iii.
+ c. 11: the contraction of the intercolumnia, in the flanks,
+ is exemplified in the temple of Samus. The smaller diameter
+ of the interior columns is not uncommon in Greek temples: the
+ capitals resembled those of the exterior order. The flutings are
+ not continued in any of the columns below the capital; which I
+ conceive to be a proof that this temple, like that of Apollo
+ Didymeus, was never finished.
+
+ “The great height of the architrave, the peculiar style of the
+ design and workmanship, and the difference of intercolumnia in
+ the faces and in the flanks of the peristyle, I cannot but regard
+ as tokens of high antiquity; and perhaps we may consider as no
+ less so the vast size of the stones employed in the architrave;
+ and the circumstance of their being single stones, whereas in
+ the temple of Didyma and in the Parthenon there were two blocks
+ in the same situation[563]. In subsequent times the durability
+ ensured by this massive mode of construction was sacrificed for
+ appearances, and for a more easy result.
+
+ “The merit of the very ancient architects in overcoming such
+ a difficulty, and the great expense incurred by it, may be
+ illustrated by the practical observation, that the price of the
+ cubic foot of stone is doubled and trebled, according to size,
+ as well in the quarrying as in the carriage and setting. Modern
+ architecture has indeed succeeded in producing buildings of
+ immense bulk, but they cannot be kept together without continued
+ repair; and the triumph is little more than that of balancing a
+ skeleton on its legs. In some late works only, such as the recent
+ artificial docks and basins, have we imitated the solidity of the
+ ancients.
+
+ “On the north side of the Acropolis of Sardes, overlooking the
+ valley of the Hermus, is a theatre, attached to a stadium: in
+ the manner of which we find several examples in Asia Minor. The
+ stadium is near 1000 feet in length, the theatre near 400 in
+ diameter.”
+
+[Illustration: THE TEMPLE OF CYBEBE AT SARDES.]
+
+The subjoined plate is intended to show the relative proportions of the
+principal temples of Asia Minor, as well with each other as with the four
+most celebrated temples of European Greece. All these plans, except the
+first, are formed from observations made by skilful architects, on the
+existing ruins of the buildings.
+
+1. _Temple of Diana at Ephesus._—Vitruvius mentions this building as an
+example of the class of temples which he calls dipterus; and one of the
+characters of which, according to him, is, that of having eight columns
+in front. His words, however, are ambiguous, and I am disposed to think
+that he alludes, not to the temple which existed in his time, but to
+the original work of Chersiphron of Cnossus, and his son Metagenes, who
+were cotemporaries of Theodorus and Rhœcus, the architects of the Heræum
+of Samus; and whose building, after having been enlarged by another
+architect, was destroyed by fire in the year B.C. 356: for it was not
+until then that the edifice was begun, which, after 220 years employed
+in its construction, was in perfection in the time of the Roman empire;
+when it was noticed by Strabo, Pliny, and Vitruvius[564]. In any case,
+as the expression of Vitruvius forms part of his absurd classification
+of temples[565], it deserves not much weight in contradiction to the
+description of the building by Pliny, whose principal data will be
+found (on the supposition that the temple was decastyle) to agree in
+a remarkable manner with each other, as well as with some other great
+examples of the Ionic order. Pliny relates that the temple was 220 feet
+in front, and 425 long, and that the diameter of the columns was one
+eighth of the height, which was 60 feet. The columns, therefore, were 7½
+feet in diameter; and the intercolumnia of the front, supposing them to
+have been all equal, were 16 feet, or only 9 inches less than the eustyle
+proportion of Vitruvius; which is 2¼ times the diameter of the column.
+
+It has been thought that the side of this temple, having been less than
+double the front, the number of columns on the sides must also have
+been less than double the number in the fronts. But this is by no means
+a necessary consequence; on the contrary, we find that in the temples
+of Samus and Branchidæ, both of which had one column more in the flank
+than in the front, the side is less than double the front; and that the
+breadth exceeds half the length, even in a greater proportion than it
+did, according to the numbers of Pliny, in the temple of Ephesus. There
+is no reason, therefore, why the Ephesian temple, like the temples of the
+same order, which most nearly approached it in magnitude, namely those
+of Samus and Branchidæ, should not have had 21 columns in the sides.
+In regard to its total number of columns, which in our copies of Pliny
+is 127, there is evidently some error, as the number could not have
+been uneven. It is very possible that the early copiers of Pliny made
+the common oversight of omitting an unit, writing cxxvii. instead of
+cxxviii.; for such would have been the number if we suppose that there
+was a triple row of columns before the vestibule of the cell in front,
+as in the temples of Samus and Sardes, and also at the opposite end, as
+in the Olympium of Athens; together with four columns between the Antæ
+at either end of the cella, as the general construction of Greek temples
+renders highly probable.
+
+As it cannot be certain whether Pliny refers to the Greek or Roman foot
+in this example, I have drawn the little plan in the plate by the same
+scale of English feet used for the other figures. The English foot being
+somewhat greater than the Roman, and smaller than the Greek, the error
+must be very trifling, whether Pliny used the Greek or Roman.
+
+2. _Temple of Juno at Samus._—Herodotus has prepared us for the
+magnificence of this building. He names it, together with the temple of
+Ephesus, as the most admirable of all the works of the Grecians; and
+in another place he calls it the largest temple of which he has any
+knowledge[566]. Hence it appears that the Heræum of Samus was larger than
+the Artemisium of Ephesus as the latter existed in the time of Herodotus.
+
+Although only one column of the Heræum deprived of its capital is now
+standing, its plan was ascertained by Mr. Bedford, one of the architects
+who accompanied Sir William Gell in the second Asiatic Mission of the
+Dilettanti. The length was 346 feet, the breadth 189. It was a decastylus
+dipterus, had 10 columns in front, 21 on the sides, a triple row in
+the pronaus, and a double row of four columns between the antæ at the
+entrance of the cella in front. The columns were about 7 feet in diameter
+at the bottom of the shaft, and about 60 feet high. The intercolumniation
+in the two fronts was 14 feet, in the flank only 10½ feet, and in the
+flank of the pronaus something still less. There was no appearance of
+fluting in the columns. The material was the white and blueish-gray
+marble of the island.
+
+3. _Temple of Apollo Didymeus at Branchidæ in the Milesia._—Of this
+building there remain two columns with the architrave, still standing:
+the remainder is an immense mass of ruin. The proportions of the order
+are more slender than those of Samus and Sardes, their height being
+63 feet, with a diameter of 6½ feet, at the base of the shaft. The
+architrave is lower, and the building much less ancient than those two
+temples. It was a decastylus dipterus, with 21 columns in the flanks,
+and 4 between the antæ of the pronaus: in all 112. The fluting of the
+columns is finished only in the exterior order; in the interior it
+exists only under the capital[567]. The material of the temple is white
+marble—in some parts blueish.
+
+4. _Temple of Cybebe at Sardes._—Of this the foregoing note of Mr.
+Cockerell, the only person who has measured it with care, has furnished
+the reader with all that is known. The plan is constructed on the
+supposition, not yet sufficiently proved, that it had 17 columns on the
+sides, and not more than a double row at the back of the cella. Of the
+other particulars Mr. C.’s measurements leave no doubt.
+
+5. _The Temple of Artemis Leucophryene_—which is now a mere heap of
+ruins, among other remains of the city of Magnesia on the Mæander. Its
+material is white marble, not of the purest kind. The length is 198 feet,
+the breadth 106; measured, as usual, on the upper step of the stylobate.
+There were 8 columns in the fronts and 15 in the sides, measuring 4 feet
+8 inches in diameter at the bottom of the shaft. The number of columns
+was only 56; this temple being the example which Vitruvius has given
+of the pseudodipterus, a mode of construction by which 38 columns were
+saved, and a larger space was left for the reception of the people in the
+peristyle. The central intercolumnium of the temple of Magnesia is found
+to be three-fourths of a diameter greater than the other intercolumnia;
+and we are informed by Vitruvius that such was exactly the proportion of
+the central intercolumnium to the others in the eustylus, a disposition
+so called as being the most harmonious mode of proportioning the
+diameters to the intercolumnia. The other intercolumnia, however, of the
+temple of Magnesia do not bear so large a proportion to the diameter
+of the column, as the eustylus required.—Vitruvius informs us that
+Hermogenes of Alabanda, the architect of the temple of Magnesia, was the
+inventor both of the Pseudodipterus and Eustylus; but in regard to the
+former at least, his merit seems not to have been very great, as we now
+find from the observations of two architects, Messrs. Harris and Angell,
+who have lately resided six months at Selinus in Sicily for the purpose
+of examining the magnificent ruins at that place, which are much more
+ancient than the time of Hermogenes, that the great temple of Jupiter as
+well as one of the hexastyles was constructed on the principles of the
+pseudodipterus.
+
+6. _The Temple of Bacchus at Teos._—The ruins of this building afford
+only the diameter of the column (about 3 feet 8 inches at the base), with
+a few less important details of the other parts of the construction. But
+we have some means of judging of the dimensions of the temple, from its
+being the example of the eustylus given by Vitruvius, who informs us also
+that it was a hexastylus monopterus[568]. The columns therefore being 3.8
+in diameter, and the intercolumniation of the eustylus being 3 diameters
+in the centre with 2¼ in the four other intercolumnia, the total length
+of the front must have been about 64 feet on the upper step, which is
+very nearly the breadth of another Ionic hexastyle, namely the temple of
+Minerva at Priene. If we suppose the number of columns in the sides at
+Teos to have been the same as at Priene, namely 11, these two temples
+must have been nearly equal in length as well as in breadth. It seems
+highly probable that such was the number of columns in the sides at Teos,
+because Vitruvius, who chiefly extracted his theoretical system from the
+commentaries of the great architects of the Asiatic temples, prescribes
+the number of columns in the hexastyle to be not more than 11. One of
+those Asiatic writers, we know, was Hermogenes the architect of the
+temple at Teos; and he also was the inventor of the eustylus or beautiful
+proportion, of which this temple was an example[569].
+
+[Illustration: PLANS OF TEMPLES AT
+
+1. EPHESUS, Ionic. 425 feet long, 220 broad.
+
+2. SAMUS, Ionic. 346 × 189.
+
+3. BRANCHIDÆ, Ionic. 304 × 65.
+
+4. SARDES, Ionic. 251 × 144.
+
+5. MAGNESIA, Ionic. 198 × 105.
+
+6. TEOS, Ionic. 122 × 64.
+
+7. PRIENE, Ionic. 122 × 63.
+
+1. AGRIGENTUM, Doric. 358 × 172.
+
+2. SELINUS, Doric. 358 × 164.
+
+3. ATHENS (Olympium), Corinthian. 354 × 171.
+
+4. ATHENS (Parthenon), Doric.]
+
+7. Although the temple of Minerva at Priene seems to have closely
+resembled that of Bacchus at Teos in the length and breadth, its other
+proportions were different, the intercolumnia being smaller in proportion
+to the diameter of the column, which measures four feet and a quarter
+at the bottom of the shaft. The shaft was 38 feet high and fluted. The
+material of the temple, as well as of the other buildings of the city,
+was the stone of the mountain on which it stands—a blue and white marble,
+not of a very compact texture.
+
+Vitruvius has not spoken of the temple of Sardes, probably because it
+was already in ruins in his time. The other six just enumerated are the
+great examples of the Ionic order to which he has particularly alluded,
+and which happen also to be the temples of Asiatic Greece of which the
+existing ruins furnish us with the most satisfactory details. There were
+other temples of great celebrity in that country; particularly those of
+Apollo at Grynium and at Clarus, of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva
+at Phocæa, to which we may add that of Cyzicus destroyed by an earthquake
+in the reign of Antoninus Pius[570]; but no remains of these edifices,
+except that of Clarus, which is stated by Captain Beaufort to have been
+of the Doric order, have yet been discovered.
+
+
+NOTE TO PAGE 268.
+
+To the testimony of Livy as to the Phrygius might have been added that
+of Appian; but it is evident that in the description of the battle of
+Magnesia both the historians have drawn from the same source, namely
+Polybius, and Appian is less particular than Livy as to the topography of
+the position.
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES
+
+
+[1] These remarks were written before the insurrection broke out
+in Greece—an event which will greatly increase the difficulties of
+travelling in Asia Minor.
+
+[2] The coast between Cape Carambis and Sinope was not seen by Captain
+Gauttier, who has therefore borrowed that part from the Russian charts.
+
+[3] An unfortunate fire destroyed the engravings prepared for Niebuhr’s
+third volume, and put a stop to its publication. I believe Major Rennell
+is in possession of a copy of the map of Niebuhr’s route through Asia
+Minor, struck from the plate before the fire.
+
+[4] See the appendix to Mr. Kinneir’s Travels.
+
+[5] In the latter part of the last century, Griffiths and Capper
+published their routes across the peninsula, from S.E. to N.W., but
+without adding much to geography.
+
+[6] This is probably an error for Kílissa-Hissár, which, according to
+Hadji Khalfa, is the name of a castle near Bor; for the bearing and
+distance of Mr. Kinneir’s Ketch-Hissar from Nigde are sufficient to prove
+that it must have been very near the Bor of Hadji Khalfa and Paul Lucas.
+
+[7] Mr. Kinneir calls this place Costambol; but the Turkish geographers
+give it the name in the text, which in fact is nothing more than a slight
+corruption of Castamon, its Greek name under the Byzantine empire. See
+Anna Comnena, l. 7. p. 206.—Nicet. in Joan. Comnen.—Chalcocond. l. 9.
+p. 259.—Leuncl. Annal. Turc.—It is to be regretted that Mr. Kinneir was
+not more careful in his orthography of places, which often requires
+correction from Hadji Khalfa, or modern travellers. Like Pococke he
+has omitted, in giving us his computation of miles, to add the actual
+_measure_ by the watch, which is generally the more useful of the two.
+
+[8] The following are among some of the observations of the latitude of
+places on the road from Smyrna to Constantinople, made by Mr. Browne.
+They are taken from his manuscript papers.
+
+ Latitude. Longitude.
+ Smyrna 38° 28′ 7″ 27° 6′ 48″
+ Magnesia 38° 41′ 30″
+ Demir Kapu 39° 49′ 0″
+ Balikesr 39° 32′ 0″
+ Ulubad 40° 9′ 30″
+ Mikhalitza 40° 16′ 30″
+ Brusa 40° 9′ 30″
+ Yenishehr 40° 12′ 0″
+ Kizdervent 40° 32′ 0″
+ Nicæa 40° 21′ 30″
+
+[9] It is almost unnecessary to remark that the latitudes and longitudes
+of Ptolemy are of very little use, though they may be sometimes employed
+as a concurrent testimony in proof of the vicinity of places.
+
+[10] The routes of these three itineraries are described upon the map
+by a double line; and thus the part of the Peutinger Table relating
+to Asia Minor is (I believe for the first time) placed upon the real
+projection. This part of the Table has at the same time been engraved on
+the same plate with the Map, for the greater convenience of reference and
+comparison.
+
+[11] Ante Christum, 401.
+
+[12] A. C. 333.
+
+[13] A. C. 189.
+
+[14] An inquiry into the situation of the sees of the Greek bishoprics
+of the Lower Empire may sometimes assist the traveller in the discovery
+of the ancient _Pagan_ sites. In regard to the smaller places, this
+method may not often be successful, Turkish conquest and Christian
+depopulation having gradually obliterated the greater part of them; but
+it is difficult to suppose that the metropolitan, and some others of the
+more important sees, which are at the same time desiderata of ancient
+geography,—such as Synnada, Antiocheia of Pisidia, Perge, Philomelium,
+Pessinus, Amorium,—should be unknown to the Christians of Asia Minor,
+although their names may be no longer in common use.
+
+[15] An Arabic word, meaning _master_, _ruler_.
+
+[16] This name has been supposed to prove that Kutaya, the capital of
+Kermian, stands on the site of the Κεραμῶν ἄγορα of Xenophon; but there
+is no doubt that Kermian is a Turkish name, and foreign to ancient Asia
+Minor. The mosque of Sultan Kermian still exists at Kutaya.
+
+[17] The rule which I have observed in writing Turkish names, requires
+the reader to pronounce the vowels as in Italian, and the consonants as
+in English. Gh, Dh, and Kh, are intended to express the aspirated forms
+of G, D, K. The accent is marked in all words, the sound of which might
+be doubtful without it.
+
+[18] A kind of pipe in which the smoke is made to pass through water:
+used in every part of the East.
+
+[19] The initial K, P, T, in names of places have generally among the
+modern Greeks the sound of G, B, D: this arises from their practice of
+using those names in the accusative case preceded by στὴν; for ν before
+κ, π, τ, gives the harder kindred sound to the vowel which follows.
+Before π the ν becomes converted into m: as, στὴν πόλιν—Constantinople,
+pronounced stim bólin. Whence the Turkish Stambol.
+
+[20] Ὀρχάνης ... ἦλθε πρὸς τοῦ Βυζαντίου τὴν Περαίαν, ὃ Σκουτάριον
+ἐρχωρίως ὀνομάζεται.—Cantacuz. l. 4. c. 4.
+
+[21] Antonin. Itin. ed. Wessel. p. 139. Hierosol. It. p. 572.
+
+[22] Ἐν δὲ Βιθυνίᾳ τόπος ἐστὶ θινώδης ἀπὸ θαλάσσης καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ κώμη τις
+οὐ μεγάλη Λίβυσσα καλεῖται—Plutarch. in Flam.
+
+[23] Zonaras, l. 13. c. 16. Socrates, l. 4. c. 16. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 14.
+Cedrenus, p. 311. Theophanes, p. 50.
+
+[24] Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2. Hist. Arcan. c. 30. Anna Comn. l. 10.
+p. 287.
+
+[25] Διαβαίνειν αὐτὸν πλεῖον ἢ εἰκοσάκις ἐστὶ τοῖς τῇδε ἰοῦσι. Proc. de
+Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.
+
+[26] Anna Comnena, l. 10. p. 286. ed. Paris.
+
+[27] A similar confusion as to the Gallus and Sangarius seems to have
+prevailed in ancient times. Herodian places the city Pessinus on the
+Gallus; although we know from Polybius, Livy, and Strabo, that it stood
+on the banks of the Sangarius, not far from the sources of that river.
+Strabo, in describing the Gallus as the branch which joins the main river
+300 stades from Nicomedia, has identified it with the river of Lefke.
+
+[28] Mr. M. Kinneir found some antique remains, and copied some Christian
+Greek inscriptions here. Paul Lucas found some ruins, and transcribed
+some incomplete inscriptions at an Armenian village an hour and a half
+from Eski-shehr.
+
+[29] Ann. Comn. l. 11. p. 317—l. 15. p. 469.
+
+[30] Athen. l. 2, c. 5. ed. Casaub. Cinnam. l. 6. c. 74.
+
+[31] Tab. Peutinger. Segm. vi. Anton. Itin. p. 202.
+
+[32] Nacoleia was the chief fortress of this country in the reign of
+Arcadius, whose officer, Count Tribigild, with a garrison of Ostrogoths,
+rebelled against the Emperor, and reduced all the neighbouring country.
+Philostorg. l. 11. c. 8. For an account of the rebellion of Gainas and
+Tribigild, which illustrates several points of Asiatic geography, see
+Gibbon, c. 32, and the authors to whom he refers.
+
+[33] I. Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Total 77 M. P. to
+Pessinus: the distance on the map is about 55 G. M. d.
+
+II. Iter a Dorilao:—Arcelaio M. P. 30, Germa M. P. 20. Total 50 M. P.:
+the distance on the map is 57 G. M. d.
+
+III. Dorileo Docymeo 32 Synnada 32 Jullæ 35 Philomelo 28 Laudicia
+Catacecaumeno. Total 127 M. P. _plus_ the distance from Dorylæum to
+Docimia. The distance upon the map is about 130 G. M. d.
+
+IV. Dorileo 20 Necolea 40 Conni 32 Eucarpia 30 Eumenia Pella 12 ad vicum
+14 Apamea Ciboton. Total 148 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 100
+G. M. d.
+
+V. Dorileo, 30 Cocleo (lege Cotyæo) 35 Agmonia 25 Aludda 30 Clanudda 35
+Philadelfia. Total 155 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 120 G. M.
+d. The second of these roads is from the Antonine itinerary, the other
+four from the Peutinger Table.
+
+The proportion between the real distances, and the amount of the several
+computed distances in Roman miles, shows that the distance, in the
+itineraries, from one place to another, cannot be relied on to within ten
+or twelve miles. In many instances, the errors of the Table are still
+greater.
+
+[34] Herodot. l. 1. c. 142. l. 5. c. 59.
+
+[35] Some fragments of these are to be seen in the British Museum.
+
+[36] Strabo, p. 373.
+
+[37] See Lanzi, Saggio di Lingua Etrusca. There is nothing, however,
+very surprising in this peculiarity of the Etruscan. The Greek alphabet,
+like its oriental prototype, was at first written from right to left,
+then indifferently either way, then alternately, in the manner called
+boustrophedon; and lastly, from left to right. It was imported into
+Etruria at a period when it was written in the earliest manner; and the
+Etruscans, by a practice often observable in colonies, seem to have
+adhered to the custom after it had been altered in the mother country.
+
+It can no longer be doubted, from a comparison of the military
+architecture and other arts of the Etruscans with those of the Greeks,
+as well as from that of their language and writing, so ably investigated
+by Lanzi, that the two people had a common origin, or a common source of
+civilization. This source, in the opinion of the Greeks, was a people
+called Pelasgi, the last seat of whose prosperity was the country
+adjacent to the Thessalian Olympus. Driven away from thence about the
+fifteenth century before the Christian æra, they migrated to Asia, Crete,
+Epirus, and a part of them to Etruria; where they are said to have been
+joined, about two centuries afterwards, by a colony from Lydia. We find
+an evidence of the skill of the Pelasgi in military architecture, in the
+circumstance of the Athenians having employed some of those who were
+settled in Attica to fortify the Acropolis: and it is probable that
+the peculiar style of building exhibited in the walls of many ancient
+cities, as well in Greece as in Etruria and Italy, and which is the same
+in all, had its origin in the Pelasgic school. Hellanicus of Lesbus,
+and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, denied that the Etruscans had ever been
+colonized from Lydia: but in this they were opposed to the general
+opinion of antiquity, as shown by Herodotus, Strabo, Paterculus, Pliny,
+Seneca, Plutarch, Appian, Justin, and Tacitus. At the time of the War of
+Troy, the Pelasgi possessed the fertile plains on the south-eastern side
+of Mount Ida, and had given the name of the Thessalian Larissa to their
+chief town. Hom. Il. β. 840. Several other communities in the surrounding
+parts of Asia Minor were of Pelasgic origin, and Lydia is said to have
+received one of their colonies. (Plutarch in Romulo, Raoul Rochette
+Hist. des Colonies Grecques.) Etruria, therefore, in its manners, arts,
+language, and writing, could not have been very much altered by the
+addition of a Lydian colony, if any such event ever took place. Among
+the numerous instances of resemblance between the Etruscan and Æolic
+Greek adduced by Lanzi, I shall mention one only, as it is illustrated
+by a discovery of my own. 𐌀𐌐𐌋𐌖 Aplu, we find, by some of the monuments
+of Etruria, to have been the Etruscan name for Apollo; and Plato, in a
+passage of the Cratylus referred to by Lanzi, observes that Ἀπλοῦν or
+Ἀπλὸς was the name of the Thessalian Apollo. Between Larissa and Mount
+Olympus, in the part of Thessaly which, as late as the time of the Roman
+empire, was called Pelasgiotis, I found two marbles inscribed with
+dedications to this deity, ΑΠΛΟΥΝΙ. See Lanzi Saggio di Lingua Etrusca,
+tomo 2. p. 200, 224; Walpole’s Collection of Travels in Turkey, vol. 2.
+p. 506; Classical Journal, No. 52.
+
+[38] Strabo, p. 568, 576.
+
+[39] Attic. c. 4.
+
+[40] Strabo, p. 571. Paus. _ib._
+
+[41] Herod. l. 1. c. 14. Eusebius places the beginning of the reign of
+the first Midas in the fourth year of the tenth Olympiad, or 737 B.C.
+
+[42] Herod. l. 1. c. 35.
+
+[43] The first letter of this word appears to be the old gamma,
+[Illustration: Γ], as written on several ancient monuments. The sixth
+letter was perhaps a Τ, of which a part of the upper line has been
+effaced. Upon this supposition, the name in Greek was ΓΑϜΑΤΤΑΗΣ, which
+bears a resemblance to the royal Lydian names, Sadyattes, Alyattes.
+
+[44] Arrian. ap. Eustath. in Il. ε. p. 429.
+
+[45] An inscription found by Pococke, at Nysa in the valley of the
+Mæander, qualifies one Artemidorus as Παπὰς τῶν τῆς πόλεως στρατηγῶν, and
+as Παπὰς ἄρχων. Pococke Inscr. Ant. p. 13.
+
+[46] Lanzi, tom. 2. p. 144.
+
+[47] Strabo, p. 577.
+
+[48] Paus. Att. c. 18.
+
+[49] Strabo, however, informs us that anciently these plains bore olives:
+he describes the plain of Synnada as an ἐλαιόφυτον πεδίον.
+
+[50] Of pasture there appears from Cicero to have been a great abundance
+in Asia Minor, even when the country was still famous for the exuberance
+of its agricultural productions. Asia tam opima est et fertilis ut et
+ubertate agrorum et diversitate fructuum et magnitudine pastionis,
+et multitudine earum rerum quæ exportantur, facile omnibus terris
+antecellat. (Cicero pro lege Manil.) But probably even as early as the
+time of Cicero, Asia had suffered from the wars and military despotism of
+the Romans.
+
+[51] Lib. 11. p. 323. Lib. 15. p. 471.
+
+[52] It was a bishoprick under the metropolitan of Synnada, in whose
+province were also Nacoleia and Dorylæum.
+
+[53] Procop. Hist. Ar. c. 18. Anna Com. ib. A bishop of Polybotum sat in
+the second Nicene Council, A.D. 787.
+
+[54] Cicero ad Att. l. 5. ep. 20. ad Divers. l. 3. ep. 8.
+
+[55] Cic. ib. et ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.
+
+[56] Σύνναδα δ’ ἔστιν οὐ μεγάλη πόλις· πρόκειται δ’ αὐτῆς ἐλαιόφυτον
+πεδίον ὅσον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων· ἐπέκεινα δ’ ἐστὶ Δοκιμία κώμη καὶ τὸ
+λατόμιον τοῦ Συνναδικοῦ λίθου· οὕτω μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν οἱ δ’
+ἐπιχώριοι Δοκιμίτιν καὶ Δοκιμαῖον, &c. Strabo, p. 577.
+
+[57] Apamiam ... ante adpellatam Celænas, dein Ciboton. Sita est in
+radice montis Signiæ, circumfusa Marsya, Obrima, Orga fluminibus, in
+Mæandrum cadentibus. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.
+
+Inde in agrum Sagalassenum.... Progressus inde ad Obrimæ fontes ad
+vicum, quem Aporidis Comen vocant, posuit castra ... profectus eo die in
+Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. Inde Synnada
+venit, metu omnibus circa oppidis desertis, quorum jam præda grave agmen
+vix quinque millium die toto itinere perfecto, ad Beudos quod vetus
+appellant pervenit. Ad Anabura inde, &c. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 15.
+
+[58] Ἐπεὶ δὲ κοινή τις ὁδὸς τέτριπται ἅπασι τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς
+ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐξ Ἐφέσου καὶ ταύτην ἔπεισιν. Ἐπὶ μὲν τὰ Κάρουρα τῆς Καρίας
+ὅριον πρὸς τὴν Φρυγίαν διὰ Μαγνησίας καὶ Τραλλέων, Νύσης, Ἀντιοχείας,
+ὁδὸς 740 σταδίων. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἡ Φρυγία διὰ Λαοδικείας καὶ Ἀπαμείας καὶ
+Μητροπόλεως καὶ Χελιδονίων· ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Παρωρείου τοὺς
+Ὅλμους στάδιοι περὶ 920 ἐκ τῶν Καρούρων· ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πρὸς τῇ Λυκαονίᾳ
+πέρας τῆς Παρωρείου τὸ Τυριάϊον διὰ Φιλομηλίου μικρῷ πλείους τῶν 500.
+Εἶθ’ ἡ Λυκαονία μέχρι Κοροπασσοῦ διὰ Λαοδικείας τῆς Κατακεκαυμένης 840·
+ἐκ δὲ Κοροπασσοῦ τῆς Λυκαονίας εἰς Γαρσάουρα, πολίχνιον τῆς Καππαδοκίας,
+ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἱδρυμένον, 120· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ εἰς Μάζακα, τὴν μητρόπολιν
+τῶν Καππαδόκων διὰ Σοάνδου καὶ Σαδακόρων 680· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ἐπὶ τὸν
+Εὐφράτην μέχρι Τομισῶν, χωρίου τῆς Σοφηνῆς διὰ Ἡρφῶν πολίχνης 1440.
+Artemidorus ap. Strab. p. 663.
+
+[59] Ἡ μὲν οὖν Παρώρεια ὀρεινήν τινα ἔχει ῥάχιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς
+ἐκτεινομένην ἐπὶ δύσιν· ταύτῃ δ’ ἑκατέρωθεν ὑποπέπτωκέ τι πεδίον μέγα καὶ
+πόλεις πλησίον αὐτῆς, πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲν Φιλομήλιον, ἐκ θατέρου δὲ μέρους
+Ἀντιόχεια, ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καλουμένη, ἡ μὲν ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένη πᾶσα, ἡ δ’
+ἐπὶ λόφου, ἔχουσα ἀποικίαν Ῥωμαίων. Strabo, p. 577. It is evident from
+this passage how greatly the discovery of Antioch of Pisidia would assist
+the comparative geography of all the adjacent country.
+
+[60] Lib. 15. p. 473.
+
+[61] Lib. 5. c. 2.
+
+[62] The following was the route of Cyrus, according to Xenophon:—
+
+ Stathmi. Parasangs.
+ From Celænæ, afterwards Apameia Cibotus, to Peltæ, 2 or 10
+ Ceramorum Agora, at the end of Mysia, 2 — 12
+ Caystri Campus (a city), 3 — 30
+ Thymbrium, where was the fountain of Midas, 2 — 10
+ Tyriaium, 2 — 10
+ Iconium, 3 — 20
+ Through Lycaonia, 5 — 30
+ Through Cappadocia to Dana (Tyana), 4 — 25
+ --------
+ Total 23 92
+
+In Major Rennell’s work on the Retreat of the Ten Thousand, the
+reader will see the extreme difficulty of fixing the places on this
+route. Indeed there seems no mode of reconciling Xenophon with other
+geographical authorities than by supposing great errors in his numbers;
+for it is difficult to believe that his Καΰστρου πεδίον is not the same
+as that which Strabo (p. 629.) describes as watered by the Caystrus and
+situated on the south side of Mount Tmolus. In like manner there is the
+greatest reason to think that Thymbrium and the fountain of Midas were on
+the branch of the Sangarius called Thymbres in the country which formed
+the kingdom of Midas, and not in the plains between Ak-shehr and Ilgún,
+where we must place Thymbrium, if we follow the evidence of Xenophon’s
+numbers. Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this itinerary of
+Xenophon is so incorrect that very little reliance can be placed on its
+authority. We have a strong proof of its inaccuracy in the positive
+assertion of Xenophon, that after he had crossed Mount Taurus, he marched
+twenty-five parasangs (or about seventy-five miles) in four days through
+the plain of Tarsus to the city, though Tarsus is only ten miles from
+the foot of that mountain. Xenophon probably meant four days from the
+halting-place of Cyrus, afterwards called the plain of Cyrus, on the
+north side of Taurus, but his words express the former meaning without
+the smallest ambiguity. Again, he places ten parasangs between Tarsus
+and the river Sarus, and only five between the Sarus and the Pyramus,
+although the real distances are nearly equal.
+
+[63] Strabo, p. 534, 537, et seq.
+
+[64] In a rude delineation of the country between Kesaría and Ak-shehr by
+a bishop of Iconium, published at Vienna in 1812, Bor is written πόρος,
+which suggests the origin of the word Bor—namely, that it is a Turkish
+corruption of the Greek πόρος, and that Porus was a suburb of Tyana, so
+called as being situated at the πόρος, or passage of the river, which
+now runs through Nigde and Bor into a lake near Erkle. Kílisa also is
+undoubtedly a Greek name (Κίλισσα, the feminine of Κίλιξ), derived from
+that of the neighbouring Cappadocian præfecture. The substitution of
+local names for provincial, and of provincial for local, was a kind of
+change common among the lower Greeks.
+
+[65] Of course this distance must not be measured horizontally, the road
+from Mazaca to Tyana being plain, and that from Tyana to the Pylæ very
+mountainous.
+
+[66] Strabo, ibid.
+
+[67] D’Anville placed Cybistra at Bustere, which he supposed a corruption
+of the Greek word; but according to Hadjy Khalfa the name is Kostere not
+Bustere.
+
+[68] See particularly the letter to Marcus Cato. Ep. ad Diversos, l. 15.
+ep. 4.—and that to Atticus, l. 5. ep. 20.
+
+[69] Ἡ Καππαδοκία ... οἱ δ’ οὖν ὁμόγλωττοι μαλιστά εἰσιν οἱ ἀφοριζόμενοι
+πρὸς νότον μὲν τῷ Κιλικίῳ λεγομένῳ Ταύρῳ, πρὸς ἕω δὲ τῇ Ἀρμενίᾳ. Strab.
+p. 533. Ἡ Καταονία ... Περίκειται δ’ ὄρη ἄλλα τε καὶ ὁ Ἄμανος ἐκ τοῦ
+πρὸς νότον μέρους, ἀπόσπασμα ὂν τοῦ Κιλικίου Ταύρου, καὶ ὁ Ἀντίταυρος
+εἰς τἀναντία ἀπεῤῥωγώς. Strab. p. 535. Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 6.) describes
+Antitaurus as the mountain which extends from Taurus to the Euphrates.
+
+[70] Strabo, p. 534.
+
+[71] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.
+
+[72] Ptolem. ibid.
+
+[73] ... duci inde exercitus per Axylon quam vocant terram cœptus; ab re
+nomen habet: non ligni modo quidquam, sed ne spinas quidem, aut ullum
+aliud alimentum fert ignis. Fimo bubulo pro lignis utuntur. Pococke
+observes, “They are very much distressed in these parts for fuel, and
+commonly make use of dried cow-dung.” His remark on the abundance of fine
+fish in the Sangarius had not escaped the notice of the Latin historian:
+Sangarius ... non tam magnitudine memorabilis quam quod piscium adcolis
+ingentem vim præbet. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 18.
+
+The merit of this accuracy, however, is not due to Livy, but to Polybius,
+from whom the Latin compiler copied this part of his history.
+
+[74] Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν, καὶ τὰ
+τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια, ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ καὶ ὀναγρόβοτα, ὑδάτων δὲ σπάνις
+πολλὴ· ὅπου δὲ καὶ εὑρεῖν δυνατὸν βαθύτατα φρέατα τῶν πάντων, καθάπερ
+ἐν Σοάτροις, ὅπου καὶ πιπράσκεται τὸ ὕδωρ· ἔστι δὲ κωμόπολις Γαρσαούρων
+πλησίον· ὅμως δὲ καίπερ ἄνυδρος οὖσα ἡ χώρα πρόβατα ἐκτρέφει θαυμαστῶς,
+τραχείας δὲ ἐρέας· καί τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν τούτων μεγίστους πλούτους
+ἐκτήσαντο. Ἀμύντας δ’ ὑπὲρ 300 ἔσχε ποίμνας ἐν τοῖς τόποις τούτοις. Εἰσὶ
+δὲ καὶ λίμναι Κώραλις μὲν ἡ μείζων, ἡ δὲ ἐλάττων Τρογῖτις. Ἐνταῦθα δέ που
+καὶ τὸ Ἰκόνιόν ἐστι, πολίχνιον εὖ συνῳκισμένον καὶ χώραν εὐτυχεστέραν
+ἔχον τῆς λεχθείσης ὀναγροβότου· τοῦτο δ’ εἴχε Πολέμων. Πλησιάζει δ’ ἤδη
+τούτοις τοῖς τόποις ὁ Ταῦρος, ὁ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ὁρίζων καὶ τὴν Λυκαονίαν
+πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκείμενους Κίλικας τοὺς Τραχειώτας. Λυκαόνων δὲ καὶ
+Καππαδόκων ὅριόν ἐστι τὸ μεταξὺ Κοροπασσοῦ κώμης Λυκαόνων καὶ Γαρσαούρων
+πολιχνίου Καππαδόκων. Ἔστι δὲ τὸ μεταξὺ διάστημα τῶν φρουρίων τούτων 120
+που στάδιοι. Strabo, p. 568.
+
+For the extract from Artemidorus, relating to the same subject, see page
+57.
+
+[75] Hadji Khalfa lived in the middle of the 17th century. Whether
+any wild asses or wild sheep are still found on the Lycaonian hills,
+I have never been able to learn; but it is certain that the ὄναγρος,
+or wild ass, is still hunted on similar hills in many parts of Persia.
+Naturalists have often confounded this animal with the zebra.
+
+[76] Tab. Peutinger. segm. 6.
+
+[77] Compare Hierocles and the Acts of the Councils of Ephesus,
+Chalcedon, and Constantinople, with the Notitiæ Græcorum Episcopatuum.
+
+[78] Livy (l. 38. c. 15.) mentions a Caralitis palus; but it seems to
+have been situated further westward than Karajeli, and near the Cibyratis.
+
+[79] Pococke, in mentioning this inscription in the Narrative of
+his Travels (vol. 2. part 2. ch. 15.), makes a blunder similar to
+that which I have noticed relating to another inscription at Afióm
+Karahissár. He observes, that the inscription at Alekiam contains the
+word “Amorianorum:” no such word occurs, but “Orcistanorum” is found
+twice; and the inscription, which is long and curious, and (what is very
+uncommon with Pococke) tolerably correct, clearly shows that Alekiam is
+the site of Orcistus.
+
+[80] Notitiæ Episcopatuum Græcorum.
+
+[81] In the Jerusalem Itinerary the places are distinguished by the words
+Civitas, city; Mutatio, changing-place; Mansio, konák.
+
+[82] These four distances occur again in the Antonine (ed. Wessel, p.
+205.), in the road from Ancyra to Cæsareia, or Mazaca, as follows—24,
+18, 20, 22; but I have rejected them, because those given in the text
+from the Antonine are confirmed by the Jerusalem as far as Aspona. On the
+other hand, the 24 M. P. from Aspona to Parnassus, in the Antonine, is so
+far confirmed by the 22 of the same itinerary in the road to Cæsareia, as
+to make it probable that the 35 of the Jerusalem is erroneous.
+
+[83] This part of the route in the Table is very incorrect. Nitazus seems
+to stand in the place of Corbeus, and _vice versa_; and the _names_ of
+Ancyra and Archelais are omitted.
+
+[84] This distance is taken from the road from Tyana to Mazaca.
+
+[85] By a route which must have been different from that of the other two
+itineraries; none of the names being alike.
+
+[86] By assuming (from the Antonine) 16 M. P. for the last stage to Tyana.
+
+[87] Mopsucrene was 12 M. P. short of Tarsus, and was noted for the
+death of the Emperor Constantius. The name is disfigured in both the
+Itineraries. For the correction see the authorities quoted in Cellarius,
+l. 3. c. 7. § 122.; but particularly Ammianus, l. 21. c. 15., compared
+with Theophanes Chronog. p. 39. The Antonine seems to have confounded
+Mopsucrene with Mopsuestia; and hence to have omitted the distance
+between these two places.
+
+[88] Xenoph. Anab. l. 1. c. 2. Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 4.
+Strabo, p. 539.
+
+[89] According to this authority, the post-station of the Pylæ (mutatio
+Pylæ) was 24 M. P. from Tarsus.
+
+[90] It should then be read thus,—Tyana ... Aquis Calidis 12 Podando 22
+Coriopio 12 in Monte 12 Tarso Ciliciæ. We know from modern travellers,
+that there are about 12 miles from the foot of the mountain to Tarsus.
+Coriopium here stands at the same distance from Tarsus as Pylæ in the
+Jerusalem, and is probably the same place.
+
+[91] I read it thus. Iconium 20 fines Ciliciæ 25 in Monte Tauro 30 Tarso
+Ciliciæ: thus connecting the extremity, as in the former instance, with
+the words Tarso Ciliciæ. The number 20 (xx.) ought perhaps to be 120
+(cxx).
+
+[92] Tetrapyrgia and Crunæ are named together by the geographer of
+Ravenna.
+
+[93] The only two that have any appearance of reality are 24 M. P. from
+Taspa to Isaura, and 33 M. P. from Crunæ to Seleuceia.
+
+[94] Πλησίον δὲ καὶ ὁ Σαγγάριος ποταμὸς ποιεῖται τὴν ῥύσιν· ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ
+τὰ παλαιὰ τῶν Φρυγῶν οἰκητήρια Μίδου καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Γορδίου καὶ ἄλλων
+τινῶν, οὐδ’ ἴχνη σώζονται πόλεων ἀλλὰ κῶμαι μικρῷ μείζους τῶν ἄλλων· οἷόν
+ἐστι τὸ Γόρδιον.... Strabo, p. 568.
+
+Τὸ δὲ Γόρδιον ἐστὶ μὲν τῆς Φρυγίας τῆς ἐφ’ Ἑλλησπόντου, κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ
+Σαγγαρίου ποταμοῦ. Arrian, lib. 1. c. 29.
+
+[95] Strabo, p. 574.
+
+[96] Eckhel. Doct. Num. vet. Bithynia.
+
+[97] Ἔστι δὲ ποταμὸς ἐν Γαλάταις, ὅνπερ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι Σίβεριν,
+τῶν μὲν καλουμένων Συκέων ἄγγιστα, πόλεως δὲ Ἰουλιοπόλεως ἀπὸ σημείων
+μάλιστα δέκα ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.
+
+[98] De cætero intus in Bithynia colonia Apamena, Agrippenses,
+Juliopolitæ, Bithynion; flumina, Syrius, Lapsias, Pharmicas, Alces,
+Crynis, Lilæus, Scopius, Hiera, qui Bithyniam et Galatiam disterminat.
+Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 32.
+
+[99] Civitas Juliopolis 13 M. P. Mutatio Hieron potamon 11 M. P. Agannia
+(Laganeus) Itin. Hierosol. p. 574. Wessel.
+
+[100] Justinian built a bridge and dyke to preserve the high road from
+the ravages of the Siberis. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.
+
+[101] Plin. ubi supr. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1.
+
+[102] Ammian. l. 25. sub fin. Socrat. l. 3. sub fin. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 6.
+Theodoret, l. 4. c. 5.
+
+[103] Procop. De Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.
+
+[104] Postero die ad Gordium pervenit. Id haud magnum quidem oppidum est,
+sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et frequens emporium: tria maria pari
+ferme distantia intervallo habet, Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius
+oræ litora, qua Cilices maritimi colunt: multarum magnarumque præterea
+gentium fines contingit, quarum commercium in eum maxime locum mutui usus
+contraxere. Liv. l. 38. c. 18.
+
+Phrygia tunc habebat quondam nobilem Midæ regiam; Gordium nomen est urbi,
+quam Sangarius amnis interfluit pari intervallo Pontico et Cilicio mari
+distantem. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.
+
+These observations of Livy and Curtius may be taken as examples of the
+extreme negligence and inaccuracy often shown by the Latin authors in
+matters of fact relating to foreign countries. It could hardly have been
+unknown at Rome in their time, that Gordium was not half so distant from
+the Propontis or Euxine as from the Ægæan or Cilician sea.
+
+[105]
+
+ Iter a Pesinunte Ancyram 99 M. P.
+ ---------
+ Sic Germa 16
+ Vindia 24
+ Papira 32
+ Ancyra 27
+ ---------
+ Iter a Dorylao Ancyra 141 M. P.
+ ---------
+ Sic Arcelaio 30
+ Germa 20
+ Vindia 32
+ Papira 32
+ Ancyra 27
+
+The 32 to Vindia is an error for 24, as appears by the numbers in the
+former list agreeing with the total: 32 seems by a mistake of the copier
+to have been written twice.
+
+[106] Polyb. l. 22. c. 20. Liv. l. 38. c. 18. Strabo, p. 567. Herodian
+(in the Life of Commodus) says that Pessinus was on the Gallus: but we
+know from Strabo that the Gallus was that branch of the Sakaría which
+waters the valley of Léfke. The mistake of Herodian is easily accounted
+for:—The Gallus being a very important branch of the Sangarius, the
+united stream was often known by the former name; as we observe in
+Ammianus,—who in coupling the Gallus with the lake Sophon, which we know
+from some passages in the Byzantine history to have been the lake of
+Sabanja,—evidently means by the Gallus the lower part of the Sangarius.
+In process of time the name Gallus became applied to the whole course
+of the Sangarius as far as its sources. The same thing happened to the
+Scamander at Troy, the name of which between the time of Homer and that
+of Antiochus the Great had become attached not only to the part below the
+junction of the two rivers, but to that also above it, as far even as the
+sources of the Homeric Simoeis.
+
+[107] Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Tab. Peutinger, seg. 6.
+
+[108] Strabo, p. 567.
+
+[109] Liv. l. 38 c. 18.
+
+[110] Ammian. l. 22. c. 9.
+
+[111] Strabo, p. 567.
+
+[112] Notit. Episc. Græc.
+
+[113] Pococke, however, observes, that the river was “small” where he
+crossed it, “being near the sources.”
+
+[114] Zonar. Ann. l. 15. c. 29.
+
+[115] Geogr. Nubiens. (Clim. 5. pars 5.)
+
+[116] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καὶ Κοτιάειον,
+καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις.... Ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς Ἐπικτήτου πρὸς νότον
+ἐστὶν ἡ μεγάλη Φρυγία λείπουσα ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τὴν Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ τὰ περὶ
+Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Λυκαονίαν, ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ Μαίονας καὶ Λύδους καὶ Κᾶρας· ἐν
+ᾗ ἐστιν ἥτε Παρώρειος λεγομένη Φρυγία καὶ ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καὶ τὰ περὶ
+Ἀμόριον καὶ Εὐμένειαν καὶ Σύνναδα. Strabo, p. 576.
+
+[117] Anna Comn. l. 15. p. 470.
+
+[118] Τεκτόσαγες δὲ τὰ πρὸς τῇ μεγάλῃ Φρυγίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ
+Ὀρκαορυκούς. Strabo, p. 567.
+
+[119] Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Γαλατίαν πρὸς νότον ἥτε λίμνη ἐστὶν ἡ Τάττα,
+παρακειμένη τῇ μεγάλῃ Καππαδοκίᾳ τῇ κατὰ τοὺς Μοριμηνοὺς, μέρος δ’
+οὖσα τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας· καὶ ἡ συνεχὴς ταύτῃ μέχρι τοῦ Ταύρου, ἧς τὴν
+πλείστην Ἀμύντας εἶχεν.... Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ
+Πιτνισὸν καὶ τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ, &c. Strabo, p. 568.
+
+[120] Stephan. in Πίτνισσα.
+
+[121] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4.
+
+[122] Liv. l. 38. c. 15 et seq.
+
+[123] The _chief_ town of the Tolistobogii, however, in the time of
+Strabo, was not Tolistochora, but Pessinus. Ancyra, according to the
+arrangement of Augustus, was the chief town of the Tectosages, who
+occupied the central part of Galatia, and Tavium was that of Trocmi, who
+possessed the eastern part of the province. Strabo, p. 567.
+
+[124] A bishop of Perta sat in the Second Nicene Council, A.D. 787.
+
+[125] By the description of Mr. Kinneir it appears that Argæus is not
+less than 8 or 9000 feet above the sea; for it was covered with snow
+to a great distance below the summit in October: Strabo’s expression,
+therefore, of ὅρος πάντων ὑψηλότατος may, perhaps, apply to it with
+truth, if we confine his observation to the countries between the
+Caucasus and the Alps.
+
+[126] Karasi, Sarukhan, Aidin, Kermian. See Niceph. Greg. l. 7. c. 1.
+Chalcocond. l. 1. p. 7.
+
+[127] Act. Apost. c. 14.
+
+[128] Cicero speaks of him with more respect: “Cum Antipatro Derbete mihi
+non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas intercedit.”—Ep. ad
+Div. l. 13. ep. 73.
+
+[129] Strabo, p. 534, 567.
+
+[130] Τῆς δὲ Ἰσαυρικῆς ἐστιν ἐν πλευραῖς, ἡ Δέρβη, μάλιστα ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ
+ἐπιπεφυκὸς, τὸ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τυραννεῖον τοῦ Δερβήτου· τούτου δ’ ἦν καὶ
+τὰ Λάρανδα. Strabo, p. 569.
+
+[131] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.
+
+[132] Stephan. in Δέρβη.
+
+[133] There is a similar keep at Launceston in Cornwall.
+
+[134] Apollodorus, l. 3. c. 4.
+
+[135] Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13.
+
+[136] Strabo, p. 668.
+
+[137] Basil of Seleucia, in the Life of Thecla.
+
+[138] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.
+
+[139] Claudiopolis, quam dedux coloniam Claudius Cæsar. Ammian. l. 15. c.
+25.
+
+[140] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.
+
+[141] It was founded by Hugh Lusignan the Third: for a description of it
+see the work of Mariti, who visited Cyprus in 1762.
+
+[142] See Mariti, Drummond, and Pococke.
+
+[143] This is the Mount Andriclus which Strabo places above Charadrus.
+
+[144] In some parts of the modern wall are remains of Hellenic masonry,
+of the kind often called Cyclopian.
+
+[145] Josaphat Barbaro, who was sent by the Venetian government into
+Persia, and who published a description of his journey, assisted at the
+capture of Corycus and Seleuceia by a squadron under Pietro Mocenigo. The
+work of Barbaro was printed at the Aldine press in 1543.
+
+[146] The following words are distinguished upon one of the
+architraves.... ΙΕΡΕΥΣ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣ ... ΚΑΙΣΑΡΙ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΩΙ. On another
+architrave is recorded the name of a person who had bequeathed land for
+restoring the city, and from the profits of which the temple had been
+rebuilt. Ἐκ τῆς προσόδου τῶν ἀγρῶν, ὧν ἀπέλιπεν εἰς ἐπισκευὴν τῆς πόλεως
+Κλεόστρατος υἱὸς πόλεως, φύσει δὲ Τελλικόντος, ἐπεσκευάσθη.
+
+[147] Mount Solyma, then distant about sixty miles.
+
+[148] In passing by sea from Aláya to Castel Rosso, I was obliged to
+follow the coast of the gulf of Adália, the sailors being afraid, in this
+season, of crossing directly to Cape Khelidóni. This practice has been
+common among the Greek seamen of every age, and was anciently expressed
+by the word κατακολπίζω. After having been detained three days in the
+mouth of a river, to the westward of Menavgát, I passed within sight of
+the mouth of the river Dudén, not far to the eastward of Adália, and I
+observed that it discharged itself into the sea by a perpendicular fall
+over a high cliff. This singularity accounts for the name Catarrhactes,
+anciently given to it.
+
+[149] This is evident upon comparing it with the fragments of the 22d
+book of Polybius, as well as from the confession of Livy himself in
+several places.
+
+[150] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καί Κοτιάειον
+καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις καὶ Κάδοι· τοὺς δὲ Κάδους ἔνιοι τῆς
+Μυσίας φασίν. Strabo, p. 576.
+
+[151] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.
+
+[152] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 31. c. 10.
+
+[153] Arrian ubi supra.
+
+Μιλύας δ’ ἐστὶν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Τερμησσὸν στενῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς
+τοῦ Ταύρου ὑπερθέσεως δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Σίνδα, παρατείνουσα ὀρεινὴ μέχρι
+Σαγαλασσοῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀπαμέων χώρας. Strabo, p. 631.
+
+Ὑπέρκειται δ’ αὐτῆς (scil. Phaselidis) τὰ Σόλυμα ὄρος καὶ Τερμησσὸς,
+Πισιδικὴ πόλις, ἐπικειμένη τοῖς στενοῖς, δι’ ὧν ὑπέρβασίς ἐστιν εἰς τὴν
+Μιλυάδα. Strabo, p. 666.
+
+In Arrian the names are Salagassus and Telmissus, but improperly, as the
+coins of the two cities show. Stephanus says there was a greater and
+lesser Termissus in Pisidia, which is confirmed by the coins with the
+legend, Τερμησσέων τῶν μειζόνων. (Eckhel and Mionnet in Pisidia.)
+
+[154] Strabo, p. 573, 630.
+
+[155] ... τὰ μέχρι Καρούρων εἴρηται. Τὰ δ’ ἐξῆς ἐστὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς δύσιν,
+ἡ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πόλις τῶν ἐπὶ Μαιάνδρῳ, τῆς Καρίας ἤδη· τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον
+ἡ Κίβυρά ἐστιν ἡ μεγάλη, καὶ ἡ Σίνδα καὶ ἡ Καβαλὶς, μεχρὶ τοῦ Ταύρου καὶ
+τῆς Λυκίας. Strabo, p. 630.
+
+... τῆς Νυσαΐδος, ἥ ἐστι χώρα κατὰ τὰ τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πέραν μέχρι τῆς
+Κιβυράτιδος καὶ τῆς Καβαλίδος. Strabo, p. 629.
+
+[156] Strabo, p. 631. Liv. l. 38. c. 14.
+
+[157] Compare the preceding passages of Strabo, pp. 629, 630, with those
+of pp. 651, 665, where he says that a branch of Taurus occupied all
+Lycia, from the Cibyratis to Peræa of the Rhodii, and that Tlos a Lycian
+city stood near the pass leading to Cibyra.
+
+[158] Strabo, p. 631.
+
+[159] Hierocl. Synecd.
+
+[160] Polyb. l. 5. c. 72.
+
+[161] In the year before Christ 219.
+
+[162] Strabo, p. 667.
+
+[163] ... οἱ Σελγεῖς οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἀξιολογώτατοι τῶν Πισιδῶν. Τὸ μὲν οὖν
+πλέον αὐτῶν μέρος τὰς ἀκρωρείας τοῦ Ταύρου κατέχει· τινὲς δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ
+Σίδης καὶ Ἀσπένδου, Παμφυλικῶν πόλεων, κατέχουσι γεώλοφα χωρία, ἐλαιόφυτα
+πάντα· τὰ δ’ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀρεινὰ ἤδη, Κατεννεῖς, ὅμοροι Σελγεῦσι καὶ
+Ὁμοναδεῦσι· Σαγαλασσεῖς δ’ ἐπὶ τὰ ἐντὸς τὰ πρὸς τῇ Μιλυάδι. Strabo, p.
+569.
+
+[164] Notit. Episc. Græc.
+
+[165]
+
+ Τοῖς δ’ ἔπι Πισιδέων λιπαρὸν πέδον, ἧχι πόληες
+ Τερμισσὸς Λύρβη τε καὶ ἣ ἐπολίσσατο λαὸς
+ Πρίν ποτ’ Ἀμυκλαίων, μεγαλώνυμος ἐν χθονὶ Σέλγη.
+
+ Dionys. Perieg. v. 858.
+
+[166] Strabo, p. 569.
+
+[167] Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 570. Liv. l. 38. c. 15. Arrian, l. 1.
+c. 28.
+
+[168] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.
+
+[169] See Note [163], p. 149.
+
+[170] See Note [153], p. 146.
+
+[171] Ἀμύντας ... πολλὰ χωρία ἐξεῖλεν ἀπόρθητα πρότερον ὄντα, ὧν καὶ
+Κρήμνα. τὸ δὲ Σανδάλιον οὐδ’ ἐνεχείρησε βίᾳ προσάγεσθαι, μεταξὺ κείμενον
+τῆς τε Κρήμνης καὶ Σαγαλασσοῦ. Τὴν μὲν οὖν Κρήμναν ἄποικοι Ῥωμαίων
+ἔχουσι. Σαγαλασσὸς δ’ ἐστὶν ὑπὸ τῷ αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνι τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὑφ’ ᾧ καὶ ἡ
+Ἀμύντου βασιλεία πᾶσα· διέχει δ’ Ἀπαμείας ἡμέρας ὁδὸν, κατάβασιν ἔχουσα
+σχεδόν τι καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος· καλοῦσι δ’ αὐτὴν καὶ
+Σέλγησσον. Strabo, p. 569.
+
+[172] Κρήμναν ... ἐν ἀποκρήμνῳ τε κειμένην καὶ κατὰ μέρος χαράδραις
+βαθυτάταις ὀχυρωμένην. Zosim. l. 1. c. 69.
+
+[173] “A Cibyra per agros Sindensium exercitus ductus, transgressusque
+Caularem amnem, posuit castra. Postero die est præter Caralitin paludem
+agmen ductum; ad Mandropolim manserunt; inde progredientibus ad Lagon,
+proximam urbem metu incolæ fugerunt; inde ab Lysis fluminis fonte,
+postero die ad Cobulatum (ap. Polyb. Κολοβάτον) amnem progressi.
+Termessenses eo tempore Isiondensium arcem, urbe capta, oppugnabant....
+Volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam divertendi oblata est; adveniens
+obsidione Isiondenses exemit. Termesso pacem dedit, 50 talentis argenti
+acceptis: item Aspendiis cæterisque Pamphyliæ populis. Ex Pamphylia
+rediens ad fluvium Taurum primo die, postero ad Xylinen comen posuit
+castra. Profectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa (ap. Polyb.
+Κύρμασα) urbem pervenit. Darsa proxima urbs erat; eam ... desertam ...
+invenit. Progredienti præter paludes (ap. Polyb. τὴν λίμνην) legati ab
+Lysinoe dedentes urbem venerunt. Deinde in agrum Sagalassenum, uberem
+fertilemque omni genere frugum, ventum est. Colunt Pisidæ, longe optimi
+bello regionis hujus: quum ea res animos facit, tum agri fœcunditas, et
+multitudo hominum, et situs inter paucas munitæ urbis.... Progressus inde
+ad Obrimæ fontes, ad vicum, quem Aporidos comen vocant, posuit castra. Eo
+Seleucus ab Apamea postero die venit. Ægros inde et inutilia impedimenta
+quum Apameam dimisisset, ducibus itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis, profectus
+eo die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit.
+Inde Synnada,” &c. Liv. l. 38. c. 15.
+
+[174] Compare the preceding Note with those in pp. 146, 147, 158.
+Artemidorus (ap. Strabon. p. 570) includes Sinda among the cities of
+Pisidia. Stephanus calls it a city of Lycia.
+
+[175] Strabo, p. 570.
+
+[176] Strabo, p. 576.
+
+[177] Strabo, p. 627.
+
+[178] “Inde (ab Antiochia ad Mæandrum) ad Gordiutichos, quod vocant,
+processum est; ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris perventum: in finibus
+Pisidarum posita est urbs, in ea parte, quæ vergit ad Pamphylium mare.”
+Liv. l. 38. c. 13.
+
+[179] See the Note page 152.
+
+[180] Strabo, p. 576. See Note [187], p. 158.—Ptolemy places it in
+the same part of the country with Cibyra, Hierapolis and Apameia. By
+Hierocles it is named among the towns of Phrygia Pacatiana, together with
+Laodiceia, Colossæ and Hierapolis.
+
+[181] See Note, p. 152.
+
+[182] Strabo, p. 577.
+
+[183] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 2. c. 14.
+
+[184] I have somewhat enlarged Pococke’s computation of miles, as I find,
+in the sequel of his route to A´ngura, that (contrary to the common error
+of travellers) it is generally below the truth. He computes about 100
+English miles from Karahissár to A´ngura; whereas the distance is little
+less than 120 G. M. in direct distance.
+
+[185] The beginning of this inscription is imperfect: it ends in a form
+common upon sepulchral monuments, by subjecting the violator of the tomb
+to a fine, payable to the treasury of the city, and another sum to the
+Council.
+
+ ......................
+ ......................
+ ΦΙΣΚΟΝ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ ΔΙΣΧΕΙΛΙΑ ΚΑΙ
+ ΤΗ ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ Β. Φ
+
+Pococke copied the third letter of the lower line Σ instead of Ε, which
+was probably the cause of his failing to discover the ancient name of
+Ishekle. Εὐμενεύς is the ethnic adjective of Eumeneia in Stephanus, and
+ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ is the legend on the coins of that city. Another inscription at
+Ishekle supported a statue of Marcus Aurelius, τὸν ἴδιον θεὸν εὐεργέτην.
+And a third attests the worship at that place, among other deities, of
+the _dæmon Angdistis_, ΑΝΓΔΙΣΤΕΩΣ ΔΑΙΜΟΝΟΣ, under which name the _mother_
+of the gods was adored at Pessinus. Her worship in the country adjacent
+to the Mæander may be inferred from Pliny, who alludes to her epithet of
+Berecynthia in the passage in which he speaks of Eumenia: “Est Eumenia
+Cludro flumini apposita, Glaucus amnis. Lysias oppidum et Orthosia,
+Berecynthius tractus, Nysa, Tralles,” &c. l. 5. c. 29.
+
+[186] Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Phrygia.
+
+[187] P. 576. “To the south of Phrygia Epictetus,” he says, “is Great
+Phrygia, which has Pessinus and Lycaonia on the right, the Mæones,
+Lydians and Carians on the left: it contains Phrygia Paroreius and the
+part towards Pisidia, and the country about Amorium, and Synnada and
+Eumeneia, Apameia surnamed Cibotus, and Laodiceia, which are the two
+greatest of the Phrygian cities, and around which are other smaller
+towns, Aphrodisias, Colossæ, Themisonium, Sanaus, Metropolis, Apollonias;
+and still further off Peltæ, Tabæ, Eucarpia, Lysias:” the “still further
+off” (ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω τούτων) is however not geographically accurate in
+regard to all the places mentioned.
+
+[188] Κελαινὰς.... Ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας.... Διὰ
+μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν
+ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν πόλεως. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ μεγάλου
+βασιλέως βασίλεια ἐν Κελαιναῖς ἐρυμνὰ, ἐπὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου
+ποταμοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλει· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐμβάλλει
+εἰς τὸν Μαίανδρον. Xenoph. Cyri Exp. l. 1. c. 2.
+
+Xenophon adds that Celænæ was a large and flourishing city; that the
+palace and acropolis were built by Xerxes on his return from Greece; that
+the park was full of wild beasts which Cyrus hunted for the exercise of
+himself and his horses; that the Marsyas rose in a cavern, where Apollo
+hung up the skin of Marsyas; and that the breadth of the Marsyas was 25
+feet.
+
+[189] Ἀλέξανδρος ... ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Κελαινὰς πεμπταῖος. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς
+Κελαιναῖς ἄκρα ἦν πάντη ἀπότομος. Alexander gladly came to terms with
+the people on account of the strength of the citadel. (ἄπορον πάντη
+προσφέρεσθαι τὴν ἄκραν.) Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.
+
+Alexander ... ad urbem Celænas exercitum admovit. Mediam illa tempestate
+interfluebat Marsyas amnis.... Fons ejus ex summo montis cacumine
+excurrens in subjectam petram magno strepitu aquarum cadit.... Alexander
+... arcem oppugnare adortus caduceatorem præmisit ... illi caduceatorem
+in turrim et situ et opere multum editam perductum, quanta esset altitudo
+intueri jubent, &c. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.
+
+[190] ... ἐς Κελαινάς· ἵνα πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ, καὶ
+ἑτέρου οὐκ ἐλάσσονος ἢ Μαιάνδρου, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει ἐὸν Καταῤῥήκτης, ὃς
+ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγορῆς τῆς Κελαινέων ἀνατέλλων, ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῖ.
+Herod. l. 7. c. 26.
+
+[191] Ἵδρυται δὲ ἡ Ἀπάμεια ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκβολαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ· καὶ
+ῥεῖ διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ὁ ποταμὸς, τὰς ἄρχας ἀπὸ τῆς (παλαιᾶς) πόλεως
+ἔχων· κατενεχθεὶς δ’ ἐπὶ τὸ προάστειον σφοδρῷ καὶ κατωφερεῖ τῷ ῥεύματι,
+συμβάλλει πρὸς τὸν Μαίανδρον, προσειληφότα καὶ ἄλλον ποταμὸν Ὀργᾶν,
+δι’ ὁμαλοῦ φερόμενον πρᾷον καὶ μαλακόν·.... Ἄρχεται δὲ (ὁ Μαίανδρος)
+ἀπὸ Κελαινῶν, λόφου τινὸς ἐν ᾧ πόλις ἦν ὁμώνυμος τῷ λόφῳ. Ἐντεῦθεν
+δὲ ἀναστήσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁ Σωτὴρ Ἀντίοχος εἰς τὴν νῦν Ἀπάμειαν,
+&c.——Ὑπέρκειται δὲ καὶ λίμνη φύουσα κάλαμον, τὸν εἰς τὰς γλώττας τῶν
+αὐλῶν ἐπιτήδειον, ἐξ ἧς ἀπολείβεσθαί φασι τὰς πηγὰς ἀμφοτέρας, τήν τε τοῦ
+Μαρσύου καὶ τὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου. Strabo, p. 578.
+
+[192] Consul (Cn. Manlius) ... ad Antiochiam super Mæandrum amnem posuit
+castra. Hujus amnis fontes Celænis oriuntur. Celænæ urbs caput quondam
+Phrygiæ fuit: migratum inde haud procul veteribus Celænis, novæque urbi
+Apameæ nomen inditum.... Et Marsyas amnis, haud procul a Mæandri fontibus
+oriens, in Mæandrum cadit. Famaque ita tenet Celænis Marsyam cum Apolline
+tibiarum cantu certasse. Mæander, ex arce summa Celænarum ortus, media
+urbe decurrens, per Caras primum, deinde Ionas, in sinum maris editur,
+qui inter Prienen et Miletum est. Liv. l. 38. c 38.
+
+[193] Tertius (Asiæ Conventus) Apamiam vadit, ante appellatam Celænas,
+dein Ciboton. Sita est in radice Montis Signiæ, circumfusis Marsya,
+Obrima, Orga fluminibus in Mæandrum cadentibus. Marsyas ibi redditur
+ortus ac paullo mox conditus; ubi certavit tibiarum cantu cum Apolline,
+Aulocrenis ita vocatur, convallis decem millia passuum ab Apamia Phrygiam
+petentibus.... Amnis Mæander ortus e lacu in monte Aulocrene.... Apamenam
+primum pervagatur regionem mox Eumeniticam, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c.
+29.
+
+[194] Φρύγες οἱ περί Κελαινάς νεμόμενοι τιμῶσι ποταμοὺς δύο, Μαρσύαν καὶ
+Μαίανδρον. εἶδον τοὺς ποταμούς. ἀφίησιν αὐτοὺς πηγὴ μία, ἣ προελθοῦσα ἐπὶ
+τὸ ὄρος ἀφανίζεται κατὰ νώτου τῆς πόλεως κᾳὖθις ἐκδιδοῖ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος,
+διελοῦσα τοῖς ποταμοῖς καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα. ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ Λυδίας ῥεῖ ὁ
+Μαίανδρος, ὁ δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰ πεδία ἀναλίσκεται. Max. Tyr. Dissert. 8. c.
+8.
+
+He then proceeds to relate a tale resembling that which Strabo has
+told us of the Alpheius and Eurotas, and which shews that the sources
+of the Mæander and Marsyas were exactly circumstanced as those of the
+two Peloponnesian rivers, described by Pausanias (Arcad. c. 43.) and
+Strabo (p. 343), and the accuracy of whose description I have myself
+ascertained. Those celebrated streams issue from separate sources at the
+foot of a mountain, behind which, in the elevated plain of Asea, is a
+rivulet, which, after crossing that plain, runs through a small lake into
+the mountain. This rivulet was anciently reputed to be the common origin
+of the two rivers; and it was believed (but apparently not by Strabo
+himself), that if offerings to the two river-gods were thrown into this
+stream, each offering would re-appear at the source of the river for the
+god of which it was destined by the sacrificer. Maximus Tyrius improves
+upon the similar story relating to the Mæander, by adding, that if a
+joint offering was thrown in for both the gods, it was divided in its
+passage through the mountain, and a portion appeared at each of the lower
+sources.
+
+[195] See Eckhel and Mionnet in Phrygia.
+
+[196] Strabo, p. 579.
+
+[197] M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French translation of
+Chandler, thinks that the words of Pliny cited above, warrant the
+supposition that Apameia was ten miles distant from the site of Celænæ.
+I cannot perceive any such meaning in them: on the contrary, I think it
+clearly appears from Strabo, that both the rivers ran through Celænæ,
+and that they united in the suburb, which afterwards became the new
+city Apameia. The removal of Grecian cities, from the strong positions
+of the ancient independent republics, to neighbouring situations more
+commodious but less defensible, was a common occurrence on the decline of
+the republican system in Greece, and on the prevalence of monarchy; and
+it was a natural consequence of that change of system. The removal was
+generally attended with a change of name, which flattered the Macedonian
+or Roman prince under whom the removal took place. It often occurred,
+also, that a new name was given upon the mere occasion of a repair, when
+there was no change of situation.
+
+[198] See Rennell’s Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus.
+
+[199] Stephan. in Ἀπολλωνία.
+
+[200] Τὴν γὰρ Ἀντιόχειαν ἔχων τὴν πρὸς τῇ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι Ἀπολλωνιάδος, τῆς
+πρὸς Ἀπαμείᾳ τῇ Κιβωτῷ &c. Strabo, p. 569.
+
+[201] Strabo, ibid.—Tacit. Ann. l. 3. c. 48.
+
+[202] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. Similar assemblies were held at
+Cibyra, Synnada, Laodiceia ad Lycum, Alabanda, Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardes,
+Adramyttium, and Pergamum.
+
+[203] Between Eumenia and the number which marks the miles from thence to
+_ad vicum_, which seems to have been a small place between Eumenia and
+Apameia,—occurs the word Pella. I am quite unable to explain what this
+means. I thought at first it was a mistake for Peltæ, an important town
+situated in this part of Phrygia; but it is impossible to find room for
+Peltæ and the great Peltene plain between Ishékle and Dinglar.
+
+[204] Ptolemy, l. 5. c. 2.
+
+[205] Notit. Episc. Græc.
+
+[206] Stephan. de Urb. in Εὐκαρπία.
+
+[207] Cicero pro Flacco, c. 15.
+
+[208] It was also called Hellespontine Phrygia, although totally divided
+from the Hellespont by Mysia. Hence it would seem that the part of Mysia
+lying between mount Olympus and the Caicus was included at one time
+in the district of Hellespontus; which at that time extended from the
+Hellespont to the Thymbres.
+
+[209] Strabo, p. 576.
+
+[210] Strabo ibid. See Note, p. 145.—Ptolemy ascribes Cadi and two other
+towns to the Erizeli, a people of Mæonia, on the borders of Mysia, Lydia
+and Phrygia.
+
+[211] Strabo, p. 629.
+
+[212] The survey having been reduced to a tenth of Captain Beaufort’s
+scale in the map which accompanies the present volume, the latter may
+in some instances, perhaps, be found inadequate to illustrate the
+geographical remarks in the following chapter; which were constantly made
+with a reference to the survey itself. In all such difficulties, which it
+is hoped will not be found numerous, the reader is necessarily referred
+to the original authority.
+
+[213] Strabo, p. 664.
+
+[214] Strabo here means to allude to the mention of these two places by
+Homer.
+
+[215] See Strabo, p. 533 et seq. and page 64 of this volume.
+
+[216] ... Τλῶν, κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τὴν εἰς Κίβυραν κειμένην. Artemid. ap.
+Strab. p. 665.
+
+[217] Liv. l. 37. c. 17.
+
+[218] Arrian. de Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 24.
+
+[219] Appian. Bel. Civ. l. 4. c. 82.
+
+[220] Panegyr. §. 41.
+
+[221] Ptol. l. 5. c. 3.
+
+[222] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.
+
+[223] Stephan. in Δολιχίστη et Μεγίστη.
+
+[224] With a little correction it was as follows; but the beginning of
+the third line still wants explanation:
+
+ ΣΩΣΙΚΛΗΣ ΝΙΚΑΡΟΤΑ
+ ΣΑΜΙΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΑΤΗΣΑΣ
+ ΕΝΤΕΚΑΣΤΑΒΙ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙ
+ ΤΟΥ ΠΥΡΓΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΜΕ-
+ -ΓΙΣΤΑΙ ΕΡΜΑΙ ΠΡΟΠΥ-
+ -ΛΑΙΩΙ ΧΑΡΙΣΤΗΡΙΟΝ
+
+The Doric dialect may be accounted for by Megiste being in possession,
+and probably a colony, of the Rhodii. I found the ruins of a Hellenic
+tower here, at the end of a small plain: perhaps the tower mentioned in
+the inscription.
+
+[225] Liv. l. 37. c. 22, 24, 25.
+
+[226] Liv. l. 37. c. 16.
+
+[227] Stephan. Byzant. with the Notes of Holstein.
+
+[228] Oppidum Olympus ubi fuit, nunc sunt montana: Gage, Corydalla,
+Rhodiopolis. Juxta mare Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit, et
+Mons Massycites, Andriaca, civitas Myra. Oppida Apyre, Antiphellus, quæ
+quondam Habessus (_al._ Edebessus) atque in recessu Phellus. Deinde
+Pyrrha itemque Xanthus a main xv. M. P. flumenque eodem nomine. Deinde
+Patara, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.
+
+[229] The following fragment in honour of a person who had received the
+rites of citizenship in Rhodiopolis, Myra, and Phaselis, was found by Mr.
+Cockerell in the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash.
+
+ ΟΠΡΑΜΟΑΝ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΟΥ
+ ΔΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΛΛΙΑΔΟΥ ΡΟΔΙΟ
+ ΠΟΛΕΙΤΗΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΥΡΕΑ (καὶ)
+ ΦΑΣΗΛΕΙΤΗΝ ...
+ ....
+
+[230] The following are the names in their order:—Corydalla, Sagalassus,
+Rhodia, Trebenda (_al._ Arendæ), Phellus, Myra.
+
+[231] Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5.
+c. 29.
+
+[232] ... ἐν Λυκίᾳ δέ ἐστιν πόλις Ἀρύκανδα καλουμένη, ἧς πλησίον ἱερόν τι
+χωρίον, ὃ πρότερον μὲν Ἔμβολος ἐκαλεῖτο διὰ τὴν θέσιν τοῦ χωρίου. Schol.
+in Pindar. Olymp. Od. 7.
+
+[233]
+
+ Μ’ ΑΥΡ’ ΤΟΑΛΙΣ ΔΙΣ ΟΛΥΜ
+ ΠΗΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΥΚΑΝΔΕΥΣ
+
+[234] Stephanus of Byzantium describes Σιδαροῦς as a city and harbour,
+but he omits to add in what country it was situated.
+
+[235] The order of names in Ptolemy on this coast is, Phaselis, Olbia,
+Attalia, the mouth of the Catarrhactes, Magydis, the mouth of the
+Cestrus, the mouth of the Eurymedon, Side. Ptol. l. 5. c. 5.
+
+[236] Voyage au Levant, par C. Lebruyn, c. 74. Voyage en Grèce, &c. par
+Paul Lucas, tom. 1. c. 33. Beaufort’s Karamania, c. 6. Itinéraire de
+l’Asie Mineure, par Corancez, l. 4. c. 2.
+
+[237] Hierocl. Synecd.—Notit. Episc. Græc.
+
+[238] lib. 5. c. 16.
+
+[239] lib. 1. c. 14.
+
+[240] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 14. Arrian. Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 27.
+
+[241] Strabo, p. 570. Polyb. l. 5. c. 72. Dionys. Perieg. v. 858. Arrian.
+lib. 1. c. 28. Zosim. l. 5. c. 15.
+
+[242] Scylax Perip. Pamphylia. Arrian, l. 1. c. 26.
+
+[243] Hierocl. Synecd.—Constantin. Porph. de Them.—Notit. Episcop.
+
+[244] τοῦ Μέλανος καὶ τοῦ Εὐρυμέδοντος ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐπέκεινα διαβαίνει τῆς
+Σίδης· ὁ δὲ διαῤῥεῖ τῇ Ἀσπένδῳ. Zosim. l. 5. c. 16.—Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c.
+14.
+
+[245] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.
+
+[246] Geograph. lib. 5. c. 5.
+
+[247] Liv. l. 33. c. 20.
+
+[248] Pharsal. lib. 8. v. 259.
+
+[249] Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. Cilicia.
+
+[250] Livy (l. 33. c. 20.) says: “Nephelida promontorium Ciliciæ,
+inclitum fœdere antiquo Atheniensium.” What treaty this was it is
+difficult to discover—not the treaty of Cimon with the Persians; for
+according to that, the Chelidonian promontory was the point beyond which
+the Persians were forbidden to sail.
+
+[251] Pompon. Mel. lib. 1. c. 13.
+
+[252] See Eckhel, Hunter, &c.
+
+[253] Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 5. cap. 27.
+
+[254] Athen. l. 3. c. 5.
+
+[255] In the copy of the treaty in Polybius (l. 22. c. 26.) Cape
+Calycadnus is mentioned as the point. Μηδὲ πλείτωσαν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ
+Καλυκάδνου ἀκρωτηρίου, εἰ μὴ φόρους ἢ πρέσβεις ἢ ὁμήρους ἄγοιεν. In
+the Latin copy of the treaty in Livy (l. 38. c. 38.) both capes are
+mentioned. “Neve navigatio citra Calycadnum neve Sarpedonem promontoria”
+&c. Appian, who has given the substance only of the treaty, names also
+both the capes: Ὅρον μὲν Ἀντιόχῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι δύο ἄκρας Καλύκαδνόν τε
+καὶ Σαρπηδόνιον. Appian Syr. c. 39.
+
+[256] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.
+
+[257] Diodor. Sic. l. 19. c. 61.
+
+[258] Liv. Hist. Nat. l. 33. c. 20.
+
+[259] Among other places on this coast taken possession of by the Knights
+of St. John were three fortresses, consigned to their care about the
+year 1200 by Pope Innocent III., who had received them from Leo king of
+Armenia, on the occasion of his coronation and acknowledgment of the
+Latin church. The ancient Armenian inscriptions still existing at Korgos
+and Selefke, render it probable that these were two of the fortresses.
+See Beaufort’s Karamania, pp. 220, 245.
+
+[260] Stephanus (in Σελεύκεια) says that this Seleuceia was formerly
+called Olbia: which appears to be a mistake, arising from the similarity
+of the names Olbia; and Holmi. Strabo is confirmed by Pliny (l. 5. c.
+27.), who says, “Seleucia supra amnem Calycadnum, Trachiotis cognomine, a
+mare relata, ubi vocabatur Hormia” (Holmia).
+
+[261] Ptolemy calls the southern cape at the entrance of the Issic gulf
+(now Cape Hanzir) by this name, Ῥωσσικὸς σκόπελος.
+
+[262] Stephanus (in Ὑρία) says, the Calycadnus was sometimes called
+Calydnus.
+
+[263] Τῆς ἴδιως Κιλικίας μεσόγειοι ... Μοψυεστία, Καστάβαλα, Νικόπολις,
+Ἐπιφάνεια, καὶ αἱ Ἀμανικαὶ πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.
+
+Ἡ Συρία περιορίζεται ἀπὸ μὲν ἄρκτων τῇ τὲ Κιλικίᾳ, &c. ... Μετὰ τὸν Ἰσσὸν
+καὶ τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας Ἀλεξάνδρεια ἡ κατὰ Ἰσσὸν, Μυρίανδρος, &c....
+Πιερίας δὲ πόλεις αἵδε. Πίναρα, Πάγραι καὶ αἱ Συρίαι πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5.
+c. 15.
+
+[264] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 1. c. 20. M. Kinneir’s Journey in
+Asia Minor, p. 135. Niebuhr’s Map in the Voyage en Arabie, tom. 2. pl.
+52. Drummond’s Travels, letter 5.
+
+[265] I saw the foundation of the wall which once fortified this pass.
+Perhaps Beilan is only a corruption of Πύλην, or Pyla in the accusative.
+
+[266] Strabo, p. 676. See the translation in p. 180 of this volume.
+
+[267] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4. ad Attic. l. 5. ep. 20. Cicero, in
+clearing Mount Amanus of the Parthians, took Erana, the chief town, and
+several smaller places.
+
+[268] We find in Hierocles that Seleuceia was the metropolis of Isauria
+at the time when Cilicia, divided into two ἐπαρχίαι, extended no further
+westward than Corycus inclusive. The chief magistrate, however, is stated
+by Hierocles to have been intitled ἡγεμών, not ἄρχων: but Hierocles
+probably wrote long after the date of this inscription, and in the
+interval some change may have taken place in the mode of government.
+
+[269] Travels of Bertrandon de la Brocquière in the years 1432, 1433,
+translated by Johnes, pp. 174, 190.
+
+[270] Josaphat Barbaro—Viaggio in Persia.
+
+[271] Liv. l. 33. c. 20. Plin. l. 5. c. 27. Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13.
+Stephan. in Κώρυκος.
+
+[272] In Ἐλαιοῦσσα.
+
+[273] In Σεβάστη.
+
+[274] Joseph. Antiq. Jud. l. 16. c. 4. Strabo, p. 671.
+
+[275] Xenoph. Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Arrian, l. 2. c. 5. Q. Curt. l. 3. c.
+7. Dio. Cass. l. 36. c. 20. Liv. l. 33. c. 20.—l. 37. c. 56. Pompon. Mel.
+l. 1. c. 13. Ptol. l. 5. c. 8.
+
+[276] Stephan. in Ἀγχιάλη. Eustath. in Dionys. Perieg.
+
+[277] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.
+
+[278] Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 5. Dionys. Perieg. v. 868.
+
+[279] Dio. Cass. l. 47. c. 31. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5. Stephan. in
+Ἄδανα.
+
+[280] Διὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς πόλεως ταύτης (scil. Comana) ὁ Σάρος ῥεῖ ποταμὸς
+καὶ διὰ τῶν συναγκειῶν τοῦ Ταύρου διεκπεραιοῦται πρὸς τὰ τῶν Κιλίκων
+πεδία καὶ τὸ ὑποκείμενον πέλαγος. p. 536. Comana is the modern Bostán.
+
+[281] Strabo, ibid.
+
+[282] Xenoph. de Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Procop. de
+Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.
+
+[283] Stephan. in Μάγαρσος.
+
+ ... Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς
+ ...
+ Αἰπὺς δ’ ἀλιβρὸς ὄχμος ἐν μεταιχμίῳ
+ Μέγαρσος.
+
+ Lycophr. v. 439.
+
+ἡ δὲ Μέγαρσος πόλις κεῖται πρὸς ταῖς ἐκχύσεσι τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ.
+Tzetzes in Schol. ibid.
+
+περὶ Μάγαρσα τοῦ Πυράμου πλησίον. Strabo, p. 676. See the translated
+extract.
+
+[284] Ap. Tzetz. in Lycoph. ubi sup.
+
+[285] ποταμὸς Πύραμος καὶ πόλις Μαλλὸς, εἰς ἣν ἀνάπλους κατὰ τὸν ποταμόν.
+Scylax in Cilicia.
+
+[286] Steph. in Μάλλος.
+
+[287] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 13.
+
+[288] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.—... castris motis, et Pyramo amne ponte juncto,
+Mallon pervenit. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.
+
+[289] Ap. Strabon. p. 675. See the translated extract.
+
+[290] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Stephan. in Μόψου ἑστία. Procop. de
+Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.
+
+[291] Cod. Theodos.
+
+ἡ Μάμιστα ἡ καὶ Μόψου ἑστία λεγομένη. M. Glycæ Annal. p. 306. Paris.
+
+Civitas Adana, 18 M. P. Civitas Mansista 48 M. P. Mansio Baiæ.—Itin.
+Hierosol.
+
+[292] Hierocl. Synecd.
+
+[293] Appian Mithridat. c. 96.—Epiphania quæ anteà Eniandus. Plin. Hist.
+Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Hierocl. Synecd.
+
+[294] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.
+
+[295] Tab. Peutinger, seg. 7.
+
+[296] Cicer. ubi supra.
+
+[297] Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.
+
+[298] Ἀντιόχεια ... ἕκτη Κιλικίας ἐπὶ τοῦ Πυράμου. Stephan. in Ἀντιόχεια.
+
+[299] Μάλλος, Σεῤῥέπολις, Αἴγαι, Ἰσσός. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.
+
+[300] Strabo, p. 651, 655, 664, 665.
+
+[301] Strabo, p. 663. Strabo has committed a great error in stating that
+Physcus was the nearest point of the coast to Mylasa. The gulf of Kos is
+not one-third of the distance of Marmara from Mylasa.
+
+[302] Caria mediæ Doridi circumfunditur ad mare utroque latere ambiens:
+in ea promontorium Pedalium, amnis Glaucus deferens Telmissum; oppida
+Dædala, Crya fugitivorum: flumen Axon: oppidum Calydna ... oppidum Caunos
+liberum; deinde Pyrnos, portus Cressa a quo Rhodus insula xx M.; locus
+Loryma. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.
+
+Here Pyrnus occupies the place of Physcus, which ought perhaps to be
+substituted for the former word.
+
+[303] Senec. Qu. Nat. l. 3. c. 19.
+
+[304] Liv. l. 37. c. 17.
+
+[305] viginti paullo amplius millia. Liv. l. 45. c. 10.
+
+[306] Κνίδος πόλις καὶ ἄκρα, Ὀνουγνάθος ἄκρα· Λώρυμα, Κρῆσσα λιμὴν,
+Φοίνιξ, Φοῦσκα, Κάλβιος ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαὶ, Καῦνος, Κάλινδα, Χύδαι, Καρύα,
+Δαίδαλα τόπος, Τέλμησσος. Ptol. l. 5. c. 2. 3.
+
+[307] Λοιπὸν Καρία.
+
+Ἐκ Τελμενσοῦ εἰς Δαίδαλα σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+Ἐκ Δαιδάλων εἰς Καλλιμάχην σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+Ἐκ Καλλιμάχης εἰς Κρούαν σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+
+Ἐκ Κρούων εἰς τὸν Κοχλίαν σταδ. ν. (50.)
+
+Ἐκ Κλυδῶν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηδάλιον ἀκρωτήριον σταδ. λ. (30.)
+
+Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πηδαλίου ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀγκῶνα τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ Γλαυκοῦ σταδ. π. (80.)
+
+Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀγκῶνος ἐπὶ τῶν Κουνίων (lege Καυνίων) Πάνορμον σταδ. ρκ. (120.)
+
+200 stades from Pedalium to Panormus of the Caunii is nearly the real
+distance from cape Bokomádhi to port Karagatsh, and renders it probable
+that the latter was the ancient Panormus, a name which well applies to
+that fine basin. Its having been a part of the territory of the Caunii,
+may perhaps account for other authorities having omitted to mention it.
+
+[308] Plutarch. de Virt. Mul.
+
+[309]
+
+ ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ
+ ΧΑΛΚΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΟΣ
+ ΚΛΕΑΙΝΙΔΟΣ ΚΑΛΛΙΚΡΑΤΙΔΑ
+ ΚΡΥΑΣΣΙΔΟΣ.
+
+[310] Plin. l. 5. c. 31.
+
+[311] Stephan. in Κρύα.—Stephanus has distinguished Crya from Cryassus,
+ascribing the former to Lycia and the latter to Caria, copying
+Artemidorus for the former, and Plutarch for the latter. The distinction
+is probably an error; unless Crya was the old site, and that the other
+was the new Cryassus mentioned by Plutarch.
+
+[312] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.
+
+[313] Strabo, p. 656.
+
+[314] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31. Stephanus in Πάσσαλα.
+
+[315] At Lindus are the ruins of a dodecastyle Doric portico in front of
+a cavern, at Cnidus there is a Doric stoa, and at Halicarnassus are the
+ruins of a large Doric temple, supposed by Choiseul Gouffier, who has
+published a design of it, to have been the temple of Mars mentioned by
+Vitruvius.
+
+It is not to be supposed that the people of the Hexapolis confined
+themselves to Doric architecture, being so near the country where the
+Ionic originated and was brought to perfection. At all the three places
+just mentioned, but particularly at Cnidus, we find examples of the other
+orders.
+
+Cnidus formed one of the most important objects of the late mission
+of the Society of Dilettanti. There is hardly any ruined Greek city
+in existence which contains examples of Greek architecture in so many
+different branches. There are still to be seen remains of the city walls,
+of two closed ports, of several temples, of stoæ, of artificial terraces
+for the public and private buildings, of three theatres, one of which
+is 400 feet in diameter, and of a great number of sepulchral monuments.
+Designs of the most important of these curious remains are about to be
+published by the Society of Dilettanti.
+
+[316] The following is an inscription at Cnidus:
+
+ Α ΒΟΥΛΑ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΑΜΟΣ
+ ΑΥΡΗΛΙΑΝ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΝ ΘΥΓΑΤΕΡΑ ΜΕΝ
+ ΝΕΙΚΑΔΑ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΑ ΔΕ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΤΑ-
+ ΑΡΙΣΤΟΥ. ΜΑΡ. ΑΥΡ. ΕΥΔΟΞΟΥ ΔΙΣ
+ ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΔΙΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΝ-
+ ΦΑΝΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΗΛΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΔΑΜΙ-
+ ΟΥΡΓΟΥ, ΑΡΕΤΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΑ
+ ΚΕΚΟΣΜΑΙΜΕΝΑΝ, ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΑΡΧΗΣΑΣΑΝ
+ ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΩΣ, ΤΑΝ ΤΕΙ-
+ ΜΑΝ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΝΤΟΣ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ
+ ΤΟΥ ΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΑΥΤΑΣ ΚΑΘ Α ΤΑ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙ
+ ΥΠΕΣΧΕΤΟ
+ ΘΕΟΙΣ.
+
+In a fragment of another Doric inscription at Cnidus, mention is
+again made of the officer called δαμιουργὸς, also of a γυμνικὸς ἀγὼν
+πενταετηρικὸς held at Cnidus. It was, probably, for these quinquennial
+celebrations, common, no doubt, to all the surrounding country, that the
+great theatre at Cnidus was principally intended.
+
+In an inscription copied by Chandler (Ins. Ant. p. 19), at Iasus (Asýn
+Kale), we find a decree of the Calymnii cited at length. This decree is
+in the Doric dialect, whereas that of the Iasenses which contains it is
+in common Hellenic. We are informed by Herodotus (l. 7. c. 99.) that the
+islands Calydniæ, of which Calymna was the chief, were colonized from
+Epidaurus; they were consequently included (as was Nisyrus likewise)
+among the Dorians of the Hexapolis.
+
+In Mitylene I found several inscriptions, shewing that the use of the
+Æolic dialect was preserved to a late period in that island, which was
+colonized from Thessaly: the most remarkable form is ΒΟΛΛΑ for ΒΟΥΛΗ, and
+ΒΟΛΛΕΥΤΑΣ for ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΣ.
+
+Pococke has given copies (very inaccurately as usual) of some of these
+inscriptions (Inscr. Antiq. p. 45); and one is to be seen in Gruter, p.
+1091.
+
+In reference to the use of the Doric dialect by the colonies of that race
+of Greeks, it may be worthy of remark that the Greek inscription of the
+time of Psammetichus king of Egypt, lately discovered by Mr. W. Bankes
+on the temple of Ibsambal in Nubia, appears from the words Ψαματιχο
+Ἐλεφαντιναν, and τοι for οἱ, to be in the Doric dialect. Herodotus tells
+us that the Greeks in the service of Psammetichus were Ionians and
+Carians: those who inscribed the temple of Ibsambal may therefore have
+been from the Carian Doris. It was perhaps in memory of these first Greek
+settlers in Upper Egypt that the Greeks of the Thebais often used the
+Doric dialect as late as the time of the Roman emperors.
+
+[317] Pliny also (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.) numbers Caryanda among the
+islands.
+
+[318] Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Const. Porph. de Them. l. 1. th. 14.
+
+[319] ... sinus Iasius et Basilicus. In Iasio est Bargylos. Pomp. Mel. l.
+1. c. 16.
+
+[320] Liv. l. 37. c. 17. Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Constant. Porph. ubi supr.
+
+[321] Chishull, Antiq. Asiat. p. 155.—This inscription was copied at
+Eski-hissár in 1709, by the celebrated botanist Sherard, then British
+Consul at Smyrna. He also copied at the same place, a long Latin
+inscription, containing a list of the prices of various commodities, as
+regulated by one of the Roman emperors—which has recently been excavated
+and more completely transcribed by Mr. W. Bankes. Sherard presented to
+the Earl of Oxford a volume containing copies of between three and four
+hundred inscriptions collected by him in Asia Minor. This MS. is now in
+the British Museum. Catal. Harl. Cod. 7509.
+
+[322] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 6. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.
+
+[323] Τὰ δὲ Λάβρανδα κώμη ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ὄρει κατὰ τὴν ἐξ Ἀλαβάνδων εἰς τὰ
+Μύλασα, ἄπωθεν τῆς πόλεως· ἐνταῦθα Διός ἐστι νεὼς ἀρχαῖος καὶ ξόανον Διὸς
+Στρατίου. τιμᾶται δ’ ὑπὸ τῶν κύκλῳ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Μυλασέων· ὁδός τε ἔστρωται
+σχεδόν τι ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίων μέχρι τῆς πόλεως ἱερὰ καλουμένη δι’
+ἧς πομποστολεῖται τὰ ἱερά. Strabo, p. 659.
+
+Ælian (de Nat. Anim. l. 12. c. 30.) says that 70 stades was the distance
+between Alabanda and Mylasa.
+
+[324] Ἀλάβανδα δὲ καὶ αὕτη μὲν ὑπόκειται λόφοις δυσὶ συγκειμένοις οὕτως,
+ὥστ’ ὄψιν παρέχεσθαι κανθηλίου κατεστραμμένου ... μεστὴ δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ αὕτη
+καὶ ἡ τῶν Μυλασέων πόλις τῶν θηρίων τούτων (σκορπίων) καὶ ἡ μεταξὺ πᾶσα
+ὀρεινή. Strabo, p. 660.
+
+... πολλὰς δὲ (διαβάσεις τῇ αὐτῇ ὁδῷ ἔχει) καὶ (ὁ ποταμὸς) ὁ ἐκ Κοσκινίων
+εἰς Ἀλάβανδα. Strabo, p. 587.
+
+[325] Antiquities of Ionia, part l. c. 4. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 58.
+
+[326] Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, c. 11.
+
+[327] Voyage de Chandler, tom. 2. p. 248.
+
+[328] Polyb. l. 17. c. 2—l. 18. c. 27.—l. 30. c. 5. Liv. l. 33. c. 30.—l.
+45. c. 25.
+
+[329] τὸ Γρίον ... παράλληλον τῷ Λάτμῳ, ἀνῆκον ἀπὸ τῆς Μιλησίας πρὸς ἕω,
+διὰ τῆς Καρίας μέχρι Εὐρώμου καὶ Χαλκητόρων. Strabo, p. 635.
+
+[330] Vaillant Num. Græc. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Caria.
+
+[331] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.
+
+[332] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.
+
+[333] ... περίκεινται δὲ ἀξιόλογοι κατοικίαι πέραν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου,
+Κοσκινία καὶ Ὀρθωσία. Strabo, p. 650.
+
+[334] Strabo, p. 587. vide supra.
+
+[335] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 9.—It is impossible from Pococke’s
+confused narrative to understand either the exact course of the river
+Tshina, or the position of the places in its vicinity. The attempt
+to describe them on the map must therefore be considered as a mere
+approximation.
+
+[336] Voyage de Chandler, tome 2. p. 252.
+
+[337] Herodot. l. 5. c. 118.
+
+[338] See above, chapter 4. p. 159.
+
+[339] Strabo, p. 600. Stephan. in Ἑκατησία, Ἰδριὰς, Χρυσάορις. All these
+were ancient names of Stratoniceia. In consequence of some restorations
+by Hadrian, it afterwards received that of Hadrianopolis, but did not
+long retain the appellation. See Hierocles Synec. The worship of Hecate
+is mentioned in the inscription of Stratoniceia, published by Chishull.
+
+[340] Strabo, p. 663.
+
+[341] Strabo, p. 658.
+
+[342] Strabo, p. 635. See p. 232, note [329].
+
+[343] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.
+
+[344] The form of the letters in this inscription seems to show that
+its date is about the time of the first wars of the Romans in Asia. It
+was an epistle addressed to the Amyzonenses by some person in power:
+beginning with the usual form of salutation, and ending with the no less
+customary ΕΡΡΩΣΘΕ. In the Classical Journal, No. 28, the reader will
+find an inscription nearly of the same tenor and date, which I copied
+at Cyretiæ in Perrhœbia, and which was an epistle addressed to the
+people of that place by the Consul Titus Quinctius Flamininus, when he
+commanded the Roman army in Greece against the king of Macedonia, Philip
+son of Demetrius. In the inscription of Amyzon, besides the two words
+already stated, I distinguish ΤΟ ΙΕΡΟΝ ΑΣΥΛΟΝ—ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΕΥΝΟΙΑΝ—ΚΑΙ ΜΗΘΕΝΙ
+ΕΝΟΧΛΕΙΝ ΥΜΑΣ.
+
+[345] Having described Miletus and the islands before it, Lade and the
+Tragææ, now heights in the plain, he adds: ἐξῆς δ’ ἐστὶν ὁ Λατμικὸς
+κόλπος ἐν ᾧ Ἡράκλεια ἡ ὑπὸ Λάτμῳ λεγομένη, πολίχνιον ὕφορμον ἔχον·
+ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ πρότερον Λάτμος ὁμωνύμως τῷ ὑπερκειμένῳ ὄρει. Strabo, p. 635.
+
+[346] A re-examination of the ruins of Priene and Branchidæ was a
+principal object of the second Asiatic Mission of the Society of
+Dilettanti. Their late publication renders it unnecessary for me to make
+any observations on the great monuments at those two places: but the
+reader will not be displeased at my here inserting a curious inscription,
+in Boustrophedon, from Branchidæ. It was copied by Sir W. Gell from the
+chair of a sitting statue on the Sacred Way, or road leading from the
+sea to the temple of Apollo Didymeus. This road—bordered on either side
+with statues on chairs of a single block of stone, with the feet close
+together and the hands on the knees—is an exact imitation of the avenues
+of the temples in Egypt. The inscription (which is perfect to the right
+and incomplete to the left) is as follows:
+
+[Illustration]
+
+The name at the beginning was probably Hermesianax. It appears by ἡμεὰς
+(Ion. for ἡμὰς _us_) ἀνέθηκεν, that the inscribed statue speaks for them
+all. The word at the beginning of line 3 may possibly be ΒΡΑΝΚΙΔΕΩ. Of
+the _crasis_ instanced in ΤΩΠΟΛΛΩΝΙ, there are several examples in the
+Sigeian inscription, in the Eleian tablet, and in other monuments of a
+time when the Greeks wrote rather by sound than grammar. It seems to have
+been particularly at the end of inscriptions that the Greek ear required
+an agreeable cadence and combination of vowel sounds; and hence their
+inscriptions sometimes ended in metre, although the former part was not
+constructed by any such rules. Thus the last line of the following Doric
+inscription on a helmet lately found at Olympia appears to be the end of
+a hexameter verse: a supposition which will account for the crasis or
+omission of two of the vowels.
+
+[Illustration: Ἱέρων ὁ Δεινομένεος καὶ οἱ Συρακουσίοι τῷ Διῒ Τυρρηνὰ ἀπὸ
+Κύμης.]
+
+The single instead of double liquid in TVRANA, seems to have been not
+uncommon in the old Doric—we have ΑΛΑΛΟΙΣ for ἀλλήλοις in the Eleian
+tablet.
