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diff --git a/78967-0.txt b/78967-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8c6eed6 --- /dev/null +++ b/78967-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11621 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78967 *** + + + + +JOURNAL OF A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR, _&c._ + + + + + JOURNAL + OF + A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR, + WITH + COMPARATIVE REMARKS + ON THE + ANCIENT AND MODERN GEOGRAPHY + OF THAT COUNTRY. + + BY + WILLIAM MARTIN LEAKE, + F.R.S. &c. + + _ACCOMPANIED BY A MAP._ + + LONDON: + JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET. + 1824. + + PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR, + SHOE-LANE. + + + + +PREFACE. + + +To the traveller who delights in tracing vestiges of Grecian art and +civilization amidst modern barbarism and desolation, and who may thus +at once illustrate history and collect valuable materials for the +geographer and the artist—there is no country that now affords so fertile +a field of discovery as Asia Minor. Unfortunately, there is no province +of the Ottoman empire more difficult to explore in detail. In European +Turkey, the effects of the Mahometan system are somewhat tempered by its +proximity to civilised Europe, by its conscious weakness, and by the +great excess of the Christian population over the Turkish: but the Turk +of Asia Minor, although he may be convinced of the danger which threatens +the whole Ottoman empire, from the change that has taken place in the +relative power of the Musulman and Christian world, since his ancestors +conquered the favoured regions of which their successors have so long +been permitted to remain in the undisturbed abuse—derives, nevertheless, +a strong feeling of confidence and security, from his being further +removed from the Christian nations which he dreads; and sensible that +European Turkey must be the first to fall before the conqueror, he feels +no restraint in the indulgence of his hatred to the Christian name, +beyond that which may arise from the dictates of his religion, or from +the native hospitality of the people of the East. + +In Asia Minor, among the impediments to a traveller’s success may be +especially reckoned the deserted state of the country, which often +puts the common necessaries and conveniences of travelling out of his +reach; the continual disputes and wars among the persons in power; the +precarious authority of the government of Constantinople, which rendering +its protection ineffectual, makes the traveller’s success depend upon the +personal character of the governor of each district; and the ignorance +and the suspicious temper of the Turks, who have no idea of scientific +travelling; who cannot imagine any other motive for our visits to that +country, than a preparation for hostile invasion, or a search after +treasures among the ruins of antiquity, and whose suspicions of this +nature are of course most strong in the provinces which, like Asia +Minor, are the least frequented by us[1]. If the traveller’s prudence or +good fortune should obviate all these difficulties, and should protect +him from plague, banditti, and other perils of a semibarbarous state +of society, he has still to dread the loss of health, arising from the +combined effects of climate, fatigue, and privation; which seldom fails +to check his career before he has completed his projected tour. + +Asia Minor is still in that state in which a disguised dress, an +assumption of the medical character, great patience and perseverance, +the sacrifice of all European comforts, and the concealment of pecuniary +means, are necessary to enable the traveller thoroughly to investigate +the country, when otherwise qualified for the task by literary and +scientific attainments, and by an intimate knowledge of the language and +manners of the people. + +Among modern travellers, two only have yet traversed Asia Minor in +various directions for exploratory purposes; Paul Lucas in the years +1705, 1706, and 1715, and Capt. Macdonald Kinneir in the years 1813 and +1814. The rest have merely followed a single route in passing through the +country; even the travels of the two persons just named, amount only to a +description of several routes instead of one; the state of the provinces +and the mode of travelling having rendered it impossible to make any of +those excursions from the main road, without which the geography of an +unknown country cannot possibly be ascertained. It even appears from the +journal of Mr. Kinneir, that the difficulties of travelling in Asia Minor +have rather increased of late years than diminished. And hence he was +unsuccessful in all his attempts to explore particular sites interesting +to ancient history, and was unfortunate in his collection of the surest +tests of ancient geography,—inscriptions. + +The principality of Tshappán-Oglu, which offered some security to the +traveller, has been broken up by his death; and that of the family +of Kara-Osmán-Oglu, the mildness and equity of whose government over +the greater part of Æolis, Ionia and Lydia, had attracted thither +great numbers of Greeks from Europe, has been put an end to by the +same impolitic jealousy of Sultan Mahmud which is undermining his own +security and threatens the destruction of his empire. There remain +only a few dispersed chieftains, most of them in a state of doubtful +allegiance to the Porte, in whose districts, by good management and +previous preparation, the traveller might perhaps be allowed to explore +the country in safety. In no other parts can he, unless with all the +requisites above stated, and a great sacrifice of time, hope to effect +more than a rapid passage along the principal roads, take a transient +view of some of the remains of antiquity, and note the distances of +places, and the general bearings of the route, together with the relative +situations of a few hills or other remarkable objects on either side of +the road. + +Under such circumstances, it is obvious that the geography of Asia +Minor can only be improved by collecting and combining the information +contained in the journals of modern travellers; by which means an +approximation to a detailed map of the country may progressively be made. +It was with the view of contributing to this object that I published the +journal of two routes through the central parts of Asia Minor, in the +second volume of the Rev. R. Walpole’s Collection of Memoirs on Greece +and Asia Minor. + +Having, since that publication, extended over the whole peninsula the +comparative inquiry into its ancient and modern geography, which was +there confined to the parts forming the subject of the journals, the +result has been, the map which accompanies the present volume; the +volume itself containing, together with the substance of the memoir in +Mr. Walpole’s Collection, the additional remarks suggested by the more +enlarged geographical inquiry. + +As the _remarks_ have become considerably more voluminous than the +_journal_, I cannot flatter myself that the work in its present form +will possess much attraction for the general reader. It can only pretend +to contain, when accompanied by the map, all the existing information +upon Asia Minor most essential to the exploring traveller; at the same +time that it cannot fail to offer some interest to the reader of ancient +history. + +The modern authorities which have served in the construction of the map +are of two kinds—the maritime, and those relating to the interior of the +country: the former derived from celestial observations, or nautical +surveys on the sea coast; the latter, from the routes of travellers. The +maritime being the most certain, and giving accuracy of position to the +two ends of some of the principal routes, and consequently in a great +degree to the entire lines—may be considered as the foundation of the +work. + +The positions of Constantinople and Smyrna are assumed from the +concurrence of several good observations. The entire southern coast, from +the Gulf of Iskenderún to that of Mákri, together with several parts of +the coast between Mákri and Smyrna, has been laid down from the Survey +of Captain Beaufort, which was made in the years 1811 and 1812, by order +of the Admiralty, during the administration of Mr. Yorke; and which was +published in the year 1820, by direction of the Lords Commissioners. +The principal points and the general outline of the Pontic coast of the +peninsula have been adopted from the recently-published chart of the +Black Sea by Capt. Gauttier, of the Royal Navy of France[2]. The western +coast, from the Gulf of Elæa to the mouth of the Hellespont, has been +laid down from Truguet and Racord, officers of the French Navy, who +accompanied Count Choiseul Gouffier in his Embassy to the Porte in 1784; +and the result of whose labours is published in the second volume of M. +Choiseul’s _Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce_. + +In the interior of the peninsula the latitude of some important points, +as Kesaría, Kónia, Afiom Karahissár, Kutáya, Manissa, Brusa, Isnik, have +been observed by Niebuhr, Browne, or by Messrs. Chavasse and Kinneir: the +remaining construction is nothing more than the result of a comparison +of the ancient geographers and historians with the routes of modern +travellers, and with the descriptions of two Turkish geographers, who +lived about the middle of the seventeenth century—Mustafa Ben Abdalla +Kalib Tsheleby, commonly called Hadji Khalfa, and Abubekr Ben Behrem of +Damascus. Though little is to be derived from these authors with regard +to the exact situation of towns, their evidence on the orthography +of names, and their information on the political geography, are of +considerable utility. + +The elder travellers, whose routes have served in the construction of +the Map, may be confined to Tavernier, Tournefort, Paul Lucas, Otter, and +Pococke; for Bertrandon de la Brocquière, de la Mottraye, and Le Bruyn, +afford no geographical matter that is not contained in the others. + +Tavernier informs us, in his introduction, that he began his travels by +a visit to England, in the reign of James the First; he died in 1685. +Although he crossed Asia Minor several times, in the way to Persia, where +his commercial speculations carried him, he has left us nothing more +than a very brief description of two caravan routes to Tokât: the one +from Constantinople, by Bóli, Tósia, and Amasía; the other from Smyrna, +by Kassabá, Allah-shehr, Afiom Karahissár, Buhwudún, and across the Salt +country to the Kizil-Ermak, which he passed at Kesre Kiupri. + +Tournefort traversed Asia Minor only in one direction, from Erzrúm +by Tokát to A´ngura, from whence he passed a little to the north of +Eski-shehr, to Brusa. + +Paul Lucas was sent out in the year 1704, by the same minister of Louis +XIV. who employed Tournefort on a similar expedition in the Archipelago, +the Black Sea, and Armenia. But, unfortunately for our geographical +knowledge of Asia Minor, Lucas’s qualifications were very inferior to +those of his contemporary; nor does he appear to have been well adapted, +by previous study, even for those branches of investigation to which +his attention was particularly directed by his employers; namely, the +collecting of coins and inscriptions. + +By assuming the medical character, he secured a good reception at several +of the provincial towns, and protection from the governors, as far as +their authority extended; but the banditti which at that period infested +every part of the country, obliged him always to travel in haste, and +often in the night; and he was not qualified to derive as much advantage +from journeys made under such circumstances as a more experienced and +more enlightened traveller might have done. He was generally careful in +noting the time employed in each stage; but the names of places are often +disfigured by his careless mode of writing. His ignorance and credulity +made him delight in repeating the absurd tales which the traveller so +often hears in these half-civilised countries; at the same time that he +omitted the insertion of many useful observations which he could not have +failed to make. In some instances he has repeated the fabulous accounts +of the natives as if he had himself witnessed them, and has thus rendered +himself liable to the suspicion of having wilfully imposed upon his +readers. There can be no doubt, however, that his itinerary, abstracted +from his narrative, is as correct as he was capable of making it. The +geographical results, when connected and compared with those of other +travellers, are a sufficient proof of this fact; and Lucas, with all +his faults, has furnished us with a greater number of routes than any +other traveller in Asia Minor. In 1705 he went from Constantinople to +Nicomedia, Nicæa, and Brusa; from Brusa to Kutaya, Eski-shehr, A´ngura, +Kir-shehr, Kesaría; from Kesaría to Nigde, Bor, Erkle, and Kónia; from +Kónia to A´ngura, Beibazár, Kíwa, Nicomedia, and Constantinople, to +which city he returned in February 1706. In the autumn of the same year, +after a long journey in Greece, he set out on a second tour in Asia Minor +from Smyrna, travelling by Sardes, to Allah-shehr, Alan-kiúi, Burdur, +Susu, and Adália; from Adália to Susu, Isbarta, Egerder, Serkiserai, and +Kónia; from Kónia to Erkle, and over Mount Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ to +A´dana, Tarsus, and thence into Syria. In a third journey in Asia Minor, +in the year 1715, Lucas went from Smyrna to Ghiuzel Hissár by Tire; from +thence by the valley of the Mæander to Denizlú; and from Denizlú by +Burdur to Isbarta, from whence he travelled the same road as before to +Kónia. He states also, but without giving any particulars of his route, +that he again visited Kesaría; and that, after having returned to to +Kónia, he once more proceeded by the Pylæ Ciliciæ to A´dana and into +Syria. + +Next to Lucas, Otter is the most useful of the earlier travellers. He was +a Swede, sent to Persia by the Court of France in 1734. He crossed Asia +Minor by the way of Iznimid, Lefke, Inoghi, Eski-shehr, Ak-shehr, Kónia, +Erkle, and A´dana; and returned from Persia by the route of Amasía and +Boli. His narrative is chiefly valuable from his knowledge of the Turkish +language, and from his having previously consulted some manuscript works +in the Royal Library at Paris, especially that of Ibrahim Effendi, +who first established a Turkish press at Constantinople, and whose +information seems to accord with that of Hadji Khalfa, and of Abubekr of +Damascus. + +Among our own countrymen, Pococke is the only traveller of the last +century who has published his route with sufficient precision to be of +any use to the geographer; but he has been extremely negligent in noting +bearings and distances: his narrative is very obscure and confused; and +his journey in Asia Minor is consequently of much less importance than +it might have been made by so enlightened, learned, and persevering a +traveller. In the year 1740, after visiting a great part of Ionia and +Caria, he ascended the valley of the Mæander and its branches to Ishekli +and Sandukli, from whence he crossed to Beiad, Sevrihissár, and A´ngura. +From A´ngura he crossed to the northward into the great eastern road +from Constantinople, and returned to that capital by the way of Boli and +Nicomedia. + +Niebuhr traversed Asia Minor in the year 1766, on his return from India +by the way of Baghdad, Mosúl, and Aleppo. From Iskenderún he passed by +Bayas to Adana, and from thence by Erkle to Kónia, Karahissár, Kutaya, +and Brusa[3]. + +In the year 1797, Browne returned from the interior of Africa by the way +of Asia Minor. From Aleppo and Aintab, he traversed the range of Taurus +to Bostán, Kesaría, A´ngura, Sabanje, and Nicomedia. Mr. M. Bruce[4] +travelled the same route in 1812, and has given us a diary of names and +distances not to be found in Browne’s printed book of travels. + +It was in the year 1797, also, that Olivier passed through Asia Minor, +from Celenderis by Mout, Láranda, Kónia, Ak-shehr, Afiom Karahissár, +Kutaya, Yenishehr, Nicæa, and Nicomedia. + +Seetzen traversed Asia Minor from Constantinople to Smyrna, and from +Smyrna to Afiom Karahissár, Ak-shehr, Kónia, Láranda, Ibrala, and across +Mount Taurus to Karaduar (anciently Anchiale, the port of Tarsus), from +whence he passed by sea to Seleuceia, the port of Antioch, now Suadíeh. +The distances and the names of the places which he passed through, +written with great care, have been preserved; but it is feared that the +rest of his valuable manuscripts are irretrievably lost[5]. + +In the year 1801, Browne again traversed Asia Minor from Constantinople, +by Nicomedia, Brusa, Kutaya, Afiom Karahissár, Ak-shehr, Kónia, Erkle, +Tarsus. + +Among recent travellers, Capt. M. Kinneir has furnished us with the +greatest number of routes. These are; 1. from Constantinople, by Nicæa, +Eski-shehr, Seid-el-Ghazi, and Germa, to A´ngura; from A´ngura, by Uskát, +to Kesaría; and from Kesaría, by Nigde, Ketch-hissar[6], and over Mount +Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ, to Tarsus, Adana, and Iskenderún. 2. From +Celenderis to Mout, Láranda, Kónia, Ak-shehr, Afiom Karahissár, Kutaya, +Brusa, Mudánia. 3. From Constantinople, by Nicomedia, Sabanje, Turbali, +Boli, Kastamni[7], Samsún, Tarabizún, to Erzrúm. + +Mr. Kinneir was also one of the many persons who, during the late war, +crossed the northern part of Asia Minor, to or from Persia by the way of +Boli, Amasía, and Tokát. + +Another road, which has been still more followed, is from Brusa or +from Mikhalitza, by Ulubad and Magnesia, to Smyrna, or in the opposite +direction: the latitudes of all the principal places on it have been +determined by Browne[8]. Of this and of several other routes in +the ancient provinces of Mysia, Lydia, Ionia, and Caria, we have +descriptions in Smith, Wheler, Spon, Chishull, Pococke, Picenini, +Chandler, and Choiseul Gouffier. + +The authorities upon which our knowledge of the _ancient_ geography of +Asia Minor is chiefly founded, are the works of Strabo, Ptolemy[9], +Pliny, Stephanus Byzantinus, the curious table or map of roads called +the Peutingerian Table, the Antonine and Jerusalem Itineraries[10], the +Synecdemus of Hierocles, and the following historical narratives of some +celebrated military expeditions:—1. The Journal by Xenophon[11], of the +route of Cyrus from Sardes to Celænæ, and from thence to Iconium; and +through Lycaonia and part of Cappadocia, and over Mount Taurus to Tarsus. +2. Arrian’s history of the conquest of Asia Minor by Alexander; in which +the part more particularly worthy of the geographer’s attention is the +march from Lycia into Pamphylia and Pisidia, and thence to Gordium in +Phrygia, and to Ancyra, and through Cappadocia and the Pylæ Ciliciæ to +Tarsus[12]. 3. The history of the Roman wars in Asia by Polybius, Livy, +and Appian; especially the description by Livy of the marches of Cn. +Manlius, in Phrygia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia, and thence into Gallogræcia, +and to Ancyra[13]. 4. The march of the Emperor Alexius Comnenus, from +Constantinople to Iconium, in an expedition against the Turks, as related +by his daughter Anna Comnena. + +To these may be added, with regard to the southern coast, an anonymous +Periplus, entitled, “σταδιασμὸς τῆς μεγάλης θαλάσσης,” which was +extracted from a manuscript in the Royal Library of Madrid, and published +in a volume called Regiæ Bibliothecæ Matritensis Codices Græci MSS. by +the librarian Iriarte, in the year 1769. But the best and most numerous +evidences of ancient geography are those which still exist in the country +itself, in the ruins of the ancient cities, and in the inscriptions +and other monuments which may be found there. When these remains of +antiquity shall be thoroughly explored, and the results compared with the +geographers, with the itineraries and with the passages of history just +referred to, they will probably lead to a system of Ancient Geography in +Asia Minor, much more correct than we at present possess[14]. For while +we are still ignorant of the exact position of such important points as +Gordium, Pessinus, Synnada, Celænæ, Cibyra, Sagalassus, Aspendus, Selge, +Antioch of Pisidia and Isaura, it is almost a vain attempt to form any +satisfactory system; as the several parts of it must depend so much upon +one another, and upon an accurate determination of the principal places. + +After this remark, the reader will not be surprised, upon consulting the +map, to find that not only the boundaries of the provinces or districts +are indistinctly marked, but that even the names of places, both ancient +and modern, are often inserted without the usual note of exact locality. + +The ancient provincial divisions are distributed according to the +description of Strabo; or, in other words, according to their usual +acceptation at the time of the establishment of the Roman Empire, when, +as they ceased to have any political use, their boundaries became, as +they had always in some degree been, extremely uncertain. + +The appellations of the Turkish districts are either derived from the +principal town of each district, or from the names of those chieftains +who, together with the founder of the Ottoman dynasty, shared Asia Minor +among them, on the breaking up of the Seljukian kingdom of Iconium, at +the death of Aladin the Second, about the year 1300 of the Christian æra. +These chieftains were, Karamán, Kermián, Teke, Aidín, Sarukhán, Sassan or +Sagla, and Karasi. Múntesha, the appellation of the southwestern corner +of Asia Minor, is supposed to be a corruption of Myndesia, or the country +of Myndus; and this is the only district, therefore, the name of which +the Turks adopted from the conquered people. + +All the north-eastern part of the peninsula fell to the share of Amur and +his sons, but its divisions were not distinguished by their names. + +Osman, who inherited the country around Shughut from his father Ertogrul, +soon increased his territory by the country to the northward and westward +of that town, as far as the Propontis and the Black Sea. This part of +the peninsula still retains the appellation of Khodja-Ili, or the country +of Khodja, given to it in honour of Aktshe Khodja, the officer of Osman, +who effected the conquest. + +Khodavenkiar[15], which was the surname of Murad, son of Orkhan son of +Osman, has been attached to the district of Brusa ever since Orkhan, +having conquered that country from the Greeks, confided the government of +it to his son. + +Kermián-oglu, or the successor of Kermian[16], was the first of the +Turkish princes of Asia Minor who resigned a part of his dominions to +the house of Osman, and who put his family under their protection, by +the marriage of his daughter with the son of Murad, the celebrated +Bayazid. During the three subsequent reigns, those princes were generally +tributary to, but not otherwise dependent on, the Ottoman monarchs, whom +they often resisted in the field; and it was not until the family of +Isfendiar, who governed in Heracleia Pontica, Castamon, and Sinope, was +reduced by Mahomet the Second, and the kingdom of Karaman by Bayazid the +Second, in the year 1486, that the whole of Asia Minor became an Ottoman +province. + +Thus much it seemed necessary to recall to the reader’s recollection, in +explanation of the Turkish provincial names in the map. + + + + +CONTENTS. + + + CHAPTER I. + + Journey from Constantinople to Kónia 1 + + CHAPTER II. + + Illustration of the Ancient Geography of the Central Part of Asia + Minor 51 + + CHAPTER III. + + Continuation of the Journey—From Kónia to Cyprus, Alaia, and Shughut 93 + + CHAPTER IV. + + Of the ancient places on the road from Adalia to Shughut, including + remarks on the comparative geography of the adjacent country 144 + + CHAPTER V. + + Of the ancient places on the southern coast of Asia Minor 171 + + CHAPTER VI. + + Some remarks on the comparative geography of the western and + northern parts of Asia Minor 219 + + ADDITIONAL NOTES. + + 1. On the military operations of the first Crusade in Asia Minor 313 + + 2. Another error in Xenophon’s march of Cyrus 319 + + 3. On Cilicia and the position of Claudiopolis 319 + + 4. On the Theatres of Telmissus and Patara 320 + + 5. On the distinction between the Greek and Roman Theatre. + Peculiarities of the Asiatic Greek theatre. Dimensions + of the principal Greek theatres 321 + + 6. On a Latin inscription at Stratoniceia, relating to the + prices of various commodities 329 + + 7. On a Greek inscription at Mylasa 328 + + 8. Two Greek inscriptions, proving the site of Tralles 339 + + 9. Plans of the Theatre and Palæstra of Hierapolis. On the + Plutonium at the same place 340 + + 10. A description of the antiquities of Sardes, by Mr. Cockerell 342 + + 11. On the principal Temples of Asia Minor 346 + + 12. On the description of the battle of Magnesia by Appian 352 + + + + +[Illustration: ESSAY of a MAP of ASIA MINOR, Ancient and Modern + +By W. M. Leake, 1822. + +_Published as the act directs Febʸ. 1824, by John Murray Albermarle Street +London._ + +J. Walker sculpt.] + + + + +JOURNAL OF A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR, _&c._ + + + + +CHAPTER I. + +JOURNEY FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO KÓNIA. + + _Departure from Constantinople—Kartal—Ghebse—Kizderwént—Lake + Ascanius—Nicæa—Site of the ancient Towns between Constantinople + and Nicæa—Ruins of Nicæa—Lefke—Shughut—Eski-shehr, the + ancient Dorylæum—Seid-el-Ghazi—Doganlú, probably the ancient + Nacoleia—Kosru-Khan—Bulwudún—Isaklú—Ak-shehr—Ilgún—Ladík—Ruins of + Laodiceia—Kónia._ + + +On the 19th of January 1800, I quitted Constantinople, on my way to +Egypt, in company with the late Brigadier General Koehler, the late +Sir Richard Fletcher, the late Archdeacon Carlyle, Arabic professor +at Cambridge, and Mr. Pink, of the corps of Royal Military Surveyors, +and Draftsmen. We were well armed, and dressed as Tatár Couriers; and +the whole party, including servants, baggage, Turkish attendants, and +postillions, formed a caravan of thirty-five horses. At this time, there +were two roads across Asia Minor, used by messengers and other persons, +travelling post between the Grand Vizier’s army, and the capital; the one +meeting the south coast at Adália, the other at Kelénderi. We deferred +deciding as to which we should follow, until we should arrive at the +point of separation. + +We left Iskiodár (in Greek, Σκουτάριον, Skutári) at 11 A.M., and +travelled for four hours along the borders of the sea of Marmora, through +one of the most delightful tracts in the neighbourhood of Constantinople; +its beauty heightened by the mildness of the weather and the clearness +of the atmosphere. On our right was the tranquil expanse of the sea of +Marmora, as far as the high woody coast on the south side of Nicomedia, +surmounted by the majestic summits of the Bithynian Olympus. In the +midst of this magnificent basin were seen immediately before us the +Princes Islands, with their picturesque villages and convents, amidst +pine groves and vineyards. The road led sometimes through rich pastures, +covered with sheep, but, for the most part, through the gardens which +supply a large proportion of the vegetables consumed in the city and its +suburbs. Already the beans, and other productions of the spring, were in +a forward state. The road was in some places muddy, but in general very +good. Kartal, where we arrived at the end of four hours, is a small place +upon the edge of the gulf, in the midst of a fertile and well cultivated +district, and has a harbour for small vessels. Half an hour further is +a Greek village, which preserves unaltered the ancient name Παντίχιον, +pronounced Pandíkhi. + +Jan. 20.—From Kartal to Ghebse[17] five hours, passing through Pandíkhi; +and at the end of three hours Tuzla, so called from the salt-works +belonging to it. The road winds along the side of the gulf, which, as +it narrows, presents a great variety of beautiful landscapes. The soil +affords a fine pasture, in some parts of which appear rocks of blue +and white marble, projecting above the surface; and several remains of +ancient quarries. We met a Mollah travelling in a Taktreván, lounging +upon soft cushions, smoking his Narghilé[18], and accompanied by +splendidly-dressed attendants on horseback. His baggage-horses were +loaded with mattresses and coverings for his sofas; with valises +containing his clothes; a large assortment of pipes; tables of copper; +cauldrons; saucepans; and a complete _batterie de cuisine_. Such a mode +of travelling is undoubtedly very different from that which was in use +among the Turks of Osman, and Orkhan. The articles of the Mollah’s +baggage are, probably, for the most part, of Greek origin, adopted from +the conquered nation in the same manner as the Latins borrowed the arts +of the Greeks of a better age. In fact, it is in a great degree to Greek +luxuries, with the addition of coffee and tobacco, that the present +imbecile condition of these barbarians is to be ascribed; and “Græcia +capta ferum victorem cepit” applies as well to the Turk as it once did to +the Roman; for though Grecian art in its perfection may be degraded by +a comparison with the arts of the Byzantine Greeks, yet in the scale of +civilization, the Turks did not bear a higher proportion to these than +the Romans did to the ancient Greeks. + +Ghebse, called by the Greeks Gívyza[19] (Κίβυζα), is a Turkish town, +having a few Greek houses. The only remarkable object in it is a fine +mosque of white marble, surrounded by a grove of large cypresses, both +of the pointed kind and of that of which the branches are looser and +more spreading. This mosque, and some good baths, were built by Mustafá +Pasha, who was Grand Vizier to Sultán Selím the First at the time of the +conquest of Egypt. An imperfect Greek inscription was the only indication +which I observed of Ghebse being on the site of a Greek city. + +Jan. 21.—From Ghebse to Kizderwént, nine hours. Our route for the +first three hours was parallel to the shore of the gulf, which here +presents, on either side, a beautiful scenery of abrupt capes and +woody promontories, with villages upon the sides of the mountains, and +corn-fields and vineyards to their very tops. The road then descends to +the water-side under the small village of Malsúm, where a long tongue +of land, projecting from the opposite shore, affords a convenient ferry +of about two miles across, to the south side of the gulf. It is called +the ferry of the Dil (tongue), and being much frequented, is well +supplied with large boats and constant attendance. The persons employed +in it are lodged in tents by the water-side. We write to our friends at +Constantinople by a huntsman of the Sultan, who is returning from the +chace loaded with pheasants, partridges, and other game, which he has +been killing for the Imperial table in the woods near the gulf. It takes +us two hours to unload, cross the ferry, and reload. We then ride three +miles along the Dil before we gain the line of coast. Leaving the town +of Ersek at no great distance on our right, we proceed up a beautiful +valley, watered by a river which joins the gulf near the Dil. This river +we cross more than twenty times; passing through the water, or over good +stone bridges. In many places the river falls in cascades over the rocks. +The sky is without a cloud; and the temperature that of England in April +or May. The ground is covered with violets, crocusses, and hyacinths. +The road being excellent, we travel nearly at the rate of four miles +and a half an hour, and complete our computed journey of nine hours in +seven. We passed a ruined castle of the lower Greek empire, with many +towers. On the slopes on either side are seen flocks of sheep and goats; +in the valley the peasants are at plough, and we meet long caravans of +camels tied together, and preceded by an ass. As we approach Kizderwént, +which is situated in a retired part of the valley, near the source of +the river which we have been following, we enter an extensive mulberry +plantation, this being one of the numerous villages in the neighbourhood +that supply Brusa with the excellent silk for which it is noted in the +commercial world. Vineyards, on the slopes of the hills around, furnish +also a tolerable wine. Kizderwént (the pass of the girls) having the +misfortune to lie upon the great road from Constantinople to Brusa, +Kutáya, and Kónia, is exposed to a thousand vexations from passengers, +notwithstanding the privileges and exemptions which have been granted +to it by the Porte. It is inhabited solely by Greeks. Upon our arrival +we found our konakjí, or Tatár courier, who has the charge of riding +forward to procure lodgings (konák), seated over a blazing fire in a neat +cottage, which formed a favourable contrast to the meanness and want of +comfort seen amidst the pretended magnificence of some of the Turkish +houses which we had seen. To judge from what we have hitherto observed, +the lower order of Christians are not in a worse condition in Asia Minor +than the same class of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey +have some advantages arising from the effects of the superiority of their +numbers over the Turks, those of Asia have the satisfaction of seeing +that the Turks are as much oppressed by the men in power as they are +themselves; and they have to deal with a race of Mussulmans generally +milder, more religious, and better principled than those of Europe. + +Jan. 22.