+
+This curious inscription relates to a military expedition of Hiero king
+of Syracuse, son of Deinomenes, (commonly called Hiero the First,) in
+aid of the people of Cyme, who had suffered severely from the Tyrrhenian
+fleet. (Diod. l. 11. c. 51.) The triremes of Hiero gained a brilliant
+victory and destroyed a great number of Tyrrhenian ships; and the helmet
+seems to have been among the _Tyrrhenian spoils_ which upon this occasion
+Hiero and his Syracusans dedicated at Olympia. A few years before
+this exploit, the same prince had obtained a victory in the Olympic
+games, which the first Ode of Pindar has made more illustrious than
+the historian Diodorus has rendered his triumph over the Tyrrhenians:
+though the poet alludes also to the latter victory. (Pyth. l. v. 137.)
+Pausanias, who has described (Eliac. post. c. 12. Arcad. c. 42.) the
+magnificent dedications of Deinomenes the son of Hiero, in honour of
+his father’s three victories in the Olympic games, says nothing of
+the offerings of Hiero after his success over the Tyrrhenians: but so
+numerous were these martial dedications at Olympia, that the omission
+is not surprising. Pausanias had enough to do to describe the great
+monuments of art and religion.
+
+[347] ... ἀφ’ Ἡρακλείας ἐπὶ Πύῤῥαν πολίχνην πλοῦς ἑκατόν που σταδίων.
+Μικρὸν δὲ πλέον τὸ ἀπὸ Μιλήτου εἰς Ἡράκλειαν ἐγκολπίζοντι· εὐθυπλοίᾳ
+δ’ εἰς Πύῤῥαν ἐκ Μιλήτου τριάκοντα· τοσαύτην ἔχει μακροπορίαν ὁ παρὰ
+γῆν πλοῦς.... Ἐκ δὲ Πύῤῥας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πεντήκοντα....
+ἀναπλεύσαντι δ’ ὑπηρετικοῖς σκάφεσι τριάκοντα σταδίους πόλις Μυοῦς....
+Ἔνθεν ἐν σταδίοις τέσσαρσι κώμη Καρικὴ Θυμβρία παρ’ ἣν Ἄορνόν ἐστι
+σπήλαιον ἱερὸν Χαρώνειον λεγόμενον.... Ὑπέρκειται δὲ Μαγνησία ἡ πρὸς
+Μαιάνδρῳ.... Μετὰ δὲ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Μαιάνδρου ὁ κατὰ Πριήνην ἐστὶν
+αἰγιαλός· ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δ’ ἡ Πριήνη καὶ ἡ Μυκάλη τὸ ὄρος &c. Strabo, p. 636.
+I have inserted this passage, as giving, when compared with the actual
+topography, the clearest idea of the situation of the ancient places and
+the state of the coast in the time of Strabo. The plain of the Mæander
+as it advanced upon the sea, and converted the commercial shores of
+the maritime cities into unhealthy marshes, successively devoted them
+to desolation. Myus in the time of Strabo had recently been abandoned
+by its inhabitants, who had removed to Miletus; but the accumulations
+had not yet shut up the Latmic Gulf. Such having been the causes of the
+desolation of the ancient sites near the mouth of the Mæander, they are
+never likely to be reoccupied. In the Voyage Pittoresque of Choiseul
+Gouffier, vol. 1. pl. 111., will be found plans by Kauffer and Barbié du
+Bocage, explanatory of the progressive increase of the Mæandrian plain
+and the consequent changes in the topography.
+
+[348] Inekbazar was visited by Van Egmont and Heyman in passing from
+Skalanóva to Ghiuzel-hissár; and one is rather surprised, that their
+account of the ruins at that place, although extremely vague, did not
+lead geographers to the suspicion that at Inekbazar would be found
+remains of Magnesia and of the temple of Leucophryene. The general
+dulness and inaccuracy of Heyman’s book may perhaps account for this
+neglect of its authority. I am ignorant of the exact date of the Travels
+of the Dutch statesman and of the Oriental scholar of the same nation who
+was his companion. The English translation was published in 1759. We are
+told in the Preface that the travels occupied thirteen years.
+
+[349] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.
+
+[350] Artem. ap. Strab. p. 663.
+
+[351] Artem. ibid.
+
+[352] Plin. ubi supr.
+
+[353] Artem. ubi supr.
+
+[354] Strabo, p. 648.
+
+[355] Strabo, p. 647.
+
+[356] Plin. ubi supr.
+
+[357] It appears to have been very customary with the Asiatic Greeks to
+make their stadia circular at both ends. Examples exist at Magnesia ad
+Mæandrum, Tralles, Aphrodisias, Laodiceia ad Lycum, and Pergamum. At
+Magnesia, Tralles, Sardes, and Pergamum, the theatre is placed on one
+side of the stadium thus,
+
+[Illustration]
+
+Under the Romans the stadium was sometimes converted into an
+amphitheatre, by building a curved wall across its breadth, so as to
+form with one of the circular ends a circle or oval. An inscription at
+Laodiceia, boasting of such a pitiful conversion of the stadium at that
+place, has been published by Chandler: and Pococke remarked the remains
+of a similar operation in the stadium of Ephesus. It appears from Strabo
+that there was an amphitheatre at Nysa: and there is one still existing
+at Pergamum; the latter is a building separate from the theatro-stadium.
+
+[358] Vitruv. præf. in l. 7.
+
+[359] Strabo, p. 647.
+
+[360]
+
+1.
+
+ ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΑ
+ ΤΟΝ ΓΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΑΛΑΣ-
+ ΣΗΣ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΝ ΜΑΡ·
+ ΑΥΡ· ΑΝΤΩΝΕΙΝΟΝ ΕΥ-
+ ΣΕΒΗ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ ΣΕ
+ ΒΑΣΤΟΝ Μ· ΑΥΡ· ΣΤΡΑ-
+ ΤΟΝΕΙΚΟΣ Κ. ΣΙΛΙΚΙΟΣ
+ ΙΕΡΟΚΛΗΣ· Κ· Μ· ΑΥΡ·
+ ΟΦΙΛΗΤΟΣ· Κ· ΑΥΡ.....
+ ΜΑΣ. Κ. ΑΥΡ.....ΤΑΣ
+ ΟΙ ΑΡΧΙΕΡΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜ
+ ΜΑΤΕΙΣ ΑΝΕΣΤ (ησαν)
+ ΛΟΓΙΣΤΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ
+ ΚΡΙΣΠΟΥ ΑΣΙΑ....
+
+2.
+
+ ...ΔΕΣΠ.....
+ ...ΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑ....
+ ..Μ. ΑΥΡ. ΑΝΤΩ...-
+ ..ΝΟΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗ Ε....
+ ...............
+ ...Σ ΔΙΔΙΑΝΟΣ Ο...
+ ...ΕΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜΜΑ-
+ ...Σ ΤΗΣ ΜΑΓΝΙΤΩΝ
+ ... ΕΩΣ ΚΑΙ..
+
+3.
+
+ ...............
+ ...............
+ .............ΙΕ-
+ ΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡΤΕ-
+ ΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥΗ-
+ ΝΗΣ ΑΦΡΟΔΕΙΣΙΑ Ν
+ ............
+
+On the same stone as the preceding:
+
+ ΑΓΑΘΗ ΤΥΧΗ
+ ΙΕΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡ-
+ ΤΕΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥ-
+ ................
+
+Although Magnesia was an Æolic city founded by Thessalians, (Strabo, p.
+647.) no inscriptions have been found there in the Æolic dialect.
+
+Pausanias in enumerating the great temples of Ionia has omitted that
+of Magnesia, possibly because he did not consider its district a part
+of Ionia. He states the temple of Ephesus to have been the first both
+for size and riches; next, the temples of Apollo at Branchidæ and at
+Colophon, neither of which was ever finished; then the temple of Juno
+at Samus and of Minerva at Phocæa, both of which had been burnt by the
+Persians, but were still objects of admiration: and after them the
+temples of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva at Priene; the former
+remarkable for its antiquity, the latter for the statue which it
+contained. Pausan. Achaic. c. 5. The remark of Pausanias on the temple of
+Samus, which in magnitude was second only to that of Diana Ephesia, may
+account for the neglect of it by Strabo and Vitruvius. The latter was so
+ill-informed as to call it a Doric building.
+
+[361] Strabo, p. 648.
+
+[362] Præf. in l. 7.
+
+[363] Pachymer. Hist. l. 6. c. 20. Nicephor. Greg. l. 5. c. 5.
+
+[364] Strabo, p. 649.
+
+[365] Id. Ibid.
+
+[366] Strabo, p. 650.
+
+[367] Liv. l. 37. c. 56.
+
+[368] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.
+
+[369] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 11.
+
+[370] Plin. ibid. Strabo, p. 630.
+
+[371] Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 663.
+
+[372] Sherard was accompanied in a tour to Aphrodisias in the year 1705,
+by Picenini; and in another in the year 1716, by Lisle. He copied upwards
+of 100 inscriptions at Aphrodisias, which are to be found in the MS.
+volume already mentioned. From two of the inscriptions of Aphrodisias,
+selected for publication by Chishull, it appears that Aphrodisias and
+Plarassa formed one community, having a governing council and a temple of
+Venus common to both: coins with a legend of both names are also not very
+uncommon. Plarassa is designated as a town of Caria by Stephanus.
+
+[373] Mr. Gandy, one of the architects of the Mission of the Dilettanti,
+visited Gheira, and made drawings of the ruins.
+
+[374] Its other appellations were Ninoe, Megalopolis, and Lelegopolis.
+Steph. in Μεγάλη Πόλις et Νινόη.
+
+[375] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 12.
+
+[376] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 65.
+
+[377] Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.
+
+[378] The Second Mission of the Dilettanti into Asia did not penetrate so
+far as these places.
+
+[379] Laodiceia is now a deserted place, called from the ruins
+Eski-hissár, a Turkish word equivalent to the Paleókastro, which the
+Greeks so frequently apply to ancient sites.
+
+[380] Antiquities of Ionia, part 2. p. 32.—Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 67.
+
+[381] Cicero. Epist. ad Am. l. 2. ep. 17. l. 3. ep. 5. l. 5. ep. 20.
+Tacit. l. 14. c. 27.
+
+[382] ... Εἰ γάρ τις ἄλλη καὶ ἡ Λαοδίκεια εὔσειστος καὶ τῆς πλησιοχώρου
+τὸ πλέον. Strabo, p. 578.
+
+[383] Strabo, p. 579, 628, 630.
+
+[384] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 13.—Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 68.
+
+[385] Strabo, p. 629, 630. Chandler found at the theatre the beginning of
+an encomium of Hierapolis:
+
+ Ἀσίδος εὐρείης προφερέστατον οὖδας ἁπάντων
+ Χαίροις Χρυσόπολι Ἱεράπολι πότνια νυμφῶν
+ Νάμασιν ἀγλαΐησι κεκασμένη....
+
+And Smith was the first to copy an inscription mentioning a company of
+dyers:
+
+ Τοῦτο τὸ ἥρωον στεφανοῖ ἡ ἐργασία τῶν βαφέων.
+
+The latter illustrates Strabo, who tells us the waters of Hierapolis were
+famous for dyeing.
+
+[386] Phot. Biblioth. p. 1054.
+
+[387] Const. Porphyrog. de Them. l. 1. th. 3. The bishops of Chonæ
+subscribed to the second Nicene Council in 787, one hundred and fifty
+years before Porphyrogennetus.
+
+[388] Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.
+
+[389] Herodot. ibid. Strabo, p. 579.
+
+[390]
+
+ ... riget arduus alto
+ Tmolus in adscensu: clivoque extentus utroque
+ Sardibus hinc, illinc parvis finitur Hypæpis.
+
+ Ovid. Metam. l. 11. v. 150.
+
+Ὕπαιπα δὲ πόλις ἐστὶ καταβαίνουσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ Τμώλου πρὸς τὸ τοῦ Καΰστρου
+πεδίον. Strabo, p. 627.
+
+[391] Tacit. Ann. l. 2. c. 47. Euseb. Chron.
+
+[392] Strabo, p. 440, 620, 629. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.
+
+[393] See Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. vol. 3. p. 96; where several coins are
+described, with the legends ΚΑΥΣΤΡΙΑΝΩΝ, ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΩ and ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ
+ΤΩΝ ΑΝΩ. But it seems that not only the upper and lower Cilbiani, but
+that settlers also in their country, from Nicæa and Pergamum, had their
+separate coinage. Eckhel. ibid.
+
+[394] Strabo, p. 620.
+
+[395] Strabo, p. 440.
+
+[396] The total disappearance of such a vast edifice as the temple of
+Diana Ephesia is to be ascribed to two causes, both arising from its
+situation. Its position near the sea has facilitated the removal of its
+materials for the use of new buildings during the long period of Grecian
+barbarism; while that gradual rising of the soil of the valley, which has
+not only obstructed the port near the temple, but has created a plain of
+three miles between it and the sea, has buried all the remains of the
+temple that may have escaped removal. Enough of these however, it is
+probable, still exists beneath the soil to enable the architect to obtain
+a perfect knowledge of every part of the construction.
+
+It is remarkable that all the greatest and most costly of the temples
+of Asia, except one, are built on low and marshy spots: those of Samus,
+Ephesus, Magnesia, and Sardes, are all so situated. It might be supposed
+that the Greek architects, having to guard against earthquakes, as
+against the most cruel enemy of their art, and having ample experience in
+all the concomitant circumstances of these dreadful convulsions, which
+are the peculiar scourge of all the finest parts of Asia Minor, were
+of opinion that a marshy situation offered some security against their
+effects. But the custom seems rather to be connected with the character
+of the Ionic order, which is itself associated with that of the Asiatic
+Greeks. While the massy and majestic Doric was best displayed on a lofty
+rock, the greater proportional height of the elegant Ionic required a
+level, surrounded with hills. So sensible were the Greeks of this general
+principle, that the columns of the Doric temple of Nemea, which is
+situated in a narrow plain, have proportions not less slender than some
+examples of the Ionic order. In fact, it was situation that determined
+the Greeks in all the varieties of their architecture; and, so far
+from being the slaves of rule, there are no two examples of the Doric,
+much less of the Ionic, that exactly resemble, either in proportion,
+construction, or ornament. It must be admitted, however, that the
+colonies of Italy and Sicily appear to have been less refined in taste;
+and, like all colonies, to have adhered to ancient models longer than the
+mother-country.
+
+[397] Strabo, p. 639.
+
+[398] Liv. l. 37. c. 11.
+
+[399] Colophon stood at a distance of two miles from the shore. Liv.
+l. 37. c. 26. The temple of Clarus has not yet been sufficiently
+examined, although, according to Captain Beaufort, its remains are not
+inconsiderable; and, what is curious in this part of the country, it was
+of the Doric order. For Teos, see Antiquities of Ionia, part 1. c. 1.
+
+[400] Liv. l. 36. c. 43.
+
+[401] Strabo, p. 644.
+
+[402] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 25.
+
+[403] Strabo, ubi sup.
+
+[404] Strabo, p. 645.
+
+[405] Liv. l. 36. c. 43.—l. 44. c. 28.
+
+[406] Particularly Herodot. in vitâ Hom. Thucyd. l. 8. c. 24. Strabo,
+ubi sup. There is a manifest error in regard to the breadth of the
+island in our copies of Strabo, which assign 60 stades for the interval
+between Elæus on the western side, and the city Chius on the eastern:—the
+narrowest part of the island cannot be less than double that distance.
+
+[407] Herodot. l. 1. c. 93.
+
+[408] Herodot. l. 5. c. 102.—Strabo, Chrest. l. 10.
+
+[409]
+
+ Ὀρεστέρα παμβῶτι Γᾶ
+ Μᾶτερ αὐτοῦ Διὸς
+ Ἃ τὸν μέγαν Πακτωλὸν εὔχρυσον νέμεις.
+
+ Sophocl. Philoct. v. 395.
+
+From a drawing of the temple by Peyssonel in 1750, it appears there were
+then standing three columns with their architraves, a part of the cella,
+and three detached columns. Mr. Cockerell found there in 1812 only three
+columns standing with their capitals; but enough remained of the ruins
+to satisfy him that it was of the kind called by Vitruvius Octastylus
+Dipterus—that the exterior columns of the peristyle were about 7 feet in
+diameter at the base, and that the peristyle was upwards of 260 feet in
+length.
+
+[410] Choiseul Gouffier. Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tome 2. c. 13.
+
+[411]
+
+ ... τοι τέμενος πατρώϊόν ἐστιν,
+ Ὕλλῳ ἐπ’ ἰχθυόεντι, καὶ Ἕρμῳ δινήεντι.
+
+ Il. Υ. 392.
+
+[412] Strabo, p. 554. ... Ἕρμον εἰς ὃν καὶ ὁ Ὕλλος ἐμβάλλει, Φρύγιος νῦν
+καλούμενος. Strabo, p. 626.
+
+[413] Pliny (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.) says that the Hermus rises near
+Dorylæum of Phrygia; which although not a very accurate description,
+agrees at least with the distant origin of the Kodús in the mountains
+adjoining to Olympus.
+
+[414] Hermus ... oritur juxta Dorilaium Phrygiæ civitatem multosque
+colligit fluvios, inter quos Phrygem, qui nomine genti dato a Caria eam
+disterminat, Hyllum et Cryon et ipsos Phrygiæ, Mysiæ, Lydiæ amnibus
+repletos. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.
+
+[415] Strabo, p. 616.
+
+[416] Strabo, p. 622.
+
+[417] Antiq. Asiat. p. 146.
+
+[418] This place was visited by Chishull in the year 1702, in his way
+from Smyrna to Adrianople; when leaving the main road from Smyrna
+to Brusa to the right at Susugerli, he proceeded from thence to the
+Hellespont which he crossed at Gallipoli. It is from his route alone that
+I obtain any clear knowledge of the situation and course of the Æsepus
+and Granicus.
+
+[419] This Hadrianotheræ was a place of sufficient importance to coin its
+own money. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Bithynia.
+
+[420] Ergasteria was at 440 stades from Pergamum on the road to Cyzicus.
+Galen, in proceeding to Ergasteria from Pergamum, remarked a great
+quantity of metallic substance, which he calls molybdæna. Galen. de
+Medicam. Simp. l. 9. c. 22.
+
+[421] Bala, or Bali, from the Greek Παλαιὰ, is not unfrequently prefixed
+to Turkish corruptions of ancient Greek names. Abubekr Ben Behrem
+mentions a Baliambóli (Παλαιὰν πόλιν) in the district of Aidin, and a
+Balia in that of Karasi. Patræ in the Peloponnesus is called by the Turks
+Balabátra.
+
+[422] Eckhel Bithynia.—Sestini, Lett. t. 2. p. 103.
+
+[423] It is to M. de Choiseul Gouffier, and to those who assisted him,
+that we are indebted for the best map of this interesting region, though
+much still remains to be done in the details of its topography. In 1819
+Choiseul’s map received some corrections and additions from M. Barbié du
+Bocage, founded upon the observations of M. Dubois, who had been sent to
+the Troas in the preceding year by M. de Choiseul. See Voyage Pittoresque
+de la Grèce, tom. 2. pl. 19.
+
+[424] Strabo, p. 604.
+
+[425] Id. pp. 440, 473, 604, 612, 620.
+
+[426] Strabo, p. 605.
+
+[427] Id. pp. 596, 606.
+
+[428] Id. pp. 552, 603.
+
+[429] Id. p. 596.
+
+[430] Id. p. 472.
+
+[431] Id. p. 606.
+
+[432] Strabo, pp. 593, 597.
+
+[433] Strabo, p. 595.
+
+[434] Stephan. in Ἀγάμεια. Hesych. et Phavorin. in Ἀγαμίας et Ἄγαμος.
+Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pitt. de la Grèce, tom. 2. p. 331.
+
+[435] Est tamen et nunc Scamandria civitas parva, ac M. D. passus remotum
+a portu Ilium immune. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30.
+
+[436] This inscription is now in the Royal Museum of Paris. Choiseul
+Gouffier, tom. 2. p. 288.
+
+[437] I may particularly mention Choiseul Gouffier, Lechevalier, Morritt,
+Hawkins, Gell, Hamilton, and Foster.
+
+[438] To those who may consider it idle to inquire for a site which was
+unknown 2,000 years ago, it may not be improper to offer the remark,
+that not one of the ancient authors who have written on the Troas, with
+the exception of Homer, was so well acquainted with the locality as
+modern travellers are; and that not one possessed any delineation of
+its topography approaching to the accuracy of that with which we are
+furnished and not yet satisfied.
+
+[439] It is almost unnecessary here to remark, that the ruling family,
+and hence probably a large portion of the people of Troy, were of Greek
+origin, and that they had adopted the manners and language of Greece.
+The Dardanidæ were Greeks settled in Asia, as the Atridæ were Phrygians
+settled in Europe. For the history of Ilium the reader may conveniently
+consult the work of Chandler, in 4to. 1802.
+
+[440] Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade, tome 2. c. 5, 6.
+
+[441] A monument of the same kind is seen on the summit of the hill above
+the lower European castle of the Dardanells, and another at the upper
+European castle. The latter has been clearly described as the Cynossema
+or tomb of Hecuba (Strabo, p. 595); the former as the monument of
+Protesilaus, near Elæus. Herodot. l. 9. c. 116. Philostr. Heroic. c. 2.
+
+[442]
+
+ Κρουνὼ δ’ ἵκανον καλιῤῥόω, ἔνθα δὲ πηγαὶ
+ Δοιαὶ ἀναΐσσουσι Σκαμάνδρου δινήεντος·
+ Ἡ μὲν γὰρ θ’ ὕδατι λιαρῷ ῥέει, ἀμφὶ δὲ καπνὸς
+ Γίγνεται ἐξ αὐτῆς ὡσεὶ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο·
+ Ἡ δ’ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα χαλάζῃ
+ Ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ, ἢ ἐξ ὕδατος κρυστάλλῳ.
+
+ Il. X. v. 147.
+
+[443] Major Rennell quotes several observations, all of which make both
+the sources from 61° to 64° Fahr. Choiseul says that on the 10th Feb.
+he found the atmosphere at 10° Reaumur, the hot source at 22°, the cold
+source at 8°. Dubois from the 12th to 16th Jan. found the temperature
+of the single or hot source from 2° to 5° Reaumur higher than the air;
+and that of the Forty Fountains, from ½° to 1° below the heat of the
+air. Although I was several days in the Troas, I could not make any
+observations, from an accident which happened to my thermometer.
+
+[444] Strabo, p. 594. Demetrius visited New Ilium about the time that
+Antiochus the Great was defeated by the Romans—he was then a boy. He
+describes the town of New Ilium as being in a state of decline, and
+so poor that the houses were not covered with earthen tiles—ὥστε μηδὲ
+κεραμωτάς ἔχειν τὰς στέγας: meaning probably that they were covered with
+what are called in modern Greek πλάκες, generally made of schistose
+limestone.
+
+[445] That Troy was totally ruined and abandoned as early as the time
+of the poet, is evident from his expressions in many parts both of the
+Ilias and Odysseia. That it continued to be an uninhabited place was the
+general opinion of all antiquity.
+
+[446] Strabo, p. 601. The Lydians are here called semibarbarous in the
+Greek sense—as using a language and writing not Greek, and yet bearing a
+great resemblance to it.
+
+[447] Herodot. l. 5. c. 94. Strabo, p. 599.
+
+[448] The Pisistratidæ lived at Sigeium after their exile from Athens.
+Herodot. l. 5. c. 65.
+
+[449] Ælian. Var. Hist. l. 13. c. 14.—Pausan. Achaic. c. 26.—Cicero de
+Orat. l. 3. c. 34.—Epig. in Anthol. l. 4. c. 4.
+
+[450] Strabo, p. 593.
+
+[451] Thucydides (l. 1. c. 7.) has remarked the effect of the progress of
+Grecian society, in moving the settlements of the Greeks nearer to the
+sea-coast.
+
+[452] Ἰλιεῖς. This word is never used by Homer, who always calls the
+people Trojans, Τρῶες.
+
+[453] Strabo, pp. 593, 600.
+
+[454] Hellanicus of Lesbus. Ἑλλάνικος χαριζόμενος τοῖς Ἰλιεῦσιν, &c.
+Strabo, p. 602.
+
+[455] Strabo, p. 599.
+
+[456] He says that the greater part of the actions described by the poet
+were fought in the Scamandrian plain (or Trojan properly so called):
+and there, he adds, the Ilienses _point out_ the Erineus, the tomb of
+Æsyetes, Batieia, and the tomb of Ilus—τοὺς ὀνομαζομένους τόπους ἐνταῦθα
+δεικνυμένους ὁρῶμεν, τὸν Ἐρινεὸν &c. Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.
+
+[457] Strabo, p. 602. A passage in the 12th book of the Ilias (v. 20.)
+has been adduced in favour of the opinion that the Mendere was the
+Scamander of Homer; because the description there given of the origin
+of the Scamander in Mount Ida, will better apply to the Mendere than to
+the Bunárbashi stream, which rises on the edge of the plain. But the
+same passage makes the Granicus and Æsepus concur with the Scamander and
+Simoeis in the destruction of the Grecian rampart, though they flow in an
+opposite direction and fall into the Propontis,—an absurdity which must
+destroy the geographical authority of the passage, if indeed it be not
+spurious.
+
+[458] It is not easy to distinguish the opinions and observations of
+Strabo from those which he has copied from Demetrius. In general,
+however, it may be supposed that Strabo had seen little of the Troas
+himself, and that he therefore followed Demetrius, as a native and a
+copious writer on the subject. But there is reason to think that even
+Demetrius saw little of the Troas after his early youth.
+
+[459] Strabo, p. 598.
+
+[460] So called from the ruins of an aqueduct upon arches (καμάρες) which
+crosses the bed of the river. This aqueduct probably conveyed water from
+Mount Ida to New Ilium.
+
+[461] Demet. ap. Strab. p. 602.
+
+[462] Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.
+
+[463] Scamander, Mæander and Mendere,—which last is now applied by the
+Turks to three of the rivers of Asia Minor,—seem all to belong to the
+ancient language of the country, before the introduction of Greek.
+Scamander may be Sca-Mæander, Sca being perhaps a distinctive prefix to
+the Trojan Mæander. And the Σκαιαὶ πύλαι may have received its name from
+the same word.
+
+[464] A part of the old bed is still to be seen in going from Bunárbashi
+to Tshiblak.
+
+[465] This has been admitted by nearly all the writers on the Trojan
+question, but has been stated with particular clearness by Major Rennell
+(Observations, Sect. IV.). I shall therefore merely cite the verse of
+Homer, which furnishes the direct proof.
+
+ ... Ἕκτωρ
+ ... μάχης ἐπ’ ἀριστερὰ μάρνατο πάσης,
+ Ὄχθας πὰρ ποταμοῖο Σκαμάνδρου....
+
+ Il. Λ. v. 497.
+
+It is almost unnecessary to add, that the poet here, as elsewhere, speaks
+of the left of the Greeks. Hector was opposed to Ajax, whose station was
+on the Greek left.
+
+[466] Strabo, p. 597, 598.
+
+[467] In the time of Strabo (or Demetrius) the mouth of the river was 20
+stades distant from New Ilium: it has now moved still further west, and
+joins the sea close to Kum-Kale. The small harbour under Intepe (or the
+tomb of Ajax) is the modern representative of the portus Achæorum, which
+was the port of New Ilium, and the nearest point of the coast to that
+city. Strabo, p. 598. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30. Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c.
+18. Naustathmum was near the place where the river joined the sea in the
+time of the geographer.
+
+[468] Strabo says 12 stadia; Pliny, 1500 Roman paces.
+
+[469] Hestiæa ap. Strab. p. 599.
+
+[470] A late writer on the Trojan question (Mr. Maclaren) particularly
+insists on this supposed error, and conceives the sandy point of Kum Kale
+to be nearly in the same state as it was in the Trojan war; founding his
+opinion chiefly on the rapidity of the current of the Hellespont, which
+must, he thinks, have carried away the soil almost as quickly as it was
+brought down. But the cape of new formation which lies between Kum Kale
+and Intepe is surely a proof that the current has had no such effect; and
+in fact every one who has navigated the Hellespont knows that there is
+a strong counter current along the two shores, the effect of which has
+probably contributed to form that cape. Strabo (p. 599.) has collected
+the passages of Homer which support his opinion that Troy stood far from
+the sea; and these alone seem fatal to the new hypothesis brought forward
+by the author just alluded to—that of its position at New Ilium.
+
+[471]
+
+ Οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδ’, εὐρύς περ ἐὼν, ἐδυνήσατο πάσας
+ Αἰγιαλὸς νῆας χαδέειν· στείνοντο δὲ λαοί·
+ Τῷ ῥὰ προκρόσσας ἔρυσαν, καὶ πλῆσαν ἁπάσης
+ Ἠϊόνος στόμα μακρὸν, ὅσον συνεέργαθον ἄκραι.
+
+ Il. Ξ. v. 33.
+
+[472] Thucydides (l. 1. c. 10.) verifies our copies of the catalogue by
+remarking that the total number of ships was 1200.
+
+[473] In one passage (O. 676) the poet seems to represent Ajax as
+striding from ship to ship: but if some of the vessels were so closely
+arranged as to have admitted of such an action, a greater width must have
+been necessary between the divisions than if each vessel was isolated: so
+that in either case the _entire_ space required will be nearly the same.
+
+[474] Il. Η. v. 467.
+
+[475] About one hundred thousand is the result of the calculation of
+Thucydides; and the extent of country from which the army was collected
+will hardly allow of a smaller number. We may admit, however, with the
+historian, that a large part of them was always absent collecting plunder
+and provisions.
+
+[476] Polyb. l. 6. c. 27, &c. See Lipsius de Mil. Rom. l. 5.
+
+[477] στείνοντο δὲ λαοί. These words, however, seem more to relate to the
+unusual and somewhat dangerous expedient of doubling the ranks of ships,
+in consequence of the narrowness of the beach, than to the crowded state
+of the army in general.
+
+[478] Il. Ε. v. 791.
+
+[479] Ζ. v. 256, 435.
+
+[480] Η. v. 282.
+
+[481] Λ. v. 86.
+
+[482] Λ. v. 170.
+
+[483] Σ. v. 239.
+
+[484] Il. Ε. v. 303. Υ. v. 286.
+
+[485] Θ. v. 222.
+
+[486] Π. v. 77.
+
+[487] Γ. v. 178.
+
+[488] Il. Χ. v. 131.
+
+[489] Il. Β. 508. Ζ. 327. Π. 448. Σ. 279.
+
+[490] Il. Γ. 395. Θ. 499. Μ. 115. Ν. 724. Σ. 174. Ψ. 64, 297.
+
+[491] Il. Ν. 625.
+
+[492] Il. Δ. 508. Ζ. 512. Ε. 460. Χ. 411. Ω. 700.
+
+[493] Strabo, p. 599.
+
+[494] Χ. v. 165.
+
+[495] These Periplus are: 1. By Arrian, governor of Cappadocia under
+Hadrian. 2. By Marcian of Heraclia Pontica, who is supposed to have lived
+about a century later than Arrian. And, 3. By an anonymous author, who
+has collected his information from the two former, and from some other
+sources. He is of a much later date than the two others, as appears from
+the names of his own time, which he has annexed to some of the ancient
+names, and by the miles which he has subjoined to the stades.
+
+[496] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1. Hierocl. Synecd. p. 694. Notit. Episc. Græc.
+
+[497] Pausan. Arcad. c. 9. Stephan. in Βιθύνιον.
+
+[498] From Mantineia in Arcadia. Pausan. ibid.
+
+[499] Itin. Anton. p. 200.
+
+[500] Strabo, p. 562.
+
+[501] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4. Justinian. Novel. 29. c. 1.
+
+[502] See the Note on Σόρα in Hieroc. Synec. p. 695. ed. Wess.
+
+[503] Anna Comn. l. 7. p. 206. Nicet. in Joan. Comn. Chalcocond. l. 9. p.
+259.
+
+[504] Artemid. ap. Strab. p. 663.
+
+[505] Gesta Dei per Francos.
+
+[506] Procop. Hist. Secr. c. 30.
+
+[507] In each interval that might be traversed by a foot passenger in
+a day, there were several inns, and at each inn 40 horses and as many
+grooms,—so that a courier could perform in one day a distance equal to
+ten pedestrian journeys. Justinian substituted asses for horses, and left
+only one inn, where before there had been from five to eight.
+
+[508] Nicephor. Callist. l. 7. c. 49.
+
+[509] Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.
+
+[510] Ann. Comn. p. 312.
+
+[511] For the details of the theatre of Side, from the drawings of Mr.
+Cockerell, see the Karamania of Captain Beaufort.—The theatre of Side is
+of the largest size, and is in better preservation than any in Asia Minor.
+
+[512] The reader will perceive from the plan of the theatre of Myra, that
+when the segment was very great, the ends of the cavea were directed not
+upon the centre of the orchestra, but upon a point nearer to the scene.
+
+[513] The form of the Asiatic Greek theatre is exemplified in the
+annexed plans of Patara and Myra, and in that of Hierapolis, given in a
+succeeding note.
+
+[514] Vitruv. l. 5. c. 6, 7.
+
+[515] The lower B in the plan and section of the theatre of Patara
+annexed.
+
+[516] See Ionian Antiquities, vol. 2. pl. 49.
+
+[517] Perhaps the theatre of Laodiceia was accommodated to the Roman mode
+of construction, when that city became the seat of the Roman government
+in Asia, and when the stadium was converted into an amphitheatre in the
+Roman fashion. See page 245.
+
+[518] Topography of Athens, sect. 4.
+
+[519] Those marked [519] are so much ruined, that it is difficult to
+procure an exact measurement.
+
+[520] See note [519] in the preceding page.
+
+[521] In Asia Minor there still exist Odeia at Laodiceia and Anemurium.
+
+[522] Vopisc. in Aurelian.
+
+[523] Sericum ad usus antehac nobilium nunc etiam inferiorum sine ulla
+discretione. Ammian. l. 23. c. 6. Although silken garments were then
+so common, Ammianus still describes silk, as Virgil and Pliny had done
+three centuries earlier, as a sort of woolly substance (lanugo, canities
+frondium) which was _combed_ from a tree in China.
+
+[524] See Arbuthnot on Ancient Weights, &c.
+
+[525] See Romé de l’Isle, Métrologie, &c.
+
+[526] i.e. one Italian sextarius cost 24 denarii. The sextarius or
+sextarium was in general use among the Greeks under the Roman Government.
+The Greek sextarius contained 15 ounces of oil or 16 of water. Galen de
+Comp. Med. l. 1.—L. Pætus ap. Græv. Thes. vol. 11.
+
+[527] Conditum, wine mixed with various ingredients; in the Apsinthium
+the prevailing ingredient was wormwood, and in the Rhosatum roses.
+Apicius, l. 1, has given us the receipt for making these three mixtures.
+
+[528] (Oleum) quod post molam primum est, flos. Plin. H. N. l. 15. c. 6.
+ed. Harduin.
+
+[529] Cibarium, the most ordinary kind of oil used by soldiers, &c., and
+made from the refuse of the olives. Columella, l. 12. c. 50.
+
+[530] Raphaninum, oil of coleseed, or rape. Plin. H. N. l. 23. c. 49.
+Dioscor. l. 1. c. 41.
+
+[531] Liquamen: this favourite condiment, also called Garum, as having
+been originally obtained from the fish garum, was made by throwing salt
+on the entrails of fish, exposing the mixture to the sun for some time,
+and then separating the liquid part. This liquor was the liquamen: the
+residue was called Alec. Geopon. l. 20. c. ult. Plin. H. N. l. 31. c.
+43. There were other kinds of liquamen less commonly used, which are
+described by Apicius.
+
+[532] M̊ was the usual note for modius or modium, the dry measure in most
+common use in the time of the Roman Empire, from whence the use of the
+word passed into Italy and France and became the moggio and muid. The
+sextarius in like manner became the setier. Here appear to be two modia,
+that for salt preceded by F, and that for grain preceded by K. I am
+unable to discover the meaning of this distinction.
+
+[533] Sal conditum, salt mixed with drugs of several kinds and used for
+medicinal purposes. Apic. l. 1. c. 27.
+
+[534] Perhaps mel phœnicinum, the debs or date honey of Egypt and Arabia.
+
+[535] One Italian pound.
+
+[536] Vulva virginis porcellæ. Apicius calls it vulva sterilis, to
+distinguish it from the sumen. For the mode of dressing these two famous
+dainties see Apicius l. 7.
+
+[537] Sumen—abdomen suis cum ubere. Optimum uno die post partum. Plin. H.
+N. l. 11. c. 84.
+
+[538] Ficatum, in Greek συκωτὸν, hog’s liver enlarged by a particular
+mode of fatting. The word was originally derived from the fatting of
+geese with figs for a similar purpose—ficis pastum jecur anseris albi.
+Hor. It was said to have been the invention of the first Apicius, who
+lived in the time of the Republic, and whose name was assumed by some
+other subsequent professors of the culinary art. Apicius Cœlius, whose
+work is extant, appears, from the names and descriptions which he gives
+to some of the dishes or sauces, to have lived not long after the reign
+of Elagabalus. See the preface to the edition of Apicius, by Dr. Lister,
+physician to Queen Anne. From ficatum, συκωτὸν, are derived the Italian
+and modern Greek words fegato, συκότι, used for liver in general.
+
+[539] Fumosæ cum pede pernæ, Hor. Petaso and perna appear, from Athenæus,
+to have been synonymous, πετασῶνος, ἣν πέρναν καλοῦσι (l. 14. c. 21.).
+Perna was perhaps more particularly the ham, and petaso every part of the
+hog similarly cured. Laridum or lardum was the fat part of the bacon.
+Menapica was the ham of Westphalia, Ceritana that of the Cerdagne in the
+Pyrenees, the excellence of which is attested by Strabo (p. 162).
+
+[540] Marsicæ, sc. pernæ. This being of the same price as the two former
+was probably a foreign ham also; not from the Marsi of Italy, but from
+the Marsi near the mouth of the Rhine.
+
+[541] Ungellæ—ungulæ suum et pedes, Apic. l. 4. c. 7. Aqualiculum—venter
+porcinus; for the mode of dressing it see Apicius, l. 7. c. 7.
+
+[542] Apicius has described the mode of making isicia as well of pork
+as of birds, shell-fish, &c. They consisted of the meat minced with a
+variety of condiments, and were made either into tessellæ, square cakes,
+or wrapt in a bay leaf; and sometimes they were omentata or inclosed in a
+membrane like our sausages. It appears from this inscription that their
+common size was about an ounce in weight. The Turkish dolma inclosed in
+a vine leaf seems to be a lineal descendant of the isicium. From salsum
+isicium is derived the Italian salsiccio, and thence saucisse and sausage.
+
+[543] Lucanicæ, sausages of a particular kind, originally from Lucania,
+which was famous for its pork. Apicius (l. 2. c. 4.) has described the
+mode of making the Lucanicæ.
+
+[544] The Roman mode of dressing all the birds, game, &c. in the
+preceding list may be seen in Apicius.
+
+[545] Pisces aspratiles, quales sunt merulæ, scaurus.... De piscibus
+generaliter quales invenias albos carnes habentes, quod genus sunt
+aspratiles ... omnem aspratilem piscem, ut sunt lupi, corvi. Plin.
+Valerian. de Re Med. l. 5. Fish caught in deep water and near rocky
+shores. The word aspratilis is not found in authors of a better time, who
+use saxatilis with the same meaning. See Pliny, Columella.
+
+[546] Sphondili. Apic. l. 9. c. 14.
+
+[547] Sagenici, from σαγήνη, whence the English word sein: in Latin it
+was called everriculum, and served to catch the small fish eaten only by
+the common people, or given as food to the choice fish which some of the
+rich Romans kept in piscinæ. See Varro de Re Rust. l. 3. c. 17.
+
+[548] Cimæ. Apic.—Cymæ. Plin. Columel. The small tender shoots of the
+cabbage. See Plin. H. N. l. 19. c. 41.
+
+[549] Here and in two other instances below, we find the beginning of the
+change of viridis into the Italian verde.
+
+[550] Sisinarii, perhaps the same as Cinaræ, artichokes.
+
+[551] Ruscus, in English, butcher’s broom; it puts forth many tender
+shoots in the spring, which were eaten like asparagus. Dioscor. l. 4. c.
+146.
+
+[552] Sicale, in French seigle, rye. The name of this grain, written
+secale, by Pliny, is here in the state of transition to the σίκαλις,
+sigalis, sigalum, &c. of the middle ages. The synonymous _Centenum_ I
+have not found in any author; it seems to have been derived from the
+prolific nature of the grain, which was supposed to yield a hundred-fold.
+Secale ... nascitur qualicunque solo cum centesimo grano. Plin. H. N. l.
+18. c. 40.
+
+[553] Milii pisti and milii integri formed into single words like
+Piscisalsi above.
+
+[554] The grain still called panico in Italy.
+
+[555] Scandula. Vegetius, l. 2. c. 23.
+
+[556] Fabæ fressæ and fabæ non fressæ are expressions of low Latinity for
+fabæ fractæ and fabæ solidæ, as panicii and lenticlæ are terms of the
+same period for panici and lenticulæ.
+
+[557] Oloserica, a cloth entirely silken—subserica, that in which the
+warp only was of silk. For the several articles of dress in this list see
+the writers de Re Vestiaria in the 6th volume of Grævii Thesaurus.
+
+[558] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 36. c. 4, 6.
+
+[559] In the neighbouring province of Lycia, genealogy was reckoned by
+the female side in preference to the male. Herodot. l. 1. c. 173.
+
+[560] Strabo, p. 656. Arrian, l. 1. c. 23.
+
+[561] At Alexandria Troas and Ephesus. For their plans see Antiquities of
+Ionia, part 2, pl. 40, 54.
+
+[562] Peyssonel, in a rude drawing of the temple made in the year 1750,
+represents six columns and a part of the cell standing. Three of the
+columns were surmounted by an entablature.
+
+[563] The reasons which Mr. Cockerell here gives for believing that
+the temple of Sardes was a building of very high antiquity, render it
+probable that it was the work of one of the kings, or perhaps of several
+successive kings, of the Lydian dynasty; which began under Gyges in
+715, B.C., and ended with the capture of Sardes by Cyrus in 545. It
+was undoubtedly in the same period, when the power and opulence of
+Samus were at their height, that the magnificent temple of Juno in that
+island was constructed; and it was probably about the same time that the
+inhabitants of the little island of Ægina, which was then sufficiently
+powerful to rival Samus and even Athens, constructed the temple of
+Jupiter Panellenius. The temple of Sardes was burnt by the Ionians in the
+year 503. It may have been repaired, but it is not probable that it was
+entirely rebuilt after that misfortune.
+
+[564] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 16. c. 79. l. 36. c. 21, 56. Strabo, p. 640.
+Vitruv. præf. in l. 7.
+
+[565] “Dipteros autem octastylos et pronao et postico, sed circa ædem
+duplices habet ordines columnarum sicut est ædes Quirini Dorica, et
+Ephesiæ Dianæ Ionica a Chersiphrone constituta.” Vitr. l. 3. c. 2.
+
+Such is his definition of the dipterus which he confines to octastyle
+temples; although we find that all the _decastyle_ temples in existence
+are dipteral, that is to say, that they have a double range of columns
+round the cell. In like manner he defines the peripteri as having six
+columns in front, though all temples with a greater number of columns in
+front are in fact peripteral, or having a cell surrounded with columns.
+Thus also he defines the hypæthri as temples having ten columns in front,
+though we know that the Parthenon and the temple of Delphi, neither of
+which had so many columns, were hypæthral, or with a part of the cella
+open to the sky. But, in truth, Vitruvius himself often forgets his own
+definitions, and uses the Greek terms just mentioned according to their
+real meaning.
+
+[566] Meaning the largest Greek temple; for in the other passage just
+alluded to, he names it for the purpose of adding that it was smaller
+than the labyrinth of Mœris in Egypt. Herod. l. 2. c. 148. l. 3. c. 60.
+
+[567] The fluting under the capital forming part of the same block as
+the capital, was executed, together with it, before the column was
+erected—the remainder of the fluting was the last operation after the
+columns were erected; and hence it happens that we so often find the
+columns of Greek buildings fluted only under the capitals. The time and
+labour required for the fluting finished with that perfection which the
+Greeks required, were so great that it was often deferred until political
+circumstances no longer admitted of its execution; the temple meantime
+being complete, with the exception of this ornament. Almost all the great
+edifices of antiquity attest that such immense undertakings are seldom
+ever finished.
+
+[568] Vitruv. l. 3. c. 3. l. 7. præf. Jocundus, in his edition of
+Vitruvius, reads octastylus; but all the best manuscripts have hexastylon
+or exastylon. See Schneider’s Note.
+
+[569] It is probable that the observations of Vitruvius on the eustylus
+and pseudodipterus contain merely the ideas and names of Hermogenes, made
+into a system; and that no other examples of these two classes were known
+to Vitruvius than the temples of Teos and Magnesia. Selinus destroyed by
+the Carthaginians was perhaps in his time nearly in the same shapeless
+state of ruin that it is now.
+
+[570] Plin. H. N. l. 36. c. 22. Dion. Cass. l. 70. ad fin. Dio says the
+columns were τετραόργυιοι μεν πάχος, ὕψος δε πεντήκοντα πηχέων, ἕκαστος
+πέτρας μιᾶς, a description which, _if true_, justifies his assertion,
+that the temple was the largest in existence.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX.
+
+
+ Acmonia, 167
+
+ Adália, town and port of, 133.
+ The ancient Attaleia, 193.
+ Geographical remarks on the ancient places on the road from Adalia
+ to Shugut, 144-170
+
+ Ægæ, or Ayás, site of, 208
+
+ Agameia, town and port of, 276
+
+ Agmonia, 25 _note_
+
+ Ak-serai, 75
+
+ Ak-shehr, the ancient Jullæ or Juliopolis, 59
+
+ Alabanda, investigation of the site of, 230-236
+
+ Aladan river, the Scopas of ancient geographers, 80
+
+ Alara village, 129.
+ Fortified hill of, 130.
+ Probably the ancient Ptolemais, 197
+
+ Alaya, town and port, history and present state of, 125, 126.
+ Journey thence to Alara, 129
+
+ Aleium Plain, 180, 215
+
+ Alexandria Troas, 273
+
+ Alibey Kiúi, village, 95
+
+ Allah-Shehr, 25
+
+ Altun Tash, village, 139.
+ Route thence to Kutáya, 140
+
+ Aludda, 25 _note_, 167
+
+ Amanus, Mount, remarks on the passes of, 209, 210
+
+ Amorium, ancient history and site of, 86-88
+
+ Amyzon, ruins of, 237, 238
+
+ Anaxia, 197
+
+ Anazarba, 218
+
+ Anchiale, 179.
+ Historical notice of, 214
+
+ Ancyra, 90 _note_.
+ Various itineraries to and from that place, 72, 73.
+ Probable site, 168, 169
+
+ Andabilis, site of, ascertained, 74
+
+ Andriace, or Andráki, the port of Myra, 183
+
+ Anemurium, or Anamúr, 178, 199, 200
+
+ Antiocheia of Pisidia, remarks on the Roman road to, from Apameia,
+ 163, 164
+
+ Antiocheia in Cilicia, site of, 218.
+ In Caria, 249
+
+ Antiphellus, notice of the ruins of, 127, 185
+
+ Antonine Itinerary, illustrations of, 25 _note_, 72, 73, 74.
+ Most to be depended on, 75.
+ Corrected, 82
+
+ Apameia Cibotus, summary of ancient evidences for determining the
+ site of, 156-162.
+ Its probable site, 26.
+ Remarks on the Roman road from Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia,
+ 163, 164
+ —to Synnada, 164, 165;
+ and to Dorylæum, 165, 166
+
+ Aperlæ, 188
+
+ Aphrodisias, or the city of Venus, 204.
+ Its probable site, 250
+
+ Apollonia, probable site of, 163, 164
+
+ Arabissar, the probable site of Alabanda, 233, 234
+
+ Archalla, site of, 65
+
+ Archelaium or Arcelaio, 25
+
+ Archelais, site of, 75.
+ Itineraries to and from thence, 73
+
+ Argæus, Mount, 45
+
+ Argennum, Cape, 263
+
+ Arkhut-khan, 42
+
+ Arsinoe, 178.
+ Its probable site, 201, 202
+
+ Arycanda, site of, 187
+
+ Arycandus river, 187
+
+ Ascania, Lake, the modern Burdur, 145, 146
+
+ Ascanius, Lake, scenery of, described, 7, 8
+
+ Asia Minor, physico-geographical structure of the _central part_ of,
+ 51, 52, 91, 92.
+ Illustrations of its ancient political and progressive geography,
+ 51, 53-90.
+ On the ancient places on the _southern_ coast of Asia Minor,
+ 170-218.
+ Comparative geography of the _western_ and _northern_ parts of Asia
+ Minor, 219-312
+
+ Attaleia, city, notice of, 175.
+ Remarks on its geographical situation, as stated by Strabo, 192, 193
+
+ Augæ, 197
+
+ Axylus, region of, 65;
+ described, 66
+
+ Azanitis, district, 168
+
+
+ Baiæ, or Bayás, site of, 208
+
+ Bargylia, site of, 229
+
+ Beiad, the ancient Beudos Vetus, 56
+
+ Beriám-Kalesi, ancient ruins at, 128
+
+ Bidjikli, 133, 134
+
+ Bithynia, notice of the principal places in, 307
+
+ Bithynium, site of, 309
+
+ Branchidæ, curious inscription in boustrophedon at, 239, 240, _notes_.
+ Proportions of the temple of Apollo Didymeus at, 348
+
+ Bulwudún, village, notice of, 37.
+ Journey thence to Ak-shehr, _ibid._, 38-40.
+ Stands on the site of the ancient Πολυβοτὸν, 53
+
+ Burdur, town and salt lake of, 137, 138.
+ Road thence to Ketsiburlu described, 138.
+ —The lake of Burdur the Ascania of ancient geographers, 145, 146
+
+ Butshuklu, town, notice of, 135
+
+
+ Cabalis, 147
+
+ Caballucome, 90
+
+ Cadi, probable site of, 169
+
+ Cæsareia, site of, 271
+
+ Caicus river, course of, 269.
+ Notice of principal places in the valley of the Caicus, 269-272
+
+ Calycadnus river, 111.
+ Valley of the Calycadnus, 116
+
+ Cappadocia, one of the prefectures of, why called Cilicia, 63, 64.
+ Cappadocia Antiochiana, 65
+
+ Carallis or Caralleia, site of, 69
+
+ Caramanian mountaineers, condition of, 113
+
+ Caria, notice of the principal places in, 229-254
+
+ Carmylessus, 173, 182
+
+ Carura, city and hot baths of, 251
+
+ Caryanda, island, now a peninsula, 227, 228
+
+ Castabala, 64
+
+ Castel Rosso, island, present state of, 127.
+ Inscription found there, 184 _note_
+
+ Catacombs of Doganlu described, 22, 23, 34, 35.
+ Remarks on the sculpture thereon, 26-28.
+ And inscriptions, 29, 30.
+ One of these catacombs the tomb of Midas, 30-33
+
+ Catarrhactes, river, 159, 175, 191
+
+ Cavaliere, Cape, 205
+
+ Caystrus, notice of towns in the valley of the, 256-258
+
+ Cebrenia, site of, 274
+
+ Celænæ, 156, 158
+
+ Celenderis, remains of, described, 115, 116
+
+ Ceryneia, site of, 118
+
+ Cestrus, river, 175, 194
+
+ Chalcetor, site of, 237
+
+ Charadrus, 177, 199
+
+ Chelidoniæ Islands, 174, 185
+
+ Christians of Asia Minor, condition of, 7
+
+ Cibyra, site of, 148.
+ Cibyra minor, vestiges of, noticed, 196
+
+ Cibyratis, district of, 147
+
+ Cilicia and the Cilician Taurus, 63, 64.
+ Description of by Ammianus, 319.
+ Towns in the district of Cilicia Tracheia, 116, 117.
+ Strabo’s description of Cilicia Tracheia (or rugged) and Pedias (or
+ plain), 176-180.
+ Geographical Illustrations of it, 197-218
+
+ Cissides, promontory of, 182
+
+ Cisthene, island, 173, 184
+
+ Clanudda, 25 _note_
+
+ Claudiopolis, site of, 117, 319
+
+ Climax, Mount, passage of, by Alexander, 174, 175, 190
+
+ Cnidus, ruins and inscription at, 226 _note_
+
+ Colossæ, site of, 254, 255
+
+ Conni, or Conna, 25 _note_.
+ Probable site of, 166
+
+ Coracesium, historical notice of, 177, 197, 198
+
+ Cormasa, 155
+
+ Corycus, coast of, 174, 189.
+ Promontory, 178.
+ Now an island, 212.
+ Port, 262, 263
+
+ Corydalla, 184
+
+ Cotyaeium, 24, 145, 167
+
+ Cragus, mount, 173, 182, 177, 199
+
+ Crambusa, island, 174, 189
+
+ Cressa, harbour, 222, 223
+
+ Cretopolis, 149
+
+ Crusaders, march of, illustrated, 313-318
+
+ Cuballum, 89
+
+ Cyana, 188
+
+ Cybebe, plan of the temple of, at Sardes, with observations, 342-346
+
+ Cybistra, site of, ascertained, 63
+
+ Cydnus, river, course of, 214
+
+ Cydrara, probable site of, 251
+
+ Cyprus, island, passage to, 118.
+ Town and port of Tzerina, ib.
+ Journey thence to Lefkosía, 119-121.
+ To Lárnaka, 121.
+ Return to Tzerina, 122.
+
+ Cyssus, port, site of, 262, 263
+
+ Cyzicus, site of, 260
+
+
+ Dacibyza, or Δακίβυζα, site of, determined, 9
+
+ Dana, the same as the ancient Tyana, 61.
+ Ruins of this place, 62
+
+ D’Anville, mistake of, corrected, 41, 55
+
+ Dashashéhr, village of, 131
+
+ Dil, ferry of, 5.
+ This place how formed, 10
+
+ Dinglar, the probable site of the ancient Celænæ, 156-158
+
+ Diocæsareia, probable site of, 117
+
+ Docimia, 25.
+ Site and quarries of, 54, 55
+
+ Dogan-hissár, district of, 43
+
+ Doganlu, valley, catacombs of, 22, 23, 34, 35.
+ Remarks on the sculpture thereof, 26-28.
+ And on the inscriptions thereon, 29, 30, 31.
+ Date of the principal monument, 32
+
+ Dombai, valley and town of, 138.
+ The ancient Tabæ, 153.
+ Route thence to Sandukli described, 139
+
+ Doric Dialect, prevalence of, 227, 228, _notes_
+
+ Dorileo, 25 _note_
+
+ Dorylæum, plain and river of, 18, 19, 317.
+ Site of this town determined, 19.
+ Remarks on the Roman road thither, from Apameia Cibotus, 165, 166.
+ And from Dorylæum to Philadelpheia, 167-169
+
+ Draco, river, course of, ascertained, 9.
+ Disasters of the first crusaders among its passes, 10
+
+
+ Edrenús, site of, 272
+
+ Elæussa, 178.
+ Present state of this place, 213
+
+ Emír-dagh, mountainous range of, 66
+
+ Ephesus, temple of Diana at, 258.
+ Account of its relative proportions, 346, 347.
+ Why no remains of it are left, 259 _note_
+
+ Epiphaneia, city, site of, 217
+
+ Ergasteria, mines of, 271
+
+ Erkle, the ancient Archalla, 65
+
+ Ermenék, 117
+
+ Ermenék-su river, 111
+
+ Ersek, 10
+
+ Eski-hissar, 229
+
+ Eski-shehr, town of, 17
+ Stands on the site of the ancient Dorylæum, 18
+ Journey thence to Seid-el-Gházi, 20
+
+ Etenna, 149
+
+ Etennenses, 149
+
+ Eucarpia, 25 _note_.
+ Its probable site, 166
+
+ Eumeneia, site of, 156.
+ Inscription found there, 157 _note_
+
+ Eumenia, or Eumenia Pella, 25
+
+ Euphorbium, 165
+
+ Euromus, site of, 237
+
+ Eurymedon, river, 194
+
+ Eusebeia ad Taurum, site of, 61
+
+
+ Ferry of the Dil, 5
+
+ Fortifications, Turkish, notice of, 41
+
+
+ Gagæ, port, site of, 185, 186
+
+ Germa, or Yerma, 25
+
+ Germanicopolis, or Germanopolis, probable site of, 310, 311
+
+ Ghebse, or Givyza (town), notice of, 4, 5.
+ Description of the road thence to Kizderwént, 5-7.
+ Stands on the site of the ancient Dacibyza, 9
+
+ Glaucus, river, 157
+
+ Gulnar, village, 113.
+ Ancient ruins there described, 113, 114
+
+
+ Hadrianopolis, 271.
+ Its probable site, 309
+
+ Hamaxia, 177, 198
+
+ Hamaxitus, site of, 273
+
+ Harpasa, town, probable site of, 249
+
+ Harpasus, river, course of, 249
+
+ Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, tomb of, 50
+
+ Helenopolis, 10, 314, 315
+
+ Heracleia, site of, 237.
+ Ruins of, 238, 239
+
+ Hermus, river, course of, 169, 266-268.
+ Principal places in the valley of Hermus, 264, 265
+
+ Hierapolis, ruins of, 252, 253.
+ Plan of the theatre and palæstra of, 341
+
+ Hierus, river, 80
+
+ Homer’s account of the Grecian encampment against Troy elucidated,
+ 298-302.
+ And of the pursuit of Hector by Achilles, 303-305
+
+ Hypæpa, site of, 256
+
+
+ Ilgún, village, 42.
+ Stands on the site of the ancient Philomelium, 59.
+ Its lake, the Trogitis of Strabo, 69
+
+ Ilistra, 102
+
+ Ilienses, village of, 275
+
+ Ilium, new, site of, 275
+
+ Inekbazar, the site of the ancient Magnesia, 243-248
+
+ In-óghi, village, 142.
+ Journey thence to Shughut, 143
+
+ Inscription, near Seid-el-Gházi, 20.
+ On the sculptured rock of Doganlu, 30, 31.
+ At Ladik, 44.
+ At Karamán, 100.
+ At Eumeneia, 157 _note_.
+ At Castel Rosso, 184 _note_.
+ In the ruins of Olympus, 186 _note_ [229].
+ At Ródos, 224 _note_.
+ At Cnidus, 226 _note_.
+ Of Stratoniceia, 229, 329-331.
+ At Mylasa, 338.
+ In boustrophedon at Branchidæ, 239, 240, _notes_.
+ At Olympia, 240 _note_, 241 _note_.
+ At Magnesia, 245, 246, _notes_.
+ At Nysa, 339, 340
+
+ Ionia, notice of the principal places on the coast of, 260-264
+
+ Isaklú, district and village of, described, 38-40
+
+ Isionda, 153
+
+ Isium, tower of, 187
+
+ Isnik, or Nicæa, present state of, 11.
+ Journey thence to Lefke, 12
+
+ Itineraries, ancient, illustrated, 25 _note_, 67, 69, 72-74, 76-78,
+ 87, 154-170
+
+
+ Jerusalem Itinerary, illustrations of, 72, 73, 74
+
+ Jullæ, or Juliopolis, 25 _note_.
+ Its site ascertained, 59.
+ Origin of its name, 78, 79.
+ Its situation described, 79, 80.
+ Its commercial and political advantages, 81.
+ Its distance from Nicæa, 72.
+ Distance of Ancyra from Juliopolis, _ibid._
+
+
+ Kadún Kiúi, or Kanun-haná, village, 43
+
+ Kákava, 127
+
+ Karáburnu, cape, 196
+
+ Kara-dagh, or the Black Mountain, 45, 95
+
+ Karahissár, the site of the ancient Cybistra, 63
+
+ Karajeli, the ancient Coralis, or Caralis, 69
+
+ Karamán, mountains of, 45.
+ Plain of, 97.
+ The town of Karamán described, 98, 99
+
+ Karamania, description of, translated from Strabo, 173, 180.
+ Illustrations of it, 181-218
+
+ Kassabá, village, described, 95, 96.
+ Journey thence to Karamán, 96
+
+ Καστελόρυζον, island, notice of, 127
+
+ Kelénderi, ruins of, 115, 116
+
+ Ketsiburlu, 138.
+ The ancient Apollonia probably situated near this place, 163, 164
+
+ Κίβυζα, notice of, 4, 5, 9
+
+ Kílisa Hissár, or the Castle of Kílisa, 61.
+ Stands on the site of the ancient Tyana, _ibid._
+ Ancient ruins of it, still in existence, 62
+
+ Kirmir, river, the Hierus of ancient geographers, 80
+
+ Kiúk-su, or Sky-blue river, 111
+
+ Kizderwént, or the pass of the Girls, description of, 6, 7
+
+ Kháradra, 123
+
+ Kodús, river, 169
+
+ Koehler (General), journey of, from Adália to Shugut, 127-143.
+ Geographical observations on the ancient places occurring in his
+ route, 144-170
+
+ Kónia, town, modern state of, 46.
+ Interview of the author with the Pasha of, 47, 48.
+ Description of the place, 49, 50.
+ Journey thence to Tshumra, 93, 94
+
+ Kosru Khan, 35.
+ Journey thence to Bulwudún, 36, 37.
+
+ Kutaya, the ancient Cotyaeium, mountain and town of, 145.
+ Journey thence to In-óghi, 141, 142.
+
+
+ Labranda, investigation of the site of, 230-234
+
+ Ladik-el-Tchaus, 43.
+ Ruins and antiquities there, 44.
+ Country around it described, 43.
+ Stands on the site of Laodiceia Combusta, 53
+
+ Laertes, fortress of, 177.
+ Its probable site, 199
+
+ Lagina, 230
+
+ Lakes of the central part of Asia Minor, 52.
+ Of the Forty Martyrs, 59.
+ Salt lake of Tatta, 70.
+ Of Burdur, 137, 138
+
+ Laodiceia ad Lycum, remarks on the Roman road from, to Perge, 154, 155
+
+ Laodiceia Combusta, or Laudicia Catacecaumeno, 25 and _note_.
+ Remains of, 44
+
+ Laranda, 98
+
+ Lárnaka, notice of, 122
+
+ Latmic Gulf, 239
+
+ Latmus, ruins of, 238, 239
+
+ Lefke, town, described, 12, 13
+
+ Lefkosía, or Λευκοσία, description of, 120, 121
+
+ Libyssa, site of, determined, 9
+
+ Limyra, site of, 186
+
+ Limyrus, river, 186, 187
+
+ Loryma, ruins of, 223
+
+ Lycaonia, limits of, 67.
+ Celebrated for its downs, _ibid._, 68
+
+ Lyrbe, 149
+
+ Lysinoe, probable site of, 151, 152
+
+ Lystra, probable site of, 102
+
+
+ Mæander, river, 158
+
+ Magnesia, site of, 243, 244.
+ Notice of its ruins, 245.
+ Proportions of the temple of Artemis Leucophryene at, 349, 350
+
+ Magydus, 194
+
+ Mallus, city, 180.
+ Site of, 216
+
+ Malsum, village, notice of, 5.
+ Stands on the site of the ancient Libyssa, 9
+
+ Manlius, the consul, march of, illustrated, 56-58, 89, 90
+
+ Marathesium, probable site of, 261
+
+ Marble, Phrygian, notice of, 36.
+ And of that of Synnada, 55
+
+ Marmora, sea of, 2
+
+ Marsyas, river, sources of, 159, 161 and _note_, 162.
+ Why called Catarrhactes, 159.
+ Another Marsyas. The same as the Tshina of modern times, 234-236
+
+ Megarsus, city, site of, 216
+
+ Megiste, island, 184
+
+ Melas, river, 176, 196, 206
+
+ Menavgát, town, notice of, 130, 131
+
+ Méndere, river, 139.
+ A branch of the Mæander, 153, 154, 164
+
+ Midaium, 24, 25
+
+ Midas, tomb of, ascertained, 31-33
+
+ Milyas, 147
+
+ Mopsucrene, 74
+
+ Mopsuestia, 180.
+ Historical notice of, 217
+
+ Mout, town and territory of, described, 107-109, 319.
+ Ruins in its vicinity, 106.
+ Its cemetery, 109.
+ Journey thence to Sheikh Amúr, 110-112
+
+ Mylæ, cape, 205
+
+ Mylasa, 230.
+ Copy of an ancient inscription there, 338
+
+ Myndus, site of, 228
+
+ Myra, 173.
+ Ruins of, 183.
+ Plan of its theatre, 321
+
+
+ Nagidus, historical notice and probable site of, 200, 201
+
+ Nacoleia, site of, determined, 24, 26.
+ Notice of this place, 24 _note_
+
+ Neapolis, probable site of, 261
+
+ Nephelis, promontory, 199, 200
+
+ Nicæa, ruins of, 10, 11.
+ Distance thence to Juliopolis, 72
+
+ Nysa, site of, 248.
+ Copies of ancient inscriptions found there, 339, 340
+
+
+ Obelisk of C. Cassius Philiscus, 8
+
+ Obrimas, river, 153, 154, 164
+
+ Olbasa, site of, 117
+
+ Olbe, 320
+
+ Olbia, 175.
+ Conjectures on its site, 190, 191, 192
+
+ Olympia, copy of inscription found at, 240, 241, _notes_
+
+ Olympus, site of, 189.
+ Copy of an inscription found there, 186 _note_ [229]
+
+ Orcaoryci, 88, 89
+
+ Orchestra of the Greek theatre, construction of, 322
+
+ Orcistus, notice of, 71
+
+ Orthography, Turkish, remarks on, 3 _note_ [17].
+ And on the modern Greek orthography, 4 _note_
+
+ Osman, tomb of, 15
+
+
+ Palæstra of Hierapolis, plan of, 341
+
+ Pamphylia, scenery of, described, 131-133
+
+ Pandíkhi, or Παντίχιον, village, 3, 8
+
+ Panionium, probable site of, 260, 261
+
+ Paphlagonia, notice of the principal places in, 308-312
+
+ Parnassus, distance from Ancyra to, 72.
+ And from Parnassus to Archelais, 73
+
+ Pastures of the central part of Asia Minor, 53
+
+ Patara, historical notice of, 182, 183.
+ Theatre of, 320.
+ Plan of it, 321
+
+ Pelasgi, the common source of the Etruscans and Greeks, 29 _note_.
+ Their architectural skill, _ibid._
+
+ Peræa of the Rhodii, historical notice of, 181.
+ Strabo’s description of it, 221, 222.
+ Illustrations of it, 222-226
+
+ Pergamum, ruins of, 266
+
+ Perge, illustration of the Roman road to, from Laodiceia ad Lycum,
+ 154, 155
+
+ Pessinus, 25.
+ Examination of its site, 82-86
+
+ Peutinger Itinerary, or table, illustrations of, 25 _note_, 69, 72,
+ 73.
+ Particularly of its routes across Mount Taurus, 76-78, 87.
+ From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge, 154, 155.
+ From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia, 156-164.
+ From Apameia to Synnada, 164, 165.
+ From Apameia to Dorylæum, 165-166.
+ From Dorylæum to Philadelphia, 167-170
+
+ Phanæ, port, site of, 264
+
+ Phaselis, 175, 190
+
+ Philadelphia, 25.
+ Its probable site, 117
+
+ Philomelium, site of, ascertained, 58, 59
+
+ Philomelo, 25 _note_
+
+ Phrygia, notices of the ancient history of, 32, 33.
+ Magnificent remains of ancient Phrygian art, described, 29-32, 33,
+ 34.
+ Topography of Phrygia Epictetus, 168, 169
+
+ Pityussa, island, 209
+
+ Pœcile, rock, 178.
+ Ancient ruins there, 209, 210
+
+ Πολυβοτὸν, site of, 53
+
+ Pompeiopolis of Cilicia, historical notice of, 213, 214.
+ Pompeiopolis of Paphlagonia, its probable site, 310
+
+ Poseidium, cape, 263
+
+ Potamia, site of, 310
+
+ Prices of various commodities, as fixed by one of the Roman Emperors,
+ table of, with illustrative remarks, 332-338
+
+ Priene, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, 352
+
+ Prince’s Islands, description of, 2
+
+ Ptolemais, 176
+
+ Pydnæ, 182
+
+ Pygela, probable site of, 261
+
+ Pylæ Ciliciæ, 62
+
+ Pyramus, river, 179.
+ Course of, 215
+
+
+ Rhodian Colonies, notice of, 225, 226
+
+ Rhodiopolis, 184
+
+ Rhœteium, probable site of, 275
+
+ Rhoge, island, 184
+
+ Rhope, island, 184
+
+ Ródos, ancient inscription at, 224 _note_
+
+ Ruins of Nicæa described, 10, 11.
+ At Besh-Kardash, 17.
+ At Ladík, (Laodiceia Combusta), 44.
+ At Kílisa Hissár, (the ancient Tyana), 62.
+ In the vicinity of Kassabá, 95.
+ Of ancient Derbe, 101.
+ At Mout, 106.
+ Of Celenderis, 115, 116.
+ At Kákava, 127.
+ Of Antiphellus, _ibid._
+ Of Telmissus, 128.
+ Of Assus, _ibid._
+ At Adália, 133.
+ Between Bidjikli and Karabunár Kiúi, 134.
+ Of Patara, 182.
+ Of Myra and Andriace, 183.
+ Of Elæussa, 213.
+ Of Pompeiopolis, 213.
+ Of Amyzon, 237, 238.
+ Of Latmus, or Heracleia, 238.
+ Of Priene and Branchidæ, 239, 240, _notes_.
+ Of Magnesia, 247.
+ Of Tralles, 246, 247.
+ Of Nysa, 248.
+ Of Laodiceia, 251, 252.
+ Of Hierapolis, 253.
+ Of Sardes, 265, 342-346.
+ Of Pergamum, 266
+
+
+ Sagalassus, or Selgessus, probable site of, 150
+
+ Sakaría, river, 12
+
+ Sandukli, 139
+
+ Samus, proportions of the temple of Juno at, 348
+
+ Sangarius, river, celebrated for its fish, 66 _note_ [73]
+
+ Sardes, ruins of, 265.
+ Described, 342-346
+
+ Saporda, 149
+
+ Sarpedonia, promontory of, 203, 204
+
+ Sarus, or Sihún, river, 215
+
+ Scamander, river, probable course of, 290
+
+ Scamandria, probable site of, 278
+
+ Scopas, river, 80
+
+ Scutarium, site of, determined, 8
+
+ Seid-el-Ghazi, village, 21.
+ Copy of an ancient inscription in its vicinity, 20.
+ Description of ancient catacombs near it, 22, 23
+
+ Sheikh Amúr, village, 113.
+ Journey thence to Gulnar, 113-115
+
+ Shugut, town, described, 15, 16.
+ Journey thence to Eski-Shehr, 17
+
+ Siberis river, 80
+
+ Side, 176.
+ Its present state, 195
+
+ Siderus, cape and harbour of, 189
+
+ Sigeium, site of, 276
+
+ Simena, site of, 188
+
+ Sinda, 152
+
+ Sitshanli, 139
+
+ Soli, city, 179
+
+ Solyma, Mount, 174, 189
+
+ Stadiasmus, or Periplus of Asia Minor, illustrations of, 181, 182,
+ 185-188, 191-201, 202-218
+
+ Stavros, 131
+
+ Strabo’s description of Karamania translated, 173-180.
+ Geographical illustrations of it, 181-218
+
+ Stratoniceia, site of, 229-230.
+ Different names of, 235 and _note_ [339].
+ Ancient inscription of, illustrated, 329-331
+
+ Sultán-hissár, the site of the ancient Nysa, 248
+
+ Surigis, or Turkish postillions, costume of, 38
+
+ Syedra, 177, 198
+
+ Synaus, probable site of, 169
+
+ Synnada, 25.
+ Its site ascertained, 54-58.
+ Remarks on the Roman road to, from Antiocheia of Pisidia, 164, 165
+
+
+ Tabæ, probable site of, 153
+
+ Ταβηνὸν Πεδίον, 153
+
+ Tatta, salt lake of, 70
+
+ Taurus, Mount, passage over, into the valley of Calycadnus, 104-106,
+ 112
+
+ Tavium, probable site of, 311
+
+ Telmissus, 128.
+ Theatre of, 320
+
+ Temple of Cybebe, at Sardes, description and plan of, 342-346.
+ Account of the relative proportions of the principal temples of
+ Asia Minor, 346-350.
+ Plans of various ancient temples, 351
+
+ Teos, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, 350
+
+ Termessus, ruins of, 146.
+ Passes of, 147
+
+ Theatres of Patara and Myra, plans of, 321.
+ Points of difference between them and the theatres of European
+ Greece, 320, 322.
+ Plan and construction of a Roman theatre according to Vitruvius,
+ 323, 324.
+ Construction of the orchestra of the Greek theatre according to
+ him, 324, 325.
+ Advantage of the Asiatic over the Greek theatres, 326, 327.
+ Diameters of the principal ancient theatres in existence, in Asia
+ Minor, 328.
+ And in European Greece, 329.
+ Plan of the theatre of Hierapolis, 341
+
+ Themisonium, 155
+
+ Tolistobogii, 89, 90
+
+ Tolistochora, or Tolosocorio, site of, 90
+
+ Tomb of Midas, 31-34.
+ Of Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, 50
+
+ Tracheiotis, or Cilicia Tracheia, notice of ancient towns in, 116, 117
+
+ Tralles, site of, 243.
+ Notice of its ruins, 246, 247
+
+ Travelling, modern Turkish, described, 3, 4, 104
+
+ Tripolis, notice of, 254
+
+ Troas, region of, 273.
+ Notice of remarkable places in, 273-306
+
+ Troy, examination of the supposed site of, 279-305
+
+ Tsháltigtshi, village, 136.
+ Route thence to Burdur described, 137
+
+ Tshina, river, course and sources of, 234, 235
+
+ Tshumra, village, 94.
+ Journey thence to Kassabá, 94, 95
+
+ Tyre, probably the site of Caystrus, 257
+
+ Tzerina, town and port of, 118, 119
+
+
+ Vezir Khan, village, 13.
+ Journey thence to Shugut, 14
+
+
+ Weather, state of, in Asia Minor, 6
+
+
+ Xenagoras, islands of, 184
+
+ Xenophon’s account of the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks, remarks
+ on the geographical difficulties and discrepancies in, 60, 61
+
+ Xerigordus, castle of, 10, 314
+
+
+ Yerma, the site of the ancient Germa, 70, 71
+
+ Yorgan-Ladík, 43
+
+
+ Zephyrium, cape, 179, 214
+
+
+FINIS.
+
+Printed by Richard Taylor, Shoe-Lane, London.
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78967 ***
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+<body>
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78967 ***</div>
+
+
+<p class="titlepage"><span class="mid">JOURNAL</span><br>
+<span class="smaller">OF</span><br>
+<span class="larger">A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR,</span><br>
+<span class="smaller"><i>&amp;c.</i></span></p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_i">[i]</span></p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<p class="titlepage"><span class="mid">JOURNAL</span><br>
+<span class="smaller">OF</span><br>
+<span class="larger">A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR,</span><br>
+<span class="smaller">WITH</span><br>
+COMPARATIVE REMARKS<br>
+<span class="smaller">ON THE</span><br>
+ANCIENT AND MODERN GEOGRAPHY<br>
+OF THAT COUNTRY.</p>
+
+<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br>
+WILLIAM MARTIN LEAKE,<br>
+<span class="smaller">F.R.S. &amp;c.</span></p>
+
+<p class="titlepage"><i>ACCOMPANIED BY A MAP.</i></p>
+
+<p class="titlepage">LONDON:<br>
+JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.<br>
+1824.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ii">[ii]</span></p>
+
+<p class="titlepage smaller">PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR,<br>
+SHOE-LANE.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">[iii]</span></p>
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE.</h2>
+
+</div>
+
+<p>To the traveller who delights in tracing
+vestiges of Grecian art and civilization
+amidst modern barbarism and desolation,
+and who may thus at once illustrate history
+and collect valuable materials for the geographer
+and the artist—there is no country
+that now affords so fertile a field of discovery
+as Asia Minor. Unfortunately, there is no
+province of the Ottoman empire more difficult
+to explore in detail. In European
+Turkey, the effects of the Mahometan system
+are somewhat tempered by its proximity
+to civilised Europe, by its conscious
+weakness, and by the great excess of the
+Christian population over the Turkish: but
+the Turk of Asia Minor, although he may
+be convinced of the danger which threatens
+the whole Ottoman empire, from the change
+that has taken place in the relative power
+of the Musulman and Christian world,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_iv">[iv]</span>since his ancestors conquered the favoured
+regions of which their successors have so
+long been permitted to remain in the undisturbed
+abuse—derives, nevertheless, a
+strong feeling of confidence and security,
+from his being further removed from the
+Christian nations which he dreads; and
+sensible that European Turkey must be the
+first to fall before the conqueror, he feels
+no restraint in the indulgence of his hatred
+to the Christian name, beyond that which
+may arise from the dictates of his religion,
+or from the native hospitality of the people
+of the East.</p>
+
+<p>In Asia Minor, among the impediments
+to a traveller’s success may be especially
+reckoned the deserted state of the country,
+which often puts the common necessaries
+and conveniences of travelling out of
+his reach; the continual disputes and wars
+among the persons in power; the precarious
+authority of the government of Constantinople,
+which rendering its protection
+ineffectual, makes the traveller’s success
+depend upon the personal character of the
+governor of each district; and the ignorance
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">[v]</span>and the suspicious temper of the Turks,
+who have no idea of scientific travelling;
+who cannot imagine any other motive for
+our visits to that country, than a preparation
+for hostile invasion, or a search after treasures
+among the ruins of antiquity, and
+whose suspicions of this nature are of course
+most strong in the provinces which, like
+Asia Minor, are the least frequented by us&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>&#x2060;.
+If the traveller’s prudence or good fortune
+should obviate all these difficulties, and
+should protect him from plague, banditti,
+and other perils of a semibarbarous state
+of society, he has still to dread the loss of
+health, arising from the combined effects
+of climate, fatigue, and privation; which
+seldom fails to check his career before
+he has completed his projected tour.</p>
+
+<p>Asia Minor is still in that state in which
+a disguised dress, an assumption of the
+medical character, great patience and perseverance,
+the sacrifice of all European
+comforts, and the concealment of pecuniary
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[vi]</span>means, are necessary to enable the
+traveller thoroughly to investigate the
+country, when otherwise qualified for the
+task by literary and scientific attainments,
+and by an intimate knowledge of the language
+and manners of the people.</p>
+
+<p>Among modern travellers, two only have
+yet traversed Asia Minor in various directions
+for exploratory purposes; Paul Lucas
+in the years 1705, 1706, and 1715, and Capt.
+Macdonald Kinneir in the years 1813 and
+1814. The rest have merely followed a single
+route in passing through the country; even
+the travels of the two persons just named,
+amount only to a description of several
+routes instead of one; the state of the provinces
+and the mode of travelling having
+rendered it impossible to make any of those
+excursions from the main road, without
+which the geography of an unknown country
+cannot possibly be ascertained. It even
+appears from the journal of Mr. Kinneir,
+that the difficulties of travelling in Asia
+Minor have rather increased of late years
+than diminished. And hence he was unsuccessful
+in all his attempts to explore particular
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">[vii]</span>sites interesting to ancient history,
+and was unfortunate in his collection of the
+surest tests of ancient geography,—inscriptions.</p>
+
+<p>The principality of Tshappán-Oglu, which
+offered some security to the traveller, has
+been broken up by his death; and that of
+the family of Kara-Osmán-Oglu, the mildness
+and equity of whose government over
+the greater part of Æolis, Ionia and Lydia,
+had attracted thither great numbers of
+Greeks from Europe, has been put an end
+to by the same impolitic jealousy of Sultan
+Mahmud which is undermining his own security
+and threatens the destruction of his
+empire. There remain only a few dispersed
+chieftains, most of them in a state of
+doubtful allegiance to the Porte, in whose
+districts, by good management and previous
+preparation, the traveller might perhaps be
+allowed to explore the country in safety.
+In no other parts can he, unless with all
+the requisites above stated, and a great sacrifice
+of time, hope to effect more than a
+rapid passage along the principal roads,
+take a transient view of some of the remains
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_viii">[viii]</span>of antiquity, and note the distances
+of places, and the general bearings of the
+route, together with the relative situations
+of a few hills or other remarkable objects
+on either side of the road.</p>
+
+<p>Under such circumstances, it is obvious
+that the geography of Asia Minor can only
+be improved by collecting and combining
+the information contained in the journals of
+modern travellers; by which means an approximation
+to a detailed map of the country
+may progressively be made. It was
+with the view of contributing to this object
+that I published the journal of two routes
+through the central parts of Asia Minor,
+in the second volume of the Rev. R. Walpole’s
+Collection of Memoirs on Greece
+and Asia Minor.</p>
+
+<p>Having, since that publication, extended
+over the whole peninsula the comparative
+inquiry into its ancient and modern geography,
+which was there confined to the
+parts forming the subject of the journals,
+the result has been, the map which accompanies
+the present volume; the volume
+itself containing, together with the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">[ix]</span>substance of the memoir in Mr. Walpole’s
+Collection, the additional remarks suggested
+by the more enlarged geographical inquiry.</p>
+
+<p>As the <i>remarks</i> have become considerably
+more voluminous than the <i>journal</i>,
+I cannot flatter myself that the work in its
+present form will possess much attraction
+for the general reader. It can only pretend
+to contain, when accompanied by the
+map, all the existing information upon Asia
+Minor most essential to the exploring traveller;
+at the same time that it cannot fail
+to offer some interest to the reader of ancient
+history.</p>
+
+<p>The modern authorities which have served
+in the construction of the map are of two
+kinds—the maritime, and those relating
+to the interior of the country: the former
+derived from celestial observations, or nautical
+surveys on the sea coast; the latter,
+from the routes of travellers. The maritime
+being the most certain, and giving
+accuracy of position to the two ends of
+some of the principal routes, and consequently
+in a great degree to the entire lines—may
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">[x]</span>be considered as the foundation of
+the work.</p>
+
+<p>The positions of Constantinople and
+Smyrna are assumed from the concurrence
+of several good observations. The entire
+southern coast, from the Gulf of Iskenderún
+to that of Mákri, together with several
+parts of the coast between Mákri and
+Smyrna, has been laid down from the Survey
+of Captain Beaufort, which was made
+in the years 1811 and 1812, by order of the
+Admiralty, during the administration of
+Mr. Yorke; and which was published in the
+year 1820, by direction of the Lords Commissioners.
+The principal points and the general
+outline of the Pontic coast of the peninsula
+have been adopted from the recently-published
+chart of the Black Sea by Capt.
+Gauttier, of the Royal Navy of France&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>&#x2060;.
+The western coast, from the Gulf of Elæa to
+the mouth of the Hellespont, has been laid
+down from Truguet and Racord, officers of
+the French Navy, who accompanied Count
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">[xi]</span>Choiseul Gouffier in his Embassy to the
+Porte in 1784; and the result of whose labours
+is published in the second volume
+of M. Choiseul’s <i>Voyage Pittoresque de la
+Grèce</i>.</p>
+
+<p>In the interior of the peninsula the latitude
+of some important points, as Kesaría,
+Kónia, Afiom Karahissár, Kutáya, Manissa,
+Brusa, Isnik, have been observed
+by Niebuhr, Browne, or by Messrs. Chavasse
+and Kinneir: the remaining construction
+is nothing more than the result
+of a comparison of the ancient geographers
+and historians with the routes of modern
+travellers, and with the descriptions of two
+Turkish geographers, who lived about the
+middle of the seventeenth century—Mustafa
+Ben Abdalla Kalib Tsheleby, commonly
+called Hadji Khalfa, and Abubekr
+Ben Behrem of Damascus. Though little
+is to be derived from these authors with
+regard to the exact situation of towns,
+their evidence on the orthography of names,
+and their information on the political geography,
+are of considerable utility.</p>
+
+<p>The elder travellers, whose routes have
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">[xii]</span>served in the construction of the Map, may
+be confined to Tavernier, Tournefort, Paul
+Lucas, Otter, and Pococke; for Bertrandon
+de la Brocquière, de la Mottraye, and Le
+Bruyn, afford no geographical matter that
+is not contained in the others.</p>
+
+<p>Tavernier informs us, in his introduction,
+that he began his travels by a visit to England,
+in the reign of James the First; he
+died in 1685. Although he crossed Asia
+Minor several times, in the way to Persia,
+where his commercial speculations carried
+him, he has left us nothing more than a
+very brief description of two caravan routes
+to Tokât: the one from Constantinople, by
+Bóli, Tósia, and Amasía; the other from
+Smyrna, by Kassabá, Allah-shehr, Afiom
+Karahissár, Buhwudún, and across the Salt
+country to the Kizil-Ermak, which he passed
+at Kesre Kiupri.</p>
+
+<p>Tournefort traversed Asia Minor only in
+one direction, from Erzrúm by Tokát to
+A´ngura, from whence he passed a little to
+the north of Eski-shehr, to Brusa.</p>
+
+<p>Paul Lucas was sent out in the year 1704,
+by the same minister of Louis XIV. who
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</span>employed Tournefort on a similar expedition
+in the Archipelago, the Black Sea, and
+Armenia. But, unfortunately for our geographical
+knowledge of Asia Minor, Lucas’s
+qualifications were very inferior to those of
+his contemporary; nor does he appear to
+have been well adapted, by previous study,
+even for those branches of investigation to
+which his attention was particularly directed
+by his employers; namely, the collecting
+of coins and inscriptions.</p>
+
+<p>By assuming the medical character, he
+secured a good reception at several of the
+provincial towns, and protection from the
+governors, as far as their authority extended;
+but the banditti which at that period
+infested every part of the country, obliged
+him always to travel in haste, and often in
+the night; and he was not qualified to derive
+as much advantage from journeys made
+under such circumstances as a more experienced
+and more enlightened traveller
+might have done. He was generally careful
+in noting the time employed in each
+stage; but the names of places are often
+disfigured by his careless mode of writing.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</span>His ignorance and credulity made him delight
+in repeating the absurd tales which
+the traveller so often hears in these half-civilised
+countries; at the same time that
+he omitted the insertion of many useful
+observations which he could not have failed
+to make. In some instances he has repeated
+the fabulous accounts of the natives as if
+he had himself witnessed them, and has
+thus rendered himself liable to the suspicion
+of having wilfully imposed upon his
+readers. There can be no doubt, however,
+that his itinerary, abstracted from his narrative,
+is as correct as he was capable of
+making it. The geographical results, when
+connected and compared with those of other
+travellers, are a sufficient proof of this fact;
+and Lucas, with all his faults, has furnished
+us with a greater number of routes than any
+other traveller in Asia Minor. In 1705 he
+went from Constantinople to Nicomedia,
+Nicæa, and Brusa; from Brusa to Kutaya,
+Eski-shehr, A´ngura, Kir-shehr, Kesaría;
+from Kesaría to Nigde, Bor, Erkle, and
+Kónia; from Kónia to A´ngura, Beibazár,
+Kíwa, Nicomedia, and Constantinople, to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xv">[xv]</span>which city he returned in February 1706.
+In the autumn of the same year, after a
+long journey in Greece, he set out on a second
+tour in Asia Minor from Smyrna, travelling
+by Sardes, to Allah-shehr, Alan-kiúi,
+Burdur, Susu, and Adália; from Adália
+to Susu, Isbarta, Egerder, Serkiserai,
+and Kónia; from Kónia to Erkle, and over
+Mount Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ to
+A´dana, Tarsus, and thence into Syria. In
+a third journey in Asia Minor, in the year
+1715, Lucas went from Smyrna to Ghiuzel
+Hissár by Tire; from thence by the valley
+of the Mæander to Denizlú; and from Denizlú
+by Burdur to Isbarta, from whence he
+travelled the same road as before to Kónia.
+He states also, but without giving any
+particulars of his route, that he again visited
+Kesaría; and that, after having returned to
+to Kónia, he once more proceeded by the
+Pylæ Ciliciæ to A´dana and into Syria.</p>
+
+<p>Next to Lucas, Otter is the most useful
+of the earlier travellers. He was a Swede,
+sent to Persia by the Court of France in
+1734. He crossed Asia Minor by the way
+of Iznimid, Lefke, Inoghi, Eski-shehr, Ak-shehr,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</span>Kónia, Erkle, and A´dana; and returned
+from Persia by the route of Amasía
+and Boli. His narrative is chiefly valuable
+from his knowledge of the Turkish language,
+and from his having previously
+consulted some manuscript works in the
+Royal Library at Paris, especially that of
+Ibrahim Effendi, who first established a
+Turkish press at Constantinople, and whose
+information seems to accord with that of
+Hadji Khalfa, and of Abubekr of Damascus.</p>
+
+<p>Among our own countrymen, Pococke
+is the only traveller of the last century who
+has published his route with sufficient precision
+to be of any use to the geographer;
+but he has been extremely negligent in
+noting bearings and distances: his narrative
+is very obscure and confused; and his
+journey in Asia Minor is consequently of
+much less importance than it might have
+been made by so enlightened, learned, and
+persevering a traveller. In the year 1740,
+after visiting a great part of Ionia and Caria,
+he ascended the valley of the Mæander
+and its branches to Ishekli and Sandukli,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvii">[xvii]</span>from whence he crossed to Beiad, Sevrihissár,
+and A´ngura. From A´ngura he
+crossed to the northward into the great
+eastern road from Constantinople, and returned
+to that capital by the way of Boli
+and Nicomedia.</p>
+
+<p>Niebuhr traversed Asia Minor in the
+year 1766, on his return from India by the
+way of Baghdad, Mosúl, and Aleppo.
+From Iskenderún he passed by Bayas to
+Adana, and from thence by Erkle to Kónia,
+Karahissár, Kutaya, and Brusa&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>In the year 1797, Browne returned from
+the interior of Africa by the way of Asia
+Minor. From Aleppo and Aintab, he traversed
+the range of Taurus to Bostán, Kesaría,
+A´ngura, Sabanje, and Nicomedia.
+Mr. M. Bruce&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> travelled the same route
+in 1812, and has given us a diary of names
+and distances not to be found in Browne’s
+printed book of travels.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xviii">[xviii]</span></p>
+
+<p>It was in the year 1797, also, that Olivier
+passed through Asia Minor, from Celenderis
+by Mout, Láranda, Kónia, Ak-shehr,
+Afiom Karahissár, Kutaya, Yenishehr, Nicæa,
+and Nicomedia.</p>
+
+<p>Seetzen traversed Asia Minor from Constantinople
+to Smyrna, and from Smyrna
+to Afiom Karahissár, Ak-shehr, Kónia, Láranda,
+Ibrala, and across Mount Taurus to
+Karaduar (anciently Anchiale, the port of
+Tarsus), from whence he passed by sea to
+Seleuceia, the port of Antioch, now Suadíeh.
+The distances and the names of the
+places which he passed through, written
+with great care, have been preserved; but
+it is feared that the rest of his valuable
+manuscripts are irretrievably lost&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>In the year 1801, Browne again traversed
+Asia Minor from Constantinople, by Nicomedia,
+Brusa, Kutaya, Afiom Karahissár,
+Ak-shehr, Kónia, Erkle, Tarsus.</p>
+
+<p>Among recent travellers, Capt. M. Kinneir
+has furnished us with the greatest
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xix">[xix]</span>number of routes. These are; 1. from
+Constantinople, by Nicæa, Eski-shehr,
+Seid-el-Ghazi, and Germa, to A´ngura;
+from A´ngura, by Uskát, to Kesaría; and
+from Kesaría, by Nigde, Ketch-hissar&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>&#x2060;,
+and over Mount Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ,
+to Tarsus, Adana, and Iskenderún.
+2. From Celenderis to Mout, Láranda,
+Kónia, Ak-shehr, Afiom Karahissár, Kutaya,
+Brusa, Mudánia. 3. From Constantinople,
+by Nicomedia, Sabanje, Turbali,
+Boli, Kastamni&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>&#x2060;, Samsún, Tarabizún, to
+Erzrúm.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xx">[xx]</span></p>
+
+<p>Mr. Kinneir was also one of the many
+persons who, during the late war, crossed
+the northern part of Asia Minor, to or from
+Persia by the way of Boli, Amasía, and
+Tokát.</p>
+
+<p>Another road, which has been still more
+followed, is from Brusa or from Mikhalitza,
+by Ulubad and Magnesia, to Smyrna, or
+in the opposite direction: the latitudes of
+all the principal places on it have been determined
+by Browne&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>&#x2060;. Of this and of several
+other routes in the ancient provinces
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxi">[xxi]</span>of Mysia, Lydia, Ionia, and Caria, we
+have descriptions in Smith, Wheler, Spon,
+Chishull, Pococke, Picenini, Chandler, and
+Choiseul Gouffier.</p>
+
+<p>The authorities upon which our knowledge
+of the <i>ancient</i> geography of Asia Minor
+is chiefly founded, are the works of
+Strabo, Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>&#x2060;, Pliny, Stephanus Byzantinus,
+the curious table or map of roads
+called the Peutingerian Table, the Antonine
+and Jerusalem Itineraries&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>&#x2060;, the Synecdemus
+of Hierocles, and the following
+historical narratives of some celebrated military
+expeditions:—1. The Journal by Xenophon&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>&#x2060;,
+of the route of Cyrus from Sardes
+to Celænæ, and from thence to Iconium;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxii">[xxii]</span>and through Lycaonia and part of
+Cappadocia, and over Mount Taurus to
+Tarsus. 2. Arrian’s history of the conquest
+of Asia Minor by Alexander; in which the
+part more particularly worthy of the geographer’s
+attention is the march from Lycia
+into Pamphylia and Pisidia, and thence to
+Gordium in Phrygia, and to Ancyra, and
+through Cappadocia and the Pylæ Ciliciæ
+to Tarsus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>&#x2060;. 3. The history of the Roman
+wars in Asia by Polybius, Livy, and Appian;
+especially the description by Livy
+of the marches of Cn. Manlius, in Phrygia,
+Pamphylia, and Pisidia, and thence into
+Gallogræcia, and to Ancyra&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>&#x2060;. 4. The
+march of the Emperor Alexius Comnenus,
+from Constantinople to Iconium, in an expedition
+against the Turks, as related by
+his daughter Anna Comnena.</p>
+
+<p>To these may be added, with regard to
+the southern coast, an anonymous Periplus,
+entitled, “σταδιασμὸς τῆς μεγάλης θαλάσσης,”
+which was extracted from a manuscript in
+the Royal Library of Madrid, and published
+in a volume called Regiæ Bibliothecæ
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxiii">[xxiii]</span>Matritensis Codices Græci MSS. by the
+librarian Iriarte, in the year 1769. But
+the best and most numerous evidences of
+ancient geography are those which still
+exist in the country itself, in the ruins of
+the ancient cities, and in the inscriptions
+and other monuments which may be found
+there. When these remains of antiquity
+shall be thoroughly explored, and the results
+compared with the geographers, with the
+itineraries and with the passages of history
+just referred to, they will probably lead to a
+system of Ancient Geography in Asia Minor,
+much more correct than we at present
+possess&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>&#x2060;. For while we are still ignorant of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxiv">[xxiv]</span>the exact position of such important points
+as Gordium, Pessinus, Synnada, Celænæ,
+Cibyra, Sagalassus, Aspendus, Selge, Antioch
+of Pisidia and Isaura, it is almost
+a vain attempt to form any satisfactory system;
+as the several parts of it must depend
+so much upon one another, and upon
+an accurate determination of the principal
+places.</p>
+
+<p>After this remark, the reader will not be
+surprised, upon consulting the map, to find
+that not only the boundaries of the provinces
+or districts are indistinctly marked,
+but that even the names of places, both ancient
+and modern, are often inserted without
+the usual note of exact locality.</p>
+
+<p>The ancient provincial divisions are distributed
+according to the description of
+Strabo; or, in other words, according to
+their usual acceptation at the time of the
+establishment of the Roman Empire, when,
+as they ceased to have any political use,
+their boundaries became, as they had always
+in some degree been, extremely uncertain.</p>
+
+<p>The appellations of the Turkish districts
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxv">[xxv]</span>are either derived from the principal town
+of each district, or from the names of those
+chieftains who, together with the founder
+of the Ottoman dynasty, shared Asia Minor
+among them, on the breaking up of the
+Seljukian kingdom of Iconium, at the death
+of Aladin the Second, about the year 1300
+of the Christian æra. These chieftains
+were, Karamán, Kermián, Teke, Aidín,
+Sarukhán, Sassan or Sagla, and Karasi.
+Múntesha, the appellation of the southwestern
+corner of Asia Minor, is supposed
+to be a corruption of Myndesia, or
+the country of Myndus; and this is the
+only district, therefore, the name of which
+the Turks adopted from the conquered
+people.</p>
+
+<p>All the north-eastern part of the peninsula
+fell to the share of Amur and his sons,
+but its divisions were not distinguished by
+their names.</p>
+
+<p>Osman, who inherited the country around
+Shughut from his father Ertogrul, soon increased
+his territory by the country to the
+northward and westward of that town, as
+far as the Propontis and the Black Sea.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxvi">[xxvi]</span>This part of the peninsula still retains the
+appellation of Khodja-Ili, or the country
+of Khodja, given to it in honour of Aktshe
+Khodja, the officer of Osman, who effected
+the conquest.</p>
+
+<p>Khodavenkiar&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>&#x2060;, which was the surname
+of Murad, son of Orkhan son of Osman,
+has been attached to the district of Brusa
+ever since Orkhan, having conquered that
+country from the Greeks, confided the government
+of it to his son.</p>
+
+<p>Kermián-oglu, or the successor of Kermian&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>&#x2060;,
+was the first of the Turkish princes
+of Asia Minor who resigned a part of his
+dominions to the house of Osman, and who
+put his family under their protection, by
+the marriage of his daughter with the son of
+Murad, the celebrated Bayazid. During the
+three subsequent reigns, those princes were
+generally tributary to, but not otherwise dependent
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxvii">[xxvii]</span>on, the Ottoman monarchs, whom
+they often resisted in the field; and it was
+not until the family of Isfendiar, who governed
+in Heracleia Pontica, Castamon,
+and Sinope, was reduced by Mahomet the
+Second, and the kingdom of Karaman by
+Bayazid the Second, in the year 1486, that
+the whole of Asia Minor became an Ottoman
+province.</p>
+
+<p>Thus much it seemed necessary to recall
+to the reader’s recollection, in explanation
+of the Turkish provincial names in
+the map.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS.</h2>
+
+</div>
+
+<table>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER I.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="2">Journey from Constantinople to Kónia</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">1</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER II.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="2">Illustration of the Ancient Geography of the
+ Central Part of Asia Minor</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">51</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER III.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="2">Continuation of the Journey—From Kónia to Cyprus,
+ Alaia, and Shughut</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">93</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER IV.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="2">Of the ancient places on the road from Adalia to
+ Shughut, including remarks on the comparative geography of the
+ adjacent country</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">144</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER V.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="2">Of the ancient places on the southern coast of
+ Asia Minor</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">171</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER VI.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="2">Some remarks on the comparative geography of the
+ western and northern parts of Asia Minor</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">219</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="3" class="tdc">ADDITIONAL NOTES.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">1.</td>
+ <td>On the military operations of the first Crusade in Asia
+ Minor</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_1">313</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">2.</td>
+ <td>Another error in Xenophon’s march of Cyrus</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_2">319</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">3.</td>
+ <td>On Cilicia and the position of Claudiopolis</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_3">319</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">4.</td>
+ <td>On the Theatres of Telmissus and Patara</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_4">320</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">5.</td>
+ <td>On the distinction between the Greek and Roman Theatre.
+ Peculiarities of the Asiatic Greek theatre. Dimensions of the
+ principal Greek theatres</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_5">321</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">6.</td>
+ <td>On a Latin inscription at Stratoniceia, relating to the
+ prices of various commodities</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_6">329</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">7.</td>
+ <td>On a Greek inscription at Mylasa</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_7">328</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">8.</td>
+ <td>Two Greek inscriptions, proving the site of Tralles</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_8">339</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">9.</td>
+ <td>Plans of the Theatre and Palæstra of Hierapolis. On the
+ Plutonium at the same place</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_9">340</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">10.</td>
+ <td>A description of the antiquities of Sardes, by Mr. Cockerell</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_10">342</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">11.</td>
+ <td>On the principal Temples of Asia Minor</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_11">346</a></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">12.</td>
+ <td>On the description of the battle of Magnesia by Appian</td>
+ <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_12">352</a></td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="transnote x-ebookmaker-drop">
+<b>Transcriber’s Note:</b> The map is clickable for a larger version.
+</div>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp76" id="illus01" style="max-width: 25.0em;">
+ <a href="images/map-full.jpg"><img class="w100" src="images/illus01.jpg" alt=""></a>
+ <figcaption>
+ <p>ESSAY of a MAP of ASIA MINOR, Ancient and Modern</p>
+ <p>By W. M. Leake, 1822.</p>
+ <p><i>Published as the act directs Febʸ. 1824, by John Murray Albermarle Street
+ London.</i></p>
+ <p>J. Walker sculpt.</p>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p>
+
+<h1><span class="smaller">JOURNAL OF A TOUR<br>
+<span class="smaller">IN</span></span><br>
+ASIA MINOR,<br>
+<span class="smaller"><i>&amp;c.</i></span></h1>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 8.75em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/line.jpg" alt="">
+</figure>
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.<br>
+<span class="smaller">JOURNEY FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO KÓNIA.</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>Departure from Constantinople—Kartal—Ghebse—Kizderwént—Lake
+Ascanius—Nicæa—Site of the ancient Towns between
+Constantinople and Nicæa—Ruins of Nicæa—Lefke—Shughut—Eski-shehr,
+the ancient Dorylæum—Seid-el-Ghazi—Doganlú,
+probably the ancient Nacoleia—Kosru-Khan—Bulwudún—Isaklú—Ak-shehr—Ilgún—Ladík—Ruins
+of Laodiceia—Kónia.</i></p>
+
+</div>
+
+<p>On the 19th of January 1800, I quitted Constantinople,
+on my way to Egypt, in company with the
+late Brigadier General Koehler, the late Sir Richard
+Fletcher, the late Archdeacon Carlyle, Arabic professor
+at Cambridge, and Mr. Pink, of the corps of
+Royal Military Surveyors, and Draftsmen. We
+were well armed, and dressed as Tatár Couriers;
+and the whole party, including servants, baggage,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span>Turkish attendants, and postillions, formed a caravan
+of thirty-five horses. At this time, there were
+two roads across Asia Minor, used by messengers
+and other persons, travelling post between the
+Grand Vizier’s army, and the capital; the one
+meeting the south coast at Adália, the other at
+Kelénderi. We deferred deciding as to which we
+should follow, until we should arrive at the point
+of separation.</p>
+
+<p>We left Iskiodár (in Greek, Σκουτάριον, Skutári)
+at 11 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, and travelled for four hours along the
+borders of the sea of Marmora, through one of the
+most delightful tracts in the neighbourhood of Constantinople;
+its beauty heightened by the mildness
+of the weather and the clearness of the atmosphere.
+On our right was the tranquil expanse of the sea of
+Marmora, as far as the high woody coast on the
+south side of Nicomedia, surmounted by the majestic
+summits of the Bithynian Olympus. In the
+midst of this magnificent basin were seen immediately
+before us the Princes Islands, with their picturesque
+villages and convents, amidst pine groves
+and vineyards. The road led sometimes through
+rich pastures, covered with sheep, but, for the most
+part, through the gardens which supply a large proportion
+of the vegetables consumed in the city and
+its suburbs. Already the beans, and other productions
+of the spring, were in a forward state. The
+road was in some places muddy, but in general
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span>very good. Kartal, where we arrived at the end of
+four hours, is a small place upon the edge of the
+gulf, in the midst of a fertile and well cultivated
+district, and has a harbour for small vessels. Half
+an hour further is a Greek village, which preserves
+unaltered the ancient name Παντίχιον, pronounced
+Pandíkhi.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 20.—From Kartal to Ghebse&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> five hours,
+passing through Pandíkhi; and at the end of three
+hours Tuzla, so called from the salt-works belonging
+to it. The road winds along the side of the
+gulf, which, as it narrows, presents a great variety
+of beautiful landscapes. The soil affords a fine
+pasture, in some parts of which appear rocks of
+blue and white marble, projecting above the surface;
+and several remains of ancient quarries. We
+met a Mollah travelling in a Taktreván, lounging
+upon soft cushions, smoking his Narghilé&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>&#x2060;, and
+accompanied by splendidly-dressed attendants on
+horseback. His baggage-horses were loaded with
+mattresses and coverings for his sofas; with valises
+containing his clothes; a large assortment of pipes;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span>tables of copper; cauldrons; saucepans; and a
+complete <i>batterie de cuisine</i>. Such a mode of travelling
+is undoubtedly very different from that
+which was in use among the Turks of Osman, and
+Orkhan. The articles of the Mollah’s baggage
+are, probably, for the most part, of Greek origin,
+adopted from the conquered nation in the same
+manner as the Latins borrowed the arts of the
+Greeks of a better age. In fact, it is in a great
+degree to Greek luxuries, with the addition of coffee
+and tobacco, that the present imbecile condition of
+these barbarians is to be ascribed; and “Græcia
+capta ferum victorem cepit” applies as well to the
+Turk as it once did to the Roman; for though
+Grecian art in its perfection may be degraded by a
+comparison with the arts of the Byzantine Greeks,
+yet in the scale of civilization, the Turks did not
+bear a higher proportion to these than the Romans
+did to the ancient Greeks.</p>
+
+<p>Ghebse, called by the Greeks Gívyza&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> (Κίβυζα),
+is a Turkish town, having a few Greek houses.
+The only remarkable object in it is a fine mosque
+of white marble, surrounded by a grove of large
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span>cypresses, both of the pointed kind and of that of
+which the branches are looser and more spreading.
+This mosque, and some good baths, were built by
+Mustafá Pasha, who was Grand Vizier to Sultán
+Selím the First at the time of the conquest of Egypt.
+An imperfect Greek inscription was the only indication
+which I observed of Ghebse being on the
+site of a Greek city.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 21.—From Ghebse to Kizderwént, nine
+hours. Our route for the first three hours was parallel
+to the shore of the gulf, which here presents,
+on either side, a beautiful scenery of abrupt capes
+and woody promontories, with villages upon the
+sides of the mountains, and corn-fields and vineyards
+to their very tops. The road then descends to
+the water-side under the small village of Malsúm,
+where a long tongue of land, projecting from the
+opposite shore, affords a convenient ferry of about
+two miles across, to the south side of the gulf. It
+is called the ferry of the Dil (tongue), and being
+much frequented, is well supplied with large boats
+and constant attendance. The persons employed
+in it are lodged in tents by the water-side. We
+write to our friends at Constantinople by a huntsman
+of the Sultan, who is returning from the chace
+loaded with pheasants, partridges, and other game,
+which he has been killing for the Imperial table in
+the woods near the gulf. It takes us two hours to
+unload, cross the ferry, and reload. We then ride
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>three miles along the Dil before we gain the line of
+coast. Leaving the town of Ersek at no great distance
+on our right, we proceed up a beautiful valley,
+watered by a river which joins the gulf near the
+Dil. This river we cross more than twenty times;
+passing through the water, or over good stone
+bridges. In many places the river falls in cascades
+over the rocks. The sky is without a cloud; and
+the temperature that of England in April or May.
+The ground is covered with violets, crocusses, and
+hyacinths. The road being excellent, we travel
+nearly at the rate of four miles and a half an hour,
+and complete our computed journey of nine hours
+in seven. We passed a ruined castle of the lower
+Greek empire, with many towers. On the slopes
+on either side are seen flocks of sheep and goats;
+in the valley the peasants are at plough, and we
+meet long caravans of camels tied together, and
+preceded by an ass. As we approach Kizderwént,
+which is situated in a retired part of the valley,
+near the source of the river which we have been
+following, we enter an extensive mulberry plantation,
+this being one of the numerous villages in the
+neighbourhood that supply Brusa with the excellent
+silk for which it is noted in the commercial world.
+Vineyards, on the slopes of the hills around, furnish
+also a tolerable wine. Kizderwént (the pass of the
+girls) having the misfortune to lie upon the great
+road from Constantinople to Brusa, Kutáya, and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>Kónia, is exposed to a thousand vexations from
+passengers, notwithstanding the privileges and exemptions
+which have been granted to it by the
+Porte. It is inhabited solely by Greeks. Upon our
+arrival we found our konakjí, or Tatár courier, who
+has the charge of riding forward to procure lodgings
+(konák), seated over a blazing fire in a neat cottage,
+which formed a favourable contrast to the meanness
+and want of comfort seen amidst the pretended magnificence
+of some of the Turkish houses which we
+had seen. To judge from what we have hitherto
+observed, the lower order of Christians are not in a
+worse condition in Asia Minor than the same class
+of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey
+have some advantages arising from the effects of the
+superiority of their numbers over the Turks, those of
+Asia have the satisfaction of seeing that the Turks
+are as much oppressed by the men in power as they
+are themselves; and they have to deal with a race
+of Mussulmans generally milder, more religious,
+and better principled than those of Europe.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 22.—We travel in a fine valley, continually
+ascending. At the end of an hour we come suddenly
+upon a view of the lake Ascanius. It is about
+ten miles long, and four wide; surrounded on three
+sides by steep woody slopes, behind which rise the
+snowy summits of the Olympus range. A forest of
+Ilex, and other evergreens, mixed with oaks, cover
+the nearer hills; while on the left, along the head of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>the lake, we perceive a rich cultivated plain, at the
+extremity of which, soon afterwards appears, on the
+edge of the lake, the entire circuit of the ancient
+walls of Nicæa, with their massy towers and gates.
+Nothing is more striking in this magnificent prospect,
+than that clearness of atmosphere, and brilliancy
+of colouring, which is so seldom seen in our
+northern scenery. We make the circuit of the
+northern end of the lake; passing for ten miles
+through the plain, and traversing plantations of
+olives, mulberries, and vines: the almond-trees
+were already in blossom. At about two miles on
+our left, we saw an ancient triangular obelisk, standing
+single in the middle of the plain. It bears an inscription,
+which has been published by Pococke,
+and which proves that the obelisk was erected in
+honour of C. Cassius Philiscus. Having passed
+through one of the ancient gates of Nicæa, and
+through the garden ground now inclosed within its
+walls, we arrive at the wretched Turkish town of
+Isnik, distant five complete hours, or about twenty
+miles, from Kizderwént.</p>
+
+<p>Among the ancient places situated between Constantinople
+and Nicæa, there is sufficient evidence
+of the situation of Scutarium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>
+ and Pantichium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>&#x2060;,
+in the preservation of their ancient names. Gívyza
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>has generally been supposed a corruption of Libyssa,
+the name of a small maritime town, celebrated
+as having been the burying-place of Hannibal; but
+Gívyza is more probably a corruption of Dacibyza;
+being, when written in Greek (Κίβυζα), no other
+than the ancient Δακίβυζα, with the loss of the first
+syllable. The thirty-six or thirty-nine Roman miles,
+moreover, placed in the itinerary, between Chalcedonia
+and Libyssa, will not agree so well with the
+nine hours from Skutári to Gívyza, as with the
+twelve hours to Malsúm; which place, therefore, I
+take to stand on the site of Libyssa. Plutarch appears
+to confirm this supposition, for in mentioning
+Libyssa&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>&#x2060;, he speaks of a sandy place near it on the
+sea-side, answering to the promontory of Dil, which,
+as we have seen, is immediately below Maldysem or
+Malsum. Dacibyza is mentioned by several of the
+historians of the Lower Empire, as a place where,
+by order of the Arian Emperor Valens, eighty priests
+of the opposite sect were burned, with the ship
+wherein they were embarked&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>&#x2060;. The river descending
+from Kizderwént to the Dil, can be no other
+than the Draco, which joined the sea at Helenopolis,
+a small town, so named by Constantine in honour
+of his mother: for it seems evident, upon comparing
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>Procopius with Anna Comnena, that Helenopolis
+was at or near Ersek. The Dil has been formed
+by the alluvial deposition of the Draco; whose impetuosity
+has been well described by Procopius, as well
+as its winding course&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>&#x2060;. In riding from the Dil to
+Kizderwént, I remarked that we traversed the river
+about twenty times, without being aware that Procopius
+has made precisely the same remark with
+regard to the Draco&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>&#x2060;.—In the first crusade, the
+passes of this stream were fatal to many of the followers
+of Peter the Hermit; who, after having by
+the assistance of the Emperor Alexius crossed the
+sea from Constantinople, encamped at Helenopolis.
+From thence they proceeded to ravage the country
+around Nicæa, which city was then in the possession
+of the Turks of Kilidj Arslan; and they occupied
+the fortress of Xerigordus. But this place was
+soon retaken by the Sultan; who slew many of the
+Franks, captured others, and destroyed a still greater
+number by means of an ambuscade, which he stationed
+in the passes of the Draco&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>In the evening we found time to walk among the
+ruins of Nicæa. The ancient walls, towers, and
+gates are in tolerably good preservation. Their
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span>construction resembles that of the walls of Constantinople,
+with which they are coæval. In most
+places they are formed of alternate courses of Roman
+tiles, and of large square stones, joined by a cement
+of great thickness. In some places have been
+inserted columns, and other architectural fragments,
+the ruins of more ancient edifices. Of the towers,
+those on the edge of the lake, and on either side of
+the different gates, are the largest and most perfect.
+We remark, also, the remains of two walls which
+projected from the main inclosure into the water,
+and which were undoubtedly intended to exclude,
+when necessary, all communication under the walls,
+along the edge of the lake. Some of the towers,
+like those of Constantinople, have Greek inscriptions;
+these have been published in the Inscriptiones
+Antiquæ of Pococke. The ruins of mosques,
+baths, and houses, dispersed among the gardens
+and corn-fields, which now occupy a great part of
+the space within the Greek fortifications, show that
+the Turkish Isnik, though now so inconsiderable,
+was once a place of importance, as indeed its history
+under the early Ottomans, before they were
+in possession of Constantinople, gives sufficient reason
+to presume. But it never was so large as the
+Grecian Nicæa, and it seems to have been almost
+entirely constructed of the remains of that city;
+the walls of the ruined mosques and baths being full
+of the fragments of Greek temples and churches.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span></p>
+
+<p>Jan. 23.—From Isnik to Lefke, six hours, and
+from Lefke to Vezir-Khan, four hours. We rise
+at two in the morning; but as it takes near three
+hours for the whole party to breakfast, pack up the
+baggage, and load the horses, we are not ready till
+five, and have then to wait an hour and a half for
+horses. We soon leave the borders of the beautiful
+lake of Isnik, and proceed up a valley, which we
+quit after three or four miles, and suddenly ascend
+to the left a hill of moderate height. Soon losing
+sight of the lake, we advance along an elevated barren
+country, until we enter a deep ravine formed by
+towering cliffs on either side, where a great variety of
+luxuriant evergreens spring from among the rocks.
+The ravine leads into a valley, where the same kind
+of scenery receives additional beauty from the contrast
+which opens upon us of a fine valley, watered
+by the Sakaría, a name corrupted from the ancient
+Sangarius, although this river is not the
+main branch of the Sangarius, but that which was
+anciently called Gallus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>&#x2060;. Lefke, a neat town built
+of sun-baked bricks, is situated in the middle of
+this beautiful valley near the river, which we crossed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span>by a handsome stone bridge a little before we entered
+the town. We find the cultivation in this
+valley as perfect as that of some of the most civilized
+parts of Europe. The fields are separated by
+neat hedges and ditches. Extensive plantations of
+mulberry-trees, mixed with vineyards and corn-fields,
+occupy the lower grounds, while cultivated
+patches are seen to a great height in the hills,
+which in other parts furnish a fine pasture to sheep
+and goats. This delightful region exhibits a most
+picturesque contrast with the unevenness and grandeur
+of the surrounding mountains. We were told
+there had lately been an insurrection, with the design
+of expelling an obnoxious Kadi, but we did
+not perceive the least symptom of disturbance.
+We follow the valley, passing many villages on
+either hand, for four hours more, to Vezir-Khan.
+Since leaving the gulf of Nicomedia we have seen
+no marks of wheel-carriages, and we met with
+scarcely any person on the road during this day’s
+journey, except a party of Turkish horsemen with
+their dogs, in search of hares. The Turks of this
+part of the country are an extremely handsome
+race: they have a great variety of head-dresses,
+most of which are highly becoming to their fine
+countenances. The women who appear abroad are
+invariably dressed in the shapeless ferijé, and the
+veil so often described by travellers. At Vezir-Khan
+we were lodged in a small mud-built house,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>and had to wait a considerable time before our attendants
+could prevail upon the people to kill the
+fowls intended for our dinner, and to send men to
+the river to catch some fish. The valley around is
+covered with extensive plantations of mulberry-trees,
+and with orchards, vineyards, and corn-fields,
+inclosed with hedges; but to these signs of neatness
+and comfort there is a great contrast in the
+misery of the houses.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 24.—From Vezir-Khan to Shughut, eight
+hours: the weather still delightfully clear and mild.
+For the first two hours we continue to pursue the
+valley, and then ascend a lofty ridge, a branch of
+Olympus. It incloses on the east the valleys watered
+by the branches of the Sangarius which we
+have passed, as the heights between Isnik and
+Lefke do on the opposite side. Our road across
+the mountain presents some wild scenery of broken
+rocks and barren downs with little or no wood,
+and occasionally the view of extensive valleys on
+either side. At the summit of the ridge we pass
+a Karakol-hané (guard-house), and at the foot of
+the mountain on the east side we enter some pleasant
+valleys, conducting into an open expanse of
+undulated ground, well cultivated with corn. It
+gives a favourable idea of Asiatic husbandry; but
+there is little appearance of inhabitants, only three
+or four small villages being in sight in the whole
+of our day’s journey. The weather being dry the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span>road is excellent; but in seasons of rain it must be
+quite the reverse, on account of the rich deep soil.
+At the further end of this champaign country we
+perceive the town of Shughut, and upon an adjacent
+hill the tomb of Ali Osman, founder of the
+Ottoman dynasty. Shughut was bestowed upon
+Ertogrul, the father of Osman, by the Sultan of
+Kónia, for his services in war; and became the
+capital of a small state, which included the adjacent
+country as far as A´ngura on the east, and in
+the opposite direction all the mountainous district
+lying between the valleys of the Sangarius and
+those of the Hermus and Mæander. From hence
+Osman made himself master of Nicæa and Prusa,
+and gradually of all Bithynia and Phrygia, and thus
+laid the foundations of the Turkish greatness.
+There is another tomb of Osman at Brúsa, the most
+important of the places which he conquered from the
+Greeks. But the Turks of this part of Asia Minor
+assert that the monument at Brúsa is a cenotaph,
+and that the bones of Osman were laid by the side
+of those of his father Ertogrul in his native town.
+The tomb is built like some of the handsomest and
+most ancient of the Turkish sepulchres at Constantinople,
+and is situated in the midst of a grove of
+cypresses and evergreen oaks.</p>
+
+<p>The town is said to contain 900 houses, but now
+exhibits a wretched appearance, chiefly in consequence
+of a late insurrection of the inhabitants, a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>party of 300 of whom have put to death, within
+three months, three different Ayáns sent here by
+the Porte. At present the government of Constantinople
+has the upper hand, and the insurgents
+have been obliged to fly to the mountains; but we
+find the new governor with all his troops still on
+the <i>alerte</i> to prevent the place from being once
+more surprised and pillaged. Our situation is rendered
+still more uncomfortable by the discovery we
+now make, that our travelling firmahn, in consequence
+of an intrigue at Constantinople, of which
+we too well know the original mover, is drawn up
+in such a manner as to leave it in the power of any
+of the Turks to obstruct our progress; and the
+Ayán of Shughut accordingly takes advantage of it
+to extort a present before he will give us the smallest
+assistance. We are wretchedly lodged in a
+ruinous apartment over a stable occupied by the
+Ayán’s cavalry; and cannot prevent the soldiers
+from coming into the room, or from examining our
+arms and baggage. There are large plantations of
+mulberries around the town, and every house manufactures
+a considerable quantity of raw silk.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 25.—It is nine o’clock before we can procure
+any horses, and then find none to be had but
+some wretched animals covered with sores, and almost
+skeletons. At first setting out they are hardly
+able to walk; but to our surprise we find, before
+we have travelled many miles, that most of them
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>have a very easy and rapid pace; they performed
+a journey of ten hours’ distance with only a few
+short halts, and arrived at our konák at Eski-shehr
+apparently in better travelling condition than when
+they set out. Our road indeed is dry and level,
+and the weather still fine. Half the route was over
+mountains, and woody; the latter half over an extensive
+plain not less than 30 miles in length and
+10 in breadth, but very thinly peopled and not
+above one-third cultivated. Seven or eight miles
+short of Eski-shehr are some ancient Greek ruins
+upon a rising ground in the plain. Amidst a great
+number of scattered fragments of columns, and
+other remnants of architecture, we find several
+square pedestals or στήλαι of a clumsy construction,
+with some almost-defaced fragments of Greek inscriptions,
+in which we endeavoured in vain to discover
+the name of the city, though the word πόλις
+was visible. The ruins are called Besh-Kardash
+(the five brothers); the number of pedestals standing,
+however, is more than five, but five is a favourite
+number with the Turks: the generality of
+whom, having little idea of numerical accuracy,
+confine themselves in common conversation to a
+few numbers, which they particularly affect. These
+numbers are 5, 15, 40, 100, and 1001.</p>
+
+<p>Eski-shehr is about the same size as Shughut,
+and is advantageously situated on the root of the
+hills which border on the north the great plain
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>already mentioned. The town is divided into an
+upper and lower quarter; and is traversed by a
+small stream, which at the foot of the hills joins
+the Pursek, or ancient Thymbres. This river rises
+to the south of Kutáya, passes by that city, and joins
+the Sangarius a few hours to the north-east of Eski-shehr.
+This place is now celebrated for its natural
+hot-baths: we were unable to ascertain whether
+it preserves any remains of antiquity&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>&#x2060;; but there
+can be little doubt that it stands upon the site of
+Dorylæum. The plain of Dorylæum is often mentioned
+by the Byzantine historians as the place of
+assembly of the armies of the Eastern empire in
+their wars against the Turks, and it is described by
+Anna Comnena&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> as being the first extensive plain
+of Phrygia after crossing the ridges of Mount
+Olympus from Nicæa, and after passing Leucæ.
+As we have the strongest evidence of the position
+of Leucæ in the name of the village Lefke, which
+is exactly the modern pronunciation of the Greek
+Λεύκαι, there cannot be any doubt that the plain of
+Dorylæum is that which surrounds Eski-shehr.</p>
+
+<p>The site of the ancient town is not less decisively
+fixed at Eski-shehr. Athenæus speaks of the hot
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>waters of Dorylæum, and remarks that they are very
+pleasant to the taste. Cinnamus mentions the hot
+baths, the fertile plain, and the river of Dorylæum&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>&#x2060;;
+and the site is indicated with equal certainty by
+the ancient itineraries&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>&#x2060;: for from Dorylæum diverged
+roads, to Philadelphia; to Apameia Cibotus;
+to Laodiceia Combusta, and Iconium; to Germa,
+and to Pessinus: a coincidence of lines which
+(their remote extremities being nearly certain) will
+not apply to any point but Eski-shehr, or some
+place in its immediate neighbourhood. The position
+of Eski-shehr accords also with the Antonine
+and Jerusalem itineraries, inasmuch as we observe
+in these tables, that the road from Nicæa to Ancyra
+did not pass through Dorylæum, but to the
+northward of it; and Eski-shehr is about thirty
+miles to the southward of a line drawn from Isnik
+to A´ngura.</p>
+
+<p>The Aga of Eski-shehr was formerly in the government
+of a town six hours distant, the name of
+which we neglected to note. He had long been at
+war with the governor of Eski-shehr, and at length
+having acquired the preponderancy so far as to carry
+off all his opponent’s sheep and cattle, he followed
+up his successes last year with such increased energy
+that he added his rival’s head to the other spoils,
+and has since been in undisturbed possession of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span>both places, and confirmed in his authority by the
+Porte.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 26.—From Eski-shehr to Seid-el-Gházi, a
+computed distance of nine hours. We have a sharp
+wind at east. Our road for the first half of the journey
+continues to cross the same wide uncultivated
+plains; but towards the end they are more broken
+into hill and dale, and appear less wild and desolate.
+Scarcely a tree is to be seen through the whole
+day’s journey. Upon the edge of the plains we
+observe in many places sepulchral chambers excavated
+in the rocks. In these, and in the fragments
+of ancient architecture dispersed in different parts
+of the plains, we have undoubted proofs of their ancient
+cultivation and populousness. At about half
+way we found, near a fountain, several inscribed
+stones. The annexed is the only inscription I could
+decypher:</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent2">ΔΗΜΑΣΚΑΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent2">ΓΑΙΟΣΥΠΕΡ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΒΟΩΝΙΔΙΩΝΠΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΠΙΑΔΙ ΙΣΩΤΗ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΡΙΕΥΧΗΝΚΑΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΗΡΑΚΛΗΑΝΙΚ</div>
+ <div class="line indent2">ΗΤ.</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">It appears to be a dedication of thanks to Jupiter
+Papias, the Saviour, and Hercules, the Invincible,
+for their care of the oxen of Demas and Gaius.</p>
+
+<p>This inscription is upon a flat slab, surmounted
+with a pediment, in the middle of which is a <i>caput
+bovis</i>, with a festoon. Here also is a square stele,
+with an ornamented cornice; on one of its sides
+is an obliterated inscription, in the centre of a garland.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus02" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus02.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p><i>To face Page 21.</i></p>
+ <p><i>Inscription at a...b.</i></p>
+ <p>ΙΑΕϜΑϜΑΚΕΝΑΝΟΓΑϜΟΣ:ΜΙΔΑΙ:ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ:ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ:ΕΔΑΕ</p>
+ <p><i>Inscription at c...d.</i></p>
+ <p>ΒΑΒΑ:ΜΕΜΕϜΑΙΣ:ΠΡΟΙΤΑϜΟΣ:ΚΦΙͿΑΝΑϜΕͿΟΣ:ΣΙΚΕΜΕΜΑΝ:ΕΔΑΕΣ</p>
+ <p><i>G. Scharf Lithog: London. Pub: by J. Murray. Albemarle Sᵗ. 1824.
+ Printed by C: Hullmandel</i></p>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span></p>
+
+<p>The latter part of our journey is over low ridges;
+the road throughout is excellent, and fit for wheel-carriages.
+Seid-el-Gházi is a poor ruined village,
+but it bears marks of having once been a place of
+more importance, even in Turkish times; upon
+the side of a hill which commands the village, there
+is a fine mosque dedicated to the Mussulman saint
+from whom the place derives its name. There are
+also several fragments of architecture which fix it
+as the site of an ancient Greek city.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 27.—From Seid-el-Gházi to Kósru Pasha-Khany,
+the distance is seven hours; but we made
+a détour to the right of the direct road, for the sake
+of viewing some monuments of antiquity, which
+were reported to us at Seid-el-Gházi. We first
+ascend for some distance, and pass over an elevated
+stony heath, in a direction to the westward of south;
+we then enter a forest of pine-trees, from many of
+which they had been extracting the turpentine, by
+making an incision at the foot of the tree, and then
+lighting a fire under it. By these means the resin
+descends rapidly, and is soon collected in large
+quantities, but the tree is killed; and it sometimes
+happens that the fire communicating destroys large
+tracts of the forest. We saw several remains of
+these conflagrations as we passed along. After traversing
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span>the forest for an hour, we came in sight of
+a beautiful valley, situated in the midst of it. Turning
+to the left, after we had descended into the valley,
+we found it to be a small plain, about a mile long
+and a quarter of a mile broad, embosomed in the
+forest, and singularly variegated with rocks, which
+rise perpendicularly out of the soil, and assume the
+shape of ruined towers and castles. Some of these
+are upwards of 150 feet in height, and one or two,
+entirely detached from the rest, have been excavated
+into ancient catacombs, with doors and windows,
+and galleries, in such a manner that it required a
+near inspection to convince us that what we saw were
+natural rocks, and not towers and buildings. We
+found the chambers within to have been sepulchres,
+containing excavations for coffins, and niches for
+cinerary vases. Following the course of the valley
+to the S.E., we came in sight of some sepulchral
+chambers, excavated with more art, and having a
+portico with two columns before the door, above
+which a range of dentils forms a cornice. But the
+most remarkable of these excavations, is that which
+will best be understood by the annexed sketch of it,
+taken by General Koehler, while Mr. Carlyle and
+myself were employed in copying two inscriptions
+engraved upon the face of the rock. In the upper
+inscription a few letters are deficient at the beginning
+and end; the lower appeared to us to be complete.
+The letters of the first are larger and wider
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span>asunder than those of the second. Both are written
+from left to right, but in the lower inscription the
+letters are written <i>downwards</i>, along the edge of the
+monument, so that to place the eyes upon the same
+line with the inscription, the head must be held sideways.
+The rock which has been shaped into this
+singular monument rises to a height of upwards of
+one hundred feet above the plain; and at the back,
+and on one of the sides, remains in its natural state.
+The ornamented part is about sixty feet square,
+surmounted by a kind of pediment, above which
+are two volutes. The figures cut upon the rock are
+no where more than an inch deep below the surface,
+except towards the bottom, where the excavation
+is much deeper, and resembles an altar. It
+is not impossible, however, that it may conceal the
+entrance into the sepulchral chamber, where lie the
+remains of the person in whose honour this magnificent
+monument was formed; for in some other
+parts of Asia Minor, especially at Telmissus, we
+have examples of the wonderful ingenuity with
+which the ancients sometimes defended the entrance
+into their tombs. There can be little doubt that
+the monument was sepulchral; the crypts and catacombs
+in the excavated rocks around it prove that
+the valley was set apart for such purposes, to which
+its singularly retired position and romantic scenery,
+amidst these extensive forests, rendered it peculiarly
+well adapted.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span></p>
+
+<p>The valley bears the name of Doganlú, from a
+neighbouring village which we did not see, but
+where, according to the information we received,
+are remains of an ancient fortification, called by
+the Turks Pismésh Kálesi. I am inclined to
+think they mark the site of Nacoleia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>&#x2060;, named by
+Strabo among the cities of Phrygia Epictetus,
+together with Cotyaeium, Dorylæum, and Midaeium;
+the first of which places (now Kutáya)
+is within twenty geographical miles, in direct distance,
+to the north-westward of Doganlú; the
+second, Dorylæum (Eski-shehr), is at nearly that
+distance to the north of Doganlú; and Midaium
+was to the north-eastward, distant about 35 G. M.
+direct. But a still closer argument, in favour of
+this situation of Nacoleia, is derived from a comparison
+of the several routes leading from Dorylæum,
+as stated in the ancient itineraries, with their
+directions on the map. These roads are five in
+number; and though little reliance can be placed
+upon the distances between the several places, the
+order of names furnishes evidence that cannot be
+very erroneous, and the positions of the places at
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>the extremity of each route are known with tolerable
+accuracy. The first of the roads, as they are
+arranged in the subjoined note&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>&#x2060;, led by Midaium
+to Pessinus; the second by Archelaium to Germa,
+now Yerma; the third conducted south-eastward
+to Synnada, Philomelium, and Laodiceia Combusta
+(now Yorgán Ladík); the fourth by Nacoleia and
+Eumenia to Apameia Cibotus; and the fifth south-westward,
+by Cotyaium to Philadelphia (Allah-Shehr).
+Now, although the site neither of Apameia
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>Cibotus, Synnada, nor Pessinus, has yet been
+explored, their situations are very nearly certain.
+Apameia was at the source of the Mæander, and
+bore a little westward of south from Eski-shehr.
+Nacoleia, therefore, bore in about that direction
+from Dorylæum; it lay between the roads conducting
+from that city to Synnada and Laodiceia, and
+to Cotyaium and Philadelphia; and it was the first
+town which occurred on the road to Apameia: all
+which circumstances accurately accord with the position
+of Doganlú in respect of Eski-shehr.</p>
+
+<p>On first beholding the great sculptured rock of
+the valley of Doganlú, and on remarking the little
+resemblance which it bears to the works of the
+Greeks, our idea was, that it might have been
+formed by the ancient Persians, when in possession
+of this country; and that the lower part, resembling
+an altar, might have had some reference to their
+worship of fire; but, upon further reflection, there
+appeared several objections to such a supposition.
+In the first place, none of the great monuments of
+the Persians are likely to be found at so great a
+distance from Susa and Persepolis, in a part of the
+country of which they had only a temporary possession,
+and which could never have been considered
+by them otherwise than as a conquered foreign
+country, of doubtful tenure. Secondly, the style of
+ornament does not exactly resemble any known
+monument of the ancient Persians; and, thirdly,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>the characters of the inscriptions, which have every
+appearance of being coeval with the rest of the
+work, bear so close a resemblance to the letters of
+the Greek alphabet, in their earliest form, that the
+most reasonable conjecture seems to be that this
+monument is the work of the ancient Phrygians,
+who, like the Ionians&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>&#x2060;, Lydians, and other nations
+of Asia Minor, who were in a state of independence
+before the Persian conquest, made use of an alphabet
+differing slightly from the Greek, and derived from
+the same oriental original. While the form of the
+characters, as well as the vertical ranges of points
+for noting the separation of the words, bear a
+marked resemblance to the archaic Greek: on the
+other hand, some of the words agree with the
+semibarbarous style of the sculptured ornaments
+of this monument, in indicating that the inscriptions
+are not in pure Greek. Both in the resemblance
+and dissimilitude, therefore, they accord
+with what we should expect of the dialect of the
+Phrygians, whose connexion with Greece is evident
+from many parts of their early history; at the
+same time, that the distinction between the two
+nations is strongly marked by Herodotus, who
+gives to the Phrygians the appellation of barbarians.</p>
+
+<p>It is further remarkable that the sculpture of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span>monument of Doganlú, though unlike any thing of
+Greek workmanship, is very much in the same
+style as the elaborate ornaments (equally remote
+from Grecian taste) which covered the half columns
+formerly standing on either side of the door of the
+Treasury of Atreus at Mycenæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>&#x2060;, a building said to
+have been erected by the Cyclopes, who were supposed
+to have been artisans from Asia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Upon comparing the alphabet of the monument
+of Doganlú with the archaic Greek, and with the
+Etruscan, it is observable that there is no greater
+difference between the three than might be expected
+in distant and long-separated branches of the same
+family. It may be remarked, however, that the
+Greek alphabet, and that of Doganlú, resemble each
+other much more than they resemble the Etruscan,
+as well in the form of the letters, as in the important
+circumstance of their being written from left
+to right, instead of from right to left, as the Etruscan
+always continued to be&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span></p>
+
+<p>It may seem a vain attempt to endeavour to explain
+inscriptions, written in a language or dialect
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span>of which we have no other remains; yet as the
+characters are themselves a proof that there was
+a great resemblance between this dialect and the
+Greek, it is not impossible that some light may be
+thrown upon ancient history by the monument of
+Doganlú, if other inscriptions in the same dialect
+should hereafter be discovered. Upon this subject
+one or two remarks occur which may not be unimportant.</p>
+
+<p>It has already been observed, that the lower
+inscription beginning ΒΑΒΑ is complete, and
+it may be assumed that the upper, though incomplete
+at either end, has lost but a few letters.
+This seems evident, as well from its occupying
+the whole length of a sort of outer pediment, as
+from its concluding word, which wants only one
+letter of being the same as the concluding word
+of the lower inscription. This concluding word
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span>is very remarkable; written in Greek it is ΕΔΑΕ,
+or ΕΔΑΕΣ. Now ἔδαε from δαίω, to divide or
+cut with a sharp instrument, is precisely such a
+Greek word as one might have expected to find in
+a very ancient <i>Greek</i> inscription upon a monument,
+all the apparent merit of which is the cutting
+of squares, lozenges, and other regular figures,
+upon the smoothed surface of a rock. In examining
+the other words, we find further resemblances
+of the Greek. The 2d, 3d, and 4th words of the
+lower inscription, and the first word of the upper
+inscription (if it be a single word), all seem to end
+in sigma, and three of them in ος, thus rendering it
+not improbable that the words 1, 2, 3, 4, of the lower
+inscription, contained the name and title of the person
+who engraved that inscription; that the fifth word
+Σικεμεμαν may have indicated some such distinction,
+as the place from whence he came; and that the long
+word, No. 1. of the upper inscription, was the name of
+the person who placed that inscription. But the most
+remarkable words of all are the second and fourth of
+the upper inscription, which, written in Greek, are
+ΜΙΔΑΙ ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, “to King Midas;” and
+which furnish an immediate presumption that the
+monument was erected in honour of one of the
+Kings of Phrygia of the Midaian family. The situation
+of the place is no less favourable to this supposition
+than the construction of the monument,
+the tenor of the inscription, and the form of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>letters; for it cannot be doubted that the valley in
+which the monument stands is precisely in the heart
+of the country which formed the ancient kingdom
+of Phrygia. Strabo remarks, that the royal families
+of Gordius and Midas possessed the countries adjacent
+to the river Sangarius, on the banks of which
+stood the cities of Midaeium and Gordium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>&#x2060;. We
+learn from Pausanias&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> that Ancyra was founded
+by Midas, and that in his time there was a fountain
+in that city, called the fountain of Midas; and
+both these authors concur in the testimony&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> that
+a tribe of Gauls, in seizing the country adjacent to
+Ancyra and Pessinus, occupied a part of the ancient
+dominions of the Gordian dynasty. The fertile
+valleys of the Sangarius, and its branches, seem,
+therefore, to have formed the central part of the
+dominions of the kings of Phrygia. According to
+this supposition, the date of the monument of Doganlú
+is between the years 740 and 570 before the
+Christian æra; for that such was nearly the period
+of the Gordian dynasty appears from Herodotus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>&#x2060;,
+who informs us that Midas, son of Gordius, was
+the first of the Barbarians who sent offerings to
+Delphi, and that his offerings were earlier than
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span>those of Gyges, king of Lydia, who began his reign
+<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 715. Phrygia lost its independence, when all
+the country to the west of the Halys was subdued
+by Crœsus, king of Lydia, in or about the year
+572 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> A few years afterwards Atys, son of
+Crœsus, was killed accidentally by Adrastus, who
+was of the royal family of Phrygia, and son of the
+Gordius who had been rendered tributary to Crœsus.
+As this Gordius was son of a Midas&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>&#x2060;, and
+the first Midas was son of a Gordius, it is probable
+that several of the intermediate monarchs of the
+dynasty, during the two centuries of their independence,
+bore the same names.</p>
+
+<p>The distinguishing appellation of the particular
+Midas to whom the monument was dedicated,
+seems to be contained in the word of the upper
+inscription, which occurs between Μίδᾳ and ἄνακτι&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>&#x2060;;
+but as we possess no details of the history
+of independent Phrygia, it is impossible to determine
+to what period in the two centuries the monument
+of Doganlú is to be ascribed. In regard
+to the word ΒΑΒΑ, which begins the lower inscription,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>it was probably the highest title of honour
+at that period. Papas, or Papias, derived from
+ΠΑΠΑ, nearly the same word as ΒΑΒΑ, and
+meaning <i>father</i>, was a common epithet of Jupiter
+in this part of Asia Minor at a subsequent period.
+The dedication to Jupiter Papias, mentioned in a
+preceding page, was copied from a marble found at
+no great distance from Doganlú: and we are informed
+by an ancient author, that Papas was the
+name of the Bithynian Jupiter&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>&#x2060;. In another part
+of the country we find the title applied, by a natural
+descent, to the magistrate of a city&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>&#x2060;; and it
+was a common name among the Etruscans, the
+kinsmen of the Phrygians&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Close by this magnificent relic of Phrygian art
+is a very large sepulchral chamber with a portico,
+of two columns, excavated out of the same reddish
+sandstone of which the great monument and other
+rocks are formed. The columns have a plain plinth
+at the top, and are surmounted by a row of dentils
+along the architrave. They are of a tapering form,
+which, together with the general proportions of the
+work, give it an appearance of the Doric order,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span>although, in fact, it contains none of the distinctive
+attributes of that order. It is an exact resemblance
+of the ordinary cottages of the peasants, which
+are square frames of wood-work, having a portico
+supported by two posts made broader at either end.
+The sepulchral chambers differ only in having their
+parts more accurately finished; the dentils correspond
+to the ends of the beams, supporting the flat
+roof of the cottage.</p>
+
+<p>I cannot quit the subject of this interesting valley
+without expressing a wish that future travellers,
+who may cross Asia Minor by the routes of Eski-shehr
+or Kutáya, will employ a day or two in a
+more complete examination of it than circumstances
+allowed to us; as it is far from improbable that
+some inaccuracy or omission may have occurred in
+our copy of the inscriptions, from the singularity
+of the characters, the great height of one of the inscriptions
+above the ground, and the short time
+that was allowed us for transcribing and revising
+them.</p>
+
+<p>After leaving the great sculptured rock, we followed
+the valley for a short distance, and then passed
+through a wild woody country, having met scarcely
+any traces of habitations till we reached our konák,
+at the little village which receives its appellation
+from the Khan built there by a Pasha of the name
+of Kosru; and where we arrived at five in the evening,
+having, according to our calculation, made a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span>circuit of nine or ten miles more than the direct
+distance from Seid-el-Gházi. We had a sharp
+shower of hail as we galloped through the wood,
+but the weather soon cleared again.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 28.—From Kosru Khan to Bulwudún,
+twelve hours. We rose at two in the morning:
+the baggage set off at five, ourselves at six. The
+road lay through several small woody valleys, and
+towards the latter part of our journey across a ridge
+of hills, with a fine soil, containing a few cultivated
+patches of ground, but for the most part overgrown
+with brushwood; at intervals we saw a few flocks of
+sheep and goats, and in one place a large herd of
+horned cattle. We saw many sepulchral chambers
+excavated in the rocks, some of which were ornamented
+on the exterior; others were plain. In
+several parts of our route, also, were appearances of
+extensive quarries, from some of which was probably
+extracted the celebrated Phrygian marble, called
+Synnadicus, or Docimitis, from the places where it
+was found.</p>
+
+<p>This marble was so much esteemed that it was
+carried to Italy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>&#x2060;; and such was the force of fashion
+or prejudice, that Hadrian placed columns of it in
+his new buildings at Athens&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>&#x2060;, where the surrounding
+mountains abound in the finest marble. At
+about ten miles from Bulwudún we came in sight
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span>of that town with a lake beyond it: to the southward
+was the high range of mountains called Sultán-dagh,
+and parallel to it, on the northern side of
+the plain of Bulwudún, the Emír-dagh.</p>
+
+<p>From hence we descended by a long slope to
+Bulwudún, which is situated in the plain. It is a
+place of considerable size, but consists chiefly of
+miserable cottages. There are many remains of
+antiquity lying about the streets, and around the
+town, but they appeared to be chiefly of the time
+of the Constantinopolitan empire. At Bulwudún
+we had to make choice of two roads to the coast;
+one leading to Satalía, the other, by Kónia and
+Karaman, to Kelénderi. We prefer the latter on
+account of the uncertainty of the long passage by
+sea from Satalía to Cyprus at this season of the
+year; and we are informed that all the Grand Vizier’s
+Tatárs now take the Kónia road.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 29.—From Bulwudún to Ak-shehr, eleven
+hours. For the first two hours the road traversed
+the plain which lies between Bulwudún and the foot
+of Sultán-dagh; towards the latter a long causeway
+traverses a marshy tract, through the middle of
+which runs a considerable stream. This river comes
+from the plains and open country, which extend on
+our right as far as Afiom Karahissár, and joins the
+lake which occupies the central and lowest part of
+the plain lying between the parallel ranges of Sultán-dagh
+and Emír-dagh. Our road continues in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>a S.E. direction along the foot of Sultán-dagh; it
+is perfectly level, and, owing to the dry weather, in
+excellent condition. On our left were the lake and
+plains already mentioned. The ground was every
+where covered with frost, and the hills on either
+side of the valley with snow; but these appearances
+of winter vanished as the day advanced, and from
+noon till three <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> the sun was warmer than we
+found agreeable; our faces being exposed to it by
+that most inconvenient head-dress, the Tatar Kalpak.
+Our Surigis (postillions) wore a singular kind
+of cloak of white camels’ hair felt, half an inch thick,
+and so stiff that the cloak stands without support
+when set upright upon the ground. There are neither
+sleeves nor hood; but only holes to pass the
+hands through, and projections like wings upon
+the shoulders for the purpose of turning off the
+rain. It is of the manufacture of the country. At
+the end of six hours we passed through Saakle or
+Isaklú, a large village surrounded with gardens and
+orchards, in the midst of a small region well watered
+by streams from Sultán-dagh, and better cultivated
+than any place we have seen since we left
+the vicinity of Isnik and Lefke. Yet the Aga of
+Isaklú is said to be in a state of rebellion; and this
+is not the first instance we have seen of places in
+such a state being more flourishing than others;
+whence we cannot but suspect that there is a connexion
+in this empire between the prosperity of a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>district and the ability of its chieftain to resist the
+orders of the Porte. This is nothing more than
+the natural consequence of their well-known policy
+of making frequent changes of provincial governors,
+who, purchasing their governments at a high price,
+are obliged to practise every kind of extortion to
+reimburse themselves, and secure some profit at the
+expiration of their command. It seems that the
+Aga of Isaklú, having a greater share of prudence
+and talents than usually falls to the lot of a Turk
+in office, has so strengthened himself that the Porte
+does not think his reduction worth the exertion
+that would be required to effect it, and is, therefore,
+contented with the moderate revenue which
+we are told he regularly remits to Constantinople.
+In the mean time he has become so personally interested
+in the prosperity of the place, that he finds
+it more to his advantage to govern it well than to
+enrich himself rapidly by the oppressive system of
+the other provincial governors. The territory of
+Isaklú contains several dependent villages to which
+fertility is ensured by the streams descending from
+Sultán-dagh. We here observe a greater quantity
+and variety of fruit-trees than in any place in Asia
+Minor we have yet seen. Their species are the
+same as those which grow in the middle latitudes
+of Europe, as apples, pears, walnuts, quinces,
+peaches, grapes; no figs, olives, or mulberries&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>&#x2060;.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span>The climate, therefore, though now so mild, and
+exposed undoubtedly to excessive heat in summer,
+is not warmer upon the whole than the interior of
+Greece and Italy.</p>
+
+<p>We follow the level grounds at the foot of Sultán-dagh
+until we come in sight of Ak-shehr (white
+city), a large town, situated, like Isaklú, on the foot
+of the mountains, and furnished with the same natural
+advantages of a fertile soil, and a plentiful
+supply of water. It is surrounded with many pleasant
+gardens, but in other respects exhibits the
+usual Turkish characteristics of extensive burying-grounds,
+narrow dirty streets, and ruined mosques
+and houses. At a small distance from the western
+entrance of the town we pass the sepulchre of Nureddin
+Hoja, a Turkish saint, whose tomb is the
+object of a Mussulman pilgrimage. It is a stone
+monument of the usual form, surrounded by an
+open colonnade supporting a roof; the columns
+have been taken from some ancient Greek building.
+The burying-ground is full of remains of Greek architecture
+converted into Turkish tomb-stones, and
+furnishes ample proof of Ak-shehr having been
+the position of a Greek city of considerable importance.
+The only apartment our Konakjí could
+procure for us at Ak-shehr was a ruinous chamber
+in the Menzil-hané (post-house); and the Aga
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>sending insolent messages in return to our remonstrances,
+we resolve, though at the end of a long
+day’s journey, upon setting out immediately for the
+next stage. While the horses are preparing, we
+eat our <i>kebáb</i> in the burying-ground, and take
+shelter from the cold of the evening in the tent
+of some camel-drivers, who were enjoying their
+pipes and coffee over a fire. On our arrival, we had
+observed the people fortifying their town, by erecting
+one of the simplest gates that was ever constructed
+for defence. It consisted of four uprights
+of fir, supporting a platform covered with reeds,
+in front of which was a breastwork of mud-bricks
+with a row of loop-holes. These gates and a
+low mud-wall are the usual fortifications of the
+smaller Asiatic towns. In one place we saw the
+gates standing alone without any wall to connect
+them.</p>
+
+<p>The lake of Ak-shehr is not close to the town as
+D’Anville has marked it on his map; but at a distance
+of six or eight miles: it communicates by a
+stream with that of Bulwudún, and after a season
+of rain, when these lakes are very much increased
+in size, they form a continued piece of water, thirty
+or forty miles in length. It is probable that D’Anville
+was equally mistaken in placing Antioch of
+Pisidia at Ak-shehr: for if Sultán-dagh is the Phrygia
+Paroreia of Strabo, as there is reason to believe,
+Antioch should, according to the same authority,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>be on the south side of that ridge; whereas Ak-shehr
+is on the north.</p>
+
+<p>At six in the evening we set out from Ak-shehr,
+and at one in the morning of January 30 arrived
+at Arkut-khan. Our pace was much slower than
+by day. The road lay over the same open level
+country as before, and towards the latter part of
+the route, over some undulations of ground, which
+separate the waters running into the lake of Ak-shehr
+from those which flow into the lake of Ilgún.
+The weather was frosty and clear, but very dark
+after eleven o’clock, when the moon set. Several
+of our party then became so oppressed by sleep as
+to find it difficult to save themselves from falling
+from the horses. After two or three hours’ repose
+at Arkut-khan, we pursued our route for three hours
+to Ilgún, a large but wretched village, containing
+some scattered fragments of antiquity, where we
+procured some eggs and kaimak (boiled cream) for
+breakfast, and then continued our route to Ladík.
+From near Ak-shehr, the loftier summits of the
+range of Sultán-dagh begin to recede from our
+direction towards the south; and our route has
+continued through the same wide uncultivated
+champaign, intersected by a few ridges, and by torrents
+running from the Sultán-dagh to the lakes in
+the plain. At two hours is a more considerable
+stream, crossed by a bridge, and discharging itself
+into the lake of Ilgún. Six hours beyond Ilgún
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>we pass through the large village of Kadún-kiúi,
+or Kanun-haná, said to consist of 1000 houses;
+and three hours further we come to Yorgan-Ladík,
+or Ladik-el-Tchaus, another large place, famous
+throughout Asia Minor for its manufacture of carpets;
+and advantageously situated in a well-watered
+district, among some low hills to the northward of
+which lies a very extensive plain.</p>
+
+<p>The road through the open country which we have
+passed has been wide, well beaten, fit for any carriage,
+and, owing to the late dry weather, in an excellent
+state. We continue to enjoy a sky without
+a cloud: there is generally a slight breeze from the
+east in the day: in the afternoon the sun is hot;
+and at night the sky is perfectly calm and clear,
+with a sharp frost, which in the shaded places generally
+continues to a late hour in the afternoon.</p>
+
+<p>The plains between Arkut-Khan and Ladík are
+traversed by several low stony ridges, and by streams
+running towards the lake of Ilgún. The country is
+bare and open; not a tree or inclosure was to be
+seen, nor any appearance of cultivation, except in
+small patches around a few widely-scattered villages.
+The country to our right forms the district
+of Dogan-hissár, a town belonging to the Sanjak
+of Ak-shehr. To the left is seen the continuation
+of the series of long narrow lakes which begin near
+Bulwudún: they receive the torrents running from
+the surrounding mountains, and are greatly enlarged
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span>in winter, but in summer are entirely dried
+up.</p>
+
+<p>Jan. 31.—From Ladík to Kónia nine hours;
+the road excellent, and weather very fine; the sun
+even scorching, and much too glaring for our exposed eyes.
+At Ladík we saw more numerous
+fragments of ancient architecture and sculpture
+than at any other place upon our route. Inscribed
+marbles, altars, columns, capitals, frizes, cornices,
+were dispersed throughout the streets and among
+the houses and burying-grounds; the remains of
+Laodiceia κατακεκαυμένη, anciently the most considerable
+city in this part of the country. At less
+than an hour’s distance from the town, on the way
+to Konia, we met with a still greater number of remains
+of the same kind, and copied one or two sepulchral
+inscriptions of the date of the Roman empire.
+The following fragment appears to be part
+of an imprecation against any person who should
+violate the tomb upon which it is inscribed.</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝ ΒΩΜΟΝ ΑΔΙΚΗϹΕΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">Η ΚΑΙ ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΝ ΤΑΦ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΟΝ ΤΙ ΟΡΦΑΝΑ ΤΕΚΝΑ ΛΙΠΟΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">........................</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝ ΧΗΡΟΝ ΒΙΟΝ ΟΙΚΟΝ Ε</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΡΗΜΟΝ</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">Soon after we had quitted this spot, we entered
+upon a ridge branching eastward from the great
+mountains on our right, and forming the northern
+boundary of the plain of Kónia. On the descent
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span>from this ridge we came in sight of the vast plain
+around that city, and of the lake which occupies
+the middle of it, and we saw the city with its
+mosques and ancient walls, still at the distance of
+12 or 14 miles from us. To the north-east nothing
+appeared to interrupt the vast expanse but two very
+lofty summits covered with snow, at a great distance.
+They can be no other than the summits of Mount
+Argæus above Kesaría, and are, consequently,
+near 150 miles distant from us, in a direct line.
+To the south-east the same plains extend as far as
+the mountains of Karaman, which to the south-west
+of the plains are connected with the mountains
+of Khatun-serái, on the other side of which
+lies Bey-shehr and the country of the ancient Isaurians;
+and these bending westward in the neighbourhood
+of Kónia form a continuous range with
+the ridge of Sultán-dagh, of which we have been
+following the direction ever since we left Bulwudún.
+At the south-east extremity of the plains beyond
+Kónia we are much struck with the appearance of
+a remarkable insulated mountain, called Kara-dagh
+(black mountain), rising to a great height, covered
+at the top with snow, and appearing like a lofty
+island in the midst of the sea. It is about sixty
+miles distant, and beyond it are seen some of the
+summits of the Karaman range, which cannot be
+less than ninety miles from us; yet it is surprising
+with what distinctness the form of the ground and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>of the woods is seen in this clear atmosphere. As
+far as I have observed, the air is much more transparent
+in a fine winter’s day in this climate than it
+is in summer, when, notwithstanding the breeze of
+wind which blows, there is generally a haze in the
+horizon, caused probably by the constant stream of
+vapour which rises from the earth. The situation
+of the town of Karaman is pointed out to us exactly
+in the line of our route, a little to the right of
+Mount Kara-dagh. After descending into the plain
+we move rapidly over a road made for wheel-carriages;
+the first we have met with since we left the
+neighbourhood of Skutári.</p>
+
+<p>At Kónia we are comfortably accommodated in
+the house of a Christian belonging to the Greek
+church, but who is ignorant of the language, which
+is not even used in the church-service: they have
+the four Gospels and the Prayers printed in Turkish.
+At the head of the Greek community is a
+Metropolitan bishop, who has several dependent
+churches in the adjacent towns. As it is now the
+moon Ramazan, when the Turks neither take nourishment
+nor receive visits till after sunset, we are
+obliged to defer our visit to the Governor of Kónia
+till the evening. He is a Pasha of three tails, but
+inferior in rank to the Governor of Kutáya, who
+has the title of Anadol-Beglerbeg, or Anadol-Valesi,
+and who has the chief command of all the
+Anatolian troops when they join the Imperial camp.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>Our visit, as usual among the Turks, was first to
+the Kiaya, or Deputy, and afterwards to the Pasha.
+The entrance into the court of the Serai was striking;
+portable fires of pine-wood placed in a grating
+fixed upon a pole, and stuck into the ground, were
+burning in every part of the court-yard; a long
+line of horses stood ready saddled; attendants in
+their gala-clothes were seen moving about in all
+directions, and trains of servants, with covered
+dishes in their hands, showed that the night of a
+Turkish fast is a feast. The building had little in
+unison with these appearances of gaiety and magnificence,
+being a low shabby wooden edifice, with
+ruinous galleries and half-broken window frames;
+but it stands upon the site of the palace of the ancient
+sultans of Iconium, and contains some few
+remains of massy and elegant Arabic architecture,
+of an early date. The inside of the building seemed
+not much better than the exterior, with the exception
+of the Pasha’s audience-chamber, which was
+splendidly furnished with carpets and sofas, and
+filled with a great number of attendants in costly
+dresses. The Pasha, as well as his deputy in the
+previous visit, received us with haughtiness and
+formality, though with civility. The Pasha promised
+to send forward to Karaman for horses to be
+ready to carry us to the coast, and to give us a travelling
+order for konáks upon the road. After
+passing through the usual ceremony of coffee,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span>sweetmeats, sherbet, and perfumes, which in a
+Turkish visit of ceremony are well known to follow
+in the order here mentioned, we return to our
+lodging. Nothing can exceed the greediness of the
+Pasha’s attendants for Bakshish. Some accompany
+us home with mashallahs (the torches above mentioned),
+and others with silver wands. Soon after
+our return to our lodgings we are visited by a set
+of the Pasha’s musicians, who seem very well to
+understand that after our fatigues we shall be glad
+to purchase their absence at a handsome price;
+but no sooner are they gone than another set make
+their appearance; the Kahwejí, the Tutunjí, and
+a long train of Tchokadars; and these being succeeded
+by people of the town, who come simply to
+gratify their curiosity, it is not till a late hour that
+we are at liberty to retire to rest.</p>
+
+<p>The circumference of the walls of Kónia is between
+two and three miles, beyond which are suburbs
+not much less populous than the town itself.
+The walls strong and lofty, and flanked with square
+towers, which at the gates are built close together,
+are of the time of the Seljukian kings, who seem
+to have taken considerable pains to exhibit the
+Greek inscriptions, and the remains of architecture
+and sculpture belonging to the ancient Iconium,
+which they made use of in building their walls.
+We perceived a great number of Greek altars, inscribed
+stones, columns, and other fragments inserted
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span>into the fabric, which is still in tolerable preservation
+throughout the whole extent. None of
+the Greek remains that I saw seemed to be of a
+very remote period, even of the Roman Empire.
+We observed in several places Greek crosses, and
+figures of lions, of a rude sculpture; and on all the
+conspicuous parts of the walls and towers, Arabic
+inscriptions, apparently of a very early date. The
+town, suburbs, and gardens around are plentifully
+supplied with water from streams, which flow from
+some hills to the westward, and which to the north-east
+join a lake varying in size according to the
+season of the year. We are informed that in the
+winter and after the melting of the snows upon the
+surrounding mountains, the lake is swollen with
+immense inundations, which spread over the great
+plains to the eastward for near fifty miles. At
+present there is not the least appearance of any
+such inundation, the usual autumnal rains having
+failed, and the whole country labouring under a
+severe drought. The gardens of Kónia abound
+with the same variety of fruit-trees which we remarked
+in those of Isaklú and Ak-shehr; and the
+country around supplies grain and flax in great
+abundance. In the town carpets are manufactured,
+and they tan and dye blue and yellow leather.
+Cotton, wool, hides, and a few of the other raw
+materials which enrich the superior industry and
+skill of the manufacturers of Europe, are sent to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span>Smyrna by the caravans. The low situation of
+the town and the vicinity of the lake seem not to
+promise much for the salubrity of Kónia; but we
+heard no complaint on this head; and as it has in
+all ages been well inhabited, these apparent disadvantages
+are probably corrected by the dryness of
+the soil, and the free action of the winds over the
+surrounding levels. The most remarkable building
+in Kónia is the tomb of a saint, highly revered
+throughout Turkey, called Hazret Mevlana, the
+founder of the Mevlevi Dervishes. His sepulchre,
+which is the object of a Mussulman pilgrimage, is
+surmounted by a dome, standing upon a cylindrical
+tower of a bright green colour. The city, like all
+those renowned for superior sanctity, abounds with
+Dervishes, who meet the passenger at every turning
+of the streets, and demand paras with the
+greatest clamour and insolence. Some of them
+pretend to be idiots, and are hence considered as
+entitled to peculiar respect, or at least indulgence.
+The bazars and houses have little to recommend
+them to notice.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span></p>
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.<br>
+<span class="smaller">ILLUSTRATION OF THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF
+THE CENTRAL PART OF ASIA MINOR.</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>Geographical Structure of the Country—Ancient Sites near the
+Road from Eski-Shehr to Kónia—Polybotum—Synnada—Docimia—Metropolis—Julia—Philomelium—Tyriaium—Iconium—Ancient
+Sites between Iconium and Mazaca or Cæsareia—Tyana—Castabala—Cybistra—Cilician
+Taurus—Archalla—Country called Axylus—Lycaonian Downs—Garsabora—Coropassus—Sabatra—Lakes
+Coralis, Trogitis, and Tatta—Germa—Orcistus—Places in the ancient
+Itineraries on the Road from Ancyra to the Pylæ Ciliciæ, Archelais,
+&amp;c.—Roads in the Peutinger Table across the Taurus to the southern
+Coast—Juliopolis or Gordium—Pessinus—Amorium—Santabaris—Pœmanene—Orcaoryci—Pitnisus—Caballum—Tolistochora—Sub-divisions
+of Galatia.</i></p>
+
+</div>
+
+<p>Before we pursue our route beyond the capital
+of the Greek province Lycaonia and of the Turkish
+kingdom Karamán, it may be right to offer a few
+remarks upon the general geography of this part
+of the peninsula, and upon the situation of some
+of the opulent and celebrated cities which anciently
+adorned it.</p>
+
+<p>From the sources of the Sangarius and Halys on
+the north and east, to the great summits of Mount
+Taurus on the south-west and south, there is an
+extent of country nearly 250 miles long and 150
+broad, in which the waters have no communication
+with the sea. Its southern part consists of fertile
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span>valleys or of extensive plains intersected by a few
+ranges of hills, and it is bounded to the southward
+by the great ridges of Mount Taurus, from
+whence are poured forth numerous streams, which,
+after fertilizing the valleys, collect their superabundant
+waters in a chain of lakes, extending
+from the neighbourhood of Synnada in Phrygia
+through the whole of Lycaonia to the extremity
+of the Tyanitis in Cappadocia. In the rainy season
+these lakes overflow the lower part of the
+plains, and would often form one entire inundation
+200 miles in length, were it not for some
+ridges which traverse the plains and separate them
+into several basins. By the structure of the hills,
+and the consequent course of the waters, these basins
+form themselves into three principal recipients,
+having no communication with one another, unless
+it be in very extraordinary seasons. These are, 1.
+The recipient of Karahissár and Ak-shehr. 2. That
+of Ilgún and Ladik, which receives I believe the
+superfluous water of the lake of Karajeli as well as
+that from the slopes of the neighbouring mountains.
+3. The recipient of Kónia, which collects
+the overflowings of the lakes of Sidyshehr and Bey-shehr.
+4. The basin lying between the Cilician
+Taurus to the south-east and the Cappadocian
+mountains in the opposite direction, which mountains
+are now called the Hassan Daghi, and give
+rise to the western branch of the Halys. Were the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span>bountiful intentions of Providence seconded by a
+rational government, the inundations would but
+prepare the plains for an abundant harvest: at present
+they water only an immense extent of pasture
+land&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>&#x2060;, while the lakes supply the surrounding inhabitants
+with fish, and with reeds for the construction
+of their miserable cottages.</p>
+
+<p>Concerning two of the ancient sites traversed by
+the modern road leading from Eski-Shehr to Kónia,
+there can be little doubt. The modern name
+of Ladik is decisive of its being upon the site of
+Laodiceia Combusta, and the sound of Πολυβοτόν as
+pronounced by the modern Greeks, with the accent
+on the last syllable, so nearly resembles that of Bulwudún,
+that the latter name is probably a Turkish
+corruption of the former. The position of Bulwudún,
+moreover, agrees perfectly with that ascribed to Polybotum
+in the narrative of Anna Comnena&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>&#x2060;. Polybotum,
+however, is mentioned only in the history of
+the Lower Empire&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>&#x2060;: and although from the 6th to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span>the 12th century it appears to have been with Philomelium
+and Iconium the chief city of these vast
+plains&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>&#x2060;, its name is not found in the earlier periods
+of history, when Synnada, Philomelium, and Iconium
+seem to have been the principal places&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>&#x2060;. The
+position of Polybotum, therefore, affords us no assistance
+in tracing the other ancient places on the main
+route between Dorylæum and Laodiceia.</p>
+
+<p>Of these places the most important to determine
+is Synnada, which indeed is in some measure the
+key to the ancient geography of the central parts of
+Asia Minor. It appears from the Table that Synnada
+was on the road from Dorylæum to Philomelium
+and Laodiceia Combusta,—from Livy, that it was in
+the way from the country lying eastward of Apameia
+Cibotus towards the frontiers of Galatia,—and
+from Cicero&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>&#x2060;, that it was in the way or nearly so
+from Apameia to Philomelium and Iconium. The
+crossing of these lines will fall not far from the
+modern Bulwudún, as appears from the route of
+Pococke in his way from the upper valley of the
+Mæander to Ancyra. It is highly probable, therefore,
+that the extensive quarries which we saw on
+the road from Khosrukhan to Bulwudún are those
+of Docimia, a small town in the plain of Synnada,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span>celebrated for the marble extracted from thence in
+large quantities, and sent even to Rome. This
+marble was known to the Romans by the name of
+Synnadic, from the more important town of Synnada,
+which was only sixty stades distant from Docimia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>It is difficult to ascertain the name of the ancient
+city which occupied the remarkable position of
+Karahissár, which is distinguished from some other
+towns of the same name by the epithet of Afiom, in
+reference to its abundant produce of opium. D’Anville
+supposed it to be the site of Apameia; but the
+waters of Karahissár, instead of running into the
+Mæander, of which the principal sources were at
+Apameia, flow to the lake of Bulwudún. Pococke
+asserts that he found an inscription at Karahissár,
+which proves it to be the site of Prymnesia; but
+upon referring to his <i>Inscriptiones Antiquæ</i>, it appears
+that the inscription to which he alludes is
+nothing more than the memorial of a man whose
+name ends in ΜΕΝΝΕΑΣ, and who with his wife
+had constructed a tomb for themselves and their
+only daughter. A few miles southward of Karahissár
+are the fountains of a branch of the Mæander;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>it is probably the Obrimas, whose sources according
+to Livy were at Aporis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>&#x2060;. As the Consul
+Manlius entered the plain of Metropolis from Aporis,
+and marched onward to Synnada and Beudos
+vetus in his way towards Galatia, there is some reason
+to think that Karahissár stands on the site of
+Metropolis.</p>
+
+<p>If we suppose the Beudos vetus of the Latin historian
+to have been at Beiad, from the similarity
+of name and the proximity of Beiad to the site of
+Synnada (for Beudos, according to Livy, was only
+five Roman miles from Synnada), we shall find that
+the distance from Karahissár to Beiad, which is
+twenty G. M. direct, agrees very exactly with the
+march of two days and five miles by the Consul
+Manlius, according to the mean rate of armies reduced
+a little in consequence of the plunder which,
+as the historian tells us, impeded the movement of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span>the Romans. It will be found, moreover, that the
+situation of Metropolis at Karahissár, accords extremely
+well with the description given by Artemidorus
+of the road through Asia from Ephesus to
+Mazaca or Cæsareia in Cappadocia, which, after
+ascending the valley of the Mæander to its sources
+at Apameia, proceeded by Metropolis and through
+Phrygia Paroreius to the termination of that district
+at Tyriaium; and thence through Lycaonia to
+Garsabora and Mazaca&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>&#x2060;: for although the distances
+on that road in our copies of Strabo from Apameia
+as far as Laodiceia Combusta will not bear examination,—and
+although Karahissár does not fall in
+the direct line from Ephesus to Mazaca,—neither of
+these objections can be considered of much weight:
+the inaccuracy of numbers in the ancient MSS. is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>too common an occurrence to overthrow other testimony;
+and the divergence of the ancient road to
+the northward at Karahissár, was evidently occasioned
+by the projection of that part of Mount
+Taurus which is now called the Sultan-dagh, and
+which causes so many of the modern routes to pass
+through Karahissár.</p>
+
+<p>Though the proportionate distances do not exactly
+agree with the numbers in the Table, it may
+be inferred from the remains of antiquity at Ak-shehr
+and Ilgún, that these were the Jullæ and
+Philomelium named in that itinerary. Strabo describes
+Philomelium as being in the midst of a
+plain on the north side of the hills of Paroreia;
+his description&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> of which district agrees exactly
+with the Sultan-dagh and the plain on its northern
+side. Its position no less accords with the testimony
+of Artemidorus cited in the preceding page,
+according to whom the road from Apameia to Mazaca
+led through the Paroreia. And the territory
+of Philomelium appears from the narrative of Anna
+Comnena&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> to have been at no great distance from
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>that of Iconium; for as soon as the Emperor Alexius
+had taken Philomelium from the Turks, his troops
+spread themselves over the country round Iconium.
+The lake of the Forty Martyrs mentioned in this
+narrative corresponds also with that of Ilgún, so
+that it will probably be found that Ilgún stands
+upon the site of Philomelium.</p>
+
+<p>The Jullæ of the Table seems to be a false
+writing for Julia, a name which became common
+in every part of the Roman world under the
+Cæsars; and it is probably the same place as the
+Juliopolis placed by Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> in the part of the
+country where stood Synnada, and Philomelium.
+But there can be little doubt that so fine a situation
+as that of Ak-shehr was occupied, before the time
+of the Cæsars, by some important place, which
+on its being repaired or re-established may have assumed
+the new name of Julia or Juliopolis.</p>
+
+<p>Of the cities mentioned by Xenophon on the
+route of Cyrus through Phrygia into Lycaonia,
+Tyriaium and Iconium are the only two which
+occur in later authors. Tyriaium, which is named
+by Hierocles as well as by Strabo (from Artemidorus),
+is shown by the latter to have been between
+Philomelium and Iconium. It must consequently
+have been at no great distance from Laodiceia,
+although this situation is quite incompatible with
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>the distance which Xenophon has stated between
+Tyriaium and Iconium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span></p>
+
+<p>In following the march of Cyrus onwards from
+Iconium towards the Ciliciæ pylæ of Mount Taurus,
+we find the distances of Xenophon rather more
+reconcileable with the reality. It is agreed that
+Dana, which he places at nine marches or fifty-five
+parasangs from Iconium, was the same place as
+Tyana, otherwise called Eusebeia ad Taurum, and
+which under Archelaus and the Romans was the
+chief town of one of the præfectures of Cappadocia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>&#x2060;.
+It was the only place in that province, except Mazaca,
+which Strabo thought deserving to be called a city;
+and under the Byzantine empire it was the capital
+of the second Cappadocia, and the see of a metropolitan
+bishop until the Turkish conquest.</p>
+
+<p>There can be little doubt that the site of Tyana
+is now occupied by Kílisa Hissár, or the Castle of
+Kílisa near Bor&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>&#x2060;. This place is acknowledged by
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>the Greek clergy as the site of their episcopal see
+of Tyana; it is situated, as Strabo describes Tyana
+to have been, in a fertile plain not far from the entrance
+of the Pylæ Ciliciæ, or the easiest and most
+frequented pass leading over Mount Taurus into
+Cilicia Pedias and Syria,—and midway in the road
+to that pass from Mazaca&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>At Kílisa Hissár are found very considerable
+ruins of an ancient city, among which are those of
+an aqueduct upon arches, designed to convey water
+to the town from the hills to the southward, which
+are connected with the last slopes of Mount Taurus.
+Aqueducts of this description are indubitable signs
+of an ancient place which flourished under the Romans,
+and such we know to have been the condition
+of Tyana.</p>
+
+<p>Strabo remarks that Castabala and Cybistra were
+not far from Tyana; that they were nearer than that
+city to the heights of Taurus; that they belonged
+to the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia, and that
+Cybistra was situated at a distance of three hundred
+stades from Mazaca&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>&#x2060;. We learn also from the
+Table, that Cybistra was on the road from Tyana
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>to Mazaca, sixty-four Roman miles from the former.
+These data seem sufficient to fix the site of Cybistra
+at Karahissár&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>&#x2060;, where are considerable remains of an
+ancient city; and they render it probable that the
+position of Castabala is now occupied by Nigde,
+where we find similar evidences of an ancient site.</p>
+
+<p>The situation of Cybistra at Karahissár illustrates
+the interesting account which Cicero has left
+us of his military operations, in defending Cilicia
+and Cappadocia against a threatened attack of the
+Parthians&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>&#x2060;, when he fixed his camp at Cybistra, because
+it was on the frontier of the two provinces,
+but nearer to the great plains of Cappadocia lying
+to the eastward of Mount Taurus. These plains
+(he remarks) afford an easy access to Cappadocia
+from Syria, while nothing can be stronger than
+Cilicia on the side of Syria. In the end, however,
+the Parthians having advanced towards Antioch,
+Cicero was obliged to cross Mount Taurus from
+Cybistra to Tarsus, from whence he proceeded to
+clear Mount Amanus of the enemy.</p>
+
+<p>In order thoroughly to understand the reason of
+one of the præfectures of Cappadocia being called
+Cilicia by the Romans, it is to be observed that
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>more anciently both the sides of Taurus belonged
+to the Eleuthero-Cilices, or independent Cilicians;
+and that the whole range from the plains of Lycaonia
+to the Antitaurus was called the Cilician Taurus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>&#x2060;.
+Archelaus the last king of Cappadocia,
+having added all the country on the northern side
+of the mountain to his kingdom, together with a
+large portion of Cilicia Tracheia, Tiberius, who put
+him to death at Rome, included it all, except the
+maritime parts, in the Roman province of Cappadocia;
+and he added to the ten præfectures of the
+late kingdom of Archelaus an eleventh, composed
+chiefly of his Cilician conquests: and hence called
+the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia. Its chief
+town was Mazaca; it comprehended Cybistra and
+Castabala, and extended along the mountains on
+the south side of the Tyanitis as far as Derbe inclusively&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>&#x2060;.
+The inconvenience, however, of a division
+which included in the same district two such
+distant places as Mazaca and Derbe, seems to have
+been soon felt: for we find that in the time of Hadrian,
+Derbe, Laranda, and a neighbouring region
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span>of Taurus containing the town of Olbasa, formed
+a separate district called the Antiochiana&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>&#x2060;; and
+that the Cilician præfecture was confined to the
+parts about Mazaca and Cybistra.</p>
+
+<p>The name of Erkle so much resembles the
+Turkish corruption of Heraclia, as instanced in
+two cities of that name on the coasts of the Euxine
+and Propontis, that it has often been supposed
+that the Erkle on the road from Kónia to the Cilician
+Pylæ occupied the site of a Heraclia; and
+Hadji Khalfa even asserts that it was so. No
+Greek or Latin authorities, however, hint at the
+existence of a Heraclia in this situation. I have
+little doubt therefore that Erkle occupies the site
+of Archalla, named as one of the cities of the Cilician
+præfecture of Cappadocia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>&#x2060;, which, as we have
+already seen, comprehended Erkle. Erkle, it may be
+added, is precisely the softened sound which Turks
+would give to the word Ἄρχαλλα pronounced in
+the Greek manner with the accent on the first syllable.</p>
+
+<p>To the northward of the region of lakes and
+plains, through which leads the road from Afióm
+Karahissár to Kónia and Erkle, lies a dry and
+naked region, anciently called Axylus, which extends
+as far as the Sangarius and Halys. Pococke,
+who crossed a part of this dreary country,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span>describes it exactly in the same manner as Livy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>&#x2060;,
+though apparently without having adverted to that
+historian.</p>
+
+<p>The southern part of this open country consists
+of a range of mountains running parallel to Mount
+Taurus, and bordering the great valleys of Philomelium,
+Iconium and Tyana on the northern side.
+The western part of this range is a summit called
+Emír-dagh, which rises to a considerable elevation
+from the lakes of Bulwudún and Ak-shehr, slopes
+gradually into the open champaign to the eastward,
+and to the north is bounded by a very broad naked
+valley, which is included on the opposite side by
+the hills in which originate some of the branches
+of the Sangarius. To the N.W. this valley opens
+into the great <i>axylous</i> plains of Phrygia, extending
+to Dorylæum; and to the S.E. into those of Galatia
+or Lycaonia. The ridges lying to the northward
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span>of Kónia and Erkle form the district described by
+Strabo as the cold and naked downs of Lycaonia,
+which furnished pasture to numerous sheep and
+wild-asses, and where was no water, except in very
+deep wells. As the limits of Lycaonia are defined
+by Strabo, and by Artemidorus, whom he quotes&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>&#x2060;,
+to have been between Philomelium and Tyriaium
+on the west, and Coropassus and Garsabora on the
+east,—which last place was 960 stades from Tyriaium,
+120 from Coropassus, and 680 from Mazaca,—we
+have the exact extent of the Lycaonian
+hills intended by the geographer. Branching from
+the great range of Taurus, near Ilgún (Philomelium),
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span>and separating the plain of Laodiceia from
+that of Iconium, they skirted the great valley which
+lies to the south-eastward of the latter city, as far
+as Erkle; comprehending, to the north of Erkle
+and Bor, a part of the mountains of Hassan Daghi.
+It would seem that the depopulation of this country,
+which rapidly followed the decline of the Roman
+power, and the irruption of the Eastern barbarians,
+had left some remains of the vast flocks
+of Amyntas, mentioned by Strabo, in undisturbed
+possession of the Lycaonian hills to a very late period:
+for Hadji Khalfa, who describes the want of
+wood and water in these hills, adds, that there was a
+breed of wild sheep on the mountain of Fudul Baba,
+above Ismil, and a tomb of the saint from whom
+the mountain receives its name: and that sacrifices
+were offered at the tomb by all those who hunted
+the wild sheep; and who were taught to believe that
+they should be visited with the displeasure of heaven,
+if they dared to kill more than two of these
+animals at a time&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>At the back of the Lycaonian hills was Soatra,
+or Sabatra, situated in a part of the country so desolate,
+that water was sold in the streets. Sabatra
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>was at a distance of 55 Roman miles from Laodiceia
+Combusta, and of 44 from Iconium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>There is some difficulty in understanding to which
+of the lakes at the foot of the Lycaonian hills we are
+to apply the names Coralis and Trogitis. Stephanus
+mentions a city of Carallis, or Caralleia, which he
+ascribes to Isauria. About the same period of time
+there was a Caralia belonging to the consular government
+of Pamphylia, and a bishopric of that
+province; but which had ceased to be an episcopal
+see in the ninth century&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>&#x2060;. If these notices refer to
+one and the same place, it is probable that the lake
+of Karajeli is the ancient Coralis, or Caralis; and
+that the ruins which are found near its shore are
+those of the town Caralleia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>&#x2060;. In this case, the
+lake of Ilgún is probably the Trogitis of Strabo;
+for it is difficult to suppose that he meant the lake
+of Iconium by either of those which he names.
+As to the difference of size which he remarks between
+them, our information is so imperfect, and
+the lakes themselves differ so much in size, according
+to the seasons, that no certain inference can
+be drawn from this distinction of the geographer.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span></p>
+
+<p>One of the most remarkable features of this part
+of Asia Minor is the lake Tatta; which, according
+to Strabo, produced salt in such abundance, that
+any substance immersed in it was very soon entirely
+covered with the crystal; and that birds were
+unable to fly, if they had dipped their wings in it.
+The lake still furnishes all the surrounding country
+with salt, and its produce is a valuable royal
+farm in the hands of the Pasha of Kir-shehr.
+In 1638, Sultan Murad the Fourth made a causeway
+across the lake, upon the occasion of his
+army marching to take Bagdad from the Persians.
+The road from Ak-serai and Khoja Hissár to Haimane
+and to the north-westward, passes across the
+lake.</p>
+
+<p>The numerous places noticed in ancient history in
+the country round the lake Tatta, and from thence
+north-westward as far as Dorylæum, prove that,
+however naked and disagreeable, it was not unfruitful.
+The natural landmarks, however, are so few,
+and the mention of the towns by the ancients is so
+slight, that it will be difficult for travellers to identify
+any ruins which may exist, unless where they
+are assisted by the preservation of the ancient appellations,
+either in inscriptions or in the modern
+names. At present, Germa and Orcistus are the
+only two places whose sites are exactly determined;
+the former by the modern name of Yerma, the
+latter by means of a Latin inscription which Pococke
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span>copied at the modern village of Alekiam&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>&#x2060;.
+Germa was a Roman colony, and probably flourished
+after the decline of the neighbouring city of
+Pessinus. Of Orcistus we know nothing, except
+that its bishop subscribed to the Council of Chalcedon
+in the year 451, and that it continued to be
+a see of the ecclesiastical province of the Second
+or Pessinuntine Galatia until a late period of the
+Byzantine Empire&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The documents which chiefly assist in placing
+the ancient cities of these parts of Lycaonia, Galatia,
+and Phrygia, are the Antonine and Jerusalem
+Itineraries, and the Peutinger Table. It is to be
+regretted that we can seldom place entire confidence
+in the distances contained in these authorities—flagrant
+instances of discrepancy and inaccuracy
+being so frequent as to make one very cautious in
+trusting implicitly to them, without some corroborating
+evidence.</p>
+
+<p>The following is a comparative view of the distances
+in Roman miles, in the three Itineraries,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span>between the several places on the great Roman road
+from Nicæa, by Juliopolis and Ancyra to Tyana,
+omitting such of the mere changing- or halting-places&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>
+as are found only in one of the itineraries,
+and correcting the orthography of some of the names
+from the better authority of Strabo, Ptolemy, &amp;c.</p>
+
+<table>
+ <tr>
+ <th></th>
+ <th><i>It. Anton.</i><br>Itinerary of Antoninus.</th>
+ <th><i>It. Hierosol.</i><br>Itinerary of Jerusalem.</th>
+ <th><i>Tab.</i><br>Peutinger<br>Table.</th>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>From Nicæa to Tottaium</td>
+ <td class="tdr">44</td>
+ <td class="tdr">40</td>
+ <td class="tdr">40</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td><span class="ditto">Dablæ</span></td>
+ <td class="tdr">28</td>
+ <td class="tdr">29</td>
+ <td class="tdr">23</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td><span class="ditto">Dadastana</span></td>
+ <td class="tdr">45</td>
+ <td class="tdr">22</td>
+ <td class="tdr">40</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td><span class="ditto">Juliopolis</span></td>
+ <td class="tdr">26</td>
+ <td class="tdr">25</td>
+ <td class="tdr">28</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">Total from Nicæa to Juliopolis</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">143</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">116</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">131</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Laganeos (Agannia in It. Heiros.)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">24</td>
+ <td class="tdr">24</td>
+ <td class="tdr">50</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Minizus</td>
+ <td class="tdr">23</td>
+ <td class="tdr">16</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Ancyra</td>
+ <td class="tdr">52</td>
+ <td class="tdr">25</td>
+ <td>+ the last 66<br>from stage Lagania.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">Total from Juliopolis to Ancyra</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">99</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">about 75</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">116</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">Total from Nicæa to Ancyra</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb2">242</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb2">about 191</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb2">247</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Ancyra to Corbeus</td>
+ <td class="tdr">20</td>
+ <td class="tdr">21</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Rosologiacum</td>
+ <td class="tdr">12</td>
+ <td class="tdr">12</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Aspona</td>
+ <td class="tdr">31</td>
+ <td class="tdr">31</td>
+ <td class="tdr">73 from Ancyra.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Parnassus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr">24</td>
+ <td class="tdr">35</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">Total from Ancyra to Parnassus</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">87</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">99</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Ozzala (Iogola in Hieros.)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">17</td>
+ <td class="tdr">16</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Nitazus (Nitalis in Hier.)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">18</td>
+ <td class="tdr">18</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Colonia Archelais</td>
+ <td class="tdr">27</td>
+ <td class="tdr">29</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">Total from Parnassus to Archelais</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt">62</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt">63</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">Total from Ancyra to Archelais</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb2">149</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb2">162</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb2">118&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>&#x2060;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Nazianzus (Nantianulus in Anton., Anathiango in Hieros.)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">25</td>
+ <td class="tdr">24</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Sasima</td>
+ <td class="tdr">24</td>
+ <td class="tdr">24</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Andabalis</td>
+ <td class="tdr">16</td>
+ <td class="tdr">16</td>
+ <td class="tdr">27&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>&#x2060;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Tyana</td>
+ <td class="tdr">16</td>
+ <td class="tdr">deest.</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">Total from Archelais to Tyana</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">81</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">64 + the last stage</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt bb">68&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>&#x2060;</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">Total from Ancyra to Tyana</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb2">230</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb2">242&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr bb2">186</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span></p>
+
+<p>The Antonine and Jerusalem proceed together
+as far as Mopsucrene&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>&#x2060;, 56 M. P. from Tyana in
+the former and 63 in the latter. From thence the
+Antonine proceeds by Ægæ to Baiæ and Alexandria
+ad Issum—and the Jerusalem to the same points
+by Tarsus and Adana.</p>
+
+<p>Between Tyana and the Pylæ was situated Faustinopolis,
+probably not far from the camp of Cyrus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>&#x2060;;
+for it can hardly be doubted that Curtius, in
+stating the Pylæ to have been only fifty stades from
+the camp of Cyrus, alluded to the beginning of the
+passes. The narrowest part, which was particularly
+called the Pylæ, was towards the southern side of
+the mountain, as the Jerusalem Itinerary&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> and
+modern travellers concur in showing.</p>
+
+<p>Of the places contained in the preceding extract
+from the Itineraries, Andabilis is the only one of
+which the position is determined by the name in
+actual use. But there is a strong presumption
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>that Ak-serai stands on the site of Archelais, as
+well from the agreement of its position on a line
+drawn from A´ngura to Bor with that which the
+distances in the Itineraries give to Archelais on the
+same line, as from the remark of Pliny, that this
+colony of Claudius stood on the Halys; for Ak-serai
+by all accounts is watered by the stream which
+forms the western branch of that river. As no
+traveller, however, has yet described Ak-serai, we
+are still uninformed whether it stands on the exact
+site of the ancient colony, or only near it.</p>
+
+<p>Upon comparing together the distances from Nicæa
+to Tyana in the three itineraries, it is obvious
+that the Antonine is most to be depended upon; for
+in some of the important points in which it differs
+from the Jerusalem it is confirmed by the Table;
+and in one instance, where it differs from the Jerusalem,
+and where the Table fails us, it is confirmed
+by itself in another passage. We may conclude,
+therefore, in taking the road distance in Roman miles
+between Nicæa and Ancyra at 242, and from Ancyra
+to Tyana at 230. Both these measured on my construction
+in distances of half a degree along the general
+direction of the route give 150 geographical
+miles or a rate of 62/100 of a G. M. to the M. P. on
+the former road, and of 65/100 on the latter; both
+somewhat below the correct rate of the Roman mile
+on level ground (and such is by far the greater
+part of this road), but sufficiently near the truth
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>to give a strong presumption of accuracy both
+to the ancient numbers and to my construction.
+It must be confessed, however, that the ancient
+road which branched to Mazaca from the road
+Ancyra-Tyana, compared with the map, does
+not give a similar result. The distance of 114
+M. P. between Parnassus and Mazaca in the Antonine
+Itinerary, compared with the 85 G. M. of
+the map, gives a rate to the M. P. of not much
+less than 75/100 or 3/4 of a G. M. Future geographers
+will determine whether my construction is in fault
+or the Itinerary, which unfortunately on this route
+we have no means of checking by any other authority.</p>
+
+<p>There are five routes in the Table across Mount
+Taurus, from the interior plains to the southern
+coast. The easternmost is not connected at either
+end; but the word Paduando shows its real position.
+The Pylæ Ciliciæ was also called the pass of Podandus,
+which place was about midway between Tyana
+and Tarsus: this route of the Table, therefore, is evidently
+intended for that from Tyana to Tarsus; and
+should be connected accordingly&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>&#x2060;. Next to this is
+a road from Iconium, unconnected at its southern
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>extremity, and without any places named on it,
+except “the boundaries of Cilicia” and “Mount
+Taurus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>&#x2060;.” It is evidently intended for the road from
+Iconium to Tarsus. The third route leads from Iconium
+by Tetrapyrgia to Pompeiopolis: the sum of
+its distances from “ad fines” (the boundary of Cilicia)
+to Pompeiopolis is 54 M. P., or very nearly
+the same as the distance from the “boundaries” to
+Tarsus in the former road, and from the “hot waters”
+to Tarsus, in the first road. It gives us the
+line of Tetrapyrgia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>&#x2060;; a town, therefore, which cannot
+be the same as that placed by Ptolemy in the
+Garsauritis of Cappadocia. The fourth road led
+from Iconium by Taspa, Isaura, and Crunæ to Seleuceia,
+with a branch leading from between Isaura
+and Crunæ to Anemurium. It gives us the line of
+Isaura, but its distances are imperfect&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>&#x2060;. The fifth
+road across the Taurus led from Iconium to Side,
+with a branch to Antiocheia of Pisidia. The distance
+in the Table seems to be 80 M. P. to Side,
+which is about half the reality.</p>
+
+<p>Having drawn upon the map the several routes
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>of the three Itineraries, inserting the names of the
+principal places at their proportional distances,
+and correcting occasionally their orthography from
+better authorities, it remains only for me, in reference
+to the central region immediately under consideration,
+to offer some remarks upon a few of the
+chief points on which the Itineraries are assisted
+by other authorities. It is hoped that by these
+several means the future traveller will be furnished
+with an approximation that may assist him in ascertaining
+the real sites.</p>
+
+<p>The most important places in the northern part
+of the country under consideration were (after Ancyra),
+Juliopolis, Pessinus, and Amorium.</p>
+
+<p>1. Juliopolis.—We learn from Strabo that this
+city stood on the Sangarius, on the site of the ancient
+Gordium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>&#x2060;, and that it received its name from
+Cleon, a native, who after having exercised the
+profession of robber with great success in Mount
+Olympus, Phrygia Epictetus, and the adjacent districts,
+had the good fortune to make himself useful,
+first to Marcus Antonius and afterwards to
+Julius Cæsar: for these services he was acknowledged
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>by the Romans as an independent prince,
+and was honoured with the priesthood of Comana
+in Pontus, and of Jupiter Abrettenus in Mysia: in
+gratitude to Cæsar, he gave the name of Juliopolis
+to his native town, which had greatly declined from
+its former importance until he made it his capital&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>It appears from an existing coin of Juliopolis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>
+that it was situated at the confluence of the Sangarius
+and Scopas, and from Procopius that it stood
+about ten miles to the west of the Siberis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>&#x2060;. The
+latter seems to have been the same stream which
+Pliny calls Hiera, for he makes no mention of the
+Siberis, but names the Hiera next to the Scopius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>&#x2060;;
+and the Jerusalem Itinerary places the river Hierus
+at 13 M. P. to the eastward of Juliopolis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>&#x2060;. The
+respective distances of Juliopolis from Nicæa and
+from Ancyra in the Antonine Itinerary fall precisely
+at the point, where the stream named Aladan by
+Paul Lucas unites with the Aialá or Sakaría not far
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span>to the westward of Sarilár. The character, also, of
+being subject to inundation, which Procopius shows
+to have been that of the Siberis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>&#x2060;, agrees with a
+remark of Lucas in regard to the Kirmir, which he
+crossed between Beybazar and Aiás, and which falls
+into the Sakaría about ten miles to the eastward of
+the junction of the Aladan. From all these considerations
+it appears that the Aladan is the Scopas,
+and the Kirmir the Siberis or Hierus; and that
+some vestiges of Juliopolis would probably be found
+at or near Sarilár at the junction of the Scopas or
+Aladan with the Sangarius. Pliny remarks that the
+Hierus was the boundary of Bithynia and Galatia,
+thus agreeing with Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>&#x2060;, who places Juliopolis
+the last town in Bithynia, after Dablæ and
+Dadastana. At a later period, however, Dadastana,
+where the Emperor Jovian died, was considered the
+frontier town&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>That Juliopolis stood exactly at the junction of
+the two rivers Sangarius and Scopas, may be inferred
+as well from the coin as from Procopius,
+who informs us that Justinian erected a dyke to
+defend the walls of Juliopolis from the ravages of
+a river flowing on the western side of the city&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>&#x2060;:
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span>a remark which shows also, that the city was on the
+eastern side of the junction.</p>
+
+<p>The advantages which twice made this site the
+capital of the surrounding country were not entirely
+those of its position, at the confluence of two perennial
+streams in the centre of the fertile valley of the
+Sangarius, near the southern foot of the Olympene
+range, and at a favourable point for commanding
+the open country to the southward, though all these
+must have had a powerful influence on its prosperity.
+They were in part derived from its situation relatively
+to the sea-coasts of Asia Minor; its central position,
+and the facility of its communication as well with
+the Euxine and Ægæan as with the Pamphylian sea,
+having made it one of the most frequented commercial
+marts in the peninsula&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span></p>
+
+<p>2. Pessinus.—It unfortunately happens, that the
+only two ancient places in this country, the positions
+of which are deduced from the superior though not
+always infallible evidence, of a preservation of the ancient
+name, Orcistus and Germa, afford us very little
+assistance in a determination of the neighbouring
+sites. Orcistus does not occur in the itineraries or
+in the march of Manlius; its position at Alekiam
+serves, therefore, only to show where those roads did
+<i>not</i> pass. As to Germa, its position at Yerma is in
+total disagreement with the itinerary of Antoninus,
+according to which, Germa was 16 M. P. on the
+road from Pessinus to Ancyra&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>&#x2060;; whereas Pessinus
+being by the consent of Polybius, Livy, and Strabo
+on the Sangarius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>&#x2060;, and Yerma being about 15
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span>miles to the S.W. of that river, Pessinus should
+rather have been on the road from Germa to Ancyra,
+if Germa was at Yerma. We are under the
+necessity, therefore, either of doubting the identity
+of Yerma, or of rejecting the evidence of the Antonine
+as to the site of Pessinus. I am the more
+inclined to adopt the latter part of the alternative,
+because that itinerary is liable to great suspicion
+in this place, from its total disagreement with the
+Peutinger Table in its distance from Dorylæum to
+Germa, while the Table on the other hand is confirmed
+by the actual construction. The Table
+gives 77 M. P. from Dorylæum to Pessinus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>&#x2060;,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span>which agrees very accurately with the 56 G. M. of
+direct distance on the map; whereas the Antonine
+has only 50 M. P. from Dorylæum to Germa,
+although according to that itinerary Germa ought
+to be still further than Pessinus from Dorylæum.
+It is probable, therefore, that there is some error
+in this part of the Antonine itinerary, and that the
+Roman remains which Mr. Kinneir observed at Yerma
+are really those of the Roman colony of Germa.</p>
+
+<p>Pessinus was situated on the Sangarius, at the foot
+of mount Dindymum&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>&#x2060;.
+ It appears from Livy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> to
+have been on the right bank of the river; for he states
+that Manlius coming from the southward, after having
+constructed a bridge and crossed the river, was
+met by the priests of Pessinus as he marched along
+the bank; and that having accepted the omen of their
+predictions in favour of the Romans, he halted for the
+day in the same place where he met them, which
+appears to have been very near to Pessinus. As he
+arrived on the next day at Gordium, which we have
+already seen was only ten or thirteen miles from
+the river Hierus; and as his march in direct distance
+could hardly have been more than 14 G. M.—it
+is evident that Pessinus was not very far above
+the junction of the Hierus with the Sangarius. It
+is not improbable that it may have stood exactly
+at the junction of these two streams, and that the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span>Hierus may have received that name as partaking
+of the sacred character of Pessinus.</p>
+
+<p>This position of Pessinus, it may be observed, is
+in exact agreement with the account which Ammianus
+gives of the march of Julian from Nicæa;
+who, after having followed the great road of
+the Itineraries as far as the confines of Gallogræcia
+(near Gordium), turned to the right to Pessinus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>&#x2060;.
+The traveller, therefore, who after discovering the
+site of Gordium should turn out of the great road
+to A´ngura about Sarilár, and follow the right
+bank of the Sangarius, could hardly fail in finding
+some indications of the site of a place which is described
+by Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> as a great mart of commerce, and
+which flourished as a metropolitan bishopric until
+the Mussulman conquest&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>&#x2060;. It is not impossible
+that he might discover some remains of the very ancient
+and celebrated temple dedicated to Angistis,
+the Great Goddess, or Phrygian Cybele, which had
+been sumptuously adorned with porticos of white
+marble by the Pergamenian kings, and which was
+the object of the visit of the apostate emperor.</p>
+
+<p>The only evidence of ancient history militating
+against the position of Pessinus here supposed, is
+the assertion of Strabo that the sources of the Sangarius
+were only 150 stades distant from Pessinus,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span>for this short interval does not very well agree with
+the description of the Sakaría given by Pococke and
+Kinneir, who crossed it considerably above the supposed
+site of Pessinus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>&#x2060;,—a better knowledge of the
+country will show whether the error is in the numbers
+of Strabo, or in my conjecture as to the site
+of Pessinus: or, perhaps, it may be found that the
+sources of the Sangarius alluded to by Strabo were,
+in the same manner as those of the Mæander and
+of several other Grecian rivers, not the natural or
+most distant springs of the river; although, from
+something remarkable in them, they may have been
+the reputed sources.</p>
+
+<p>3. Amorium chiefly flourished under the Byzantine
+empire. It was the metropolitan see of the
+Second Galatia, and was taken and cruelly plundered
+by the Caliph Motasem, in the year of the
+Christian æra 837&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>&#x2060;. Under the Saracens it rose
+to be the chief town of all the surrounding country;
+and continued to be so in the eleventh century,
+when Idrisi wrote his geographical work&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>&#x2060;.
+The Turkish conquest, however, effected so complete
+a change in the political arrangement and
+geographical nomenclature of Asia Minor, that we
+find no trace of the name of Amorium in the Turkish
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span>Geographers; and future travellers will perhaps
+find the best evidence of its site in its Saracenic
+vestiges, combined with such slender data as the
+Greek authors have left us. Strabo, and Stephanus
+who follows him, place Amorium in Great Phrygia;
+and Strabo clearly describes it&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> as being in the
+country which lay southward of Cotyaeium, Dorylæum,
+and Pessinus; westward of Lycaonia, and
+in the parts near Phrygia Paroreius and Synnada.
+And this situation of Amorium serves to explain,
+and at the same time receives confirmation from,
+a part of the Peutinger Table which is rather obscure.
+We find in this Table a road from Pessinus
+to Amorium by Abrostola, and from thence to Laodiceia
+Combusta; it then returns from Amorium
+to Abrostola, and from the latter is carried to join
+the great route from Ancyra to Tyana, at Salaberina
+(the Salambria of Ptolemy) 20 M. P. beyond
+Archelais. Hence it seems evident, upon placing
+these routes upon the map, that Amorium must
+have been to the southward of Abrostola; a situation
+which agrees very well with that described in
+the words of Strabo.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span></p>
+
+<p>The princess Anna Comnena&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> relates that her
+father Alexius, in his expedition against the Turks
+in the year 1116, after moving from Dorylæum,
+sent forward detachments of his army from a place
+called Santabaris, towards Polybotum in one direction,
+and in another towards Pœmanene and
+Amorium. This seems to place Santabaris at or
+near Seid-el-Ghazi, and Pœmanene between that
+place and Amorium.</p>
+
+<p>Orcaoryci, which the passage of Strabo cited in
+the preceding note tends to place to the northward
+of Lycaonia, towards Pessinus, is shown by the
+geographer’s description of Galatia to have been
+between that city and the lake Tatta, on the confines
+of the Tectosages&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>&#x2060;. A third mention of
+Orcaoryci by the same author, seems to imply that
+it was not to the northward of Tatta&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>&#x2060;. Not far
+from these places was a town called Pitnisus, or Pitnissa&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>&#x2060;,
+or Petenessus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>&#x2060;. Ptolemy, who considers
+this country a part of Lycaonia, names Petenessus
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span>next to Daumana, or Ecdamua, or Ecdaumana—the
+same, undoubtedly, as the Egdaua of the Table,
+which places it at 71 M. P. from Abrostola, on the
+road to Tyana. This position, therefore, of Petenessus,
+and consequently of the neighbouring Orcaoryci,
+agrees perfectly with that which is deducible
+from the observations of Strabo. Orcaoryci
+and the neighbouring places formed a part of the
+<i>axylous</i> country described by Livy, through which
+the consul Manlius marched his army in proceeding
+from Synnada to cross the Sangarius near Pessinus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>&#x2060;.
+I am unable to trace his route, because
+none of the names of the intermediate places
+mentioned by him are found in any other author.