—We travel in a fine valley, continually ascending. At the end of +an hour we come suddenly upon a view of the lake Ascanius. It is about +ten miles long, and four wide; surrounded on three sides by steep woody +slopes, behind which rise the snowy summits of the Olympus range. A +forest of Ilex, and other evergreens, mixed with oaks, cover the nearer +hills; while on the left, along the head of the lake, we perceive a rich +cultivated plain, at the extremity of which, soon afterwards appears, on +the edge of the lake, the entire circuit of the ancient walls of Nicæa, +with their massy towers and gates. Nothing is more striking in this +magnificent prospect, than that clearness of atmosphere, and brilliancy +of colouring, which is so seldom seen in our northern scenery. We make +the circuit of the northern end of the lake; passing for ten miles +through the plain, and traversing plantations of olives, mulberries, and +vines: the almond-trees were already in blossom. At about two miles on +our left, we saw an ancient triangular obelisk, standing single in the +middle of the plain. It bears an inscription, which has been published +by Pococke, and which proves that the obelisk was erected in honour of +C. Cassius Philiscus. Having passed through one of the ancient gates +of Nicæa, and through the garden ground now inclosed within its walls, +we arrive at the wretched Turkish town of Isnik, distant five complete +hours, or about twenty miles, from Kizderwént. + +Among the ancient places situated between Constantinople and Nicæa, +there is sufficient evidence of the situation of Scutarium[20] and +Pantichium[21], in the preservation of their ancient names. Gívyza has +generally been supposed a corruption of Libyssa, the name of a small +maritime town, celebrated as having been the burying-place of Hannibal; +but Gívyza is more probably a corruption of Dacibyza; being, when +written in Greek (Κίβυζα), no other than the ancient Δακίβυζα, with the +loss of the first syllable. The thirty-six or thirty-nine Roman miles, +moreover, placed in the itinerary, between Chalcedonia and Libyssa, will +not agree so well with the nine hours from Skutári to Gívyza, as with +the twelve hours to Malsúm; which place, therefore, I take to stand on +the site of Libyssa. Plutarch appears to confirm this supposition, for +in mentioning Libyssa[22], he speaks of a sandy place near it on the +sea-side, answering to the promontory of Dil, which, as we have seen, is +immediately below Maldysem or Malsum. Dacibyza is mentioned by several +of the historians of the Lower Empire, as a place where, by order of the +Arian Emperor Valens, eighty priests of the opposite sect were burned, +with the ship wherein they were embarked[23]. The river descending from +Kizderwént to the Dil, can be no other than the Draco, which joined the +sea at Helenopolis, a small town, so named by Constantine in honour of +his mother: for it seems evident, upon comparing Procopius with Anna +Comnena, that Helenopolis was at or near Ersek. The Dil has been formed +by the alluvial deposition of the Draco; whose impetuosity has been well +described by Procopius, as well as its winding course[24]. In riding +from the Dil to Kizderwént, I remarked that we traversed the river about +twenty times, without being aware that Procopius has made precisely +the same remark with regard to the Draco[25].—In the first crusade, +the passes of this stream were fatal to many of the followers of Peter +the Hermit; who, after having by the assistance of the Emperor Alexius +crossed the sea from Constantinople, encamped at Helenopolis. From thence +they proceeded to ravage the country around Nicæa, which city was then +in the possession of the Turks of Kilidj Arslan; and they occupied the +fortress of Xerigordus. But this place was soon retaken by the Sultan; +who slew many of the Franks, captured others, and destroyed a still +greater number by means of an ambuscade, which he stationed in the passes +of the Draco[26]. + +In the evening we found time to walk among the ruins of Nicæa. The +ancient walls, towers, and gates are in tolerably good preservation. +Their construction resembles that of the walls of Constantinople, with +which they are coæval. In most places they are formed of alternate +courses of Roman tiles, and of large square stones, joined by a cement +of great thickness. In some places have been inserted columns, and +other architectural fragments, the ruins of more ancient edifices. Of +the towers, those on the edge of the lake, and on either side of the +different gates, are the largest and most perfect. We remark, also, +the remains of two walls which projected from the main inclosure +into the water, and which were undoubtedly intended to exclude, when +necessary, all communication under the walls, along the edge of the +lake. Some of the towers, like those of Constantinople, have Greek +inscriptions; these have been published in the Inscriptiones Antiquæ +of Pococke. The ruins of mosques, baths, and houses, dispersed among +the gardens and corn-fields, which now occupy a great part of the space +within the Greek fortifications, show that the Turkish Isnik, though +now so inconsiderable, was once a place of importance, as indeed its +history under the early Ottomans, before they were in possession of +Constantinople, gives sufficient reason to presume. But it never was so +large as the Grecian Nicæa, and it seems to have been almost entirely +constructed of the remains of that city; the walls of the ruined mosques +and baths being full of the fragments of Greek temples and churches. + +Jan. 23.—From Isnik to Lefke, six hours, and from Lefke to Vezir-Khan, +four hours. We rise at two in the morning; but as it takes near three +hours for the whole party to breakfast, pack up the baggage, and load +the horses, we are not ready till five, and have then to wait an hour +and a half for horses. We soon leave the borders of the beautiful lake +of Isnik, and proceed up a valley, which we quit after three or four +miles, and suddenly ascend to the left a hill of moderate height. Soon +losing sight of the lake, we advance along an elevated barren country, +until we enter a deep ravine formed by towering cliffs on either side, +where a great variety of luxuriant evergreens spring from among the +rocks. The ravine leads into a valley, where the same kind of scenery +receives additional beauty from the contrast which opens upon us of +a fine valley, watered by the Sakaría, a name corrupted from the +ancient Sangarius, although this river is not the main branch of the +Sangarius, but that which was anciently called Gallus[27]. Lefke, a +neat town built of sun-baked bricks, is situated in the middle of this +beautiful valley near the river, which we crossed by a handsome stone +bridge a little before we entered the town. We find the cultivation in +this valley as perfect as that of some of the most civilized parts of +Europe. The fields are separated by neat hedges and ditches. Extensive +plantations of mulberry-trees, mixed with vineyards and corn-fields, +occupy the lower grounds, while cultivated patches are seen to a great +height in the hills, which in other parts furnish a fine pasture to +sheep and goats. This delightful region exhibits a most picturesque +contrast with the unevenness and grandeur of the surrounding mountains. +We were told there had lately been an insurrection, with the design of +expelling an obnoxious Kadi, but we did not perceive the least symptom +of disturbance. We follow the valley, passing many villages on either +hand, for four hours more, to Vezir-Khan. Since leaving the gulf of +Nicomedia we have seen no marks of wheel-carriages, and we met with +scarcely any person on the road during this day’s journey, except a party +of Turkish horsemen with their dogs, in search of hares. The Turks of +this part of the country are an extremely handsome race: they have a +great variety of head-dresses, most of which are highly becoming to their +fine countenances. The women who appear abroad are invariably dressed in +the shapeless ferijé, and the veil so often described by travellers. At +Vezir-Khan we were lodged in a small mud-built house, and had to wait a +considerable time before our attendants could prevail upon the people to +kill the fowls intended for our dinner, and to send men to the river to +catch some fish. The valley around is covered with extensive plantations +of mulberry-trees, and with orchards, vineyards, and corn-fields, +inclosed with hedges; but to these signs of neatness and comfort there is +a great contrast in the misery of the houses. + +Jan. 24.—From Vezir-Khan to Shughut, eight hours: the weather still +delightfully clear and mild. For the first two hours we continue to +pursue the valley, and then ascend a lofty ridge, a branch of Olympus. It +incloses on the east the valleys watered by the branches of the Sangarius +which we have passed, as the heights between Isnik and Lefke do on the +opposite side. Our road across the mountain presents some wild scenery of +broken rocks and barren downs with little or no wood, and occasionally +the view of extensive valleys on either side. At the summit of the ridge +we pass a Karakol-hané (guard-house), and at the foot of the mountain +on the east side we enter some pleasant valleys, conducting into an +open expanse of undulated ground, well cultivated with corn. It gives +a favourable idea of Asiatic husbandry; but there is little appearance +of inhabitants, only three or four small villages being in sight in the +whole of our day’s journey. The weather being dry the road is excellent; +but in seasons of rain it must be quite the reverse, on account of the +rich deep soil. At the further end of this champaign country we perceive +the town of Shughut, and upon an adjacent hill the tomb of Ali Osman, +founder of the Ottoman dynasty. Shughut was bestowed upon Ertogrul, the +father of Osman, by the Sultan of Kónia, for his services in war; and +became the capital of a small state, which included the adjacent country +as far as A´ngura on the east, and in the opposite direction all the +mountainous district lying between the valleys of the Sangarius and those +of the Hermus and Mæander. From hence Osman made himself master of Nicæa +and Prusa, and gradually of all Bithynia and Phrygia, and thus laid the +foundations of the Turkish greatness. There is another tomb of Osman +at Brúsa, the most important of the places which he conquered from the +Greeks. But the Turks of this part of Asia Minor assert that the monument +at Brúsa is a cenotaph, and that the bones of Osman were laid by the side +of those of his father Ertogrul in his native town. The tomb is built +like some of the handsomest and most ancient of the Turkish sepulchres at +Constantinople, and is situated in the midst of a grove of cypresses and +evergreen oaks. + +The town is said to contain 900 houses, but now exhibits a wretched +appearance, chiefly in consequence of a late insurrection of the +inhabitants, a party of 300 of whom have put to death, within three +months, three different Ayáns sent here by the Porte. At present the +government of Constantinople has the upper hand, and the insurgents have +been obliged to fly to the mountains; but we find the new governor with +all his troops still on the _alerte_ to prevent the place from being +once more surprised and pillaged. Our situation is rendered still more +uncomfortable by the discovery we now make, that our travelling firmahn, +in consequence of an intrigue at Constantinople, of which we too well +know the original mover, is drawn up in such a manner as to leave it in +the power of any of the Turks to obstruct our progress; and the Ayán of +Shughut accordingly takes advantage of it to extort a present before +he will give us the smallest assistance. We are wretchedly lodged in +a ruinous apartment over a stable occupied by the Ayán’s cavalry; and +cannot prevent the soldiers from coming into the room, or from examining +our arms and baggage. There are large plantations of mulberries around +the town, and every house manufactures a considerable quantity of raw +silk. + +Jan. 25.