+In any such attempt it will be necessary to recollect
+that the boundaries of the Asiatic provinces
+followed by Strabo, were not established until long
+after the time of Manlius, by Augustus and Tiberius,—that
+the Gauls had not long before conquered
+the greater part of Asia Minor, and that the Consul’s
+expedition was for the purpose of reducing
+them. Hence we find that he arrived at the limits
+of the Tolistobogii only in three days’ march from
+Beudos; he then moved, in four days, to Alyatti;
+from thence crossed the <i>Axylus</i> to Cuballum,
+where he was attacked by the Galatian cavalry;
+and from thence, in several days’ continued march
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span>(continentibus itineribus), he arrived at the Sangarius.
+It is evident that the Consul was not
+marching in any regular line during these days, but
+was overrunning the country of the Tolistobogii,
+while waiting for an answer from the king of the
+Tectosages: it seems not at all improbable, therefore,
+that he may have advanced as far southward
+as the Caballucome placed in the Table at 23 M. P.
+from Laodiceia, and at 32 from Sabatra; and consequently,
+that the Caballucome of the Table may
+be the same as the Cuballum of Livy.</p>
+
+<p>There can be little doubt that the Tolosocorio
+marked in the Table at 24 miles from Abrostola,
+in the road to Tyana, and which by Ptolemy is
+written Τολαστόχωρα, ought to be Tolistochora,
+“the town of the Tolistobogii”; who being the
+southern and western division of the Galatians,
+must have precisely occupied the part of the country
+in which the direction and distances of the route
+in the Table place Tolistochora&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>&#x2060;. It has already
+been remarked, that the Egdaua of this road in the
+Table is the Ecdaumana of Ptolemy; in like manner
+Congusso may be corrected from him into Congustus;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span>Petra into Perta, which writing is confirmed
+by the Notitiæ Episcopatuum&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>&#x2060;; and Salaberina
+into Salambria, at which place the road fell into
+that from Archelais to Tyana.</p>
+
+<h3><i>Additional note to page <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</i></h3>
+
+<p>The existence of a large district in the interior of Asia Minor,
+in which the waters do not flow to the sea, and that much
+larger tract on the frontier of Persia, and Caubul, which is
+watered by the Elmend, (Etymander) terminating in a lake
+subject to periodical inundations, seem sufficient without other
+examples to render it probable that a great part of the still
+larger continent of North Africa may have a physical construction
+of the same kind, and that its interior may be a system
+of oases, formed by rivers ending in lakes which vary in size
+according to the season of the year. The mode in which
+Nature fertilizes low lands in countries so situated as to climate
+that rain seldom falls, except in the mountains or their vicinity,
+is exemplified in Egypt; and it is obvious that the same end
+may be produced, whether the inundating river has a delta and
+a communication with the sea, or whether it terminates in a
+lake which overflows large plains around its banks after the
+season of rain in the high lands. In some instances, as in the
+small district of Taka, which is situated in the midst of the
+Desert, between the Astaboras and the Red Sea, the inundation
+which descends from the mountains of Abyssinia previous
+to the season of vegetation, is afterwards totally dried up.
+(Burckhardt’s Nubia, p. 387.) But it more frequently happens
+that the recipient preserves a part of its water all the year; and
+this seems to be the condition of the lakes of Fitré and Bornou.
+From the southern slopes of the African mountains bordering on
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span>the Mediterranean Sea, several considerable rivers run southward
+into the great Desert, which cannot terminate otherwise
+than in fertilized sands, or lakes, or inundations. The lake
+Dibbie, or Tybe, which was crossed by Alexander Scott in the
+course of his captivity, we know from Park to be an inundation
+derived from the Niger. It is not impossible that the lake of
+Bornou may originate, in part at least, from the same stream;
+for as Nature generally economizes her means, it is evident
+that in the case of an interior river the greatest effect will be
+produced by the spreading of its waters as its course advances,
+instead of their being collected into one bed, as occurs in rivers
+which flow into the sea. In proportion, therefore, as the information
+of travellers may show the impossibility of a junction
+of the Niger with the Nile (and Browne and English seem to
+have furnished the strongest evidence to this effect), it will
+become more probable that the Niger, by branching and by
+expanding into lakes and inundations, is the great fertilizing
+cause throughout the low countries of North Africa which lie
+just without the reach of the tropical rains. Thus spread out
+and exposed to the rapid evaporation of an African sun, the
+Niger may be as large, or perhaps even larger where Park saw
+it as Sego, than in any subsequent part of its course. In several
+rivers of Spain, Italy, and particularly of Greece, artificial derivations
+alone have caused a similar effect; so that the quantity
+of water in the bed of the river diminishes instead of increases
+from the foot of the mountains to the sea. Even the Nile carries
+very little of its water to the sea, except during the inundation;
+and in ancient times when the Mæris and other smaller
+lakes were annually filled to a great extent, and when three or
+four times as much land was watered by the overflowing of the
+river as in the present day, the quantity of water discharged
+by the mouths of the Nile must have been still smaller than it
+is at present.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span></p>
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.<br>
+<span class="smaller">CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNEY FROM KÓNIA.</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>Tshumra—Kassabá—Karamán or Láranda—Ancient Cities of this
+Part of the Country—Laranda, Derbe, Lystra, Ilistra—Passage
+over Mount Taurus into the Valley of the Calycadnus—Mout—Passage
+of another Ridge of Taurus—Sheikh-Amúr—Approach
+to the Sea-coast—Gulnar or Kelénderi, ancient Colenderis—Ancient
+Cities of the Interior of Tracheiotis—Olbasa
+Claudiopolis—Philadelphia—Diocæsareia—Passage by Sea to
+Cyprus—Tzerína—Lefkosía—Lárnaka—Return to Tzerína—Passage
+by Sea to Kháradra—Cape Selenti—Aláya—Author’s
+Route by Sea along the Coast to Constantinople—Journal
+of General Koehler from Aláya to Shughut—Alara—Menavgát—Stavros—Adália—Bidjikli—Tshaltigshe—Búrdur—Ketsiburlu—Dombai—Sandukli—Sitshanli—Altún
+Tash—Kutáya—In-óghi—Shughut—Conclusion of the Tour.</i></p>
+
+</div>
+
+<p>Feb. 1.—Our journey of this day is from Kónia
+to Tshumra, reckoned a six hours’ stage. We have
+remarked that since leaving Ak-shehr the post-horses
+are of an inferior kind. They are larger
+and not well formed, often broken-knee’d, and frequently
+falling, which seldom happened in the first
+part of our journey. Those supplied from Kónia
+for this day’s journey are very indifferent, and we
+did not get them till ten o’clock, nor till after we
+had paid some high fees to the post-master and
+Tatár-aga. The plain of Kónia is considered the
+largest in Asia Minor; our road pursues a perfect
+level for upwards of twenty miles, and is in excellent
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span>order for travelling. In such roads the journey,
+even with loaded horses, may be performed in two-thirds
+of the computed time. A rough kind of
+two-wheeled carriage, drawn by oxen or buffaloes,
+is used in this plain. It runs upon trucks, ingeniously
+formed of six pieces of solid wood, three
+in the centre, and three on the outside, the outer
+joints falling opposite to the centre of the inner
+pieces; the whole is kept together by an iron
+felloe, and by fastenings connecting the outer pieces
+with the inner.</p>
+
+<p>Tshumra is a small village with a scanty cultivation
+around it. We are lodged in a Turk’s cottage,
+which consists of two apartments. The inner
+(which is considerably the larger of the two) is for
+his horse; the other is separated from the passage
+leading into the stable by two or three steps and a
+low rail, and is just sufficient to contain the fireplace,
+and a sofa on either side of it. This is the
+whole of his habitation, and here we are just able
+to find room enough to lie down at night.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 2.—From Tshumra to Kassabá, nine hours
+over the same uninterrupted level of the finest soil,
+but quite uncultivated, except in the immediate
+neighbourhood of a few widely dispersed villages.
+It is painful to behold such desolation in the midst
+of a region so highly favoured by nature. Another
+characteristic of these Asiatic plains is the exactness
+of the level, and the peculiarity of their extending,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span>without any previous slope, to the foot of the
+mountains, which rise from them, like lofty islands
+out of the surface of the ocean. The Karamanian
+ridge seems to recede as we approach it, and the
+snowy summits of Argæus are still seen to the
+north-eastward. We passed only one small village
+in this day’s route. It was called Alibey Kiúi, and
+was situated at one hour’s distance short of Kassabá.
+We observed, however, some ruins of villages, and
+in several places fragments of ancient architecture,
+particularly about half way, at a bridge constructed
+almost entirely of such remains, which traverses a
+small stream running from the mountain on our
+right to the lake of Kónia. At three or four miles
+short of Kassabá, we are abreast of the middle
+of the very lofty insulated mountain already mentioned,
+called Kara-dagh. It is said to be chiefly
+inhabited by Greek Christians, and to contain 1001
+churches; but we afterwards learned that these
+1001 churches (Bin-bir Klissa) was a name given
+to the extensive ruins of an ancient city at the foot
+of the mountain. Since leaving Kónia we have
+experienced more civility from the inhabitants than
+before; a change to be ascribed to our being now
+upon a less frequented route. On approaching
+Kassabá, the people met us in great numbers. One
+person threw a pair of pigeons, with the legs tied
+together, under the feet of the general’s horse;
+others wrestled and danced. On arriving at our
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span>lodging they brought us presents of water-melons,
+dried grapes, and other fruits. Kassabá differs
+from every town we have passed through, in being
+built of stone instead of sun-baked bricks. It is
+surrounded with a wall flanked by redans, or angular
+projections, and has some handsome gates
+of Saracenic architecture. It has a well supplied
+bazar, and seems formerly to have been a Turkish
+town of more importance than it is at present.
+The dry clear weather which has been so propitious
+to our travelling, has been very unfavourable to
+agriculture. At Kassabá we are informed that
+there has been neither snow nor rain for two
+months, and that the drought is very distressing.
+Khatun-serái is four hours to the westward of Kassabá,
+in a pleasant situation in the mountains.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 3.—From Kassabá to Karamán, four hours:
+the weather cool and overcast; the road still passing
+over a plain, which towards the mountains
+begins to be a little intersected with low ridges
+and ravines. At one hour from Kassabá we pass
+on the outside of Illísera, a small town with low
+walls and towers, built of mud bricks, and situated
+upon a rising ground half a mile from the foot
+of the mountains. Between these mountains and
+the Kara-dagh there is a kind of strait, which
+forms the communication between the plain of
+Karamán and the great levels lying eastward of
+Kónia. Having passed this opening, we enter the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span>plain of Karamán. Our course from Kónia has
+been more southerly than it was before we reached
+that town, or upon an average S. by E. by compass.
+We are told that the mountains above Illísera
+produce madder in great abundance, partly
+used in the dyeing manufactories of Kónia, and
+partly sent to Smyrna. The plain of Karamán
+and the foot of the surrounding mountains are in
+general well cultivated; and as they present a more
+bounded prospect, and are intersected with frequent
+streams, and varied with swelling grounds, they
+are much more pleasing and picturesque than the
+immense unbroken levels we have for so many days
+been travelling over.</p>
+
+<p>Advancing towards Karamán I perceive a passage
+into the plains to the N.W. round the northern
+end of Kara-dagh, similar to that of Illísera on
+the south, so that this mountain is completely insulated.
+We still see to the north-east the great snowy
+summits of Argæus, which is probably the highest
+point of Asia Minor&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>&#x2060;. As we approached the town
+of Karamán two horsemen met us, and conducted
+us to our Konák, at the house of the Vekíl of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span>Bishop of Iconium, who is at the head of the
+Christian community of the place. Karamán is
+situated at a distance of two miles from the foot
+of the mountains. Its ancient Greek name, Láranda,
+with the accent on the first syllable, is still
+in common use among the Christians, and is
+even retained in the firmahns of the Porte. The
+houses, in number about a thousand, are separated
+from one another by gardens, and occupy a large
+space of ground. There are now only three or
+four mosques, but I observed the ruins of several
+others; and the remains of a castle show that the
+place was formerly of much greater importance.
+It was the capital of a Turkish kingdom, which
+lasted from the time of the partition of the dominions
+of the Seljukian monarchs of Iconium until
+1486, when all Caramania was reduced to subjection
+by the Ottoman emperor Bayazíd the Second.
+Karamán derives its name from the first and greatest
+of its princes, who on the death of Sultan
+Aladin the Second, about the year 1300, made
+himself master of Iconium, Cilicia, Pamphylia,
+Lycaonia, and of a large portion of Phrygia and
+Cappadocia. His name, like those of some other
+Turkish chieftains&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>&#x2060;, who at the same time shared
+among them a great part of the western provinces
+of the peninsula, has been transmitted to posterity
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span>in one of the great Turkish divisions of Asia
+Minor. The Ottomans upon obtaining possession
+of Karamán subdivided it into Kharidj the
+outer and Itshili the interior country: probably
+because to them who came from the north-east
+Itshili, which comprises the Cilician coast and
+Cyprus, lay behind or within the mountains; Iconium
+the former Seljukian capital became the seat
+of the Ottoman Pashalik; and the decline of the
+town of Karamán may be dated from that period.</p>
+
+<p>The appearance of Karamán indicates poverty.
+The only manufactures are some coarse cotton and
+woollen stuffs; but they send the produce of the
+surrounding mountains, consisting chiefly of hides,
+wool, and acorns used in dyeing, to the neighbouring
+coasts and to Smyrna. The houses are built
+of sun-baked bricks, with flat roofs. The chimneys
+being very wide, and much exposed to violent winds
+from the surrounding mountains, have a trap-door
+on the top, which may be raised or lowered at
+pleasure, by means of a cord, communicating
+through the roof into the house. The women of
+Karamán when passing through the streets conceal
+their faces with unusual care. In the other parts
+of Asia Minor a veil covering the upper and lower
+parts of the face has been the utmost we have remarked,
+but here I see several women with only a
+single eye exposed to the view of passengers. The
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span>rest of the person is in the usual shapeless form of
+Turkish drapery.</p>
+
+<p>We could not find any Greek remains at Karamán,
+with the sole exception of a stone in a wall
+near the entrance of the castle with the words
+ΙΩΑΝΝΗϹ ΔΟΜΕϹΤΙΚΟϹ upon it.</p>
+
+<p>The chief ancient towns near Laranda were Derbe
+and Lystra, whose names have been immortalized
+by the sacred writer of the Acts of the Apostles&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>&#x2060;.—About
+the middle of the century preceding the
+birth of Christ, Derbe was the residence of an independent
+chief, or robber, as Strabo calls him&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>&#x2060;,
+named Antipatrus, who possessed also Laranda.
+Antipatrus having been slain by Amyntas king of
+Galatia, Derbe fell into the power of the latter;
+who had already received Isauria from the Romans,
+upon its reduction by Servilius. Amyntas conquered
+all Pisidia, as far as Apollonias, near Apameia
+Cibotus; but having fallen in fighting with
+the Homonadenses, his dominions devolved to the
+Romans; who having not long afterwards succeeded
+also to those of Archelaus king of Cappadocia,
+made a new distribution of these provinces,
+in which Derbe, as we have already seen, was the
+western extremity of the Cilician præfecture of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span>Cappadocia. Strabo, from whom we learn most
+of the preceding facts&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>&#x2060;, observes in another place,
+that Derbe was on the Isaurian frontier of Cappadocia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>&#x2060;.
+But it must also have been on the frontier
+of Lycaonia; for about the same time St. Luke calls
+both Derbe and Lystra cities of Lycaonia. About a
+century afterwards, we find that Derbe had been separated
+from the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia,
+and that it formed,—together with Laranda and
+the adjacent part of Mount Taurus, which contained
+Olbasa,—a separate district called Antiochiana;
+which Ptolemy places between Lycaonia and the
+Tyanitis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>&#x2060;. From all these circumstances, there
+seems no doubt that Derbe stood in the great Lycaonian
+plain, not far from the Cilician Taurus,
+on the Cappadocian side of Láranda; a situation
+precisely agreeing with that of the ruins called
+the 1001 churches of Mount Kara-dagh. These
+ruins have never been visited, or at least described,
+by any modern traveller; nor has the route from
+Láranda to Erkle, near which they stand, been traversed
+by any except Bertrandon de la Brocquière,
+in 1432, from whom we learn nothing more than
+that he travelled for two days in a plain from Erkle
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span>to Láranda. It is impossible, therefore, to say,
+whether there is any lake near these ruins, which
+will support the conjecture that the word λιμὴν,
+used by Stephanus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> in speaking of Derbe, may be
+altered into λίμνη; for without this change the word
+can have no meaning.</p>
+
+<p>Lystra appears to have been nearer than Derbe
+to Iconium; for St. Paul, leaving that city, proceeds
+first to Lystra, and from thence to Derbe; and in
+like manner returns to Lystra, to Iconium, and to
+Antiocheia of Pisidia. And this seems to agree with
+the arrangement of Ptolemy, who places Lystra
+in Isauria, and near Isaura, which seems evidently
+to have occupied some part of the valley of Sidy
+Shehr, or Bey Shehr. Under the Greek empire,
+Homonade, Isaura, and Lystra, as well as Derbe
+and Laranda, were all included in the consular
+province of Lycaonia, and were bishoprics of the
+metropolitan see of Iconium. The similarity of
+name induced me at first to believe that Lystra
+was situated at the modern Illísera; but we find,
+as well in the civil arrangement of the cities in
+Hierocles as in two ecclesiastical lists in the Notitiæ
+Episcopatuum, that Lystra and Ilistra were
+distinct places. I am inclined to think that the
+vestiges of Lystra may be sought for with the greatest
+probability of success at or near Wiran Khatoun
+or Khatoun Serai, about 30 miles to the southward
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span>of Iconium. Nothing can more strongly show the
+little progress that has hitherto been made in a
+knowledge of the ancient geography of Asia Minor,
+than that of the cities, which the journey of St. Paul
+has made so interesting to us, the site of one only
+(Iconium) is yet certainly known. Perga, Antioch
+of Pisidia, Lystra, and Derbe, remain to be discovered.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 4.—Such is the poverty of Karamán, that
+we cannot procure the number of horses necessary
+for our party, and are obliged to perform the remainder
+of the journey to the coast, reckoned at
+thirty-six hours, with camels, instead of horses,
+for carrying our baggage, although the intervening
+track, being almost entirely mountainous, is the
+kind of country the least adapted to that animal.
+It requires all this day to procure a sufficiency of
+camels and horses; and we are under the necessity
+of deferring our departure.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 5.—The arrival of Captain Lacy from Constantinople
+produces a further delay this morning,
+an addition to our cattle being necessary. It was
+eleven o’clock before we set out from Karamán,
+though we rose at two, and were ready to start at
+four. At the distance of two or three miles from
+the town we began to ascend, and entered the
+mountainous region which extends all the way to
+the coast, and which anciently formed part of the
+division of Cilicia called Tracheiotis, or Cilicia
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span>Tracheia. Our caravan now consists, besides saddle-horses,
+of thirteen camels, one of which is laden
+with provisions for the rest. On account of the
+difficulty of the road, their burthen is light; they
+carry no more than the usual load of a horse, yet
+with this easy weight they do not move quicker
+than two miles and a half in the hour. They step
+a yard at a time, and make about seventy-five steps
+in a minute. The post-horses laden with baggage
+in the former part of the route, moved at the rate
+of three miles and a half an hour in the plains.
+Entering the hills, we see rocks excavated into a
+great number of chambers, anciently sepulchral,
+but now inhabited by peasants and shepherds. As
+we leave the plains the climate changes. At four
+hours from Karamán, in the lower region of the
+mountains, we pass a village where the snow beginning
+to fall heavily, and there being no habitation
+beyond for the next fifteen hours, our guides and
+attendants are much inclined to remain for the
+night; but our delay at Karamán makes us impatient
+to proceed, and we advance four hours further
+to a khan in the wildest part of the mountain.
+During the ascent, the road presented some magnificent
+views of mountain-scenery. On the left
+was a very lofty peaked summit, one of the highest
+of the range of Taurus, probably between 6 and
+7000 feet above the level of the sea. In the lower
+regions of the mountain, we passed through woods
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span>consisting chiefly of oak, ilex, arbutus, lentisk, and
+junipers of various species. As we ascend, we enter
+the region of pines; and through the latter part
+of the route do not see a living creature; though
+we are told that the woods abound with deer, wild
+boars, bears, and wolves. The khan where we take
+up our lodging for the night is deserted, and partly
+in ruins. As we resolve not to unload the camels,
+they are seated on the outside of the khan in a ring
+round the door. We break some branches from the
+fir-trees, now heavily covered with snow, which grow
+near the khan, then select a part of the building
+where the roof is still entire, and make a fire on one
+of the hearths which are ranged in a line along the
+inside of the wall. Here we cook some meat which
+we had brought with us, and then sleep round the
+fire till midnight; soon after which we send off our
+camels in advance, and at six o’clock (Feb. 6.) pursue
+our journey to Mout, distant eleven hours.—The
+weather is again fine. The road lies over the
+highest ridges of the mountains, where, amidst the
+forests of pines, are several beautiful valleys and
+small plains, forming with the surrounding rocks
+and woods the most beautiful scenery. In several
+places we trace the footsteps of the wild animals,
+and observe spots where wild boars have been rooting
+up the earth. The soil is fertile in the intervals
+of the woods, and the climate cannot be very
+severe during the greater part of the year, there being
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span>no permanent snow, now in the middle of winter,
+upon any but the highest summits. There appears,
+however, no trace of cultivation, though there
+is ample proof that these mountains were anciently
+well inhabited; for we meet with scarcely a rock
+remarkable for its form or position, that is not
+pierced with ancient catacombs. Many of these
+rocks present at a small distance the exact appearance
+of towers and castles. At a khan half way
+between our last night’s konák and Mout, we begin
+to descend into the valley where this town is situated.
+The khan seems to stand upon the site of
+an ancient temple, or other public building, there
+being many fragments of ancient architecture in its
+walls, and lying around it, and among the latter
+a handsome Corinthian capital. Not far beyond
+the khan we stop to examine a tall rock, which,
+partly by its natural form, and partly by the effect
+of art, represents a high tower. At the foot of it
+is a niche with a semicircular top, the lower part
+forming a coffin, cut out of the solid rock; the lid
+of this sarcophagus, which is a separate stone, lies
+at the foot of the rock; upon it is the figure of a
+lion seated in the middle, with a boy at either end;
+the boy facing the lion has his foot upon the paw
+of the animal. The sculpture is much defaced,
+and the heads have been purposely destroyed. We
+find also many entire sarcophagi, with their covers.
+They had all been opened; in some instances
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span>by throwing off the covers, in others by forcing a
+hole through the sides. The usual ornament is the
+<i>caput bovis</i> with festoons, but some have on one
+side a defaced inscription on a tablet; on either
+side of this are ornaments varying on different sarcophagi.
+We observe on some, a garland on one
+side of the tablet, and a crescent on the other; some
+have emblems which seem to refer to the profession
+of the deceased. These, and all the other monuments
+of antiquity we have met with, excepting those of
+Doganlú, are evidently of the time of the Romans.
+Not far from the spot where we saw these remains
+is the village of Máhile; not in view from our road;
+it may, perhaps, have been the site of the ancient
+town to which the sepulchres belonged. From
+hence we begin to descend through woods of oak,
+beech, and other timber-trees, growing amidst an
+underwood of arbutus, andrachne, ilex, lentisk, and
+many other of the shrubs cultivated with so much
+care in our gardens. As we approach the valley,
+we meet with the wild olive in considerable quantities,
+and at length, after a very rugged descent,
+we enter the valley of Mout. The town and its
+dependent territory are governed by a pasha of two
+tails: who in this retired and distant situation
+seems to care little for the orders of the Porte, for
+he laughs at our firmahn, and declares, what the
+desolate appearance of the place tends to confirm,
+that he has not a horse or a camel to furnish us
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span>with; but he offers us forage for our cattle, and
+lodging for ourselves. The latter is a ruinous hut
+in the castle, where we can procure nothing but
+some coarse barley-bread to add to the meat which
+we brought with us. The walls of the castle are
+surmounted with battlements, flanked by square
+towers open to the interior. In the middle is a
+round tower, cased, as it were, in another circular
+wall, rising to half the height of the tower, and
+leaving a narrow interval between them&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>&#x2060;. On one
+side of the castle is a precipice, the foot of which
+is washed by a river.</p>
+
+<p>Mout stands on the site of an ancient city of
+considerable extent and magnificence. No place
+we have yet passed preserves so many remains of
+its former importance, and none exhibits so melancholy
+a contrast of wretchedness in its actual condition.
+Among the ruined mosques and baths,
+which attest its former prosperity as a Turkish
+town under the Karamanian kings, a few hovels
+made of reeds and mud are sufficient to shelter its
+present scanty population. Some of the people we
+saw living under sheds, and in the caverns of the
+rocks. Among these Turkish ruins and abodes of
+misery may be traced the plan of the ancient Greek
+city. Its chief streets and temples, and other public
+buildings, may be clearly distinguished, and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span>long colonnades and porticoes, with the lower parts
+of the columns in their original places. Pillars of
+verd-antique, breccia, and other marbles, lie half-buried
+in different parts, or support the remains of
+ruined mosques and houses. Most of the inhabitants
+whom we saw appeared half-naked, and half-starved;
+and this in a valley which promises the
+greatest abundance and fertility, and which is certainly
+capable of supporting a large population.
+Its scenery is of the greatest beauty: the variegated
+pastures, groves, and streams are admirably contrasted
+with the majestic forms and dark forests of
+the high mountains on either side. Every thing is
+seen that can be desired to complete the picturesque,
+unless it be an expanse of water.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 7.—In leaving Mout this morning, we
+particularly admire the fine effect of the castle with
+its round and square towers, the precipices with the
+river below them, the surrounding trees, and the
+ancient colonnades; and, among the most remarkable
+of the modern buildings, an old Turkish
+mosque, with the tomb of Karamán-Oglu, its
+founder. On quitting the town, we pass along the
+ancient road, which led through the cemetery.
+Sarcophagi stand in long rows on either side; some
+entire and in their original position, others thrown
+down and broken; the covers of all removed, and
+in most instances lying beside them. The greater
+part were adorned with the usual bull’s head and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span>festoons, and had a Greek inscription in a tablet
+on one side. The letters were sufficiently preserved
+to indicate the date to be that of the Roman
+Empire. We looked in vain for the name of the
+city; though, perhaps, it might have been found,
+with more leisure than we could command.</p>
+
+<p>The journey of this day is from Mout to Sheikh
+Amúr, reckoned 12 hours for walking horses, and
+18 for camels; the proportion of their movements
+being nearly as two to three. We had wished to
+have sent off our camels in the middle of the night,
+and to have followed in the morning, that we might
+all have arrived at our journey’s end at the same
+time, but the Pasha’s language and the wildness of
+the country make us think it more advisable to
+keep together. Another apprehension of more real
+magnitude is suggested by our Tatár, that the drivers,
+having been forced to go beyond their post,
+would take some opportunity, unless we should
+send a sufficient force along with them, of cutting
+off the baggage, leaving it on the road, and perhaps
+plundering it, and riding away with the horses and
+camels. We had risen at three in the morning,
+but could not with every exertion set out from
+Mout before seven; from which time we continued
+travelling, without halting, except occasionally
+for a few minutes, till eleven at night; having
+during the last two hours preceded the camels,
+which arrived at a little past twelve. For the first
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span>two or three hours, the road led us along the delightful
+valley of Mout. A little beyond a small
+village, around which are some rice-grounds, we
+forded, by the help of guides belonging to the
+place, a deep and rapid river, called the Kiúk-su
+(Sky-blue river). The river of Mout is a branch of
+this stream, and joins it further down the valley.
+After passing over a level for a short distance, we
+crossed another stream rather wider than the former,
+the water of which runs perfectly clear over a bottom
+of pebbles. This branch, the principal of
+those which form the Calycadnus, is called the
+Ermenék-su, from a town of that name near its
+sources in the western part of the valley, where, we
+are informed, considerable remains of antiquity, similar
+to those of Mout, are to be seen. Others
+are said to exist also lower down the valley, between
+Mout and Selefke. The Calycadnus passes the
+ruins of Seleuceia at Selefke, and joins the sea not
+far below that place. Soon after crossing the Ermenék
+we began to ascend, and travelled for the
+rest of the day along a horse-track amidst the forests
+and mountains. The oaks are not numerous,
+and are chiefly confined to the lower regions, where
+they are intermixed with arbutus, ilex, cornel, juniper,
+lentisk, &amp;c. In the upper parts scarcely any
+trees are seen but pines of different species: most
+of these are of a moderate size, but some which
+we saw in the highest parts of the mountain were
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span>straight, large, tall, and fit for the masts of ships of
+war. Great numbers had been destroyed for the
+sake of the turpentine, by making an incision near
+the foot of the tree and lighting a fire under it,
+which has the effect of making the resin run more
+freely. The summits in the centre of the ridge
+which we crossed yesterday are higher than any
+part of this range; but these mountains are more
+extensive, and of a still wilder and more rugged description.
+We are told, that in addition to the
+wild animals found in the ridge to the north of
+Mout, the forests of these mountains contain tigers,
+or at least an animal to which the Turkish
+name of Kaplán is given. The road sometimes
+passed along the edge of precipices of immense
+height; at other times it was a rugged path, climbing
+amidst broken rocks, where there seemed hardly
+a footing for a mule; and at others it was a descent
+upon banks and slopes so slippery that it was
+difficult even on foot to avoid falling. The camels,
+whose footing is so very ill formed for such roads,
+passed them nevertheless without any material accident;
+they had no doubt been often accustomed
+to carry the merchandize of the people of Karamán
+across the mountains which separate that town from
+the coast in every direction; and it may be mentioned
+as a remarkable instance of the force of habit.
+We met with a very civil reception from the
+Aga of Sheikh-Amúr, who presented us with part
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span>of a large wild boar which his men had killed in
+the woods.</p>
+
+<p>This morning, (Feb. 8.) we are much gratified by
+the delightful situation of the village perched upon
+a rocky hill, in a small hollow, surrounded by an
+amphitheatre of woody mountains. We proceed
+from Sheikh-Amúr to Gulnar, on the sea-side, a
+distance of six hours for horses. At a short distance
+from Sheikh-Amúr we remark several comfortable
+cottages, surrounded with patches of cultivation,
+and inclosures of palisades. These detached
+habitations, so uncommon in Turkey, indicate a
+degree of security which gives us a favourable opinion
+of the Caramanian mountaineers, whom indeed
+we have found very hospitable and inoffensive.
+The road is through the most beautiful mountain-scenery.
+A woody valley between high rocks, with
+a rivulet of clear water trickling through it, conducted
+us into a district more open and level, but
+at the same time more singularly wild, than any we
+had yet seen; for over the whole of it high perpendicular
+rocks, of the most grotesque and varied
+forms, stood up among the trees, resembling the
+representations of rocks on Chinese earthenware.
+From hence we passed along the dry bed of a torrent,
+which served as a road, between high calcareous
+precipices, rising close to us on either side.
+As we advanced, these rocks were fringed with ivy,
+saxifrage, &amp;c., and mixed with small groves of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span>evergreens: at the bottom, a clear stream ran along
+a natural groove in the rock. The prospect soon
+opened upon an extensive forest of oaks upon the
+slope of the mountain, through which we at length
+arrived at a pass between two summits, from whence
+we beheld the sea with almost as much delight as the
+soldiers of Xenophon, from the top of Mount Theches.
+The island of Cyprus appeared in the horizon.
+We descended into the valley which borders
+the coast, by a long and extremely steep and rugged
+mountain-path, often intersected by rivulets running
+in ravines, shaded by plane-trees. The valley
+presented a prospect very different from those we
+had passed. Its meadows and cultivated fields
+were in all the luxuriant vegetation and brilliant
+colours of an advanced spring. Among them were
+dispersed some cottages, with flat roofs and open
+galleries, like those of the interior country. In
+descending the mountain we followed the remains
+of an ancient aqueduct, and, as we approached the
+coast, traced it again leading towards the ruins
+which occupy the cape forming the bay of Celenderis.
+The road through the valley led along the
+beds of torrents adorned with oleander and agnus
+castus, and through groves of myrtle, bay, and
+other shrubs, produced only in the softer climate
+of the coast. The ruins, the beautiful curve of the
+bay, and the distant sea-view on the one side, and
+on the other the rich valley, contrasted with the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span>steep mountains and dark woods behind, form a
+picture, the beauty of which was greatly heightened
+by the brightness of the weather.</p>
+
+<p>Gulnar is the name applied by the Turks, and
+Kelénderi by the Greeks, to a harbour and surrounding
+district, in which, with the exception of the
+dispersed cottages already mentioned, the only habitations
+are the tombs and subterraneous vaults of
+the ancient Celenderis; several of the latter were occupied
+by poor Turkish families. Our lodging was
+a brick vault, with a stone pavement, which seemed
+once to have been a cistern; a low arch divided it
+into two equal parts. The outer was without a
+roof, but the inner furnished a dry and comfortable
+apartment. The remains of Celenderis are of various
+dates, but none of them, unless it be some
+sepulchres excavated in the rock, appear to be older
+than the early periods of the empire of Rome; and
+there are some even of a late date in that of Constantinople.
+The town occupied all the space adjacent
+to the inner part of the bay, together with
+the whole of the projecting cape. The best preserved
+remains of antiquity are, a square tower
+upon the extremity of the cape, and a monument
+of white marble among the tombs; the latter is
+formed of four open arches, supported upon pilasters
+of the Corinthian order, of not very finished
+workmanship; and the whole is surmounted with a
+pyramid, the apex of which has fallen. I observed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span>some handsome tessellated pavements among the
+ruins, and a great number of sarcophagi, together
+with fragments of columns and wrought stones.</p>
+
+<p>Celenderis, although it now preserves the remains
+only of a Roman town, seems in more ancient
+times to have been the principal place in this part
+of the country. It gave name to a region called
+Celenderitis, and coined those silver tetradrachms
+which supply some of the earliest and finest specimens
+of the numismatic art. The antiquity of the
+city is proved by the tradition of its having been
+founded by Sandocus, son of Phaethon&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>&#x2060;, and like
+the neighbouring Nagidus, it received a colony
+from the island of Samus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>&#x2060;. It is situated about
+the centre of the coast of Cilicia Tracheia.</p>
+
+<p>As this province extended to the boundaries of
+Tarsus on the east, of Coracesium on the west,
+and of Laranda on the north&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>&#x2060;, it seems to have
+corresponded exactly to the Turkish province of
+Itshili. The most fertile and the only extensive
+level in Tracheiotis is the valley of the Calycadnus,
+a district which was sometimes called Citis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>&#x2060;. This
+river, which rises to the north-west, passes by Ermenék,
+Sinanli, Mout, and Selefke, and joins the
+sea not far below the last of these modern places.
+Olbasa being the only city mentioned in the inland
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span>part of Citis by Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>&#x2060;, and Claudiopolis by
+Ammianus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>&#x2060;, it is not improbable that Olbasa
+may have changed its name to Claudiopolis, when
+a Roman colony was established there by the Emperor
+Claudius, and that its situation may have been
+at Mout. The extent and description of the remains
+of antiquity at that place are highly favourable to
+the supposition of its being the site of a city which
+flourished under the Roman Empire, at the same
+time that the vicinity of this part of Taurus to the
+plains which contain Derbe and Laranda is in agreement
+with the evidence of Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> as to the position
+of Olbasa; for he states the district of Antiochiana
+to have consisted of the townships of Laranda,
+Derbe, Olbasa, and a fourth town which he calls Musbanda.
+If the Roman colony at Mout was entirely
+a new foundation, perhaps it will be found that Olbasa
+was at Mahile. Philadelphia and Diocæsareia,
+which were also in this part of the country, may have
+been the one at Ermenék, and the other at the ruins
+already mentioned between Mout and Selefke.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 9.—Nothing can more strongly show the
+present desolation of these fine countries, than the
+fact, that as we descended the hills yesterday, towards
+the coast, only one vessel was visible in the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span>vast extent of sea then open to our view. It proved
+to be the boat which was to carry us across to Cyprus,
+and in which we embarked this evening,
+having delayed until that time, in the hope of profiting
+about midnight by the land-breeze from the
+mountains, which seldom fails when the weather
+is fair.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 10.—The land-breeze carries us half across
+the channel, and then leaves us to be tossed all day
+by the swell in a calm.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 11.—We land this forenoon at Tzerína,
+called by the Italians Cerina, and by the Turks
+Ghirne. It is a small town with a Venetian fortification,
+and a bad port on the northern coast of
+Cyprus; it is reckoned by the Greek sailors to be
+eighty miles from Kelénderi, but is probably less than
+sixty English. The town is situated amidst plantations
+of oranges, lemons, olives, dates, and other
+fruit-trees; and all the uncultivated parts of the
+plains around are covered with bay, myrtle, and
+lentisk. On the west side of the town are extensive
+quarries, among which are some catacombs,
+the only remains of the ancient Ceryneia. The
+harbour, bad and small as it is, must, upon a coast
+very deficient in maritime shelter, have always ensured
+to the position a certain degree of importance.
+The natural formation of the eastern part of the
+north side of Cyprus is very singular: it consists
+of a high rugged ridge of steep rocks, running in a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span>straight line from east to west, which descend
+abruptly on the south side into the great plain of
+Lefkosía, and terminate to the north in a narrow
+plain bordering the coast. Upon several of the
+rocky summits of the ridge are castles which seem
+almost inaccessible. The slope and maritime plain
+at the foot of the rocks, on the north, possess the
+finest soil and climate, with a plentiful supply of
+water; it is one of the most beautiful and best
+cultivated districts I have seen in Turkey.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 12.—Finding it impossible to procure horses
+in time to enable us to reach the gates of Lefkosía
+before sunset, at which time they are shut, we are
+under the necessity of remaining at Tzerína to-day.
+I visit a large ruined monastery, in a delightful situation,
+not far to the eastward of Tzerína, at no
+great distance from the sea. It contains the remains
+of a handsome Gothic chapel and hall, and
+bears a great resemblance to the ruins of an English
+abbey&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 13.—From Tzerína to Lefkosía, six hours.
+At the back of Tzerína the road passes through a
+natural opening in the great wall of rock I have
+already described, and descends into the extensive
+plain of Lefkosía. This is in some places rocky
+and barren, and is little cultivated even where the
+soil is good. Like most of the plains of Greece,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span>it is marshy in the winter and spring, and unhealthy
+in the summer. On the west and south are the
+mountains which occupy all that part of the island,
+and the slopes of which produce the wines exported
+in so large a quantity from Cyprus to all the
+neighbouring coasts. In the centre of the plain is
+Lefkosía (Λευκοσία), called Nicosia by the Italians,
+the capital of the island and of the province of
+Itshili, of which Cyprus is considered a part, though
+the government is now always administered, like that
+of the other Greek islands, by a deputy of the Capudán
+Pasha. The ramparts of the Venetian fortifications
+of Lefkosía exist in tolerable preservation; but the
+ditch is filled up, and there is no appearance of
+there ever having been a covert way. There are
+thirteen bastions: the ramparts are lofty and solid,
+with orillons and retired flanks. In the town is a
+large church converted into a mosque, and still
+bearing, like the great mosque at Constantinople,
+the Greek name of St. Sophia: it is said to have
+been built by Justinian; but this may be doubted,
+as Procopius, in his work on the edifices of that emperor,
+makes no mention of it; and its Gothic style
+seems rather to mark it for the work of one of the
+Frank kings of Cyprus. The flat roofs, trellised
+windows, and light balconies of the better order of
+houses, situated as they are in the midst of gardens
+of oranges and lemons, give, together with the fortifications,
+a respectable and picturesque appearance
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span>to Lefkosía at a little distance, but, upon
+entering it, the narrow dirty streets, and miserable
+habitations of the lower classes, make a very different
+impression upon the traveller; and the sickly
+countenances of the inhabitants sufficiently show
+the unhealthiness of the climate. At Lefkosía we
+were very hospitably entertained by an Armenian
+merchant, of the name of Sarkís, who is an English
+baratli, and under that protection has amassed a
+considerable property, and lives in splendour: he
+and his relations seem to occupy all the principal
+offices of the island held by Christians, such as
+those of interpreter and banker to the Motsellim,
+or deputy of the Capudán Pasha, of collector of
+the contributions of the Christians, of head of the
+Christian community, &amp;c.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 14.—From Lefkosía to Lárnaka, eight
+hours. The first half of the distance was a continuation
+of the same plain as before; the remainder
+lay over rugged hills of soft limestone, among
+which we cross some long ridges of selenite. At
+Lárnaka we found Sir Sidney Smith with his small
+squadron: he had just signed a treaty for the evacuation
+of Egypt by the French.</p>
+
+<p>Feb. 15.—We pass the day on board the Tigre,
+where we find General Junot, afterwards Duke of
+Abrantes, and Madame Junot and General Dupuy:
+the latter, next to Kleber, the senior general of the
+army of Egypt. They were taken by the Theseus,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span>Captain Styles, in attempting to escape from Alexandria.</p>
+
+<p>The town of Lárnaka stands at the distance of a
+mile from the shore, and has a quarter on the sea-side,
+called Ἀλικαίς by the Greeks, and Marina by
+the Italians. In the intermediate space are many
+foundations of ancient walls, and other remains,
+among the gardens and inclosures. The stones
+are removed for building materials as quickly as
+they are discovered; but the great extent of these
+vestiges, and the numerous antiquities which at
+different times have been found here&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>&#x2060;, seem to
+leave little doubt that here stood Citium, the
+most ancient and important city in this part of
+Cyprus.</p>
+
+<p>March 2.—After having remained several days
+at Lárnaka and Lefkosía, we arrive to-day at Tzerína,
+on our return to Constantinople. The purity
+of the air on the north coast of Cyprus is very sensibly
+perceived, after leaving the interior plains and
+the unhealthy situation of Lárnaka. The Turkish
+troops are already arriving in large bodies, on their
+way home, in the faith that the war of Egypt is
+concluded.</p>
+
+<p>We set sail at eight this morning, in a three-masted
+covered vessel, with latine sails, for Adália.
+A halo round the moon last night, and a turbid
+atmosphere this morning, portend a change of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span>weather. At two or three miles from the port,
+the land-wind which carried us out, falls and leaves
+us becalmed, but a breeze soon springs up from
+the eastward, and we steer N. by W. Having
+come in sight of the coast, we soon perceive the
+point of Anamúr, five or six leagues to leeward of
+us. As we approach the shore, the wind coming
+from the westward, and freshening, we are unable
+to weather Cape Selenti, and are obliged to make
+for a small cove, called Kalándra by the Turks,
+and Kháradra (its ancient name) by the Greeks.
+Here we are sheltered under the lee of a high cape,
+and by the help of six cables, three attached to the
+anchors, and three to the shore, we ride out a most
+tempestuous night of wind, rain, and thunder.</p>
+
+<p>March 8.—At ten this forenoon, the weather
+having become serene, we land and spend the day
+at some huts on the sea-shore, belonging to a village
+on the hills which we do not see. Here the
+coast, retiring from the cape under which we were
+sheltered last night, forms a small bay; around it
+is a fertile valley; at the head of which a <i>torrent</i>,
+making its way from high mountains&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>&#x2060;, between
+lofty precipices, seems to have given to this place
+its Greek name of Kháradra. The retired valley,
+with the bold coast, and the woods and precipices
+at the back, is extremely beautiful. The only remains
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span>of antiquity are part of a mole, just below
+the huts on the sea-shore. On the side of the torrent,
+a mile up the valley, is a deserted building,
+which has every appearance of Venetian or Genoese
+construction. Kháradra is reckoned by our boatmen
+ninety miles from Tzerína, twenty or thirty
+from Cape Selenti, and sixty from Aláya. It has
+been already remarked that they reckon eighty
+from Kelénderi to Tzerína. Comparing these computed
+distances with the real distances on the map,
+it appears that the Greek mile is about two-thirds
+of the geographical. As the word μίλι was borrowed
+from the Latin, the measure must originally
+have been the same as the Roman mile, though it
+is now shorter. It is, however, merely a computed
+and not a measured distance, and I could never obtain
+from the Greeks any accurate definition of it.</p>
+
+<p>March 9.—We sail this forenoon at ten with a
+fair breeze, which in two hours brings us abreast
+of Cape Selenti. Here the wind slackens, and becomes
+variable, and sometimes contrary with frequent
+showers and calms, so that we do not arrive
+at Aláya till eight in the evening. During the first
+half of the distance from Cape Selenti, we sail
+under high cliffs and headlands, beyond which
+are some very lofty mountains covered with snow.
+Further on, the mountains retire more inland, and
+leave upon the coast a fertile plain, which increases
+in breadth as we approach Aláya.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span></p>
+
+<p>March 10.—This town is situated upon a rocky
+hill, jutting into the sea from the outer or westernmost
+angle of the plain. It resembles Gibraltar, the
+hill being naturally fortified on one side (the western)
+by perpendicular cliffs of vast height, and falling in
+the opposite direction by a very steep slope to the
+sea. The whole face of the hill is surrounded by
+high solid walls&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> and towers, but the lower part
+only is occupied by the town, which is about a
+mile in circumference. The ground upon which
+it stands is in some parts so steep that the houses
+rise above one another in terraces, so that the flat
+roofs of one row of houses serve for a street to
+those above them. To the eastward of the town
+there is an anchorage for large ships, and small
+vessels are drawn up on the beach. In the middle
+of the sea-front are some large vaulted structures,
+on a level with the water’s edge, intended for sheltering
+galleys; and constructed, perhaps, by the
+Genoese. They now serve for building the vessels,
+called by the Turks Ghirlanghitsh (swallow), which
+are generally formed with three masts and a bolt-sprit,
+all bearing triangular sails. Of these and
+other vessels nearly resembling them, of from
+twenty to sixty tons burthen, there are several belonging
+to Aláya. The place is said to have taken
+its name from its founder Alah-ed-din, son of Kai-kosru,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span>who was surnamed Kaikobad, and who was
+the tenth of the Seljukian dynasty, and the founder
+of the Iconian race. It seems to have become the
+principal maritime fortress and naval arsenal of
+these sovereigns, and of their successors the princes
+of Karamán. In the old maps Aláya is called
+Castel Ubaldo, which may possibly have been the
+name given to it by the Venetians or Genoese,
+when in possession of this and other strong holds
+upon the Caramanian coast, but there is no recollection
+of the name in this country at present. In
+the year 1471 the Prince of Karamán, then engaged
+in a struggle for independence with Mahomet the
+Second, was put in possession of Aláya, and several
+other places, by the Venetians, who were then in alliance
+with him as well as with Usum Kassan King
+of Persia against the Ottoman Emperor&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>&#x2060;. From
+the town, the beach runs eastward, and thence forms
+a long sweep to the south-east to Cape Selenti, which
+is seen from Aláya. The level coast extends about
+half that distance, and ends in an angle, where
+some trees are seen round a village, at which I was
+informed there are remains of an ancient city.
+There are other ruins said to be of great extent at
+a few hours to the northward of Aláya.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span></p>
+
+<p>I was detained at Aláya by illness; and while
+General Koehler, with his two remaining companions,
+(Mr. Carlyle having left them in Cyprus,)
+pursued their journey overland to Constantinople,
+I proceeded thither by sea, visiting the most
+remarkable places on the coast, as well as the
+adjacent islands of Rhodus, Cos, Patmus, Samus,
+Chius, Lesbus, and Tenedus. Of those places which
+I visited on the coast, and which deserve to be
+more thoroughly described than they have yet been,
+the most remarkable are, 1. The ruins of a large
+city, with a noble theatre, at Kákava, in a fine
+harbour, formed by a range of rocky islands.
+2. The island called Καστελόρυζον by the Greeks,
+and Castel Rosso by the Italians. It is a flourishing
+little Greek town, carrying on a considerable
+commerce of timber and charcoal with Egypt. In
+a plain in the interior of the island, I found the
+remains of some ancient buildings, of Hellenic construction.
+The importance of the situation must
+at all times have attracted inhabitants. 3. Antiphellus,
+on the main land, opposite to Castel Rosso.
+Here I found a small theatre nearly complete, the
+remains of several public buildings and private
+houses, together with catacombs, and a great number
+of sarcophagi, some of which are very large
+and magnificent. The greater part have inscriptions,
+few of which are legible. In two or three,
+however, I read the name of the city Antiphellus.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span>4. Telmissus, at Méi, the port of Mákri, at the
+bottom of the gulf anciently called Glaucus. The
+theatre, and the porticoes and sepulchral chambers,
+excavated in the rocks at this place, are some of the
+most remarkable remains of antiquity in Asia Minor.
+5. The ruins of Assus, at Behrém or Beriám Kalesi,
+opposite to Mólivo (the ancient Methymna), in
+Mytilene. The ruins are extremely curious. There
+is a theatre in very perfect preservation; and the
+remains of several temples lying in confused heaps
+upon the ground; an inscription upon an architrave
+belonging to one of these buildings shows that it
+was dedicated to Augustus; but some figures in
+low relief on another architrave, appear to be in a
+much more ancient style of art, and they are sculptured
+upon the hard granite of mount Ida, which
+forms the materials of several of the buildings&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>&#x2060;. On
+the western side of the city the remains of the walls
+and towers, with a gate, are in complete preservation;
+and without the walls is seen the cemetery,
+with numerous sarcophagi still standing in their
+places, and an ancient causeway leading through
+them to the gate. Some of these sarcophagi are
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span>of gigantic dimensions. The whole gives, perhaps,
+the most perfect idea of a Greek city that any
+where exists.</p>
+
+<p>I shall now subjoin a brief itinerary of the
+route of General Koehler and his party from
+Aláya to Shughut, where he fell into the same
+road by which we came from Constantinople in
+January.</p>
+
+<p>March 11.—From Aláya to A´lara, eight computed
+or caravan hours. The road leads along the
+sea-shore, sometimes just above the sea-beach,
+upon high woody banks, connected on the right
+with the great range of mountains which lies parallel
+to the coast; at others, across narrow fertile
+valleys, included between branches of the same
+mountains. There are one or two fine harbours
+formed by islands and projecting capes; but the
+coast for the most part is rocky and without shelter,
+and after such a westerly gale as occurred last
+night, is exposed to a tremendous surf. The equinoctial
+monsoon occurs very regularly upon these
+coasts, and the Greek sailors think themselves sufficiently
+prudent if they remain in port during the
+first fortnight of March, old style. A´lara is two
+or three miles from the sea, in a valley inclosed
+between woody hills, and situated amidst gardens
+and corn-fields, with neat fences. Near the village
+is a remarkable conical hill, with the ruins of a
+strong castle upon it in good preservation. It is
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span>said by the natives to have been built by the Sultan
+Alah-ed-din, of Iconium.</p>
+
+<p>March 12.—From A´lara to Hadji-Ali Kiúi,
+eight hours. The road proceeded at a distance of
+three or four miles from the sea, crossing several
+fertile and well-cultivated valleys, and passing some
+neat villages pleasantly situated. The valleys are
+watered by streams coming from a range of lofty
+mountains, appearing at a great distance on the
+right. The largest of these rivers was a little beyond
+the fortified hill of A´lara, and was traversed
+by a wooden bridge sixty feet in length. Another
+large river occurred about three hours further. On
+the west side of the gulf, a little to the left of the
+direction of the route, appeared another range of
+mountains&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a>&#x2060;, still more lofty than those on the
+right, and so distant that nothing but their outline
+was visible. No remains of Grecian antiquity were
+seen by the travellers either this day or yesterday.</p>
+
+<p>March 13.—From Hadji-Ali Kiúi to Menavgát,
+four hours: weather rainy. Crossed the large river
+of Menavgát at one hour short of the town,
+which is situated in the midst of fields and gardens,
+in a fertile district, watered by many rivulets. The
+surrounding valleys are well cultivated and inhabited.
+Distant mountains appear to the north and
+east; and to the N.W. is the steep range which
+rises from that side of the gulf, and extends from
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span>Cape Khelidóni to Adália. The price of a sheep
+at Menavgát is eight piastres, equal to twelve shillings
+sterling; four fowls for a piastre.</p>
+
+<p>March 14.—Detained at Menavgát for want of
+horses.</p>
+
+<p>March 15.—From Menavgát to Dashashéhr, six
+hours. These two days were frosty, and perfectly
+clear. The road passes at the same distance from
+the sea as before, but winds for the most part
+through deserted valleys, where the rich soil, and
+the rains which had lately fallen, had made the
+road very muddy. There was seen abundance
+of the cattle which is brought for pasture in the
+winter and spring from the mountainous districts
+of the interior; at intervals are several villages,
+with a scanty cultivation around them. Dashashéhr
+is situated upon some rocky hills, commanding a
+view of the sea; and the cottages have gardens,
+and orchards, and plantations of vines and fig-trees
+attached to them. The great range of mountains is
+seen at a distance of twenty or thirty miles to the
+northward. The whole of this part of Pamphylia
+seems to be a succession of fine valleys, separated
+by ridges branching from the mountains, and each
+watered by a stream of greater or less magnitude.</p>
+
+<p>March 16.—From Dashashéhr to Stavros, six
+hours, through a vast plain of the richest pasture,
+in which were great numbers of oxen and sheep.
+At the end of two or three hours was a large river,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span>crossed by a bridge built upon the ruins of a
+magnificent ancient bridge, one arch of which,
+still standing, forms a part of the modern work.
+Several other smaller streams were passed in the
+course of the day. In the last half of the road
+the late rains had inundated the plains in several
+places. The villages are numerous, and the population
+consists entirely of Turks, who are hospitable
+and inoffensive.</p>
+
+<p>March 17.—From Stavros to Adália, six hours.
+The first half over the same kind of road, inundated
+in many places. At the end of two hours
+a large and rapid stream was passed by a ferry, a
+little beyond which, appeared on the left the ruins
+called by the Turks Eski-Kálesi, where are great
+remains of walls and vaulted buildings. The road
+passes from thence over a more elevated level, with
+a dry soil, nearly as far as the walls of Adália, at
+one hour short of which it crosses a very deep and
+rapid stream&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>&#x2060;, dividing itself into several branches,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span>from which there are artificial derivations for irrigating
+the gardens and cultivated fields around
+Adália. Besides the two principal streams just
+mentioned, the road from Stávros crossed several
+smaller, particularly one between those two, the
+banks of which are thickly sheltered with trees, and
+where is a solid ancient bridge, its summit level
+with the banks. Adália is a large and populous
+town, which, though governed only by a Motsellim,
+is considered as one of the best governments
+in Anatolia, the district being large and fertile, and
+the maritime commerce extensive. The town is
+situated around a circular port; behind it, on a
+height, is a castle, built with battlements and
+square towers. In the suburbs, the houses are
+dispersed amidst orange groves and gardens, and
+thus occupy a large space of ground. Granite columns,
+and a great variety of fragments of ancient
+sculpture, found about the place, attest its former
+importance as a Greek city. Among other remains
+are those of an aqueduct, extending the whole
+length of the suburbs, but now quite ruined and
+overgrown with bushes. These different objects,
+with the sea, and the stupendous ridge of rugged
+mountains on the west side of the gulf, render the
+place extremely picturesque.</p>
+
+<p>March 18.—Halt at Adália.</p>
+
+<p>March 19.—From Adália to Bidjikli, seven
+hours, due north. The road passes over a region
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span>of rugged rocks, intersected with hollows full of
+water. No cultivation was in sight; to the left the
+same kind of ground seemed to extend as far as the
+ridge of rocky mountains, which borders the west
+side of the gulf, and to the right as far as the
+Dudén, or river of Adália.</p>
+
+<p>March 20.—From Bidjikli to Karabunár Kiúi,
+nine hours: the first two hours over the same
+rugged plain not far from the river. The two great
+ranges on the west and north of the plains of Adália
+now approach each other, and at length are only
+divided by the passes, through which the river finds
+its way. The road, however, leaves this gorge to
+the right, and ascends the mountain by a paved
+winding causeway, a work of great labour and ingenuity.
+At the foot of it, in the plain, are the
+ruins of a castle, and of many towers and gateways
+of elegant architecture, with cornices, capitals, and
+fluted columns lying upon the ground. Sarcophagi,
+with their covers beside them, are seen in great
+numbers, as well in the plain as for a considerable
+distance up the side of the hill. Some of them
+were of large size, many with inscriptions. At the
+top of this formidable pass, which was anciently
+commanded by the city, standing at the foot of it,
+the road enters an elevated level surrounded with
+mountains, and proceeds along a winding valley
+amidst rocks and precipices, some of which, being
+quite detached and perpendicular, appear at a distance
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span>like castles and towers. The konák this
+evening was a tchiftlik (farm and country-house)
+of the Motsellim of Adália, situated near three
+small villages on the banks of a rivulet, in a pure
+air and most romantic situation. The usual
+spring weather of these climates has now prevailed
+for some days; showers, often accompanied
+with thunder, occur in the afternoon and
+in the early part of the night, and during the remainder
+of the day the sky is perfectly clear and
+serene.</p>
+
+<p>March 21.—From Karabunár Kiúi to Tsháltigtshi
+Kiúi, five hours and a half. One hour from the
+place of departure is a khan, formed out of the
+remains of an old building, upon which are angels
+sculptured on either side of a large arched gate.
+It appears to have been a church of the earliest
+ages of Christianity. The route continues through
+valleys of the same description as that of Karabunár
+Kiúi, level and surrounded by barren rocks
+and mountains. A neighbouring town called Butshuklu,
+is said to contain a thousand houses, and
+has the reputation of refusing quarters to strangers,
+especially to couriers and persons travelling under
+the orders of the Porte. This district, however, as
+has already been remarked in regard to other places
+having the character of rebellious, exhibits several
+marks of superior industry, and a better kind of
+public economy; good roads and bridges are seen,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span>and large clean pieces of wheat surrounded with
+ditches or fences. In the mountain not far from Butshuklu
+there are said to be ruins of ancient buildings
+with columns, and sculptured and inscribed
+stones. A hill which bounds the district of Butshuklu
+to the north limits the command of the Motsellim
+of Adália. At the foot of this hill is a khan,
+which appears to have been constructed from the
+ruins of some large ancient building; fragments
+of architecture, and ruins of walls, are seen on
+every side of it. The hill is rugged and extensive,
+and has on the north side a level much
+lower than all those lying between it and Adália.
+A river flows through this plain, and there are
+many villages, among which is that of Tsháltigtshi.
+The people appeared simple and hospitable, and
+welcomed the travellers by presents of fruit and
+flowers, which they threw down at their feet, and
+then departed without saying a word. The villages
+are surrounded with fruit-trees, but no oranges,
+nor lemons, nor olives are seen among them; and
+the season here is a month or six weeks behind that
+of Adália. Wheel-carriages are used: the wheels
+being either solid trucks formed of one piece of
+wood, or of three pieces joined together, and shod
+with an iron plate turned up at the edges, and thus
+fixed on without any nails. They had also iron axles,
+and a box for them to turn in, exhibiting a neatness
+of workmanship seldom seen in Turkey.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[137]</span></p>
+
+<p>March 22.—From Tcháltigtshi to Burdur, seven
+hours and a half; for the first two hours along the
+valley; then up a high steep mountain, not a mere
+rock, like the others which the travellers had passed,
+but having trees, and a soil fit for any vegetation.
+They passed an insulated valley, where was a rivulet
+which disappeared in a cavity at the foot of a mountain.
+The weather was very cold, and four inches
+of snow lay upon the ground at no great distance
+above them. After a narrow craggy pass, they
+entered an open country, which, unlike the level
+valleys to the southward, was diversified with undulations
+and slopes. At two hours short of Burdur,
+they came into a valley full of rocks, thrown
+about in the wildest manner: some of these were
+of a kind which looked like bundles of rushes, incrusted
+with cement, and petrified into a solid
+mass: in some places the scene around had the
+appearance of a succession of enormous sand-pits.
+They passed several water-mills, and saw nothing
+of the town or lake of Burdur until they were close
+upon it. The houses are flat-roofed; the town is
+large, and comparatively well paved, and there is
+some appearance of wealth and industry in the
+streets. Tanning and dyeing of leather, weaving
+and bleaching of linen, seemed to be the chief occupations.
+Streams of clear water flow through
+most of the streets. The country around produces
+good butter. The salt lake of Burdur begins at a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[138]</span>very short distance from the town, and stretches to
+the N. and N.W., forming a beautiful picture with
+its winding shores, its shrubby or bare and rocky
+capes, and the cultivated lands, numerous villages,
+and woody hills around it.</p>
+
+<p>March 23.—Detained at Burdur by a violent
+southerly gale and heavy rain.</p>
+
+<p>March 24.—From Burdur to Ketsiburlu, six
+hours. The road along the edge of the lake having
+been rendered difficult by the rains, they took
+another nearer the hills. They passed a good deal
+of arable land, and many villages with abundance of
+fruit-trees and vineyards. The walnut-trees grow to
+a great size: on the 22nd they had seen poplars also
+of not less than six and eight feet in diameter.</p>
+
+<p>March 25.—From Ketsiburlu to Dombai-óvasi
+(the valley of Dombai) five hours: the wind north:
+a sharp frost, and the hills around covered with
+snow: the road very good, leading at first through
+rocky hills, but afterwards through a rich valley,
+where are many villages; Dombai is the chief and
+one of the largest. Here they received much civility
+from the Motsellim, whose design in it was
+to get their interest at the Porte in his endeavours
+to obtain the Pashalik of Isbárta, a considerable
+town at no great distance to the eastward. At
+Dombai they were told of the ruins of an ancient
+town very near, with the remains of columns, inscribed
+stones, and statues.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span></p>
+
+<p>March 26.—From Dombai to Sandukli on the
+river Méndere, the distance seven hours, through
+a fine country variegated with gentle undulations,
+but bare of wood, except upon the mountains,
+which are at no great distance on either side.
+There were several small villages and a good deal
+of arable land, but the season was still six weeks
+behind that of the coast: the cold severe with much
+snow.</p>
+
+<p>March 27.—From Sandukli to Sitshanli, seven
+hours: a north wind, with ice an inch thick: the
+road was for the most part hilly and stony, but in
+some places there were villages and cultivated lands.
+Sitshanli is in a fertile valley, with many villages
+around.</p>
+
+<p>March 28.—From Sitshanli to Altún-Tash, nine
+hours: the country is of an undulated form with little
+wood. They observed several villages, and in many
+places scattered fragments of ancient buildings,
+but in no one spot any thing that indicated the site
+of a large town. At Altún-Tash the snow was
+lying on the ground. The place takes its name
+(signifying golden stone) from some rocks of a
+yellow colour in the neighbourhood. It stands on
+the left bank of the river Pursek, the ancient Thymbrius,
+or Thymbres, a branch of the Sangarius.
+Here were 200 horsemen of the Pasha of Kutáya,
+who had been reducing a rebellious chieftain, and
+were in the act of driving away his flocks.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span></p>
+
+<p>March 29.—From Altún-Tash to Kutáya, nine
+hours: at first over a swampy plain, which had
+been inundated by the rains and the melting of the
+snow upon the hills, then across the Pursek, which
+between this place and Kutáya forms an S: a high
+mountain, at the foot of which Kutáya is situated,
+filling up the northern part of the S. After crossing
+the Pursek at Altún-Tash, they passed over gentle
+hills and a pleasant country. Nearly midway were a
+fountain, the ruins of a mosque, and an ancient Greek
+church. A good gravel road led in a winding direction
+through a delightful scene of lawns of the finest
+herbage, adorned with detached trees and clumps
+of evergreen, disposed in a manner which art could
+not have improved. From hence, after passing a
+tract of wild cliffs and rocks, which formed a remarkable
+contrast to the former, they descended a
+steep hill to the Pursek, here a very deep and
+rapid river. Having crossed it by a bridge, and
+ascended a part of the mountain of Kutáya, they
+proceeded along a dangerous path on the edge of
+an immense precipice: the mountain, with its snow-topped
+summit, rising to a great height on the left,
+and on the right the Pursek taking a large sweep
+round the base of the mountain. Thus they made
+almost half the circuit of it before they arrived at
+Kutáya. This is a large town with an ancient
+castle, which stands upon a projecting point of
+the hill rising above the town. Being the usual
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span>residence of the Beglerbeg of Anatolia, Kutáya
+may in some measure be considered the capital of
+the province, though much inferior in size to
+Smyrna, Tokát, and A´ngura. The Pasha being
+absent with the army in Syria, the place was governed
+by a Motsellim, who furnished the travellers
+with a tchaous to accompany them to Constantinople,
+and orders for horses and other necessaries.
+Ancient coins and gems may be collected in the
+bazars of Kutáya in considerable numbers.</p>
+
+<p>March 30.—Halt at Kutáya.</p>
+
+<p>March 31.—From Kutáya to In-óghi, twelve
+hours: the weather fine, and the road for the most
+part good. They soon crossed the Pursek, and
+passed at first over a flat swampy road, inundated
+by floods from the mountains; they then ascended
+a hill, upon the top of which the rocks appeared to
+be of a hard and handsome kind of breccia. Thus
+they proceeded nearly half the day’s journey: the
+scenery sometimes very dreary and barren; at others
+grand and picturesque; but the country no where
+cultivated. They then descended a steep slope to
+the Pursek, which they now crossed for the second
+time since they had left Kutáya, and proceeded
+for some distance along its left bank with high
+steep cliffs on each side; among these, and along
+the river, grow a variety of trees and shrubs, particularly
+evergreens. In one part conical and
+sharp-pointed rocks arise to a great height, resembling
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span>in some places the spires and ornamented
+sides of Gothic churches. Here the ancients had
+excavated crypts, niches, and sepulchral chambers
+with doors and windows. After the pass the valley
+opens into fine meadows, with the river winding
+through the middle. Soon afterwards the road
+quits this valley and turns to the right up another,
+watered by a small branch of the same
+river; the route then passes through a tract of
+country where it winds amidst clumps of evergreens
+beautifully disposed by nature upon a fine
+turf, with hills, valleys, and lawns, as in an English
+park. Here they met a company of Turks coursing
+with their greyhounds, who made them a present
+of a hare. They then crossed a ridge, the absolute
+height of which (though apparently inconsiderable,
+when compared with the adjacent valleys) was indicated
+by large patches of snow lying upon the
+ground. The country consists of fine pasture-lands,
+mixed with good timber-trees. On a long descent
+from this place they looked down upon an extensive
+and well cultivated plain, and at the foot of
+the descent they arrived at In-óghi, a large village
+situated on the edge of the plains under the vast
+precipices of a mountain of bare rock, excavated
+naturally into caverns, and artificially into sepulchral
+chambers. Some of those in the upper
+part of the heights are the abode of eagles, which
+are seen soaring around them in great numbers.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span>One enormous cavern is shut up in front by
+a wall with battlements and towers, and seems
+once to have served as a sort of citadel to the
+town.</p>
+
+<p>April 1.—From In-óghi to Shughut, five hours:
+the weather very clear. The road passes over pleasant
+hills and dales, where appears a considerable
+degree of cultivation. The country is interspersed
+with fine oaks and beeches, and in one place there
+is a large forest. Some symptoms of spring have
+begun to appear, but the season is not yet so forward
+as it was upon the south coast in the beginning of
+February. Not a tree has begun to bud: the corn
+is but just above the ground; and primroses, violets,
+and crocuses, are the only flowers to be seen.
+At Shughut the appearance was more wintry than
+when we passed in January; and the broad summit
+of Olympus was capped with snow to a much
+greater extent.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span></p>
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.<br>
+<span class="smaller">OF THE ANCIENT PLACES ON THE ROAD FROM
+ADALIA TO SHUGHUT, INCLUDING REMARKS ON THE COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY OF THE
+ADJACENT COUNTRY.</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>Ancient Authorities—Cotyaeium—Termessus—Lake Ascania—Milyas—Cibyra—Selge—Pednelissus—Cretopolis—Lyrbe—Sagalassus—Cremna—Lysinoe—Sinda—Isionda—Tabæ,
+Tiaba—Mender-su at Sandukli the ancient Obrimas—Ancient
+Sites on the four Roads of the Table, which cross the modern
+Route from Adália to Shughut—Themisonium—Cormasa—Celænæ
+or Apameia—Eumeneia—Apollonia—Euphorbium—Conni—Eucarpia—Acmonia—Cadi—Azani—Synaus.</i></p>
+
+</div>
+
+<p>I shall now submit to the reader some observations
+on the ancient geography of the route of
+General Koehler and his party from Adália to
+Shughut.</p>
+
+<p>This road traverses a part of Asia Minor upon
+which ancient history throws little light. The text
+of Strabo is almost contradictory in regard to some
+of the principal places which lay near the road;
+and the itineraries supply no routes in this direction,
+though there are five in the Peutinger
+Table which intersect it.</p>
+
+<p>The march of Alexander from Pamphylia to Gordium
+in Phrygia, as related by Arrian; and the description
+by Livy of the progress of the Consul Cneius
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span>Manlius in his Expedition from Cibyra into Pamphylia
+and from thence by Sagalassus to Synnada
+and into Galatia, are the only historical documents.
+As the passage of Livy is very detailed
+and was borrowed from Polybius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>&#x2060;, its information
+deserves more confidence than is usually due to that
+of a Latin author in regard to Grecian geography;
+and it may hereafter be extremely useful, when the
+ancient ruins, with which Pisidia and the adjacent
+districts are known to abound, shall have been
+more explored. In the present state of our knowledge
+of the country, it supplies not much positive
+information.</p>
+
+<p>The only point in General Koehler’s route which
+can be considered absolutely certain is Cotyaeium.
+The position of that city in Phrygia Epictetus, not
+far from Nacoleia, and Dorylæum&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>&#x2060;, agrees perfectly
+with that of Kutáya, the resemblance of which name
+to the Greek Κοτυάειον is still more striking when
+we observe the identity of accent.</p>
+
+<p>There are two other places also in General
+Koehler’s route, upon the ancient names of which
+we cannot entertain much doubt. These are Termessus
+and the lake Ascania. The latter corresponds
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span>with the salt lake of Burdur; for Arrian
+relates that Alexander, after having reduced Sagalassus
+and some other strong places in Pisidia, passed
+by the lake Ascania in his way to Celænæ (afterwards
+Apameia), and that the water of this lake was so
+salt, that the inhabitants had no need of sea salt
+for domestic purposes&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>&#x2060;. The same fact is mentioned
+by the anonymous geographer of Ravenna.
+Perhaps this is the lake Ascanius, of which Pliny
+remarks, that the upper surface of the water was
+fresh, while the lower was nitrous&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The great ruins which General Koehler passed
+through at the ascent of the mountains, on the
+second day of his departure from Adália, seem to
+be those of Termessus, which, next to Selge, was
+the largest of the Pisidian cities, and was situated at
+the passes of mount Solyma, leading from the maritime
+plains through Milyas to the lake Ascania&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>&#x2060;,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span>and from thence to Celænæ. Milyas was the country
+of the more ancient Solymi&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>&#x2060;; and being also
+described by Strabo as the mountainous district,
+which extended from the passes of Termessus to
+the district of Apameia, it answers exactly to the
+elevated region which General Koehler traversed
+after he had mounted the pass which I have supposed
+the Termessian.</p>
+
+<p>Between Milyas and the valley of the Mæander
+were Cabalis and the Cibyratis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>&#x2060;. The latter district,
+which long flourished under the monarchy of a
+family named Moagetes&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>&#x2060;, was a tetrapolis; the four
+cities were, Cibyra, which had two votes in the general
+council, Œnoanda, Balbura, and Bubon. The
+Cibyratis is clearly indicated by Strabo to have
+been situated between Lycia and the parts of the
+valley of the Mæander about Nysa and Antiocheia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>&#x2060;;
+in the height of its prosperity, its dependencies extended
+from Pisidia and Milyas to Lycia and Peræa
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span>of the Rhodii&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a>&#x2060;. Balbura and Bubon having been
+given to Lycia by Murena, on the reduction of the
+last Moagetes, and Œnoanda having been included
+in the same province, in the arrangement of Constantine&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a>&#x2060;,
+while Cibyra was ascribed to Caria, it
+may be presumed that Cibyra lay to the northward
+of the three other cities. This in some measure
+agrees with Ptolemy, who places Bubon, Œnoanda,
+and Balbura in a district of Lycia called Carbalia;
+under this name, as a part of Pamphylia, he ranges
+also Termessus, Cretopolis, and six other towns;
+Cibyra he places in Phrygia. Such are the data
+afforded by ancient history, to assist the traveller
+in discovering the sites of the four cities of the
+Cibyratis.</p>
+
+<p>Polybius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>&#x2060;, in his account of the proceedings of
+Achæus, king of the provinces <i>within</i> Taurus,
+against Antiochus the Great&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>&#x2060;, has furnished a few
+data as to the situation of some of the towns on
+the frontiers of Pisidia and Pamphylia. In relating
+the operations of Garsyeris, commander of the army
+of Achæus, whose ostensible object was to assist the
+people of Pednelissus against the Selgenses, Polybius
+appears to apply the name of Climax to all
+the ridge of the mountains Solyma, from the summit
+called Olympus on the shore of the Gulf of
+Attaleia, to the great heights of Taurus. Garsyeris
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span>was at first unable to penetrate through the passes
+of Mount Climax, leading to Pednelissus, because
+they were occupied by the Selgenses, and particularly
+the pass of Saporda—a place not mentioned
+by any other author. We know from Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>&#x2060;, that
+Pednelissus was situated inland from Aspendus;
+and it has been seen that the principal pass of the
+Solyma was commanded by the city of Termessus:
+Saporda, therefore, may perhaps have stood at
+another pass which leads over the ridge of Solyma
+from Adália in a W.N.W. direction to Dauas and
+Denizli. Cretopolis in Milyas, where Garsyeris
+encamped before he attempted the passes, is shown
+from this circumstance to have been on the western
+side of Mount Climax: and the Etennenses,
+who, together with the Aspendii, joined the party
+of Achæus against Selge, are stated by the historian
+to have inhabited the mountains above that
+city,—being thus obviously the same people as the
+Catennenses of Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>&#x2060;; who describes them as
+bordering on Selge and the Homonadenses.</p>
+
+<p>Lyrbe, which, as well as Etenna, was still a bishopric
+in the ninth century&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>&#x2060;, under the metropolitan
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span>of Side, seems, from some verses of Dionysius
+of Charax&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>&#x2060;, to have stood between Termessus and
+Selge, a little above the maritime plains, among
+hills once covered with olives, but now affording
+little but pasture.</p>
+
+<p>There is great difficulty in reconciling the authority
+of Arrian with that of Strabo in regard to the
+site of Sagalassus, otherwise called Selgessus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>&#x2060;, one
+of the most important cities and most fertile districts
+in Pisidia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>&#x2060;; and which could not have been far from
+the route of General Koehler. Arrian, in a passage
+already referred to, seems to place it to the south of
+Burdur&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>&#x2060;; thus far agreeing with Strabo, who, after
+describing the cities on the southern side of Mount
+Taurus, just noticed, remarks that Sagalassus was
+<i>within</i>, or on the northern side of Taurus, near
+Milyas&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>&#x2060;, which district, as he tells us in another
+place, extended northward as far as those of Sagalassus
+and Apameia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Strabo further informs us&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>&#x2060;, that Sagalassus was
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span>one day’s journey from Apameia; whereas Arrian
+relates that Alexander was five days in marching
+from Sagalassus to Celænæ, passing by the lake
+Ascania.</p>
+
+<p>Nothing but an examination of this country
+by an intelligent traveller can clear up this difficulty,
+or explain the passage of Strabo cited in
+the note below; and for this purpose the ruins
+seen by Paul Lucas in this country, and the
+others heard of by General Koehler, probably
+contain ample materials. The remarkable site
+which gave name to Cremna&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> could hardly elude
+research; and it is the more likely to preserve
+some remains of antiquity, as having been a Roman
+colony.</p>
+
+<p>If by the <i>lake</i>, mentioned in the march of
+Manlius, Polybius, from whom Livy has taken all
+this part of his history, meant the lake of Burdur,
+Lysinoe may have occupied the site of Burdur; or
+more probably some situation near the opposite end
+of the lake, where the future traveller may perhaps
+find the river Lyses, from which Lysinoe seems to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span>have taken its name. And this might also lead to
+the discovery of the lake Caralitis and Sinda&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>It is evident from the passage of Livy just cited,
+that Sinda and Isionda were different places, and
+not the same place as has sometimes been supposed.
+Livy seems to agree with Strabo in placing Sinda
+to the northward of Cibyra at the extremity of Pisidia
+bordering on Caria and Phrygia; whereas
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span>Isionda appears clearly to have been on the Pamphylian
+side of Termessus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Dombai seems to be a corruption of Tabæ:
+hardly, indeed, a corruption, as it is no more than
+the hard and rustic pronunciation of the Greek
+word Τάβαι. The situation of Dombai accords
+very well with that which Strabo assigns to Tabæ,
+for he places it in the part of Pisidia adjacent to
+Phrygia and Caria&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>&#x2060;, and names it among the cities
+which lay around Apameia and Laodiceia, which is
+precisely the position of Dombai&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a>&#x2060;. The fertile
+plain which has obtained the name of Dombai-ovasi,
+or Valley of Dombai, corresponds equally
+with the Ταβηνὸν πεδίον, which, according to another
+passage of Strabo, lay on the confines of Phrygia
+and Pisidia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>&#x2060;. It can hardly be doubted that Livy
+has incorrectly described Tabæ as situated on the
+frontier of Pisidia towards the Pamphylian sea&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The river called the Mender-su, which General
+Koehler crossed at Sandukli, seems to be that
+branch of the Mæander anciently called Obrimas,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span>the fountains of which were something more than
+two days’ march from Synnada, and not far from
+Metropolis on the side towards Apameia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>&#x2060;. The
+modern application of the name Mæander (slightly
+corrupted) to a stream which was anciently considered
+a tributary of that river, is another instance
+of those natural changes of geographical nomenclature,
+of which a similar example has already been
+given in the case of the river Sangarius.</p>
+
+<p>It has already been remarked, that General
+Koehler’s route was crossed by five of the Roman
+roads marked in the Peutinger Table. These are,
+beginning from the southward, 1. From Laodiceia
+ad Lycum to Perge; 2. From Apameia Cibotus to
+Antiocheia of Pisidia; 3. From Apameia to Synnada;
+4. from Apameia to Dorylæum; 5. From
+Philadelphia to Dorylæum.—The real situations of
+all these cities, except Antioch, being known with
+sufficient exactitude, those of the intermediate places
+on the several roads would also have been determined,
+had the distances in the Table been accurate;
+but unfortunately, like some of those to which I have
+already had occasion to advert, they are either imperfect
+or they are obviously erroneous, when compared
+with the map.</p>
+
+<p>1. From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge, passing
+through Themisonium and Cormasa.—Although
+the direct distance is upwards of 100 G. M. there
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[155]</span>are only 46 M. P. marked in the Table, namely,
+34 between Themisonium and Cormasa, and 12
+from Cormasa to Perge. If these two distances were
+correct, therefore, the omitted distance between
+Laodiceia and Themisonium ought to be supplied
+with about 100 M. P. It is impossible to believe
+however that Themisonium, which is named by
+Strabo among the smaller towns around Apameia
+and Laodiceia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>&#x2060;, could have been so far to the south-east.
+Cormasa, on the other hand, must have been
+much more than 12 M. P. from Perge; for it appears
+from Livy that Cormasa was at a considerable
+distance from the borders of Pamphylia
+towards Lysinoe and the lake of Burdur&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>&#x2060;; which
+agrees with Ptolemy, who names it among the
+cities of Pisidia and next to Lysinia. The suspicion
+of inaccuracy in this route of the Table is
+confirmed by the negligences which occur on its
+continuation to Side; where the distance between
+Perge and Syllium is wanting, and where Syllium
+and Aspendus occupy each other’s places. Upon
+the whole, therefore, this route serves only to give
+us the line of Themisonium and Cormasa, the
+distance between which two places (34 M. P.) may
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[156]</span>perhaps be correct. And so far it may be an useful
+approximation to the traveller.</p>
+
+<p>2. From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia.—There
+cannot be a stronger proof of the little progress
+yet made in geographical discovery in Asia
+Minor, than the fact, that the site of Apameia still
+remains unexplored. Under the name of Celænæ,
+it was the capital of Phrygia; and in Roman
+times, although not equal in political importance
+to Laodiceia, which was the residence of the proconsul
+of Asia, it was inferior only to Ephesus as
+a centre of commercial transactions&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>&#x2060;. It appears
+from Pococke to have been at a place called Dinglar
+(or some such name), situated, as well as we
+can discover amidst the negligence and want of
+precision which are the usual characteristics of
+Pococke’s narrative, at 8 or 10 miles on the right
+of the road leading from Khónos to Ishékle&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>&#x2060;, and
+about 16 miles&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> to the southward of the latter
+place. Pococke himself had no doubt that some remains
+of antiquity which he observed at Ishekle
+were those of Apameia; thus overlooking, or failing
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span>to decypher, an inscription which he copied at
+that place, and which clearly proves it to be the site
+of Eumeneia or Eumenia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Eumenia was situated on the river Glaucus, as
+appears from an existing coin&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>&#x2060;. Pliny names the
+Glaucus, but places Eumenia upon the river Cludrus.
+Possibly this may have been the name of
+the sources of the Glaucus, those fine fountains
+which Pococke observed at Ishékle, and which may
+perhaps join another stream in or near the town.</p>
+
+<p>As Eumenia is marked in the Table on the road
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span>from Dorylæum to Apameia at 26 M. P. from the
+latter, we have a presumption in this datum alone
+that Apameia was not far from Dinglar, the site of
+which modern place, relatively to the other chief
+ancient cities of Phrygia, is in conformity with that
+of Apameia, as described by Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>&#x2060;. Our knowledge
+of the peculiarities of the place itself is derived
+from Pococke and some recent travellers, who were
+informed that at the place called Dinglar or Dizla
+there are many remains of antiquity under a high
+hill which has a lake on the summit and a river falling
+down the face of the hill; for this description
+of Dinglar accords precisely with that of Celænæ as
+given by several ancient authors. According to
+Xenophon&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> the Mæander rose in the palace of Cyrus,
+flowing from thence through his park and the
+city of Celænæ: and the sources of the Marsyas were
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[159]</span>at the palace of the king of Persia in a lofty situation
+under the acropolis of Celænæ. From
+Arrian and Q. Curtius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> we learn that the citadel
+was upon a lofty precipitous hill, and that the Marsyas
+fell from its fountains over the rocks with a
+great noise: from Herodotus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> it appears that the
+same river was from this circumstance called Catarrhactes;
+and from Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>&#x2060;, that a lake on the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[160]</span>mountain above Celænæ was the reputed source
+both of the Marsyas, which rose in the ancient
+city, and of the Mæander. Comparing these authorities
+with Livy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>&#x2060;, who probably copied his
+account from Polybius, with Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a>&#x2060;, with Maximus
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span>Tyrius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>&#x2060;,
+ and with the existing coins of Apameia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>&#x2060;,
+it may be inferred that a lake or pool on
+the summit of a mountain which rose above Celænæ,
+and which was called Celænæ or Signia, was the
+reputed source of the Marsyas and Mæander; but
+that in fact the two rivers issued from different
+parts of the mountain below the lake: that the
+lake was named Aulocrene, as producing reeds well
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span>adapted for flutes, and that it gave the name of Aulocrenis
+to a valley extending for ten miles from
+the lake to the eastward: that the source of the
+Marsyas was in a cavern on the side of the mountain
+in the ancient agora of Celænæ: that the
+Marsyas and Mæander, both of which flowed
+through Celænæ, united a little below the ancient
+site: that to this junction the city was removed by
+Antiochus Soter, son of Seleucus Nicator, when
+he gave it a new name after his mother Apama;
+and that the united stream was soon afterwards
+joined by the Orgas and the Obrimas. Whether
+these inferences drawn from the ancient authors
+are correct, will be decided by the future traveller.
+He may also ascertain whether there are any volcanic
+rocks, the burnt appearance of which will justify
+the etymologist&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> who ascribed to that cause the
+origin of the word Celænæ; or he may discover
+the valley of Aulocrenis, the scene of the celebrated
+contest of Apollo with Marsyas, whose skin
+was still shown in the time of Herodotus, in the
+acropolis of Celænæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span></p>
+
+<p>I have been thus particular in laying before the
+reader the ancient evidences on the site of Apameia,
+because it is a point of great importance to the
+ancient geography of the western part of Asia Minor,—not
+less so than Tyana is to the eastern: and
+because in regard to both these places, I have the
+misfortune to differ from the author in whose opinion
+the public is justly in the habit of placing the
+highest confidence&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The Roman road from Apameia to Antiocheia
+of Pisidia passed through Apollonia, otherwise
+called Mordiæum&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>&#x2060;, which was 24 M. P. distant
+from the former, and 45 from the latter. Although
+on account of our ignorance of the site of Antiocheia,
+no exact comparison can be instituted between
+the amount of the two numbers just mentioned
+and the actual distance on the map, it is manifestly
+not very erroneous; and the position of
+Apollonia therefore was probably at no great
+distance from a town called Ketsibúrlu, which
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span>General Koehler passed through between Burdur
+and Dombai, and which according to Abubekr
+Ben Behren is a kadilik of Hamed, of which Isbárta
+is the chief city. Ptolemy places Apollonia near
+Antiocheia; and its situation, between that city and
+Apameia, which the Table gives, is in exact conformity
+with Strabo’s description of the conquests
+of Amyntas. Having taken Derbe, and received
+Isauria from the Romans, he made himself master
+of Antiocheia, and the country as far as the district
+of Apollonia, near Apameia Cibotus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>&#x2060;, together
+with Lycaonia and some part of Phrygia Paroreius.
+He took Cremna, but did not venture on attacking
+Sandalium: and after capturing the greater part of
+the places belonging to the Homonadenses, (whose
+tyrant he slew,) he was himself destroyed by a stratagem
+of the wife of the latter. Sulpicius Quirinius
+and the Romans afterwards reduced Homona:—all
+the late territories of Amyntas were then placed
+under the government of a præfect&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>3. The ancient road from Apameia to Synnada
+must have crossed that of Gen. Koehler at or near
+Sandukli, on the river now called the Mendere (Mæander),
+but which anciently, I suppose to have been
+the Obrimas, a branch of the Mæander. The total
+distance of 73 Roman miles on this road agrees
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span>tolerably with the 66 geographical miles in direct
+distance, which the map gives between the assumed
+site of Synnada and that of Apameia at Dinglar.
+Euphorbium, the only place on the road mentioned
+in the Table, and which was midway between the
+two extremes, will fall at Sandukli. Euphorbium
+is noticed as a town in this part of Asia by Pliny
+only, who tells us that its people formed,—together
+with those of Metropolis, Peltæ, Acmonia and
+some other towns,—the <i>conventus</i> held under the
+Romans at Apameia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>4. The fourth Roman road which crossed the
+modern route from Adália to Shughut, is that
+marked in the Table from Dorylæum to Apameia
+Cibotus, leading through Nacoleia, Conni,
+Eucarpia, and Eumenia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>&#x2060;. Although the total
+distance of 148 M. P. on this road sufficiently
+agrees with the 100 G. M. in direct distance on
+the map, it must be confessed that the 26 Roman
+miles and the 15 geographical miles of direct
+distance, between Eumeneia at Ishékle and Apameia
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span>at Dinglar, do not bear the same proportion
+as the Roman and geographical numbers on the
+whole line; and that, if I am right in the position
+of Nacoleia, the 20 M. P. of the Table, between
+Dorylæum and Nacoleia, errs almost as much in
+defect, as the 26 M. P. between Eumeneia and
+Apameia does in excess. But it is in vain that
+we look for much accuracy of detail in the Table.
+The positions of Nacoleia and Eumeneia rest upon
+very satisfactory grounds. All that remains to be
+done, therefore, is to arrange Conni and Eucarpia
+between Doganlu and Ishékle, at the proportional
+distances of the numbers in the Table. This will
+place Conni not far to the southward of Altun Tash,
+near where the roads to Altun Tash, both from
+Karahissár and from Sandukli, cross the ancient
+road; a position which agrees with that of Conna
+in Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>&#x2060;, according to whom it appears to have
+been not far from Cotyaeium, to the southward.
+Under the Byzantine emperors, Conna (then called
+Cone&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>&#x2060;) was a bishopric of the province of Phrygia
+Salutaris, of which Synnada was the metropolis.</p>
+
+<p>Eucarpia was another bishopric of the same
+province. Its name was derived from the fertility
+of the soil&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>&#x2060;, which by attaching the people to agriculture
+may have contrasted them with those of the
+neighbouring Euphorbium, celebrated probably for
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span>its flocks and pasture. The position of Eucarpia
+in the Table agrees with that which Ptolemy gives
+it to the southward of Conna.</p>
+
+<p>5. The fifth and last of the ancient roads intersected
+by the modern road from Adália to Shughut
+was from Dorylæum to Philadelpheia: its two extremities
+are known points; its length in direct
+distance is equal to two degrees of latitude, or 120
+G. M., which corresponds with as much accuracy
+as one can expect to the 155 M. P. of the Table.
+The <i>line</i>, as will be seen on referring to the map,
+leads directly through Kutáya. We cannot doubt
+therefore that <i>Cocleo</i>, the first name occurring on
+this road in the Table, is an error for Cotyaeio;
+especially as the distance of 30 M. P. answers very
+well to the real distance from Eski-shehr to Kutáya.
+The distance of 35 M. P. between Cotyaeium and
+Acmonia furnishes the traveller with a good approximation
+for discovering the site of the latter
+city, which is mentioned in one of the Orations of
+Cicero&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>&#x2060;, and which was one of the towns of the conventus
+of Apameia, and afterwards a bishopric under
+the metropolitan of Laodiceia. It is difficult to reconcile
+the position of Aludda, 25 miles beyond Acmonia
+on the road to Philadelpheia, with that which
+may be inferred from Ptolemy, who names Alydda
+among the towns of the greater Mysia, together
+with Pergamum and Apollonia on the Rhyndacus.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span>Clanudda I suspect to be an erroneous
+writing; but its correction I am unable to discover.</p>
+
+<p>It is in the unexplored part of Phrygia Epictetus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>&#x2060;,
+lying between the Thymbres and the
+branches of the Rhyndacus on the southern side of
+the Olympene mountains, that the future traveller
+will seek for the Phrygian cities of Cadi, Azani,
+and Synaus. One is much disposed at first sight
+to consider the remarkable position of In-óghi, which
+General Koehler passed through in his way from
+Kutáya to Shughut, to have been the site of one of
+these cities of Phrygia Epictetus; but upon further
+examination, they all appear to have been situated
+considerably to the westward of this position.
+The Azanitis, or district of Azani, contained the
+sources of the river Rhyndacus, which, after passing
+through the lake of Apollonia, joined the Propontis
+opposite the island of Besbicus, having first
+received the united waters of several streams from
+Mysia Abrettena, particularly the Mecistus, which
+flowed from Ancyra Abassitis, a Phrygian town on
+the frontier of Lydia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a>&#x2060;. Synaus appears to have
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span>been near this Ancyra; for in the acts of one of
+the Councils, a bishop of the Phrygian Ancyra
+signs himself Αγκύρας Συννάου, no doubt in order
+to distinguish this Ancyra from the Galatian. Cadi
+also may be presumed to have been to the westward
+of the meridian of In-óghi and Kutáya; for
+we find that Cadi is assigned by some authors to
+Mysia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a>&#x2060;. It is precisely in the situation, which may
+be inferred from this circumstance, combined with
+what has been said of the position of Synaus and
+Azani,—that is to say, between the Thymbres and
+the sources of the Rhyndacus,—that we find a
+town of the name of Kodús, which has not been
+visited by any modern traveller, but which is briefly
+described by Hadji Khalfa—as situated on the banks
+of a river, in a plain surrounded by mountains.
+He adds that the river, which bears the same name
+as the town, descends from Mount Morad, and
+passes by Magnesia into the Gulf of Smyrna. We
+know from modern travellers, that this river, which
+is the ancient Hermus, is still called Kodús or Ghedís
+in all the lower part of its course; and Kodús, it
+can hardly be doubted, is the same place as Καδοί,
+the name of which the Turks received from the
+Greeks, in the usual Romaic form of the accusative
+case Καδούς.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span></p>
+
+<p>In exploring the equally unknown country which
+extends to the southward of this part of Phrygia
+Epictetus, towards the mountains Messogis and
+Tmolus, and which formed the frontier of Lydia
+and Great Phrygia, the traveller may derive assistance
+from a passage in Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>&#x2060;, where he enumerates
+the principal plains in their order from west
+to east. Adjacent to the Caystrian, which lay between
+Tmolus and Messogis, was the Cilbian,
+then the Hyrcanian, the plain of Cyrus, the Peltene,
+the Cillanian, and the Tabene. It cannot
+be doubted that a journey through these plains
+would lead to a knowledge of the general distribution
+of the geography of the country, as well as
+to that of the sites of some of the towns which
+gave name to the several plains. Peltæ, Lysias,
+and Silbium appear to have been in the country
+northward of the upper Mæander, which is traversed
+by the caravan route from Smyrna to Tokát: but
+the few names and distances which Tavernier and
+Seetzen have left us between Alláh-Shehr and Karahissár,
+throw no light whatever upon ancient
+geography.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span></p>
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.<br>
+<span class="smaller">OF THE ANCIENT PLACES ON THE SOUTHERN
+COAST OF ASIA MINOR.</span></h2>
+
+</div>
+
+<p>Although the <i>Karamania</i> of Captain Beaufort
+has anticipated all that is most interesting in regard
+to the southern coast, the publication which
+has recently been made of his minute and accurate
+delineation of this coast, induces me to enter into
+an examination of its ancient geography at greater
+length than was consistent with the plan of the
+<i>Karamania</i>: for poor and deserted as this country
+now is, the numerous remains of antiquity which
+it possesses, attest that it was formerly one of the
+most populous and flourishing regions of the ancient
+world. It is remarkable that in Strabo, and
+in the anonymous Periplus, entitled the Stadiasmus
+of the Sea (σταδιασμὸς τῆς θαλάσσης), a fragment
+of which is preserved in the Madrid library,
+we have a more ample description of this coast than
+of any other that has been distinguished by Grecian
+civilization: and thus at the same time that history
+has preserved an abundance of information concerning
+its ancient places, the survey of Capt. Beaufort
+furnishes us with a most correct representation of
+its real topography.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span></p>
+
+<p>The most convenient mode of putting the reader
+in possession of the ancient authorities on the sea
+coast of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia, in order
+that he may compare them with the actual delineation,
+will be to give a translation of its description
+by Strabo, subjoining in the notes the collateral
+information of other ancient authors, together with
+a few remarks suggested by a comparison of them.
+The passages of the Stadiasmus I shall cite at
+length in the original language, because they are
+found only in a scarce work. So minute is the
+description which this coasting pilot has given, that
+nothing short of the detailed accuracy of Captain
+Beaufort’s survey could have been sufficient to explain
+it, or to detect and rectify the numerous
+errors which have been left in it by the negligence
+and ignorance of the copier&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>As Captain Beaufort’s survey begins at the gulf
+anciently called Glaucus, and now the gulf of Mákri,
+I shall also begin the extract from Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> at
+the same point, omitting all the passages which do
+not assist in elucidating the geography.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span></p>
+
+<p>“Beyond Dædala, which is the last place in Peræa
+of the Rhodii<a id="anchor1" href="#note1">(1)</a>, is a mountain of the same
+name, from whence begins the coast of Lycia, which
+is 1720 stades in circum-navigation, rugged and dangerous,
+but provided with good harbours.... Near
+Dædala, a mountain of the Lycii, is Telmissus, a
+small city of the Lycii, and Cape Telmissis with a
+harbour. Next is Anticragus, a very steep mountain,
+under which is Carmylessus, situated in a narrow
+valley: beyond it is Cragus, which has eight capes
+and a city of the same name. It is to these mountains
+that the fables related of the Chimæra are applied,
+and in the vicinity there is a ravine called Chimæra
+opening to the sea. Under Mount Cragus
+in the interior is Pinara, one of the largest cities in
+Lycia. Then occurs the river Xanthus, formerly
+called Sirbe. It may be ascended in small boats to
+the temple of Latona, which is situated ten stades
+above its mouth: sixty stades above the temple is
+the city of the Xanthii, the greatest in Lycia<a id="anchor2" href="#note2">(2)</a>.
+Beyond the Xanthus is Patara, also a great city,
+and having a port and a temple of Apollo, founded
+by Patarus<a id="anchor3" href="#note3">(3)</a>.... Then occurs Myra<a id="anchor4" href="#note4">(4)</a>, situated
+twenty stades above the sea on a commanding
+hill; then the mouth of the river Limyrus;
+and twenty stades inland from it, the small town of
+Limyra. On the coast just mentioned are many
+harbours and islands: of the latter, the largest is
+called Cisthene<a id="anchor5" href="#note5">(5)</a>, and has a town of the same
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span>name. In the interior are Phellus, Antiphellus<a id="anchor6" href="#note6">(6)</a>,
+and Chimæra, of which last we have already spoken.
+Beyond the mouth of the Limyrus is the Sacred Promontory<a id="anchor7" href="#note7">(7)</a>,
+and the three rugged islands called the
+Chelidoniæ, equal in size, and distant from each
+other about five stades, and from the continent six
+stades; one of them has an anchorage. From hence
+it is generally thought that Mount Taurus has its
+beginning.... But in truth the mountains are uninterrupted
+from Peræa of the Rhodii, as far as the
+parts about Pisidia; and the whole of this range also
+bears the name of Taurus.... From the Sacred
+Promontory to Olbia there is a distance of 367 stades<a id="anchor8" href="#note8">(8)</a>,
+in which space occurs Crambusa<a id="anchor9" href="#note9">(9)</a> and Olympus:
+the latter is a large city, and has a mountain
+of the same name, which is also called Phœnicus<a id="anchor10" href="#note10">(10)</a>;
+next to it is the coast named Corycus<a id="anchor11" href="#note11">(11)</a>;
+and then Phaselis, a large city with three harbours
+and a lake. Above Phaselis is Mount Solyma.
+Termessus, a Pisidian city, is situated at the straits
+of Mount Solyma, where is the ascent into Milyas.
+Alexander destroyed Termessus, because he was
+desirous of opening those passes. Near Phaselis
+is the defile on the sea-shore through which Alexander
+led his army. The mountain is called Climax;
+it borders upon the Pamphylian sea, leaving a
+narrow passage along the shore, which, when the sea
+is calm, is dry and practicable to travellers, but when
+swollen, is, for the most part, covered by the waves.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span>The road over the mountain is circuitous and difficult,
+for which reason the passage along the shore
+is preferred in fair weather. Alexander happening
+to be here in the winter season, and trusting to
+fortune, attempted to pass before the waves had
+subsided; the soldiers in consequence had to march
+the whole day up to the middle in water<a id="anchor12" href="#note12">(12)</a>.
+Phaselis is a city of Lycia on the confines of Pamphylia;
+it does not, however, belong to the community
+of the Lycians, but has a separate government
+of its own. In like manner Homer considers
+the Solymi as separate from the Lycians....
+Next to Phaselis is Olbia<a id="anchor13" href="#note13">(13)</a>, a great fortress, and
+the beginning of Pamphylia; then the Catarrhactes,
+a large and rapid river, which falls from a lofty
+rock, with a sound heard at a great distance<a id="anchor14" href="#note14">(14)</a>.
+Next is the city Attaleia, so named from its founder
+Attalus Philadelphus, who having also introduced a
+colony into the neighbouring town of Corycus, comprehended
+them within a wall, which inclosed a space
+of ground of no great extent<a id="anchor15" href="#note15">(15)</a>. It is said that
+Thebe and Lyrnessus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> are to be seen between Phaselis
+and Attaleia; for Callisthenes informs us that
+a part of the Cilices of Troas being driven out of the
+plain of Thebe, came into Pamphylia. Next is the
+river Cestrus<a id="anchor16" href="#note16">(16)</a>, navigable for sixty stades to
+Perge; near Perge, in a lofty situation, is the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span>temple of Diana Pergæa, where a religious assembly
+is held every year. Then, at a distance
+of forty stades from the sea, is a lofty city, conspicuous
+from Perge; then a lake of considerable
+size, called Capria; and next the river Eurymedon;
+and a navigable ascent of sixty stades to the populous
+city of Aspendus, which was a colony from
+Argus. Higher up lies Pednelissus. Beyond (the
+Eurymedon) is another river, with many small
+islands lying before it<a id="anchor17" href="#note17">(17)</a>. Then occurs Side<a id="anchor18" href="#note18">(18)</a>,
+a colony from Cyme, and having a temple of Minerva.
+Near it is the coast of the lesser Cibyra;
+then the river Melas<a id="anchor19" href="#note19">(19)</a>, and a station for ships;
+and then the city Ptolemais<a id="anchor20" href="#note20">(20)</a>, beyond which are
+the boundaries of Pamphylia and Coracesium, which
+is the beginning of Cilicia Tracheia. The whole
+circumnavigation of Pamphylia is 640 stades.</p>
+
+<p>“Of Cilicia, beyond Taurus, a part is called Tracheia
+(rugged), and a part Pedias (plain). Of the
+rugged, the maritime part is narrow, and has very
+little or no level country; the part which the Taurus
+overhangs is equally mountainous, and is thinly
+inhabited as far as the northern flanks near Isaura,
+and the Homonadenses, and as far as Pisidia.
+Hence the country is called Tracheiotis, and the
+inhabitants Tracheiotæ. Cilicia Pedias extends
+from Soli and Tarsus as far as Issus; and includes
+all the country as far as the part of Cappadocia
+which is adjacent to the northern flank of Taurus.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span>This division of Cilicia consists for the most part
+of plains, and a fertile land.</p>
+
+<p>“Having spoken of the parts (of Cilicia) within
+Taurus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>&#x2060;, we shall now proceed to speak of those
+without Taurus, beginning with Tracheiotis. The
+first fortress of the Cilicians is Coracesium, built upon
+a precipitous rock<a id="anchor21" href="#note21">(21)</a>. Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon,
+made use of it as an arsenal, when, with varying
+success, he headed an insurrection of Syria
+against its kings, and at length was forced to put an
+end to his own life, upon being blockaded in a certain
+fortress by Antiochus the son of Demetrius.
+Tryphon set the example of piracy to the Cilicians,
+&amp;c.</p>
+
+<p>“After Coracesium is Syedra<a id="anchor22" href="#note22">(22)</a>, then Hamaxia<a id="anchor23" href="#note23">(23)</a>,
+a small inhabited place upon a rock, with a
+station for vessels below it, to which ship-timber is
+brought down from the mountains. This consists
+chiefly of cedar, a wood apparently very abundant
+in these parts; for which reason Antonius gave this
+region to Cleopatra, as being well suited for fitting
+out her fleets. Next occurs Laertes<a id="anchor24" href="#note24">(24)</a>, a fortress
+situated upon a hill shaped like a woman’s breast,
+and having an anchorage below it; then the river
+Selinus; then Cragus, a rock rising from the sea,
+and precipitous on every side; and then the castle
+of Charadrus, which has an anchorage below it.
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span>The mountain Andriclus rises above Charadrus,
+beyond which is a rugged shore called Platanistus,
+and the promontory Anemurium. Here the continent
+lies nearest to the coast of Cyprus, at the promontory
+Crommyon, the distance being 350 stades.
+From the frontier of Pamphylia to Anemurium, the
+length of the coast of Cilicia is 820 stades; the remainder,
+as far as Soli, is 500 stades<a id="anchor25" href="#note25">(25)</a>. In this
+space Nagidus<a id="anchor26" href="#note26">(26)</a> is the first city which occurs after
+Anemurium; then Arsinoe<a id="anchor27" href="#note27">(27)</a>, having a station for
+ships before it; then the place called Melania, and
+Celenderis, a city with a harbour<a id="anchor28" href="#note28">(28)</a>. Some consider
+this place, and not Coracesium, as the beginning
+of Cilicia.... Next occurs Holmi, where
+the people of Seleuceia first dwelt, but who after
+the erection of Seleuceia upon the Calycadnus
+emigrated to that place. Immediately after turning
+the shore which forms a promontory, called
+Sarpedon, is the mouth of the Calycadnus; near
+the Calycadnus is Zephyrium, also a promontory;
+the river is navigable up to Seleuceia, which is a
+populous city<a id="anchor29" href="#note29">(29)</a>.... Beyond the Calycadnus
+is the rock Pœcile<a id="anchor30" href="#note30">(30)</a>, cut into steps leading to
+Seleuceia. Then occurs Anemurium, a cape, of
+the same name as the former, and the island
+Crambusa, and the promontory Corycus<a id="anchor31" href="#note31">(31)</a>, 20
+stades above which is the Corycian cave....
+Next to Corycus is Elæussa, an island near the
+shore<a id="anchor32" href="#note32">(32)</a>. The town was founded by Archelaus,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span>and became his residence when he took all Cilicia
+Tracheia, except Seleuceia, in the same manner as
+Amyntas had it before him, and still earlier Cleopatra....
+The boundary of Cilicia Tracheia is
+between Soli and Elæussa, at the river Lamus,
+where is a town of the same name.... Beyond
+Lamus is the important city of Soli, the beginning
+of Cilicia Issensis: it was founded by the Achæans,
+and the Rhodii of Lindus. To this place, being in
+a deserted state, Pompey the Great removed such
+of the pirates as he thought most worthy of clemency
+and protection, and named the place Pompeiopolis<a id="anchor33" href="#note33">(33)</a>....
+Next occurs Zephyrium, of the
+same name as that at the Calycadnus<a id="anchor34" href="#note34">(34)</a>; then
+Anchiale, situated at a short distance from the shore<a id="anchor35" href="#note35">(35)</a>....
+Above it is the fortress Cyinda, where
+the Macedonians formerly kept their treasures, which
+Eumenes seized, rebelling against Antigonus.
+Above this place and Soli are mountainous districts,
+where is the city Olbe, with a temple of Jupiter,
+founded by Ajax the son of Teucer.... Next
+to Anchiale are the mouths of the Cydnus, near
+the place called Rhegma. This place, which resembles
+a lake, preserves some remains of the naval
+arsenal, which it formerly contained; it is now the
+port of Tarsus. The river Cydnus, which rises in
+the part of Mount Taurus above Tarsus, flows
+through the middle of that city, and into the lake<a id="anchor36" href="#note36">(36)</a>....
+Beyond the Cydnus is the Pyramus,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span>flowing from Cataonia<a id="anchor37" href="#note37">(37)</a>. Artemidorus says that
+the distance from this river to Soli, in a direct line,
+is 500 stades. Near it is Mallus, situated upon a
+height; it was founded by Amphilochus and Mopsus,
+who, having slain one another in single combat,
+were buried so that the tomb of one should not be
+visible from that of the other:—the sepulchres are
+now shown near Magarsa and the Pyramus....
+Above this coast is the plain called Aleium, through
+which Philotas led the cavalry of Alexander, while
+the king himself conducted the phalanx from Soli
+by the sea-coast and the Mallotis to Issus<a id="anchor38" href="#note38">(38)</a>....
+Beyond Mallus is the town Ægææ, which has
+an anchorage below it, and then the gates (Pylæ)
+Amanides. Here also is an anchorage; and here
+Mount Amanus terminates, which joins to Taurus,
+and bounds Cilicia on the East. Next to Ægææ is
+the small town of Issus, where the battle was fought
+between Alexander and Darius. The gulf is called
+Issic: in it are the towns Rhosus and Myriandrus,
+and Alexandreia, and Nicopolis, and Mopsuestia<a id="anchor39" href="#note39">(39)</a>:
+and the gates (Pylæ) as they are called, which
+are the boundary of Cilicia and Syria.”</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span></p>
+
+<h3>NOTES.</h3>
+
+<p id="note1"><a href="#anchor1">(Note 1.)</a> Peræa (from Πέρα) was the name of the coast of
+Caria opposite to Rhodus, which for several centuries formed a
+dependency of that opulent republic. In the time of Scylax,
+the Rhodii possessed only the peninsula immediately in face of
+their island. As a reward for their assistance in the Antiochian
+war, the Romans gave them a part of Lycia and all Caria as
+far as the Mæander. By having adopted a less prudent policy
+in the second Macedonic war, they lost it all, including Caunus,
+the chief town of Peræa. It was not long, however, before
+it was restored to them, together with the small islands
+near Rhodus; and from this time Peræa retained the limits
+which Strabo has described, namely, Dædala on the east, and
+Mount Loryma on the west, both included. Vespasian finally
+reduced Rhodus itself into the provincial form, and joined it to
+Caria. Liv. l. 38. c. 39.—l. 45. c. 20, 25. Cicero, Ep. ad
+Fratrem. l. 1. c. 1. Sueton. in Vespas. c. 8.</p>
+
+<p id="note2"><a href="#anchor2">(2)</a> The names and distances on this part of the coast, in the
+anonymous Periplus or Stadiasmus, which proceeds in a contrary
+direction to Strabo (or from east to west), are as follows:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Πατάρων ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν ὑπέρκειται πόλις Ξάνθος σταδ.
+ξ. (60.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ Ξάντου εἰς Πύδνας ἐπ’ ἐπευθείας σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Πύδνων ἕως τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας σταδ. π. (80.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας εἰς Καλαβαντίαν σταδ. λ. (30.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Καλαβαντίων εἰς Περδικίας σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Περδικίων εἰς Κισσίδας σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Κισσίδων εἰς νῆσον Λάγουσαν σταδ. π. (80.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Λαγούσων εἰς Τελεμενσὸν σταδ. εʹ. (5.)</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Here it may be observed, that, reckoning about ten stades
+to the geographical mile, the total coasting distance of 355
+stades between Telmissus and the Xanthus is not incorrect
+when applied to the map; that the 140 stades from the Xanthus
+to Cape Hiera, carries us to the most projecting point of
+the Efta Kávi, or <i>Seven Capes</i>, as the <i>eight</i> promontories of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span>Mount Cragus mentioned by Strabo are now called; and that
+the 130 stades from Cape Hiera to Cissides, and the 85 stades
+from Cissides to Telmissus,—concur in showing that Cissides
+was the name of the peninsular promontory, on the south side
+of which is the island and harbour of St. Nicholas. As the
+ruins upon this cape and island, which I visited in coasting
+from Castel Rosso to Mákri, indicate a late period of the
+Roman Empire, it is probable that the town did not exist in
+the time of Strabo; for the position will not answer to that of
+Carmylessus, which, according to the Geographer, was in a
+φάραγξ, or narrow valley, of Mount Anticragus. The exact
+situation of Carmylessus, therefore, still remains unknown;
+as well as that of the cities of Cragus, of Pinara at the foot of
+Mount Cragus, and of Tlos at the passage of the mountains
+leading from the sea-coast into the Cibyratis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a>&#x2060;. According
+to Artemidorus,—Pinara, Tlos, Patara, Xanthus, Myra, and
+Olympus were the six great cities of Lycia: so that Telmissus,
+which is styled a πολίχνη, probably had not in the time
+of Artemidorus reached that importance which its theatre shows
+that it afterwards enjoyed. The ruins remarked by Captain
+Beaufort under Mount Cragus, at the northern extremity of
+the sandy beach which extends to the river Xanthus, seem to
+answer to the Pydnæ of the Stadiasmus: it is perhaps the
+same as the Cydna, which Ptolemy places among the cities of
+Mount Cragus.</p>
+
+<p id="note3"><a href="#anchor3">(3)</a> The port of Patara, which was too small to contain the
+allied fleet of the Romans, Rhodii, and other Greek states under
+the command of L. Æmilius Regillus in the Antiochian war&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a>&#x2060;,
+is now entirely choked up by encroaching sands. The ruins
+of the city are extensive; consisting of the town-walls, and of
+numerous sepulchres on the outside; and within, of the remains
+of several public buildings. Among these is a theatre, in good
+preservation, and nearly of the same size as that of Telmissus;
+it is 295 feet in diameter, with thirty-four rows of seats,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span>and a proscenium, upon which a long inscription shows that
+the theatre was built by Q. Velius Titianus, and dedicated
+by his daughter Velia Procla, in the fourth consulate of
+the Emperor Antoninus Pius (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 145). Appian remarks,
+that Patara was like a port to Xanthus; which city appears
+from Strabo and the Stadiasmus to have been on the banks of
+the river Xanthus, eight or nine miles above Patara. Ruins
+are known to exist in this situation, but they have not yet been
+described by any modern traveller. According to Arrian&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>&#x2060;, it
+seems to have been on the left bank of the river; for Alexander
+crossed the river Xanthus from Telmissus, before he took the
+cities Pinara, Xanthus, and Patara. Hence, also, we have
+some light on the site of Pinara.</p>
+
+<p id="note4"><a href="#anchor4">(4)</a> Myra still preserves its ancient name, together with the
+ruins of a theatre 355 feet in diameter; the remains of several
+public buildings, and numerous inscribed sepulchres, on some of
+which are the Lycian characters, found also at Limyra, Telmissus,
+and Cyana. The distance of the ruins of Myra from the sea
+corresponds very accurately with the twenty stades of Strabo.</p>
+
+<p>Andriace, described as the port of Myra by Appian&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a>&#x2060;, and which
+is named also by Pliny and Ptolemy, is still called Andráki. On
+the banks of the river by which Lentulus ascended to Myra, after
+breaking the chain which closed the port, are the ruins of a large
+building, which appears by an inscription to have been a granary
+of Hadrian. Here are also several other remains of antiquity.</p>
+
+<p id="note5"><a href="#anchor5">(5)</a> There is no variation in the MSS. of Strabo in this
+place, and Isocrates also names Κισθήνη in a manner which
+leads one to believe that he is speaking of a place on this
+coast&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>&#x2060;. Later writers, however, make no mention of Cisthene;
+and Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>&#x2060;, Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>&#x2060;,
+ and Stephanus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a>&#x2060;, agree in
+showing that Megiste and Dolichiste were the two principal
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span>islands on the coast of Lycia: the former word (<i>greatest</i>) well
+describing the island of Kastelóryzo, or Castel Rosso, as the
+latter word (<i>longest</i>) does that of Kákava. Nor is Scylax less
+precise in pointing out Kastelóryzo as Megiste; which name is
+found in an inscription copied by Mr. Cockerell from a rock at
+Castel Rosso&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>&#x2060;. It would seem, therefore, that this island was
+anciently known by both names (Megiste and Cisthene), but in
+later times perhaps chiefly by that of Megiste. Its convenience
+to maritime war and commerce must have secured its importance
+in every age; whence its mention in the narrative, by Livy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>&#x2060;, of
+the transactions of the Rhodian fleet against Antiochus, would
+alone perhaps have been sufficient, without other evidence, to
+identify Castel Rosso with Megiste, although the historian describes
+Megiste as a port only, not as an island. The anonymous
+Periplus, or Stadiasmus, has accurately enumerated the islands
+between Antiphellus and Patara, in the passage cited in a following
+Note. His Rhope and islands of Xenagoras are evidently
+the Rhoge and Enagora of Pliny. Rhoge is now called
+St. George. The two islands of Xenagoras, now named Volo
+and O’khendra, are situated at the mouth of the bay of Kalamáki;
+the situation of which harbour, two miles eastward of
+the ruins of Patara, accords, no less than its steep rocky shore,
+with the description of Port Phœnicus, from whence, in the
+course of the operations against Antiochus, C. Livius made an
+unsuccessful attempt upon Patara&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span></p>
+
+<p id="note6"><a href="#anchor6">(6)</a> Strabo is inaccurate in placing Antiphellus among the
+inland towns, ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ, in contradiction to Ptolemy,
+Pliny, and the author of the Stadiasmus. There can be no
+doubt of the ruins on the coast opposite to Castel Rosso being
+those of Antiphellus: the ancient name is still preserved in
+the corrupted form of Andífilo; at which place I distinguished
+on many of the ancient tombs the word Ἀντιφελλείτης, which is
+found to be the ethnic adjective in Stephanus of Byzantium.</p>
+
+<p id="note7"><a href="#anchor7">(7)</a> The name of the Chelidoniæ insulæ has been transferred
+to Cape Hiera, or the Sacred Promontory, which is now
+called Cape Khelidhóni. The following is the description of
+the coast between Patara and the Sacred Promontory in the
+Stadiasmus, which, as I have already observed, travels in an
+opposite direction to Strabo, or from east to west:—</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας ἐν Μελανίππη σταδ. λ. (30.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης εἰς Γάγας σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης ἐπὶ Ταμὸν (leg. ποταμὸν) ἀλμυρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+ὑπὲρ σταδ. ξ. (60.) κεῖται πόλις Ἀλμυρὰ καλουμένη.</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Μελανίππης (τοῦ Λιμύρου?) εἰς πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον καλούμενον
+σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰσίου πύργον εἰς Ἀδριακὴν σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀδριακὴς εἰς Σόμηναν σταδ. δ. (4.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Σόμηναν εἰς Ἀπέρλας σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀκρωτηρίου εἰς Ἀντίφελλον σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀντιφέλλου εἰς νῆσον Μεγέστην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Μεγέστης εἰς νῆσον Ῥόπην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ῥόπης εἰς τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσους σταδ. τ. (300.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσων εἰς Πάταραν σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The greater part of the distances towards the beginning of
+this extract are quite unintelligible. Melanippe, however,
+seems to accord with the bay on the north side of Cape Khelidhóni.
+This place may possibly have been the port of Gagæ,
+which was a city of some celebrity&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>&#x2060;, and appears from Scylax
+to have been near the coast, between Limyra and the Chelidoniæ.
+Being also named by Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> as near Olympus and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span>Corydalla,—which last place, according to the Peutinger Table,
+was 29 miles from Phaselis on the road to Patara,—the site of
+Gagæ will accord very well with the ruins marked in Captain
+Beaufort’s survey at Aladjá, five miles from the centre of the
+Bay of Fínika. Following the same direction into the interior,
+we ought to meet with the remains of Corydalla, coins of which
+city are still extant. Rhodiopolis, also, called Rhodia by Stephanus
+and Ptolemy, which Pliny names next to Corydalla,
+and which Ptolemy enumerates together with Corydalla, among
+the cities adjacent to Mount Masicytus,—would also probably
+be found in the neighbouring part of the interior of Lycia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>&#x2060;.
+And here it may be observed, that the position of several of the
+towns which Ptolemy enumerates around Mount Masicytus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a>&#x2060;,
+are now determined with a degree of accuracy sufficient at least
+to show the situation and extent of that mountain, a very lofty
+projection of which separates the bays of Fínika and Myra, under
+the name of Cape Fínika.</p>
+
+<p>Following the Stadiasmus to the westward, we cannot doubt
+that his river Almyrus is a corruption of Limyrus, mentioned,
+together with the town of Limyra, by Pliny and Stephanus, as
+well as by Strabo. The remains of Limyra are found at Fínika,
+on the river which enters the bay of Fínika at its western angle:
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span>not, however, at a distance of sixty stades from the river’s
+mouth, as the Stadiasmus indicates, but, as Strabo remarks, at
+twenty. Some of the curious sepulchres inscribed in the Lycian
+character and dialect, which Mr. Cockerell found here,
+have been published by him in the 2d volume of Walpole’s
+Collection (p. 524). A stream which joins the sea close to the
+mouth of the Limyrus, seems to be the Arycandus of Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a>&#x2060;,
+which name we learn to have been that of a Lycian city, from
+Hierocles, from Stephanus, and from the Scholiast of Pindar&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>&#x2060;,
+who speaks also of a sacred place called Embolus in its vicinity.
+That Arycanda was in this part of the country, might be
+presumed likewise from an inscription found by Mr. Cockerell&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a>
+at Limyra, in honour of a person who had acquired the rites of
+citizenship at Arycanda and Olympus. Some vestiges of Arycanda,
+therefore, might possibly be found on the banks of
+the river above mentioned. I am inclined to think that the
+name of a town near Mount Masicytus, which in some of the
+copies of Ptolemy is Τριβένδα, and in others Ἀρένδαι, ought to
+be Ἀρυκάνδαι. Pliny places Arycanda (perhaps improperly)
+in Milyas.</p>
+
+<p>In Captain Beaufort’s survey, we find the beach of Myra
+bounded to the west by a small rocky cape, called Pýrgo.
+This seems to be the tower named Isium (εἰς Πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον
+καλούμενον) in the Stadiasmus; though in arriving at that conjecture
+we must overlook the distance from Andriace there
+stated. As to the distance of the same tower from Melanippe,
+I take that word to have been a mistake of the copier of the
+Stadiasmus for Limyrus: the repetition of Melanippe a second
+time was necessary, because Gagæ being an inland place, the
+Periplus was obliged to revert to Melanippe: and this second
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span>repetition may have led to an erroneous repetition a third time;
+for it is to be observed that the total distance from Cape Hiera
+to Andriace <i>minus</i> that from Melanippe to Gagæ is correct.
+And so is the distance (120 stades) from Limyrus to Andriace,
+assuming the correction which I have mentioned.</p>
+
+<p>To the westward of Andriace we have two ancient sites determined
+by inscribed sepulchres, which record the name of the city,
+and the inscriptions upon which have been copied by Mr. Cockerell:—that
+of Cyana, or the city τῶν ΚΥΑΝΕΙΤΩΝ, at the head
+of Port Trístomo, as the inner part of the bay behind the island
+of Kákava, is now called ——; and that of Aperlæ, or the city
+τῶν ΑΠΕΡΛΕΙΤΩΝ at the head of Assar Bay. In our copies of
+Pliny, the former name is written Cyane; in Hierocles and the
+Notitiæ Episcopatuum it is Cyaneæ. The Stadiasmus has omitted
+it, probably because it is at a considerable distance from the
+open sea. Aperlæ is erroneously written by Ptolemy Aperræ, by
+Pliny Apyræ; in the Notitiæ the bishopric is styled Ἀπριλλῶν:
+in Hierocles and the Stadiasmus we find the orthography correct.
+The Somena of the Stadiasmus we can hardly doubt to be the
+same place as the Simena mentioned as a Lycian city by Pliny
+(l. 5. c. 27.), and by Stephanus. Simena is placed by the Stadiasmus
+at four stades to the westward of Andriace, precisely
+in which situation we find some sepulchres marked in the survey
+of Captain Beaufort. A further examination of these monuments
+might perhaps discover the name of Simena as that
+of the ancient town which stood here.</p>
+
+<p id="note8"><a href="#anchor8">(8)</a> The Stadiasmus describes the places between Attaleia
+and Cape Hiera as follows:—</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀτταλείας ἐπὶ χωρίον Τένεδον σταδ. κ. (20.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Τενέδου εἰς Λύρναντα χωρίον σταδ. ξ. (60.) ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως
+ὄρος μέγα ὑπέρκειται Φασίλις ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ. (<i>deest</i>.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Κωρύκου ἐπὶ τὸν Φοινικοῦντα σταδ. λ. (30.) ὑπὲρ μέγα ὄρος
+ὑψηλὸν κεῖται Ὄλυμπος καλούμενον. Ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος ἐπ’ εὐθείας εἰς
+Κράμβουσαν σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Κραμβούσης ἐπὶ χώρας Ποσιδαρισοῦντος σταδ. λ. (30.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ποσιδαρισοῦντος ἐπὶ Μωρὸν ὕδωρ καλούμενον σταδ. λ. (30.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Μωροῦ ὕδατος ἐπὶ ἄκραν Ἱερὰν καὶ νῆσον Χελιδονίαν σταδ. ν.
+(50.)</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[189]</span></p>
+
+<p>Captain Beaufort discovered the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash,
+and those of Phaselis at Tékrova; the inscriptions at either
+place leaving no doubt of the identity. The ὄρος μέγα, in the
+second paragraph of the above passage of the Stadiasmus, is
+Mount Solyma, which extends 70 miles to the northward, but
+the highest part of which, now called Taghtalu, is immediately
+above the ruins of Phaselis. From the third paragraph of the
+preceding passage of the Stadiasmus compared with Strabo, it
+appears that the names Phœnicus and Olympus were applied
+indifferently, both to the city which stood at Deliktash and to
+the mountain above it. In the inscriptions, however, and in
+the coins of this city, Olympus only occurs. In several of the
+inscriptions found at Deliktash, the name of the people is
+written ΟΛΥΝΠΗΝΟΙ, in others, as well as on the existing
+coins, it is ΟΛΥΜΠΗΝΟΙ, and thus also we find the name in
+the ancient authors. Scylax, in the place of Olympus, names
+the cape and harbour of Siderus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>&#x2060;; and it cannot be doubted
+that he meant the bay of Deliktash or Olympus; for he adds
+that in the mountain above there was a temple of Vulcan, at
+which there was a perpetual fire issuing from the earth, exactly
+as Captain Beaufort discovered it, at a short distance above the
+ruins of Olympus.</p>
+
+<p id="note9"><a href="#anchor9">(9)</a> Crambusa is an island still known by its ancient name,
+slightly corrupted. It is probably the same as the Dionysia of
+Scylax and Pliny.</p>
+
+<p id="note10"><a href="#anchor10">(10)</a> Strabo in a subsequent passage (p. 671) remarks, that
+all Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia, were visible from Mount
+Olympus; and that upon it was the fortress of a celebrated pirate
+named Zenicetus.</p>
+
+<p id="note11"><a href="#anchor11">(11)</a> The Corycus of the Stadiasmus corresponds exactly in
+situation with that which Strabo describes as a coast (Κώρυκος
+αἰγαλός) between Olympus and Phaselis; and Lyrnas is evidently
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[190]</span>the representative of Lyrnessus; which Homer mentions
+together with Thebe. According to Strabo, Thebe and Lyrnessus
+were supposed to have been between Phaselis and Attaleia.</p>
+
+<p id="note12"><a href="#anchor12">(12)</a> Arrian (l. 1. c. 26.) relates the same occurrence in the
+following manner: “Alexander moving from Phaselis, sent
+part of his army through the mountain to Perge, the Thracians
+pointing out the road, which was difficult, but not long. Those
+attached to his person, were led by himself along the sea-side.
+This road cannot be used, except when the wind is northerly;
+when the south wind blows, it is impracticable. When Alexander
+arrived there, a north wind succeeding to violent south winds,
+rendered the passage short and easy; an accident which, by
+Alexander and his court, was considered as having happened
+by the interposition of some deity.”</p>
+
+<p>The incident is well illustrated by the actual geography; for
+the whole coast, from the ruins of Phaselis to the western corner
+of the plain of Attaleia, consists of a lofty mountain, rising
+abruptly from the shore. Arrian, in saying that the passage
+was not long through the mountains from Phaselis into the
+plains where Perge was situated, shows that there was a pass
+in Mount Solyma not far from Attaleia; for Alexander was not
+yet in possession of Termessus, which commanded the principal
+pass of Mount Solyma, and the detour that way instead
+of being short would have been very long.</p>
+
+<p id="note13"><a href="#anchor13">(13)</a> The position of Olbia is still uncertain; but as Strabo
+and Ptolemy agree in placing it at the beginning of Pamphylia,
+between Attaleia and the Lycian frontier, I am inclined to think
+that its remains may still be found (especially if Strabo has
+truly described it as a great fortress) in some part of the plain
+which extends for seven miles from the modern Adália to the
+foot of Mount Solyma. Stephanus, who states that the name
+is properly Olba, not Olbia, adds that it did not belong to
+Pamphylia, but to the country of the Solymi—a strong presumption
+that it stood upon or at the foot of Mount Solyma.
+As the Stadiasmus was a Periplus, the omission of Olbia is at
+once explained, if we suppose it to have been situated at some
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[191]</span>distance from the coast: and as Captain Beaufort’s survey was
+equally a Periplus, the same circumstance would account for
+the site of Olbia having eluded his researches. The following
+is the description of the coast between Coracesium and Attaleia
+in the Stadiasmus:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Κορακησίου εἰς Αὔνησιν ἐπὶ χωρίον Ἀνάξιον σταδ. π. (80.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀναξίων εἰς χωρίον καλούμενον Αὐγὰς σταδ. ο. (70.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Αὐγῶν ἐπὶ ἀκρωτήριον Λευκόθειον σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Λευκοθείου εἰς Κύβερναν σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Κυβέρνης ἐπὶ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν Μέλανον σταδ. θ. (9.)</p>
+
+<p class="center">Λοιπὸν Παμφυλία.</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ εἰς Σίδην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Σίδης εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. π. (80.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Σελευκείας εἰς ποταμὸν πλωτὸν καλούμενον Εὐρυμέδοντα σταδ.
+ρ. (100.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Κυνοσθρίου ἐπὶ ποταμὸν καλούμενον Κεστρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.)
+ἀναπλεύσαντι τὸν ποταμὸν πόλις ἐστὶ Πέργη τοῦ Κέστρου ἐπὶ Ῥουσκόποδα.</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ῥουσκόποδος ἐπὶ Μάσουραν καὶ τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας σταδ. ν.
+(50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Μασούρας εἰς Μυγδάλην σταδ. ο. (70.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Μυγδάλων εἰς Ἀττάλειαν σταδ. ι. (10.)</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p id="note14"><a href="#anchor14">(14)</a> Pomponius Mela gives a similar description of the
+Catarrhactes:—“Deinde duo validissimi fluvii, Cestros et Catarrhactes:
+Cestros navigari facilis, hic quia se præcipitat ita
+dictus. Inter eos, Perga est oppidum.” The Stadiasmus affords
+a still more accurate allusion to its present state, by using
+the plural τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας, the Cataracts. The river on approaching
+the coast divides itself into several branches, which
+in falling over the cliffs that border the coast from Laara to
+Adália, form upon their upper part a mass of calcareous deposition,
+projecting considerably beyond the perpendicular line of
+the cliffs. Through the calcareous crust, the water makes its
+way to the sea; and being thus separated into several streams
+by a natural process, which has been rapidly increasing in its
+operation in the course of time, the river has now no determinate
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[192]</span>mouth (as it may perhaps have had in former ages), unless
+it be after heavy rains, when, as I saw it in passing along the
+coast, it precipitates itself copiously over the cliffs near the
+most projecting point of the coast a little to the west of Laara.
+Besides this natural peculiarity which divides the Catarrhactes
+into many branches, its main stream is further diminished by
+the derivations which turn the mills and supply water to the
+gardens and town of Adália.</p>
+
+<p id="note15"><a href="#anchor15">(15)</a> I am aware that this passage has been differently interpreted.
+The words of Strabo are these: Εἶτα πόλις Ἀττάλεια,
+ἐπώνυμος τοῦ κτίσαντος Φιλαδέλφου καὶ οἰκίσαντος εἰς
+Κώρυκον πολίχνιον ἄλλην κατοικίαν ὅμορον καὶ μικρὸν περίβολον
+περιθέντος. That the meaning of the geographer was that which
+I have given, seems confirmed by Demetrius, as quoted by Stephanus
+in the following words, in which, however, he has misnamed
+Cilicia for Pamphylia: Ἀττάλεια ... οἱ δὲ τὴν
+Κιλικίας Κώρυκον οὕτω φασὶ λέγεσθαι, ὡς Δημήτριος· ἀπὸ
+Ἀττάλου Φιλαδέλφου κτίσαντος αὐτήν. It seems, therefore,
+that Attalus sent a colony to occupy the shore of the harbour
+of Adália, near a small town then called Corycus; that Corycus
+also received a part of the colony, and that he inclosed that town
+and his new settlement within the same walls. The passage of
+Strabo is further illustrated by Suidas, (in Κωρυκαῖος,) who says
+that Corycus was a cape of Pamphylia, where Attaleia was built:
+Κώρυκος γὰρ τῆς Φαμφυλίας ἀκρωτήριον παρ’ ᾧ πόλις Ἀττάλεια.</p>
+
+<p>Captain Beaufort expresses his conviction that the modern
+Adália stands on the site of Olbia; and he places Attaleia at
+some ancient ruins, which he discovered at Laara, to the eastward
+of the Catarrhactes. D’Anville, as well as M. Gosselin
+(See the new French translation of Strabo, l. 14. c. 4.), are of a
+similar opinion. This opinion is founded entirely upon the
+order of names in Strabo, though he is contradicted by the
+evidence of Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>&#x2060;, of the Stadiasmus, and of the modern
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[193]</span>name of Adália. To me it appears that the ruins at Laara,
+whose position possesses no advantages adapted to the seat of
+a colony, are too inconsiderable for those of a city, the importance
+of which may be traced from the time of its Pergamenian
+founder, through the history of the Greeks, Romans, Crusaders,
+and Byzantines, down to the Turkish conquest of Constantinople,
+without any indication or probability of a change of
+situation. Adália possesses all the natural advantages likely
+to have made it the chief settlement of the adjacent country,
+when the power of Asia became embodied under the successors
+of Alexander. The walls and other fortifications—the magnificent
+gate or triumphal arch, bearing an inscription in honour
+of Hadrian—the aqueduct—the numerous fragments of sculpture
+and architecture—the inscribed marbles found in many
+parts of the town—the Episcopal church, now converted into a
+mosque—the European coats of arms seen upon this church
+and upon the city walls—and lastly, the bishopric of Attaleia
+(τῆς Ἀτταλείας), of which Adália is still the see—appear to
+me incontrovertible evidences of identity&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a>&#x2060;. In regard to the
+names Adália and Satalía applied to the place by the Turks and
+Italians respectively, it may not be unworthy of observation
+that they are both taken immediately from the Greek; the
+former from the nominative or accusative case (ἡ Ἀττάλεια, or
+στὴν Ἀττάλειαν), which were the forms most frequently used
+by the Greeks in speaking of the town itself; the latter from
+the genitive case (τῆς Ἀτταλείας), this being perhaps the case
+which the Italian navigators are chiefly in the habit of hearing
+the Greeks employ in speaking of the gulf or port (of the κόρφος
+or πόρτος τῆς Ἀτταλείας). The great difference of sound
+in the two modern words has been the necessary consequence
+of the difference between the accent of the gen. case of the
+Greek word, and that of the nom. or acc. The Turkish name
+Adália is precisely the Greek, except that the Turks have hardened
+the tt into d.</p>
+
+<p>The vestiges of an ancient town and port, which Captain
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[194]</span>Beaufort observed at Laara, answer to the Magydus of Ptolemy,
+a place which flourished under the Byzantine Empire, and was
+a bishopric of the province of Pamphylia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>&#x2060;. The Masura of
+the Stadiasmus, and the Μάσηδος of Scylax, appear to be the
+same place as Magydus.</p>
+
+<p id="note16"><a href="#anchor16">(16)</a> Although the ancient geography of the coast of Pamphylia
+cannot be thoroughly illustrated until the position of its
+chief towns is examined and ascertained, there seems little
+doubt that the four rivers mentioned by Strabo,—namely the
+Cestrus, the Eurymedon, a third river not named with islands
+before it, and the Melas,—are accurately fixed by the survey of
+Captain Beaufort and the route of General Koehler, confronted
+with Strabo, the Stadiasmus, Zosimus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a>&#x2060;,
+ and Pomponius Mela&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>&#x2060;.
+The Cestrus is that which General Koehler crossed at two hours
+to the west of Stavros, and the ruins which he had on his left
+hand in crossing it seem to be those of Perge. The Eurymedon
+is called Kápri-su, a name derived from the ancient city of
+Capria, which, as well as can be understood from the imperfect
+text of Strabo, stood at the distance of about two miles from
+the sea, upon the banks of a lake of the same name, which occupies
+a part of the maritime region between the Eurymedon
+and Cestrus. The name of Kápri has, by a process not uncommon,
+been transferred from the lake or city to the neighbouring
+river Eurymedon. The remains of Aspendus ought to
+be found at six or eight miles from the mouth of the Eurymedon,
+on a lofty precipitous height on the banks of the river&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>&#x2060;. Higher
+up was Pednelissus. But the most interesting discovery in this
+part of the country would be Selge, a colony from Laconia,
+situate on the frontiers of Pisidia and Pamphylia, in a very fertile
+district, difficult of approach, in the upper regions of Mount
+Taurus, near the sources of the Cestrus and Eurymedon&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[195]</span></p>
+
+<p id="note17"><a href="#anchor17">(17)</a> There can be little doubt that the river without a name
+here mentioned, is that which is marked on the map between
+Side and the Eurymedon, although instead of any islands before
+it, nothing is now seen but some rocks below or even with
+the water’s surface. In proceeding by sea from Alaya to Castel
+Rosso, I remained for two or three days in the mouth of this
+river, in a two-masted vessel of Alaya of about 50 tons. It is
+the only river which affords shelter, or even entrance to a boat;
+the Cestrus and Eurymedon, although much larger streams,
+being now closed by <i>bars</i>. It is very probable that the remains
+of Sylleium would be found upon the banks of this river, for
+which we have no name either ancient or modern; for Sylleium
+appears both from Scylax and Arrian&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> to have been situate
+between Side and the Eurymedon; and as it continued to be a
+place of importance under the Byzantine empire, and became
+the principal bishopric of the province of Pamphylia upon the
+decline of Perge, and superior even in rank to Attaleia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a>&#x2060;, I have
+little doubt that its site might be ascertained. According to
+the Stadiasmus, there stood also between Side and the Eurymedon
+one of the numerous places named Seleuceia. This
+may perhaps have been the port of Sylleium. The relative
+distances of the Stadiasmus, which are tolerably correct on this
+part of the coast, would place Seleuceia in the bay to the eastward
+of the nameless river. At the mouth of that river I did
+not observe any remains of antiquity.</p>
+
+<p id="note18"><a href="#anchor18">(18)</a> The fine ruins of Side have been described by Captain
+Beaufort. Its site is decisively fixed by the inscriptions found
+there. The extensive moles and artificial harbours, of which
+the remains still exist, illustrate the remark of Strabo, that
+Side was the chief port and place of construction of the piratic
+fleets; and its magnificent theatre, 400 feet in diameter, indicates
+that under the more civilised government of the Romans
+it still continued to be the chief city of this coast. Though the
+Turks are so ignorant as to give it the name of Eski Adália
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[196]</span>(Old Attaleia), the name of Side was not unknown to their
+geographers 150 years ago, being mentioned by Hadji Khalfa.
+The Greeks give the name of Παλαιὰ Ἀττάλεια to the ruins of
+Perge.</p>
+
+<p id="note19"><a href="#anchor19">(19)</a> There can be no doubt that the Melas is the river now
+called Menavgát-su, for Zosimus and Mela&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> agree in showing
+its proximity to Side. Strabo, Mela, and the Stadiasmus, all
+place it to the eastward of Side; and the distance of 50 stades
+in the Stadiasmus between the Melas and Side, is precisely that
+which occurs between the ruins of Side and the mouth of the
+river of Menavgát.</p>
+
+<p>Cape Karáburnu being the most remarkable projection upon
+this coast, seems to be the promontory Leucotheius of the
+Stadiasmus, although the modern name implies <i>black</i> and the
+ancient <i>white</i>. The situation of Karáburnu relatively to Coracesium
+and the Melas, agrees also with that of Leucotheius
+with regard to the same places in the Stadiasmus. It is probably
+the same as the Cape Leucolla of Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>If the Κύβερνα of the Stadiasmus is the same as the Little
+Cibyra of Strabo, as we can hardly doubt, there is a manifest
+disagreement between the two authorities in regard to the position
+of its territory. It is probable that the text of Strabo is
+in fault, and that in the order of names the coast of Lesser Cibyra
+should follow instead of preceding the Melas; for it is
+difficult to believe that any other territory should have been
+interposed between that of so large a city as Side and a river
+which was only four miles distant from it. The vestiges of
+Cibyra are probably those observed by Captain Beaufort upon
+a height which rises from the right bank of a considerable river
+about 8 miles to the eastward of the Melas, about 4 miles to
+the westward of Cape Karáburnu, and nearly 2 miles from the
+shore. Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> places Cibyra among the inland towns of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[197]</span>Cilicia Tracheia; Scylax names it as a city of Pamphylia, near
+Coracesium.</p>
+
+<p>The 200 stades of the Stadiasmus between Coracesium and
+Leucotheius, accord tolerably well with the 16 G. M. of the map
+between Alaya Coracesium and Karáburna: and although the
+relative distances of the two ancient ruins which occur in this
+interval do not very accurately agree with the two places mentioned
+in that Periplus, I am inclined to consider the easternmost
+of the ruins as Anaxia, and the westernmost (which is on
+a cape) as Augæ. The meaning of the Stadiasmus seems to
+be, that Anaxia was not on the coast, and that it had a port
+called Aunesis,—circumstances which exactly agree with the
+ruins nearest to Alaya. I greatly suspect also that the Anaxia of
+the Periplus is the Hamaxia of Strabo, and that the geographer
+has erroneously placed that town to the eastward of Coracesium.</p>
+
+<p id="note20"><a href="#anchor20">(20)</a> As no other author makes mention of this Ptolemais,
+and as its name is not found in the Stadiasmus, it may be conjectured
+that Ptolemais did not stand upon the coast, but occupied,
+perhaps, the situation of the modern town of A´lara, where
+is a river, and upon its banks a steep hill crowned with a
+Turkish castle.</p>
+
+<p id="note21"><a href="#anchor21">(21)</a> The testimonies of Strabo, Ptolemy, Scylax, and the
+Stadiasmus, concur in placing Coracesium at Alaya, the extraordinary
+situation of which town upon a rocky promontory,
+precipitous on one side and on the other extremely steep, is
+well suited to that fortress, which alone held out against Antiochus
+the Great, when all the other places on the coast of
+Cilicia had submitted to his arms&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a>&#x2060;. Coracesium was one of
+the positions which particularly assisted in supporting the spirit
+of piracy upon this coast; and it was the last at which the pirates
+ventured to make any united resistance to the fleet of Pompey,
+before they separated and retired to their strong holds in Mount
+Taurus. For the history of the pirates the reader may consult
+Strabo, the Mithridatic war of Appian, (who gives an account
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[198]</span>of their reduction by Pompey,) and Plutarch’s life of the same
+Roman commander. Their long success was owing to the
+commodious ports and strong positions of the coast, to the
+strength of Mount Taurus behind, and to the frequent disputes
+of the kings of Cyprus, Egypt, and Syria, among one another
+and with the Romans; which made it occasionally the interest
+of every party to support the Cilician cities in piracy and independence.
+Thus, like the Barbary states in the present day,
+the opportunity was afforded them of collecting plunder and
+captives from every vessel and shore that was unable to resist
+them. The sacred island of Delus became the entrepôt of their
+trade; and the increasing luxury of the Romans gave encouragement
+to their commerce in slaves.</p>
+
+<p id="note22"><a href="#anchor22">(22)</a> Lucan&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> calls Syedra a port. Floras describes it as a
+desertum Ciliciæ scopulum; yet its copper-coins are not uncommon&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a>&#x2060;;
+it probably shared with Coracesium a fertile plain
+which here borders the coast, and stretches for ten miles to the
+eastward of the latter place.</p>
+
+<p id="note23"><a href="#anchor23">(23)</a> I have already observed that I am inclined to prefer the
+testimony of the Stadiasmus, as to the site of Hamaxia, to that
+which Strabo has here given: for notwithstanding the frequent
+interruptions, false spellings, and false distances in the Periplus,
+the order of names in a work of that description is more to be
+depended upon than in Strabo. Unfortunately, Hamaxia is
+not mentioned by any other author.</p>
+
+<p id="note24"><a href="#anchor24">(24)</a> The following is the description in the Stadiasmus of
+the coast between Anemurium and Coracesium.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Ἀνεμουρίου εἰς Πλατανοῦντα σταδ. τν. (350). Error.</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Πλατανοῦντος εἰς χωρίον Χάραδρον σταδ. τν. (350). Error.</p>
+
+<p>Ὑπὲρ δὲ Χαράδρου κεῖται ὄρος μέγα Ἄνδροκος καλούμενος ἀπὸ
+σταδ. λ. (30.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Χαράδρου ἐπὶ χωρίον Κράγον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100).</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[199]</span></p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κράγου ἐπὶ χωριὸν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης, Ζεφελίους (lege Νεφέλεως)
+σταδ. κε. (25).</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφελίου ἐπὶ ἄκραν Νησιαζούσης σταδ. π. (80).</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Νησιαζούσης ἄκρας εἰς Σελινοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100).</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Λαερτοῦ εἰς Κορακήσιον σταδ. ρ. (100).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>The distance between Selinus and Laertes is wanting; which,
+as it deprives us also of the whole number of stades between
+Anemurium and Coracesium, deducts very largely from the information
+contained in this passage of the Stadiasmus, where,
+moreover, there are great errors in some of the separate distances.
+Neither Syedra nor Hamaxia are mentioned; but the other names
+are the same as in Strabo and in the same order, with the addition
+of Cape Nesiazusa, which is not mentioned by any other
+author, and of Cape Nephelis, which according to Livy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> was
+the station of the fleet of Antiochus the Great, when having
+reduced the cities of Cilicia as far as Selinus inclusive, he was
+employed in the siege of Coracesium, and where he received
+the ambassadors of the Rhodii.</p>
+
+<p>The preservation of the ancient names of Selinus, Charadrus,
+and Anemurium, renders it easy to fix the principal places on
+the line of coast between Alaya and Anamúr. If we allow any
+weight to the evidence of the distances in the preceding passage
+of the Stadiasmus, the site of Laertes was at some ruins
+on a hill near the shore, 9 G. M. direct from Alaya, and 13½
+from the ruins of Selinus, or Trajanopolis, at Selinti. Cragus,
+the Antiocheia super Crago of Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 8.), who places
+it next to Selinus eastward, is found about half way between
+Selinus and Charadrus on a steep hill rising from the shore,
+which exactly corresponds with the description of Cragus by
+Strabo. Nephelis appears from the distance in the Stadiasmus
+to have been the promontory two or three miles to the westward
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[200]</span>of the same place. But in this case Ptolemy has improperly
+inserted Nephelis between Antiocheia and Anemurium.
+It seems not improbable that Antiocheia was founded or named
+by Antiochus, when he chose the bay of Nephelis for the station
+of his fleet in his operations against the Cilician fortresses.
+According to Appian (Mithrid. c. 96.) there was a fortress of
+Anticragus, as well as of Cragus. In regard to Platanus, Captain
+Beaufort remarks, that “between the plain of Selinti and
+the promontory of Anamúr, a distance of 30 miles, the ridge of
+bare rocky hills forming the coast is interrupted but twice by
+narrow valleys which conduct the mountain torrents to the sea.
+The first of these is Kháradra; the other is half way between
+that place and Anamúr.” The latter seems therefore to be the
+Platanus of the Stadiasmus: in comparing which authority with
+Strabo and with the map, it would appear that Platanus gave
+the name of Platanistus to the whole coast between Charadrus
+and Anemurium, and that the distance of Platanus from either
+place in stades should be ρν (150) instead of τν (350).</p>
+
+<p id="note25"><a href="#anchor25">(25)</a> These two numbers, namely, 820 stades from Coracesium
+to Anemurium, and 500 stades from Anemurium to Soli,
+are obviously incorrect; nor would they be very accurate if they
+were to change places, the distance from Coracesium to Anemurium
+being about 50 geographical miles in direct distance,
+and that from Anemurium to Soli near 100.</p>
+
+<p id="note26"><a href="#anchor26">(26)</a> Nagidus, a colony of the Samii&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>&#x2060;, appears from its
+silver coins&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> to have been anciently one of the chief cities upon
+this coast: it probably declined in proportion as the neighbouring
+position of Anemurium (which was better adapted to be one
+of the fortresses and ports of the pirates) rose into importance.
+The two theatres, the aqueduct, and other ruins at Anemurium,
+all show that it chiefly flourished under the Romans. The site
+of Nagidus appears to have been on the hill above the castle of
+Anamúr.</p>
+
+<p>The river Arymagdus, placed by Ptolemy between Anemurium
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[201]</span>and Arsinoe, seems to be the same as the Lalassis, which,
+according to Pliny, flowed from Isauria into the sea of Anemurium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>&#x2060;.
+The name of Lalassis was applied also to the
+country on the banks of this river. Ptolemy mentions Nineia,
+as the only town which it contained. The river is now called
+the Direk-Ondasi; it joins the coast at the castle of Anamúr,
+five miles north-eastward of Cape Anamúr.</p>
+
+<p>The following are the places between Celenderis and Anemurium
+according to the Stadiasmus:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100).</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπ’ ἀκρωτήριον Ποσείδιον καλούμενον σταδ. ζ. (7).</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπὶ τὰς Διονυσιοφάνους σταδ. λ. (30).</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Διονυσιοφάνους εἰς Ρυγμάνους (qu. Ἀρυμάγδους?) σταδ.
+ν. (50).</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ρυγμανῶν εἰς Ἀνεμούριον σταδ. ν. (50).</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding the distortion of names in this passage,
+yet as the two extreme places preserve their ancient appellations,
+and the amount of distance 237 stades corresponds with
+the 26 G. M. of the map, we may place some confidence in the
+intermediate positions. The fifty stades of the Stadiasmus between
+Rhygmana and Anemurium accord with the real distance
+between the cape of Anamúr and the castle of Anamúr, which
+stands at the mouth of the Arymagdus: it is probable therefore
+that Ρύγμανα is an error for Ἀρύμαγδος. Nor can it well be
+doubted that the promontory Poseidium is the cape now called
+Kizlimán, this being the only remarkable headland between
+Anemurium and Celenderis, and the distances in the Stadiasmus
+according very accurately with the reality. According to
+an emendation of Saumaise, who was not acquainted with this
+corroborating passage of the Stadiasmus, Scylax also makes
+mention of the promontory of Poseidium.</p>
+
+<p id="note27"><a href="#anchor27">(27)</a> The Arsinoe here mentioned by Strabo is the only
+place in Ptolemy between the mouth of the Arymagdus and
+Celenderis: it is named also by Pliny, Stephanus, and the
+geographer of Ravenna, the last of whom in giving the names
+in this order, Anemurium, Arsinoe, Sicæ, Celenderis, corroborates
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[202]</span>Strabo and Ptolemy, and justifies us in placing Arsinoe
+at or near the ruined modern castle called Sokhta Kálesi, below
+which is a port such as Strabo describes at Arsinoe, and a peninsula
+on the east side of the harbour covered with ruins. The
+relative distances in the Stadiasmus place Dionysiophanæ at the
+same spot. Possibly this may have been the name of the harbour
+or peninsula, and Arsinoe may have stood upon the hill
+of Sokhta Kálesi. The name of Syce or Sycea, the Sicæ of the
+geographer of Ravenna, is found as a Cilician town in Athenæus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a>
+and Stephanus of Byzantium; and if the emendation of
+Scylax by Gronovius may be followed, it was very near the promontory
+Poseidium.—Perhaps it possessed the fertile valley lying
+on the east side of the hills which end in Cape Kizliman.</p>
+
+<p>One cannot but suspect at first sight that the Mandane of
+the Stadiasmus is the same place as the Melania of Strabo.
+The seven stades however of the Stadiasmus place Mandane
+very near Poseidium to the eastward. On the other hand there
+is a small bay only two or three miles to the westward of
+Kelénderi, where Captain Beaufort remarked some vestiges of
+antiquity: it remains doubtful therefore whether the distance in
+the Stadiasmus is correct, and whether Melania and Mandane
+were the same, or different places.</p>
+
+<p id="note28"><a href="#anchor28">(28)</a> As the Stadiasmus does not mention any distance between
+the Gulf of Berenice and Celenderis, there is reason to
+think that Berenice was the name of the <i>bay</i> to the eastward of
+the little <i>port</i> of Kelénderi. The following are the names and
+distances of the places in the Stadiasmus between the mouth of
+the Calycadnus and the Gulf of Berenice:</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ (scil. Καλυκάδνου) ἐπὶ ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν Σαρπεδονίαν
+καλουμένην. σταδ. π. (80.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπ’ αὐτῆς ἀνατεινὸν τὰ βραχέα ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας σταδ. κ.
+(20.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἔγγιστα πρὸς τὴν Κύπρον εἰς πόλιν Καρπασίου νεωτάτου
+σταδ. υʹ. (400.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) ὁμοίως καὶ
+εἰς Σώλους (leg. Ὁρμοὺς sive Ὁλμοὺς) σταδ. ρκ. (120.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[203]</span></p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν Ὁρμῶν ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ κώμην καλουμένην Μύλας σταδ. μ.
+(40.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ λιμένα Νησούλιον καὶ ἄκραν ἐπινήσιαν σταδ. ξ.
+(60.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ χωρίον Φιλαίαν σταδ. κ. (20.) Οἱ πάντες ἀπὸ
+Μυλαίων τὸν ἐπίτομον, σταδ. φ. (500.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Φιλαίας ἐπὶ νῆσον Πιτυοῦσαν σταδ. ρλ. (130.) Ἀπέχει ἡ
+Πιτυοῦσα ἀπὸ Χεῤῥονήσου τῇ πρὸς τὴν Μύλη σταδ. κ. (20.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων τῆς Πιτυούσης πρὸς τὴν Ἀφροδισιάδην σταδ. μεʹ. (45.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐκ τῶν εὐωνύμων ὑμῶν εχον’ τὴν Πιτυοῦσαν ἐπὶ
+πύργον κείμενον πρὸς ἄκραν ἡ προσονομάζεται Ζεφύριον σταδ. μ. (40.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφυρίου ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ πόλιν Ἀφροδισιάδα σταδ. μ. (40.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Ἀφροδισιάδα ὁ πλοῦς ἐπὶ τὴν
+κα ... δέθιν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) Ἡ δὲ Ἀφροδισιὰς κεῖται ἔγγιστα τῆς
+Κύπρου πρὸς τὴν Αὐλιῶνα ἄκτην κατὰ πρύμναν ἔχουσα πρὸς τὰ μέρη
+τῆς ἄρκτου σταδ. φ. (500.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ χωρίον καλούμενον Κίφισον σταδ. λεʹ. (35.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ ἄκραν Κραύνους σταδ. μ. (40.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Κραύνων ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια εὐώνυμα ἔχοντα τὴν Κράμβουσαν
+σταδ. με. (45.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια σταδ. ρκ. (120.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Πισουργίων εἰς κόλπον Βερνίκην (leg. Βερενίκην) σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100.) &amp;c.</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p id="note29"><a href="#anchor29">(29)</a> Although there is not much to be learnt from the preceding
+passage of the Stadiasmus, one very important point is
+settled by it. The long sandy promontory of Lissan El Kahpeh
+is so accurately described by the words ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν, as
+to leave no doubt of its identity with Sarpedonia, celebrated as
+being the place beyond which the ships of Antiochus the Great
+were forbidden to sail by his treaty with the Romans&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>&#x2060;. Strabo
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[204]</span>has therefore justly described the mouth of the Calycadnus
+as occurring after turning Cape Sarpedon to the eastward;
+and the same relative situation of the places is indicated as
+well by the Stadiasmus, as by Ptolemy, whose names are in
+the following order: Celenderis, Aphrodisias, Sarpedon, the
+mouth of the Calycadnus, Zephyrium, Corycus. Although
+Ptolemy here describes the mouth of the Calycadnus and Zephyrium
+as separate places, I believe them to have been the
+same, and that Cape Zephyrium was nothing more than the remarkable
+projection of the sandy coast at the mouth of that river;
+for Polybius, Livy, and Appian, all speak of Calycadnus as
+a cape, and the two latter as a cape different from Sarpedon:
+it can hardly be doubted therefore that the projection at the
+mouth of the river was meant by them. In corroboration of this
+opinion, it is to be observed that the Stadiasmus does not notice
+any Zephyrium on this part of the coast, but names only the
+mouth of the Calycadnus at 80 stades to the east of Sarpedonia,
+which is nearly the distance of the mouth of the Ghiuk Su from
+Lissan El Kahpeh. Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> in like manner omits Cape Zephyrium,
+stating the order of names (from E. to W.) as follows:
+“Corycus eodem nomine oppidum et portus et specus; mox
+flumen Calycadnus, promontorium Sarpedon, oppida Holme,
+Myle promontorium et oppidum Veneris, a quo proxime Cyprus
+insula.”</p>
+
+<p>The Aphrodisias or city of Venus which Ptolemy here names,
+although unnoticed by Strabo, is mentioned by Stephanus, by
+Diodorus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>&#x2060;, and by Livy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>&#x2060;;
+ from the last of whom it appears
+to have ranked in the time of Antiochus the Great among the
+chief towns of the coast. Its position, as indicated by Pliny,
+agrees with that ascribed to it by Ptolemy and the Stadiasmus;
+and it appears from their joint authority to have been situated
+between Celenderis and Sarpedon, on or very near a promontory,
+also called Aphrodisias, which lay about north of Cape
+Aulion the north-eastern extremity of Cyprus. These data, however
+precise, are not sufficiently so to decide the question between
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[205]</span>two adjacent capes on the coast westward of Sarpedon;
+and the confused account of the places in the Stadiasmus does
+not inspire much confidence in that authority. We perceive,
+however, that the Stadiasmus accords with Strabo and Pliny in
+naming Holmi as the first place to the westward of Cape Sarpedon,
+and Pliny confirms the Stadiasmus in placing Mylæ
+between Holmi and Aphrodisias. Mylæ in the Stadiasmus is
+called a Cape and Chersonese, a description precisely applicable
+to Cape Cavaliere, which is a peninsula connected with
+the continent by a very narrow isthmus. I am inclined to
+think, therefore, that cape Cavaliere was Mylæ, that the cape
+near the Papadúla rocks was the promontory of Venus, and
+that some vestiges of the town of Aphrodisias would be found
+near the harbour behind the cape. Captain Beaufort informs
+us that he did not observe many remains of Grecian antiquity
+on this part of the coast; they were probably converted into
+new buildings by the Crusaders, many marks of whose residence
+are found here, and among others the names of Cavaliere
+and Provençal attached to the most remarkable cape and
+island&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>&#x2060;. The island of Provençal, called by the Turks Menavát,
+is probably the Pityussa of the Stadiasmus; for the Papadúla
+islands, consisting of several small rocks, would hardly
+have been described by a Greek word in the singular. Holmi,
+the ancient residence of the people of Seleuceia before the
+time of its foundation by Seleucus Nicator&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>&#x2060;, was probably at
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[206]</span>Aghalimán, the modern port of Seléfke. The observation of
+the Stadiasmus, that the distances were equal between Cape
+Sarpedonia and Seleuceia, and between the same promontory
+and Holmi, will be found accurate when applied to Aghalimán
+and Seléfke, relatively to the extreme point of the
+sandhills above the low sandy cape of Lissan el Kahpeh: for
+it may easily be credited that the point of the sandhills was
+the extreme cape at the date of the Stadiasmus; at which time
+the long low spit may have been the shoals which that authority
+notices as extending twenty stades beyond Sarpedonia.
+The distance, however, of 120 stades from Sarpedon to Seleuceia
+and to Holmi will be found too great, when measured from
+the point of the sandhills to Seléfke and Aghaliman.</p>
+
+<p>The river which joins the sea at the bottom of the Bay of
+Papadúla, being the largest stream on the part of the coast
+under consideration, seems to be the Melas of the Stadiasmus;
+and the cape which lies midway between that stream and Celenderis
+may possibly be the Crauni of the same authority. The
+other places mentioned in the Stadiasmus, I shall not pretend
+to determine, but proceed to extract from it the names of the
+places on the whole extent of the coast of Cilicia Campestris,
+with their respective distances. As this authority proceeds in
+a contrary direction to Strabo, it will be found more convenient
+to examine the entire passage relating to the coast
+of Cilicia before we continue the immediate reference to
+the text of Strabo, followed in the numbers attached to these
+Notes.</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀλεξανδρείας εἰς τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας σταδ. σ. (200.) ὁμοῦ οἱ
+πάντες ἀπὸ Πάλτου ἕως τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν σταδ. β͵φ. (2500.)</p>
+
+<p class="center">Λοιπὸν Κιλικία.</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν εἰς τὸ Ἱερὸν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) τοῦτο ἐστὶν
+ὑπερβῆναι εἰς τὸν τόπον εἰς πόλιν.</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἱεροῦ εἰς πόλιν Ἀμινσὸν σταδ. ψ. (700.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀμινσοῦ εἰς τὰς Ἀμμωνιακὰς (leg. Ἀμανικὰς) πύλας ἐντ’ κοιλοτάτου
+τοῦ κόλπου σταδ. ϛ. (6.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν εἰς κώμην Ἄλλην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου οὐριοδρομοῦντος σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Ἄλλων εἰς πόλιν Αἰγαίας σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[207]</span></p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου εἰς Αἰγαίας εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ νότου
+σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Αἰγαίων ὁ παράπλους Κρημύωδος ἐπὶ κώμην Σερετίλην σταδ. ρν.
+(150.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Ῥωσοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τὴν Σερετίλην ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ νότου
+σταδ. σν. (250.) κατὰ δὴ τὴν Σερετίλην κώμη ἐπάνω Πύραμος καλεῖται·
+καὶ ὑπεράνω αὐτοῦ ὄρος καλούμενον Πάριον ἀπὸ σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Σερετίλλεως εἰς κώμην ἐπ’ ἄκραν Ἰανουαρίαν σταδ. α͵. (1000.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰανουαρίας ἄκρας ἐπὶ τὰς Διδύμους νήσους σταδ. λ. (30.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Διδύμων νήσων εἰς πόλιν καλουμένην Μάλλον σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Μάλλου εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπὶ Πύραμον ποταμὸν σταδ. ρν. (150.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, ἣν νῦν Κέφαλον καλοῦσι σταδ.
+ο. (70.) παρὰ τὸ ἀκρωτήριον ποταμός ἐστι πλωτὸς Πύραμος καλεῖται.</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Σκοπέλου (scil. Ῥωσσικοῦ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>&#x2060;) δὲ μὴ κατακολπίζοντι, ἀλλ’ ἐπ’
+εὐθείας πλέοντι εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν· ἔπειτα πρὸς ἀνατολὴν τῆς Ἠπείρου
+νότῳ τὰ εὐώνυμα μάκρον διαφάλλω σταδ. τν. (350.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι εἰς Σώλους ἐπὶ τὰ πρὸς
+ἑσπέραν μέρη τῆς ἄρκτου νότῳ μίκρᾳ παρέλκας σταδ. φ. (500.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Πυράμου ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Ἄρειον σταδ. ρκ.
+(120.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀρείου ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ στόματος λίμνης, ὃ καλεῖται Ῥηγμοὶ σταδ.
+ο. (70.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Ῥηγμῶν εἰς Τάρσον σταδ. οʹ. (70.) ῥέει δὲ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ποταμὸς
+Κύδνος.</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Τάρσου ἐπὶ χωρίον Ζεφύριον σταδ. ρκ. (120.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων ἐπὶ κώμην Καλάνθιαν σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Καλανθίας κώμης εἰς Ἐλαιοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ Σεψαούσης (qu. Σεβάστης?) εἰς κώμην καλουμένην Κώρυκον σταδ.
+κ. (20.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ. σπ. (280.) ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀπέχον ἐστὶν
+ἀκρωτήριον Κωρύκιον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κωρυκίου ἐπὶ λιμένα καλούμενον καλὸν Κορακήσιον σταδ.
+ρκε. (125.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κορακησίου ἐπὶ τὴν Ποικίλην Πέτραν, ἥτις ἔχει κλίμακα δι’
+ἧς ἐστιν ὁδὸς εἰς Σελεύκειαν τὴν ἐπὶ Λύκου σταδ. οʹ. (70.) (lege Καλυκάδνου
+sive Καλύδνου&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a>&#x2060;).</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς κλίμακος ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Καλύδιον (lege Καλυδνον) σταδ.
+μ. (40.)</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[208]</span></p>
+
+<p>The reader will think, perhaps, that this long passage was
+hardly worth transcribing. Some of the distances indeed between
+the known points give us not much confidence in its
+authority: the number of stades, for instance, from Paltus on
+the coast of Syria to the Cilician pylæ is more than double,
+and that across the Gulf of Issus from Myriandrus to Ægæ
+is less than half the true distance. Nor will the shorter lines
+along the coast bear much examination. I have thought it
+worth while, however, to complete the comparison of this Periplus
+with the survey of Capt. Beaufort, because its minute
+description can be illustrated only by a delineation so detailed
+and accurate as that of Capt. B. In the part of the Gulf of
+Issus which has not yet been surveyed, the names and their
+order may be of use to future investigators of the comparative
+geography of these countries: and the Periplus may throw
+some light upon ancient topography, when it has itself received
+illustration from a correct delineation.</p>
+
+<p>There are two points at the head of the Gulf of Issus besides
+Alexandreia, which have preserved the ancient name. These
+are Baiæ and Ægæ, both which words are still used in the
+<i>Romaic</i> form (the accusative case), in which they were received
+by the Turks from the Byzantine Greeks. Βαιαί is now called
+Bayás, and Αἰγαί or Αἰγαῖαι, Ayás. The former stands in a
+small plain at the foot of Mount Amanus, which rises from the
+extremity of the Gulf; the latter occupies a point on the north
+side of the gulf, at the entrance of a bay, which is formed on
+the opposite or western side by a low cape, at the mouth of
+the Djihún, or Ghihún—the ancient Pyramus.</p>
+
+<p>Strabo, Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>&#x2060;, and the Stadiasmus agree in naming two
+pylæ, or passes, fortified with a wall and gate at the head of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[209]</span>the gulf; namely, the gate of Amanus, which was in Cilicia,
+and the Cilician gate, which formed the division between Syria
+and Cilicia. The position of both these pylæ has been
+ascertained&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>&#x2060;; the northern or Amanic, between Ayás and
+Bayás, at the northern or innermost extremity of the gulf,
+ἐν τῷ κοιλοτάτῳ τοῦ κόλπου, as the Stadiasmus has well described
+it,——the southern or Cilician, between Bayás and
+Iskenderún, not far from, if not exactly at the place, where
+Pococke and other modern travellers observed some ruins vulgarly
+known by the name of the Pillars of Jonas. The pass
+of Beilan, leading from Iskenderún over the mountain into the
+plain of Antioch, was a third pylæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>&#x2060;, which has been well distinguished
+by Ptolemy from the other two, and was justly
+called the Gate of Syria.</p>
+
+<p>It will follow from the foregoing remarks, that I cannot agree
+with the author of the Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus,
+in thinking that Strabo, by the words Ἀμανίδες Πύλαι, and αἱ
+Πύλαι λεγόμεναι, ὅριον Κιλίκων τε καὶ Σύρων&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>&#x2060;, meant one
+and the same pass; or that by either of these pylæ he meant
+the pass of Beilan. For it is to be observed, that his words
+Ἀμανίδες πύλαι occur in enumerating the places in their order,
+thus: Mallus, Ægæ, Amanides Pylæ, Issus. At Issus, after
+observing that the gulf took its name from that city, he suddenly
+breaks off from his former order, mentions several cities in the
+neighbourhood of the Gulf, and ends with naming the gate
+which formed the boundary of Syria and Cilicia; which, it is
+to be observed, could not have been the Pass of Beilan, because
+in that case Alexandria would have been included in Cilicia:
+whereas we know that Issus was the last town of that province.
+Nor is the meaning which Major Rennell gives to these words
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[210]</span>of Strabo supported by the other passage which he cites
+(from p. 751); the words of which are ... αἱ Πάγραι τῆς
+Ἀντιοχίδος, χωρίον ἐρυμνὸν κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τοῦ Ἀμανοῦ τὴν
+ἐκ τῶν Ἀμανίδων πυλῶν εἰς τὴν Συρίαν κείμενον. Ὑποπίπτει μὲν
+οὖν ταῖς Πάγραις τὸ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πεδίον. The ruins of
+Pagræ are found under their ancient name, in the usual modern
+form of the accusative case (Pagras), on the southern slope of
+Mount Amanus eight or nine miles below Beilan on the road
+to Antioch. Had Beilan been the Amanic gate meant by
+Strabo, he would surely have described Pagræ simply as being
+on the descent from the gates of Amanus into the plain of Antioch,
+not as on the <i>passage over</i> Mount Amanus, which leads
+from the Pylæ Amanides into Syria; for thus the passage should
+be translated, and not as Dr. Gillies has given it, “situate upon
+the <i>ascent</i> of Mount Amanus leading from the gates of Amanus
+into Syria.” Beilan certainly was, as I have just observed, <i>a
+Pylæ</i>, and it was upon Mount Amanus, or rather exactly at the
+point which separated Mount Amanus from Mount Pieria; but
+it was not the Pylæ Amanides of Strabo, the position of which,
+as already described, is exactly confirmed by the Stadiasmus, as
+well as by Ptolemy. There was a fourth pass, as Major Rennell
+has justly observed, which crossing Mount Amanus from the
+eastward, descended upon the centre of the head of the gulf,
+near Issus. By this pass it was that Dareius marched from
+Sochus, and took up his position on the banks of the Pinarus;
+by which movement Alexander, who had just before marched
+from Mallus to Myriandrus, through the two maritime pylæ,
+was placed between the Persians and Syria. Cicero also alludes
+to this pass when he observes, that “nothing is stronger
+than Cilicia on the side of Syria, there being only two narrow
+entrances into it over the Amanus, the ridge of which
+mountain divides the two provinces: “qui Syriam a Cilicia
+aquarum divortio dividit&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a>&#x2060;.” The other pass to which he alludes
+was that of Beilan.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[211]</span></p>
+
+<p>With regard to the military operations of Alexander and of
+Cyrus on this celebrated scene of action, I must be satisfied,
+until we have a more detailed and accurate map, with referring
+the reader to Major Rennell, who has ably confronted the various
+evidences upon the subject in his illustrations of the Expedition
+of Cyrus. The chief movements and the general situation
+of the places are sufficiently clear, and I fully subscribe
+to Major Rennell’s opinions, with the sole exception which I
+have just stated.</p>
+
+<p>Having ascertained the eastern extremity of the line of coast
+comprehended between the mouth of the Calycadnus and the
+head of the gulf of Issus, I shall now return to the western
+extremity, and, proceeding according to the order of names in
+the extract from Strabo, examine how far the text of the Geographer
+can be illustrated by other authorities, particularly the
+Stadiasmus. The modern names of Kórgos, Lámas, and Tersús,
+which would probably be still nearer the original Corycus, Latmus,
+and Tarsus, when written by a Greek, are the principal
+landmarks, and together with the ruins of Pompeiopolis at Mezetlu,
+they render it not difficult, with the assistance of Captain
+Beaufort’s survey, to fix most of the intermediate places.</p>
+
+<p id="note30"><a href="#anchor30">(30)</a> Here it will be observed that the Stadiasmus exactly
+confirms Strabo’s description of the rock Pœcile, with its steps
+leading to Seleuceia. Its distance of 40 stades from the Calycadnus,
+if correct, will place it about Pershendi, at the north-eastern
+angle of the sandy plain of the Calycadnus, where
+a sheltered bight between the sandy beach and a projection of
+the mountains which constitute the coast from thence as far
+as the Lámas, serves as the harbour of Selefke towards the east,
+as Aghalimán is to the west. Instead of any steps in the rocks,
+Captain Beaufort here found the “extensive ruins of a walled
+town, with temples, arcades, aqueducts, and tombs built round
+a small level, which had some appearance of having once been
+a harbour, with a narrow opening to the sea.” An inscription
+copied by Captain Beaufort from a tablet over the eastern gate
+of the ruins, accounts for the omission of any notice of this <i>town</i>
+by Strabo; for the inscription states it to have been entirely
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[212]</span>built by Fluranius, archon of the Eparchia of Isauria, in the
+reign of the Augusti Valentinian, Valens, and Gratianus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a>&#x2060;. It
+seems probable that it is the same place called Pœcile Petra by
+Strabo; and that being the eastern port of Seleuceia, it acquired
+under the Roman emperors a share of the importance to which
+Seleuceia then attained, and probably some new name, perhaps
+Zephyrium. As the Stadiasmus speaks of the place in the same
+terms as Strabo, it may be inferred that this Periplus is older
+than the ruins at Pershendi, or older than the 4th century.</p>
+
+<p id="note31"><a href="#anchor31">(31)</a> Between Pœcile Petra and Corycus, Strabo places Cape
+Anemurium and the island Crambusa; the Stadiasmus names
+only port Coracesium. Κώρυκος still preserves its name; but
+instead of being a promontory as described by Strabo, it is an
+island, upon which stands a castle similar in structure to another
+larger castle on the neighbouring shore of the continent. The
+castle on the island appears from the inscriptions which it preserves,
+to have been of the time of the Armenians, who possessed
+this country in the beginning of the 13th century. In 1432
+Korgos belonged to the king of Cyprus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a>&#x2060;. In 1471 it was taken
+from the Turks of Mahomet the Second by the Venetians, who
+gave it up to the prince of Karaman&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>&#x2060;. The castle on the shore
+stands on the site of a Greek town, the ancient Corycus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>&#x2060;,
+which Strabo has not noticed. There does not appear to be
+any cape on the four miles of coast between this point and
+Pershendi that will readily identify itself with his cape Anemurium,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[213]</span>nor any harbour that will agree with the Coracesium
+of the Stadiasmus; and the distances in the last authority are
+quite absurd. On the summit of the mountain, above the ruins
+of Corycus, ought to be found the Corycian cave, of which
+Strabo, Mela, and Solinus have related such wonders, that with
+regard to the greatest part of them we may use the words
+applied by Solinus himself to one of the circumstances reported
+of the cave—Qui volunt, credunt.</p>
+
+<p id="note32"><a href="#anchor32">(32)</a> Elæussa is no longer an island; and it is remarkable
+that Stephanus, though in one place&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> he calls it an island
+near Corycus, in another&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> describes it as a Chersonese. A
+sandy plain now connects Elæussa with the coast, and with the
+ruins of the city which derived its importance and its name of
+Sebaste from having been the residence of Archelaus king of
+Cappadocia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>&#x2060;. These ruins consist of a temple, theatre, numerous
+sepulchres, and three aqueducts, one of which is derived
+from the river Lamus, six miles distant. The distance
+of Elæussa as well as of Soli from Corycus is tolerably exact
+in the Stadiasmus; consequently there must be some error
+either in the distance between Soli and Calanthia, or in that
+between Calanthia and Elæussa: and hence, as there are no
+conspicuous ruins upon this part of the coast, it becomes impossible
+to fix Calanthia.</p>
+
+<p id="note33"><a href="#anchor33">(33)</a> Soli, which like Aspendus and Rhodus was a colony
+from Argus, was at one time the chief city on the coast of
+Cilicia; but it had fallen into decay, chiefly by the ill treatment
+of Tigranes, when Pompey, having reduced Cilicia, rebuilt it and
+named it Pompeiopolis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>&#x2060;. Captain Beaufort has published a
+plan of its ruins. The elliptical mole and artificial port seem
+to have been a magnificent structure, and may perhaps be
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[214]</span>only a repair of an ancient Greek work. The other remains,
+the walls, aqueduct, theatre, temples, and the long colonnade
+on either side of the main street, were probably erected by
+Pompey, as they resemble the skeletons of Roman cities seen
+at Antinoe in Egypt, at Gerasa in Syria, and less perfectly in
+many other places.</p>
+
+<p id="note34"><a href="#anchor34">(34)</a> The most projecting point between the ruins of Soli
+and the mouth of the Tersús-tshai, or Cydnus, is the sandy
+cape at the mouth of the river of Mersín. This cape, therefore,
+is probably the ancient Zephyrium, though its distance from
+Tarsus is somewhat greater than that which the Stadiasmus
+gives between these two places, namely 120 stades. The Stadiasmus
+agrees with Hierocles in showing that there was a
+town as well as a cape of Zephyrium.</p>
+
+<p id="note35"><a href="#anchor35">(35)</a> We naturally look for Anchiale, the port of Tarsus, at
+the nearest part of the coast at which there is shelter for shipping,
+or at that from whence the maritime traffic of Tarsus is
+now carried on. The shore opposite to Kazalú and Karaduar
+is in both these predicaments; and between these two villages
+is a river answering to the Anchialeus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>&#x2060;. Anchiale boasted of
+an antiquity equal to that of Tarsus; but as early as the time of
+Alexander the Great it retained only the vestiges of its former
+importance, in its massy and extensive walls&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>&#x2060;. A large mound,
+not far from the Anchialeus, with some other similar tumuli near
+the shore to the westward, are the remains, perhaps, of the works
+of the Assyrian founders of Anchiale, which probably derived its
+temporary importance from being the chief maritime station of
+the Assyrian monarchs in these seas.</p>
+
+<p id="note36"><a href="#anchor36">(36)</a> The Cydnus, instead of flowing through Tarsus, as in
+former times&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>&#x2060;, leaves the present city to the westward, and
+no longer forms the lake towards its mouth, which once served
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[215]</span>as a naval arsenal to Tarsus. The alluvion of the river itself
+has converted this lake into a sandy plain.</p>
+
+<p>Although Strabo has omitted to mention the Sarus in this
+place, there is sufficient proof that it was the modern Sihún,
+which enters the sea at a short distance to the S.E. of the
+Cydnus; for the town of A´dana, the district of which adjoined
+to that of Tarsus, still retains its ancient name and situation on
+the western bank of the Sihún&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a>&#x2060;; the course of which river is
+traced upwards through mount Taurus into the plains of Cappadocia,
+exactly as Strabo describes the Sarus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p id="note37"><a href="#anchor37">(37)</a> It is equally evident that the Ghihún is the Pyramus,
+whose origin, like the Sarus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>&#x2060;, was in Cappadocia, from whence
+it flowed through the Taurus; for the Pyramus was the next
+river eastward of the Sarus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a>&#x2060;; and at Mensís, the Ghihún flows
+within 20 miles of the Sihún at Adana, without any intermediate
+river of magnitude between them; from thence it winds
+to the east, and joins the sea in the middle of the Issic gulf.
+The Ghihún is larger than any other river in Cilicia, as Strabo
+describes the Pyramus, and it has deposited a large tract of
+alluvial land at its mouth, which, however, has not increased so
+rapidly as the ancients had predicted.</p>
+
+<p id="note38"><a href="#anchor38">(38)</a> The great plain situated between the lower course of
+these two rivers and the sea was called Aleium. The only hill
+which it contains rises from the shore of the gulf of Iskenderun,
+and forms at its southern extremity the northern cape of that gulf
+under the name of Karadash. Here Captain Beaufort observed
+the vestiges of an ancient town. This I believe to have been
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[216]</span>Megarsus, and that Mallus was situated on another hill which
+rises from the eastern bank of the Pyramus near its mouth;
+for these two situations accord perfectly with the evidence which
+the ancients have left respecting the position of Megarsus and
+Mallus. 1. Megarsus was a sea-beaten hill in the neighbourhood
+of Mallus and the mouth of the Pyramus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a>&#x2060;, and Karadash
+is the only hill near the Aleian plain which borders the sea-coast.
+2. Mallus was upon a height near the Pyramus, as
+Euphorion&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a>&#x2060;, Scylax&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>&#x2060;,
+ Strabo, Stephanus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>&#x2060;,
+ and Mela&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>&#x2060;, all
+indicate, and not far from the sea-coast, as appears from its
+being noticed in the Periplus of Scylax, as well as in the Stadiasmus.
+3. Strabo and Ptolemy agree in naming the Pyramus
+before Mallus in proceeding from west to east. 4. This
+position of Megarsus, the Pyramus, and Mallus, agrees perfectly
+with the proceedings of Alexander, as related by Strabo,
+Arrian, and Curtius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>&#x2060;. Alexander having sent his horse under
+Philotas from Tarsus across the Aleian plain to the Pyramus,
+marched the infantry from Soli along the sea-coast to Megarsus;
+from whence, after having sacrificed to Minerva Megarsis,
+he proceeded to Mallus, which it appears that his army did not
+enter until they had thrown a bridge across the Pyramus.</p>
+
+<p>It is further remarkable, in reference to the site of Mallus,
+that the sailing distance in the Stadiasmus from Mallus to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[217]</span>Soli, accords precisely with that of Artemidorus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> from the
+Pyramus to Soli, namely 500 stades, which is very near the
+truth; and that the description which the Stadiasmus gives of
+the navigation is exactly confirmed by the form of the intermediate
+coast, namely, that it trended first to the southward,
+and then to the north-westward.</p>
+
+<p id="note39"><a href="#anchor39">(39)</a> Mopsuestia is represented to have stood on the Pyramus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a>&#x2060;.
+Its name under the Byzantine empire was corrupted to
+Mampsysta, or Mamista, or Mansista&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a>&#x2060;; of which names the
+modern Mensís appears to be a further corruption. This town
+stands on the Ghihún, on the road from Baiás to A´dana, nearly
+at the distance from each at which the Jerusalem Itinerary
+places Mansista. The Peutinger Table, also, places Mopsuesta
+at 19 M. P. from A´dana. We cannot doubt, therefore, that
+Mensis occupies nearly, if not exactly, the site of the ancient
+city of Mopsus.</p>
+
+<p>Above this place, on the same river, stood Anazarba, or
+Cæsareia at Mount Anazarbus, which has probably preserved
+some remains of antiquity, as it was the capital of the second
+or eastern Cilicia about the fifth century, Tarsus being at that
+time the metropolis of the western&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>To the north-eastward of Ægæ was Epiphaneia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a>&#x2060;, one day’s
+march from Mount Amanus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a>&#x2060;, on the road from Alexandria
+to Anazarbus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a>&#x2060;, which probably branched from the road to
+Mopsuestia, not far from the Amanic gates. In the mountains
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[218]</span>above Epiphania and Anazarbus towards Cappadocia were Pindenissus
+and Tibara, two strong towns of the Eleuthero-Cilices
+which were taken by Cicero&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>&#x2060;. Castabalum, placed by the
+Itineraries about 16 M. P. from Baiæ, and about 26 from Ægæ,
+appears from Curtius to have been very near the Pylæ Amanides,
+on the northern side&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>&#x2060;. According to the Table, Issus
+was 5 M. P. to the southward of Castabalum.</p>
+
+<p>Below Mopsuestia, between that place and Mallus, there appears
+to have been a town upon the Pyramus called Antiocheia;
+for besides the evidence which the Stadiasmus affords of this
+fact, we find it exactly confirmed by Stephanus, who mentions
+it as one of ten cities of that name&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The Seretila, which the Stadiasmus places between Mallus
+and Ægæ, is probably an error for Serrepolis, which name is
+inserted by Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> in the same situation; and this conjecture
+is in some measure confirmed by the genitive Σερετίλλεως,
+in which form the Stadiasmus afterwards mentions the same
+name, and which nearly approaches to Σεῤῥεπόλεως.</p>
+
+<p>I shall not pretend to explain the Stadiasmus any further,
+or to justify its distances, some of which may, however, be
+found accurate, when a better knowledge of the real geography
+and of the ancient sites shall have illustrated its meaning.
+With such a multitude of verbal and literal errors, we cannot
+be surprised at finding many of the numbers also inaccurate.
+It may be observed, however, that of the three distances which
+the author has drawn across the gulf of Issus,—namely, from
+Myriandrus to Ægæ, from Rhosus to Serrepolis, and from the
+Rhosic rock (now cape Hanzír) to Antiocheia on the Pyramus,—the
+two latter seem to be tolerably near the truth.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[219]</span></p>
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.<br>
+<span class="smaller">SOME REMARKS ON THE COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY
+OF THE WESTERN AND NORTHERN PARTS OF ASIA MINOR.</span></h2>
+
+<p><i>Principal places in Peræa Rhodia—in Doris—in Caria—in the
+valley of the Mæander—in the valley of the Caystrus—on the
+coast of Ionia—in the valleys of the Hermus and Caicus, and
+in the adjacent country—in Troas—in Bithynia—in Paphlagonia.</i></p>
+
+</div>
+
+<p>It remains to submit to the reader some observations
+in justification of the ancient names in the
+western and northern parts of the map which accompanies
+the present volume. It will not be necessary
+to enter into this part of the subject so
+fully as into those which have already been under
+consideration. The western provinces, in consequence
+of their celebrity and greater advantages of
+climate, soil, and situation, have been more fully
+described, both by ancient and modern writers; so
+that, in conducting the reader to the results recorded
+on the map, a general reference on the one
+hand to the travellers whose routes are there marked,
+and on the other to the ancient historians, geographers,
+and itineraries, will be sufficient. In
+those instances only, it may be necessary to be
+more particular, where the ancient positions are
+determined by less obvious authorities or by unpublished
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[220]</span>documents, or where the question is rendered
+doubtful by deficient or conflicting evidence.
+As to the north-eastern part of the peninsula, we
+must be contented with a brief notice of its geography,
+for a reason the reverse of that which induces
+me to abridge the geographical notice of the provinces
+bordering on the Ægæan sea. The distance
+of Paphlagonia and Eastern Bithynia from the centre
+of Grecian civilization, and the little attention
+which those countries have received from ancient
+history, have hardly tempted a single traveller to
+trust himself among their barbarous tribes, or to
+explore their mountains and forests; and hence the
+evidences of the geography of that country, both
+ancient and modern, are extremely imperfect.</p>
+
+<p>I shall begin from the western extremity of Captain
+Beaufort’s Survey, and shall proceed to the westward
+and northward from the same point at which the remarks
+of the preceding chapter set out in the opposite
+direction. It so happens that Dædala is precisely
+the point at which Strabo also changes the course of
+his observations; and from which, after describing
+the coast of Caria with the adjacent islands and continent
+in a western direction, he proceeds, as we
+have seen in the translated extract at the beginning
+of the last chapter, to direct his description of
+Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia, from west to east.</p>
+
+<p>Captain Beaufort not having surveyed any part
+of the coast between Telmissus and Halicarnassus,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[221]</span>excepting that near Cnidus; and no traveller having
+pretended to publish a delineation of it, except
+M. de Choiseul Gouffier, whose map is too obviously
+incorrect, both in construction and in detail,
+to merit much attention; this part of the coast-line
+of Asia is more subject to a suspicion of inaccuracy
+than any other. The important positions of Rhodus,
+Cnidus, Cos, and Halicarnassus, are indeed ascertained
+by the observations of Captain Beaufort,
+and I have derived some assistance from a few
+measurements taken with the compass and sextant
+from the same places, by Sir William Gell;
+but no reliance can yet be placed on the outline of
+the gulfs of Syme and Kos: even the extent of those
+magnificent bays is very uncertain, and nothing is
+known of the situation of the numerous towns and
+islands placed in them by the ancient authors, especially
+by Pliny: in short, the exploring of these two
+gulfs with that of the coast in the vicinity of Caunus,
+is now one of the most interesting desiderata
+in the geography of Asia Minor.</p>
+
+<p>Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> describes Peræa as beginning at the
+fort and mountain Dædala, near Telmissus, and as
+ending at mount Phœnix, both places included.
+“Next to the gulf Glaucus occurs the cape and temple
+Artemisium, and then the grove of Latona;
+above which, 60 stades inland, is the city Calynda,
+then Caunus, a city with docks and a closed port;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[222]</span>and near it the Calbis, navigable by boats. Between
+Caunus and the Calbis is Pisilis; and on a
+height above Caunus is a fort named Imbrus. The
+next place on the coast to Caunus is Physcus, a
+small city which has a harbour and a grove of Latona;
+then the rugged coast of Loryma, the highest
+mountain above which is named Phœnix, and
+has a castle of the same name on its summit. Before
+this coast lies Elæussa, 4 stades from the sea,
+8 stades in circumference, and 120 stades distant
+from Rhodus. Beyond Loryma is the cape Cynossema
+and the island Syme.”</p>
+
+<p>As it appears from another passage in Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a>&#x2060;,
+where he cites Artemidorus, that the common road
+from this coast to the northward, was from Physcus
+by Alabanda and Tralles, there seems little doubt
+that Physcus was at Mármara, which is still the
+usual place of debarkation from Ródos to those
+going towards Ghiuzel-hissár and Smyrna.</p>
+
+<p>The distances of Elæussa and port Cressa from
+Rhodus, as given by Strabo and Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a>&#x2060;, are sufficiently
+accurate to identify those two places. The
+excellent harbour of Cressa is now called Aplothíka
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[223]</span>by the Greeks, and Porto Cavaliere by the Italians,
+and on its western shore are the ruins of a Hellenic
+fortress and town, which are undoubtedly those of
+Loryma; for Loryma is called a city by Seneca&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>
+and Stephanus, although not so designated by Strabo
+or by Pliny; and port Loryma is described by Livy
+as being opposite to Rhodus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>&#x2060;, at a little more
+than the distance&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> which Pliny assigns to Cressa.
+The order of names on this coast in Ptolemy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> is in
+exact agreement with the other authorities which
+I have cited in proof of their position, as marked
+on the map, if we suppose his cape Onugnatus to
+be the same as the Cynosema of Strabo.</p>
+
+<p>Although Choiseul Gouffier must have nearly
+crossed the sites of Dædala and Calynda, he did
+not ascertain the position of either of them: nor
+has that of Caunus, the chief city of Peræa, yet
+been explored. The promontory called by Strabo
+Artemisium, from the temple of Diana which
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[224]</span>stood upon it, appears to have been the same as
+the Pedalium of Pliny and the Stadiasmus, and to
+be the cape now called Bokomadhi.</p>
+
+<p>The Clydæ, which the Stadiasmus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> names between
+Pedalium and Crua (Crya) is evidently the
+same as the Chydæ, which Ptolemy places a little
+to the westward of Crya, and Crya is undoubtedly
+the Cryassus of Stephanus and Plutarch&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a>&#x2060;. We
+are not surprised at finding in the modern town
+of Ródos an inscription&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a>&#x2060;, in which Cryassus and
+Chalce (the island still called Khalki) are alluded
+to, both these places having been dependencies of
+the Rhodian republic. The islands off the coast
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[225]</span>of Dædala and Crya are noticed by Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>&#x2060;, who
+says there were two belonging to the Dædalenses;
+and three, two of which are by Stephanus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> named
+Alina and Carysis, belonging to the Cryenses.</p>
+
+<p>In consequence of our ignorance of the actual
+topography of the gulfs of Doris and Ceramus, I
+have not attempted to place any of their towns,
+even conjecturally, except Euthenæ, which is stated
+by Mela&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> to have been in a bay between Cnidus
+and the Ceramic gulf: Bargasa and Ceramus are
+described by Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> as being near the sea, between
+Cnidus and Halicarnassus; and Passala, an
+island in the same gulf, was the port of the Mylassenses&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>&#x2060;.
+The modern name Kéramo, which, if
+it exists, identifies the site of Ceramus, rests, I believe,
+solely upon the authority of D’Anville.</p>
+
+<p>The Dorian colonies from the Peloponnesus,
+which settled in Halicarnassus, Cnidus, Cos, and
+in the three cities of Rhodus, introduced the use
+of Doric architecture, and of the Doric dialect, into
+this angle of Caria. Remains of Doric buildings
+are found at Lindus, Cnidus, and Halicarnassus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a>&#x2060;;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[226]</span>and inscriptions in the Doric dialect have been found
+in most of the cities of the Hexapolis. It appears
+that they had not neglected the latter mark of their
+origin in the early ages of the Roman empire&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[227]</span></p>
+
+<p>The conversion into a peninsula of the island
+on which Strabo and Stephanus represent Jasus
+(now Asýn Kale) to have stood, is probably a remote
+effect of the encroachments of the Mæander
+upon the sea. We find another instance of the
+same kind at Caryanda: for there can be little
+doubt that the large <i>peninsula</i>, towards the western
+end of which is the fine harbour called by the
+Turks Pasha Limáni, is the ancient <i>island</i> of
+Caryanda, now joined to the main by a narrow
+sandy isthmus. Pasha Limáni (the port of the
+Pasha) is the <i>harbour</i> of Caryanda, noticed by
+Strabo, Scylax, and Stephanus; its position according
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[228]</span>with that of the other places along this
+coast, as described by Strabo. “Next to Halicarnassus,”
+he says, “is Termerium, a cape of the
+Myndii, opposite to cape Scandaria of Cos....
+Proceeding towards Myndus are the capes Astypalsæa
+and Zephyrium; and immediately beyond the latter,
+the city Myndus, with a harbour; then Bargylia,
+also a city, between which and Myndus is the harbour
+and the island of Caryanda&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a>&#x2060;. Near Bargylia is
+the temple of Diana Cindyas. Next occurs Iasus.”</p>
+
+<p>We can hardly doubt that Myndus stood in the
+small sheltered port of Gumishlú, where Captain
+Beaufort remarked the remains of an ancient pier
+at the entrance of the port, and some ruins at the
+head of the bay. The cape to the southward of
+this port will consequently be Zephyrium; and it
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[229]</span>is not improbable that the ruins which the same
+traveller observed at Kadí Kálesi, in a bay on the
+south side of that cape, are those of a small ancient
+town of the same name, which has not been noticed
+by the ancient authors.</p>
+
+<p>Such having been the situation of Myndus and
+of Caryanda, Bargylia (called Andanus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> in the
+Carian language) should be sought for on the coast
+between Pasha Limáni and Asýn Kálesi: this position,
+it may be added, agrees with that which
+Mela&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> ascribes to Bargylia, as well as with the
+fact that the gulf of Iasus was often called the
+gulf of Bargylia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Of the interior cities of Caria, Stratoniceia is
+shown to have been at Eski-hissár, by the important
+ruins which have given rise to the modern name,
+in conjunction with an inscription&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> found there,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[230]</span>which relates to Jupiter Chrysaoreus, the deity particularly
+worshipped at Stratoniceia.</p>
+
+<p>The names of Lagina and Mylasa still subsist,
+slightly corrupted. Of the latter city there are
+many remains; but that which constituted its most
+remarkable antiquity in the time of Pococke, the
+temple of Rome and Augustus, was destroyed about
+the middle of the last century by the Turks, who
+built a new mosque with the materials&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The situation of Alabanda is still doubtful; and
+the ancient testimony on that of Labranda is so
+much connected with it, that the same uncertainty
+prevails as to the site of the latter. The following
+is the substance of what Strabo says of these
+places:</p>
+
+<p>Labranda was a dependency of Mylasa, distant
+from thence 68 stades, and situated in the mountain
+over which lay the route from Mylasa to Alabanda.
+As far as Labranda there was a paved road,
+which, as leading to the temple of Jupiter Stratius,
+(otherwise named Labrandenus,) was called the Sacred
+Way&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a>&#x2060;. Alabanda stood at the foot of a hill with
+a double summit, which resembled an ass bearing
+a pack-saddle. It was situated near a very winding
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[231]</span>river, and its territory was separated by a ridge of
+hills from that of Mylasa&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Pococke and Chandler supposed Alabanda to
+have been at Karpúsli, where they found sepulchres
+and the remains of public buildings, of a theatre,
+and of town walls; and Chandler was the first to
+describe the ruins (at Iakli, not far to the southward
+of Kizeljik or Mendeliat,) of a small fortified town
+containing a theatre, and a ruined temple of the
+Corinthian order, of which 16 columns of 2½ feet
+in diameter, with a part of the entablature, were
+standing in the year 1776. This, Chandler supposed
+to have been the temple of Jupiter of Labranda&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a>&#x2060;.
+M. de Choiseul Gouffier&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> and M. Barbié
+du Bocage&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> were of a different opinion. Without
+pretending to determine the position of Alabanda,
+they agreed in thinking that the ruins at
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[232]</span>Iakli are those of Euromus, which we know from
+Polybius and Livy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> to have been one of the most
+important places in this part of the country, at the
+time of the Roman wars; and from Strabo, to have
+been situated, as the ruins at Iakli are, near the
+eastern extremity of Mount Grium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a>&#x2060;. It appears,
+moreover, from a coin of the emperor Caracalla&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a>&#x2060;,
+that the Jupiter of Euromus had considerable celebrity;
+to him, therefore, the existing temple may
+have been sacred, and not to Jupiter of Labranda:
+in favour of which opinion, it may be added that
+the temple of Labranda was noted for its antiquity,
+whereas the architecture at Iakli is of Roman
+times.</p>
+
+<p>On the other hand, it may be remarked that the
+distance of Iakli from Mylasa agrees tolerably with
+the 68 or 70 stades between that place and Labranda;
+that supposing Alabanda to have been at Karpúsli,
+the direction of Iakli from Mylasa is not much
+to the left of a line drawn from thence to Karpúsli:
+and that the deviation is a natural consequence of
+the projection westward of the range of hills, a part
+of which overhangs the temple at Iakli.</p>
+
+<p>There are some reasons, however, for thinking
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[233]</span>that Alabanda was not at Karpúsli, but at Arabissár.
+1. Pococke describes the ancient remains
+at Arabissár as consisting of town-walls, a theatre,
+and a large oblong Roman building with windows,
+which appeared to him to have been intended for
+public assemblies: he adds that the city occupied
+the slope and foot of two hills. Now the two hills
+accord with Strabo’s description of Alabanda; and
+the oblong building may have belonged to the
+Roman conventus of which Alabanda was the chief
+town&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a>&#x2060;. 2. The river Tshina, near Arabissár, accords
+extremely well with the river upon which
+Alabanda was situated; as do the mountains which
+separate its valley from the plain of Mylasa, with
+the geographer’s words, ἡ μεταξὺ ὀρεινὴ, relating to
+the mountain between Mylasa and Alabanda.—3.
+The other words of Strabo, descriptive of the
+situation of the temple, ἐν τῷ ὄρει, and of the road
+which led to Labranda from Mylasa, tend to show
+that the temple was on a mountain, and that
+the road thither did not lead through a plain like
+that from Mylasa to Iakli. It may be added, 4. that
+the ancient gate at Mylasa, upon which Chandler
+observed the figure of a hatchet, the symbol of
+Jupiter Labrandenus, and from which he inferred
+that it was the gate leading to Labranda, does not
+open towards Iakli, but faces the east towards the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[234]</span>mountain and Arabissár&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a>&#x2060;. Upon the whole, therefore,
+I am inclined to think that Alabanda was at
+Arabissár, and Euromus at Iakli; and that the vestiges
+of Labranda will hereafter be found on the
+mountain to the north-eastward of Mylasa. The
+ancient remains at Karpúsli are perhaps those of
+Orthosia. This was a place of some importance;
+and we know that it was situated in the country to
+the southward of the Mæander, opposite to Tralles
+and Nysa; that it was not far from Coscinia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a>&#x2060;, and
+that Coscinia was upon the same river as Alabanda&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>If Alabanda was at Arabissár, Tshina, where
+Pococke&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> found considerable remains, may be the
+site of Coscinia, and its modern name may possibly
+be a corruption of the ancient.</p>
+
+<p>M. Barbié du Bocage&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> has with great reason
+supposed that the river of Tshina was the branch
+of the Mæander called Marsyas by Herodotus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a>&#x2060;.
+The historian describes the Marsyas as flowing
+from the country of Idrias into the Mæander; and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[235]</span>he relates that the Persians under Daurises having
+met the revolted Carians not far from the junction
+of the two streams, the Carians were defeated, and
+retired to Labranda, where they took up a position
+in the sacred grove, and were joined by the Milesii
+and others of their allies. They were defeated a
+second time, and the Persians continued to advance
+into Caria, until the Carians, attacking the invaders
+by night on the road to Pedasus, were in their turn
+victorious, and slew Daurises and several others of
+the Persian leaders. It is evident that the Marsyas
+of which the historian here speaks was a Carian
+river, totally different from the stream or fountain
+of the same name at Celænæ, the course of which
+was not longer than that city itself&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a>&#x2060;. Idrias was one
+of the earlier names of the city, which under the Macedonians
+assumed the name of Stratoniceia, and
+its territory included Lagina, celebrated for a temple
+of Hecate&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a>&#x2060;. The latter place still preserves its ancient
+name, and not far from it are the sources of
+the Tshina. It may be further observed, in confirmation
+of the identity of this river with the Marsyas
+of Herodotus, that the retreat of the Carians
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[236]</span>from its valley into the hills to the westward was a
+very natural movement, and perfectly conformable
+with the other circumstances of these transactions.</p>
+
+<p>In opposition to the placing of Alabanda at Arabissár
+will perhaps be adduced the distances on the
+road which led from Physcus by Tralles to Smyrna,
+as stated by Artemidorus, and preserved by Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a>&#x2060;.