—It is nine o’clock before we can procure any horses, and then +find none to be had but some wretched animals covered with sores, and +almost skeletons. At first setting out they are hardly able to walk; +but to our surprise we find, before we have travelled many miles, that +most of them have a very easy and rapid pace; they performed a journey +of ten hours’ distance with only a few short halts, and arrived at our +konák at Eski-shehr apparently in better travelling condition than when +they set out. Our road indeed is dry and level, and the weather still +fine. Half the route was over mountains, and woody; the latter half over +an extensive plain not less than 30 miles in length and 10 in breadth, +but very thinly peopled and not above one-third cultivated. Seven or +eight miles short of Eski-shehr are some ancient Greek ruins upon a +rising ground in the plain. Amidst a great number of scattered fragments +of columns, and other remnants of architecture, we find several square +pedestals or στήλαι of a clumsy construction, with some almost-defaced +fragments of Greek inscriptions, in which we endeavoured in vain to +discover the name of the city, though the word πόλις was visible. +The ruins are called Besh-Kardash (the five brothers); the number of +pedestals standing, however, is more than five, but five is a favourite +number with the Turks: the generality of whom, having little idea of +numerical accuracy, confine themselves in common conversation to a few +numbers, which they particularly affect. These numbers are 5, 15, 40, +100, and 1001. + +Eski-shehr is about the same size as Shughut, and is advantageously +situated on the root of the hills which border on the north the great +plain already mentioned. The town is divided into an upper and lower +quarter; and is traversed by a small stream, which at the foot of the +hills joins the Pursek, or ancient Thymbres. This river rises to the +south of Kutáya, passes by that city, and joins the Sangarius a few hours +to the north-east of Eski-shehr. This place is now celebrated for its +natural hot-baths: we were unable to ascertain whether it preserves any +remains of antiquity[28]; but there can be little doubt that it stands +upon the site of Dorylæum. The plain of Dorylæum is often mentioned by +the Byzantine historians as the place of assembly of the armies of the +Eastern empire in their wars against the Turks, and it is described by +Anna Comnena[29] as being the first extensive plain of Phrygia after +crossing the ridges of Mount Olympus from Nicæa, and after passing Leucæ. +As we have the strongest evidence of the position of Leucæ in the name of +the village Lefke, which is exactly the modern pronunciation of the Greek +Λεύκαι, there cannot be any doubt that the plain of Dorylæum is that +which surrounds Eski-shehr. + +The site of the ancient town is not less decisively fixed at Eski-shehr. +Athenæus speaks of the hot waters of Dorylæum, and remarks that they +are very pleasant to the taste. Cinnamus mentions the hot baths, the +fertile plain, and the river of Dorylæum[30]; and the site is indicated +with equal certainty by the ancient itineraries[31]: for from Dorylæum +diverged roads, to Philadelphia; to Apameia Cibotus; to Laodiceia +Combusta, and Iconium; to Germa, and to Pessinus: a coincidence of lines +which (their remote extremities being nearly certain) will not apply to +any point but Eski-shehr, or some place in its immediate neighbourhood. +The position of Eski-shehr accords also with the Antonine and Jerusalem +itineraries, inasmuch as we observe in these tables, that the road from +Nicæa to Ancyra did not pass through Dorylæum, but to the northward of +it; and Eski-shehr is about thirty miles to the southward of a line drawn +from Isnik to A´ngura. + +The Aga of Eski-shehr was formerly in the government of a town six hours +distant, the name of which we neglected to note. He had long been at +war with the governor of Eski-shehr, and at length having acquired the +preponderancy so far as to carry off all his opponent’s sheep and cattle, +he followed up his successes last year with such increased energy that +he added his rival’s head to the other spoils, and has since been in +undisturbed possession of both places, and confirmed in his authority by +the Porte. + +Jan. 26.—From Eski-shehr to Seid-el-Gházi, a computed distance of nine +hours. We have a sharp wind at east. Our road for the first half of +the journey continues to cross the same wide uncultivated plains; but +towards the end they are more broken into hill and dale, and appear less +wild and desolate. Scarcely a tree is to be seen through the whole day’s +journey. Upon the edge of the plains we observe in many places sepulchral +chambers excavated in the rocks. In these, and in the fragments of +ancient architecture dispersed in different parts of the plains, we have +undoubted proofs of their ancient cultivation and populousness. At about +half way we found, near a fountain, several inscribed stones. The annexed +is the only inscription I could decypher: + + ΔΗΜΑΣΚΑΙ + ΓΑΙΟΣΥΠΕΡ + ΒΟΩΝΙΔΙΩΝΠΑ + ΠΙΑΔΙ ΙΣΩΤΗ + ΡΙΕΥΧΗΝΚΑΙ + ΗΡΑΚΛΗΑΝΙΚ + ΗΤ. + +It appears to be a dedication of thanks to Jupiter Papias, the Saviour, +and Hercules, the Invincible, for their care of the oxen of Demas and +Gaius. + +This inscription is upon a flat slab, surmounted with a pediment, in the +middle of which is a _caput bovis_, with a festoon. Here also is a square +stele, with an ornamented cornice; on one of its sides is an obliterated +inscription, in the centre of a garland. + +[Illustration: _To face Page 21._ + +_Inscription at a...b._ + +ΙΑΕϜΑϜΑΚΕΝΑΝΟΓΑϜΟΣ:ΜΙΔΑΙ:ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ:ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ:ΕΔΑΕ + +_Inscription at c...d._ + +ΒΑΒΑ:ΜΕΜΕϜΑΙΣ:ΠΡΟΙΤΑϜΟΣ:ΚΦΙͿΑΝΑϜΕͿΟΣ:ΣΙΚΕΜΕΜΑΝ:ΕΔΑΕΣ + +_G. Scharf Lithog: London. Pub: by J. Murray. Albemarle Sᵗ. 1824. Printed +by C: Hullmandel_] + +The latter part of our journey is over low ridges; the road throughout +is excellent, and fit for wheel-carriages. Seid-el-Gházi is a poor +ruined village, but it bears marks of having once been a place of more +importance, even in Turkish times; upon the side of a hill which commands +the village, there is a fine mosque dedicated to the Mussulman saint from +whom the place derives its name. There are also several fragments of +architecture which fix it as the site of an ancient Greek city. + +Jan. 27.—From Seid-el-Gházi to Kósru Pasha-Khany, the distance is seven +hours; but we made a détour to the right of the direct road, for the +sake of viewing some monuments of antiquity, which were reported to us +at Seid-el-Gházi. We first ascend for some distance, and pass over an +elevated stony heath, in a direction to the westward of south; we then +enter a forest of pine-trees, from many of which they had been extracting +the turpentine, by making an incision at the foot of the tree, and then +lighting a fire under it. By these means the resin descends rapidly, and +is soon collected in large quantities, but the tree is killed; and it +sometimes happens that the fire communicating destroys large tracts of +the forest. We saw several remains of these conflagrations as we passed +along. After traversing the forest for an hour, we came in sight of +a beautiful valley, situated in the midst of it. Turning to the left, +after we had descended into the valley, we found it to be a small plain, +about a mile long and a quarter of a mile broad, embosomed in the forest, +and singularly variegated with rocks, which rise perpendicularly out +of the soil, and assume the shape of ruined towers and castles. Some +of these are upwards of 150 feet in height, and one or two, entirely +detached from the rest, have been excavated into ancient catacombs, with +doors and windows, and galleries, in such a manner that it required a +near inspection to convince us that what we saw were natural rocks, and +not towers and buildings. We found the chambers within to have been +sepulchres, containing excavations for coffins, and niches for cinerary +vases. Following the course of the valley to the S.E., we came in +sight of some sepulchral chambers, excavated with more art, and having +a portico with two columns before the door, above which a range of +dentils forms a cornice. But the most remarkable of these excavations, +is that which will best be understood by the annexed sketch of it, +taken by General Koehler, while Mr. Carlyle and myself were employed +in copying two inscriptions engraved upon the face of the rock. In the +upper inscription a few letters are deficient at the beginning and end; +the lower appeared to us to be complete. The letters of the first are +larger and wider asunder than those of the second. Both are written +from left to right, but in the lower inscription the letters are written +_downwards_, along the edge of the monument, so that to place the eyes +upon the same line with the inscription, the head must be held sideways. +The rock which has been shaped into this singular monument rises to a +height of upwards of one hundred feet above the plain; and at the back, +and on one of the sides, remains in its natural state. The ornamented +part is about sixty feet square, surmounted by a kind of pediment, above +which are two volutes. The figures cut upon the rock are no where more +than an inch deep below the surface, except towards the bottom, where the +excavation is much deeper, and resembles an altar. It is not impossible, +however, that it may conceal the entrance into the sepulchral chamber, +where lie the remains of the person in whose honour this magnificent +monument was formed; for in some other parts of Asia Minor, especially +at Telmissus, we have examples of the wonderful ingenuity with which the +ancients sometimes defended the entrance into their tombs. There can be +little doubt that the monument was sepulchral; the crypts and catacombs +in the excavated rocks around it prove that the valley was set apart for +such purposes, to which its singularly retired position and romantic +scenery, amidst these extensive forests, rendered it peculiarly well +adapted. + +The valley bears the name of Doganlú, from a neighbouring village which +we did not see, but where, according to the information we received, are +remains of an ancient fortification, called by the Turks Pismésh Kálesi. +I am inclined to think they mark the site of Nacoleia[32], named by +Strabo among the cities of Phrygia Epictetus, together with Cotyaeium, +Dorylæum, and Midaeium; the first of which places (now Kutáya) is within +twenty geographical miles, in direct distance, to the north-westward of +Doganlú; the second, Dorylæum (Eski-shehr), is at nearly that distance +to the north of Doganlú; and Midaium was to the