+These distances are from Physcus to Lagina 850
+stades, to Alabanda 250, to the Mæander, which
+was the boundary of Caria, 80, to Tralles 80, to
+Magnesia 140, to Ephesus 120, to Smyrna 320,—total
+from Physcus to Tralles 1260, from Tralles
+to Smyrna 580. The numbers from Tralles to
+Smyrna agree tolerably well with the reality: but
+it is sufficient to refer for a moment to the map, to
+perceive how totally unworthy of credit those on the
+road from Physcus to Tralles must be, both in the
+aggregate and in detail. The 1260 stades are
+represented on the map by only 60 geographical
+miles in direct distance, making more than 20 stades
+to a mile. Instead of 850 stades from Physcus
+to Lagina, there could not have been with all the
+windings of the road more than 300; nor are there
+more than 50, instead of 80, from the Mæander to
+the ruins of Tralles. The evidence of position derived
+from this passage may therefore be rejected,
+except inasmuch as it shows that Alabanda lay in
+the road from Physcus to Tralles.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[237]</span></p>
+
+<p>The second-rate places of Caria, dependent upon
+the chief cities of the coast, or upon the three great
+towns of the interior, were Euromus, Chalcetor,
+Heracleia, and Amyzon&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>As Mount Grium extended from the Milesia
+eastward to Chalcetor and Euromus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a>&#x2060;, Chalcetor
+would perhaps be found, supposing Euromus to
+have been at Iakli, at the foot of the mountain
+which lies between that place and Asýn Kálesi.</p>
+
+<p>The Heracleia mentioned by Strabo among the
+four smaller towns of the interior of Caria, is not
+the same as the Heracleia under Mount Latmus
+which he describes elsewhere, for this was a maritime
+town. It must therefore be the same which
+Ptolemy distinguishes from Heracleia of Latmus
+(πρὸς Λάτμῳ) by the name of Heracleia of Albanum
+(πρὸς Ἀλβάνῳ). Whether Albanum was the name
+of a river or mountain it is difficult to say;—but
+the traveller might perhaps seek for the site of this
+Heracleia, with some prospect of success, in the
+situation in which it stands in the enumeration of
+the towns of this country by Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a>&#x2060;, namely, between
+Euromus and Amyzon.</p>
+
+<p>The ruins of the citadel and town-walls of Amyzon
+are to be seen on the eastern side of Mount
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[238]</span>Latmus on the road from Bafi to Tchisme, one hour
+short of the latter, and a little above some villages
+called Kafaslár. Mr. Hamilton here copied an
+inscription in a very defective state of preservation,
+of which however some of the expressions are distinguishable.
+Towards the beginning I observe
+ΑΜΥΤΟΝΕΩΝ and ΧΑΙΡΕΙΝ. When the letters of
+the inscription were perfect, the former word was
+undoubtedly <img class="inline" src="images/amyzoneon.jpg" alt="ΑΜΥΖΟΝΕΩΝ,
+but the Ζ resembles a sideways Η; if you lost the bottom stroke, it would
+become a Τ">, and it proves that these
+remains belonged to Amyzon&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a>&#x2060;. Mixed with Hellenic
+ruins, there are others at this place, of the
+date of the Byzantine empire,—a circumstance
+which agrees with the mention made of Amyzon
+among the places of Caria in Hierocles, and in the
+list of Greek bishoprics.</p>
+
+<p>The city of Latmus or Heracleia at Mount
+Latmus has preserved considerable remains of its
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[239]</span>walls, together with many sepulchres and a small
+temple. These ruins are found at the foot of a
+rocky mountain, the ancient Latmus, on the shore
+of a lake, which takes its name from the village
+of Báfi near the eastern extremity. This lake is
+the Latmic Gulf described by Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a>&#x2060;, but which
+since his time has been separated from the sea
+by the new plain formed at the mouth of the Mæander.
+Chandler, not adverting to this remarkable
+change, mistook the lake of Báfi for that of
+Myus, and consequently the ruins of Heracleia
+for those of Myus—an error which was corrected
+by M. de Choiseul Gouffier. With this adjustment,
+and the undoubted landmarks afforded by
+the fine ruins of Priene at Samsún&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a>&#x2060;, and by the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[240]</span>theatre of Miletus at Palátia, we have accurate
+data for judging of the progress of the encroachments
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[241]</span>of the Mæander upon the sea, as well as for
+determining the sites of the two towns of Pyrrha and
+Myus, the situation of which relatively to Miletus
+is accurately described by Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The reader has perceived that in the question
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[242]</span>concerning the site of Alabanda, that of Tralles
+has been assumed to have been at Ghiuzel-hissár.
+It is now time to show that Smith, as well as Pococke
+and Chandler, who too blindly followed the
+opinion of Smith, were wrong in supposing that
+town to stand on the site of Magnesia—an error
+which infallibly led to others of equal importance.
+M. Barbié du Bocage in the notes to his translation
+of Chandler gave convincing reasons for thinking
+that Ghiuzel-hissár occupied the position of Tralles:
+but it was not until Mr. Hamilton explored the ruins
+of Magnesia at Inekbazar&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a>&#x2060;, and discovered the ruins
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[243]</span>of the celebrated temple of Diana Leucophryene,
+(which has since been measured and drawn by the
+Mission of the Society of Dilettanti,) that the question
+could be considered as satisfactorily determined.
+The decisive reasons in proof of the positions of
+Magnesia, Tralles and Nysa, as marked on the map
+at Inekbazar, Ghiuzel-hissár and Sultan-hissár,
+respectively, shall here be stated as briefly as possible.</p>
+
+<p>1. Magnesia was according to Pliny 15 miles&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a>&#x2060;,
+and according to Artemidorus 120 stades&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> from
+Ephesus. This is about the real distance of Inekbazar,
+and not half that of Ghiuzel-hissár, from the
+ruins of Ephesus at Aiasolúk.</p>
+
+<p>2. Tralles was on the road from Physcus to
+Ephesus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a>&#x2060;. But had Magnesia been at Ghiuzel-hissár,
+Tralles, which was 18 miles according to
+one author&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a>&#x2060;,
+ or 140 stades according to another&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a>&#x2060;,
+to the eastward of Magnesia, must have been about
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[244]</span>Atshá, which is very much out of the direction from
+Mármara to Ephesus.</p>
+
+<p>3. We are told by Strabo, that to the traveller
+going from Magnesia to Tralles, with Mount Messogis
+on his left hand, the plain on his right belonged
+to the Magnetes, and to the people of Myus
+and Miletus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a>&#x2060;. But the two last places were too
+distant to have possessed any part of the plain
+opposite to Ghiuzel-hissár and Atshá.</p>
+
+<p>4. Strabo describes Magnesia as situated in a
+plain at the foot of a mountain called Thorax, not
+far from the Mæander, but nearer the Lethæus a
+stream flowing from Pactyas a mountain of the
+Ephesii&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a>&#x2060;. This description agrees precisely with
+Inekbazar, in face of which are two insulated hills,
+which, when all the plain of the Mæander below
+Inekbazar was sea, were two islands called Derasidæ
+and Sophonia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>&#x2060;. Besides the town-walls, theatre,
+stadium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a>&#x2060;, and other indications of the site of a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[245]</span>great city, are the vast prostrate fragments of an octastyle
+Ionic temple, the peristyle of which was near
+200 feet in length, and was formed of columns more
+than 4 feet and a half in diameter. It agrees perfectly
+with the description given of the temple of Diana
+at Magnesia by Vitruvius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> and Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>&#x2060;;
+ the former
+of whom informs us that this building was a pseudodipterous
+octastyle of the Ionic order, and the latter
+that it was larger than any temple in Asia except
+those of Diana Ephesia and of Apollo Didymeus,
+and that it surpassed even the Ephesian temple in
+harmony and in the construction of the cell (τῇ εὐρυθμίᾳ
+καὶ τῇ τέχνῃ τῇ περὶ τὴν κατασκευὴν τοῦ σηκοῦ
+πολὺ διαφέρει). Among the ruins are seen inscribed
+pedestals which formerly supported statues of Nerva
+and Marcus Aurelius; one of these is dedicated by
+a high priest and scribe of the Magnetes; and on
+another fragment were found the names of some
+priestesses of Artemis Leucophryene&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[246]</span></p>
+
+<p>5. The ruins of Tralles are found above the
+modern town of Ghiuzel-hissár, in a situation such
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[247]</span>as Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> has described—a table summit strong
+by nature (ἵδρυται ἐπὶ τραπεζίου τινὸς, ἄκραν ἔχοντος
+ἐρυμνήν). The only ruin well defined is that of the
+theatre and stadium, which formed one building.
+The Ionic temple of Æsculapius built by Argelius,
+which Vitruvius mentions&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a>&#x2060;, as well as the other
+works of the purer times of Grecian art, seem to
+have been buried by earthquakes beneath the ruins
+of later buildings; among which are many remains
+of the architecture of the Lower Empire, vestiges
+of the restoration of Tralles by Andronicus Palæologus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a>&#x2060;.
+Pococke copied a Latin inscription at Ghiuzel-hissár
+in which the name of Tralles occurs, but
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[248]</span>without having observed it. It is found also in two
+inscriptions copied at Ghiuzel-hissár by Sherard.
+The site of Tralles is traversed by a torrent answering
+to the ancient Eudon.</p>
+
+<p>6. At Sultán-hissár, not far to the westward of
+Nasli, are the remains of a large city, corresponding
+with the description which Strabo has given of Nysa.
+Nysa was situated for the greater part on the slope
+of Mount Messogis, and was divided by a torrent
+so as to appear like two separate towns—a bridge
+traversed this torrent in one place, and in another
+the valley was occupied by an amphitheatre, beneath
+which flowed the torrent&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a>&#x2060;. Chandler’s account of
+the ruins at Sultan-hissár is exactly conformable
+with this description of Nysa,—so perfectly in regard
+to the remark of Strabo on the appearance of
+a double city, that Chandler supposed the western
+division to be Tralles, and the eastern Nysa. Pococke
+has reported an inscription found at Nasli,
+which contains the words ΝΥΣΑΕΙΣ and ΜΑΣΤΑΥΡΕΙΤΟΥ.
+Possibly Nasli may have been the site of
+Mastaura.</p>
+
+<p>The situation of the other dependencies of Nysa,—namely
+Briula, Aromata, celebrated for its vines,
+and Acharaca where was a Plutonium and cavern,—have
+not yet been discovered. The latter was not
+far from Nysa on the road to Tralles&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>It may be inferred from Strabo that Hydrela
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">[249]</span>also was in this part of the valley; and notwithstanding
+his remark&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a>&#x2060;—that when the three towns
+founded by Hydrelus and his two brothers fell into
+decay, their united population formed the single
+one of Nysa,—Hydrela appears to have flourished
+at the time of the Roman wars in Asia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>To the eastward of the Marsyas, or river of
+Tshina, several other smaller streams join the Mæander
+on its southern bank. That which is nearly
+opposite to Nasli may perhaps be the Harpasus,
+which flowed near the town of Harpasa&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a>&#x2060;; for we
+learn from Pococke&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a>&#x2060;, that some ruins in this situation
+are called Arpás-Kálesi. Not far to the eastward
+of this stream is another, which descends
+from Gheira and Karajasu. On the eastern side of
+its junction with the Mæander are the remains of
+an ancient city. This was probably Antiocheia,
+which stood at the junction of the Mosynus with
+the Mæander; having a bridge over the latter river,
+and a fertile territory on either bank&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a>&#x2060;. At this
+bridge it appears that the great eastern road from
+Ephesus to Mazaca—which passed through Magnesia,
+Tralles, and Nysa—crossed the river, leading
+afterwards from Antiocheia along the left bank
+to Carura and Laodiceia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">[250]</span></p>
+
+<p>Other ancient sites were observed in this region
+by Sherard&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> and Pococke: but all the ancient geography
+of the country to the southward of the Mæander
+is still involved in great uncertainty, there
+being no points absolutely certain except Laodiceia
+ad Lycum, Aphrodisias, and Mount Cadmus, now
+called Baba-dagh.</p>
+
+<p>Aphrodisias is proved to have been at Gheira,
+by the numerous remains of antiquity still to be
+seen at that place. Among these are several inscriptions
+containing the name of the people; and
+ruins still exist of the temple of Venus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a>&#x2060;, from
+whose worship was derived the name by which the
+city was most commonly known&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>There can be little doubt that the hot springs
+observed by Pococke&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> and Chandler&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a>
+ on the south
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">[251]</span>bank of the Mæander, about 12 miles west of Denizlú,
+mark the site of Carura, which was celebrated for
+its hot baths in the time of Strabo, and was then
+the boundary of Caria and Phrygia. It was the same
+place, probably, as the Cydrara of Herodotus; for
+either here, or at no great distance, must have been
+the meeting of the three great roads which the historian
+mentions&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>&#x2060;, one leading into Lydia through
+the opening of Mount Messogis by Tripolis to
+Philadelphia; a second down the valley of the Mæander
+into Caria; and the third into Phrygia by the
+valley of the Lycus and Celænæ. Cydrara, in the
+time of Herodotus, was near the frontier of the
+three provinces.</p>
+
+<p>Smith, in his Journey to the Seven Churches in
+1671, was the first to describe the sites of Laodiceia,
+Hierapolis, Tripolis, and Colossæ. In all these
+places, except Tripolis, he has been followed by Pococke,
+or by Chandler; and at Hierapolis, recently,
+by Mr. Cockerell: the general topography and the
+antiquities which exist in these places are therefore
+known, although they have not yet been described
+to the public with sufficient accuracy or detail&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Laodiceia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> preserves great remains of its importance
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[252]</span>as the residence of the Roman governors of
+Asia under the emperors; namely, a stadium in uncommon
+preservation, three theatres, one of which
+is 450 feet in diameter, and the ruins of several
+other buildings&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>There are few ancient sites more likely than Laodiceia
+to preserve many curious remains of antiquity
+beneath the surface of the soil: its opulence, and
+the earthquakes to which it was subject&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a>&#x2060;, rendering
+it probable that valuable works of art were often
+there buried, beneath the ruins of the public and
+private edifices&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a>&#x2060;. And a similar remark, though
+in a smaller degree perhaps, will apply to the other
+cities of the vale of the Mæander, as well as to some
+of those situated to the north of Mount Tmolus:
+for Strabo informs us that Philadelphia, Sardes, and
+Magnesia of Sipylus were not less than Laodiceia
+and the cities of the Mæander, as far as Apameia at
+the sources of that river, subject to the same dreadful
+calamity&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Hierapolis, now called Tabúk-Kale or Pambúk-Kale,
+owed its celebrity, and probably the sanctity
+indicated by its name, to its very remarkable sources
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[253]</span>of mineral water, the singular effects of which,
+caused by the rapid accumulation of its deposit, are
+shown by the narratives of Pococke and Chandler&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a>
+to have been accurately described by Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a>&#x2060;. A
+great number and variety of sepulchres are found
+on the different approaches to the site, which is a
+commanding hill overlooking the valleys of the Lycus
+and Mæander, and terminating on that side in
+a precipice. The town-walls are seen on the other
+sides, and the main street is traced in its whole
+length, bordered by three Christian churches, one of
+which is upwards of 300 feet long. About the middle
+of the street, just above the mineral sources, Pococke,
+in 1740, thought that he distinguished some
+remains of the temple of Apollo, which according
+to Damascius, quoted by Photius, was in this situation&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a>&#x2060;.
+Chandler distinguished the area of a
+stadium in a recess of the mountain. But the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[254]</span>principal ruins are a theatre and gymnasium, both
+in a state of uncommon preservation; the former
+346 feet in diameter, the latter nearly filling a
+square space of 400 feet the side.</p>
+
+<p>Of Tripolis we have a very imperfect description
+by Smith. Chandler saw at a distance the theatre
+which Smith mentions. Lucas, the only other traveller
+who has visited the site, was incompetent to
+give a description of its antiquities; and all that can
+be understood from his narrative is, that he really
+did pass by Tripolis, though he writes Kosh-Yenije,
+a village near the ruins of Tripolis, Kashashead,
+and Pambúk-Kálesi, Bambour-quezer.</p>
+
+<p>The remains of Colossæ were found by Smith
+and Pococke below the modern Khónas; which
+name serves to identify the site, as we learn from
+Constantine Porphyrogennetus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> that Colossæ was
+in his time called Chonæ (Χῶναι). Herodotus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>
+mentions a subterraneous course of the Lycus for
+about half a mile near this place; but no traveller
+has yet verified this observation of the historian, or
+has ascertained the existence of the salt lake of
+Anava between Colossæ and Apameia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">[255]</span>translation of Chandler’s Travels, has justly remarked
+that Chandler very improperly blames Pococke
+for having misunderstood the geography of
+this part of the country. It was Chandler himself
+who erred, in mistaking the river Caprus for the
+Lycus, and the Lycus for the Mæander. But although
+Pococke was right, he did no more than
+follow Smith, who clearly saw that the river which
+he crossed between Kosh-Yenije and Tabúk-Kálesi
+is the Mæander; that the stream between Tabúk-Kálesi
+and Eski-hissár (Laodiceia) is the Lycus;
+and that the small rivers which meet at the site of
+Laodiceia are the Caprus and the Asopus.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>The valleys of four parallel rivers with the interjacent
+ridges of mountains, form the leading
+features of that beautiful and fertile country in the
+middle part of the western extremity of Asia Minor,
+which comprehended the ancient provinces of
+Ionia, Lydia, and Mysia.</p>
+
+<p>The Mæander and Hermus, which (in proceeding
+from south to north) are the first and third of
+those rivers, are nearly equal as well in magnitude as
+in the length of their course, which is between two
+and three hundred miles. The fourth or northernmost
+river, the Caicus, although not so celebrated
+as the Caystrus, which is the second in the above-mentioned
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[256]</span>order, is much more considerable in size.
+Deriving its origin from the same mass of Olympene
+mountains which give rise to the Hermus and
+the Rhyndacus, it is formed of two large branches,
+either of which is as long in its course as the Caystrus.
+But the latter, although little more than
+70 miles in length, collects all the waters from the
+adjacent slopes of the great mountains Tmolus
+and Messogis; and thus becomes a stream of considerable
+magnitude at Ephesus, where it joins
+the sea.</p>
+
+<p>There is very little certainty as to the names and
+positions of the ancient cities which occupied the
+valley of the Caystrus. The evidences of ancient
+history are so scanty with regard to them, that it
+is only from the discovery of their ruins, and of
+ancient inscriptions, that we can hope to ascertain
+either their situations or their names.</p>
+
+<p>The remains of antiquity at Beréki, on the southern
+side of Tmolus, seem from Strabo and Ovid
+to have belonged to Hypæpa&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a>&#x2060;; and it is not improbable
+that, in the fertile and delightful region
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[257]</span>on the summit of the mountain between Beréki
+and Sart (Sardes), a part of which is occupied by
+a large lake, there might be found some remains
+of the city Tmolus; which, together with many of
+the surrounding places, was destroyed by an earthquake
+in the fifth year of the reign of Tiberius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>From the many remains of antiquity at Tyre, it
+appears that this large and advantageously-situated
+modern town is the successor of the chief Grecian
+city of that part of the country. It is known from
+Strabo and Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a>&#x2060;, that the valley of the Caystrus
+was divided into that of Ephesus towards the sea;
+the plain properly called Caystrian; and the Cilbian
+plain: above the last were the Cilbian mountains,
+in which the Caystrus had its sources. We
+find that the Caystriani, the lower Cilbiani, and the
+upper Cilbiani, coined each their own money, with
+the name of the people inscribed&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>&#x2060;; and they had
+undoubtedly each a chief town in which the coinage
+took place. As Tyre stands in the central part of
+the Caystrian valley, it probably occupies the site of
+the city of the Caystriani: whether this place had any
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[258]</span>other name cannot be discovered in ancient history.
+Larissa Ephesia, which possessed a temple of Apollo
+Larissenus, and was supposed to have been anciently
+a city of much greater importance than it was in
+the time of Strabo, stood in another part of the
+Caystrian plain, 180 stades from Ephesus, towards
+Mount Tmolus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>&#x2060;. There was another Larissa, 30
+stades distant from Tralles, on the road leading
+from thence across the Messogis into the plain of
+Caystrus, from whence the worship of Jupiter Larissius
+at Tralles had its origin&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Although the remains of Ephesus are still very
+considerable and of easy access, they have hardly
+yet been sufficiently explored, or at least they have
+not yet been described to the public with the accuracy
+and detail which they merit. The temple of
+Diana Ephesia, the largest and most celebrated of
+the Asiatic Greek buildings, is the only one of the
+great examples of the Ionic order, of which we do
+not now possess particulars more or less satisfactory.
+The temples at Samus, Branchidæ, Priene,
+Magnesia, and Sardes, have been measured and
+drawn by experienced architects;—but not a stone
+has yet been discovered that can with certainty be
+ascribed to the Ephesian temple, although very
+little doubt remains as to its exact situation&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[259]</span></p>
+
+<p>There has been some difference of opinion with
+regard to the ancient maritime sites between
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">[260]</span>Ephesus and Cape Trogilium, which was the extreme
+point of Mount Mycale. Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> describes
+this coast in the following terms: “Beyond the
+strait formed by Samus and Mycale, in sailing
+towards Ephesus, a part of the coast on the right
+hand belongs to the Ephesii and a part to the
+Samii;—the first place is Panionium, situated three
+stades above the sea. Here is held the common
+festival of the Ionians, who sacrifice to Neptune
+Heliconius; the priesthood belongs to the people of
+Priene. Next occurs Neapolis, which the Ephesii
+exchanged with the Samii for Marathesium, the
+latter being nearer to them; then Pygela, a small
+city; then the port Panormus, and the temple of
+Diana Ephesia.”</p>
+
+<p>The uninhabitable aspect of the rocks and forests
+of Mycale from Cape Trogilium to the modern
+Tshanglí, is such as make it impossible to fix
+upon any spot, either on the face or at the foot of
+that mountain, at which Panionium can well be
+supposed to have stood. Tshanglí, on the other
+hand, situated in a delightful and well watered valley
+between two projecting points of the mountain,
+was admirably suited to the Panionian festival:
+and here Sir William Gell found, in a church
+on the sea-shore, an inscription in which he distinguished
+the name of Panionium twice. I conceive,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[261]</span>therefore, that there can be little doubt of
+Tshanglí being on the site of Panionium.</p>
+
+<p>Several travellers in passing from Ephesus to
+Skalanóva have remarked the ruins of a small town
+near the sea, at about one-third of the distance
+from the former place to the latter. These are
+probably the remains of Pygela; though I am not
+aware how far the neighbouring coast will answer
+to Livy’s description of Pygela as a harbour&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a>&#x2060;.
+Between this spot and Tshanglí there are only
+two places which we can suppose to have been anciently
+occupied by towns: one is Skalanóva; the
+other is half-way between Skalanóva and Tshanglí;
+where, in a valley watered by a stream, is a source
+of hot water, near the ruins of a fortress, which,
+although it appears to have been a work of the
+Lower Greek Empire, contains some remains of
+an earlier age. This latter I take to be the site of
+Neapolis, which the Ephesii built, and afterwards
+exchanged with the Samii; and Skalanóva stands
+probably on the ancient Marathesium.</p>
+
+<p>The survey by Captain Beaufort of the coast between
+Skalanóva and the canal of Khio, illustrates
+ancient history in the most satisfactory manner.
+There still exist on this coast some remains of two
+celebrated buildings—the Ionic temple of Bacchus
+at Teos, and the temple of Jupiter Clarius at Notium,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[262]</span>the port of Colophon&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a>&#x2060;. The chief written
+evidence is supplied by Livy and Strabo; and upon
+this the map will be found a sufficient commentary.</p>
+
+<p>Although the ancient names to the westward of
+Teos are not so certainly fixed as those to the eastward
+of that place, one can hardly doubt that the
+harbour of Sykiá, on the west side of Cape Corycus,
+now Kóraka, was the port called Corycus; for Livy
+describes Corycus both as a promontory of the Teii
+and as a harbour. In the war between Antiochus
+and the Romans, in the year <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 193&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a>&#x2060;, Polyxenidas,
+commander of the fleet of Antiochus, hearing
+that the Roman fleet was approaching from Delus,
+and being desirous of coming to an engagement
+with them before they should be joined by Eumenes
+and the Rhodii, sailed from Phocæa with a
+hundred vessels of a small class, of which seventy
+were covered. Having passed through the channel
+of Chius, he anchored in Cyssus, a port of the Erythræi.
+The Romans sailed from Delus to Phanæ
+in Chius, and from thence, after taking in provision
+at the city of Chius, they proceeded to Phocæa;
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">[263]</span>where they were joined by Eumenes from Elæa, the
+port of Pergamum, with twenty-four covered, and
+many open vessels. The combined fleet, amounting
+to 200 ships, (a fourth of which were uncovered,)
+then sailed along the shore, with the view
+of passing into port Corycus, which was beyond
+Cyssus. Polyxenidas, when he saw the enemy approach,
+advanced against them, and was defeated.
+Cyssus, from this transaction, seems to have been
+the harbour now called Latzáta, the largest on this
+part of the coast; and it is probably the same which
+Strabo calls Casystes&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a>&#x2060;. Tshisme, noted for more
+than one Turkish disaster, seems to be the port
+Phœnicus of the Erythræi, in which the Romans
+anchored after the action, on their way to the city
+of Chius. The remains of Erythræ are found considerably
+to the northward of Tshisme, in a port
+sheltered by the islands, anciently called Hippi&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>As Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> states the entrance into the canal
+of Chius on this side, between Cape Argennum
+of the main land and Cape Poseidium of Chius, to
+have been sixty stades in breadth, these two capes
+could be no others than the promontories marked
+with those names in the map; the real distance
+agreeing exactly with the ancient number.</p>
+
+<p>The next place to Poseidium, in coasting the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">[264]</span>island with the shore on the light hand, was Phanæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a>&#x2060;,
+which is described by Livy as a harbour
+turned toward the Ægæan (portum Chiorum in
+Ægeum mare versum), and in another place as a
+promontory (promontorium Chiorum). We have
+already seen that it was the place at which the Roman
+fleet touched in proceeding from the isle of
+Delus to the Pergamenian coast; on another occasion
+they assembled at Phanæ, previously to their
+sailing to the same island&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a>&#x2060;: it seems therefore to
+have been in the bay on the western side of the
+southernmost cape of Chius.</p>
+
+<p>The other ancient names of this island have been
+placed on the map, as well as the information afforded
+by the ancient authors&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> compared with the
+blind accounts of the modern travellers Pococke
+and Heyman would admit.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>The rivers Hermus and Caicus, each of which is
+formed by the union of two branches meeting at
+thirty or forty miles above the mouth, water two
+extensive valleys equal in natural advantages to
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">[265]</span>those of the Mæander and Caystrus, and not exceeded
+in beauty and fertility by any in the world.
+Sardes was the chief city of the valley of the Hermus,
+and Pergamum in that of the Caicus. Both
+have retained the ancient name a little corrupted
+by the Turks: but while Pergamum continues to
+be the capital of the surrounding country, Sardes
+has yielded to Magnesia of Mount Sipylus, and has
+dwindled to a small village. This village however
+and its vicinity have to boast of two of the most
+interesting remains of antiquity in Asia; the colossal
+tumulus of Alyattes near the lake Gygæa&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a>&#x2060;, and the
+vast Ionic temple of Cybebe&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> or the Earth, on the
+bank of the Pactolus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a>&#x2060;. Here is also a theatre connected
+with a stadium, and the ruins of a large
+church, perhaps the only one of the Seven Churches
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">[266]</span>of Asia of which there are any distinguishable remains.</p>
+
+<p>Pergamum retained under the Romans that superiority
+over all the cities of Asia which it had
+acquired under the successors of Philetærus: and
+it still preserves many vestiges of its ancient magnificence.
+Remains of the Asclepium and of some
+other temples; of the theatre, stadium, amphitheatre,
+and several other buildings, are still to be seen&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>There is a confusion of names in regard to the
+two branches of the Hermus, similar to that which
+I have already had occasion to notice in the instances
+of the Sangarius and Mæander. It seems
+clear from Homer&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> and from Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a>&#x2060;,
+ that the
+branch of the Hermus which waters the plain of
+Ak-hissár, and which joins the main stream not far
+from Magnesia, is the ancient Hyllus, which in the
+time of Strabo was called Phrygius; for we find no
+mention in ancient history of any other tributary
+stream of the Hermus, with the exception of the
+Cogamus near Philadelphia, that of Sardes the
+famed Pactolus, and a third the Cryus, obscurely
+named by Pliny, and which was probably of no
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">[267]</span>greater magnitude than the other two just mentioned.
+Nor in fact is there any stream of importance
+joining the main river now called Kodus or
+Ghedis, in the lower part of its course, except the
+river of Ak-hissár. The course of the main stream,
+moreover, agrees exactly with the description which
+Strabo has given of the Hermus. “It rises,” he
+says, “in the sacred mountain Dindymene, flows
+through the Catacecaumene into the district of Sardes,
+and from thence through the subjacent plains
+into the sea&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a>&#x2060;.”</p>
+
+<p>From Livy however, in his narrative of the transactions
+which preceded the decisive victory gained
+by the Romans over Antiochus at Magnesia, it seems
+evident that Phrygius was the name by which the
+southern or main branch of the Hermus was better
+known to the Romans. Antiochus had collected
+his forces at Thyateira, when his opponent the
+Consul Lucius Cornelius Scipio crossed the Hellespont,
+and moved in six days from Ilium to the
+sources of the Caicus. Here he was joined by
+Eumenes from Elæa; and from hence, on the supposition
+that the king was still near Thyateira, he
+marched to meet him, and moved in five days into
+the Hyrcanian plain. But Antiochus in the mean
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">[268]</span>time had quitted Thyateira, and after having <i>crossed
+the river Phrygius</i>, had entrenched himself at
+Magnesia. The Consul followed on the opposite
+side of the river, until he arrived in the enemy’s
+presence. When the armies had remained in this
+position, with the river between them, for two days,
+the Romans crossed it and took up a position with
+their left to the stream, consequently to the westward
+of the position of Antiochus, which was probably
+done for the sake of securing a communication
+with the fleet at Elæa, and a retreat in that direction
+in case of necessity. After his defeat Antiochus
+fled to Sardes and Apameia.</p>
+
+<p>From these transactions it cannot well be doubted
+that Livy applies the name of Phrygius to the
+southern or main branch of the Hermus, in contradiction
+to Strabo, who identifies it with the
+northern. And in this the historian agrees with
+Pliny&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a>&#x2060;, who by distinguishing the Phryx from the
+Hyllus, and by observing that the Phryx gave name
+to Phrygia, and that it separated that province from
+Caria, shews clearly that he applied the name Phryx
+to the largest, and at the same time to the southernmost
+branch. This instance serves, like that of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">[269]</span>Sangarius, to prove how easily a confusion of names
+occurs in regard to the branches of a river.</p>
+
+<p>From the direction of Scipio’s route from Troy
+to the Hyrcanian plain, and from the proportion of
+his marches, it may be inferred that the north-eastern
+branch of the river of Bergma, which flows
+by Menduria and Balikesri, is that which was anciently
+called Caicus;—of the name of the southern
+branch I have not found any trace in ancient history.</p>
+
+<p>Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> informs us that the Caicus was joined
+by the Mysius flowing from Temnum; and that
+this mountain separated the valley of the Caicus
+from the plain of Apia, which bordered on Thebe
+and Adramyttium. Such is our ignorance of the
+real structure of this part of the country, that it is
+only from the ancient geographer that we have any
+knowledge either of the mountain or the river.</p>
+
+<p>Notwithstanding the facilities which were so long
+given to the researches of travellers by the favourable
+disposition of the ruling Turkish family of Kara-Osmán-Oglu,
+added to the influence of the European
+factories at Smyrna, even the most accessible
+parts of the valleys of the Hermus and Caicus
+and of their interjacent ridges are still very insufficiently
+explored. It seems strange to say, that of
+a coast so near to Smyrna as that between the
+mouths of the Hermus and Caicus, we possess no
+delineation that can be relied on; and consequently
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">[270]</span>no satisfactory information upon the very interesting
+positions of Leucæ, Phocæa, Cyme, Ægæ, Neontichus,
+Myrina, and Grynium; the latter noted for a
+magnificent temple of Apollo, of white marble&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>In short, with the exception of Temnus, which
+appears from the Peutinger Table to have been at
+Menimen; and of Nacrasa, which an inscription
+mentioned by Chishull&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> shews to have been at
+Bakír,—we have no accurate information on the
+sites of any of the second-rate towns of this part of
+Asia Minor—and all to the east and north of Philadelphia,
+Thyateira and Pergamum, as far as the
+Thymbres, Mount Olympus, and the coast of the
+Propontis, is little better than an unknown land, in
+which there are very few ancient names that I have
+been able to place with any degree of certainty.</p>
+
+<p>The site of Cyzicus has been visited and imperfectly
+described by Pococke and Sestini, and Miletopolis
+appears from Chishull’s description of the neighbouring
+lake to have been at Miniás&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a>&#x2060;. And hence
+we have two lines in the Table of which the extremities
+are known—namely, that leading from Pergamum
+to Miletopolis, and that leading from Pergamum
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">[271]</span>to Cyzicus. On the former was Hadrianotheræ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a>&#x2060;,
+for such undoubtedly is the correction that
+should be made of the corrupted name in the Table,
+though the distance there assigned to it of 8 M. P.
+from Pergamum cannot be implicitly relied on, as
+the 41 M. P. which forms the whole interval between
+Pergamum and Miletopolis is not half the
+reality. On the road from Pergamum to Cyzicus
+we find two names in the Table, which do not
+occur elsewhere in ancient history—Phemeneo—Argesis.
+The distance of Phemenium from Cyzicus
+is omitted in the Table: but if the other two
+distances on this line are correct, the mines of Ergasteria
+mentioned by Galen were between Phemenium
+and Argesæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The name of Kesri or Balikesri seems to be a
+corruption of Cæsareia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a>&#x2060;. It is the chief town of
+the Turkish district of Karasi, and is situated on
+the Caicus, near the great road from Smyrna to
+Constantinople: it is probably the site of one of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">[272]</span>the numerous places which under the Romans
+changed their more ancient name to Cæsareia.</p>
+
+<p>In some part of Mount Olympus, to the westward
+of Brusa, we find mention made by the Turkish
+geographer Abubekr, of a town called Edrenús.
+There can be little doubt that this is the ancient
+Hadriani ad Olympum or in Olympo, of which
+coins inscribed with this local distinction are still
+in existence&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a>&#x2060;. Edrenús is no other than Ἀδριανούς,
+a slight corruption of Hadriani in the usual modern
+Greek form of the accusative, like Kodus for Cadi.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>The geography of the western side of the Idæan
+range, which slopes to the Ægæan sea and the Hellespont,
+is in a very different state from that of the
+country to the eastward of that mountain. The
+natural beauties of the Troas, its accessibility by
+sea, but above all its celebrity as the scene of the
+Ilias, have attracted a greater number of travellers
+to it, than to any other part of Asia Minor&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp63" id="illus03" style="max-width: 53.125em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus03.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p>The <span class="smcap">Troas</span> from
+ <i><span class="smcap">Rhœteium</span> and <span class="smcap">Alexandreia</span>
+ to the
+ <span class="smcap">Summits of Mᵗ. Ida</span></i>.</p>
+ <p><i>W.M.L. del. Published Febʸ. 1824 by John Murray Albemarle Street London.
+ J. Walker Sculpt.</i></p>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp52" id="illus04" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus04.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p><i><span class="smcap">Sketch</span> to explain the supposed alteration in
+ the</i> coast <i>and in the</i> rivers <i>of TROY since the time of the</i>
+ Trojan War.</p>
+ <p><i>The strong lines represent the supposed state of the rivers and
+ coast in the time of the War. The dotted lines shew the course of the
+ rivers and line of coast at the present day.</i></p>
+ <p><i>W.M.L. delᵗ. Published Febʸ. 1824 by John Murray Albemarle Street London.
+ J. Walker sculpᵗ.</i></p>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">[273]</span></p>
+
+<p>The most remarkable places in the Troas were
+Assus, Lectum, Hamaxitus, Larissa, Colonæ, Alexandreia,
+Cebrene, Neandria, Cenchreæ, Scamandria,
+Sigeium, and New Ilium.</p>
+
+<p>The two most important, and to which the
+greater part of the population of the others was
+drawn as early as the time of the successors of
+Alexander, were Alexandria and New Ilium; and
+these continued to be the chief towns under the
+Roman emperors. Alexandria has preserved considerable
+remains to this day. Of New Ilium only
+the foundations of the walls with a few other
+fragments are to be seen.</p>
+
+<p>As Hamaxitus, Larissa, and Colonæ, were from
+their proximity to Alexandria absorbed by that city
+at the time of its foundation&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a>&#x2060;, we are not surprised
+that no remains of them have been remarked by
+travellers. Some circumstances, however, mentioned
+by Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a>&#x2060;, are sufficient very nearly to fix
+their positions. Hamaxitus in particular is determined
+by the salt-works of Tragasæ, which are still
+in a state of operation on the sea-coast near the
+mouth of the river of Tuzla. This river (perhaps
+the ancient Satnioeis) does not, however, take its
+name, which means <i>salt</i>, from the maritime salt-works
+alone: there are other salt-works at some
+very copious sources of hot salt water, at a considerable
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">[274]</span>distance from the sea, on the northern
+side of the valley, where is a village called Tuzla,
+and where the neighbouring hills are composed
+of rock salt. This curious fact accounts for the
+name Halesium, anciently applied to the district&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>As it appears from Strabo that Cebrenia bordered
+on the territories of Antandrus, Hamaxitus,
+Neandria, New Ilium, and Scepsis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a>&#x2060;, and that the
+Scepsia was on the Æsepus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a>&#x2060;, consequently on the
+eastern side of the summit of Ida,—Cebrenia seems
+to have occupied the higher region of Ida on the
+western side, and its city very probably stood at
+Kushunlú Tepe, not far from Bairamitsh, where
+Dr. E. D. Clarke, proceeding from the latter place
+towards the sources of the Mendere and the summit
+of Ida, found very considerable remains of antiquity.
+The fine valley which extends from thence
+to the modern town of Ene, seems to answer in its
+upper part to the level country of Cebrenia, mentioned
+by Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a>&#x2060;; and in its lower or western
+to the plain called Samonium, which belonged to
+Neandria&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a>&#x2060;: for Neandria being described by the
+geographer as inland from Hamaxitus towards New
+Ilium, and as 130 stades distant from the latter&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a>&#x2060;,
+corresponds exactly in position with Ene.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">[275]</span></p>
+
+<p>In the plain of Troy, or region watered by the
+lower course of the Mendere and its branches, the
+only positions proved to be ancient sites, by remains
+of buildings existing in their original places, are—</p>
+
+<p>1. That of New Ilium on a hill which rises to
+the eastward of the villages of Kum-Kiúi and Kalafátli,
+about 5 miles to the S.E. of Kum-Kalé
+or the lower castle of the Dardanells, and three
+miles from the nearest shore. The vestiges of the
+walls of the citadel are to be traced on the summit
+of the height; and some of the buildings of the
+town, on the western slope and at the foot of the
+hill: but very little now remains in its place, the
+site being resorted to (as it probably has been ever
+since its abandonment), as to a stone-quarry, for
+the materials of modern constructions—whence we
+find all the villages, farms, and particularly the
+Turkish cemeteries of the surrounding country, full
+of the inscribed or decorated marbles of New Ilium.
+2. Paleó Aktshi Kiúi. This, by its direction and distance
+from New Ilium, corresponds exactly with the
+Ἰλιέων κώμη, or village of the Ilienses, described by
+Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> as being 30 stades eastward of New Ilium
+towards Ida and Dardania. 3. Paleó-Kastro, near
+the Turkish village of It-ghelmés, on a height overlooking
+the Bosphorus. This is probably the site of
+the town Rhœteium, on a part of the sea-shore of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">[276]</span>which was the Æanteium or tomb of Ajax&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a>&#x2060;, still
+existing. 4. Yenishehr, the ancient Sigeium.
+5. Another Paleó-Kastro, near the mouth of the
+small river which receives the canal derived from
+the river of Bunárbashi. This has been supposed,
+with great probability, to have been a small town
+and port called Agameia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a>&#x2060;. 6. The hill which
+rises above the less or lower Bunárbashi to the
+S.E., and which is bounded in the same direction
+by the deep valley of the Mendere. This, it is not
+improbable, was the site of Scamandria; for it may
+be presumed that Scamandria being named by Pliny
+together with New Ilium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>&#x2060;, was in some part of the
+lower plain of the Scamander, near that river; and
+there is no site on the Mendere so remarkable as
+that of Bunárbashi. Pliny describes Scamandria
+as a <i>small</i> town: but it seems from an extant inscription
+to have been of sufficient importance to
+make a recorded treaty with New Ilium concerning
+the sale of corn&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The same heights are by many persons supposed
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">[277]</span>to have been in an earlier age the position of the
+renowned capital of Ilus and his successors: indeed,
+so many of the most intelligent <i>travellers</i>&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> in the
+Troas are agreed in placing the Homeric Ilium at
+Bunárbashi, that I should have been satisfied on
+the present occasion with stating my concurrence
+with their opinion, and with referring to the arguments
+of such of them as have supported it by
+their publications, had not some adverse systems
+been recently maintained with great learning and
+ingenuity; though chiefly, it must be admitted, by
+those who have considered the question in the closet
+only. I shall here offer, therefore, a few observations
+on this subject; first stating what appear to
+me to be the strongest grounds for thinking that
+Bunárbashi was the site of Troy, and then the
+principal objections that have been made to that
+opinion, together with the arguments which occur
+in reply to them&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>As even the identity of the country on the Asiatic
+side of the entrance of the Hellespontine strait
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">[278]</span>with the scene of the Ilias has been doubted, it
+may not be useless to premise, that if the war of
+Troy was a real event, having reference to a real topography
+(and to doubt it would shake the whole
+fabric of profane history), no district has yet been
+shown that will combine even a few of the requisite
+features of the plain of Troy, except that between
+Kum-Kalé and Bunárbashi: whereas in that district,
+and in the surrounding country by land and by
+water, we find the seas and mountains and islands
+in the positions which the poet indicates, and many
+of them with the same or nearly the same names.
+The features which do not accord so well with his
+description are those which are the most liable to
+change in the lapse of ages,—the course and size of
+the rivers, and the extent and direction of the low
+coast where these waters join the sea. Instead of a
+river with two large branches, which Homer seems
+to describe, we find on one side of the plain a broad
+torrent, reduced in the dry season to a slender brook,
+and a few stagnant pools; and on the other side a
+small perennial stream, which instead of joining the
+former is diverted into an artificial channel, and is
+thus carried to a different part of the coast. But the
+diminutive size of some of the most celebrated rivers
+of antiquity is well known to those who have travelled
+in Greece; and it must be considered that a
+poet writing of a real scene is obliged to magnify
+those features, which without exaggeration would
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">[279]</span>be beneath the dignity of his verse. In regard to
+the course of the streams, it seems sufficient still
+to find, at the end of three thousand years, two rivers
+which, if they do not now unite, evidently did
+so at a former period of time: and for the sources
+of that stream which Homer describes as rising
+under the walls of Troy, to find some very remarkable
+springs, not very different in their peculiarities
+from the poet’s description, and rising at the foot of
+a commanding height on the edge of the plain.</p>
+
+<p>For poetry this coincidence appears sufficient:
+and in regard to the position of Troy itself, it seems
+enough to find a hill rising above the sources just
+mentioned, not only agreeing in all particulars with
+the kind of position which the Greeks&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> usually
+chose for their towns, but the only situation in this
+region which will combine all the requisites they
+sought for; namely, a height overlooking a fertile
+maritime plain,—situated at a sufficient distance
+from the sea to be secure from the attacks of pirates,
+and furnished with a copious and perennial supply
+of water,—presenting a very strong and healthy
+position for the city; and for the citadel a hill beyond
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">[280]</span>the reach of bowshot from the neighbouring
+heights, defended at the back by steep rocks and
+precipices, surrounded by a deep valley and broad
+torrent, and backed beyond the river by mountains
+which supplied timber and fuel. That it was precisely
+such a situation as the inhabitants of Greece
+and Asia in remote ages preferred, might be shown
+by a great variety of examples: and it can hardly be
+doubted that a person totally unacquainted with the
+Ilias, but accustomed to observe the positions of ancient
+Greek towns, would fix on Bunárbashi for the
+site of the chief place of the surrounding country.</p>
+
+<p>It is a necessary consequence of placing Troy
+on the heights to the S.E. of Bunárbashi, that the
+river flowing from the sources which give that village
+its name (meaning Spring-head), is the Scamander
+of Homer: that the large torrent which
+flows through a deep ravine on the eastern side of
+the heights, is the Simoeis: and that notwithstanding
+the much greater magnitude of the bed of the
+latter and occasionally of that stream itself, the united
+river after the junction in the plain was called by
+the name of the former, Scamander. In support
+of this opinion, it has been justly observed by Lechevalier,
+that Homer’s description, allowance being
+made for poetical exaggeration, is correct, both as
+to the springs themselves, and as to the very different
+character of the two rivers: nor can it be
+denied that the two hills, that of Bunárbashi and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">[281]</span>the higher eminence behind it, correspond to the
+mention by Homer of Ilium and its citadel Pergamus.
+The termination of the slope towards
+the springs accords also with the idea which we
+receive from the poet of the extent of the city on
+that side, and of the position of the gate Scææ or
+Dardaniæ, which was near the sources of the Scamander,
+and was the principal outlet towards the
+plain&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a>&#x2060;. But if these assumptions are not unreasonable,
+it cannot be denied on the other hand that in
+attempting to identify such objects as the tombs of
+Ilus, Myrinna, and Æsyetes, Lechevalier has exposed
+himself to reasonable objections from his opponents,
+and has rather injured than strengthened
+his cause. For it is not certain that all the monuments
+mentioned by Homer were tumuli; and it is
+very possible that if they were, several of them have
+been obliterated by time. Nothing can be more
+likely than that the real history of the monuments
+should have been forgotten in the interval between
+the destruction of Troy and the foundation of New
+Ilium, and that names should have been ascribed
+to them by the inhabitants of the latter place, suited
+to their own system of Trojan topography, and favourable
+to the pretensions which they held, that
+their city stood upon the ancient site. With regard
+to the existing barrows, it seems incontrovertible
+only that those which stand in conspicuous situations
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">[282]</span>on either side of the mouth of the Scamander,
+are the tumuli, supposed in the time of the Romans,
+and probably with reason, to have been the sepulchres
+of Ajax, Achilles, and some other chieftains;
+and these monuments are so far important, as they
+prove the identity of the plain of the Mendere with
+the scene of the Ilias&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>It is objected to the springs of Bunárbashi, that
+instead of being only two,—one hot and the other
+cold, as described by Homer&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a>&#x2060;,—they are in one place
+so numerous as to have received from the Turks the
+name of Kirk-Ghiuz, (the Forty Fountains), and
+that they are all of the same temperature.</p>
+
+<p>But viewing them as the springs of a river, they
+may in poetical language, or even in common speech,
+be considered as two, since they arise in two places,
+distant from each other about 200 yards: in one
+the water appears in a deep basin, which is noted
+among the natives for being often covered with a
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">[283]</span>thick vapour like smoke: in the other place, there
+are numerous rills issuing from the rocks, into a
+broad shallow piece of water, terminating in a
+stream which is joined by that from the smoking
+spring. As to the temperature of the water, the
+observations of travellers give various results. Some
+have observed a difference: according to others, it
+would appear that being all deep-seated springs, their
+temperature is the same at all seasons, or about 60°
+of Fahrenheit at their eruption from the ground;
+consequently that they will feel cold when the air is
+at 70° or 80°, and warm when it is at 40° or 50°&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a>&#x2060;.
+But even in this case it is obvious that there will
+be a real difference between the heat of the shallow
+recipient of the springs called the Forty Fountains,
+and that of the single deep pool. It seems sufficient
+to justify Homer’s expression, that a difference of
+temperature was believed, and that an occasional
+appearance of vapour over one source was often observed
+by the natives: for the poet would probably
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">[284]</span>flatter the local prejudices, even if he had examined
+the fountains so attentively as to be convinced that
+the warmth of all the sources was the same.</p>
+
+<p>Another and a more weighty objection to the
+placing of Troy on the heights of Bunárbashi, is
+that the much greater magnitude of the river, which
+flows on the east side of those heights, concurs
+with its modern name Mendere in showing it to
+be the Scamander of Homer; and that such was
+evidently the opinion of several authors of antiquity,
+particularly of Demetrius, a native of Scepsis in the
+Troas, from whom Strabo principally derived his
+information on the geography of this district. In
+fact there can be no doubt, that in the time of
+Demetrius, who wrote in the second century before
+Christ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a>&#x2060;, the Mendere from its source in Mount
+Kazdagh to its junction with the sea was called
+Scamander. But was it so in the time of the Trojan
+war? In this inquiry we have nothing to do
+with any authority but that of the Ilias itself: for
+it is evident from the remarks of Demetrius and
+Strabo, that the topography of the poem and the site
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">[285]</span>of Troy were as much a subject of doubt and dispute
+in their time as they are at present. Nor is this
+surprising. The result of the Trojan war was the
+subversion of Ilium and the extinction (with the
+exception of a single branch of the royal family) of
+the colony which had settled in this part of Phrygia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a>&#x2060;.
+Strabo repeatedly remarks that the revolutions
+following the Trojan war were the great
+cause of the difficulty which he experienced in adjusting
+the Homeric chorography. The barbarous
+people of Thrace, called Treres, who then established
+themselves in the Troas, could not have taken much
+interest in any thing relating to the former colony,
+to whose language they were strangers, and
+whose history was recorded only in the songs of an
+Ionian stranger. It was not till long afterwards that
+the Æolian Greeks of Lesbus extended their settlements
+into the Troas. It was not even by them that
+New Ilium was founded, but by a Lydian, and consequently
+a semibarbarous colony&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a>&#x2060;, about the eighth
+century before Christ; and it was not till a taste for
+the poems of Homer having begun to prevail in
+European Greece, and the Athenians having taken
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">[286]</span>possession of Sigeium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> and a part of the Chersonesus,
+that their enlightened sovereigns Pisistratus and his
+sons&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a>&#x2060;, if they were not the first to collect, arrange,
+and edit the Ilias,—were at least the first to bring it
+into notice among the most lettered of the European
+Greeks&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a>&#x2060;. We cannot wonder that the Homeric
+topography should at that time have become
+subject to the same kind of uncertainty now found
+to prevail in regard to such places as Athens, Rome,
+Jerusalem, Alexandria of Egypt, and even many cities
+much more modern.</p>
+
+<p>For the New Ilium founded by the Lydians, colonized
+afterwards by the Æolians, and augmented
+and first fortified with a circuit of forty stades by
+Lysimachus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a>&#x2060;, a situation was chosen which, being
+nearer to the sea than that of the ancient city, was
+better adapted to the more advanced state of commerce
+and civilization&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a>&#x2060;. It was very natural that
+its inhabitants the Ilienses&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> should pretend that
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">[287]</span>their town stood on the site of the ancient city&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a>&#x2060;;
+and no less so, that a historian of a neighbouring
+and kindred race should flatter them by concurring
+in their opinion&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a>&#x2060;. That the conquerors of Asia
+likewise, and so many other illustrious visitors of
+Ilium from Xerxes to the Cæsars, when they found
+it useful to their purposes or grateful to their vanity
+to sacrifice to Minerva Ilias, should have willingly
+followed the guidance of the priests to the
+temple in New Ilium, and should have admitted
+without inquiry that it stood on the site of the Pergamus
+of Priam—is nothing more than we should
+expect under such circumstances. But we know
+that the claim of the Ilienses was strongly contested
+during the whole period in which their city flourished.
+Demetrius of Scepsis and Hestiæa of Alexandria
+Troas opposed it about the time of the Antiochian
+war, and Strabo subscribed to their opinion
+in the Augustan age&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Although Demetrius found it impossible to
+assent to the claim of the Ilienses in this respect,
+and seems to have been far from implicitly believing
+in the identity of all the Homeric places pointed
+out by them&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a>&#x2060;; he appears never to have suspected
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">[288]</span>that the Scamander was any other than the large
+torrent, to which he found that name then applied
+from its mouth in the Hellespont to its distant source
+in the summit of Ida called Cotylus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a>&#x2060;. It was a
+necessary consequence (as all those who have concurred
+in the same belief have experienced) to identify
+the Simoeis with one of the branches of the
+Mendere flowing from the eastward. The Ghiumbrek-su,
+the most important of the Trojan streams
+after the Mendere and Bunárbashi river, seems to
+have been that which Strabo (probably following
+Demetrius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a>&#x2060;) supposed to be the Simoeis, as may
+be inferred from his observation that the site of
+Troy, which he places at the Pagus Iliensium (Paleó
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">[289]</span>Aktshi), was near the river Thymbrius; and that the
+temple of Apollo Thymbræus at the junction of this
+river with the Scamander, was 50 stades from New
+Ilium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a>&#x2060;; for these data concur in showing that the
+Kamára-su&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> was the Thymbrius, and consequently
+that the Ghiumbrek-su was the Simoeis of the geographer.</p>
+
+<p>But although a site had been found for Troy
+at Pagus by those who did not subscribe to the
+claims of the Ilienses in favour of their own site,
+neither Demetrius nor Strabo was able to discover
+any springs corresponding to the Scamandrian
+sources of Homer. Demetrius, having observed
+how utterly irreconcileable the single source of the
+Scamander in the distant summit of Mount Ida
+is with Homer’s description of the Scamandrian
+springs, was under the awkward necessity of imagining
+that those fountains, wherever they might be,
+were called the springs of Scamander, not as being
+in reality the sources, but only because they were
+near the Scamander, or because they afforded a
+stream which joined that river&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a>&#x2060;. And as the valley
+and river of Ghiumbrek do not unite with the plain
+and river of the Mendere till very near the sea, Demetrius
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">[290]</span>distinguishes the Simoeisian from the Scamandrian
+plain&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a>&#x2060;—a distinction, it may be observed,
+which no where occurs in Homer, and is in fact
+inconsistent with his topography.</p>
+
+<p>There seems no other mode of obviating these
+difficulties, inevitably attendant upon taking the
+Mendere in its whole course for the Homeric Scamander,
+but to suppose that the river of Bunárbashi
+was the <i>ancient</i> Scamander, that it gave name
+to the united stream, and that the part of the Mendere
+above the junction was the Simoeis. The
+latter name appears to have become obsolete during
+the ages in which the events of the war of Troy
+had been almost forgotten on the scene itself, and
+in the time of Demetrius and Strabo to have been
+known only to antiquaries inquiring into the topography
+of the Ilias. The name of Scamander on the
+other hand, being the more illustrious of the two,
+and a name apparently of familiar import in Asia
+Minor&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a>&#x2060;, was retained in use: but as the river of Bunárbashi
+had lost much of its local importance, and
+had now become of inferior consideration, the name
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">[291]</span>of Scamander before attached to the united stream
+and to the Bunárbashi-su, was after the revival of
+New Ilium by Lysimachus (and perhaps long before
+that time) applied to the united stream and to the
+whole course of the Mendere.</p>
+
+<p>In some of the preceding pages we have had
+occasion to remark in the instances of the Sangarius,
+Mæander, and Hermus, how easily the names
+of two branches of a river are confounded with
+one another or with the united stream, and how
+readily they are transferred from the one to the
+other. In addition to these examples, it may be observed
+that a similar transmutation of name in two
+branches of the same river, under circumstances
+which cannot so easily be accounted for as in the
+Trojan rivers, is to be found in Thessaly, where the
+river called by Herodotus and Thucydides Apidanus,
+is undoubtedly the same as the Enipeus of
+later writers, whose Apidanus is at twelve miles
+distance, and joins the other branch not far from the
+confluence of the united stream with the Peneus.</p>
+
+<p>The principal causes of the obscurity into which
+the Homeric Scamander (or river of Bunárbashi)
+had fallen at the time of Demetrius, are sufficiently
+manifest. When Troy stood at Bunárbashi, it was
+natural that the river which had its sources under
+the walls should be one of the <i>deified</i> rivers of the
+district. In the climate of Greece a perennial fountain,
+however small, was held in at least equal honour
+with a large torrent affording only water that
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">[292]</span>was either turbid or stagnant: and we find many
+proofs in ancient history, and upon ancient monuments,
+especially coins, of the importance often attached
+to streams, however diminutive, which flow
+near the sites of large cities. It is not surprising,
+therefore, that the river, which from the position of
+its sources and from its utility was more peculiarly
+the river of Troy, should, while Troy flourished, have
+had a preference over the broad torrent in giving
+name to the united stream; or that its local importance
+should have ceased when the capital of the
+district was removed to a situation nearer the sea.</p>
+
+<p>But besides these accidental causes, there were
+others arising from physical changes which tended
+to destroy the importance of the river of Bunárbashi.
+The Mendere and its tributary streams, which
+flow from Aktshi-Kiúi, from the Kamára valley,
+from Tshiblak and from Ghiumbrek, being all torrents
+descending from lofty mountains, bring down
+with them a great quantity of stones, earth, and
+other matter: while the Bunárbashi stream, deriving
+all its water from pure deep-seated veins, has
+little or no deposit. Hence during the ages which
+have elapsed since the Trojan war, the eastern side
+of the plain has been gradually rising; the course
+of the Mendere has been gradually receding from
+that side&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a>&#x2060;, and the western side has become more
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">[293]</span>and more marshy; until at length the Bunárbashi,
+instead of uniting with the Mendere about the
+middle of the plain, as in the time of the Trojan
+war, is now forced to find its way through the
+marshes on the western side, and from those marshes
+into the Mendere by two exits not far from Kum-Kale,
+or towards the ancient Sigeium. Its waters
+in the plain have been still further diminished by
+a canal, which carries off a large portion of them
+into another stream, which joins not the Hellespont,
+but the Ægæan, at a part of the coast situated
+not less than seven miles from the ancient
+mouth of the Scamander. Whether this canal
+is the remains of an ancient work made for the
+purpose of draining the plain, when it became
+marshy by the operation of the causes above stated,
+or whether it was formed by the Turks merely for
+its present use, of turning some mills, may be
+doubtful: its effect has been to cut off in summer
+all communication between the Bunárbashi springs
+and the marshy ground on the western side of the
+plain; so that it is only in rainy seasons that the
+old bed of the river, which is still very traceable,
+is now filled with water. I shall here take occasion
+to remark, that the manner in which the alluvion
+collects in this plain, as already described, will account
+for an apparent difficulty in regard to those
+passages of the Ilias which shew that the Scamander
+(the united stream) flowed on the left of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">[294]</span>Grecian encampment, or toward Rhœteium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a>&#x2060;, instead
+of towards Sigeium, as might be inferred from
+Strabo&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> and present appearances: for it is evident
+from the causes mentioned, that the altered course
+of the river would be to the westward of the former
+course; and consequently that when there was a
+bay at the mouth of the Scamander, the river probably
+issued into that bay, not towards its western,
+but towards its eastern side&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>&#x2060;. No appearance of
+a bay indeed is now visible; but its former existence
+is undoubted, as well from the testimony of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">[295]</span>Homer as from the physical structure of the land.
+Instead of two promontories with a beach between
+them, as described by the poet, there is now only
+one low point of land, which has been formed between
+the two ancient capes by the soil brought down
+from the upper country by the river, and deposited
+at its mouth in the course of ages. The rate at
+which the new land has accumulated may be inferred
+from Strabo and Pliny, from whom it appears
+that in their time New Ilium was distant about a
+Roman mile and a half from the nearest shore&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a>&#x2060;.
+Now it appears from the existing vestiges of New
+Ilium, by those of its citadel on the summit of the
+hill of Paleó Kastro, which rises behind Kalafatli,
+and Kum Kiui, and by other remains on the
+western slope of that hill,—that the lower part
+of the town reached nearly to the position of
+Kum Kiui, which is three miles from the shore,
+or more than double the distance assigned by
+Strabo. Allowing therefore the same rate of accumulation
+between the Trojan war and the Augustan
+age, as since that period, it becomes probable that
+in the former age the sea reached to about half a
+mile below the position of Kum Kiui: and consequently
+that Hestiæa of Alexandria was nearly correct
+in supposing that all the plain below the hill
+of New Ilium had been gained from the sea since
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">[296]</span>the time of the Trojan war&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a>&#x2060;,—the sandy ground at
+the extremity of the slope of that hill, which gives
+name to Kum Kiui (Sand-village), marks perhaps
+what was at one period the sea beach. To those
+who may think this formation of new land over-rated&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a>&#x2060;,
+it is to be observed, that in every instance
+in which the history of Greece has left us the
+means of comparison, the same phenomenon has
+occurred in the maritime plains; and that in the
+instances of the Spercheius and Mæander, but particularly
+of the latter, the soil has been formed in
+the same period of time with a much greater rapidity.</p>
+
+<p>From all these considerations, therefore, it seems
+highly probable that the mouth of the Scamander
+in the time of the Trojan war was not far from
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">[297]</span>the situation now occupied by the village of Kum
+Kiui, and that the river of Bunárbashi or Scamander,
+instead of then creeping along the foot
+of the southern and western heights, crossed the
+plain from near Erkessi in the direction of Kum
+Kiui, and that it joined the Mendere or Simoeis
+towards the middle of the plain, perhaps not far
+from the present village of Kalafatli. The passages
+of the Ilias in which the πόρος, or ford of the Scamander
+is mentioned, tend to show that such must
+have been the course of the river, if Troy stood at
+Bunárbashi; and we have seen that the nature of
+the plain, and the manner in which the alluvion has
+been accumulated, render such a state of the river
+in ancient times highly probable.</p>
+
+<p>A third objection to Bunárbashi as the site of
+Troy is, that its distance from the Grecian station
+at the mouth of the Scamander is so great as to
+render impossible some of the events of the Ilias.
+In considering this distance, however, we must first
+deduct from the actual distance of Bunárbashi
+from the nearest shore, the new land formed
+since the Trojan war, together with the <i>depth</i> of
+the Grecian encampment, which in <i>length</i> extended
+from the foot of the hill of Achilleium on
+the right, to the mouth of the Scamander on the
+left. The new land we have already seen to have
+been nearly all that which now lies below Kum
+Kiui. The following are the only circumstances
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">[298]</span>upon which we may build a judgement as to the
+extent of the Grecian encampment.</p>
+
+<p>According to the poet, the bay was too narrow
+to contain the whole fleet, which was therefore arranged
+in several lines&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a>&#x2060;. Although nothing but
+necessity could have made the Greeks submit to
+having any of their vessels at a distance from the
+sea, and that we may therefore suppose the number
+of lines to have been as few as possible, the poet’s
+expression will hardly allow the supposition that
+there were fewer than four or five lines. And this
+number agrees very well with the dimensions of the
+ground: for if we allow 25 feet for the breadth of
+each ship, added to the interval between it and the
+next, we shall find that about one-fifth of 1200,
+which is the amount of Homer’s enumeration&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a>&#x2060;,
+would have been sufficient to occupy the space of
+one mile and a quarter, to which the rear of the
+Greek encampment was confined by the hill of
+Achilleium on the right, and by the river on the left,
+supposing its mouth to have been near Kum Kiui&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">[299]</span></p>
+
+<p>For the breadth or depth of the encampment it
+would not be necessary to assign more than three
+or four hundred yards, if it were measured only by
+the length of the ships, added to the necessary
+interval between the rows: but it is obvious that
+a large space must, either in the length or depth
+of the encampment, have been required for the
+tents of the leaders, for the chariots and horses,
+for the market, and for the places to contain the
+cattle and other commodities which the Greeks
+collected for provisions, or to be exchanged for
+wine&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a>&#x2060;. In short, for a permanent encampment of
+between 50,000 and 100,000 men&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a>&#x2060;, with a front
+of a mile and a quarter, a depth of not less than
+half a mile would be necessary. Such a space
+would not be greater than was required by the Romans
+for their encampments&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a>&#x2060;; in which, although
+there was ample accommodation for the several departments
+of the army, there was no necessity for
+the space required in the camp before Troy, for the
+ships, and for some of the other incumbrances incidental
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">[300]</span>to its permanence. On the one hand we
+can hardly restrict the Greek camp to a smaller
+space than I have mentioned, because it would have
+been insufficient to contain the ships and tents:
+on the other, a much larger can hardly be assigned;
+because the inconvenience of having any of the
+ships at a distance from the sea-shore would be a
+powerful motive for contracting the space towards
+the plain, and because the poet expressly states that
+the army was crowded&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>In considering, therefore, the transactions of the
+Ilias, the present distance of Bunárbashi from the
+mouth of the Scamander must be diminished about
+three miles and a half, in order to give the distance
+between Troy and the Grecian rampart, which will
+thus be reduced to about six miles.</p>
+
+<p>The events which have been considered most inconsistent
+with the distance of Bunárbashi from the
+Hellespont, are those occurring on the days called
+by Pope the 23d and 28th; the former day occupies
+the 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, and the greater part
+of the 7th books of the poem; the 28th day extends
+from the beginning of the 11th to the middle of
+the 18th book.</p>
+
+<p>On the 23d day the Greeks are drawn out, after
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">[301]</span>their forenoon’s repast, in the plain lying between
+the rampart and the Scamander; and from thence
+they advance to the city, where, after the duel between
+Menelaus and Paris, the armies join battle
+with alternate success. At one time the Trojans
+have so far prevailed as to have approached the
+Greek camp&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a>&#x2060;; and at another, the Greeks are
+again near the city&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a>&#x2060;. Hector then rallies his army;
+a duel ensues between him and Ajax, which is put
+an end to by the approach of night&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a>&#x2060;, and the
+Greeks retire to their encampment. It does not
+seem necessary to suppose that the ground passed
+over by the Greeks on this day is more than 20
+or 22 miles; six of which were performed after the
+close of day.</p>
+
+<p>On the 28th day the two armies drawn out in
+the plain before the Greek encampment, fought
+only with the light troops until the hour of the
+woodman’s meal&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a>&#x2060;, which, to judge by modern
+customs, was about 9 or 10 o’clock in the forenoon.
+The charioteers of the two armies having
+then come to action, the Greeks had the superiority,
+and beat back the Trojans quite to the walls
+of Troy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a>&#x2060;, where Agamemnon being wounded,
+Hector in turn leads the victorious Trojans to the
+Grecian rampart, forces it, and fights at the ships.
+Patroclus then advances to battle in the armour of
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">[302]</span>Achilles, and drives the Trojans back to the city.
+Here he is slain, and the Trojans again advance
+near to the Greek camp before the day closes&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a>&#x2060;.
+As the movements on this day carry the parties
+quite up to the hostile fortifications, the distance
+passed over is in so much, but no more, greater
+than on the 23d day; and 24 miles seems to be
+the utmost distance that we are obliged to suppose
+the Greeks to have passed over on this day.</p>
+
+<p>In considering the probability of these exploits,
+we must take into consideration that whatever may
+have been the proportion of the infantry to the
+chariots, the extreme distances appear to have been
+performed only by the latter; for Homer, in all
+the great movements from the Greek camp to
+Troy, and from Troy to the Greek camp, as well
+as in all the principal actions, notices the chariots
+only. Even in the assault of the wall, in the beginning
+of the 12th book, Hector descends from
+his chariot; and all the other Trojans, adds the
+poet, follow his example.</p>
+
+<p>Not much argument, however, seems necessary
+against objections which, when allowed in their fullest
+force, are founded only on the exaggerations of a
+poet, to whom, however accurate as a geographer
+and historian when it was his object to be so, we
+cannot refuse the usual poetical liberties in some of
+the most animated descriptions which his work
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">[303]</span>contains. If the labours of the Trojan and Grecian
+heroes in the two days the events of which are
+thought to disprove the position of Troy at Bunárbashi,
+were too great for ordinary men; they were
+not beyond the power of heroes who could hurl
+such rocks as two men in the time of the poet
+were unable even to lift&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a>&#x2060;; who could make their
+voices heard from the centre to either extremity&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a>&#x2060;,
+or even from the one end to the other&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> of an encampment
+of sixty or eighty thousand men; and
+who could see so clearly, that Helen is able from
+the walls of Troy to point out and minutely describe
+all the leaders of the Grecian host, when the whole
+Trojan army lay between&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a>&#x2060;. It is evident that these
+are fictions which the Muse allows and encourages;
+and instances of them are so frequent throughout
+the poem, that it cannot be necessary to make any
+more particular reference to them. At one time
+the poet found it convenient to magnify beyond probability,
+or even beyond possibility, the common occurrences
+of war; at another, to bring together the
+actions of an extensive field, in order to present
+them to view in one continued scene.</p>
+
+<p>A fourth objection which has been made against
+the site of Bunárbashi is, that in this position it
+would have been impossible for Achilles to have pursued
+Hector three times round the walls of Troy,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">[304]</span>as Homer relates. But does Homer really so relate?
+It cannot be denied that many interpreters, ancient
+and modern, have understood the poet in this sense;
+and it is perhaps the most obvious meaning to a cursory
+reader, who does not particularly consider the
+fact described, or who has not, by a view of the site
+of Troy, been convinced of its extreme improbability.
+Virgil, however, who in the latter part of the
+12th book of the Æneis, has very closely imitated
+every part of Homer’s description of the encounter
+between Achilles and Hector, seems to have understood
+his prototype very differently. He does not
+represent Turnus as pursued by his adversary <i>round</i>
+the walls of Laurentum, but as forming a circle in
+a plain which was bounded by those walls, by a
+marsh, and by the Trojan army. In like manner
+the pursuit of Hector by Achilles occurred in sight
+of the Trojans, collected on the ramparts on one
+side, and of the Grecian army drawn out in the
+plain on the other. And the poet, in describing
+the action, mentions no objects passed by Hector
+and Achilles, except the Scæan or Dardanian gate,
+the carriage-way under the walls, the Erineus, and
+the source of the Scamander&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a>&#x2060;; all places which we
+know to have been on the side of the city towards
+the plain. Can it be supposed that Homer intended
+to describe the heroes as following such a track as
+must have concealed them entirely from the view of
+both armies, except in a small portion of the circle?</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">[305]</span></p>
+
+<p>It has justly been observed by Lechevalier and
+Choiseul Gouffier that the word περὶ, which has
+given rise to the erroneous interpretation of this
+passage, means, in other passages&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> perfectly similar,
+<i>near</i> or <i>before</i> the city, and not <i>around</i> it.
+To this I may add, that no supposed situation
+of the city, which is not entirely in the plain,
+will suit the idea of a course round the entire
+circuit of the walls; and that such a situation
+would be totally unadapted to the description
+which Homer has given of Troy, as windy&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a>&#x2060;,
+ lofty&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a>&#x2060;,
+and as surmounted with a citadel bordered
+by precipices&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a>&#x2060;. Strabo in fact, following Demetrius,
+makes use of this very argument to prove
+that the ancient city did not stand at New Ilium;
+round which, he remarks, it would have been impossible
+for Achilles to have pursued Hector&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a>&#x2060;. It
+would seem, therefore, that the poet, as a keen observer
+of nature, intended to describe that circular
+course, which a person invariably takes when he
+runs from another, and finds no shelter or advantageous
+position for defending himself. The track
+of the two heroes was from the Scæan gate, along
+the road under the walls, by the Erineus, and by
+the fountains of the Scamander back again to the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">[306]</span>Scæan gate. Ὣς οἳ τρὶς Πριάμοιο πόλιν περὶ δινηθήτην&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<hr class="tb">
+
+<p>It remains to offer a few remarks in justification
+of the north-eastern portion of the map which accompanies
+the present volume. This part of Asia
+Minor was called Pontus by the Romans, from its
+bordering on the Euxine <i>sea</i>: though it still retained
+the divisions of its ancient inhabitants, the Bithyni,
+Maryandini, Caucones, and Paphlagones. Here, as
+in many other parts of the peninsula, modern travellers
+have not yet afforded us sufficient information
+to enable us to make the best use of the evidence
+of ancient history. The astronomical observations
+of M. Beauchamp and Capt. Gauttier have been of
+great importance in giving the correct length of the
+coast, its general outline, and the exact position of
+the principal places: but it requires such a careful
+survey as that of the southern coast by Capt. Beaufort,
+to illustrate fully the three ancient Periplus of
+the Pontic coast&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a>&#x2060;, and to correct the numerical
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">[307]</span>errors which their disagreement with one another
+proves to exist in them.</p>
+
+<p>On the sea-coast all the most important sites of
+antiquity are determined by the actual names.—These
+sites are <i>Rhebas</i>, now Ríva; <i>Calpe</i>, Kerpe;
+the river <i>Sangarius</i>, Sakaría; <i>Heraclia</i>, Erégri;
+the river <i>Parthenius</i>, Bartan, in Greek Parthéni;
+<i>Amastris</i>, Amásera; <i>Cytorus</i>, Kídros; <i>Thymena</i>,
+Temena; <i>Carambis</i>, Kerempe; <i>Abonuteichus</i>, afterward
+<i>Ionopolis</i>, Aináboli; <i>Cinolis</i>, Kinóli; <i>Stephane</i>,
+Istefán, in Greek Stéfanos; <i>Sinope</i>, Sinub,
+in Greek Sinópi; <i>Carusa</i>, Kerze; <i>Amisus</i>, Samsun.
+With these data it will not be difficult for
+the future traveller to fix the intermediate names
+of the three Periplus: especially as existing vestiges
+of antiquity, and the rivers which form a large
+proportion of the ancient names, will greatly facilitate
+the task.</p>
+
+<p>Although the route along this coast, in the
+Peutinger Table, is unworthy of much notice, and
+conveys very little information, it is right to point
+out the obvious correction of one remarkable error
+which it contains. The author, misled by the
+similarity of the name of Amastris (written Mastrum
+in the Table) with that of Amasia, has substituted
+the coast-road from Amastris to Sinope
+for that leading from Amasia to Sinope. Of this
+the names along the latter route in the Table, although
+disfigured, leave no doubt.—Cromen, Cythero,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">[308]</span>Egilan, Carambas, Stefano, Syrtas, are obviously
+intended for Cromna, Cytorum, Ægiali,
+Carambis, Stephane, Syrias; and the sum of the
+distances, 149 M. P., is tolerably correct. It
+is probable, therefore, that the two roads should
+change places in the Table; although it must be
+confessed that no proof of this inference is to be
+found in the road of the Table from Mastrum to
+Sinope; for the sum of the distances of the three
+places on that route is not above half the real road-distance,
+and I can find no traces of their names
+(Tycæ, Cereæ, and Miletus) in any other ancient
+author.</p>
+
+<p>Another and a more important defect in the routes
+of the Table through Paphlagonia, is the omission
+of the name of the place which by its <i>two towers</i> is
+shown to have been the most remarkable on the road
+leading from Nicomedia to Gangra, with a branch
+to Amasia. As this route of the Table lies between
+the coast road and that leading from Nicæa to
+Amasia by Juliopolis, Ancyra, and Tavium, it
+seems evidently to have been the same as the modern
+road from Nicomedia to Amasia by Boli; for
+the structure of the country, and the direction of
+its mountains, passes, valleys, and rivers, must naturally
+have led the main ancient road in the same
+direction as the modern. The position in the Table
+of the place with two towers without a name, relatively
+to the two ends of the route, shows that it
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">[309]</span>stood on or about the site now occupied by Boli.
+Now Boli is evidently an abbreviation of some name
+ending in Polis, which in process of time was vulgarly
+used in that form, like ἡ πόλις for Constantinople.
+In Honorias, which under Constantine
+formed a district separate from Paphlagonia proper,
+lying between it and Bithynia, there were three
+places with the termination of polis—Claudiopolis,
+or Bithynium; Flaviopolis, or Cratia; and Hadrianopolis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a>&#x2060;.
+The other towns of Honorias were Tium,
+Heraclia Pontica, and Prusias on the Hypius; so
+that the district seems to have chiefly comprehended
+the country lying between the Sangarius and
+the Billæus. Bithynium or Claudiopolis was on the
+Sangarius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a>&#x2060;; and having been originally a colony
+from Greece&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a>&#x2060;, was probably not far from the
+mouth of that river, Greek colonies having generally
+settled in maritime situations, as we see instanced
+in several cities on this coast. Flaviopolis
+was twenty or thirty miles from Claudiopolis, on the
+road leading from that place to Ancyra&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a>&#x2060;; consequently
+to the westward of Boli. Boli, therefore,
+seems to have been the ancient Hadrianopolis. It
+is singular that among the numerous inscriptions
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">[310]</span>which so many travellers agree in having observed
+near Boli, not one should yet have been copied,
+containing the name of the ancient city.</p>
+
+<p>The other places on this road in the Table have
+been inserted in the Map, in the situations which
+I have thought the most probable, trusting less to
+the distances in the Table, (which are probably not
+more correct in detail than they are in the general
+result,) than to the situation of the valleys and fertile
+districts. Potamia, a place which Strabo has
+noticed as being in this part of the country&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a>&#x2060;, seems
+to have stood in the valley of Beinder, where the
+branches of the Parthenius first unite into a considerable
+stream.</p>
+
+<p>On another route in the Table, which crosses
+the preceding nearly at right angles, the only place
+named between Gangra and Sinope is Pompeiopolis.
+This place seems to have occupied the site of
+Tash Kiupri, as well from the position of that modern
+town, as from the considerable remains of antiquity
+found there, and which are apparently of the
+date when Pompeiopolis may be supposed to have
+flourished.</p>
+
+<p>Of Germanicopolis, or Germanopolis, we know
+only that it was one of the principal places of the
+interior of Paphlagonia, and that it continued to
+be so in the sixth century&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a>&#x2060;. It has probably left
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">[311]</span>some remains similar to those of Pompeiopolis,
+though they have not yet been discovered by modern
+travellers. D’Anville supposed Germanicopolis
+to have occupied the site of Kastamúni; but
+the words in the Novellæ of Justinian seem to
+place it near Gangra&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a>&#x2060;.—Kastamúni is the modern
+corruption of Castamon, which we find mentioned
+in the Byzantine history&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a>&#x2060;, and which may
+have been a more ancient name, although it is not
+found in Ptolemy, nor in any authority earlier
+than the 12th century.</p>
+
+<p>The subordinate districts of Paphlagonia and
+Cappadocia Pontica; namely, Timonitis, Bogdomanis,
+Zygiani, Marmolitis, Blaene, Domanitis,
+Cimiatene, Gazelonitis, Saramene, Phamezonitis,
+Diacopene, Babamonitis,—have been inserted in the
+map, from the information, as well as it could be
+understood, of Strabo and Ptolemy; and some of
+the Turkish names from the still obscurer description
+of Abubekr Ben Behrem.</p>
+
+<p>It is much to be regretted that no modern traveller
+has visited Tshorúm, which there is the
+strongest reason to believe occupies the site of Tavium,
+the chief fortress of the Trocmi, and a very
+important point in the ancient itineraries.</p>
+
+<p>Upon comparing the road from Tavium to Cæsareia
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">[312]</span>(Mazaca) in the Table with that in the Antonine
+itinerary, we find that none of the names
+agree—that the distance in the Table is nearly double
+that in the Antonine—and that both of them
+give an incorrect rate to the Roman mile. It might
+be supposed, in explanation of this difficulty, that
+there were two roads from Tavium to Cæsareia;
+but I am inclined to think there is some error here
+in the Antonine, as it places Soanda on this road,
+which we have good authority for believing to have
+been in a very different situation, namely, on the
+great western road from Cæsareia, between that
+city and Garsabora&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">[313]</span></p>
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="ADDITIONAL_NOTES">ADDITIONAL NOTES.</h2>
+
+</div>
+
+<p>I have reserved to this place all observations on the geographical
+information contained in the Latin historians of the 12th
+century, who have described the first crusade&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a>&#x2060;; because, upon
+a careful examination of it, I have not found any thing either to
+invalidate or materially to confirm that which is deducible from
+the ancients or from the Byzantines. At the same time there
+are several passages in the Latin historians which may receive
+some illustration from the cotemporary Greeks, or from the
+ancient geographical authorities.</p>
+
+<h3 id="Note_1">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>The following is the substance, of a short account, by Anna
+Comnena, of the military operations in Bithynia in the autumn
+of the year 1096, which proved fatal to so many of the followers
+of Peter the Hermit. Peter having passed over into Asia, contrary
+to the advice which the Emperor Alexius gave him to wait
+for the other crusaders who were then on the way, encamped at
+Helenopolis, from whence the Normans proceeded to ravage the
+country around Nicæa; and having successfully defended themselves
+against a body of Turks, which advanced against them, they
+carried back their spoil in safety to Helenopolis. In a second expedition
+they occupied the fort of Xerigordus, but the sultan Kilidj
+Arslan, having sent one of his officers against them, retook
+that place, slew many of the Normans, and made many of them
+prisoners. He then sent two men to raise a report in the
+camp at Helenopolis, that the Normans had taken possession
+of Nicæa, and were plundering it; when the other troops, desirous
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">[314]</span>of sharing in the spoil, proceeded in a disorderly manner
+towards Nicæ: and thus they fell into an ambuscade which the
+Sultan had stationed in a place called Draco, and were cut to
+pieces. The number that fell was so great that their bones
+formed a mountain. Peter then retired to Helenopolis, where
+he was invested by the Turks: but the Emperor, unwilling that
+he should be taken, sent his officer Catacalon with some ships
+to his succour, upon whose arrival the Turks retired, and Peter
+returned with his surviving followers into Europe.</p>
+
+<p>From the Latins there is great difficulty in extracting any
+clear account of these events, which may partly be ascribed
+to the want of a good map, partly to the ignorance of the
+authors in ancient geography, but chiefly to the circumstance
+of none of those writers having been personally engaged
+in Peter’ s imprudent expedition. They agree tolerably well
+with the Greek Princess in regard to the principal events, but
+are at variance both with her and with one another as to many
+of the particulars. They relate that the crusaders, having
+crossed the Bosphorus, marched to Nicomedia, and from thence
+to a place on the sea-side called Civitot or Civito, where they
+were amply supplied with provisions by sea. The French
+troops, separating from the others, spread themselves over the
+country and took possession of an abandoned fortress called
+Exerogorgo (the Xerigordus of Anna Comnena), the situation
+of which is variously described as four days beyond Nicomedia,
+as four days beyond Nicæa, and as three or four miles from the
+latter. Here they were soon surrounded by the Turks, who cut
+off their supply of water, slew many of them, and at length, by
+the treachery of one of the French chieftains named Reynald,
+captured many more. Soon after this event there was a general
+action in the field, which was fatal to the gallant military commander
+of Peter’s army, Gauthier Sansavoir, (Walter the moneyless,)
+as well as to several other distinguished leaders. The
+exact scene of action it is very difficult to understand, though it
+rather appears from a comparison of Anna Comnena with Albert
+of Aix-la-Chapelle, and William of Tyre, the two Latin authors
+who have given the fullest account of these transactions, to have
+been at the northern extremity of the plain of Nicæa, and on the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">[315]</span>adjoining hills. The chief slaughter of the Franks seems to have
+occurred in the passes leading from thence to the sea, of which
+passes the Turks had made themselves masters during the action,
+unknown to the enemy. According to the Latin historians, a
+part of their army found its way back to Civitot, where they were
+speedily surrounded by the Turks, and where they would have
+been in great danger of being all slain or taken, had not the
+Turks been induced, by the mediation of Alexis, to retire, and
+to leave the crusaders at liberty to return to Constantinople.</p>
+
+<p>It naturally occurs, on reading these two accounts of the
+same events, that Helenopolis, which name is not found in the
+Gesta Dei per Francos, was the same place which the authors
+of that collection mean by Civitot; but a little further examination
+will show this supposition to be inadmissible. In the first
+place, the passage of Procopius referred to in page <a href="#Page_8">8</a> of this volume&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a>
+is a convincing proof that Helenopolis was on the shore
+of the Gulf of Nicomedia. Procopius, in complaining of the injury
+which Justinian had done to the imperial establishment for
+the relay of horses on all the great post roads of the empire&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a>&#x2060;, remarks
+in particular, that the abolition of the post from Chalcedon
+to Dacibyza had obliged all persons who were going from Constantinople
+to Helenopolis to cross the sea in small boats, which
+often exposed them to great danger. It is evident, as well from
+this passage of Procopius as from several others in Anna Comnena,
+that Helenopolis was the usual place of debarkation for those
+going from the capital to Nicæa and the south eastward, as the Dil
+or Glossa is at present; and hence Constantine turned his attention
+to this important point soon after he had established the
+seat of empire at Byzantium, giving to the village of Drepanum&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a>&#x2060;,
+which before stood there, the name of Helenopolis in
+honour of his mother. From the same sense of its importance,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">[316]</span>Justinian augmented Helenopolis, and constructed there an
+aqueduct, a bath, and other buildings&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>Secondly, it cannot be doubted that the barbarous name Civitot
+or Civito, which, like many other parts of the narrative, the authors
+of the Gesta Dei have copied from one another, is no other than
+the Κιβωτὸς (pronounced Kivotó in modern Greek) of Anna Comnena.
+In the following year we find that it was the place of debarkation
+and maritime supply for the crusaders, especially during
+their operations before Nicæa; and it clearly appears, upon a
+comparison of the Latin historians with Anna, to have been in the
+Gulf of Cius, and not far from that city: for the former state that,
+in order to complete the blockade of Nicæa, and to prevent the
+Turks in the city from receiving succours by the lake, boats were
+collected at Civitot and conveyed from thence overland into the
+lake; while from the Greek princess we learn&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> that this operation,
+which according to her was performed by placing the boats
+in chariots, took place on the side of the lake towards Cius.
+Here, in fact, the ground was more favourable to it than in any
+part of the borders of the lake, and here also the lake approaches
+nearest to the sea, the interval being, as Albert of Aix remarks,
+about seven miles.</p>
+
+<p>As to the statement of Anna, that Alexius sent ships to the
+assistance of Peter, when invested by the Turks at Helenopolis,
+compared with that of the Latin historians, who represent Civitot
+to have been the last retreat of the crusaders, the only mode
+of reconciling this apparent contradiction is to suppose that the
+defeated and dispersed crusaders retreated through the woods
+to both those places, that both were invested by the victorious
+Turks, but that it was to Helenopolis that Alexius sent his
+admiral, whose interference with the Turks liberated the Franks
+at Cibotus, as well as those who were shut up in Helenopolis.</p>
+
+<h3>NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>The Latin historians are at variance with one another, and
+with Anna Comnena, in many of the circumstances attending
+the march of the crusaders, after the capture of Nicæa, to the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">[317]</span>plain of Dorylæum, and relating to the great battle which took
+place there. Thus much however may be gathered from them:
+that the crusaders moved in a single line in two days from Nicæa
+to Leucæ; that at Leucæ they crossed the Gallus by a bridge,
+and halted for two days to refresh themselves and their cattle in
+that fertile valley. They then divided themselves into two
+bodies; that which was accompanied by Godfrey took the road
+to the right, (the road probably which now leads through Bozavik,)
+while Bohemond and the remainder of the forces pursued
+the direct route to Dorylæum. On the fourth day, the
+latter corps being then, as it appears, encamped on the banks
+of the Thymbres in the plain of Dorylæum not far to the westward
+of that town, was attacked by an immense army of Turks
+under Kilidj Arslan. They supported the unequal contest from
+the 2d to the 8th hour of the day, when Godfrey, who had received
+from the messengers of Bohemond intelligence of what
+was occurring, arrived, and, making an immediate attack on the
+flank and rear of the Sultan’s army, gained a complete victory
+over them.</p>
+
+<h3>NOTE TO PAGES <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>The crusaders now marched in a single body and suffered
+extreme distress from a want of water in the dry and barren
+country which they had to traverse, until they arrived at a river
+which appears to have been at no great distance from Antioch
+the Less, or Antiocheia of Pisidia. At this city several chieftains
+with their followers separated themselves from the main
+body and pursued different routes; the remainder moved forward
+to Iconium. It must be admitted, that if the evidence as
+to the position of Antiocheia of Pisidia contained in this part of
+the Gesta Dei is not sufficient to overthrow that of Strabo and
+the Peutinger Table,—both which authorities tend to show that
+it was not exactly on the modern route from Eski Shehr to
+Konia by Bulwudun and Ak Shehr,—it is at least a proof that
+Antiocheia lay not far from that line. The river which relieved
+the sufferings of the crusaders seems to have been that which
+flows through the plain of Karahissár to the lake of Bulwudún.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">[318]</span></p>
+
+<h3>NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>The princess Anna is silent as to all the proceedings of the
+crusaders between the battle of Dorylæum and their arrival before
+Antioch of Syria. But the Latins agree in stating that,
+after marching from Iconium, they arrived at a place which is
+variously spelt Erachia, Eraclia, Heraclea, Reclei; and that here
+they turned to the right through the mountains to Tarsus.
+Some of them add, that on the first day from Iconium they were
+obliged to take a provision of water in skins, because none was
+met with at the end of that day’s journey; that on the second
+day they arrived at a river, and on the third at Heraclea. This
+account of the country through which the crusaders marched
+after quitting Iconium, is in every respect so accurate a description
+of the route from Konia to Tarsus through Erkle, that no
+doubt can remain of Erkle having been the place at which they
+arrived at the end of the third day’s march from Iconium,—and
+hence the authority of their historians may perhaps have been
+considered a proof that Erkle is the position of one of the many
+Greek cities called Heracleia. I have already remarked, however,
+that there does not appear at any period of ancient history to
+have been a Heracleia in this quarter of Asia Minor; and I have
+stated my reasons for thinking that Erkle is a corruption not
+of Ἡράκλεια but of Ἄρχαλλα. It must be recollected that the
+Mussulmans had been in possession of that part of the country
+400 years before the arrival of the crusaders, and that sufficient
+time therefore had elapsed for the Greek name to have assumed
+the form of corruption which it now bears: Albert of Aix, who
+writes it Reclei, which nearly represents the present sound, furnishes
+us with a strong presumption that it really had then assumed
+that form.</p>
+
+<p>It is natural that the historians of the crusade, having a sufficient
+degree of learning to write in Latin, but no profound
+knowledge of ancient geography, should have had just so much
+familiarity with the name of Heraclea as would lead them to suppose
+Erkle to be a corruption of Heraclea, and would induce
+them to translate it in Latin by that word. It has been seen,
+however, that they did not all so convert it. Tudebode, Archbishop
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">[319]</span>Baldric, and the Abbot Guibert, all write it Erachia.
+Upon the whole, therefore, I find nothing in the Gesta Dei
+which invalidates the conjecture of Erkle being the site of
+Archalla.</p>
+
+<h3 id="Note_2">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>In addition to the other proofs which I have given in the
+note to this page of the little dependence that can be placed on
+Xenophon’s description of the route of Cyrus through Asia
+Minor, the following may also be mentioned: Xenophon states
+that there were three stations or thirty parasangs between Colossæ
+and Celænæ: the distance by the road is not more than
+30 miles.</p>
+
+<h3 id="Note_3">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>The following is the description of Cilicia by Ammianus:
+“Superatis Tauri montis verticibus, qui ad solis ortum sublimius
+attolluntur, Cilicia spatiis porrigitur late distentis, dives
+bonis omnibus terra ejusque lateri dextro adnexa Isauria; pari
+sorte uberi palmite viret, et frugibus multis; quam mediam
+navigabile flumen Calycadnus interscindit. Et hanc quidem,
+præter oppida multa, duæ civitates exornant; Seleucia opus
+Seleuci regis, et Claudiopolis quam deduxit coloniam Claudius
+Cæsar. Isaura ... ægre vestigia claritudinis pristinæ monstrat
+admodum pauca.” Ammian. l. 14. c. 25. The situation of
+Mout between the two great parallel ridges of Taurus corresponds
+exactly with that of Claudiopolis as described by Theophanes:
+Κλαυδιοπόλεως ... τῆς μεταξὺ τῶν δύο Ταύρων ἐν πεδίῳ
+κειμένης. In the 3rd year of the Emperor Anastasius, Claudiopolis,
+which had been recently recovered by Diogenes from the
+Isaurians, was again suddenly invested by them and reduced to
+the greatest extremity, when it was opportunely relieved by
+John Cyrtus and Conon bishop of Apameia, who suddenly
+crossing the passes of Taurus (those between Mout and Láranda),
+were assisted by a sortie of Diogenes, and thus completely
+defeated the Isaurians. The bishop died of a wound
+which he received in the action. Theoph. Chronog. p. 119.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">[320]</span></p>
+
+<p>Strabo (p. 672) describes a very ancient Greek colony of
+the name of Olbe, founded by Ajax, son of Teucer, and which
+had a temple of Jupiter that preserved its sanctity and importance
+through many revolutions. He places Olbe in the mountains
+behind Soli and Cyinda, which, although not a very accurate
+description of the situation of the valley of Mout, seems
+sufficient to identify the Olbe of Strabo with the Olbasa
+which Ptolemy places in the Citis or valley of the Calycadnus.
+Nothing indeed is more probable than that this spacious, fertile,
+and easily defensible valley should have attracted a colony of
+Greeks at an early period. Hierocles mentions both Olbe
+and Claudiopolis in the province of Isauria, of which in his
+time Seleucia was the chief town. It appears also from the
+Notitiæ, that they were separate Greek bishoprics.</p>
+
+<h3 id="Note_4">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>The theatre of Telmissus is smaller than that of Patara. According
+to Foucherot, (see Choiseul Voyage Pittoresque de la
+Grèce, tome 1. pl. 72) the diameter of the theatre of Telmissus
+was 238 French feet, equal to 254 English. That of Patara is
+265 (not 295 as stated in page 182). At Telmissus the cavea
+contained 28 seats divided by a diazoma at the fifteenth seat
+from the bottom. The theatre of Patara had about 30 rows of
+seats. At Patara are the ruins of a bath, an inscription upon
+which shows that it was erected by the Emperor Vespasian.
+The theatre was built in the reign of Antoninus Pius.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">[321]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp37" id="illus05" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus05.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p>THEATRE OF PATARA.</p>
+ <p>THEATRE OF MYRA.</p>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">[322]</span></p>
+
+<h3 id="Note_5">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>By the kindness of Mr. Cockerell, I am enabled to submit
+to the reader a plan on a small scale of the theatre of Patara,
+together with a sketch of the form and dimensions of the
+theatre of Myra. Their construction resembles that of the
+other theatres of Asia Minor, as exemplified at Side&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a>&#x2060;, Telmissus,
+Miletus, Hierapolis, Laodiceia, and in several other
+smaller theatres. It differs from that of the theatres of European
+Greece in the form of the extremities of the cavea, as far as we
+can judge from such of the European Greek theatres as are sufficiently
+preserved to show the construction of that part of the
+building. In the Asiatic theatres the ends of the cavea diverged
+from the orchestra, so as to form an oblique angle to the direction
+of the scene. We find, on the contrary, that in the theatres of
+Segeste, Tauromenium, Syracuse, Sparta, Epidaurus, Sicyon,
+in the theatre of Herodes at Athens, and in that near Ioannina
+in Epirus, the extremities of the cavea were parallel to the
+scene. In both, the cavea exceeded a semicircle; but in the
+Asiatic theatres the excess was formed by producing the same
+curve at either extremity of the semicircle, until the cavea occupied
+from 200 to 225 degrees of a circle&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a>&#x2060;; whereas at Tauromenium,
+Sicyon, Epidaurus, and in the theatre near Ioannina,
+the excess above a semicircle is formed by two right lines
+drawn from the extremities of the semicircle perpendicular
+to its diameter and to the direction of the scene, as in the annexed
+figure&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp93" id="illus06" style="max-width: 15.625em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus06.jpg" alt="">
+</figure>
+
+<p>At Syracuse, the cavea was a semicircle and no more. In
+the theatre of Herodes at Athens, the excess above a semicircle
+was a curve, and it is therefore an exception to the European
+rule. The other theatres of European Greece are too much
+ruined to admit of any certainty on this point.</p>
+
+<p>Vitruvius has not noticed this remarkable difference between
+the Greek theatres of Europe and Asia; but he gives the following
+precise distinction between the Greek and the Roman
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">[323]</span>theatre: “To construct the Roman theatre,—having described
+a circle of the size intended for the lowest part of the theatre,
+inscribe in it four equilateral triangles, the angles of which will
+divide the circumference into 12 equal parts. Assume the
+side of one of the triangles for the position of the scene. A
+line drawn parallel to it through the diameter of the circle, will
+mark the separation of the pulpitum of the proscenium
+from the orchestra. The seven angles of the triangles in the
+semicircle of the orchestra determine the position of the scalæ
+or steps leading from the orchestra between the cunei into
+the first præcinctio. The scalæ leading from these to the
+second præcinctio are in the middle of the intervals between
+the scalæ of the lower cunei. The five remaining angles of the
+triangles determine the divisions of the scene, the length of
+which ought to be double the diameter of the orchestra. The construction
+of the Greek theatre differs in some respects from that
+of the Roman. In the Greek three squares are inscribed in
+the circle of the lowest part of the theatre, dividing the circumference
+into 12 equal parts as before. Having assumed a side
+of one of the squares for the position of the λογεῖον or pulpitum
+of the proscenium, a line parallel to it, touching the circumference
+of the circle in the point most distant from the cavea,
+will determine the line of the scene. Draw a diameter of the
+circle parallel to the scene, and from each extremity of the diameter
+as a centre describe a curve from the opposite extremity
+until it intersects the line of the proscenium. These two curves,
+the semicircle and the proscenium, inclose the orchestra.”</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">[324]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus07" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus07.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p>CONSTRUCTION OF THE ROMAN THEATRE, ACCORDING
+ TO VITRUVIUS.</p>
+ <ul>
+ <li>A B C D E F A Cavea.</li>
+ <li>F D Pulpitum of the Proscenium.</li>
+ <li>G H Scene.</li>
+ <li>I Proscenium.</li>
+ <li>K K Cunei separated by Scalæ.</li>
+ <li>F E D F Orchestra.</li>
+ <li>L Postscenium.</li>
+ </ul>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp83" id="illus08" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus08.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p>CONSTRUCTION OF THE ORCHESTRA OF THE GREEK
+ THEATRE, ACCORDING TO VITRUVIUS.</p>
+ <ul>
+ <li>A C Pulpitum of the Proscenium.</li>
+ <li>A B C A Orchestra.</li>
+ <li>D D Cunei of the Cavea.</li>
+ <li>E Proscenium.</li>
+ <li>F G Scene.</li>
+ <li>H I K The three centres, from which the curve of the Orchestra is described.</li>
+ </ul>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The effect of these two modes of construction was, to give a
+more spacious cavea and a more spacious orchestra to the
+Greek theatre than to the Roman; a scene further removed
+from the middle of the cavea, and a narrower pulpitum to the
+proscenium. The intention of their difference is to be found in
+the different destinations of the two theatres. Among the
+Greeks the tragic and comic actors only performed on the
+scene: all other exhibitions took place in the orchestra; and
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">[325]</span>hence their theatrical artists were divided into Scenici and Thymelici—the
+latter term being derived from the thymele or altar
+of Bacchus; which in process of time was often used as synonymous
+with the whole orchestra. The Roman theatres, on the
+other hand, being chiefly intended for dramatic representations,
+it was desirable to bring the scene as near as possible to the
+centre of the cavea; the orchestra was used only for the moveable
+seats of privileged spectators, and the cavea seldom exceeded
+a semicircle. In Roman theatres the height of the pulpitum
+above the orchestra was only five feet, that the spectators
+in that part of the theatre might command a good view of the
+stage—as in our pit; in the Greek theatres, there being no
+spectators in the orchestra, it was ten or twelve feet high&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>As no science can less bear to be fettered by rules than architecture,
+it will not be surprising to find, as we increase our
+collection of ancient examples, that the speculations of Vitruvius
+seldom agree with the ancient monuments. His rules, in fact,
+are rather to be regarded as his own system, than that which was
+followed by the architects of Greece; whose genius is in nothing
+more remarkable than in the variety which pervaded their
+designs, according to the circumstances of each particular
+work; and in the singular felicity with which they harmonized
+the several parts of those designs.</p>
+
+<p>The theatre of Patara may exemplify the rules given by Vitruvius
+for the position of the scene in Greek theatres, and for
+that of the scalæ, which determine the dimensions of the cunei:
+but, like all the other theatres in Asia Minor, it is an exception
+to his rule for constructing the curve of the orchestra or
+cavea; this curve being in all those theatres a segment of one
+and the same circle, instead of being formed from three centres.</p>
+
+<p>And even in regard to the position of the scene, the theatre
+of Patara is subject to the remark, that between the lower seat
+of the cavea and the orchestra there is a præcinctio or διάζωμα&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a>&#x2060;,
+twelve feet wide, and four feet (not ten or twelve, as he prescribes
+in Greek theatres) in height above the level of the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">[326]</span>orchestra; which diazoma must be included within the circle of
+the orchestra, in order to make the scene a tangent to that
+circle, as the rule of Vitruvius requires. The scene of the theatre
+of Myra is still more distant from the cavea.</p>
+
+<p>It is impossible to determine, without further excavation,
+whether in any existing theatre the curve of the <i>orchestra</i> at
+the two ends next the proscenium was formed from three centres
+as Vitruvius has described; but in no instance that has yet
+been remarked are the extremities of the <i>cavea</i> constructed in
+this manner; they are either right lines or continuations of the
+same circle which forms the middle of the cavea.</p>
+
+<p>The great theatre of Laodiceia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> is also an exception to the
+rules of Vitruvius, or rather it exemplifies a mixture of his Greek
+and Roman theatre; for with a cavea, spacious like that of the
+Greek theatre, it has a Roman scene; as not only appears
+from the position of the scene <i>within</i> the curve of the orchestra,
+but likewise from the great niche in the centre of the scene,
+which is found also at Hierapolis, and is remarked at Nicopolis
+of Epirus, and in some other theatres of Roman construction&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The advantage of the Asiatic over the European construction
+in Greek theatres, consisted only in the increase of capacity
+derived from the obliquity of the two ends of the cavea.