north-eastward, distant +about 35 G. M. direct. But a still closer argument, in favour of this +situation of Nacoleia, is derived from a comparison of the several routes +leading from Dorylæum, as stated in the ancient itineraries, with their +directions on the map. These roads are five in number; and though little +reliance can be placed upon the distances between the several places, the +order of names furnishes evidence that cannot be very erroneous, and the +positions of the places at the extremity of each route are known with +tolerable accuracy. The first of the roads, as they are arranged in the +subjoined note[33], led by Midaium to Pessinus; the second by Archelaium +to Germa, now Yerma; the third conducted south-eastward to Synnada, +Philomelium, and Laodiceia Combusta (now Yorgán Ladík); the fourth by +Nacoleia and Eumenia to Apameia Cibotus; and the fifth south-westward, by +Cotyaium to Philadelphia (Allah-Shehr). Now, although the site neither +of Apameia Cibotus, Synnada, nor Pessinus, has yet been explored, their +situations are very nearly certain. Apameia was at the source of the +Mæander, and bore a little westward of south from Eski-shehr. Nacoleia, +therefore, bore in about that direction from Dorylæum; it lay between the +roads conducting from that city to Synnada and Laodiceia, and to Cotyaium +and Philadelphia; and it was the first town which occurred on the road to +Apameia: all which circumstances accurately accord with the position of +Doganlú in respect of Eski-shehr. + +On first beholding the great sculptured rock of the valley of Doganlú, +and on remarking the little resemblance which it bears to the works of +the Greeks, our idea was, that it might have been formed by the ancient +Persians, when in possession of this country; and that the lower part, +resembling an altar, might have had some reference to their worship of +fire; but, upon further reflection, there appeared several objections +to such a supposition. In the first place, none of the great monuments +of the Persians are likely to be found at so great a distance from +Susa and Persepolis, in a part of the country of which they had only +a temporary possession, and which could never have been considered by +them otherwise than as a conquered foreign country, of doubtful tenure. +Secondly, the style of ornament does not exactly resemble any known +monument of the ancient Persians; and, thirdly, the characters of the +inscriptions, which have every appearance of being coeval with the rest +of the work, bear so close a resemblance to the letters of the Greek +alphabet, in their earliest form, that the most reasonable conjecture +seems to be that this monument is the work of the ancient Phrygians, +who, like the Ionians[34], Lydians, and other nations of Asia Minor, who +were in a state of independence before the Persian conquest, made use +of an alphabet differing slightly from the Greek, and derived from the +same oriental original. While the form of the characters, as well as the +vertical ranges of points for noting the separation of the words, bear a +marked resemblance to the archaic Greek: on the other hand, some of the +words agree with the semibarbarous style of the sculptured ornaments of +this monument, in indicating that the inscriptions are not in pure Greek. +Both in the resemblance and dissimilitude, therefore, they accord with +what we should expect of the dialect of the Phrygians, whose connexion +with Greece is evident from many parts of their early history; at the +same time, that the distinction between the two nations is strongly +marked by Herodotus, who gives to the Phrygians the appellation of +barbarians. + +It is further remarkable that the sculpture of the monument of Doganlú, +though unlike any thing of Greek workmanship, is very much in the same +style as the elaborate ornaments (equally remote from Grecian taste) +which covered the half columns formerly standing on either side of the +door of the Treasury of Atreus at Mycenæ[35], a building said to have +been erected by the Cyclopes, who were supposed to have been artisans +from Asia[36]. + +Upon comparing the alphabet of the monument of Doganlú with the archaic +Greek, and with the Etruscan, it is observable that there is no greater +difference between the three than might be expected in distant and +long-separated branches of the same family. It may be remarked, however, +that the Greek alphabet, and that of Doganlú, resemble each other much +more than they resemble the Etruscan, as well in the form of the letters, +as in the important circumstance of their being written from left to +right, instead of from right to left, as the Etruscan always continued to +be[37]. + +It may seem a vain attempt to endeavour to explain inscriptions, written +in a language or dialect of which we have no other remains; yet as the +characters are themselves a proof that there was a great resemblance +between this dialect and the Greek, it is not impossible that some light +may be thrown upon ancient history by the monument of Doganlú, if other +inscriptions in the same dialect should hereafter be discovered. Upon +this subject one or two remarks occur which may not be unimportant. + +It has already been observed, that the lower inscription beginning ΒΑΒΑ +is complete, and it may be assumed that the upper, though incomplete +at either end, has lost but a few letters. This seems evident, as well +from its occupying the whole length of a sort of outer pediment, as +from its concluding word, which wants only one letter of being the +same as the concluding word of the lower inscription. This concluding +word is very remarkable; written in Greek it is ΕΔΑΕ, or ΕΔΑΕΣ. Now +ἔδαε from δαίω, to divide or cut with a sharp instrument, is precisely +such a Greek word as one might have expected to find in a very ancient +_Greek_ inscription upon a monument, all the apparent merit of which +is the cutting of squares, lozenges, and other regular figures, upon +the smoothed surface of a rock. In examining the other words, we find +further resemblances of the Greek. The 2d, 3d, and 4th words of the +lower inscription, and the first word of the upper inscription (if it +be a single word), all seem to end in sigma, and three of them in ος, +thus rendering it not improbable that the words 1, 2, 3, 4, of the lower +inscription, contained the name and title of the person who engraved that +inscription; that the fifth word Σικεμεμαν may have indicated some such +distinction, as the place from whence he came; and that the long word, +No. 1. of the upper inscription, was the name of the person who placed +that inscription. But the most remarkable words of all are the second +and fourth of the upper inscription, which, written in Greek, are ΜΙΔΑΙ +ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, “to King Midas;” and which furnish an immediate presumption +that the monument was erected in honour of one of the Kings of Phrygia +of the Midaian family. The situation of the place is no less favourable +to this supposition than the construction of the monument, the tenor of +the inscription, and the form of the letters; for it cannot be doubted +that the valley in which the monument stands is precisely in the heart of +the country which formed the ancient kingdom of Phrygia. Strabo remarks, +that the royal families of Gordius and Midas possessed the countries +adjacent to the river Sangarius, on the banks of which stood the cities +of Midaeium and Gordium[38]. We learn from Pausanias[39] that Ancyra +was founded by Midas, and that in his time there was a fountain in that +city, called the fountain of Midas; and both these authors concur in the +testimony[40] that a tribe of Gauls, in seizing the country adjacent to +Ancyra and Pessinus, occupied a part of the ancient dominions of the +Gordian dynasty. The fertile valleys of the Sangarius, and its branches, +seem, therefore, to have formed the central part of the dominions of the +kings of Phrygia. According to this supposition, the date of the monument +of Doganlú is between the years 740 and 570 before the Christian æra; +for that such was nearly the period of the Gordian dynasty appears from +Herodotus[41], who informs us that Midas, son of Gordius, was the first +of the Barbarians who sent offerings to Delphi, and that his offerings +were earlier than those of Gyges, king of Lydia, who began his reign +B.C. 715. Phrygia lost its independence, when all the country to the +west of the Halys was subdued by Crœsus, king of Lydia, in or about the +year 572 B.C. A few years afterwards Atys, son of Crœsus, was killed +accidentally by Adrastus, who was of the royal family of Phrygia, and son +of the Gordius who had been rendered tributary to Crœsus. As this Gordius +was son of a Midas[42], and the first Midas was son of a Gordius, it is +probable that several of the intermediate monarchs of the dynasty, during +the two centuries of their independence, bore the same names. + +The distinguishing appellation of the particular Midas to whom the +monument was dedicated, seems to be contained in the word of the upper +inscription, which occurs between Μίδᾳ and ἄνακτι[43]; but as we possess +no details of the history of independent Phrygia, it is impossible to +determine to what period in the two centuries the monument of Doganlú +is to be ascribed. In regard to the word ΒΑΒΑ, which begins the lower +inscription, it was probably the highest title of honour at that period. +Papas, or Papias, derived from ΠΑΠΑ, nearly the same word as ΒΑΒΑ, and +meaning _father_, was a common epithet of Jupiter in this part of Asia +Minor at a subsequent period. The dedication to Jupiter Papias, mentioned +in a preceding page, was copied from a marble found at no great distance +from Doganlú: and we are informed by an ancient author, that Papas was +the name of the Bithynian Jupiter[44]. In another part of the country +we find the title applied, by a natural descent, to the magistrate of a +city[45]; and it was a common name among the Etruscans, the kinsmen of +the Phrygians[46]. + +Close by this magnificent relic of Phrygian art is a very large +sepulchral chamber with a portico, of two columns, excavated out of the +same reddish sandstone of which the great monument and other rocks are +formed. The columns have a plain plinth at the top, and are surmounted +by a row of dentils along the architrave. They are of a tapering form, +which, together with the general proportions of the work, give it an +appearance of the Doric order, although, in fact, it contains none of +the distinctive attributes of that order. It is an exact resemblance +of the ordinary cottages of the peasants, which are square frames of +wood-work, having a portico supported by two posts made broader at either +end. The sepulchral chambers differ only in having their parts more +accurately finished; the dentils correspond to the ends of the beams, +supporting the flat roof of the cottage. + +I cannot quit the subject of this interesting valley without expressing +a wish that future travellers, who may cross Asia Minor by the routes +of Eski-shehr or Kutáya, will employ a day or two in a more complete +examination of it than circumstances allowed to us; as it is far from +improbable that some inaccuracy or omission may have occurred in our copy +of the inscriptions, from the singularity of the characters, the great +height of one of the inscriptions above the ground, and the short time +that was allowed us for transcribing and revising them. + +After leaving the great sculptured rock, we followed the valley for a +short distance, and then passed through a wild woody country, having met +scarcely any traces of habitations till we reached our konák, at the +little village which receives its appellation from the Khan built there +by a Pasha of the name of Kosru; and where we arrived at five in the +evening, having, according to our calculation, made a circuit of nine +or ten miles more than the direct distance from Seid-el-Gházi. We had a +sharp shower of hail as we galloped through the wood, but the weather +soon cleared again. + +Jan. 28.