+As the spectators in the upper seats of the two extremities must
+have had a very imperfect view of the scene, the Asiatic construction
+may perhaps have been adopted to provide accommodation
+for the classes who cared less for the drama than for the
+dancing and dumb-show of the orchestra: and these classes
+may perhaps have been more numerous in the Asiatic than in
+the European cities of Greece.</p>
+
+<p>In Asia Minor the lower part of the cavea was generally excavated
+in a hill, and the upper part was built of masonry
+raised upon arches; so that there was a direct access from the
+level of the ground at the back of the theatre into the middle
+diazoma, either at the two ends of the diazoma, or by arched vomitories
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">[327]</span>in the intermediate parts of the curve, under the upper
+division of the cavea. The same mode of construction occurred
+also in some of the theatres of European Greece; though in
+the more ancient theatres of that country it seems to have been
+the common practice to excavate all the middle part of the cavea
+and even the seats out of the rock. It seldom happened
+that theatres were constructed in plains, as it added so much
+to the labour and expense of them: instances, however, exist
+at Mantineia and Megalopolis.</p>
+
+<p>As the scene and every part of the theatre relating to the
+spectacle stood on level ground at the lowest part of the building,
+it has invariably happened, in all the remaining theatres
+of Greece and Asia, that the parts belonging to the scene have
+been more or less buried in their own ruins, and in those of the cavea,
+which rises above them like a crumbling mountain. It is only
+by excavating, therefore, that we can arrive at an exact knowledge
+of the construction of that which is the most important part of
+the Greek theatre: but when circumstances admit of a complete
+examination of the theatres of Hierapolis, Patara, Laodiceia,
+Side, of some in Syria, which are in a remarkable state of preservation,
+and of two or three in European Greece, great light
+may be thrown on many interesting inquiries relating to the ancient
+drama.</p>
+
+<p>I may here take the opportunity of observing, that there are
+no remains of Greek architecture more illustrative of the ancient
+state of society in Greece than the theatres. Comparing them
+with modern works of the same kind, we are astonished at the
+opulence required to collect the materials of those immense edifices,
+and afterwards to construct them; as well as at the effect
+of those customs and institutions, which, in filling the theatre,
+could inspire such a multitude of citizens with a single sentiment
+of curiosity, amusement, or political feeling. It may be said that
+the theatres of Greece are an existing proof of the populousness
+of the states of that country, much more convincing than
+the arguments of those who have endeavoured to confute the received
+opinion on this subject. No Grecian community was complete
+without a theatre. In the principal cities they were from
+350 to 500 feet in diameter, and capable of containing from eight
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">[328]</span>or ten to twenty thousand spectators. I have already, in
+another work&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a>&#x2060;, shown some reasons for believing that the
+Greeks were indebted for the invention of these buildings to the
+same city, to which they owed so large a share of their civilization.
+The Dionysiac theatre at Athens, in the form in which
+it was constructed at the time that Æschylus brought the drama
+to perfection, seems to have been the original model which, with
+some slight variations, was adopted throughout the Grecian
+states both of Europe and Asia.</p>
+
+<p>I subjoin the diameters of the principal theatres in existence.
+They were all measured by Mr. Cockerell, except those marked
+D.; which are from the Missions of the Society of Dilettanti.
+All those of Greece Proper I have myself measured; but the
+reader will undoubtedly be better satisfied in possessing the
+measurements of Mr. Cockerell.</p>
+
+<table>
+ <tr>
+ <th></th>
+ <th>Exterior<br>Diameter.</th>
+ <th>Interior<br>Diam.</th>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <th colspan="3">THEATRES OF ASIA MINOR.</th>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Ephesus</td>
+ <td class="tdr">660</td>
+ <td class="tdr">240</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Tralles&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr">540</td>
+ <td class="tdr">150</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Miletus (D)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">472</td>
+ <td class="tdr">224</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Stratoniceia (D)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">390</td>
+ <td class="tdr">106</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Side</td>
+ <td class="tdr">390</td>
+ <td class="tdr">120</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Sardes&#x2060;<a href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr">396</td>
+ <td class="tdr">162</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Laodiceia (D)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">364</td>
+ <td class="tdr">136</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Myra</td>
+ <td class="tdr">360</td>
+ <td class="tdr">120</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Hierapolis</td>
+ <td class="tdr">346</td>
+ <td class="tdr">100</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Patara</td>
+ <td class="tdr">265</td>
+ <td class="tdr">96</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Teos&#x2060;<a href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> (Roman construction)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">285</td>
+ <td class="tdr">70</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Pompeiopolis&#x2060;<a href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> (Ditto)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">219</td>
+ <td class="tdr">138</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Limyra</td>
+ <td class="tdr">195</td>
+ <td class="tdr">—</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Anemurium (Roman construction)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">197</td>
+ <td class="tdr">—</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Selinus in Cilicia</td>
+ <td class="tdr">114</td>
+ <td class="tdr">—</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Cnidus (D) about</td>
+ <td class="tdr">400</td>
+ <td class="tdr">—<span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">[329]</span></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <th colspan="3">THEATRES IN EUROPEAN GREECE.</th>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Sparta&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr">453</td>
+ <td class="tdr">217</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Near Joannina in Epirus</td>
+ <td class="tdr">445</td>
+ <td class="tdr">121</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Argos&#x2060;<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr">435</td>
+ <td class="tdr">217</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Syracusa</td>
+ <td class="tdr">342</td>
+ <td class="tdr">114</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Sicyon&#x2060;<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr">313</td>
+ <td class="tdr">100</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Mantineia&#x2060;<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr">227</td>
+ <td class="tdr">—</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Delus&#x2060;<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr">175</td>
+ <td class="tdr">—</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Epidaurus&#x2060;<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td>
+ <td class="tdr">—</td>
+ <td class="tdr">91</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Nicopolis in Epirus (Roman constr.)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">360</td>
+ <td class="tdr">120</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <th colspan="3">ODEIA&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a>&#x2060;.</th>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Nicopolis</td>
+ <td class="tdr">139</td>
+ <td class="tdr">93</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="2">Messene (of a singular form, being 112 feet long)</td>
+ <td class="tdr">93</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<h3 id="Note_6">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>The reader will perhaps be curious to learn something more
+of the Latin inscription of Stratoniceia mentioned in the note
+to page 229; which, although it has been more than a century
+in England, and the greater part of that time in the British
+Museum, has never yet been published. It consists of a decree,
+very long and wordy, and written in a style strongly
+indicating a declining Latinity, followed by a list of articles
+of provision in most common use among the Romans, with
+prices annexed to each of them.</p>
+
+<p>The decree makes some allusion to the damages sustained by
+recent incursions of the Barbarians into the Roman empire, and
+to its actual pacific state. It contains repeated reflections on
+the avarice of forestallers, who frustrate the bounty of nature;
+refers to the plenty which generally reigns in Asia; directs that
+those engaged in the traffic of provisions shall never exceed
+the subjoined prices in time of scarcity; and denounces capital
+punishment against such as shall infringe the decree which
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">[330]</span>is promulgated to the whole world—called <i>our</i> world: the decree
+being as usual in the first person. There is no mention
+however made of the Emperor’s name, but there are some expressions
+which seem to indicate that his reign had already been
+of some length. For the following reasons I am inclined to think
+it was a decree of the Emperor Theodosius. It appears by the
+tailor’s work at the end of the catalogue, that silken garments
+were in very common use. Now it is known that, as late as
+the reign of Aurelian, they were still very rare and expensive;
+and that their use was confined almost entirely to women&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a>&#x2060;.
+The only successors of Aurelian, whose length of reign and stability
+of power were suited to the language of the Inscription,
+are Diocletian, Constantine, and Theodosius. As Diocletian
+arrived at the empire only ten years after the death of Aurelian,
+it cannot be supposed that the use of silk had in his time become
+so common as the Inscription indicates. Constantine
+chiefly triumphed over his Roman rivals; but the victories of
+Theodosius over the Goths, who under Valens had overrun all
+Thrace, were the peculiar pride and characteristic of the reign
+of Theodosius. Ammianus, who wrote his History in that reign,
+observes that the use of silken garments, formerly confined to the
+nobility, had then become common among the lower classes&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a>&#x2060;;
+a state of customs which appears to be in exact conformity
+with the prices of the tailors’ work in silk in the Inscription,
+as well as with the classification of those articles of dress among
+the other garments used by the common people of that age—namely,
+the rough coat, or birrhus; the caracallis, or hooded
+cloke, which soon afterwards became the dress of the monks;
+the Gallic breeches, and the socks. The late date of the
+Inscription is shown by its barbarous style, and the use
+of several words not found in earlier Latin; but that which
+declares its age more strongly, perhaps, than any other peculiarity,
+is the very reduced value of the drachma or denarius,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">[331]</span>in its exchange for the necessaries of life. It is true that the
+prices in the decree are given as a maximum; but the value of
+the denarius must have very greatly diminished from that which
+it bore in the two first centuries of the Roman Empire, when
+butchers’ meat was about 2 denarii the pound, and middling
+wheat from 3 to 6 denarii the modius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a>&#x2060;,—before, under any circumstances
+contemplated by the Roman government, it could
+have been equivalent to an oyster, or the hundredth part of a
+lean goose. It appears from the coins of the early Byzantine
+Emperors, that great liberties were at that period taken with the
+weight of the denarius, and that it varied greatly between the
+time of Constantine and that of the final division of the Empire;
+but its diminution of value seems from this inscription to have
+been much greater than has hitherto been supposed&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The Inscription cannot well be referred to a later time than
+that of Theodosius, as under his sons the Empire was again oppressed
+by the Barbarians; and after the final separation of the
+Empire, which took place in their reign, the use of the Latin
+language was gradually laid aside in the acts of government of
+the Eastern Empire.</p>
+
+<p>It would be difficult to deduce any inference as to the date
+of the Inscription from the form of the letters; more especially
+as the Harleian MS. of Sherard, in which it is preserved, is only
+the copy of a copy. The characters seem to have been executed
+by a Greek engraver, and to have been left unfinished, so that
+the S resembles a Greek gamma, and the A a lambda. The
+following is a specimen of the characters, as nearly as they can
+be represented by printed types.</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">ETΓEMPERPRɅECEPTORMETUΓIUΓTIΓΓI</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">MUΓOFFICIORUMΙNUENITUREΓΓEMODE</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">RATORPLɅCEΤΓIQUIΓCONTRɅFORMAM</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΓTATUTIΗUIUΓCONUIXUΓFUERITɅUDE</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">NTIɅCɅPITɅLIPERICULOΓUBICIETUR</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">Et semper præceptor metus justissimus invenitur esse moderator.
+Placet si quis contra formam statuti hujus convictus fuerit
+audentia capitali periculo subjicietur.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">[332]</span></p>
+
+<p>The following is the list of provisions with their prices. It is
+very possible that Mr. W. Bankes may have procured a more
+complete copy of the Inscription, and a longer list.</p>
+
+<p>It should be observed that the denomination of coin, here
+expressed by an asterisk, is in the original denoted by the usual
+sign of the denarius, namely X with a transverse line, or an
+asterisk with six points. The sign of quantity here expressed
+by <i>ƒ</i>, which nearly resembles the note in the original, is probably
+<i>S</i> for sextarius, with a transverse line; but it may be worthy of
+remark, that this note is not commonly found in ancient manuscripts
+like the asterisk for drachma or denarius.</p>
+
+<ul>
+ <li>Conditi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti quatuor&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a>&#x2060;</li>
+ <li>Apsinthi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti</li>
+ <li>Rhosati&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti</li>
+ <li>Item olei</li>
+ <li>Olei floris&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti quatuor</li>
+ <li>Olei sequentis ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti qua....</li>
+ <li>Olei cibari&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Olei raphanini&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * octo</li>
+ <li>Aceti ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * sex</li>
+ <li>Liquaminis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> primi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * se......</li>
+ <li>Liquaminis secundi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * decem</li>
+ <li>Salis F M̊&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> unum * centum</li>
+ <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">[333]</span>Salis conditi&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> italicum <i>ƒ</i> unum * o......</li>
+ <li class="ifrst">Mellis optimi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * cu.......</li>
+ <li>Mellis secundi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * vig....</li>
+ <li>Mellis fœnicini&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * octo</li>
+ <li class="ifrst">Item carnis</li>
+ <li>Carnis porcinæ ital po&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> unum * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Carnis bubulæ ital po unum * octo</li>
+ <li>Carnis caprinæ sive vervecinæ ital po unum * ......</li>
+ <li>Vulvæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> ital po unum * viginti quattuor</li>
+ <li>Suminis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> ital po unum * viginti</li>
+ <li>Ficati&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> optimi ital po unum * sedecim</li>
+ <li>Laridi optimi ital po unum * sedecim</li>
+ <li>Pernæ optimæ petasonis sive Menapicæ vel Ceritanæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> ital po unum * viginti</li>
+ <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">[334]</span>Marsicæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> ital po unum * viginti</li>
+ <li>Adipis recentis ital po unum * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Axungiæ ital po unum * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Ungellæ—quattuor et Aqualiculum&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> pretio quo distrahitur</li>
+ <li>Isicium&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> porcinum unciæ unius * duod....</li>
+ <li>Isicia bubula ital po unum * decem</li>
+ <li>Lucanicarum&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> ital po unum * sedecem</li>
+ <li>Lucanicarum bubularum ital po uno * dec..</li>
+ <li>Fasionus pastus * ducentis quinquaginta</li>
+ <li>Fasionus agrestis * centum viginti quinque</li>
+ <li>Fasia pasta po ... * ducentis</li>
+ <li>Fasiana non pasta * centum</li>
+ <li>Anser pastus * ducentis</li>
+ <li>Anser non pastus * centum</li>
+ <li class="ifrst">Pullo .... * sexaginta</li>
+ <li>Perdix .... * triginta</li>
+ <li>Turtur .. * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Turtur .. * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Turdorum .. * sexaginta</li>
+ <li>Palumb .... * viginti</li>
+ <li>Columb .... * viginti quattuor</li>
+ <li>Attagen * viginti</li>
+ <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">[335]</span>Anas * cuadraginta</li>
+ <li>Lepus * centum quinquaginta</li>
+ <li>Cunic(ulus) * quadraginta</li>
+ <li>.. pe .. viginti</li>
+ <li>........ quadraginta</li>
+ <li>........ sedecim</li>
+ <li>Femina..........</li>
+ <li>Coturnices n * numero ducentis</li>
+ <li>Sturni decem * viginti</li>
+ <li>Aprunæ ital po * sedicim</li>
+ <li>Cervinæ ital po * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Dorcis sive capræ vel dammæ ital po duodecim</li>
+ <li>Porcinæ lactantis * sedicim</li>
+ <li>Agnus M po .... * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Hædus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> M po l * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Sevi ital po l * sex</li>
+ <li>Butyri ital po l * sedecim</li>
+ <li class="ifrst">Item pisces</li>
+ <li>Piscis aspratilis&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> marini ital po l * viginti quattuor</li>
+ <li>Piscis secundi ital po l * sedecim</li>
+ <li>Piscis fluvialis opt. po l * duodecim</li>
+ <li>Piscis secundi fluvialis ital po l * octo</li>
+ <li>Piscisalsi ital po l * sex</li>
+ <li>Ostriæ no centum * centum</li>
+ <li>Echini no centum * quinquaginta</li>
+ <li>Echini recentis purgati ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * quadraginta</li>
+ <li>Echini salsi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * centum</li>
+ <li>Sphondili&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> marini no centum * quinquaginta</li>
+ <li>Sagenici&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> ital po l * duodecim</li>
+ <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">[336]</span>Sardæ sive Sardinæ po l * sedecim</li>
+ <li class="ifrst">Item Cardus majores no quinque * decem</li>
+ <li>Sequentes no decem..............</li>
+ <li>Intibus optima no decem............</li>
+ <li>Sequentis no decem..............</li>
+ <li>Malvæ maximæ no VI............</li>
+ <li>Malvæ sequentis decem..........</li>
+ <li>Lactucæ optimæ no V............</li>
+ <li>Sequentes no decem * quattuor</li>
+ <li>Coliculi optimi no V * quattuor</li>
+ <li>Sequentes no X * quattuor</li>
+ <li>Cumæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> optimæ fascem l * quinque</li>
+ <li>Porri maximi no X * octo</li>
+ <li>Sequentes no viginti......</li>
+ <li>Betæ maximæ no V........</li>
+ <li>Sequentes no X......</li>
+ <li>Radices maximæ......</li>
+ <li>Sequentes............</li>
+ <li>Rapæ maximæ no X......</li>
+ <li>Sequentes no X..........</li>
+ <li>Ceparum siccarum........</li>
+ <li>Cepæ verdes&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a>&#x2060;............</li>
+ <li>Sequentes..............</li>
+ <li>Capparis..............</li>
+ <li>Sisinariorum&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> ital........</li>
+ <li>Cucurbitæ............</li>
+ <li>Sequentes..............</li>
+ <li>Melopepones............</li>
+ <li>Sequentes..............</li>
+ <li>Pepones..............</li>
+ <li>Fasiolorum............</li>
+ <li>Asparagi Hortulani......</li>
+ <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">[337]</span>Asparagi Agrestes......</li>
+ <li>Rusci&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a>&#x2060;..............</li>
+ <li>Ciceris................</li>
+ <li>Fabæ virdes............</li>
+ <li>Fascioli virdes..........</li>
+ <li class="ifrst">.... etiam</li>
+ <li>licitum sit..........</li>
+ <li>Frumenti K M̊..........</li>
+ <li>Hordei K M̊ unum *........</li>
+ <li>Centenum sive sicale&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> K M̊ unum........</li>
+ <li>Milipisti K M̊ unum * centum</li>
+ <li>Militegri&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> K M̊ * quinquaginta</li>
+ <li>Panicii&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> K M̊ * quinquaginta</li>
+ <li>Speltæ .... K M̊ * centum</li>
+ <li>Scandulæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> sive speltæ K M̊ * triginta</li>
+ <li>Fabæ fressæ ..... * centum</li>
+ <li>Fabæ non fressæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> * sexanta....</li>
+ <li>Lenticlæ ..... * centum</li>
+ <li>Herviliæ .... * octocenta</li>
+ <li>Pisæ fractæ ..... * centum</li>
+ <li>Pisæ non fractæ .... * sexacinta</li>
+ <li>Ciceris .... * centum</li>
+ <li>Hervi .... * centum</li>
+ <li>Avenæ .... * triginta</li>
+ <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">[338]</span>Fœnigræci .... * centum</li>
+ <li class="ifrst">.......... scripturæ versuum no centum........</li>
+ <li>Tabellanioni in scriptura livelli bel tabulæ versibus no centum..................</li>
+ <li>Bracario pro excisura et urnatura</li>
+ <li>Pro birro qualitatis primæ * se............</li>
+ <li>Pro birro qualitatis secundæ * quadra......</li>
+ <li>Pro Caracalli majori * viginti</li>
+ <li>Pro Caracalli minori * viginti</li>
+ <li>Pro Vracibus * viginti</li>
+ <li>Pro Udonibus * quattuor</li>
+ <li>Sarcinatori in beste soubtili replicatoriæ * sex......</li>
+ <li>Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura sit olosericæ * quinquaginta</li>
+ <li>Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura subsericæ&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> * triginta</li>
+ <li>Subsuturæ in beste grossiori * quattuor</li>
+</ul>
+
+<h3 id="Note_7">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>Sherard copied the following curious inscription in two places
+at Mylasa:—</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΥΣΣΩΛΟΣΕΚΑΤΟΜΝΩΤΟΜΒΩΜΟΝΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Mausolus, who here erects an altar to Hecatomnus, was his
+eldest son, and his successor in the kingdom of Caria. Mausolus
+married his eldest sister Artemisia, who on his death
+built the celebrated sepulchre at Halicarnassus called Mausoleum.
+According to Pliny, Mausolus died in the second year
+of the 106th Olympiad, or before Christ 355.&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a> He was succeeded
+in the regal authority by Artemisia, according to a custom
+which Arrian observes to have been not uncommon in
+Asia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a>&#x2060;. Artemisia died before the monument of Mausolus was
+finished, and was succeeded by Hydrieus the second son of
+Hecatomnus, and he by his widow and sister Ada. Ada was
+expelled from Halicarnassus by her brother Pixodarus, the third
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">[339]</span>son of Hecatomnus; who submitted to the Persians, and was
+succeeded by the Persian satrap Orontobates, who had married
+his daughter. It was from this Persian that Alexander took
+Halicarnassus, after an obstinate defence, in the year <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 334,
+when he restored the kingdom of Caria to Ada; who, on being
+expelled from the sovereignty by her brother, had remained in
+possession of Alinda&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>The reduplication of the sigma in Μαύσσωλος is found also
+in other proper names of this period of time. The conversion
+of N before B into M, was in conformity with a pronunciation
+which has continued to the present day. Other conversions of a
+similar kind are often found in inscriptions: see some examples
+in the Inscriptiones Antiquæ of Chishull and of Chandler.</p>
+
+<h3 id="Note_8">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>The following are the two inscriptions mentioned in the text
+as containing the name of Tralles, and as having been copied
+by Sherard at Ghiuzél Hissár.</p>
+
+<p class="center">I.</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">... ΣΤΗΜΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΕΡΟΥ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΣΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΦΙΛΟΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΝΕΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΕΝ ΤΡΑΛΛΕΣΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΡΩΜΑΙΟΙ ΕΤΕΙΜΗΣΑΝ ΤΙΒ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΚΛ ΠΑΝΥΧΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΟΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΚΟΙΒΙΛΟΝ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΤΑ ΤΗΝ ΝΥΚΤΕΡΙΝΗΝ ΣΤΡΑ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΤΗΓΙΑΝ ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΤΑ ΑΡΓΥΡΟΤΑΜΙΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΕΚΔΑΝΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΟΥΡΑΤΟ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΡΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΩΝ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΑΠΟ ΑΙΓΥ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΠΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΕΡΓΟΝ ΠΟΙΗΣΑΝ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΤΑ ΕΙΣ ΤΟΝ ΣΕΙΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΔΟΝΤΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΝ ΧΒΦΚΖ ΝΕ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΟΠΟΙΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΤΑ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΦΙΛΟ-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">[340]</span></div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΑΝΑΘΕΝΤΑ ΔΕ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΙΔΙΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΑΣ ΕΝ ΤΗ ΟΨΑΡΙΟ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΠΩΛΕΙ ΜΑΡΜΑΡΙΝΑΣ ΤΡΑΠΕ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΖΑ. ΙΒ Σ.. ΤΑΙΣ ΒΑΣΕΣΙΝ Β</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">Π. ΤΙΤΙΟΣ ΜΗΟΥΒΙΑΝΟΣ Κ.</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΛΩΝ ΤΟΝ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΝ</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="center">II.</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΡΚΟΝ ΝΩΝΙΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝ ΑΞΙΟΛΟΓΩΤΑΤΟΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent6">ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent6">ΒΟΥΛΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΥ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΕΙΡΗΝΑΡΧΗ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΔΙ ΟΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΚΑΙ ΜΟΝΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΚΑΙ ΘΕΝΤΑ ΕΛΑΙΟΥ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΗΜΕΡΑΣ ΠΕΝΤΕ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">Η ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΗ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΡΑΛΛΙΑΝΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΣ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΟΔΩΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΠΡΟΝΟΗΣΑΜΕΝΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΣΕΩΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΙΜΗΣ Μ ΑΥΡ ΛΗΤΟΙΔΟΥ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΥ ΧΡΥΣΟΦΟΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">Μ ΑΥΡ ΤΡΟΦΙΜΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΩΣ.</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<h3 id="Note_9">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>In the annexed plate are plans, on a small scale, of the theatre
+and palæstra of Hierapolis, from the drawings of Mr. Cockerell.
+I know of only two other palæstræ, or gymnasia&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a>&#x2060;,
+in a state of preservation sufficient to give any useful information
+on the subject of these buildings, whose spacious chambers
+and massy walls show the importance which was attached to
+them by the ancients.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">[341]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp45" id="illus09" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus09.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p>THE THEATRE OF HIERAPOLIS.</p>
+ <p>THE PALÆSTRA OF HIERAPOLIS.</p>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">[342]</span></p>
+
+<p>Near the mineral sources which rise in the centre of the site
+of Hierapolis, Mr. Cockerell observed the Plutonium or mephitic
+cavern, which eluded the search of Pococke and of Chandler.
+Dio accurately remarks that it was situated below the
+theatre, Strabo says that it was fatal to oxen placed within its
+influence, and both he and Dio assert that they exposed birds to
+it, which fell dead immediately. Mr. C. found several small birds
+lying dead near the grotto; and though he tried its effects on a
+fowl for a whole day without any result, he was assured by the
+inhabitants that it was sometimes fatal to their sheep and oxen,
+but that it was not always equally dangerous. The ancient authors
+who have mentioned this Plutonium are Strabo (p. 629.),
+Pliny (l. 2. c. 95.), Dion Cassius (l. 68. c. 27.), Apuleius (de
+Mundo), Ammianus (l. 23. c. 6.), and Damascius (ap. Photii Bibl.
+p. 1054.)</p>
+
+<h3>NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>Pliny (l. 36. c. 21.) says, the temple of Ephesus was built
+“in solo palustri ne terræ motus sentiret aut hiatus timeret.”</p>
+
+<h3 id="Note_10">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>Mr. Cockerell has been so kind as to furnish me with the
+following note on the antiquities of Sardes:—</p>
+
+<blockquote>
+
+<p>“Sardes was magnificently situated on one of the roots of
+Mount Tmolus, which commands an extensive view to the
+northward over the valley of the Hermus, and the country beyond
+it. To the south of the city, in a small plain watered by
+the Pactolus, stood the temple, built of coarse whitish marble.
+The western front was on the bank of the river; the eastern
+under the impending heights of the Acropolis.</p>
+
+<p>“Two columns of the exterior order of the east front, and
+one column of the portico of the pronaus, are still standing,
+with their capitals: the two former still support the stone of
+the architrave, which stretched from the centre of one column
+to the centre of the other. The columns are buried nearly
+to half their height in the soil, which has accumulated in the
+valley since their erection; chiefly, it is probable, by the destruction
+of the hill of the Acropolis, which is continually
+crumbling, and which presents a most rugged and fantastic
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">[343]</span>outline. On the edges of its summit the remains of the ancient
+walls are still observable in many places. I was told that,
+four years ago, three other columns of the temple were still
+standing, and that they were thrown down by the Turks, for
+the sake of the gold which they expected to find in the joints&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p>“Besides the three standing columns which I have mentioned,
+there are truncated portions of four others belonging to
+the eastern front, and of one belonging to the portico of the
+pronaus; together with a part of the wall of the cella. When it
+is considered that these remains are 25 feet above the pavement,
+it cannot be doubted that an excavation would expose the greater
+part of the building: even now, however, there is sufficient
+above the soil to give an idea of the dimensions of the temple,
+and to show that it was one of the most magnificent in
+Greece; for though in extent it was inferior to the temples of
+Juno at Samus, and of Apollo at Branchidæ, the proportions of
+the order are at least equal to those of the former, and exceed
+those of the latter. The following plan and elevation will illustrate
+what I have just stated: the shading expresses those
+parts which still remain in their places above the soil.</p>
+
+<p>“The dimensions are as follow:—</p>
+
+<table>
+ <tr>
+ <th></th>
+ <th>F.</th>
+ <th>In.</th>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Diameter of the exterior columns, at about 35 feet below the capital</td>
+ <td class="tdr">6</td>
+ <td>4½</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Diameter of the exterior columns under the capital</td>
+ <td class="tdr">5</td>
+ <td>6¼</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Diameter of interior columns under the capital</td>
+ <td class="tdr">6</td>
+ <td>0¾</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Diameter of the same under the caps</td>
+ <td class="tdr">5</td>
+ <td>3</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>“The height of the entire column has been assumed from the
+proportions of those at Branchidæ, Miletus, &amp;c. The stone A
+must have weighed 25 tons, and that above the centre intercolumnium
+was still larger.</p>
+
+<p>“The capital, appeared to me to surpass any specimen of
+the Ionic I had seen in perfection of design and execution. I
+suppose the temple to have been an octastyle dipterus, with
+seventeen columns in the flanks; though in regard to the number
+in the flanks, I am more guided by the proportion of the other
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">[344]</span>dipteral temples of the Ionic order than by any proof that can
+be derived from the ruins in their present state. The gradual
+diminution of the intercolumnia from the centre of the front to
+the angles, is remarkable, and, I believe, without any other example.
+The larger intercolumnium in the centre is indeed
+found in the temple of Diana at Magnesia; and is recommended
+by Vitruvius lib. iii. c. 11: the contraction of the intercolumnia,
+in the flanks, is exemplified in the temple of Samus. The
+smaller diameter of the interior columns is not uncommon in
+Greek temples: the capitals resembled those of the exterior order.
+The flutings are not continued in any of the columns below
+the capital; which I conceive to be a proof that this temple,
+like that of Apollo Didymeus, was never finished.</p>
+
+<p>“The great height of the architrave, the peculiar style of the
+design and workmanship, and the difference of intercolumnia
+in the faces and in the flanks of the peristyle, I cannot but regard
+as tokens of high antiquity; and perhaps we may consider
+as no less so the vast size of the stones employed in the architrave;
+and the circumstance of their being single stones, whereas
+in the temple of Didyma and in the Parthenon there were two
+blocks in the same situation&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a>&#x2060;. In subsequent times the durability
+ensured by this massive mode of construction was sacrificed
+for appearances, and for a more easy result.</p>
+
+<p>“The merit of the very ancient architects in overcoming such
+a difficulty, and the great expense incurred by it, may be illustrated
+by the practical observation, that the price of the cubic
+foot of stone is doubled and trebled, according to size, as well in
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">[345]</span>the quarrying as in the carriage and setting. Modern architecture
+has indeed succeeded in producing buildings of immense bulk,
+but they cannot be kept together without continued repair; and
+the triumph is little more than that of balancing a skeleton on its
+legs. In some late works only, such as the recent artificial
+docks and basins, have we imitated the solidity of the ancients.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">[346]</span></p>
+
+<p>“On the north side of the Acropolis of Sardes, overlooking the
+valley of the Hermus, is a theatre, attached to a stadium: in
+the manner of which we find several examples in Asia Minor.
+The stadium is near 1000 feet in length, the theatre near 400
+in diameter.”</p>
+
+</blockquote>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp61" id="illus10" style="max-width: 35.9375em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus10.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p>THE TEMPLE OF CYBEBE AT SARDES.</p>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p id="Note_11">The subjoined plate is intended to show the relative proportions
+of the principal temples of Asia Minor, as well with each
+other as with the four most celebrated temples of European
+Greece. All these plans, except the first, are formed from
+observations made by skilful architects, on the existing ruins of
+the buildings.</p>
+
+<p>1. <i>Temple of Diana at Ephesus.</i>—Vitruvius mentions this
+building as an example of the class of temples which he calls
+dipterus; and one of the characters of which, according to him,
+is, that of having eight columns in front. His words, however,
+are ambiguous, and I am disposed to think that he alludes, not
+to the temple which existed in his time, but to the original work
+of Chersiphron of Cnossus, and his son Metagenes, who were
+cotemporaries of Theodorus and Rhœcus, the architects of the
+Heræum of Samus; and whose building, after having been enlarged
+by another architect, was destroyed by fire in the year
+<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 356: for it was not until then that the edifice was begun,
+which, after 220 years employed in its construction, was in
+perfection in the time of the Roman empire; when it was noticed
+by Strabo, Pliny, and Vitruvius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a>&#x2060;. In any case, as the expression
+of Vitruvius forms part of his absurd classification of
+temples&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a>&#x2060;, it deserves not much weight in contradiction to the
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">[347]</span>description of the building by Pliny, whose principal data will be
+found (on the supposition that the temple was decastyle) to agree
+in a remarkable manner with each other, as well as with some
+other great examples of the Ionic order. Pliny relates that the
+temple was 220 feet in front, and 425 long, and that the diameter
+of the columns was one eighth of the height, which was
+60 feet. The columns, therefore, were 7½ feet in diameter;
+and the intercolumnia of the front, supposing them to have
+been all equal, were 16 feet, or only 9 inches less than the eustyle
+proportion of Vitruvius; which is 2¼ times the diameter
+of the column.</p>
+
+<p>It has been thought that the side of this temple, having been
+less than double the front, the number of columns on the sides
+must also have been less than double the number in the fronts.
+But this is by no means a necessary consequence; on the contrary,
+we find that in the temples of Samus and Branchidæ, both
+of which had one column more in the flank than in the front,
+the side is less than double the front; and that the breadth exceeds
+half the length, even in a greater proportion than it did,
+according to the numbers of Pliny, in the temple of Ephesus.
+There is no reason, therefore, why the Ephesian temple, like
+the temples of the same order, which most nearly approached
+it in magnitude, namely those of Samus and Branchidæ, should
+not have had 21 columns in the sides. In regard to its total
+number of columns, which in our copies of Pliny is 127, there
+is evidently some error, as the number could not have been
+uneven. It is very possible that the early copiers of Pliny
+made the common oversight of omitting an unit, writing cxxvii.
+instead of cxxviii.; for such would have been the number if we
+suppose that there was a triple row of columns before the vestibule
+of the cell in front, as in the temples of Samus and Sardes,
+and also at the opposite end, as in the Olympium of Athens;
+together with four columns between the Antæ at either end of
+the cella, as the general construction of Greek temples renders
+highly probable.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">[348]</span></p>
+
+<p>As it cannot be certain whether Pliny refers to the Greek or
+Roman foot in this example, I have drawn the little plan in the
+plate by the same scale of English feet used for the other figures.
+The English foot being somewhat greater than the
+Roman, and smaller than the Greek, the error must be very
+trifling, whether Pliny used the Greek or Roman.</p>
+
+<p>2. <i>Temple of Juno at Samus.</i>—Herodotus has prepared us
+for the magnificence of this building. He names it, together with
+the temple of Ephesus, as the most admirable of all the works
+of the Grecians; and in another place he calls it the largest
+temple of which he has any knowledge&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a>&#x2060;. Hence it appears
+that the Heræum of Samus was larger than the Artemisium of
+Ephesus as the latter existed in the time of Herodotus.</p>
+
+<p>Although only one column of the Heræum deprived of its capital
+is now standing, its plan was ascertained by Mr. Bedford,
+one of the architects who accompanied Sir William Gell
+in the second Asiatic Mission of the Dilettanti. The length
+was 346 feet, the breadth 189. It was a decastylus dipterus,
+had 10 columns in front, 21 on the sides, a triple row in the
+pronaus, and a double row of four columns between the antæ
+at the entrance of the cella in front. The columns were about
+7 feet in diameter at the bottom of the shaft, and about 60 feet
+high. The intercolumniation in the two fronts was 14 feet,
+in the flank only 10½ feet, and in the flank of the pronaus
+something still less. There was no appearance of fluting in
+the columns. The material was the white and blueish-gray
+marble of the island.</p>
+
+<p>3. <i>Temple of Apollo Didymeus at Branchidæ in the Milesia.</i>—Of
+this building there remain two columns with the architrave,
+still standing: the remainder is an immense mass of ruin.
+The proportions of the order are more slender than those of
+Samus and Sardes, their height being 63 feet, with a diameter
+of 6½ feet, at the base of the shaft. The architrave is lower,
+and the building much less ancient than those two temples. It
+was a decastylus dipterus, with 21 columns in the flanks, and
+4 between the antæ of the pronaus: in all 112. The fluting
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">[349]</span>of the columns is finished only in the exterior order; in the
+interior it exists only under the capital&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a>&#x2060;. The material of
+the temple is white marble—in some parts blueish.</p>
+
+<p>4. <i>Temple of Cybebe at Sardes.</i>—Of this the foregoing note
+of Mr. Cockerell, the only person who has measured it with
+care, has furnished the reader with all that is known. The plan
+is constructed on the supposition, not yet sufficiently proved,
+that it had 17 columns on the sides, and not more than a double
+row at the back of the cella. Of the other particulars Mr.
+C.’s measurements leave no doubt.</p>
+
+<p>5. <i>The Temple of Artemis Leucophryene</i>—which is now a
+mere heap of ruins, among other remains of the city of Magnesia
+on the Mæander. Its material is white marble, not of the
+purest kind. The length is 198 feet, the breadth 106; measured,
+as usual, on the upper step of the stylobate. There were
+8 columns in the fronts and 15 in the sides, measuring 4 feet 8
+inches in diameter at the bottom of the shaft. The number of
+columns was only 56; this temple being the example which
+Vitruvius has given of the pseudodipterus, a mode of construction
+by which 38 columns were saved, and a larger space
+was left for the reception of the people in the peristyle. The
+central intercolumnium of the temple of Magnesia is found to
+be three-fourths of a diameter greater than the other intercolumnia;
+and we are informed by Vitruvius that such was exactly
+the proportion of the central intercolumnium to the others in
+the eustylus, a disposition so called as being the most harmonious
+mode of proportioning the diameters to the intercolumnia.
+The other intercolumnia, however, of the temple of Magnesia
+do not bear so large a proportion to the diameter of the
+column, as the eustylus required.—Vitruvius informs us that
+Hermogenes of Alabanda, the architect of the temple of Magnesia,
+<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">[350]</span>was the inventor both of the Pseudodipterus and Eustylus;
+but in regard to the former at least, his merit seems not
+to have been very great, as we now find from the observations
+of two architects, Messrs. Harris and Angell, who have lately
+resided six months at Selinus in Sicily for the purpose of examining
+the magnificent ruins at that place, which are much
+more ancient than the time of Hermogenes, that the great temple
+of Jupiter as well as one of the hexastyles was constructed
+on the principles of the pseudodipterus.</p>
+
+<p>6. <i>The Temple of Bacchus at Teos.</i>—The ruins of this building
+afford only the diameter of the column (about 3 feet 8
+inches at the base), with a few less important details of the other
+parts of the construction. But we have some means of judging
+of the dimensions of the temple, from its being the example
+of the eustylus given by Vitruvius, who informs us also that
+it was a hexastylus monopterus&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a>&#x2060;. The columns therefore being
+3.8 in diameter, and the intercolumniation of the eustylus
+being 3 diameters in the centre with 2¼ in the four other intercolumnia,
+the total length of the front must have been about
+64 feet on the upper step, which is very nearly the breadth of
+another Ionic hexastyle, namely the temple of Minerva at
+Priene. If we suppose the number of columns in the sides at
+Teos to have been the same as at Priene, namely 11, these
+two temples must have been nearly equal in length as well as
+in breadth. It seems highly probable that such was the number
+of columns in the sides at Teos, because Vitruvius, who
+chiefly extracted his theoretical system from the commentaries
+of the great architects of the Asiatic temples, prescribes the
+number of columns in the hexastyle to be not more than 11.
+One of those Asiatic writers, we know, was Hermogenes the architect
+of the temple at Teos; and he also was the inventor
+of the eustylus or beautiful proportion, of which this temple
+was an example&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a>&#x2060;.</p>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">[351]</span></p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp45" id="illus11" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus11.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p>PLANS OF TEMPLES AT</p>
+ <ul>
+ <li>1. <span class="smcap">Ephesus</span>, Ionic. 425 feet long, 220 broad.</li>
+ <li>2. <span class="smcap">Samus</span>, Ionic. 346 × 189.</li>
+ <li>3. <span class="smcap">Branchidæ</span>, Ionic. 304 × 65.</li>
+ <li>4. <span class="smcap">Sardes</span>, Ionic. 251 × 144.</li>
+ <li>5. <span class="smcap">Magnesia</span>, Ionic. 198 × 105.</li>
+ <li>6. <span class="smcap">Teos</span>, Ionic. 122 × 64.</li>
+ <li>7. <span class="smcap">Priene</span>, Ionic. 122 × 63.</li>
+ <li>1. <span class="smcap">Agrigentum</span>, Doric. 358 × 172.</li>
+ <li>2. <span class="smcap">Selinus</span>, Doric. 358 × 164.</li>
+ <li>3. <span class="smcap">Athens</span> (Olympium), Corinthian. 354 × 171.</li>
+ <li>4. <span class="smcap">Athens</span> (Parthenon), Doric.</li>
+ </ul>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">[352]</span></p>
+
+<p>7. Although the temple of Minerva at Priene seems to have
+closely resembled that of Bacchus at Teos in the length and
+breadth, its other proportions were different, the intercolumnia
+being smaller in proportion to the diameter of the column,
+which measures four feet and a quarter at the bottom of the
+shaft. The shaft was 38 feet high and fluted. The material of
+the temple, as well as of the other buildings of the city, was
+the stone of the mountain on which it stands—a blue and white
+marble, not of a very compact texture.</p>
+
+<p>Vitruvius has not spoken of the temple of Sardes, probably
+because it was already in ruins in his time. The other six just
+enumerated are the great examples of the Ionic order to which
+he has particularly alluded, and which happen also to be the
+temples of Asiatic Greece of which the existing ruins furnish
+us with the most satisfactory details. There were other temples
+of great celebrity in that country; particularly those of Apollo
+at Grynium and at Clarus, of Hercules at Erythræ, and of
+Minerva at Phocæa, to which we may add that of Cyzicus destroyed
+by an earthquake in the reign of Antoninus Pius&#x2060;<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a>&#x2060;; but
+no remains of these edifices, except that of Clarus, which is
+stated by Captain Beaufort to have been of the Doric order,
+have yet been discovered.</p>
+
+<h3 id="Note_12">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</h3>
+
+<p>To the testimony of Livy as to the Phrygius might have
+been added that of Appian; but it is evident that in the description
+of the battle of Magnesia both the historians have drawn
+from the same source, namely Polybius, and Appian is less particular
+than Livy as to the topography of the position.</p>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="footnotes">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</h2>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> These remarks were written before the insurrection
+broke out in Greece—an event which will greatly increase
+the difficulties of travelling in Asia Minor.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> The coast between Cape Carambis and Sinope was
+not seen by Captain Gauttier, who has therefore borrowed
+that part from the Russian charts.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> An unfortunate fire destroyed the engravings prepared
+for Niebuhr’s third volume, and put a stop to its
+publication. I believe Major Rennell is in possession of
+a copy of the map of Niebuhr’s route through Asia Minor,
+struck from the plate before the fire.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> See the appendix to Mr. Kinneir’s Travels.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> In the latter part of the last century, Griffiths and
+Capper published their routes across the peninsula, from
+S.E. to N.W., but without adding much to geography.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> This is probably an error for Kílissa-Hissár, which,
+according to Hadji Khalfa, is the name of a castle near
+Bor; for the bearing and distance of Mr. Kinneir’s Ketch-Hissar
+from Nigde are sufficient to prove that it must
+have been very near the Bor of Hadji Khalfa and Paul
+Lucas.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Mr. Kinneir calls this place Costambol; but the
+Turkish geographers give it the name in the text, which
+in fact is nothing more than a slight corruption of Castamon,
+its Greek name under the Byzantine empire. See
+Anna Comnena, l. 7. p. 206.—Nicet. in Joan. Comnen.—Chalcocond.
+l. 9. p. 259.—Leuncl. Annal. Turc.—It
+is to be regretted that Mr. Kinneir was not more careful
+in his orthography of places, which often requires
+correction from Hadji Khalfa, or modern travellers. Like
+Pococke he has omitted, in giving us his computation of
+miles, to add the actual <i>measure</i> by the watch, which is
+generally the more useful of the two.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> The following are among some of the observations of
+the latitude of places on the road from Smyrna to Constantinople,
+made by Mr. Browne. They are taken from
+his manuscript papers.</p>
+
+<table>
+ <tr>
+ <th></th>
+ <th colspan="3">Latitude.</th>
+ <th colspan="3">Longitude.</th>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Smyrna</td>
+ <td class="tdr">38°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">28′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">7″</td>
+ <td class="tdr">27°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">6′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">48″</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Magnesia</td>
+ <td class="tdr">38°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">41′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">30″</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Demir Kapu</td>
+ <td class="tdr">39°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">49′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">0″</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Balikesr</td>
+ <td class="tdr">39°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">32′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">0″</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Ulubad</td>
+ <td class="tdr">40°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">9′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">30″</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Mikhalitza</td>
+ <td class="tdr">40°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">16′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">30″</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Brusa</td>
+ <td class="tdr">40°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">9′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">30″</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Yenishehr</td>
+ <td class="tdr">40°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">12′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">0″</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Kizdervent</td>
+ <td class="tdr">40°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">32′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">0″</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Nicæa</td>
+ <td class="tdr">40°</td>
+ <td class="tdr">21′</td>
+ <td class="tdr">30″</td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ <td class="tdr"></td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> It is almost unnecessary to remark that the latitudes
+and longitudes of Ptolemy are of very little use, though
+they may be sometimes employed as a concurrent testimony
+in proof of the vicinity of places.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> The routes of these three itineraries are described
+upon the map by a double line; and thus the part of the
+Peutinger Table relating to Asia Minor is (I believe for
+the first time) placed upon the real projection. This part
+of the Table has at the same time been engraved on the
+same plate with the Map, for the greater convenience of
+reference and comparison.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Ante Christum, 401.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> A. C. 333.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> A. C. 189.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> An inquiry into the situation of the sees of the Greek
+bishoprics of the Lower Empire may sometimes assist the
+traveller in the discovery of the ancient <i>Pagan</i> sites. In
+regard to the smaller places, this method may not often
+be successful, Turkish conquest and Christian depopulation
+having gradually obliterated the greater part of them;
+but it is difficult to suppose that the metropolitan, and
+some others of the more important sees, which are at the
+same time desiderata of ancient geography,—such as Synnada,
+Antiocheia of Pisidia, Perge, Philomelium, Pessinus,
+Amorium,—should be unknown to the Christians of
+Asia Minor, although their names may be no longer in
+common use.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> An Arabic word, meaning <i>master</i>, <i>ruler</i>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> This name has been supposed to prove that Kutaya,
+the capital of Kermian, stands on the site of the Κεραμῶν
+ἄγορα of Xenophon; but there is no doubt that Kermian
+is a Turkish name, and foreign to ancient Asia Minor.
+The mosque of Sultan Kermian still exists at Kutaya.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> The rule which I have observed in writing Turkish names,
+requires the reader to pronounce the vowels as in Italian,
+and the consonants as in English. Gh, Dh, and Kh, are intended
+to express the aspirated forms of G, D, K. The accent
+is marked in all words, the sound of which might be
+doubtful without it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> A kind of pipe in which the smoke is made to pass through
+water: used in every part of the East.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> The initial K, P, T, in names of places have generally
+among the modern Greeks the sound of G, B, D: this arises
+from their practice of using those names in the accusative case
+preceded by στὴν; for ν before κ, π, τ, gives the harder kindred
+sound to the vowel which follows. Before π the ν becomes converted
+into m: as, στὴν πόλιν—Constantinople, pronounced
+stim bólin. Whence the Turkish Stambol.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Ὀρχάνης ... ἦλθε πρὸς τοῦ Βυζαντίου τὴν Περαίαν, ὃ
+Σκουτάριον ἐρχωρίως ὀνομάζεται.—Cantacuz. l. 4. c. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> Antonin. Itin. ed. Wessel. p. 139. Hierosol. It. p. 572.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Ἐν δὲ Βιθυνίᾳ τόπος ἐστὶ θινώδης ἀπὸ θαλάσσης καὶ πρὸς
+αὐτῷ κώμη τις οὐ μεγάλη Λίβυσσα καλεῖται—Plutarch. in Flam.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Zonaras, l. 13. c. 16. Socrates, l. 4. c. 16. Sozomen, l. 6.
+c. 14. Cedrenus, p. 311. Theophanes, p. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2. Hist. Arcan. c. 30. Anna Comn.
+l. 10. p. 287.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Διαβαίνειν αὐτὸν πλεῖον ἢ εἰκοσάκις ἐστὶ τοῖς τῇδε ἰοῦσι.
+Proc. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Anna Comnena, l. 10. p. 286. ed. Paris.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> A similar confusion as to the Gallus and Sangarius seems
+to have prevailed in ancient times. Herodian places the city
+Pessinus on the Gallus; although we know from Polybius,
+Livy, and Strabo, that it stood on the banks of the Sangarius,
+not far from the sources of that river. Strabo, in describing
+the Gallus as the branch which joins the main river 300 stades
+from Nicomedia, has identified it with the river of Lefke.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Mr. M. Kinneir found some antique remains, and copied
+some Christian Greek inscriptions here. Paul Lucas found some
+ruins, and transcribed some incomplete inscriptions at an Armenian
+village an hour and a half from Eski-shehr.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Ann. Comn. l. 11. p. 317—l. 15. p. 469.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> Athen. l. 2, c. 5. ed. Casaub. Cinnam. l. 6. c. 74.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Tab. Peutinger. Segm. vi. Anton. Itin. p. 202.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> Nacoleia was the chief fortress of this country in the reign
+of Arcadius, whose officer, Count Tribigild, with a garrison of
+Ostrogoths, rebelled against the Emperor, and reduced all the
+neighbouring country. Philostorg. l. 11. c. 8. For an account of
+the rebellion of Gainas and Tribigild, which illustrates several
+points of Asiatic geography, see Gibbon, c. 32, and the authors
+to whom he refers.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a></p>
+
+<p class="hanging">I. Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Total
+77 M. P. to Pessinus: the distance on the map is
+about 55 G. M. d.</p>
+
+<p class="hanging">II. Iter a Dorilao:—Arcelaio M. P. 30, Germa M. P. 20.
+Total 50 M. P.: the distance on the map is 57 G.
+M. d.</p>
+
+<p class="hanging">III. Dorileo Docymeo 32 Synnada 32 Jullæ 35 Philomelo
+28 Laudicia Catacecaumeno. Total 127 M. P. <i>plus</i>
+the distance from Dorylæum to Docimia. The distance
+upon the map is about 130 G. M. d.</p>
+
+<p class="hanging">IV. Dorileo 20 Necolea 40 Conni 32 Eucarpia 30 Eumenia
+Pella 12 ad vicum 14 Apamea Ciboton. Total
+148 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 100
+G. M. d.</p>
+
+<p class="hanging">V. Dorileo, 30 Cocleo (lege Cotyæo) 35 Agmonia 25
+Aludda 30 Clanudda 35 Philadelfia. Total 155 M. P.
+The distance upon the map is about 120 G. M. d. The
+second of these roads is from the Antonine itinerary,
+the other four from the Peutinger Table.</p>
+
+<p>The proportion between the real distances, and the amount
+of the several computed distances in Roman miles, shows that
+the distance, in the itineraries, from one place to another, cannot
+be relied on to within ten or twelve miles. In many instances,
+the errors of the Table are still greater.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Herodot. l. 1. c. 142. l. 5. c. 59.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> Some fragments of these are to be seen in the British
+Museum.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Strabo, p. 373.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> See Lanzi, Saggio di Lingua Etrusca. There is nothing,
+however, very surprising in this peculiarity of the Etruscan.
+The Greek alphabet, like its oriental prototype, was at first
+written from right to left, then indifferently either way, then
+alternately, in the manner called boustrophedon; and lastly,
+from left to right. It was imported into Etruria at a period
+when it was written in the earliest manner; and the Etruscans,
+by a practice often observable in colonies, seem to have adhered
+to the custom after it had been altered in the mother
+country.</p>
+
+<p>It can no longer be doubted, from a comparison of the military
+architecture and other arts of the Etruscans with those of the
+Greeks, as well as from that of their language and writing, so
+ably investigated by Lanzi, that the two people had a common
+origin, or a common source of civilization. This source, in the
+opinion of the Greeks, was a people called Pelasgi, the last
+seat of whose prosperity was the country adjacent to the Thessalian
+Olympus. Driven away from thence about the fifteenth
+century before the Christian æra, they migrated to Asia, Crete,
+Epirus, and a part of them to Etruria; where they are said to have
+been joined, about two centuries afterwards, by a colony from
+Lydia. We find an evidence of the skill of the Pelasgi in military
+architecture, in the circumstance of the Athenians having
+employed some of those who were settled in Attica to fortify the
+Acropolis: and it is probable that the peculiar style of building
+exhibited in the walls of many ancient cities, as well in Greece
+as in Etruria and Italy, and which is the same in all, had its
+origin in the Pelasgic school. Hellanicus of Lesbus, and Dionysius
+of Halicarnassus, denied that the Etruscans had ever been
+colonized from Lydia: but in this they were opposed to the
+general opinion of antiquity, as shown by Herodotus, Strabo,
+Paterculus, Pliny, Seneca, Plutarch, Appian, Justin, and Tacitus.
+At the time of the War of Troy, the Pelasgi possessed
+the fertile plains on the south-eastern side of Mount Ida, and
+had given the name of the Thessalian Larissa to their chief
+town. Hom. Il. β. 840. Several other communities in the surrounding
+parts of Asia Minor were of Pelasgic origin, and Lydia
+is said to have received one of their colonies. (Plutarch in
+Romulo, Raoul Rochette Hist. des Colonies Grecques.) Etruria,
+therefore, in its manners, arts, language, and writing, could
+not have been very much altered by the addition of a Lydian
+colony, if any such event ever took place. Among the numerous
+instances of resemblance between the Etruscan and Æolic
+Greek adduced by Lanzi, I shall mention one only, as it is illustrated
+by a discovery of my own. 𐌀𐌐𐌋𐌖 Aplu, we find, by
+some of the monuments of Etruria, to have been the Etruscan
+name for Apollo; and Plato, in a passage of the Cratylus referred
+to by Lanzi, observes that Ἀπλοῦν or Ἀπλὸς was the
+name of the Thessalian Apollo. Between Larissa and Mount
+Olympus, in the part of Thessaly which, as late as the time of
+the Roman empire, was called Pelasgiotis, I found two marbles
+inscribed with dedications to this deity, ΑΠΛΟΥΝΙ. See Lanzi
+Saggio di Lingua Etrusca, tomo 2. p. 200, 224; Walpole’s Collection
+of Travels in Turkey, vol. 2. p. 506; Classical Journal,
+No. 52.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Strabo, p. 568, 576.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> Attic. c. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Strabo, p. 571. Paus. <i>ib.</i></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> Herod. l. 1. c. 14. Eusebius places the beginning of the
+reign of the first Midas in the fourth year of the tenth Olympiad,
+or 737 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span></p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Herod. l. 1. c. 35.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> The first letter of this word appears to be the old gamma,
+<img class="inline" src="images/gamma.jpg" alt="old-style Γ; resembles the
+right half of an upwards-pointing arrow">,
+as written on several ancient monuments. The sixth letter
+was perhaps a Τ, of which a part of the upper line has been
+effaced. Upon this supposition, the name in Greek was
+ΓΑϜΑΤΤΑΗΣ, which bears a resemblance to the royal Lydian
+names, Sadyattes, Alyattes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Arrian. ap. Eustath. in Il. ε. p. 429.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> An inscription found by Pococke, at Nysa in the valley of
+the Mæander, qualifies one Artemidorus as Παπὰς τῶν τῆς πόλεως
+στρατηγῶν, and as Παπὰς ἄρχων. Pococke Inscr. Ant.
+p. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> Lanzi, tom. 2. p. 144.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Strabo, p. 577.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Paus. Att. c. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Strabo, however, informs us that anciently these plains
+bore olives: he describes the plain of Synnada as an ἐλαιόφυτον
+πεδίον.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Of pasture there appears from Cicero to have been a great
+abundance in Asia Minor, even when the country was still famous
+for the exuberance of its agricultural productions. Asia
+tam opima est et fertilis ut et ubertate agrorum et diversitate
+fructuum et magnitudine pastionis, et multitudine earum rerum
+quæ exportantur, facile omnibus terris antecellat. (Cicero
+pro lege Manil.) But probably even as early as the time of
+Cicero, Asia had suffered from the wars and military despotism
+of the Romans.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Lib. 11. p. 323. Lib. 15. p. 471.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> It was a bishoprick under the metropolitan of Synnada, in
+whose province were also Nacoleia and Dorylæum.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> Procop. Hist. Ar. c. 18. Anna Com. ib. A bishop of Polybotum
+sat in the second Nicene Council, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 787.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> Cicero ad Att. l. 5. ep. 20. ad Divers. l. 3. ep. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> Cic. ib. et ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Σύνναδα δ’ ἔστιν οὐ μεγάλη πόλις· πρόκειται δ’ αὐτῆς ἐλαιόφυτον
+πεδίον ὅσον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων· ἐπέκεινα δ’ ἐστὶ Δοκιμία κώμη
+καὶ τὸ λατόμιον τοῦ Συνναδικοῦ λίθου· οὕτω μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι
+καλοῦσιν οἱ δ’ ἐπιχώριοι Δοκιμίτιν καὶ Δοκιμαῖον, &amp;c. Strabo,
+p. 577.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Apamiam ... ante adpellatam Celænas, dein Ciboton.
+Sita est in radice montis Signiæ, circumfusa Marsya, Obrima,
+Orga fluminibus, in Mæandrum cadentibus. Plin. Hist. Nat.
+l. 5. c. 29.</p>
+
+<p>Inde in agrum Sagalassenum.... Progressus inde ad
+Obrimæ fontes ad vicum, quem Aporidis Comen vocant, posuit
+castra ... profectus eo die in Metropolitanum campum,
+postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. Inde Synnada venit,
+metu omnibus circa oppidis desertis, quorum jam præda grave
+agmen vix quinque millium die toto itinere perfecto, ad Beudos
+quod vetus appellant pervenit. Ad Anabura inde, &amp;c. Liv. Hist.
+l. 38. c. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> Ἐπεὶ δὲ κοινή τις ὁδὸς τέτριπται ἅπασι τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς
+ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐξ Ἐφέσου καὶ ταύτην ἔπεισιν. Ἐπὶ μὲν τὰ Κάρουρα
+τῆς Καρίας ὅριον πρὸς τὴν Φρυγίαν διὰ Μαγνησίας καὶ Τραλλέων,
+Νύσης, Ἀντιοχείας, ὁδὸς 740 σταδίων. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἡ Φρυγία διὰ
+Λαοδικείας καὶ Ἀπαμείας καὶ Μητροπόλεως καὶ Χελιδονίων· ἐπὶ
+μὲν οὖν τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Παρωρείου τοὺς Ὅλμους στάδιοι περὶ 920
+ἐκ τῶν Καρούρων· ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πρὸς τῇ Λυκαονίᾳ πέρας τῆς Παρωρείου
+τὸ Τυριάϊον διὰ Φιλομηλίου μικρῷ πλείους τῶν 500. Εἶθ’ ἡ
+Λυκαονία μέχρι Κοροπασσοῦ διὰ Λαοδικείας τῆς Κατακεκαυμένης
+840· ἐκ δὲ Κοροπασσοῦ τῆς Λυκαονίας εἰς Γαρσάουρα, πολίχνιον τῆς
+Καππαδοκίας, ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἱδρυμένον, 120· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ εἰς
+Μάζακα, τὴν μητρόπολιν τῶν Καππαδόκων διὰ Σοάνδου καὶ
+Σαδακόρων 680· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην μέχρι Τομισῶν,
+χωρίου τῆς Σοφηνῆς διὰ Ἡρφῶν πολίχνης 1440. Artemidorus
+ap. Strab. p. 663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Ἡ μὲν οὖν Παρώρεια ὀρεινήν τινα ἔχει ῥάχιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς
+ἐκτεινομένην ἐπὶ δύσιν· ταύτῃ δ’ ἑκατέρωθεν ὑποπέπτωκέ τι πεδίον
+μέγα καὶ πόλεις πλησίον αὐτῆς, πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲν Φιλομήλιον, ἐκ
+θατέρου δὲ μέρους Ἀντιόχεια, ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καλουμένη, ἡ μὲν ἐν
+πεδίῳ κειμένη πᾶσα, ἡ δ’ ἐπὶ λόφου, ἔχουσα ἀποικίαν Ῥωμαίων.
+Strabo, p. 577. It is evident from this passage how greatly
+the discovery of Antioch of Pisidia would assist the comparative
+geography of all the adjacent country.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> Lib. 15. p. 473.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> Lib. 5. c. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> The following was the route of Cyrus, according to Xenophon:—</p>
+
+<table>
+ <tr>
+ <th></th>
+ <th>Stathmi.</th>
+ <th></th>
+ <th>Parasangs.</th>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>From Celænæ, afterwards Apameia Cibotus, to Peltæ,</td>
+ <td class="tdr">2</td>
+ <td class="center">or</td>
+ <td>10</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Ceramorum Agora, at the end of Mysia,</td>
+ <td class="tdr">2</td>
+ <td class="center">—</td>
+ <td>12</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Caystri Campus (a city),</td>
+ <td class="tdr">3</td>
+ <td class="center">—</td>
+ <td>30</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Thymbrium, where was the fountain of Midas,</td>
+ <td class="tdr">2</td>
+ <td class="center">—</td>
+ <td>10</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Tyriaium,</td>
+ <td class="tdr">2</td>
+ <td class="center">—</td>
+ <td>10</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Iconium,</td>
+ <td class="tdr">3</td>
+ <td class="center">—</td>
+ <td>20</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Through Lycaonia,</td>
+ <td class="tdr">5</td>
+ <td class="center">—</td>
+ <td>30</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Through Cappadocia to Dana (Tyana),</td>
+ <td class="tdr">4</td>
+ <td class="center">—</td>
+ <td>25</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td class="tdr">Total</td>
+ <td class="tdr bt">23</td>
+ <td class="center bt"></td>
+ <td class="bt">92</td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p>In Major Rennell’s work on the Retreat of the Ten Thousand,
+the reader will see the extreme difficulty of fixing the places on
+this route. Indeed there seems no mode of reconciling Xenophon
+with other geographical authorities than by supposing
+great errors in his numbers; for it is difficult to believe that
+his Καΰστρου πεδίον is not the same as that which Strabo
+(p. 629.) describes as watered by the Caystrus and situated on
+the south side of Mount Tmolus. In like manner there is the
+greatest reason to think that Thymbrium and the fountain of
+Midas were on the branch of the Sangarius called Thymbres
+in the country which formed the kingdom of Midas, and not in
+the plains between Ak-shehr and Ilgún, where we must place
+Thymbrium, if we follow the evidence of Xenophon’s numbers.
+Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this itinerary of
+Xenophon is so incorrect that very little reliance can be placed
+on its authority. We have a strong proof of its inaccuracy in the
+positive assertion of Xenophon, that after he had crossed Mount
+Taurus, he marched twenty-five parasangs (or about seventy-five
+miles) in four days through the plain of Tarsus to the city,
+though Tarsus is only ten miles from the foot of that mountain.
+Xenophon probably meant four days from the halting-place of
+Cyrus, afterwards called the plain of Cyrus, on the north side
+of Taurus, but his words express the former meaning without
+the smallest ambiguity. Again, he places ten parasangs between
+Tarsus and the river Sarus, and only five between the Sarus
+and the Pyramus, although the real distances are nearly equal.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Strabo, p. 534, 537, et seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> In a rude delineation of the country between Kesaría and
+Ak-shehr by a bishop of Iconium, published at Vienna in 1812,
+Bor is written πόρος, which suggests the origin of the word Bor—namely,
+that it is a Turkish corruption of the Greek πόρος, and
+that Porus was a suburb of Tyana, so called as being situated at
+the πόρος, or passage of the river, which now runs through Nigde
+and Bor into a lake near Erkle. Kílisa also is undoubtedly
+a Greek name (Κίλισσα, the feminine of Κίλιξ), derived
+from that of the neighbouring Cappadocian præfecture. The
+substitution of local names for provincial, and of provincial
+for local, was a kind of change common among the lower
+Greeks.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> Of course this distance must not be measured horizontally,
+the road from Mazaca to Tyana being plain, and that from
+Tyana to the Pylæ very mountainous.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Strabo, ibid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> D’Anville placed Cybistra at Bustere, which he supposed
+a corruption of the Greek word; but according to Hadjy Khalfa
+the name is Kostere not Bustere.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> See particularly the letter to Marcus Cato. Ep. ad Diversos,
+l. 15. ep. 4.—and that to Atticus, l. 5. ep. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> Ἡ Καππαδοκία ... οἱ δ’ οὖν ὁμόγλωττοι μαλιστά εἰσιν οἱ
+ἀφοριζόμενοι πρὸς νότον μὲν τῷ Κιλικίῳ λεγομένῳ Ταύρῳ, πρὸς ἕω
+δὲ τῇ Ἀρμενίᾳ. Strab. p. 533. Ἡ Καταονία ... Περίκειται δ’ ὄρη
+ἄλλα τε καὶ ὁ Ἄμανος ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς νότον μέρους, ἀπόσπασμα ὂν
+τοῦ Κιλικίου Ταύρου, καὶ ὁ Ἀντίταυρος εἰς τἀναντία ἀπεῤῥωγώς.
+Strab. p. 535. Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 6.) describes Antitaurus as
+the mountain which extends from Taurus to the Euphrates.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Strabo, p. 534.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Ptolem. ibid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> ... duci inde exercitus per Axylon quam vocant terram
+cœptus; ab re nomen habet: non ligni modo quidquam, sed ne
+spinas quidem, aut ullum aliud alimentum fert ignis. Fimo
+bubulo pro lignis utuntur. Pococke observes, “They are very
+much distressed in these parts for fuel, and commonly make
+use of dried cow-dung.” His remark on the abundance of fine
+fish in the Sangarius had not escaped the notice of the Latin
+historian: Sangarius ... non tam magnitudine memorabilis
+quam quod piscium adcolis ingentem vim præbet. Liv. Hist.
+l. 38. c. 18.</p>
+
+<p>The merit of this accuracy, however, is not due to Livy, but
+to Polybius, from whom the Latin compiler copied this part of
+his history.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν,
+καὶ τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια, ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ καὶ ὀναγρόβοτα,
+ὑδάτων δὲ σπάνις πολλὴ· ὅπου δὲ καὶ εὑρεῖν δυνατὸν βαθύτατα
+φρέατα τῶν πάντων, καθάπερ ἐν Σοάτροις, ὅπου καὶ πιπράσκεται
+τὸ ὕδωρ· ἔστι δὲ κωμόπολις Γαρσαούρων πλησίον· ὅμως δὲ καίπερ
+ἄνυδρος οὖσα ἡ χώρα πρόβατα ἐκτρέφει θαυμαστῶς, τραχείας
+δὲ ἐρέας· καί τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν τούτων μεγίστους πλούτους
+ἐκτήσαντο. Ἀμύντας δ’ ὑπὲρ 300 ἔσχε ποίμνας ἐν τοῖς τόποις
+τούτοις. Εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ λίμναι Κώραλις μὲν ἡ μείζων, ἡ δὲ ἐλάττων
+Τρογῖτις. Ἐνταῦθα δέ που καὶ τὸ Ἰκόνιόν ἐστι, πολίχνιον εὖ συνῳκισμένον
+καὶ χώραν εὐτυχεστέραν ἔχον τῆς λεχθείσης ὀναγροβότου·
+τοῦτο δ’ εἴχε Πολέμων. Πλησιάζει δ’ ἤδη τούτοις τοῖς τόποις
+ὁ Ταῦρος, ὁ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ὁρίζων καὶ τὴν Λυκαονίαν
+πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκείμενους Κίλικας τοὺς Τραχειώτας. Λυκαόνων δὲ
+καὶ Καππαδόκων ὅριόν ἐστι τὸ μεταξὺ Κοροπασσοῦ κώμης Λυκαόνων
+καὶ Γαρσαούρων πολιχνίου Καππαδόκων. Ἔστι δὲ τὸ
+μεταξὺ διάστημα τῶν φρουρίων τούτων 120 που στάδιοι. Strabo, p. 568.</p>
+
+<p>For the extract from Artemidorus, relating to the same subject,
+see page <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Hadji Khalfa lived in the middle of the 17th century.
+Whether any wild asses or wild sheep are still found on the
+Lycaonian hills, I have never been able to learn; but it is certain
+that the ὄναγρος, or wild ass, is still hunted on similar hills
+in many parts of Persia. Naturalists have often confounded
+this animal with the zebra.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Tab. Peutinger. segm. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Compare Hierocles and the Acts of the Councils of Ephesus,
+Chalcedon, and Constantinople, with the Notitiæ Græcorum
+Episcopatuum.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Livy (l. 38. c. 15.) mentions a Caralitis palus; but it
+seems to have been situated further westward than Karajeli,
+and near the Cibyratis.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Pococke, in mentioning this inscription in the Narrative
+of his Travels (vol. 2. part 2. ch. 15.), makes a blunder similar
+to that which I have noticed relating to another inscription at
+Afióm Karahissár. He observes, that the inscription at Alekiam
+contains the word “Amorianorum:” no such word occurs, but
+“Orcistanorum” is found twice; and the inscription, which is
+long and curious, and (what is very uncommon with Pococke)
+tolerably correct, clearly shows that Alekiam is the site of
+Orcistus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Notitiæ Episcopatuum Græcorum.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> In the Jerusalem Itinerary the places are distinguished by the
+words Civitas, city; Mutatio, changing-place; Mansio, konák.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> These four distances occur again in the Antonine (ed.
+Wessel, p. 205.), in the road from Ancyra to Cæsareia, or
+Mazaca, as follows—24, 18, 20, 22; but I have rejected them,
+because those given in the text from the Antonine are confirmed
+by the Jerusalem as far as Aspona. On the other hand,
+the 24 M. P. from Aspona to Parnassus, in the Antonine, is so
+far confirmed by the 22 of the same itinerary in the road to
+Cæsareia, as to make it probable that the 35 of the Jerusalem
+is erroneous.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> This part of the route in the Table is very incorrect. Nitazus
+seems to stand in the place of Corbeus, and <i>vice versa</i>;
+and the <i>names</i> of Ancyra and Archelais are omitted.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> This distance is taken from the road from Tyana to Mazaca.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> By a route which must have been different from that of
+the other two itineraries; none of the names being alike.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> By assuming (from the Antonine) 16 M. P. for the last
+stage to Tyana.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Mopsucrene was 12 M. P. short of Tarsus, and was noted
+for the death of the Emperor Constantius. The name is disfigured
+in both the Itineraries. For the correction see the
+authorities quoted in Cellarius, l. 3. c. 7. § 122.; but particularly
+Ammianus, l. 21. c. 15., compared with Theophanes
+Chronog. p. 39. The Antonine seems to have confounded
+Mopsucrene with Mopsuestia; and hence to have omitted the
+distance between these two places.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> Xenoph. Anab. l. 1. c. 2. Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt.
+l. 3. c. 4. Strabo, p. 539.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> According to this authority, the post-station of the Pylæ
+(mutatio Pylæ) was 24 M. P. from Tarsus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> It should then be read thus,—Tyana ... Aquis Calidis 12
+Podando 22 Coriopio 12 in Monte 12 Tarso Ciliciæ. We know
+from modern travellers, that there are about 12 miles from the
+foot of the mountain to Tarsus. Coriopium here stands at the
+same distance from Tarsus as Pylæ in the Jerusalem, and is
+probably the same place.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> I read it thus. Iconium 20 fines Ciliciæ 25 in Monte
+Tauro 30 Tarso Ciliciæ: thus connecting the extremity, as in
+the former instance, with the words Tarso Ciliciæ. The number
+20 (xx.) ought perhaps to be 120 (cxx).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> Tetrapyrgia and Crunæ are named together by the geographer
+of Ravenna.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> The only two that have any appearance of reality are 24
+M. P. from Taspa to Isaura, and 33 M. P. from Crunæ to Seleuceia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Πλησίον δὲ καὶ ὁ Σαγγάριος ποταμὸς ποιεῖται τὴν ῥύσιν·
+ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ τὰ παλαιὰ τῶν Φρυγῶν οἰκητήρια Μίδου καὶ ἔτι
+πρότερον Γορδίου καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν, οὐδ’ ἴχνη σώζονται πόλεων
+ἀλλὰ κῶμαι μικρῷ μείζους τῶν ἄλλων· οἷόν ἐστι τὸ Γόρδιον....
+Strabo, p. 568.</p>
+
+<p>Τὸ δὲ Γόρδιον ἐστὶ μὲν τῆς Φρυγίας τῆς ἐφ’ Ἑλλησπόντου,
+κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Σαγγαρίου ποταμοῦ. Arrian, lib. 1. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> Strabo, p. 574.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> Eckhel. Doct. Num. vet. Bithynia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> Ἔστι δὲ ποταμὸς ἐν Γαλάταις, ὅνπερ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι
+Σίβεριν, τῶν μὲν καλουμένων Συκέων ἄγγιστα, πόλεως δὲ
+Ἰουλιοπόλεως ἀπὸ σημείων μάλιστα δέκα ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα
+ἥλιον. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> De cætero intus in Bithynia colonia Apamena, Agrippenses,
+Juliopolitæ, Bithynion; flumina, Syrius, Lapsias, Pharmicas,
+Alces, Crynis, Lilæus, Scopius, Hiera, qui Bithyniam et
+Galatiam disterminat. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 32.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> Civitas Juliopolis 13 M. P. Mutatio Hieron potamon 11
+M. P. Agannia (Laganeus) Itin. Hierosol. p. 574. Wessel.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Justinian built a bridge and dyke to preserve the high road
+from the ravages of the Siberis. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Plin. ubi supr. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> Ammian. l. 25. sub fin. Socrat. l. 3. sub fin. Sozomen,
+l. 6. c. 6. Theodoret, l. 4. c. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> Procop. De Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> Postero die ad Gordium pervenit. Id haud magnum quidem
+oppidum est, sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et
+frequens emporium: tria maria pari ferme distantia intervallo
+habet, Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius oræ litora, qua
+Cilices maritimi colunt: multarum magnarumque præterea gentium
+fines contingit, quarum commercium in eum maxime locum
+mutui usus contraxere. Liv. l. 38. c. 18.</p>
+
+<p>Phrygia tunc habebat quondam nobilem Midæ regiam; Gordium
+nomen est urbi, quam Sangarius amnis interfluit pari intervallo
+Pontico et Cilicio mari distantem. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.</p>
+
+<p>These observations of Livy and Curtius may be taken as examples
+of the extreme negligence and inaccuracy often shown
+by the Latin authors in matters of fact relating to foreign countries.
+It could hardly have been unknown at Rome in their
+time, that Gordium was not half so distant from the Propontis
+or Euxine as from the Ægæan or Cilician sea.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a></p>
+
+<table>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="2">Iter a Pesinunte Ancyram</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb">99</td>
+ <td class="bb">M. P.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Sic</td>
+ <td>Germa</td>
+ <td class="tdr">16</td>
+ <td></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td></td>
+ <td>Vindia</td>
+ <td class="tdr">24</td>
+ <td></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td></td>
+ <td>Papira</td>
+ <td class="tdr">32</td>
+ <td></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td></td>
+ <td>Ancyra</td>
+ <td class="tdr">27</td>
+ <td></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td colspan="2">Iter a Dorylao Ancyra</td>
+ <td class="tdr bb bt">141</td>
+ <td class="bb bt">M. P.</td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td>Sic</td>
+ <td>Arcelaio</td>
+ <td class="tdr">30</td>
+ <td></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td></td>
+ <td>Germa</td>
+ <td class="tdr">20</td>
+ <td></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td></td>
+ <td>Vindia</td>
+ <td class="tdr">32</td>
+ <td></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td></td>
+ <td>Papira</td>
+ <td class="tdr">32</td>
+ <td></td>
+ </tr>
+ <tr>
+ <td></td>
+ <td>Ancyra</td>
+ <td class="tdr">27</td>
+ <td></td>
+ </tr>
+</table>
+
+<p class="noindent">The 32 to Vindia is an error for 24, as appears by the numbers
+in the former list agreeing with the total: 32 seems by a mistake
+of the copier to have been written twice.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Polyb. l. 22. c. 20. Liv. l. 38. c. 18. Strabo, p. 567. Herodian
+(in the Life of Commodus) says that Pessinus was on
+the Gallus: but we know from Strabo that the Gallus was
+that branch of the Sakaría which waters the valley of Léfke.
+The mistake of Herodian is easily accounted for:—The Gallus
+being a very important branch of the Sangarius, the united
+stream was often known by the former name; as we observe in
+Ammianus,—who in coupling the Gallus with the lake Sophon,
+which we know from some passages in the Byzantine history
+to have been the lake of Sabanja,—evidently means by the
+Gallus the lower part of the Sangarius. In process of time
+the name Gallus became applied to the whole course of the
+Sangarius as far as its sources. The same thing happened
+to the Scamander at Troy, the name of which between the
+time of Homer and that of Antiochus the Great had become
+attached not only to the part below the junction of the two
+rivers, but to that also above it, as far even as the sources
+of the Homeric Simoeis.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Tab.
+Peutinger, seg. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Strabo, p. 567.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Liv. l. 38 c. 18.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Ammian. l. 22. c. 9.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Strabo, p. 567.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Notit. Episc. Græc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Pococke, however, observes, that the river was “small”
+where he crossed it, “being near the sources.”</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> Zonar. Ann. l. 15. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> Geogr. Nubiens. (Clim. 5. pars 5.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια
+καὶ Κοτιάειον, καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις.... Ὑπὲρ δὲ
+τῆς Ἐπικτήτου πρὸς νότον ἐστὶν ἡ μεγάλη Φρυγία λείπουσα ἐν
+ἀριστερᾷ τὴν Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Λυκαονίαν,
+ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ Μαίονας καὶ Λύδους καὶ Κᾶρας· ἐν ᾗ ἐστιν ἥτε
+Παρώρειος λεγομένη Φρυγία καὶ ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ἀμόριον
+καὶ Εὐμένειαν καὶ Σύνναδα. Strabo, p. 576.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> Anna Comn. l. 15. p. 470.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> Τεκτόσαγες δὲ τὰ πρὸς τῇ μεγάλῃ Φρυγίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Πεσσινοῦντα
+καὶ Ὀρκαορυκούς. Strabo, p. 567.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Γαλατίαν πρὸς νότον ἥτε λίμνη ἐστὶν ἡ Τάττα,
+παρακειμένη τῇ μεγάλῃ Καππαδοκίᾳ τῇ κατὰ τοὺς Μοριμηνοὺς,
+μέρος δ’ οὖσα τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας· καὶ ἡ συνεχὴς ταύτῃ μέχρι
+τοῦ Ταύρου, ἧς τὴν πλείστην Ἀμύντας εἶχεν.... Ἥτε δὴ
+Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν καὶ τὰ τῶν
+Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ, &amp;c. Strabo, p. 568.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> Stephan. in Πίτνισσα.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Liv. l. 38. c. 15 et seq.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> The <i>chief</i> town of the Tolistobogii, however, in the time
+of Strabo, was not Tolistochora, but Pessinus. Ancyra, according
+to the arrangement of Augustus, was the chief town of
+the Tectosages, who occupied the central part of Galatia, and
+Tavium was that of Trocmi, who possessed the eastern part of
+the province. Strabo, p. 567.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> A bishop of Perta sat in the Second Nicene Council, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>
+787.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> By the description of Mr. Kinneir it appears that Argæus
+is not less than 8 or 9000 feet above the sea; for it was covered
+with snow to a great distance below the summit in October:
+Strabo’s expression, therefore, of ὅρος πάντων ὑψηλότατος may,
+perhaps, apply to it with truth, if we confine his observation to
+the countries between the Caucasus and the Alps.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> Karasi, Sarukhan, Aidin, Kermian. See Niceph. Greg.
+l. 7. c. 1. Chalcocond. l. 1. p. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> Act. Apost. c. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> Cicero speaks of him with more respect: “Cum Antipatro
+Derbete mihi non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa
+familiaritas intercedit.”—Ep. ad Div. l. 13. ep. 73.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Strabo, p. 534, 567.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> Τῆς δὲ Ἰσαυρικῆς ἐστιν ἐν πλευραῖς, ἡ Δέρβη, μάλιστα ἐν
+Καππαδοκίᾳ ἐπιπεφυκὸς, τὸ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τυραννεῖον τοῦ Δερβήτου·
+τούτου δ’ ἦν καὶ τὰ Λάρανδα. Strabo, p. 569.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Stephan. in Δέρβη.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> There is a similar keep at Launceston in Cornwall.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> Apollodorus, l. 3. c. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> Strabo, p. 668.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> Basil of Seleucia, in the Life of Thecla.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> Claudiopolis, quam dedux coloniam Claudius Cæsar.
+Ammian. l. 15. c. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> It was founded by Hugh Lusignan the Third: for a description
+of it see the work of Mariti, who visited Cyprus in 1762.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> See Mariti, Drummond, and Pococke.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> This is the Mount Andriclus which Strabo places above
+Charadrus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> In some parts of the modern wall are remains of Hellenic
+masonry, of the kind often called Cyclopian.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> Josaphat Barbaro, who was sent by the Venetian government
+into Persia, and who published a description of his journey,
+assisted at the capture of Corycus and Seleuceia by a
+squadron under Pietro Mocenigo. The work of Barbaro was
+printed at the Aldine press in 1543.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> The following words are distinguished upon one of the
+architraves.... ΙΕΡΕΥΣ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣ ... ΚΑΙΣΑΡΙ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΩΙ.
+On another architrave is recorded the name of a person
+who had bequeathed land for restoring the city, and from
+the profits of which the temple had been rebuilt. Ἐκ τῆς
+προσόδου τῶν ἀγρῶν, ὧν ἀπέλιπεν εἰς ἐπισκευὴν τῆς πόλεως
+Κλεόστρατος υἱὸς πόλεως, φύσει δὲ Τελλικόντος, ἐπεσκευάσθη.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> Mount Solyma, then distant about sixty miles.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> In passing by sea from Aláya to Castel Rosso, I was obliged
+to follow the coast of the gulf of Adália, the sailors being
+afraid, in this season, of crossing directly to Cape Khelidóni.
+This practice has been common among the Greek seamen of
+every age, and was anciently expressed by the word κατακολπίζω.
+After having been detained three days in the mouth
+of a river, to the westward of Menavgát, I passed within sight
+of the mouth of the river Dudén, not far to the eastward of
+Adália, and I observed that it discharged itself into the sea by
+a perpendicular fall over a high cliff. This singularity accounts
+for the name Catarrhactes, anciently given to it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> This is evident upon comparing it with the fragments of the
+22d book of Polybius, as well as from the confession of Livy
+himself in several places.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια
+καί Κοτιάειον καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις καὶ Κάδοι· τοὺς
+δὲ Κάδους ἔνιοι τῆς Μυσίας φασίν. Strabo, p. 576.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 31. c. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> Arrian ubi supra.</p>
+
+<p>Μιλύας δ’ ἐστὶν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Τερμησσὸν στενῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς
+τὸ ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου ὑπερθέσεως δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Σίνδα, παρατείνουσα
+ὀρεινὴ μέχρι Σαγαλασσοῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀπαμέων χώρας. Strabo,
+p. 631.</p>
+
+<p>Ὑπέρκειται δ’ αὐτῆς (scil. Phaselidis) τὰ Σόλυμα ὄρος καὶ
+Τερμησσὸς, Πισιδικὴ πόλις, ἐπικειμένη τοῖς στενοῖς, δι’ ὧν ὑπέρβασίς
+ἐστιν εἰς τὴν Μιλυάδα. Strabo, p. 666.</p>
+
+<p>In Arrian the names are Salagassus and Telmissus, but improperly,
+as the coins of the two cities show. Stephanus says
+there was a greater and lesser Termissus in Pisidia, which is
+confirmed by the coins with the legend, Τερμησσέων τῶν μειζόνων.
+(Eckhel and Mionnet in Pisidia.)</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> Strabo, p. 573, 630.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> ... τὰ μέχρι Καρούρων εἴρηται. Τὰ δ’ ἐξῆς ἐστὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς
+δύσιν, ἡ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πόλις τῶν ἐπὶ Μαιάνδρῳ, τῆς Καρίας ἤδη·
+τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον ἡ Κίβυρά ἐστιν ἡ μεγάλη, καὶ ἡ Σίνδα καὶ ἡ Καβαλὶς,
+μεχρὶ τοῦ Ταύρου καὶ τῆς Λυκίας. Strabo, p. 630.</p>
+
+<p>... τῆς Νυσαΐδος, ἥ ἐστι χώρα κατὰ τὰ τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πέραν
+μέχρι τῆς Κιβυράτιδος καὶ τῆς Καβαλίδος. Strabo, p. 629.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> Strabo, p. 631. Liv. l. 38. c. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> Compare the preceding passages of Strabo, pp. 629, 630,
+with those of pp. 651, 665, where he says that a branch of Taurus
+occupied all Lycia, from the Cibyratis to Peræa of the Rhodii, and
+that Tlos a Lycian city stood near the pass leading to Cibyra.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> Strabo, p. 631.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> Hierocl. Synecd.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> Polyb. l. 5. c. 72.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> In the year before Christ 219.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Strabo, p. 667.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> ... οἱ Σελγεῖς οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἀξιολογώτατοι τῶν Πισιδῶν. Τὸ
+μὲν οὖν πλέον αὐτῶν μέρος τὰς ἀκρωρείας τοῦ Ταύρου κατέχει· τινὲς
+δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ Σίδης καὶ Ἀσπένδου, Παμφυλικῶν πόλεων, κατέχουσι
+γεώλοφα χωρία, ἐλαιόφυτα πάντα· τὰ δ’ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀρεινὰ ἤδη,
+Κατεννεῖς, ὅμοροι Σελγεῦσι καὶ Ὁμοναδεῦσι· Σαγαλασσεῖς δ’ ἐπὶ
+τὰ ἐντὸς τὰ πρὸς τῇ Μιλυάδι. Strabo, p. 569.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> Notit. Episc. Græc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent0">Τοῖς δ’ ἔπι Πισιδέων λιπαρὸν πέδον, ἧχι πόληες</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Τερμισσὸς Λύρβη τε καὶ ἣ ἐπολίσσατο λαὸς</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Πρίν ποτ’ Ἀμυκλαίων, μεγαλώνυμος ἐν χθονὶ Σέλγη.</div>
+ </div>
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse right">Dionys. Perieg. v. 858.</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> Strabo, p. 569.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 570. Liv. l. 38. c. 15. Arrian,
+l. 1. c. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> See Note <a href="#Footnote_163">163</a>, p. 149.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> See Note <a href="#Footnote_153">153</a>, p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> Ἀμύντας ... πολλὰ χωρία ἐξεῖλεν ἀπόρθητα πρότερον
+ὄντα, ὧν καὶ Κρήμνα. τὸ δὲ Σανδάλιον οὐδ’ ἐνεχείρησε βίᾳ προσάγεσθαι,
+μεταξὺ κείμενον τῆς τε Κρήμνης καὶ Σαγαλασσοῦ. Τὴν
+μὲν οὖν Κρήμναν ἄποικοι Ῥωμαίων ἔχουσι. Σαγαλασσὸς δ’ ἐστὶν
+ὑπὸ τῷ αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνι τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὑφ’ ᾧ καὶ ἡ Ἀμύντου βασιλεία
+πᾶσα· διέχει δ’ Ἀπαμείας ἡμέρας ὁδὸν, κατάβασιν ἔχουσα
+σχεδόν τι καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος· καλοῦσι δ’
+αὐτὴν καὶ Σέλγησσον. Strabo, p. 569.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> Κρήμναν ... ἐν ἀποκρήμνῳ τε κειμένην καὶ κατὰ
+μέρος χαράδραις βαθυτάταις ὀχυρωμένην. Zosim. l. 1. c. 69.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> “A Cibyra per agros Sindensium exercitus ductus, transgressusque
+Caularem amnem, posuit castra. Postero die est
+præter Caralitin paludem agmen ductum; ad Mandropolim
+manserunt; inde progredientibus ad Lagon, proximam urbem
+metu incolæ fugerunt; inde ab Lysis fluminis fonte, postero die
+ad Cobulatum (ap. Polyb. Κολοβάτον) amnem progressi. Termessenses
+eo tempore Isiondensium arcem, urbe capta, oppugnabant....
+Volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam divertendi
+oblata est; adveniens obsidione Isiondenses exemit. Termesso
+pacem dedit, 50 talentis argenti acceptis: item Aspendiis cæterisque
+Pamphyliæ populis. Ex Pamphylia rediens ad fluvium
+Taurum primo die, postero ad Xylinen comen posuit castra.
+Profectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa (ap. Polyb.
+Κύρμασα) urbem pervenit. Darsa proxima urbs erat; eam ...
+desertam ... invenit. Progredienti præter paludes (ap. Polyb.
+τὴν λίμνην) legati ab Lysinoe dedentes urbem venerunt. Deinde
+in agrum Sagalassenum, uberem fertilemque omni genere frugum,
+ventum est. Colunt Pisidæ, longe optimi bello regionis
+hujus: quum ea res animos facit, tum agri fœcunditas, et multitudo
+hominum, et situs inter paucas munitæ urbis....
+Progressus inde ad Obrimæ fontes, ad vicum, quem Aporidos
+comen vocant, posuit castra. Eo Seleucus ab Apamea postero
+die venit. Ægros inde et inutilia impedimenta quum Apameam
+dimisisset, ducibus itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis, profectus eo
+die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ
+processit. Inde Synnada,” &amp;c. Liv. l. 38. c. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> Compare <a href="#Footnote_173">the preceding Note</a> with those in pp. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,
+<a href="#Page_158">158</a>. Artemidorus (ap. Strabon. p. 570) includes Sinda among
+the cities of Pisidia. Stephanus calls it a city of Lycia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> Strabo, p. 570.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> Strabo, p. 576.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> Strabo, p. 627.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> “Inde (ab Antiochia ad Mæandrum) ad Gordiutichos,
+quod vocant, processum est; ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris
+perventum: in finibus Pisidarum posita est urbs, in ea parte,
+quæ vergit ad Pamphylium mare.” Liv. l. 38. c. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> See the Note page <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Strabo, p. 576. See Note <a href="#Footnote_187">187</a>,
+ p. 158.—Ptolemy places it
+in the same part of the country with Cibyra, Hierapolis and
+Apameia. By Hierocles it is named among the towns of Phrygia
+Pacatiana, together with Laodiceia, Colossæ and Hierapolis.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> See Note, p. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> Strabo, p. 577.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 2. c. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> I have somewhat enlarged Pococke’s computation of miles,
+as I find, in the sequel of his route to A´ngura, that (contrary
+to the common error of travellers) it is generally below the
+truth. He computes about 100 English miles from Karahissár
+to A´ngura; whereas the distance is little less than 120 G. M.
+in direct distance.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> The beginning of this inscription is imperfect: it ends in a
+form common upon sepulchral monuments, by subjecting the
+violator of the tomb to a fine, payable to the treasury of the
+city, and another sum to the Council.</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">......................</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">......................</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΦΙΣΚΟΝ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ ΔΙΣΧΕΙΛΙΑ ΚΑΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΗ ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ Β. Φ</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">Pococke copied the third letter of the lower line Σ instead of Ε,
+which was probably the cause of his failing to discover the
+ancient name of Ishekle. Εὐμενεύς is the ethnic adjective of
+Eumeneia in Stephanus, and ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ is the legend on
+the coins of that city. Another inscription at Ishekle supported
+a statue of Marcus Aurelius, τὸν ἴδιον θεὸν εὐεργέτην. And a
+third attests the worship at that place, among other deities, of
+the <i>dæmon Angdistis</i>, ΑΝΓΔΙΣΤΕΩΣ ΔΑΙΜΟΝΟΣ, under
+which name the <i>mother</i> of the gods was adored at Pessinus.
+Her worship in the country adjacent to the Mæander may be
+inferred from Pliny, who alludes to her epithet of Berecynthia
+in the passage in which he speaks of Eumenia: “Est Eumenia
+Cludro flumini apposita, Glaucus amnis. Lysias oppidum et
+Orthosia, Berecynthius tractus, Nysa, Tralles,” &amp;c. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Phrygia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> P. 576. “To the south of Phrygia Epictetus,” he says,
+“is Great Phrygia, which has Pessinus and Lycaonia on the
+right, the Mæones, Lydians and Carians on the left: it contains
+Phrygia Paroreius and the part towards Pisidia, and the
+country about Amorium, and Synnada and Eumeneia, Apameia
+surnamed Cibotus, and Laodiceia, which are the two greatest
+of the Phrygian cities, and around which are other smaller towns,
+Aphrodisias, Colossæ, Themisonium, Sanaus, Metropolis, Apollonias;
+and still further off Peltæ, Tabæ, Eucarpia, Lysias:”
+the “still further off” (ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω τούτων) is however not
+geographically accurate in regard to all the places mentioned.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> Κελαινὰς.... Ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος
+μέγας.... Διὰ μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός·
+αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν
+πόλεως. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ μεγάλου βασιλέως βασίλεια ἐν
+Κελαιναῖς ἐρυμνὰ, ἐπὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ
+ἀκροπόλει· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὸν
+Μαίανδρον. Xenoph. Cyri Exp. l. 1. c. 2.</p>
+
+<p>Xenophon adds that Celænæ was a large and flourishing city;
+that the palace and acropolis were built by Xerxes on his return
+from Greece; that the park was full of wild beasts which
+Cyrus hunted for the exercise of himself and his horses; that
+the Marsyas rose in a cavern, where Apollo hung up the skin of
+Marsyas; and that the breadth of the Marsyas was 25 feet.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> Ἀλέξανδρος ... ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Κελαινὰς πεμπταῖος. Ἐν δὲ
+ταῖς Κελαιναῖς ἄκρα ἦν πάντη ἀπότομος. Alexander gladly came
+to terms with the people on account of the strength of the
+citadel. (ἄπορον πάντη προσφέρεσθαι τὴν ἄκραν.) Arrian, l. 1.
+c. 29.</p>
+
+<p>Alexander ... ad urbem Celænas exercitum admovit. Mediam
+illa tempestate interfluebat Marsyas amnis.... Fons
+ejus ex summo montis cacumine excurrens in subjectam petram
+magno strepitu aquarum cadit.... Alexander ... arcem
+oppugnare adortus caduceatorem præmisit ... illi caduceatorem
+in turrim et situ et opere multum editam perductum,
+quanta esset altitudo intueri jubent, &amp;c. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> ... ἐς Κελαινάς· ἵνα πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ,
+καὶ ἑτέρου οὐκ ἐλάσσονος ἢ Μαιάνδρου, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει
+ἐὸν Καταῤῥήκτης, ὃς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγορῆς τῆς Κελαινέων
+ἀνατέλλων, ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῖ. Herod. l. 7. c. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> Ἵδρυται δὲ ἡ Ἀπάμεια ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκβολαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ·
+καὶ ῥεῖ διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ὁ ποταμὸς, τὰς ἄρχας ἀπὸ
+τῆς (παλαιᾶς) πόλεως ἔχων· κατενεχθεὶς δ’ ἐπὶ τὸ προάστειον
+σφοδρῷ καὶ κατωφερεῖ τῷ ῥεύματι, συμβάλλει πρὸς τὸν Μαίανδρον,
+προσειληφότα καὶ ἄλλον ποταμὸν Ὀργᾶν, δι’ ὁμαλοῦ
+φερόμενον πρᾷον καὶ μαλακόν·.... Ἄρχεται δὲ (ὁ Μαίανδρος)
+ἀπὸ Κελαινῶν, λόφου τινὸς ἐν ᾧ πόλις ἦν ὁμώνυμος τῷ λόφῳ.
+Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἀναστήσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁ Σωτὴρ Ἀντίοχος εἰς
+τὴν νῦν Ἀπάμειαν, &amp;c.——Ὑπέρκειται δὲ καὶ λίμνη φύουσα
+κάλαμον, τὸν εἰς τὰς γλώττας τῶν αὐλῶν ἐπιτήδειον, ἐξ ἧς ἀπολείβεσθαί
+φασι τὰς πηγὰς ἀμφοτέρας, τήν τε τοῦ Μαρσύου καὶ
+τὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου. Strabo, p. 578.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> Consul (Cn. Manlius) ... ad Antiochiam super Mæandrum
+amnem posuit castra. Hujus amnis fontes Celænis oriuntur.
+Celænæ urbs caput quondam Phrygiæ fuit: migratum inde
+haud procul veteribus Celænis, novæque urbi Apameæ nomen
+inditum.... Et Marsyas amnis, haud procul a Mæandri
+fontibus oriens, in Mæandrum cadit. Famaque ita tenet
+Celænis Marsyam cum Apolline tibiarum cantu certasse. Mæander,
+ex arce summa Celænarum ortus, media urbe decurrens,
+per Caras primum, deinde Ionas, in sinum maris editur,
+qui inter Prienen et Miletum est. Liv. l. 38. c 38.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> Tertius (Asiæ Conventus) Apamiam vadit, ante appellatam
+Celænas, dein Ciboton. Sita est in radice Montis Signiæ,
+circumfusis Marsya, Obrima, Orga fluminibus in Mæandrum
+cadentibus. Marsyas ibi redditur ortus ac paullo mox conditus;
+ubi certavit tibiarum cantu cum Apolline, Aulocrenis
+ita vocatur, convallis decem millia passuum ab Apamia Phrygiam
+petentibus.... Amnis Mæander ortus e lacu in
+monte Aulocrene.... Apamenam primum pervagatur regionem
+mox Eumeniticam, &amp;c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> Φρύγες οἱ περί Κελαινάς νεμόμενοι τιμῶσι ποταμοὺς δύο,
+Μαρσύαν καὶ Μαίανδρον. εἶδον τοὺς ποταμούς. ἀφίησιν αὐτοὺς
+πηγὴ μία, ἣ προελθοῦσα ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος ἀφανίζεται κατὰ νώτου τῆς
+πόλεως κᾳὖθις ἐκδιδοῖ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, διελοῦσα τοῖς ποταμοῖς καὶ
+τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα. ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ Λυδίας ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος, ὁ δὲ
+αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰ πεδία ἀναλίσκεται. Max. Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. 8.</p>
+
+<p>He then proceeds to relate a tale resembling that which
+Strabo has told us of the Alpheius and Eurotas, and which
+shews that the sources of the Mæander and Marsyas were
+exactly circumstanced as those of the two Peloponnesian rivers,
+described by Pausanias (Arcad. c. 43.) and Strabo (p. 343),
+and the accuracy of whose description I have myself ascertained.