—From Kosru Khan to Bulwudún, twelve hours. We rose at two in +the morning: the baggage set off at five, ourselves at six. The road +lay through several small woody valleys, and towards the latter part +of our journey across a ridge of hills, with a fine soil, containing a +few cultivated patches of ground, but for the most part overgrown with +brushwood; at intervals we saw a few flocks of sheep and goats, and in +one place a large herd of horned cattle. We saw many sepulchral chambers +excavated in the rocks, some of which were ornamented on the exterior; +others were plain. In several parts of our route, also, were appearances +of extensive quarries, from some of which was probably extracted the +celebrated Phrygian marble, called Synnadicus, or Docimitis, from the +places where it was found. + +This marble was so much esteemed that it was carried to Italy[47]; and +such was the force of fashion or prejudice, that Hadrian placed columns +of it in his new buildings at Athens[48], where the surrounding mountains +abound in the finest marble. At about ten miles from Bulwudún we came +in sight of that town with a lake beyond it: to the southward was the +high range of mountains called Sultán-dagh, and parallel to it, on the +northern side of the plain of Bulwudún, the Emír-dagh. + +From hence we descended by a long slope to Bulwudún, which is situated in +the plain. It is a place of considerable size, but consists chiefly of +miserable cottages. There are many remains of antiquity lying about the +streets, and around the town, but they appeared to be chiefly of the time +of the Constantinopolitan empire. At Bulwudún we had to make choice of +two roads to the coast; one leading to Satalía, the other, by Kónia and +Karaman, to Kelénderi. We prefer the latter on account of the uncertainty +of the long passage by sea from Satalía to Cyprus at this season of the +year; and we are informed that all the Grand Vizier’s Tatárs now take the +Kónia road. + +Jan. 29.—From Bulwudún to Ak-shehr, eleven hours. For the first two +hours the road traversed the plain which lies between Bulwudún and the +foot of Sultán-dagh; towards the latter a long causeway traverses a +marshy tract, through the middle of which runs a considerable stream. +This river comes from the plains and open country, which extend on our +right as far as Afiom Karahissár, and joins the lake which occupies the +central and lowest part of the plain lying between the parallel ranges +of Sultán-dagh and Emír-dagh. Our road continues in a S.E. direction +along the foot of Sultán-dagh; it is perfectly level, and, owing to the +dry weather, in excellent condition. On our left were the lake and plains +already mentioned. The ground was every where covered with frost, and +the hills on either side of the valley with snow; but these appearances +of winter vanished as the day advanced, and from noon till three P.M. +the sun was warmer than we found agreeable; our faces being exposed to +it by that most inconvenient head-dress, the Tatar Kalpak. Our Surigis +(postillions) wore a singular kind of cloak of white camels’ hair felt, +half an inch thick, and so stiff that the cloak stands without support +when set upright upon the ground. There are neither sleeves nor hood; +but only holes to pass the hands through, and projections like wings +upon the shoulders for the purpose of turning off the rain. It is of the +manufacture of the country. At the end of six hours we passed through +Saakle or Isaklú, a large village surrounded with gardens and orchards, +in the midst of a small region well watered by streams from Sultán-dagh, +and better cultivated than any place we have seen since we left the +vicinity of Isnik and Lefke. Yet the Aga of Isaklú is said to be in a +state of rebellion; and this is not the first instance we have seen of +places in such a state being more flourishing than others; whence we +cannot but suspect that there is a connexion in this empire between the +prosperity of a district and the ability of its chieftain to resist the +orders of the Porte. This is nothing more than the natural consequence +of their well-known policy of making frequent changes of provincial +governors, who, purchasing their governments at a high price, are obliged +to practise every kind of extortion to reimburse themselves, and secure +some profit at the expiration of their command. It seems that the Aga +of Isaklú, having a greater share of prudence and talents than usually +falls to the lot of a Turk in office, has so strengthened himself that +the Porte does not think his reduction worth the exertion that would be +required to effect it, and is, therefore, contented with the moderate +revenue which we are told he regularly remits to Constantinople. In the +mean time he has become so personally interested in the prosperity of the +place, that he finds it more to his advantage to govern it well than to +enrich himself rapidly by the oppressive system of the other provincial +governors. The territory of Isaklú contains several dependent villages to +which fertility is ensured by the streams descending from Sultán-dagh. +We here observe a greater quantity and variety of fruit-trees than in +any place in Asia Minor we have yet seen. Their species are the same as +those which grow in the middle latitudes of Europe, as apples, pears, +walnuts, quinces, peaches, grapes; no figs, olives, or mulberries[49]. +The climate, therefore, though now so mild, and exposed undoubtedly to +excessive heat in summer, is not warmer upon the whole than the interior +of Greece and Italy. + +We follow the level grounds at the foot of Sultán-dagh until we come in +sight of Ak-shehr (white city), a large town, situated, like Isaklú, on +the foot of the mountains, and furnished with the same natural advantages +of a fertile soil, and a plentiful supply of water. It is surrounded with +many pleasant gardens, but in other respects exhibits the usual Turkish +characteristics of extensive burying-grounds, narrow dirty streets, +and ruined mosques and houses. At a small distance from the western +entrance of the town we pass the sepulchre of Nureddin Hoja, a Turkish +saint, whose tomb is the object of a Mussulman pilgrimage. It is a stone +monument of the usual form, surrounded by an open colonnade supporting +a roof; the columns have been taken from some ancient Greek building. +The burying-ground is full of remains of Greek architecture converted +into Turkish tomb-stones, and furnishes ample proof of Ak-shehr having +been the position of a Greek city of considerable importance. The only +apartment our Konakjí could procure for us at Ak-shehr was a ruinous +chamber in the Menzil-hané (post-house); and the Aga sending insolent +messages in return to our remonstrances, we resolve, though at the end of +a long day’s journey, upon setting out immediately for the next stage. +While the horses are preparing, we eat our _kebáb_ in the burying-ground, +and take shelter from the cold of the evening in the tent of some +camel-drivers, who were enjoying their pipes and coffee over a fire. +On our arrival, we had observed the people fortifying their town, by +erecting one of the simplest gates that was ever constructed for defence. +It consisted of four uprights of fir, supporting a platform covered with +reeds, in front of which was a breastwork of mud-bricks with a row of +loop-holes. These gates and a low mud-wall are the usual fortifications +of the smaller Asiatic towns. In one place we saw the gates standing +alone without any wall to connect them. + +The lake of Ak-shehr is not close to the town as D’Anville has marked it +on his map; but at a distance of six or eight miles: it communicates by +a stream with that of Bulwudún, and after a season of rain, when these +lakes are very much increased in size, they form a continued piece of +water, thirty or forty miles in length. It is probable that D’Anville +was equally mistaken in placing Antioch of Pisidia at Ak-shehr: for if +Sultán-dagh is the Phrygia Paroreia of Strabo, as there is reason to +believe, Antioch should, according to the same authority, be on the +south side of that ridge; whereas Ak-shehr is on the north. + +At six in the evening we set out from Ak-shehr, and at one in the morning +of January 30 arrived at Arkut-khan. Our pace was much slower than by +day. The road lay over the same open level country as before, and towards +the latter part of the route, over some undulations of ground, which +separate the waters running into the lake of Ak-shehr from those which +flow into the lake of Ilgún. The weather was frosty and clear, but very +dark after eleven o’clock, when the moon set. Several of our party then +became so oppressed by sleep as to find it difficult to save themselves +from falling from the horses. After two or three hours’ repose at +Arkut-khan, we pursued our route for three hours to Ilgún, a large but +wretched village, containing some scattered fragments of antiquity, where +we procured some eggs and kaimak (boiled cream) for breakfast, and then +continued our route to Ladík. From near Ak-shehr, the loftier summits of +the range of Sultán-dagh begin to recede from our direction towards the +south; and our route has continued through the same wide uncultivated +champaign, intersected by a few ridges, and by torrents running from +the Sultán-dagh to the lakes in the plain. At two hours is a more +considerable stream, crossed by a bridge, and discharging itself into the +lake of Ilgún. Six hours beyond Ilgún we pass through the large village +of Kadún-kiúi, or Kanun-haná, said to consist of 1000 houses; and three +hours further we come to Yorgan-Ladík, or Ladik-el-Tchaus, another large +place, famous throughout Asia Minor for its manufacture of carpets; and +advantageously situated in a well-watered district, among some low hills +to the northward of which lies a very extensive plain. + +The road through the open country which we have passed has been wide, +well beaten, fit for any carriage, and, owing to the late dry weather, +in an excellent state. We continue to enjoy a sky without a cloud: there +is generally a slight breeze from the east in the day: in the afternoon +the sun is hot; and at night the sky is perfectly calm and clear, with +a sharp frost, which in the shaded places generally continues to a late +hour in the afternoon. + +The plains between Arkut-Khan and Ladík are traversed by several low +stony ridges, and by streams running towards the lake of Ilgún. The +country is bare and open; not a tree or inclosure was to be seen, nor +any appearance of cultivation, except in small patches around a few +widely-scattered villages. The country to our right forms the district +of Dogan-hissár, a town belonging to the Sanjak of Ak-shehr. To the left +is seen the continuation of the series of long narrow lakes which begin +near Bulwudún: they receive the torrents running from the surrounding +mountains, and are greatly enlarged in winter, but in summer are +entirely dried up. + +Jan. 31.