+Those celebrated streams issue from separate sources
+at the foot of a mountain, behind which, in the elevated plain
+of Asea, is a rivulet, which, after crossing that plain, runs
+through a small lake into the mountain. This rivulet was
+anciently reputed to be the common origin of the two rivers;
+and it was believed (but apparently not by Strabo himself),
+that if offerings to the two river-gods were thrown into this
+stream, each offering would re-appear at the source of the river
+for the god of which it was destined by the sacrificer. Maximus
+Tyrius improves upon the similar story relating to the
+Mæander, by adding, that if a joint offering was thrown in for
+both the gods, it was divided in its passage through the mountain,
+and a portion appeared at each of the lower sources.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> See Eckhel and Mionnet in Phrygia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> Strabo, p. 579.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French translation
+of Chandler, thinks that the words of Pliny cited above, warrant
+the supposition that Apameia was ten miles distant from the site
+of Celænæ. I cannot perceive any such meaning in them: on
+the contrary, I think it clearly appears from Strabo, that both
+the rivers ran through Celænæ, and that they united in the
+suburb, which afterwards became the new city Apameia. The
+removal of Grecian cities, from the strong positions of the ancient
+independent republics, to neighbouring situations more
+commodious but less defensible, was a common occurrence on
+the decline of the republican system in Greece, and on the prevalence
+of monarchy; and it was a natural consequence of that
+change of system. The removal was generally attended with
+a change of name, which flattered the Macedonian or Roman
+prince under whom the removal took place. It often occurred,
+also, that a new name was given upon the mere occasion of a
+repair, when there was no change of situation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> See Rennell’s Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> Stephan. in Ἀπολλωνία.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> Τὴν γὰρ Ἀντιόχειαν ἔχων τὴν πρὸς τῇ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι Ἀπολλωνιάδος,
+τῆς πρὸς Ἀπαμείᾳ τῇ Κιβωτῷ &amp;c. Strabo, p. 569.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> Strabo, ibid.—Tacit. Ann. l. 3. c. 48.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. Similar assemblies were held
+at Cibyra, Synnada, Laodiceia ad Lycum, Alabanda, Ephesus,
+Smyrna, Sardes, Adramyttium, and Pergamum.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> Between Eumenia and the number which marks the miles
+from thence to <i>ad vicum</i>, which seems to have been a small place
+between Eumenia and Apameia,—occurs the word Pella. I am
+quite unable to explain what this means. I thought at first it was
+a mistake for Peltæ, an important town situated in this part of
+Phrygia; but it is impossible to find room for Peltæ and the
+great Peltene plain between Ishékle and Dinglar.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> Ptolemy, l. 5. c. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> Notit. Episc. Græc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> Stephan. de Urb. in Εὐκαρπία.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> Cicero pro Flacco, c. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> It was also called Hellespontine Phrygia, although totally
+divided from the Hellespont by Mysia. Hence it would seem
+that the part of Mysia lying between mount Olympus and the
+Caicus was included at one time in the district of Hellespontus;
+which at that time extended from the Hellespont to the
+Thymbres.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Strabo, p. 576.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> Strabo ibid. See Note, p. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.—Ptolemy ascribes Cadi
+and two other towns to the Erizeli, a people of Mæonia, on the
+borders of Mysia, Lydia and Phrygia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> Strabo, p. 629.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> The survey having been reduced to a tenth of Captain
+Beaufort’s scale in the map which accompanies the present
+volume, the latter may in some instances, perhaps, be found
+inadequate to illustrate the geographical remarks in the following
+chapter; which were constantly made with a reference to
+the survey itself. In all such difficulties, which it is hoped will
+not be found numerous, the reader is necessarily referred to
+the original authority.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> Strabo, p. 664.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> Strabo here means to allude to the mention of these two
+places by Homer.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> See Strabo, p. 533 et seq. and page <a href="#Page_64">64</a> of this volume.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> ... Τλῶν, κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τὴν εἰς Κίβυραν κειμένην. Artemid.
+ap. Strab. p. 665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> Arrian. de Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 24.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> Appian. Bel. Civ. l. 4. c. 82.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> Panegyr. §. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> Ptol. l. 5. c. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> Stephan. in Δολιχίστη et Μεγίστη.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> With a little correction it was as follows; but the beginning of
+the third line still wants explanation:</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">ΣΩΣΙΚΛΗΣ ΝΙΚΑΡΟΤΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΣΑΜΙΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΑΤΗΣΑΣ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΕΝΤΕΚΑΣΤΑΒΙ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΥ ΠΥΡΓΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΜΕ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΓΙΣΤΑΙ ΕΡΜΑΙ ΠΡΟΠΥ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">-ΛΑΙΩΙ ΧΑΡΙΣΤΗΡΙΟΝ</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">The Doric dialect may be accounted for by Megiste being in possession,
+and probably a colony, of the Rhodii. I found the ruins of a
+Hellenic tower here, at the end of a small plain: perhaps the tower
+mentioned in the inscription.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 22, 24, 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> Stephan. Byzant. with the Notes of Holstein.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> Oppidum Olympus ubi fuit, nunc sunt montana: Gage, Corydalla,
+Rhodiopolis. Juxta mare Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus
+influit, et Mons Massycites, Andriaca, civitas Myra. Oppida
+Apyre, Antiphellus, quæ quondam Habessus (<i>al.</i> Edebessus) atque in
+recessu Phellus. Deinde Pyrrha itemque Xanthus a main xv. M. P.
+flumenque eodem nomine. Deinde Patara, &amp;c. Plin. Hist. Nat.
+l. 5. c. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> The following fragment in honour of a person who had received
+the rites of citizenship in Rhodiopolis, Myra, and Phaselis, was found
+by Mr. Cockerell in the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash.</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">ΟΠΡΑΜΟΑΝ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΟΥ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΔΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΛΛΙΑΔΟΥ ΡΟΔΙΟ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΠΟΛΕΙΤΗΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΥΡΕΑ (καὶ)</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΦΑΣΗΛΕΙΤΗΝ ...</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">....</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> The following are the names in their order:—Corydalla, Sagalassus,
+Rhodia, Trebenda (<i>al.</i> Arendæ), Phellus, Myra.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit. Plin. Hist. Nat.
+l. 5. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> ... ἐν Λυκίᾳ δέ ἐστιν πόλις Ἀρύκανδα καλουμένη, ἧς πλησίον ἱερόν
+τι χωρίον, ὃ πρότερον μὲν Ἔμβολος ἐκαλεῖτο διὰ τὴν θέσιν τοῦ χωρίου.
+Schol. in Pindar. Olymp. Od. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a></p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">Μ’ ΑΥΡ’ ΤΟΑΛΙΣ ΔΙΣ ΟΛΥΜ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΠΗΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΥΚΑΝΔΕΥΣ</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> Stephanus of Byzantium describes Σιδαροῦς as a city and harbour,
+but he omits to add in what country it was situated.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> The order of names in Ptolemy on this coast is, Phaselis, Olbia,
+Attalia, the mouth of the Catarrhactes, Magydis, the mouth of the
+Cestrus, the mouth of the Eurymedon, Side. Ptol. l. 5. c. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> Voyage au Levant, par C. Lebruyn, c. 74. Voyage en Grèce,
+&amp;c. par Paul Lucas, tom. 1. c. 33. Beaufort’s Karamania, c. 6.
+Itinéraire de l’Asie Mineure, par Corancez, l. 4. c. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> Hierocl. Synecd.—Notit. Episc. Græc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> lib. 5. c. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> lib. 1. c. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 14. Arrian. Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> Strabo, p. 570. Polyb. l. 5. c. 72. Dionys. Perieg. v. 858.
+Arrian. lib. 1. c. 28. Zosim. l. 5. c. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> Scylax Perip. Pamphylia. Arrian, l. 1. c. 26.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> Hierocl. Synecd.—Constantin. Porph. de Them.—Notit. Episcop.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> τοῦ Μέλανος καὶ τοῦ Εὐρυμέδοντος ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐπέκεινα διαβαίνει
+τῆς Σίδης· ὁ δὲ διαῤῥεῖ τῇ Ἀσπένδῳ. Zosim. l. 5. c. 16.—Pomp. Mel.
+l. 1. c. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> Geograph. lib. 5. c. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> Liv. l. 33. c. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Pharsal. lib. 8. v. 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. Cilicia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> Livy (l. 33. c. 20.) says: “Nephelida promontorium Ciliciæ, inclitum
+fœdere antiquo Atheniensium.” What treaty this was it is
+difficult to discover—not the treaty of Cimon with the Persians;
+for according to that, the Chelidonian promontory was the point
+beyond which the Persians were forbidden to sail.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> Pompon. Mel. lib. 1. c. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> See Eckhel, Hunter, &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 5. cap. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> Athen. l. 3. c. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> In the copy of the treaty in Polybius (l. 22. c. 26.) Cape Calycadnus
+is mentioned as the point. Μηδὲ πλείτωσαν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Καλυκάδνου
+ἀκρωτηρίου, εἰ μὴ φόρους ἢ πρέσβεις ἢ ὁμήρους ἄγοιεν. In the
+Latin copy of the treaty in Livy (l. 38. c. 38.) both capes are mentioned.
+“Neve navigatio citra Calycadnum neve Sarpedonem promontoria”
+&amp;c. Appian, who has given the substance only of the treaty, names
+also both the capes: Ὅρον μὲν Ἀντιόχῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι δύο ἄκρας
+Καλύκαδνόν τε καὶ Σαρπηδόνιον. Appian Syr. c. 39.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> Diodor. Sic. l. 19. c. 61.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> Liv. Hist. Nat. l. 33. c. 20.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> Among other places on this coast taken possession of by the
+Knights of St. John were three fortresses, consigned to their care
+about the year 1200 by Pope Innocent III., who had received them
+from Leo king of Armenia, on the occasion of his coronation and
+acknowledgment of the Latin church. The ancient Armenian inscriptions
+still existing at Korgos and Selefke, render it probable
+that these were two of the fortresses. See Beaufort’s Karamania,
+pp. 220, 245.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> Stephanus (in Σελεύκεια) says that this Seleuceia was formerly
+called Olbia: which appears to be a mistake, arising from the similarity
+of the names Olbia; and Holmi. Strabo is confirmed by Pliny
+(l. 5. c. 27.), who says, “Seleucia supra amnem Calycadnum, Trachiotis
+cognomine, a mare relata, ubi vocabatur Hormia” (Holmia).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> Ptolemy calls the southern cape at the entrance of the Issic gulf
+(now Cape Hanzir) by this name, Ῥωσσικὸς σκόπελος.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> Stephanus (in Ὑρία) says, the Calycadnus was sometimes called
+Calydnus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> Τῆς ἴδιως Κιλικίας μεσόγειοι ... Μοψυεστία, Καστάβαλα,
+Νικόπολις, Ἐπιφάνεια, καὶ αἱ Ἀμανικαὶ πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5.
+c. 8.</p>
+
+<p>Ἡ Συρία περιορίζεται ἀπὸ μὲν ἄρκτων τῇ τὲ Κιλικίᾳ, &amp;c. ...
+Μετὰ τὸν Ἰσσὸν καὶ τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας Ἀλεξάνδρεια ἡ κατὰ Ἰσσὸν,
+Μυρίανδρος, &amp;c.... Πιερίας δὲ πόλεις αἵδε. Πίναρα,
+Πάγραι καὶ αἱ Συρίαι πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 15.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 1. c. 20. M. Kinneir’s Journey in
+Asia Minor, p. 135. Niebuhr’s Map in the Voyage en Arabie, tom. 2.
+pl. 52. Drummond’s Travels, letter 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> I saw the foundation of the wall which once fortified this pass.
+Perhaps Beilan is only a corruption of Πύλην, or Pyla in the accusative.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> Strabo, p. 676. See the translation in p. <a href="#Page_180">180</a> of this volume.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4. ad Attic. l. 5. ep. 20. Cicero, in clearing
+Mount Amanus of the Parthians, took Erana, the chief town, and
+several smaller places.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> We find in Hierocles that Seleuceia was the metropolis of Isauria
+at the time when Cilicia, divided into two ἐπαρχίαι, extended
+no further westward than Corycus inclusive. The chief magistrate,
+however, is stated by Hierocles to have been intitled ἡγεμών, not
+ἄρχων: but Hierocles probably wrote long after the date of this
+inscription, and in the interval some change may have taken place
+in the mode of government.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> Travels of Bertrandon de la Brocquière in the years 1432, 1433,
+translated by Johnes, pp. 174, 190.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> Josaphat Barbaro—Viaggio in Persia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> Liv. l. 33. c. 20. Plin. l. 5. c. 27. Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13.
+Stephan. in Κώρυκος.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> In Ἐλαιοῦσσα.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> In Σεβάστη.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> Joseph. Antiq. Jud. l. 16. c. 4. Strabo, p. 671.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> Xenoph. Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Arrian, l. 2. c. 5. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.
+Dio. Cass. l. 36. c. 20. Liv. l. 33. c. 20.—l. 37. c. 56. Pompon.
+Mel. l. 1. c. 13. Ptol. l. 5. c. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> Stephan. in Ἀγχιάλη. Eustath. in Dionys. Perieg.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 5. Dionys. Perieg. v. 868.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> Dio. Cass. l. 47. c. 31. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5. Stephan. in
+Ἄδανα.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> Διὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς πόλεως ταύτης (scil. Comana) ὁ Σάρος ῥεῖ ποταμὸς
+καὶ διὰ τῶν συναγκειῶν τοῦ Ταύρου διεκπεραιοῦται πρὸς τὰ τῶν
+Κιλίκων πεδία καὶ τὸ ὑποκείμενον πέλαγος. p. 536. Comana is the
+modern Bostán.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> Strabo, ibid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> Xenoph. de Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Procop.
+de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> Stephan. in Μάγαρσος.</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent0">... Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">...</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Αἰπὺς δ’ ἀλιβρὸς ὄχμος ἐν μεταιχμίῳ</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Μέγαρσος.</div>
+ </div>
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse right">Lycophr. v. 439.</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>ἡ δὲ Μέγαρσος πόλις κεῖται πρὸς ταῖς ἐκχύσεσι τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ.
+Tzetzes in Schol. ibid.</p>
+
+<p>περὶ Μάγαρσα τοῦ Πυράμου πλησίον. Strabo, p. 676. See the
+translated extract.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> Ap. Tzetz. in Lycoph. ubi sup.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> ποταμὸς Πύραμος καὶ πόλις Μαλλὸς, εἰς ἣν ἀνάπλους κατὰ τὸν
+ποταμόν. Scylax in Cilicia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> Steph. in Μάλλος.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.—... castris motis, et Pyramo amne ponte
+juncto, Mallon pervenit. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> Ap. Strabon. p. 675. See the translated extract.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Stephan. in Μόψου ἑστία. Procop.
+de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> Cod. Theodos.</p>
+
+<p>ἡ Μάμιστα ἡ καὶ Μόψου ἑστία λεγομένη. M. Glycæ Annal. p. 306.
+Paris.</p>
+
+<p>Civitas Adana, 18 M. P. Civitas Mansista 48 M. P. Mansio Baiæ.—Itin.
+Hierosol.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> Hierocl. Synecd.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> Appian Mithridat. c. 96.—Epiphania quæ anteà Eniandus. Plin.
+Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Hierocl. Synecd.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> Tab. Peutinger, seg. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> Cicer. ubi supra.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> Ἀντιόχεια ... ἕκτη Κιλικίας ἐπὶ τοῦ Πυράμου.
+Stephan. in Ἀντιόχεια.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> Μάλλος, Σεῤῥέπολις, Αἴγαι, Ἰσσός. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> Strabo, p. 651, 655, 664, 665.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> Strabo, p. 663. Strabo has committed a great error in
+stating that Physcus was the nearest point of the coast to Mylasa.
+The gulf of Kos is not one-third of the distance of Marmara
+from Mylasa.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> Caria mediæ Doridi circumfunditur ad mare utroque latere
+ambiens: in ea promontorium Pedalium, amnis Glaucus
+deferens Telmissum; oppida Dædala, Crya fugitivorum: flumen
+Axon: oppidum Calydna ... oppidum Caunos liberum; deinde
+Pyrnos, portus Cressa a quo Rhodus insula xx M.; locus Loryma.
+Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.</p>
+
+<p>Here Pyrnus occupies the place of Physcus, which ought
+perhaps to be substituted for the former word.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> Senec. Qu. Nat. l. 3. c. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> viginti paullo amplius millia. Liv. l. 45. c. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> Κνίδος πόλις καὶ ἄκρα, Ὀνουγνάθος ἄκρα· Λώρυμα, Κρῆσσα
+λιμὴν, Φοίνιξ, Φοῦσκα, Κάλβιος ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαὶ, Καῦνος, Κάλινδα,
+Χύδαι, Καρύα, Δαίδαλα τόπος, Τέλμησσος. Ptol. l. 5.
+c. 2. 3.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> Λοιπὸν Καρία.</p>
+
+<p>Ἐκ Τελμενσοῦ εἰς Δαίδαλα σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἐκ Δαιδάλων εἰς Καλλιμάχην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἐκ Καλλιμάχης εἰς Κρούαν σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἐκ Κρούων εἰς τὸν Κοχλίαν σταδ. ν. (50.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἐκ Κλυδῶν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηδάλιον ἀκρωτήριον σταδ. λ. (30.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πηδαλίου ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀγκῶνα τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ Γλαυκοῦ σταδ.
+π. (80.)</p>
+
+<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀγκῶνος ἐπὶ τῶν Κουνίων (lege Καυνίων) Πάνορμον
+σταδ. ρκ. (120.)</p>
+
+<p>200 stades from Pedalium to Panormus of the Caunii is nearly
+the real distance from cape Bokomádhi to port Karagatsh, and
+renders it probable that the latter was the ancient Panormus,
+a name which well applies to that fine basin. Its having been
+a part of the territory of the Caunii, may perhaps account for
+other authorities having omitted to mention it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> Plutarch. de Virt. Mul.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a></p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΧΑΛΚΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΟΣ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΚΛΕΑΙΝΙΔΟΣ ΚΑΛΛΙΚΡΑΤΙΔΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent6">ΚΡΥΑΣΣΙΔΟΣ.</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> Plin. l. 5. c. 31.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> Stephan. in Κρύα.—Stephanus has distinguished Crya from
+Cryassus, ascribing the former to Lycia and the latter to Caria,
+copying Artemidorus for the former, and Plutarch for the latter.
+The distinction is probably an error; unless Crya was the old site,
+and that the other was the new Cryassus mentioned by Plutarch.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Strabo, p. 656.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31. Stephanus in Πάσσαλα.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> At Lindus are the ruins of a dodecastyle Doric portico
+in front of a cavern, at Cnidus there is a Doric stoa, and at
+Halicarnassus are the ruins of a large Doric temple, supposed
+by Choiseul Gouffier, who has published a design of it, to
+have been the temple of Mars mentioned by Vitruvius.</p>
+
+<p>It is not to be supposed that the people of the Hexapolis
+confined themselves to Doric architecture, being so near the
+country where the Ionic originated and was brought to perfection.
+At all the three places just mentioned, but particularly
+at Cnidus, we find examples of the other orders.</p>
+
+<p>Cnidus formed one of the most important objects of the late
+mission of the Society of Dilettanti. There is hardly any ruined
+Greek city in existence which contains examples of Greek
+architecture in so many different branches. There are still to
+be seen remains of the city walls, of two closed ports, of several
+temples, of stoæ, of artificial terraces for the public and private
+buildings, of three theatres, one of which is 400 feet in diameter,
+and of a great number of sepulchral monuments. Designs
+of the most important of these curious remains are about
+to be published by the Society of Dilettanti.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> The following is an inscription at Cnidus:</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">Α ΒΟΥΛΑ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΑΜΟΣ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΑΥΡΗΛΙΑΝ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΝ ΘΥΓΑΤΕΡΑ ΜΕΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΝΕΙΚΑΔΑ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΑ ΔΕ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΤΑ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΑΡΙΣΤΟΥ. ΜΑΡ. ΑΥΡ. ΕΥΔΟΞΟΥ ΔΙΣ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΔΙΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΝ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΦΑΝΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΗΛΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΔΑΜΙ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΟΥΡΓΟΥ, ΑΡΕΤΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΚΕΚΟΣΜΑΙΜΕΝΑΝ, ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΑΡΧΗΣΑΣΑΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΩΣ, ΤΑΝ ΤΕΙ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΝ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΝΤΟΣ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΥ ΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΑΥΤΑΣ ΚΑΘ Α ΤΑ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΥΠΕΣΧΕΤΟ</div>
+ <div class="line indent14">ΘΕΟΙΣ.</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>In a fragment of another Doric inscription at Cnidus, mention
+is again made of the officer called δαμιουργὸς, also of
+a γυμνικὸς ἀγὼν πενταετηρικὸς held at Cnidus. It was, probably,
+for these quinquennial celebrations, common, no doubt,
+to all the surrounding country, that the great theatre at Cnidus
+was principally intended.</p>
+
+<p>In an inscription copied by Chandler (Ins. Ant. p. 19), at
+Iasus (Asýn Kale), we find a decree of the Calymnii cited at
+length. This decree is in the Doric dialect, whereas that of the
+Iasenses which contains it is in common Hellenic. We are
+informed by Herodotus (l. 7. c. 99.) that the islands Calydniæ,
+of which Calymna was the chief, were colonized from Epidaurus;
+they were consequently included (as was Nisyrus likewise)
+among the Dorians of the Hexapolis.</p>
+
+<p>In Mitylene I found several inscriptions, shewing that the
+use of the Æolic dialect was preserved to a late period in that
+island, which was colonized from Thessaly: the most remarkable
+form is ΒΟΛΛΑ for ΒΟΥΛΗ, and ΒΟΛΛΕΥΤΑΣ for ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΣ.</p>
+
+<p>Pococke has given copies (very inaccurately as usual) of
+some of these inscriptions (Inscr. Antiq. p. 45); and one is to
+be seen in Gruter, p. 1091.</p>
+
+<p>In reference to the use of the Doric dialect by the colonies
+of that race of Greeks, it may be worthy of remark that the
+Greek inscription of the time of Psammetichus king of Egypt,
+lately discovered by Mr. W. Bankes on the temple of Ibsambal
+in Nubia, appears from the words Ψαματιχο Ἐλεφαντιναν, and
+τοι for οἱ, to be in the Doric dialect. Herodotus tells us that
+the Greeks in the service of Psammetichus were Ionians and
+Carians: those who inscribed the temple of Ibsambal may
+therefore have been from the Carian Doris. It was perhaps in
+memory of these first Greek settlers in Upper Egypt that the
+Greeks of the Thebais often used the Doric dialect as late as
+the time of the Roman emperors.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> Pliny also (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.) numbers Caryanda
+among the islands.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Const. Porph. de Them. l. 1. th. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> ... sinus Iasius et Basilicus. In Iasio est Bargylos.
+Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 17. Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Constant.
+Porph. ubi supr.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> Chishull, Antiq. Asiat. p. 155.—This inscription was copied
+at Eski-hissár in 1709, by the celebrated botanist Sherard,
+then British Consul at Smyrna. He also copied at the same
+place, a long Latin inscription, containing a list of the prices
+of various commodities, as regulated by one of the Roman emperors—which
+has recently been excavated and more completely
+transcribed by Mr. W. Bankes. Sherard presented to
+the Earl of Oxford a volume containing copies of between three
+and four hundred inscriptions collected by him in Asia Minor.
+This MS. is now in the British Museum. Catal. Harl. Cod. 7509.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 6. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> Τὰ δὲ Λάβρανδα κώμη ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ὄρει κατὰ τὴν ἐξ Ἀλαβάνδων
+εἰς τὰ Μύλασα, ἄπωθεν τῆς πόλεως· ἐνταῦθα Διός ἐστι
+νεὼς ἀρχαῖος καὶ ξόανον Διὸς Στρατίου. τιμᾶται δ’ ὑπὸ τῶν
+κύκλῳ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Μυλασέων· ὁδός τε ἔστρωται σχεδόν τι ὀκτὼ
+καὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίων μέχρι τῆς πόλεως ἱερὰ καλουμένη δι’ ἧς
+πομποστολεῖται τὰ ἱερά. Strabo, p. 659.</p>
+
+<p>Ælian (de Nat. Anim. l. 12. c. 30.) says that 70 stades was
+the distance between Alabanda and Mylasa.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> Ἀλάβανδα δὲ καὶ αὕτη μὲν ὑπόκειται λόφοις δυσὶ συγκειμένοις
+οὕτως, ὥστ’ ὄψιν παρέχεσθαι κανθηλίου κατεστραμμένου
+... μεστὴ δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ αὕτη καὶ ἡ τῶν Μυλασέων πόλις τῶν
+θηρίων τούτων (σκορπίων) καὶ ἡ μεταξὺ πᾶσα ὀρεινή. Strabo, p. 660.</p>
+
+<p>... πολλὰς δὲ (διαβάσεις τῇ αὐτῇ ὁδῷ ἔχει) καὶ (ὁ ποταμὸς)
+ὁ ἐκ Κοσκινίων εἰς Ἀλάβανδα. Strabo, p. 587.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> Antiquities of Ionia, part l. c. 4. Chandler, Asia Minor,
+c. 58.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, c. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="label">[327]</a> Voyage de Chandler, tom. 2. p. 248.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="label">[328]</a> Polyb. l. 17. c. 2—l. 18. c. 27.—l. 30. c. 5. Liv. l. 33.
+c. 30.—l. 45. c. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="label">[329]</a> τὸ Γρίον ... παράλληλον τῷ Λάτμῳ, ἀνῆκον ἀπὸ τῆς
+Μιλησίας πρὸς ἕω, διὰ τῆς Καρίας μέχρι Εὐρώμου καὶ Χαλκητόρων.
+Strabo, p. 635.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="label">[330]</a> Vaillant Num. Græc. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Caria.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="label">[331]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="label">[332]</a> Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="label">[333]</a> ... περίκεινται δὲ ἀξιόλογοι κατοικίαι πέραν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου,
+Κοσκινία καὶ Ὀρθωσία. Strabo, p. 650.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="label">[334]</a> Strabo, p. 587. vide supra.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="label">[335]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 9.—It is impossible from Pococke’s
+confused narrative to understand either the exact course
+of the river Tshina, or the position of the places in its vicinity.
+The attempt to describe them on the map must therefore be
+considered as a mere approximation.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="label">[336]</a> Voyage de Chandler, tome 2. p. 252.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="label">[337]</a> Herodot. l. 5. c. 118.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="label">[338]</a> See above, chapter 4. p. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="label">[339]</a> Strabo, p. 600. Stephan. in Ἑκατησία, Ἰδριὰς, Χρυσάορις.
+All these were ancient names of Stratoniceia. In consequence
+of some restorations by Hadrian, it afterwards received that of
+Hadrianopolis, but did not long retain the appellation. See
+Hierocles Synec. The worship of Hecate is mentioned in the
+inscription of Stratoniceia, published by Chishull.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="label">[340]</a> Strabo, p. 663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="label">[341]</a> Strabo, p. 658.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="label">[342]</a> Strabo, p. 635. See p. 232, note <a href="#Footnote_329">329</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="label">[343]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="label">[344]</a> The form of the letters in this inscription seems to show
+that its date is about the time of the first wars of the Romans
+in Asia. It was an epistle addressed to the Amyzonenses
+by some person in power: beginning with the usual
+form of salutation, and ending with the no less customary ΕΡΡΩΣΘΕ.
+In the Classical Journal, No. 28, the reader will
+find an inscription nearly of the same tenor and date, which I
+copied at Cyretiæ in Perrhœbia, and which was an epistle addressed
+to the people of that place by the Consul Titus Quinctius
+Flamininus, when he commanded the Roman army in
+Greece against the king of Macedonia, Philip son of Demetrius.
+In the inscription of Amyzon, besides the two words already
+stated, I distinguish ΤΟ ΙΕΡΟΝ ΑΣΥΛΟΝ—ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΕΥΝΟΙΑΝ—ΚΑΙ
+ΜΗΘΕΝΙ ΕΝΟΧΛΕΙΝ ΥΜΑΣ.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="label">[345]</a> Having described Miletus and the islands before it, Lade
+and the Tragææ, now heights in the plain, he adds: ἐξῆς δ’ ἐστὶν
+ὁ Λατμικὸς κόλπος ἐν ᾧ Ἡράκλεια ἡ ὑπὸ Λάτμῳ λεγομένη, πολίχνιον
+ὕφορμον ἔχον· ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ πρότερον Λάτμος ὁμωνύμως τῷ
+ὑπερκειμένῳ ὄρει. Strabo, p. 635.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="label">[346]</a> A re-examination of the ruins of Priene and Branchidæ
+was a principal object of the second Asiatic Mission of the
+Society of Dilettanti. Their late publication renders it unnecessary
+for me to make any observations on the great monuments
+at those two places: but the reader will not be displeased
+at my here inserting a curious inscription, in Boustrophedon,
+from Branchidæ. It was copied by Sir W. Gell from the chair
+of a sitting statue on the Sacred Way, or road leading from the
+sea to the temple of Apollo Didymeus. This road—bordered on
+either side with statues on chairs of a single block of stone, with
+the feet close together and the hands on the knees—is an exact
+imitation of the avenues of the temples in Egypt. The inscription
+(which is perfect to the right and incomplete to the left) is
+as follows:</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus12" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus12.jpg" alt="">
+</figure>
+
+<p>The name at the beginning was probably Hermesianax. It
+appears by ἡμεὰς (Ion. for ἡμὰς <i>us</i>) ἀνέθηκεν, that the inscribed
+statue speaks for them all. The word at the beginning of line 3
+may possibly be ΒΡΑΝΚΙΔΕΩ. Of the <i>crasis</i> instanced in ΤΩΠΟΛΛΩΝΙ,
+there are several examples in the Sigeian inscription,
+in the Eleian tablet, and in other monuments of a time
+when the Greeks wrote rather by sound than grammar. It
+seems to have been particularly at the end of inscriptions that
+the Greek ear required an agreeable cadence and combination
+of vowel sounds; and hence their inscriptions sometimes ended
+in metre, although the former part was not constructed by any
+such rules. Thus the last line of the following Doric inscription
+on a helmet lately found at Olympia appears to be the end
+of a hexameter verse: a supposition which will account for the
+crasis or omission of two of the vowels.</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus13" style="max-width: 43.75em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus13.jpg" alt="">
+ <figcaption>
+ <p>Ἱέρων ὁ Δεινομένεος καὶ οἱ Συρακουσίοι τῷ Διῒ Τυρρηνὰ ἀπὸ Κύμης.</p>
+ </figcaption>
+</figure>
+
+<p>The single instead of double liquid in TVRANA, seems to
+have been not uncommon in the old Doric—we have ΑΛΑΛΟΙΣ
+for ἀλλήλοις in the Eleian tablet.</p>
+
+<p>This curious inscription relates to a military expedition of
+Hiero king of Syracuse, son of Deinomenes, (commonly called
+Hiero the First,) in aid of the people of Cyme, who had suffered
+severely from the Tyrrhenian fleet. (Diod. l. 11. c. 51.) The triremes
+of Hiero gained a brilliant victory and destroyed a great
+number of Tyrrhenian ships; and the helmet seems to have been
+among the <i>Tyrrhenian spoils</i> which upon this occasion Hiero
+and his Syracusans dedicated at Olympia. A few years before
+this exploit, the same prince had obtained a victory in the
+Olympic games, which the first Ode of Pindar has made
+more illustrious than the historian Diodorus has rendered his
+triumph over the Tyrrhenians: though the poet alludes also to
+the latter victory. (Pyth. l. v. 137.) Pausanias, who has described
+(Eliac. post. c. 12. Arcad. c. 42.) the magnificent dedications
+of Deinomenes the son of Hiero, in honour of his father’s
+three victories in the Olympic games, says nothing of
+the offerings of Hiero after his success over the Tyrrhenians:
+but so numerous were these martial dedications at Olympia,
+that the omission is not surprising. Pausanias had enough to
+do to describe the great monuments of art and religion.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="label">[347]</a> ... ἀφ’ Ἡρακλείας ἐπὶ Πύῤῥαν πολίχνην πλοῦς ἑκατόν
+που σταδίων. Μικρὸν δὲ πλέον τὸ ἀπὸ Μιλήτου εἰς Ἡράκλειαν
+ἐγκολπίζοντι· εὐθυπλοίᾳ δ’ εἰς Πύῤῥαν ἐκ Μιλήτου τριάκοντα·
+τοσαύτην ἔχει μακροπορίαν ὁ παρὰ γῆν πλοῦς.... Ἐκ δὲ Πύῤῥας
+ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πεντήκοντα.... ἀναπλεύσαντι
+δ’ ὑπηρετικοῖς σκάφεσι τριάκοντα σταδίους πόλις Μυοῦς.... Ἔνθεν
+ἐν σταδίοις τέσσαρσι κώμη Καρικὴ Θυμβρία παρ’ ἣν Ἄορνόν ἐστι
+σπήλαιον ἱερὸν Χαρώνειον λεγόμενον.... Ὑπέρκειται δὲ Μαγνησία
+ἡ πρὸς Μαιάνδρῳ.... Μετὰ δὲ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Μαιάνδρου
+ὁ κατὰ Πριήνην ἐστὶν αἰγιαλός· ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δ’ ἡ Πριήνη καὶ ἡ
+Μυκάλη τὸ ὄρος &amp;c. Strabo, p. 636. I have inserted this passage,
+as giving, when compared with the actual topography,
+the clearest idea of the situation of the ancient places and the
+state of the coast in the time of Strabo. The plain of the Mæander
+as it advanced upon the sea, and converted the commercial
+shores of the maritime cities into unhealthy marshes,
+successively devoted them to desolation. Myus in the time of
+Strabo had recently been abandoned by its inhabitants, who had
+removed to Miletus; but the accumulations had not yet shut
+up the Latmic Gulf. Such having been the causes of the desolation
+of the ancient sites near the mouth of the Mæander, they
+are never likely to be reoccupied. In the Voyage Pittoresque
+of Choiseul Gouffier, vol. 1. pl. 111., will be found plans by
+Kauffer and Barbié du Bocage, explanatory of the progressive
+increase of the Mæandrian plain and the consequent changes in
+the topography.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="label">[348]</a> Inekbazar was visited by Van Egmont and Heyman in
+passing from Skalanóva to Ghiuzel-hissár; and one is rather surprised,
+that their account of the ruins at that place, although
+extremely vague, did not lead geographers to the suspicion
+that at Inekbazar would be found remains of Magnesia and of
+the temple of Leucophryene. The general dulness and inaccuracy
+of Heyman’s book may perhaps account for this neglect
+of its authority. I am ignorant of the exact date of the Travels
+of the Dutch statesman and of the Oriental scholar of the same
+nation who was his companion. The English translation was
+published in 1759. We are told in the Preface that the travels
+occupied thirteen years.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="label">[349]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="label">[350]</a> Artem. ap. Strab. p. 663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="label">[351]</a> Artem. ibid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="label">[352]</a> Plin. ubi supr.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="label">[353]</a> Artem. ubi supr.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="label">[354]</a> Strabo, p. 648.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="label">[355]</a> Strabo, p. 647.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="label">[356]</a> Plin. ubi supr.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="label">[357]</a> It appears to have been very customary with the Asiatic
+Greeks to make their stadia circular at both ends. Examples
+exist at Magnesia ad Mæandrum, Tralles, Aphrodisias, Laodiceia
+ad Lycum, and Pergamum. At Magnesia, Tralles, Sardes,
+and Pergamum, the theatre is placed on one side of the stadium thus,</p>
+
+<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus14" style="max-width: 18.75em;">
+ <img class="w100" src="images/illus14.jpg" alt="">
+</figure>
+
+<p>Under the Romans the stadium was sometimes converted into
+an amphitheatre, by building a curved wall across its breadth, so
+as to form with one of the circular ends a circle or oval. An
+inscription at Laodiceia, boasting of such a pitiful conversion
+of the stadium at that place, has been published by Chandler:
+and Pococke remarked the remains of a similar operation in the
+stadium of Ephesus. It appears from Strabo that there was an
+amphitheatre at Nysa: and there is one still existing at Pergamum;
+the latter is a building separate from the theatro-stadium.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="label">[358]</a> Vitruv. præf. in l. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="label">[359]</a> Strabo, p. 647.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="label">[360]</a></p>
+
+<p class="center">1.</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΑ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝ ΓΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΑΛΑΣ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΣΗΣ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΝ ΜΑΡ·</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΑΥΡ· ΑΝΤΩΝΕΙΝΟΝ ΕΥ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΣΕΒΗ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ ΣΕ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΒΑΣΤΟΝ Μ· ΑΥΡ· ΣΤΡΑ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝΕΙΚΟΣ Κ. ΣΙΛΙΚΙΟΣ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΙΕΡΟΚΛΗΣ· Κ· Μ· ΑΥΡ·</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΟΦΙΛΗΤΟΣ· Κ· ΑΥΡ.....</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΣ. Κ. ΑΥΡ.....ΤΑΣ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΟΙ ΑΡΧΙΕΡΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΤΕΙΣ ΑΝΕΣΤ (ησαν)</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΛΟΓΙΣΤΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΚΡΙΣΠΟΥ ΑΣΙΑ....</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="center">2.</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">...ΔΕΣΠ.....</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">...ΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑ....</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">..Μ. ΑΥΡ. ΑΝΤΩ...-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">..ΝΟΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗ Ε....</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">...............</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">...Σ ΔΙΔΙΑΝΟΣ Ο...</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">...ΕΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜΜΑ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">...Σ ΤΗΣ ΜΑΓΝΙΤΩΝ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">... ΕΩΣ ΚΑΙ..</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="center">3.</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent0">...............</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">...............</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">.............ΙΕ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡΤΕ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥΗ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΝΗΣ ΑΦΡΟΔΕΙΣΙΑ Ν</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">............</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">On the same stone as the preceding:</p>
+
+<div class="inscription">
+ <div class="lines">
+ <div class="line indent2">ΑΓΑΘΗ ΤΥΧΗ</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΙΕΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">ΤΕΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥ-</div>
+ <div class="line indent0">................</div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Although Magnesia was an Æolic city founded by Thessalians,
+(Strabo, p. 647.) no inscriptions have been found there
+in the Æolic dialect.</p>
+
+<p>Pausanias in enumerating the great temples of Ionia has
+omitted that of Magnesia, possibly because he did not consider
+its district a part of Ionia. He states the temple of Ephesus
+to have been the first both for size and riches; next, the temples
+of Apollo at Branchidæ and at Colophon, neither of which
+was ever finished; then the temple of Juno at Samus and of
+Minerva at Phocæa, both of which had been burnt by the Persians,
+but were still objects of admiration: and after them the
+temples of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva at Priene; the
+former remarkable for its antiquity, the latter for the statue
+which it contained. Pausan. Achaic. c. 5. The remark of Pausanias
+on the temple of Samus, which in magnitude was second
+only to that of Diana Ephesia, may account for the neglect of
+it by Strabo and Vitruvius. The latter was so ill-informed as
+to call it a Doric building.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="label">[361]</a> Strabo, p. 648.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="label">[362]</a> Præf. in l. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="label">[363]</a> Pachymer. Hist. l. 6. c. 20. Nicephor. Greg. l. 5. c. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="label">[364]</a> Strabo, p. 649.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="label">[365]</a> Id. Ibid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="label">[366]</a> Strabo, p. 650.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="label">[367]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 56.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="label">[368]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="label">[369]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="label">[370]</a> Plin. ibid. Strabo, p. 630.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="label">[371]</a> Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="label">[372]</a> Sherard was accompanied in a tour to Aphrodisias in the
+year 1705, by Picenini; and in another in the year 1716, by
+Lisle. He copied upwards of 100 inscriptions at Aphrodisias,
+which are to be found in the MS. volume already mentioned.
+From two of the inscriptions of Aphrodisias, selected for publication
+by Chishull, it appears that Aphrodisias and Plarassa
+formed one community, having a governing council and a temple
+of Venus common to both: coins with a legend of both
+names are also not very uncommon. Plarassa is designated
+as a town of Caria by Stephanus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="label">[373]</a> Mr. Gandy, one of the architects of the Mission of the
+Dilettanti, visited Gheira, and made drawings of the ruins.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="label">[374]</a> Its other appellations were Ninoe, Megalopolis, and Lelegopolis.
+Steph. in Μεγάλη Πόλις et Νινόη.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="label">[375]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 12.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="label">[376]</a> Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="label">[377]</a> Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="label">[378]</a> The Second Mission of the Dilettanti into Asia did not penetrate
+so far as these places.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="label">[379]</a> Laodiceia is now a deserted place, called from the ruins
+Eski-hissár, a Turkish word equivalent to the Paleókastro,
+which the Greeks so frequently apply to ancient sites.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="label">[380]</a> Antiquities of Ionia, part 2. p. 32.—Chandler, Asia Minor,
+c. 67.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="label">[381]</a> Cicero. Epist. ad Am. l. 2. ep. 17. l. 3. ep. 5. l. 5. ep. 20.
+Tacit. l. 14. c. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="label">[382]</a> ... Εἰ γάρ τις ἄλλη καὶ ἡ Λαοδίκεια εὔσειστος καὶ τῆς
+πλησιοχώρου τὸ πλέον. Strabo, p. 578.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="label">[383]</a> Strabo, p. 579, 628, 630.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="label">[384]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 13.—Chandler, Asia Minor,
+c. 68.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="label">[385]</a> Strabo, p. 629, 630. Chandler found at the theatre the
+beginning of an encomium of Hierapolis:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent0">Ἀσίδος εὐρείης προφερέστατον οὖδας ἁπάντων</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Χαίροις Χρυσόπολι Ἱεράπολι πότνια νυμφῶν</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Νάμασιν ἀγλαΐησι κεκασμένη....</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">And Smith was the first to copy an inscription mentioning a
+company of dyers:</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent0">Τοῦτο τὸ ἥρωον στεφανοῖ ἡ ἐργασία τῶν βαφέων.</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p class="noindent">The latter illustrates Strabo, who tells us the waters of Hierapolis
+were famous for dyeing.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="label">[386]</a> Phot. Biblioth. p. 1054.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="label">[387]</a> Const. Porphyrog. de Them. l. 1. th. 3. The bishops of
+Chonæ subscribed to the second Nicene Council in 787, one
+hundred and fifty years before Porphyrogennetus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="label">[388]</a> Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="label">[389]</a> Herodot. ibid. Strabo, p. 579.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="label">[390]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent0">... riget arduus alto</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Tmolus in adscensu: clivoque extentus utroque</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Sardibus hinc, illinc parvis finitur Hypæpis.</div>
+ </div>
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse right">Ovid. Metam. l. 11. v. 150.</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>Ὕπαιπα δὲ πόλις ἐστὶ καταβαίνουσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ Τμώλου πρὸς
+τὸ τοῦ Καΰστρου πεδίον. Strabo, p. 627.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="label">[391]</a> Tacit. Ann. l. 2. c. 47. Euseb. Chron.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="label">[392]</a> Strabo, p. 440, 620, 629. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="label">[393]</a> See Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. vol. 3. p. 96; where several
+coins are described, with the legends ΚΑΥΣΤΡΙΑΝΩΝ, ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ
+ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΩ and ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΑΝΩ. But
+it seems that not only the upper and lower Cilbiani, but that
+settlers also in their country, from Nicæa and Pergamum, had
+their separate coinage. Eckhel. ibid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="label">[394]</a> Strabo, p. 620.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="label">[395]</a> Strabo, p. 440.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="label">[396]</a> The total disappearance of such a vast edifice as the temple
+of Diana Ephesia is to be ascribed to two causes, both arising
+from its situation. Its position near the sea has facilitated
+the removal of its materials for the use of new buildings during
+the long period of Grecian barbarism; while that gradual
+rising of the soil of the valley, which has not only obstructed
+the port near the temple, but has created a plain of three miles
+between it and the sea, has buried all the remains of the temple
+that may have escaped removal. Enough of these however, it
+is probable, still exists beneath the soil to enable the architect to
+obtain a perfect knowledge of every part of the construction.</p>
+
+<p>It is remarkable that all the greatest and most costly of the
+temples of Asia, except one, are built on low and marshy spots:
+those of Samus, Ephesus, Magnesia, and Sardes, are all so
+situated. It might be supposed that the Greek architects, having
+to guard against earthquakes, as against the most cruel
+enemy of their art, and having ample experience in all the concomitant
+circumstances of these dreadful convulsions, which are
+the peculiar scourge of all the finest parts of Asia Minor, were
+of opinion that a marshy situation offered some security against
+their effects. But the custom seems rather to be connected with
+the character of the Ionic order, which is itself associated with
+that of the Asiatic Greeks. While the massy and majestic Doric
+was best displayed on a lofty rock, the greater proportional height
+of the elegant Ionic required a level, surrounded with hills. So
+sensible were the Greeks of this general principle, that the columns
+of the Doric temple of Nemea, which is situated in a narrow
+plain, have proportions not less slender than some examples
+of the Ionic order. In fact, it was situation that determined the
+Greeks in all the varieties of their architecture; and, so far
+from being the slaves of rule, there are no two examples of the
+Doric, much less of the Ionic, that exactly resemble, either in
+proportion, construction, or ornament. It must be admitted,
+however, that the colonies of Italy and Sicily appear to have been
+less refined in taste; and, like all colonies, to have adhered to
+ancient models longer than the mother-country.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="label">[397]</a> Strabo, p. 639.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="label">[398]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="label">[399]</a> Colophon stood at a distance of two miles from the shore.
+Liv. l. 37. c. 26. The temple of Clarus has not yet been sufficiently
+examined, although, according to Captain Beaufort, its
+remains are not inconsiderable; and, what is curious in this
+part of the country, it was of the Doric order. For Teos, see
+Antiquities of Ionia, part 1. c. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="label">[400]</a> Liv. l. 36. c. 43.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="label">[401]</a> Strabo, p. 644.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="label">[402]</a> Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 25.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="label">[403]</a> Strabo, ubi sup.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="label">[404]</a> Strabo, p. 645.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="label">[405]</a> Liv. l. 36. c. 43.—l. 44. c. 28.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="label">[406]</a> Particularly Herodot. in vitâ Hom. Thucyd. l. 8. c. 24.
+Strabo, ubi sup. There is a manifest error in regard to the
+breadth of the island in our copies of Strabo, which assign 60
+stades for the interval between Elæus on the western side, and
+the city Chius on the eastern:—the narrowest part of the island
+cannot be less than double that distance.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="label">[407]</a> Herodot. l. 1. c. 93.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="label">[408]</a> Herodot. l. 5. c. 102.—Strabo, Chrest. l. 10.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="label">[409]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent0">Ὀρεστέρα παμβῶτι Γᾶ</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Μᾶτερ αὐτοῦ Διὸς</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Ἃ τὸν μέγαν Πακτωλὸν εὔχρυσον νέμεις.</div>
+ </div>
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse right">Sophocl. Philoct. v. 395.</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>From a drawing of the temple by Peyssonel in 1750, it appears
+there were then standing three columns with their architraves,
+a part of the cella, and three detached columns. Mr.
+Cockerell found there in 1812 only three columns standing
+with their capitals; but enough remained of the ruins to satisfy
+him that it was of the kind called by Vitruvius Octastylus Dipterus—that
+the exterior columns of the peristyle were about
+7 feet in diameter at the base, and that the peristyle was upwards
+of 260 feet in length.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="label">[410]</a> Choiseul Gouffier. Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tome 2.
+c. 13.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="label">[411]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent0">... τοι τέμενος πατρώϊόν ἐστιν,</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Ὕλλῳ ἐπ’ ἰχθυόεντι, καὶ Ἕρμῳ δινήεντι.</div>
+ </div>
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse right">Il. Υ. 392.</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="label">[412]</a> Strabo, p. 554. ... Ἕρμον εἰς ὃν καὶ ὁ Ὕλλος ἐμβάλλει,
+Φρύγιος νῦν καλούμενος. Strabo, p. 626.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="label">[413]</a> Pliny (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.) says that the Hermus rises
+near Dorylæum of Phrygia; which although not a very accurate
+description, agrees at least with the distant origin of the Kodús
+in the mountains adjoining to Olympus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="label">[414]</a> Hermus ... oritur juxta Dorilaium Phrygiæ civitatem
+multosque colligit fluvios, inter quos Phrygem, qui nomine
+genti dato a Caria eam disterminat, Hyllum et Cryon et ipsos
+Phrygiæ, Mysiæ, Lydiæ amnibus repletos. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5.
+c. 29.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="label">[415]</a> Strabo, p. 616.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="label">[416]</a> Strabo, p. 622.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="label">[417]</a> Antiq. Asiat. p. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="label">[418]</a> This place was visited by Chishull in the year 1702, in his
+way from Smyrna to Adrianople; when leaving the main road
+from Smyrna to Brusa to the right at Susugerli, he proceeded
+from thence to the Hellespont which he crossed at Gallipoli. It
+is from his route alone that I obtain any clear knowledge of the
+situation and course of the Æsepus and Granicus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="label">[419]</a> This Hadrianotheræ was a place of sufficient importance
+to coin its own money. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Bithynia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="label">[420]</a> Ergasteria was at 440 stades from Pergamum on the road
+to Cyzicus. Galen, in proceeding to Ergasteria from Pergamum,
+remarked a great quantity of metallic substance, which
+he calls molybdæna. Galen. de Medicam. Simp. l. 9. c. 22.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="label">[421]</a> Bala, or Bali, from the Greek Παλαιὰ, is not unfrequently
+prefixed to Turkish corruptions of ancient Greek names. Abubekr
+Ben Behrem mentions a Baliambóli (Παλαιὰν πόλιν) in
+the district of Aidin, and a Balia in that of Karasi. Patræ in
+the Peloponnesus is called by the Turks Balabátra.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="label">[422]</a> Eckhel Bithynia.—Sestini, Lett. t. 2. p. 103.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="label">[423]</a> It is to M. de Choiseul Gouffier, and to those who assisted
+him, that we are indebted for the best map of this interesting
+region, though much still remains to be done in the details of its
+topography. In 1819 Choiseul’s map received some corrections
+and additions from M. Barbié du Bocage, founded upon the observations
+of M. Dubois, who had been sent to the Troas in the
+preceding year by M. de Choiseul. See Voyage Pittoresque de
+la Grèce, tom. 2. pl. 19.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="label">[424]</a> Strabo, p. 604.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="label">[425]</a> Id. pp. 440, 473, 604, 612, 620.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="label">[426]</a> Strabo, p. 605.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="label">[427]</a> Id. pp. 596, 606.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="label">[428]</a> Id. pp. 552, 603.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="label">[429]</a> Id. p. 596.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="label">[430]</a> Id. p. 472.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="label">[431]</a> Id. p. 606.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="label">[432]</a> Strabo, pp. 593, 597.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="label">[433]</a> Strabo, p. 595.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="label">[434]</a> Stephan. in Ἀγάμεια. Hesych. et Phavorin. in Ἀγαμίας
+et Ἄγαμος. Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pitt. de la Grèce,
+tom. 2. p. 331.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="label">[435]</a> Est tamen et nunc Scamandria civitas parva, ac M. D.
+passus remotum a portu Ilium immune. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5.
+c. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="label">[436]</a> This inscription is now in the Royal Museum of Paris.
+Choiseul Gouffier, tom. 2. p. 288.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="label">[437]</a> I may particularly mention Choiseul Gouffier, Lechevalier,
+Morritt, Hawkins, Gell, Hamilton, and Foster.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="label">[438]</a> To those who may consider it idle to inquire for a site
+which was unknown 2,000 years ago, it may not be improper
+to offer the remark, that not one of the ancient authors who
+have written on the Troas, with the exception of Homer, was
+so well acquainted with the locality as modern travellers are;
+and that not one possessed any delineation of its topography approaching
+to the accuracy of that with which we are furnished
+and not yet satisfied.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="label">[439]</a> It is almost unnecessary here to remark, that the ruling
+family, and hence probably a large portion of the people of
+Troy, were of Greek origin, and that they had adopted the
+manners and language of Greece. The Dardanidæ were Greeks
+settled in Asia, as the Atridæ were Phrygians settled in Europe.
+For the history of Ilium the reader may conveniently consult
+the work of Chandler, in 4to. 1802.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="label">[440]</a> Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade, tome 2. c. 5, 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="label">[441]</a> A monument of the same kind is seen on the summit of
+the hill above the lower European castle of the Dardanells,
+and another at the upper European castle. The latter has
+been clearly described as the Cynossema or tomb of Hecuba
+(Strabo, p. 595); the former as the monument of Protesilaus,
+near Elæus. Herodot. l. 9. c. 116. Philostr. Heroic. c. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="label">[442]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent0">Κρουνὼ δ’ ἵκανον καλιῤῥόω, ἔνθα δὲ πηγαὶ</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Δοιαὶ ἀναΐσσουσι Σκαμάνδρου δινήεντος·</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Ἡ μὲν γὰρ θ’ ὕδατι λιαρῷ ῥέει, ἀμφὶ δὲ καπνὸς</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Γίγνεται ἐξ αὐτῆς ὡσεὶ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο·</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Ἡ δ’ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα χαλάζῃ</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ, ἢ ἐξ ὕδατος κρυστάλλῳ.</div>
+ </div>
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse right">Il. X. v. 147.</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="label">[443]</a> Major Rennell quotes several observations, all of which
+make both the sources from 61° to 64° Fahr. Choiseul says
+that on the 10th Feb. he found the atmosphere at 10° Reaumur,
+the hot source at 22°, the cold source at 8°. Dubois from
+the 12th to 16th Jan. found the temperature of the single or
+hot source from 2° to 5° Reaumur higher than the air; and
+that of the Forty Fountains, from ½° to 1° below the heat of the
+air. Although I was several days in the Troas, I could not
+make any observations, from an accident which happened to
+my thermometer.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="label">[444]</a> Strabo, p. 594. Demetrius visited New Ilium about the
+time that Antiochus the Great was defeated by the Romans—he
+was then a boy. He describes the town of New Ilium as
+being in a state of decline, and so poor that the houses were
+not covered with earthen tiles—ὥστε μηδὲ κεραμωτάς ἔχειν τὰς
+στέγας: meaning probably that they were covered with what
+are called in modern Greek πλάκες, generally made of schistose
+limestone.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="label">[445]</a> That Troy was totally ruined and abandoned as early as
+the time of the poet, is evident from his expressions in many
+parts both of the Ilias and Odysseia. That it continued to be
+an uninhabited place was the general opinion of all antiquity.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="label">[446]</a> Strabo, p. 601. The Lydians are here called semibarbarous
+in the Greek sense—as using a language and writing not
+Greek, and yet bearing a great resemblance to it.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="label">[447]</a> Herodot. l. 5. c. 94. Strabo, p. 599.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="label">[448]</a> The Pisistratidæ lived at Sigeium after their exile from
+Athens. Herodot. l. 5. c. 65.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="label">[449]</a> Ælian. Var. Hist. l. 13. c. 14.—Pausan. Achaic. c. 26.—Cicero
+de Orat. l. 3. c. 34.—Epig. in Anthol. l. 4. c. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="label">[450]</a> Strabo, p. 593.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="label">[451]</a> Thucydides (l. 1. c. 7.) has remarked the effect of the
+progress of Grecian society, in moving the settlements of the
+Greeks nearer to the sea-coast.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="label">[452]</a> Ἰλιεῖς. This word is never used by Homer, who always
+calls the people Trojans, Τρῶες.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="label">[453]</a> Strabo, pp. 593, 600.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="label">[454]</a> Hellanicus of Lesbus. Ἑλλάνικος χαριζόμενος τοῖς Ἰλιεῦσιν,
+&amp;c. Strabo, p. 602.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="label">[455]</a> Strabo, p. 599.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="label">[456]</a> He says that the greater part of the actions described by
+the poet were fought in the Scamandrian plain (or Trojan properly
+so called): and there, he adds, the Ilienses <i>point out</i>
+the Erineus, the tomb of Æsyetes, Batieia, and the tomb of
+Ilus—τοὺς ὀνομαζομένους τόπους ἐνταῦθα δεικνυμένους ὁρῶμεν,
+τὸν Ἐρινεὸν &amp;c. Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="label">[457]</a> Strabo, p. 602. A passage in the 12th book of the Ilias
+(v. 20.) has been adduced in favour of the opinion that the
+Mendere was the Scamander of Homer; because the description
+there given of the origin of the Scamander in Mount Ida, will
+better apply to the Mendere than to the Bunárbashi stream,
+which rises on the edge of the plain. But the same passage
+makes the Granicus and Æsepus concur with the Scamander
+and Simoeis in the destruction of the Grecian rampart, though
+they flow in an opposite direction and fall into the Propontis,—an
+absurdity which must destroy the geographical authority of
+the passage, if indeed it be not spurious.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="label">[458]</a> It is not easy to distinguish the opinions and observations
+of Strabo from those which he has copied from Demetrius. In
+general, however, it may be supposed that Strabo had seen little
+of the Troas himself, and that he therefore followed Demetrius,
+as a native and a copious writer on the subject. But there
+is reason to think that even Demetrius saw little of the Troas
+after his early youth.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="label">[459]</a> Strabo, p. 598.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="label">[460]</a> So called from the ruins of an aqueduct upon arches
+(καμάρες) which crosses the bed of the river. This aqueduct
+probably conveyed water from Mount Ida to New Ilium.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="label">[461]</a> Demet. ap. Strab. p. 602.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="label">[462]</a> Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="label">[463]</a> Scamander, Mæander and Mendere,—which last is now
+applied by the Turks to three of the rivers of Asia Minor,—seem
+all to belong to the ancient language of the country,
+before the introduction of Greek. Scamander may be Sca-Mæander,
+Sca being perhaps a distinctive prefix to the Trojan
+Mæander. And the Σκαιαὶ πύλαι may have received its name
+from the same word.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="label">[464]</a> A part of the old bed is still to be seen in going from
+Bunárbashi to Tshiblak.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="label">[465]</a> This has been admitted by nearly all the writers on the
+Trojan question, but has been stated with particular clearness
+by Major Rennell (Observations, Sect. IV.). I shall therefore
+merely cite the verse of Homer, which furnishes the direct
+proof.</p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent28">... Ἕκτωρ</div>
+ <div class="verse indent8">... μάχης ἐπ’ ἀριστερὰ μάρνατο πάσης,</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Ὄχθας πὰρ ποταμοῖο Σκαμάνδρου....</div>
+ </div>
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse right">Il. Λ. v. 497.</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+
+<p>It is almost unnecessary to add, that the poet here, as elsewhere,
+speaks of the left of the Greeks. Hector was opposed
+to Ajax, whose station was on the Greek left.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="label">[466]</a> Strabo, p. 597, 598.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="label">[467]</a> In the time of Strabo (or Demetrius) the mouth of the
+river was 20 stades distant from New Ilium: it has now moved
+still further west, and joins the sea close to Kum-Kale. The
+small harbour under Intepe (or the tomb of Ajax) is the modern
+representative of the portus Achæorum, which was the port of
+New Ilium, and the nearest point of the coast to that city.
+Strabo, p. 598. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30. Pomp. Mel. l. 1.
+c. 18. Naustathmum was near the place where the river joined
+the sea in the time of the geographer.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="label">[468]</a> Strabo says 12 stadia; Pliny, 1500 Roman paces.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="label">[469]</a> Hestiæa ap. Strab. p. 599.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="label">[470]</a> A late writer on the Trojan question (Mr. Maclaren) particularly
+insists on this supposed error, and conceives the sandy
+point of Kum Kale to be nearly in the same state as it was in
+the Trojan war; founding his opinion chiefly on the rapidity
+of the current of the Hellespont, which must, he thinks, have
+carried away the soil almost as quickly as it was brought down.
+But the cape of new formation which lies between Kum Kale and
+Intepe is surely a proof that the current has had no such effect;
+and in fact every one who has navigated the Hellespont knows
+that there is a strong counter current along the two shores,
+the effect of which has probably contributed to form that cape.
+Strabo (p. 599.) has collected the passages of Homer which
+support his opinion that Troy stood far from the sea; and these
+alone seem fatal to the new hypothesis brought forward by the
+author just alluded to—that of its position at New Ilium.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="label">[471]</a></p>
+
+<div class="poetry-container">
+ <div class="poetry">
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse indent0">Οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδ’, εὐρύς περ ἐὼν, ἐδυνήσατο πάσας</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Αἰγιαλὸς νῆας χαδέειν· στείνοντο δὲ λαοί·</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Τῷ ῥὰ προκρόσσας ἔρυσαν, καὶ πλῆσαν ἁπάσης</div>
+ <div class="verse indent0">Ἠϊόνος στόμα μακρὸν, ὅσον συνεέργαθον ἄκραι.</div>
+ </div>
+ <div class="stanza">
+ <div class="verse right">Il. Ξ. v. 33.</div>
+ </div>
+ </div>
+</div>
+</div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="label">[472]</a> Thucydides (l. 1. c. 10.) verifies our copies of the catalogue
+by remarking that the total number of ships was 1200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="label">[473]</a> In one passage (O. 676) the poet seems to represent
+Ajax as striding from ship to ship: but if some of the vessels
+were so closely arranged as to have admitted of such an action,
+a greater width must have been necessary between the divisions
+than if each vessel was isolated: so that in either case the <i>entire</i>
+space required will be nearly the same.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="label">[474]</a> Il. Η. v. 467.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="label">[475]</a> About one hundred thousand is the result of the calculation
+of Thucydides; and the extent of country from which the
+army was collected will hardly allow of a smaller number. We
+may admit, however, with the historian, that a large part of
+them was always absent collecting plunder and provisions.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="label">[476]</a> Polyb. l. 6. c. 27, &amp;c. See Lipsius de Mil. Rom. l. 5.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="label">[477]</a> στείνοντο δὲ λαοί. These words, however, seem more to
+relate to the unusual and somewhat dangerous expedient of
+doubling the ranks of ships, in consequence of the narrowness
+of the beach, than to the crowded state of the army in general.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="label">[478]</a> Il. Ε. v. 791.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="label">[479]</a> Ζ. v. 256, 435.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="label">[480]</a> Η. v. 282.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="label">[481]</a> Λ. v. 86.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="label">[482]</a> Λ. v. 170.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="label">[483]</a> Σ. v. 239.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="label">[484]</a> Il. Ε. v. 303. Υ. v. 286.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="label">[485]</a> Θ. v. 222.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="label">[486]</a> Π. v. 77.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="label">[487]</a> Γ. v. 178.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="label">[488]</a> Il. Χ. v. 131.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="label">[489]</a> Il. Β. 508. Ζ. 327. Π. 448. Σ. 279.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="label">[490]</a> Il. Γ. 395. Θ. 499. Μ. 115. Ν. 724. Σ. 174. Ψ. 64, 297.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="label">[491]</a> Il. Ν. 625.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="label">[492]</a> Il. Δ. 508. Ζ. 512. Ε. 460. Χ. 411. Ω. 700.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="label">[493]</a> Strabo, p. 599.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="label">[494]</a> Χ. v. 165.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="label">[495]</a> These Periplus are: 1. By Arrian, governor of Cappadocia
+under Hadrian. 2. By Marcian of Heraclia Pontica, who is
+supposed to have lived about a century later than Arrian. And,
+3. By an anonymous author, who has collected his information
+from the two former, and from some other sources. He is of
+a much later date than the two others, as appears from the
+names of his own time, which he has annexed to some of the
+ancient names, and by the miles which he has subjoined to the
+stades.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="label">[496]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1. Hierocl. Synecd. p. 694. Notit. Episc.
+Græc.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="label">[497]</a> Pausan. Arcad. c. 9. Stephan. in Βιθύνιον.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="label">[498]</a> From Mantineia in Arcadia. Pausan. ibid.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="label">[499]</a> Itin. Anton. p. 200.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="label">[500]</a> Strabo, p. 562.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501" class="label">[501]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4. Justinian. Novel. 29. c. 1.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502" class="label">[502]</a> See the Note on Σόρα in Hieroc. Synec. p. 695. ed. Wess.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503" class="label">[503]</a> Anna Comn. l. 7. p. 206. Nicet. in Joan. Comn. Chalcocond.
+l. 9. p. 259.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504" class="label">[504]</a> Artemid. ap. Strab. p. 663.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505" class="label">[505]</a> Gesta Dei per Francos.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506" class="label">[506]</a> Procop. Hist. Secr. c. 30.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507" class="label">[507]</a> In each interval that might be traversed by a foot passenger in a day,
+there were several inns, and at each inn 40 horses and as many grooms,—so
+that a courier could perform in one day a distance equal to ten pedestrian
+journeys. Justinian substituted asses for horses, and left only one
+inn, where before there had been from five to eight.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508" class="label">[508]</a> Nicephor. Callist. l. 7. c. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509" class="label">[509]</a> Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510" class="label">[510]</a> Ann. Comn. p. 312.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511" class="label">[511]</a> For the details of the theatre of Side, from the drawings of Mr.
+Cockerell, see the Karamania of Captain Beaufort.—The theatre of Side
+is of the largest size, and is in better preservation than any in Asia Minor.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512" class="label">[512]</a> The reader will perceive from the plan of the theatre of Myra, that
+when the segment was very great, the ends of the cavea were directed not
+upon the centre of the orchestra, but upon a point nearer to the scene.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513" class="label">[513]</a> The form of the Asiatic Greek theatre is exemplified in the annexed
+plans of Patara and Myra, and in that of Hierapolis, given in a succeeding
+note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514" class="label">[514]</a> Vitruv. l. 5. c. 6, 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515" class="label">[515]</a> The lower B in the plan and section of the theatre of Patara annexed.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516" class="label">[516]</a> See Ionian Antiquities, vol. 2. pl. 49.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517" class="label">[517]</a> Perhaps the theatre of Laodiceia was accommodated to the Roman
+mode of construction, when that city became the seat of the Roman government
+in Asia, and when the stadium was converted into an amphitheatre
+in the Roman fashion. See page <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518" class="label">[518]</a> Topography of Athens, sect. 4.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519" class="label">[519]</a> Those marked [519] are so much ruined, that it is difficult to procure
+an exact measurement.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520" class="label">[520]</a> See note <a href="#Footnote_519">519</a> in the preceding page.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521" class="label">[521]</a> In Asia Minor there still exist Odeia at Laodiceia and Anemurium.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522" class="label">[522]</a> Vopisc. in Aurelian.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523" class="label">[523]</a> Sericum ad usus antehac nobilium nunc etiam inferiorum sine ulla
+discretione. Ammian. l. 23. c. 6. Although silken garments were then
+so common, Ammianus still describes silk, as Virgil and Pliny had done
+three centuries earlier, as a sort of woolly substance (lanugo, canities frondium)
+which was <i>combed</i> from a tree in China.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524" class="label">[524]</a> See Arbuthnot on Ancient Weights, &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525" class="label">[525]</a> See Romé de l’Isle, Métrologie, &amp;c.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526" class="label">[526]</a> i.e. one Italian sextarius cost 24 denarii. The sextarius or sextarium
+was in general use among the Greeks under the Roman Government. The
+Greek sextarius contained 15 ounces of oil or 16 of water. Galen de Comp.
+Med. l. 1.—L. Pætus ap. Græv. Thes. vol. 11.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527" class="label">[527]</a> Conditum, wine mixed with various ingredients; in the Apsinthium
+the prevailing ingredient was wormwood, and in the Rhosatum roses. Apicius,
+l. 1, has given us the receipt for making these three mixtures.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528" class="label">[528]</a> (Oleum) quod post molam primum est, flos. Plin. H. N. l. 15. c. 6. ed.
+Harduin.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529" class="label">[529]</a> Cibarium, the most ordinary kind of oil used by soldiers, &amp;c., and
+made from the refuse of the olives. Columella, l. 12. c. 50.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530" class="label">[530]</a> Raphaninum, oil of coleseed, or rape. Plin. H. N. l. 23. c. 49. Dioscor.
+l. 1. c. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531" class="label">[531]</a> Liquamen: this favourite condiment, also called Garum, as having been
+originally obtained from the fish garum, was made by throwing salt on the
+entrails of fish, exposing the mixture to the sun for some time, and then
+separating the liquid part. This liquor was the liquamen: the residue was
+called Alec. Geopon. l. 20. c. ult. Plin. H. N. l. 31. c. 43. There were other
+kinds of liquamen less commonly used, which are described by Apicius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532" class="label">[532]</a> M̊ was the usual note for modius or modium, the dry measure in most
+common use in the time of the Roman Empire, from whence the use of
+the word passed into Italy and France and became the moggio and muid.
+The sextarius in like manner became the setier. Here appear to be two
+modia, that for salt preceded by F, and that for grain preceded by K. I
+am unable to discover the meaning of this distinction.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533" class="label">[533]</a> Sal conditum, salt mixed with drugs of several kinds and used for medicinal
+purposes. Apic. l. 1. c. 27.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534" class="label">[534]</a> Perhaps mel phœnicinum, the debs or date honey of Egypt and Arabia.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535" class="label">[535]</a> One Italian pound.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536" class="label">[536]</a> Vulva virginis porcellæ. Apicius calls it vulva sterilis, to distinguish
+it from the sumen. For the mode of dressing these two famous dainties
+see Apicius l. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537" class="label">[537]</a> Sumen—abdomen suis cum ubere. Optimum uno die post partum.
+Plin. H. N. l. 11. c. 84.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538" class="label">[538]</a> Ficatum, in Greek συκωτὸν, hog’s liver enlarged by a particular mode
+of fatting. The word was originally derived from the fatting of geese with
+figs for a similar purpose—ficis pastum jecur anseris albi. Hor. It was said
+to have been the invention of the first Apicius, who lived in the time of the
+Republic, and whose name was assumed by some other subsequent professors
+of the culinary art. Apicius Cœlius, whose work is extant, appears,
+from the names and descriptions which he gives to some of the dishes or
+sauces, to have lived not long after the reign of Elagabalus. See the preface
+to the edition of Apicius, by Dr. Lister, physician to Queen Anne.
+From ficatum, συκωτὸν, are derived the Italian and modern Greek words
+fegato, συκότι, used for liver in general.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539" class="label">[539]</a> Fumosæ cum pede pernæ, Hor. Petaso and perna appear, from
+Athenæus, to have been synonymous, πετασῶνος, ἣν πέρναν καλοῦσι (l. 14.
+c. 21.). Perna was perhaps more particularly the ham, and petaso every
+part of the hog similarly cured. Laridum or lardum was the fat part of the
+bacon. Menapica was the ham of Westphalia, Ceritana that of the Cerdagne
+in the Pyrenees, the excellence of which is attested by Strabo (p. 162).</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540" class="label">[540]</a> Marsicæ, sc. pernæ. This being of the same price as the two former
+was probably a foreign ham also; not from the Marsi of Italy, but from
+the Marsi near the mouth of the Rhine.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541" class="label">[541]</a> Ungellæ—ungulæ suum et pedes, Apic. l. 4. c. 7. Aqualiculum—venter
+porcinus; for the mode of dressing it see Apicius, l. 7. c. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542" class="label">[542]</a> Apicius has described the mode of making isicia as well of pork as
+of birds, shell-fish, &amp;c. They consisted of the meat minced with a variety
+of condiments, and were made either into tessellæ, square cakes, or wrapt
+in a bay leaf; and sometimes they were omentata or inclosed in a membrane
+like our sausages. It appears from this inscription that their common size
+was about an ounce in weight. The Turkish dolma inclosed in a vine leaf
+seems to be a lineal descendant of the isicium. From salsum isicium is
+derived the Italian salsiccio, and thence saucisse and sausage.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543" class="label">[543]</a> Lucanicæ, sausages of a particular kind, originally from Lucania, which
+was famous for its pork. Apicius (l. 2. c. 4.) has described the mode of
+making the Lucanicæ.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544" class="label">[544]</a> The Roman mode of dressing all the birds, game, &amp;c. in the preceding
+list may be seen in Apicius.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545" class="label">[545]</a> Pisces aspratiles, quales sunt merulæ, scaurus.... De piscibus generaliter
+quales invenias albos carnes habentes, quod genus sunt aspratiles
+... omnem aspratilem piscem, ut sunt lupi, corvi. Plin. Valerian. de Re
+Med. l. 5. Fish caught in deep water and near rocky shores. The word
+aspratilis is not found in authors of a better time, who use saxatilis with
+the same meaning. See Pliny, Columella.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546" class="label">[546]</a> Sphondili. Apic. l. 9. c. 14.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547" class="label">[547]</a> Sagenici, from σαγήνη, whence the English word sein: in Latin it was
+called everriculum, and served to catch the small fish eaten only by the
+common people, or given as food to the choice fish which some of the rich
+Romans kept in piscinæ. See Varro de Re Rust. l. 3. c. 17.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548" class="label">[548]</a> Cimæ. Apic.—Cymæ. Plin. Columel. The small tender shoots of the
+cabbage. See Plin. H. N. l. 19. c. 41.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549" class="label">[549]</a> Here and in two other instances below, we find the beginning of the
+change of viridis into the Italian verde.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550" class="label">[550]</a> Sisinarii, perhaps the same as Cinaræ, artichokes.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551" class="label">[551]</a> Ruscus, in English, butcher’s broom; it puts forth many tender
+shoots in the spring, which were eaten like asparagus. Dioscor. l. 4. c. 146.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552" class="label">[552]</a> Sicale, in French seigle, rye. The name of this grain, written secale,
+by Pliny, is here in the state of transition to the σίκαλις, sigalis, sigalum, &amp;c.
+of the middle ages. The synonymous <i>Centenum</i> I have not found in any
+author; it seems to have been derived from the prolific nature of the
+grain, which was supposed to yield a hundred-fold. Secale ... nascitur
+qualicunque solo cum centesimo grano. Plin. H. N. l. 18. c. 40.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553" class="label">[553]</a> Milii pisti and milii integri formed into single words like Piscisalsi
+above.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554" class="label">[554]</a> The grain still called panico in Italy.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555" class="label">[555]</a> Scandula. Vegetius, l. 2. c. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556" class="label">[556]</a> Fabæ fressæ and fabæ non fressæ are expressions of low Latinity for
+fabæ fractæ and fabæ solidæ, as panicii and lenticlæ are terms of the
+same period for panici and lenticulæ.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557" class="label">[557]</a> Oloserica, a cloth entirely silken—subserica, that in which the warp
+only was of silk. For the several articles of dress in this list see the writers
+de Re Vestiaria in the 6th volume of Grævii Thesaurus.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558" class="label">[558]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 36. c. 4, 6.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559" class="label">[559]</a> In the neighbouring province of Lycia, genealogy was reckoned by
+the female side in preference to the male. Herodot. l. 1. c. 173.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560" class="label">[560]</a> Strabo, p. 656. Arrian, l. 1. c. 23.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561" class="label">[561]</a> At Alexandria Troas and Ephesus. For their plans see Antiquities
+of Ionia, part 2, pl. 40, 54.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562" class="label">[562]</a> Peyssonel, in a rude drawing of the temple made in the year 1750,
+represents six columns and a part of the cell standing. Three of the columns
+were surmounted by an entablature.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563" class="label">[563]</a> The reasons which Mr. Cockerell here gives for believing that the
+temple of Sardes was a building of very high antiquity, render it probable
+that it was the work of one of the kings, or perhaps of several successive
+kings, of the Lydian dynasty; which began under Gyges in 715, B.C., and
+ended with the capture of Sardes by Cyrus in 545. It was undoubtedly
+in the same period, when the power and opulence of Samus were at their
+height, that the magnificent temple of Juno in that island was constructed;
+and it was probably about the same time that the inhabitants of the
+little island of Ægina, which was then sufficiently powerful to rival Samus
+and even Athens, constructed the temple of Jupiter Panellenius. The
+temple of Sardes was burnt by the Ionians in the year 503. It may have
+been repaired, but it is not probable that it was entirely rebuilt after that
+misfortune.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564" class="label">[564]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 16. c. 79. l. 36. c. 21, 56. Strabo, p. 640. Vitruv.
+præf. in l. 7.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565" class="label">[565]</a> “Dipteros autem octastylos et pronao et postico, sed circa ædem duplices
+habet ordines columnarum sicut est ædes Quirini Dorica, et Ephesiæ
+Dianæ Ionica a Chersiphrone constituta.” Vitr. l. 3. c. 2.</p>
+
+<p>Such is his definition of the dipterus which he confines to octastyle temples;
+although we find that all the <i>decastyle</i> temples in existence are dipteral,
+that is to say, that they have a double range of columns round the cell.
+In like manner he defines the peripteri as having six columns in front,
+though all temples with a greater number of columns in front are in fact
+peripteral, or having a cell surrounded with columns. Thus also he
+defines the hypæthri as temples having ten columns in front, though we
+know that the Parthenon and the temple of Delphi, neither of which had
+so many columns, were hypæthral, or with a part of the cella open to the
+sky. But, in truth, Vitruvius himself often forgets his own definitions,
+and uses the Greek terms just mentioned according to their real meaning.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566" class="label">[566]</a> Meaning the largest Greek temple; for in the other passage just alluded
+to, he names it for the purpose of adding that it was smaller than
+the labyrinth of Mœris in Egypt. Herod. l. 2. c. 148. l. 3. c. 60.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567" class="label">[567]</a> The fluting under the capital forming part of the same block as the
+capital, was executed, together with it, before the column was erected—the
+remainder of the fluting was the last operation after the columns were
+erected; and hence it happens that we so often find the columns of Greek
+buildings fluted only under the capitals. The time and labour required
+for the fluting finished with that perfection which the Greeks required,
+were so great that it was often deferred until political circumstances no longer
+admitted of its execution; the temple meantime being complete, with
+the exception of this ornament. Almost all the great edifices of antiquity
+attest that such immense undertakings are seldom ever finished.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568" class="label">[568]</a> Vitruv. l. 3. c. 3. l. 7. præf. Jocundus, in his edition of Vitruvius,
+reads octastylus; but all the best manuscripts have hexastylon or exastylon.
+See Schneider’s Note.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569" class="label">[569]</a> It is probable that the observations of Vitruvius on the eustylus and
+pseudodipterus contain merely the ideas and names of Hermogenes, made
+into a system; and that no other examples of these two classes were
+known to Vitruvius than the temples of Teos and Magnesia. Selinus destroyed
+by the Carthaginians was perhaps in his time nearly in the same
+shapeless state of ruin that it is now.</p></div>
+
+<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570" class="label">[570]</a> Plin. H. N. l. 36. c. 22. Dion. Cass. l. 70. ad fin. Dio says the columns
+were τετραόργυιοι μεν πάχος, ὕψος δε πεντήκοντα πηχέων, ἕκαστος πέτρας
+μιᾶς, a description which, <i>if true</i>, justifies his assertion, that the temple
+was the largest in existence.</p></div>
+
+</div>
+
+<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
+
+<div class="chapter">
+
+<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">[353]</span></p>
+
+<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX.</h2>
+
+</div>
+
+<ul>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Acmonia, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Adália, town and port of, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">The ancient Attaleia, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Geographical remarks on the ancient places on the road from Adalia to Shugut, <a href="#Page_144">144-170</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ægæ, or Ayás, site of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Agameia, town and port of, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Agmonia, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ak-serai, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ak-shehr, the ancient Jullæ or Juliopolis, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alabanda, investigation of the site of, <a href="#Page_230">230-236</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Aladan river, the Scopas of ancient geographers, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alara village, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Fortified hill of, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Probably the ancient Ptolemais, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alaya, town and port, history and present state of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Alara, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Aleium Plain, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alexandria Troas, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Alibey Kiúi, village, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Allah-Shehr, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Altun Tash, village, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Route thence to Kutáya, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Aludda, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Amanus, Mount, remarks on the passes of, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Amorium, ancient history and site of, <a href="#Page_86">86-88</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Amyzon, ruins of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Anaxia, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Anazarba, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Anchiale, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Historical notice of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ancyra, <a href="#Footnote_123">90 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Various itineraries to and from that place, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Probable site, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Andabilis, site of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Andriace, or Andráki, the port of Myra, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Anemurium, or Anamúr, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Antiocheia of Pisidia, remarks on the Roman road to, from Apameia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Antiocheia in Cilicia, site of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">In Caria, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Antiphellus, notice of the ruins of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Antonine Itinerary, illustrations of, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Most to be depended on, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Corrected, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Apameia Cibotus, summary of ancient evidences for determining the site of, <a href="#Page_156">156-162</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Remarks on the Roman road from Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>
+ <li class="isub2">—to Synnada, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li>
+ <li class="isub2">and to Dorylæum, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Aperlæ, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Aphrodisias, or the city of Venus, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">[354]</span>Apollonia, probable site of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Arabissar, the probable site of Alabanda, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Archalla, site of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Archelaium or Arcelaio, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Archelais, site of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Itineraries to and from thence, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Argæus, Mount, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Argennum, Cape, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Arkhut-khan, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Arsinoe, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Arycanda, site of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Arycandus river, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ascania, Lake, the modern Burdur, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ascanius, Lake, scenery of, described, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Asia Minor, physico-geographical structure of the <i>central part</i> of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>,
+ <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Illustrations of its ancient political and progressive geography, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53-90</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">On the ancient places on the <i>southern</i> coast of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_170">170-218</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Comparative geography of the <i>western</i> and <i>northern</i> parts of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_219">219-312</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Attaleia, city, notice of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Remarks on its geographical situation, as stated by Strabo, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Augæ, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Axylus, region of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li>
+ <li class="isub1">described, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Azanitis, district, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Baiæ, or Bayás, site of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bargylia, site of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beiad, the ancient Beudos Vetus, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Beriám-Kalesi, ancient ruins at, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bidjikli, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bithynia, notice of the principal places in, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bithynium, site of, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Branchidæ, curious inscription in boustrophedon at, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Footnote_346"><i>notes</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Proportions of the temple of Apollo Didymeus at, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Bulwudún, village, notice of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Ak-shehr, <a href="#Page_37"><i>ibid.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_38">38-40</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Πολυβοτὸν, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Burdur, town and salt lake of, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Road thence to Ketsiburlu described, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">—The lake of Burdur the Ascania of ancient geographers, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Butshuklu, town, notice of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Cabalis, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Caballucome, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cadi, probable site of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cæsareia, site of, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Caicus river, course of, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Notice of principal places in the valley of the Caicus, <a href="#Page_269">269-272</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Calycadnus river, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Valley of the Calycadnus, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cappadocia, one of the prefectures of, why called Cilicia, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Cappadocia Antiochiana, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Carallis or Caralleia, site of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Caramanian mountaineers, condition of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Caria, notice of the principal places in, <a href="#Page_229">229-254</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Carmylessus, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Carura, city and hot baths of, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">[355]</span>Caryanda, island, now a peninsula, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Castabala, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Castel Rosso, island, present state of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Inscription found there, <a href="#Footnote_224">184 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Catacombs of Doganlu described, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Remarks on the sculpture thereon, <a href="#Page_26">26-28</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">And inscriptions, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">One of these catacombs the tomb of Midas, <a href="#Page_30">30-33</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Catarrhactes, river, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cavaliere, Cape, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Caystrus, notice of towns in the valley of the, <a href="#Page_256">256-258</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cebrenia, site of, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Celænæ, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Celenderis, remains of, described, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ceryneia, site of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cestrus, river, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chalcetor, site of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Charadrus, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Chelidoniæ Islands, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Christians of Asia Minor, condition of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cibyra, site of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Cibyra minor, vestiges of, noticed, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cibyratis, district of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cilicia and the Cilician Taurus, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Description of by Ammianus, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Towns in the district of Cilicia Tracheia, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Strabo’s description of Cilicia Tracheia (or rugged) and Pedias (or plain), <a href="#Page_176">176-180</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Geographical Illustrations of it, <a href="#Page_197">197-218</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cissides, promontory of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cisthene, island, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Clanudda, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Claudiopolis, site of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Climax, Mount, passage of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cnidus, ruins and inscription at, <a href="#Footnote_316">226 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Colossæ, site of, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Conni, or Conna, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Probable site of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Coracesium, historical notice of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cormasa, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Corycus, coast of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Promontory, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Now an island, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Port, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Corydalla, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cotyaeium, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cragus, mount, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Crambusa, island, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cressa, harbour, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cretopolis, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Crusaders, march of, illustrated, <a href="#Page_313">313-318</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cuballum, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cyana, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cybebe, plan of the temple of, at Sardes, with observations, <a href="#Page_342">342-346</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cybistra, site of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cydnus, river, course of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cydrara, probable site of, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cyprus, island, passage to, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Town and port of Tzerina, <a href="#Page_118">ib.</a></li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Lefkosía, <a href="#Page_119">119-121</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">To Lárnaka, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Return to Tzerina, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cyssus, port, site of, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Cyzicus, site of, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Dacibyza, or Δακίβυζα, site of, determined, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dana, the same as the ancient Tyana, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Ruins of this place, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">D’Anville, mistake of, corrected, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dashashéhr, village of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">[356]</span>Dil, ferry of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">This place how formed, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dinglar, the probable site of the ancient Celænæ, <a href="#Page_156">156-158</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Diocæsareia, probable site of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Docimia, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Site and quarries of, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dogan-hissár, district of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Doganlu, valley, catacombs of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Remarks on the sculpture thereof, <a href="#Page_26">26-28</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">And on the inscriptions thereon, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Date of the principal monument, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dombai, valley and town of, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">The ancient Tabæ, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Route thence to Sandukli described, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Doric Dialect, prevalence of, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Footnote_316"><i>notes</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dorileo, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Dorylæum, plain and river of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Site of this town determined, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Remarks on the Roman road thither, from Apameia Cibotus, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">And from Dorylæum to Philadelpheia, <a href="#Page_167">167-169</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Draco, river, course of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Disasters of the first crusaders among its passes, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Edrenús, site of, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Elæussa, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Present state of this place, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Emír-dagh, mountainous range of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ephesus, temple of Diana at, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Account of its relative proportions, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Why no remains of it are left, <a href="#Footnote_396">259 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Epiphaneia, city, site of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ergasteria, mines of, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Erkle, the ancient Archalla, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ermenék, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ermenék-su river, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ersek, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eski-hissar, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eski-shehr, town of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
+ <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Dorylæum, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Seid-el-Gházi, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Etenna, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Etennenses, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eucarpia, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eumeneia, site of, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Inscription found there, <a href="#Footnote_185">157 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eumenia, or Eumenia Pella, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Euphorbium, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Euromus, site of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eurymedon, river, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Eusebeia ad Taurum, site of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Ferry of the Dil, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Fortifications, Turkish, notice of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Gagæ, port, site of, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Germa, or Yerma, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Germanicopolis, or Germanopolis, probable site of, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ghebse, or Givyza (town), notice of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Description of the road thence to Kizderwént, <a href="#Page_5">5-7</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Dacibyza, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Glaucus, river, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Gulnar, village, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Ancient ruins there described, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Hadrianopolis, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hamaxia, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hamaxitus, site of, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Harpasa, town, probable site of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Harpasus, river, course of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">[357]</span>Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, tomb of, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Helenopolis, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Heracleia, site of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Ruins of, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hermus, river, course of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266-268</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Principal places in the valley of Hermus, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hierapolis, ruins of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Plan of the theatre and palæstra of, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hierus, river, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Homer’s account of the Grecian encampment against Troy elucidated, <a href="#Page_298">298-302</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">And of the pursuit of Hector by Achilles, <a href="#Page_303">303-305</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Hypæpa, site of, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Ilgún, village, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Philomelium, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its lake, the Trogitis of Strabo, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ilistra, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ilienses, village of, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ilium, new, site of, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Inekbazar, the site of the ancient Magnesia, <a href="#Page_243">243-248</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">In-óghi, village, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Shughut, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Inscription, near Seid-el-Gházi, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">On the sculptured rock of Doganlu, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Ladik, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Karamán, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Eumeneia, <a href="#Footnote_185">157 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Castel Rosso, <a href="#Footnote_224">184 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">In the ruins of Olympus, <a href="#Footnote_229">186 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Ródos, <a href="#Footnote_309">224 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Cnidus, <a href="#Footnote_316">226 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Stratoniceia, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329-331</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Mylasa, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">In boustrophedon at Branchidæ, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Footnote_346"><i>notes</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Olympia, <a href="#Footnote_346">240 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Footnote_346">241 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Magnesia, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Footnote_360"><i>notes</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Nysa, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ionia, notice of the principal places on the coast of, <a href="#Page_260">260-264</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Isaklú, district and village of, described, <a href="#Page_38">38-40</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Isionda, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Isium, tower of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Isnik, or Nicæa, present state of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Lefke, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Itineraries, ancient, illustrated, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72-74</a>,
+ <a href="#Page_76">76-78</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154-170</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Jerusalem Itinerary, illustrations of, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Jullæ, or Juliopolis, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its site ascertained, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Origin of its name, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its situation described, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its commercial and political advantages, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its distance from Nicæa, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Distance of Ancyra from Juliopolis, <a href="#Page_72"><i>ibid.</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Kadún Kiúi, or Kanun-haná, village, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kákava, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Karáburnu, cape, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kara-dagh, or the Black Mountain, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Karahissár, the site of the ancient Cybistra, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Karajeli, the ancient Coralis, or Caralis, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Karamán, mountains of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Plain of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">The town of Karamán described, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Karamania, description of, translated from Strabo, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Illustrations of it, <a href="#Page_181">181-218</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kassabá, village, described, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Karamán, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Καστελόρυζον, island, notice of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">[358]</span>Kelénderi, ruins of, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ketsiburlu, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">The ancient Apollonia probably situated near this place, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Κίβυζα, notice of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kílisa Hissár, or the Castle of Kílisa, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Tyana, <a href="#Page_61"><i>ibid.</i></a></li>
+ <li class="isub1">Ancient ruins of it, still in existence, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kirmir, river, the Hierus of ancient geographers, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kiúk-su, or Sky-blue river, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kizderwént, or the pass of the Girls, description of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kháradra, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kodús, river, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Koehler (General), journey of, from Adália to Shugut, <a href="#Page_127">127-143</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Geographical observations on the ancient places occurring in his route, <a href="#Page_144">144-170</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kónia, town, modern state of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Interview of the author with the Pasha of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Description of the place, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Tshumra, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kosru Khan, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Bulwudún, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="indx">Kutaya, the ancient Cotyaeium, mountain and town of, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to In-óghi, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Labranda, investigation of the site of, <a href="#Page_230">230-234</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ladik-el-Tchaus, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Ruins and antiquities there, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Country around it described, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of Laodiceia Combusta, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Laertes, fortress of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lagina, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lakes of the central part of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of the Forty Martyrs, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Salt lake of Tatta, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Burdur, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Laodiceia ad Lycum, remarks on the Roman road from, to Perge, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Laodiceia Combusta, or Laudicia Catacecaumeno, <a href="#Page_25">25</a> and <a href="#Footnote_33"><i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Remains of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Laranda, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lárnaka, notice of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Latmic Gulf, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Latmus, ruins of, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lefke, town, described, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lefkosía, or Λευκοσία, description of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Libyssa, site of, determined, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Limyra, site of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Limyrus, river, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Loryma, ruins of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lycaonia, limits of, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Celebrated for its downs, <a href="#Page_67"><i>ibid.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lyrbe, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lysinoe, probable site of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Lystra, probable site of, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Mæander, river, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Magnesia, site of, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Notice of its ruins, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Proportions of the temple of Artemis Leucophryene at, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Magydus, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mallus, city, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Site of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Malsum, village, notice of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Libyssa, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Manlius, the consul, march of, illustrated, <a href="#Page_56">56-58</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Marathesium, probable site of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Marble, Phrygian, notice of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">And of that of Synnada, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">[359]</span>Marmora, sea of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Marsyas, river, sources of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> and <a href="#Footnote_194"><i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Why called Catarrhactes, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Another Marsyas. The same as the Tshina of modern times, <a href="#Page_234">234-236</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Megarsus, city, site of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Megiste, island, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Melas, river, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Menavgát, town, notice of, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Méndere, river, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">A branch of the Mæander, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Midaium, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Midas, tomb of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_31">31-33</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Milyas, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mopsucrene, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mopsuestia, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Historical notice of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mout, town and territory of, described, <a href="#Page_107">107-109</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Ruins in its vicinity, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its cemetery, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Sheikh Amúr, <a href="#Page_110">110-112</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mylæ, cape, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Mylasa, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Copy of an ancient inscription there, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Myndus, site of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Myra, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Ruins of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Plan of its theatre, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Nagidus, historical notice and probable site of, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Nacoleia, site of, determined, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Notice of this place, <a href="#Footnote_32">24 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Neapolis, probable site of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Nephelis, promontory, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Nicæa, ruins of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Distance thence to Juliopolis, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Nysa, site of, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Copies of ancient inscriptions found there, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Obelisk of C. Cassius Philiscus, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Obrimas, river, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Olbasa, site of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Olbe, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Olbia, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Conjectures on its site, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Olympia, copy of inscription found at, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Footnote_346"><i>notes</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Olympus, site of, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Copy of an inscription found there, <a href="#Footnote_229">186 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Orcaoryci, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Orchestra of the Greek theatre, construction of, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Orcistus, notice of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Orthography, Turkish, remarks on, <a href="#Footnote_17">3 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">And on the modern Greek orthography, <a href="#Footnote_19">4 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Osman, tomb of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Palæstra of Hierapolis, plan of, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pamphylia, scenery of, described, <a href="#Page_131">131-133</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pandíkhi, or Παντίχιον, village, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Panionium, probable site of, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Paphlagonia, notice of the principal places in, <a href="#Page_308">308-312</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Parnassus, distance from Ancyra to, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">And from Parnassus to Archelais, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pastures of the central part of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Patara, historical notice of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Theatre of, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Plan of it, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pelasgi, the common source of the Etruscans and Greeks, <a href="#Footnote_37">29 <i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Their architectural skill, <a href="#Page_29"><i>ibid.</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Peræa of the Rhodii, historical notice of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Strabo’s description of it, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Illustrations of it, <a href="#Page_222">222-226</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pergamum, ruins of, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Perge, illustration of the Roman road to, from Laodiceia ad Lycum, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">[360]</span>Pessinus, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Examination of its site, <a href="#Page_82">82-86</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Peutinger Itinerary, or table, illustrations of, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Particularly of its routes across Mount Taurus, <a href="#Page_76">76-78</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia, <a href="#Page_156">156-164</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">From Apameia to Synnada, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">From Apameia to Dorylæum, <a href="#Page_165">165-166</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">From Dorylæum to Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_167">167-170</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Phanæ, port, site of, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Phaselis, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Philomelium, site of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Philomelo, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Phrygia, notices of the ancient history of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Magnificent remains of ancient Phrygian art, described, <a href="#Page_29">29-32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Topography of Phrygia Epictetus, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pityussa, island, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pœcile, rock, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Ancient ruins there, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Πολυβοτὸν, site of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pompeiopolis of Cilicia, historical notice of, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Pompeiopolis of Paphlagonia, its probable site, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Poseidium, cape, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Potamia, site of, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Prices of various commodities, as fixed by one of the Roman Emperors, table of, with illustrative remarks, <a href="#Page_332">332-338</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Priene, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Prince’s Islands, description of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ptolemais, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pydnæ, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pygela, probable site of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pylæ Ciliciæ, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Pyramus, river, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Course of, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Rhodian Colonies, notice of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Rhodiopolis, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Rhœteium, probable site of, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Rhoge, island, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Rhope, island, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ródos, ancient inscription at, <a href="#Footnote_309">224 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ruins of Nicæa described, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Besh-Kardash, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Ladík, (Laodiceia Combusta), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Kílisa Hissár, (the ancient Tyana), <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">In the vicinity of Kassabá, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of ancient Derbe, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Mout, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Celenderis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Kákava, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Antiphellus, <a href="#Page_127"><i>ibid.</i></a></li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Telmissus, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Assus, <a href="#Page_128"><i>ibid.</i></a></li>
+ <li class="isub1">At Adália, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Between Bidjikli and Karabunár Kiúi, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Patara, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Myra and Andriace, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Elæussa, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Pompeiopolis, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Amyzon, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Latmus, or Heracleia, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Priene and Branchidæ, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Footnote_346"><i>notes</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Magnesia, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Tralles, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Nysa, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Laodiceia, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Hierapolis, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Sardes, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342-346</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Pergamum, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Sagalassus, or Selgessus, probable site of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sakaría, river, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sandukli, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">[361]</span>Samus, proportions of the temple of Juno at, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sangarius, river, celebrated for its fish, <a href="#Footnote_73">66 <i>note</i></a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sardes, ruins of, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Described, <a href="#Page_342">342-346</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Saporda, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sarpedonia, promontory of, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sarus, or Sihún, river, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Scamander, river, probable course of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Scamandria, probable site of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Scopas, river, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Scutarium, site of, determined, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Seid-el-Ghazi, village, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Copy of an ancient inscription in its vicinity, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Description of ancient catacombs near it, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sheikh Amúr, village, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Gulnar, <a href="#Page_113">113-115</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Shugut, town, described, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Eski-Shehr, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Siberis river, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Side, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its present state, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Siderus, cape and harbour of, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sigeium, site of, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Simena, site of, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sinda, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sitshanli, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Soli, city, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Solyma, Mount, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stadiasmus, or Periplus of Asia Minor, illustrations of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185-188</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191-201</a>,
+ <a href="#Page_202">202-218</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stavros, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Strabo’s description of Karamania translated, <a href="#Page_173">173-180</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Geographical illustrations of it, <a href="#Page_181">181-218</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Stratoniceia, site of, <a href="#Page_229">229-230</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Different names of, <a href="#Page_235">235</a> and <a href="#Footnote_339"><i>note</i></a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Ancient inscription of, illustrated, <a href="#Page_329">329-331</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Sultán-hissár, the site of the ancient Nysa, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Surigis, or Turkish postillions, costume of, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Syedra, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Synaus, probable site of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Synnada, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Its site ascertained, <a href="#Page_54">54-58</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Remarks on the Roman road to, from Antiocheia of Pisidia, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Tabæ, probable site of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Ταβηνὸν Πεδίον, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tatta, salt lake of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Taurus, Mount, passage over, into the valley of Calycadnus, <a href="#Page_104">104-106</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tavium, probable site of, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Telmissus, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Theatre of, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Temple of Cybebe, at Sardes, description and plan of, <a href="#Page_342">342-346</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Account of the relative proportions of the principal temples of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_346">346-350</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Plans of various ancient temples, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Teos, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Termessus, ruins of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Passes of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Theatres of Patara and Myra, plans of, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Points of difference between them and the theatres of European Greece, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Plan and construction of a Roman theatre according to Vitruvius, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Construction of the orchestra of the Greek theatre according to him, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Advantage of the Asiatic over the Greek theatres, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">[362]</span>Diameters of the principal ancient theatres in existence, in Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">And in European Greece, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Plan of the theatre of Hierapolis, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Themisonium, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tolistobogii, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tolistochora, or Tolosocorio, site of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tomb of Midas, <a href="#Page_31">31-34</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Of Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tracheiotis, or Cilicia Tracheia, notice of ancient towns in, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tralles, site of, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Notice of its ruins, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Travelling, modern Turkish, described, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tripolis, notice of, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Troas, region of, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Notice of remarkable places in, <a href="#Page_273">273-306</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Troy, examination of the supposed site of, <a href="#Page_279">279-305</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tsháltigtshi, village, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Route thence to Burdur described, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tshina, river, course and sources of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tshumra, village, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Kassabá, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tyre, probably the site of Caystrus, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Tzerina, town and port of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Vezir Khan, village, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
+ <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Shugut, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Weather, state of, in Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Xenagoras, islands of, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Xenophon’s account of the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks, remarks on the geographical difficulties and discrepancies in, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>,
+ <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Xerigordus, castle of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Yerma, the site of the ancient Germa, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li>
+
+<li class="indx">Yorgan-Ladík, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li>
+
+<li class="ifrst">Zephyrium, cape, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li>
+
+</ul>
+
+<p class="titlepage">FINIS.</p>
+
+<p class="center smaller">Printed by Richard Taylor,<br>
+Shoe-Lane, London.</p>
+<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78967 ***</div>
+</body>
+</html>
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+This book, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
+jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize
+this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright
+status under the laws that apply to them.
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+[Project Gutenberg](https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for eBook [#78967](https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/78967)