—From Ladík to Kónia nine hours; the road excellent, and weather +very fine; the sun even scorching, and much too glaring for our exposed +eyes. At Ladík we saw more numerous fragments of ancient architecture +and sculpture than at any other place upon our route. Inscribed marbles, +altars, columns, capitals, frizes, cornices, were dispersed throughout +the streets and among the houses and burying-grounds; the remains of +Laodiceia κατακεκαυμένη, anciently the most considerable city in this +part of the country. At less than an hour’s distance from the town, on +the way to Konia, we met with a still greater number of remains of the +same kind, and copied one or two sepulchral inscriptions of the date +of the Roman empire. The following fragment appears to be part of an +imprecation against any person who should violate the tomb upon which it +is inscribed. + + ΤΟΝ ΒΩΜΟΝ ΑΔΙΚΗϹΕΙ + Η ΚΑΙ ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΝ ΤΑΦ + ΟΝ ΤΙ ΟΡΦΑΝΑ ΤΕΚΝΑ ΛΙΠΟΙ + ........................ + ΤΟΝ ΧΗΡΟΝ ΒΙΟΝ ΟΙΚΟΝ Ε + ΡΗΜΟΝ + +Soon after we had quitted this spot, we entered upon a ridge branching +eastward from the great mountains on our right, and forming the northern +boundary of the plain of Kónia. On the descent from this ridge we came +in sight of the vast plain around that city, and of the lake which +occupies the middle of it, and we saw the city with its mosques and +ancient walls, still at the distance of 12 or 14 miles from us. To +the north-east nothing appeared to interrupt the vast expanse but two +very lofty summits covered with snow, at a great distance. They can +be no other than the summits of Mount Argæus above Kesaría, and are, +consequently, near 150 miles distant from us, in a direct line. To the +south-east the same plains extend as far as the mountains of Karaman, +which to the south-west of the plains are connected with the mountains of +Khatun-serái, on the other side of which lies Bey-shehr and the country +of the ancient Isaurians; and these bending westward in the neighbourhood +of Kónia form a continuous range with the ridge of Sultán-dagh, of which +we have been following the direction ever since we left Bulwudún. At +the south-east extremity of the plains beyond Kónia we are much struck +with the appearance of a remarkable insulated mountain, called Kara-dagh +(black mountain), rising to a great height, covered at the top with snow, +and appearing like a lofty island in the midst of the sea. It is about +sixty miles distant, and beyond it are seen some of the summits of the +Karaman range, which cannot be less than ninety miles from us; yet it +is surprising with what distinctness the form of the ground and of the +woods is seen in this clear atmosphere. As far as I have observed, the +air is much more transparent in a fine winter’s day in this climate than +it is in summer, when, notwithstanding the breeze of wind which blows, +there is generally a haze in the horizon, caused probably by the constant +stream of vapour which rises from the earth. The situation of the town of +Karaman is pointed out to us exactly in the line of our route, a little +to the right of Mount Kara-dagh. After descending into the plain we move +rapidly over a road made for wheel-carriages; the first we have met with +since we left the neighbourhood of Skutári. + +At Kónia we are comfortably accommodated in the house of a Christian +belonging to the Greek church, but who is ignorant of the language, +which is not even used in the church-service: they have the four Gospels +and the Prayers printed in Turkish. At the head of the Greek community +is a Metropolitan bishop, who has several dependent churches in the +adjacent towns. As it is now the moon Ramazan, when the Turks neither +take nourishment nor receive visits till after sunset, we are obliged +to defer our visit to the Governor of Kónia till the evening. He is a +Pasha of three tails, but inferior in rank to the Governor of Kutáya, +who has the title of Anadol-Beglerbeg, or Anadol-Valesi, and who has the +chief command of all the Anatolian troops when they join the Imperial +camp. Our visit, as usual among the Turks, was first to the Kiaya, or +Deputy, and afterwards to the Pasha. The entrance into the court of the +Serai was striking; portable fires of pine-wood placed in a grating fixed +upon a pole, and stuck into the ground, were burning in every part of +the court-yard; a long line of horses stood ready saddled; attendants in +their gala-clothes were seen moving about in all directions, and trains +of servants, with covered dishes in their hands, showed that the night +of a Turkish fast is a feast. The building had little in unison with +these appearances of gaiety and magnificence, being a low shabby wooden +edifice, with ruinous galleries and half-broken window frames; but it +stands upon the site of the palace of the ancient sultans of Iconium, +and contains some few remains of massy and elegant Arabic architecture, +of an early date. The inside of the building seemed not much better than +the exterior, with the exception of the Pasha’s audience-chamber, which +was splendidly furnished with carpets and sofas, and filled with a great +number of attendants in costly dresses. The Pasha, as well as his deputy +in the previous visit, received us with haughtiness and formality, though +with civility. The Pasha promised to send forward to Karaman for horses +to be ready to carry us to the coast, and to give us a travelling order +for konáks upon the road. After passing through the usual ceremony of +coffee, sweetmeats, sherbet, and perfumes, which in a Turkish visit +of ceremony are well known to follow in the order here mentioned, we +return to our lodging. Nothing can exceed the greediness of the Pasha’s +attendants for Bakshish. Some accompany us home with mashallahs (the +torches above mentioned), and others with silver wands. Soon after our +return to our lodgings we are visited by a set of the Pasha’s musicians, +who seem very well to understand that after our fatigues we shall be glad +to purchase their absence at a handsome price; but no sooner are they +gone than another set make their appearance; the Kahwejí, the Tutunjí, +and a long train of Tchokadars; and these being succeeded by people of +the town, who come simply to gratify their curiosity, it is not till a +late hour that we are at liberty to retire to rest. + +The circumference of the walls of Kónia is between two and three miles, +beyond which are suburbs not much less populous than the town itself. +The walls strong and lofty, and flanked with square towers, which at +the gates are built close together, are of the time of the Seljukian +kings, who seem to have taken considerable pains to exhibit the Greek +inscriptions, and the remains of architecture and sculpture belonging to +the ancient Iconium, which they made use of in building their walls. We +perceived a great number of Greek altars, inscribed stones, columns, and +other fragments inserted into the fabric, which is still in tolerable +preservation throughout the whole extent. None of the Greek remains that +I saw seemed to be of a very remote period, even of the Roman Empire. +We observed in several places Greek crosses, and figures of lions, of a +rude sculpture; and on all the conspicuous parts of the walls and towers, +Arabic inscriptions, apparently of a very early date. The town, suburbs, +and gardens around are plentifully supplied with water from streams, +which flow from some hills to the westward, and which to the north-east +join a lake varying in size according to the season of the year. We are +informed that in the winter and after the melting of the snows upon the +surrounding mountains, the lake is swollen with immense inundations, +which spread over the great plains to the eastward for near fifty miles. +At present there is not the least appearance of any such inundation, +the usual autumnal rains having failed, and the whole country labouring +under a severe drought. The gardens of Kónia abound with the same variety +of fruit-trees which we remarked in those of Isaklú and Ak-shehr; and +the country around supplies grain and flax in great abundance. In the +town carpets are manufactured, and they tan and dye blue and yellow +leather. Cotton, wool, hides, and a few of the other raw materials which +enrich the superior industry and skill of the manufacturers of Europe, +are sent to Smyrna by the caravans. The low situation of the town and +the vicinity of the lake seem not to promise much for the salubrity of +Kónia; but we heard no complaint on this head; and as it has in all +ages been well inhabited, these apparent disadvantages are probably +corrected by the dryness of the soil, and the free action of the winds +over the surrounding levels. The most remarkable building in Kónia is +the tomb of a saint, highly revered throughout Turkey, called Hazret +Mevlana, the founder of the Mevlevi Dervishes. His sepulchre, which is +the object of a Mussulman pilgrimage, is surmounted by a dome, standing +upon a cylindrical tower of a bright green colour. The city, like all +those renowned for superior sanctity, abounds with Dervishes, who meet +the passenger at every turning of the streets, and demand paras with +the greatest clamour and insolence. Some of them pretend to be idiots, +and are hence considered as entitled to peculiar respect, or at least +indulgence. The bazars and houses have little to recommend them to notice. + + + + +CHAPTER II. + +ILLUSTRATION OF THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF THE CENTRAL PART OF ASIA MINOR. + + _Geographical Structure of the Country—Ancient Sites near the + Road from Eski-Shehr to Kónia—Polybotum—Synnada—Docimia—Metropolis— + Julia—Philomelium—Tyriaium—Iconium—Ancient Sites between Iconium + and Mazaca or Cæsareia—Tyana—Castabala—Cybistra—Cilician Taurus— + Archalla—Country called Axylus—Lycaonian Downs—Garsabora— + Coropassus—Sabatra—Lakes Coralis, Trogitis, and Tatta—Germa— + Orcistus—Places in the ancient Itineraries on the Road from + Ancyra to the Pylæ Ciliciæ, Archelais, &c.—Roads in the Peutinger + Table across the Taurus to the southern Coast—Juliopolis or + Gordium—Pessinus—Amorium—Santabaris—Pœmanene—Orcaoryci—Pitnisus— + Caballum—Tolistochora—Sub-divisions of Galatia._ + + +Before we pursue our route beyond the capital of the Greek province +Lycaonia and of the Turkish kingdom Karamán, it may be right to offer a +few remarks upon the general geography of this part of the peninsula, and +upon the situation of some of the opulent and celebrated cities which +anciently adorned it. + +From the sources of the Sangarius and Halys on the north and east, to +the great summits of Mount Taurus on the south-west and south, there is +an extent of country nearly 250 miles long and 150 broad, in which the +waters have no communication with the sea. Its southern part consists of +fertile valleys or of extensive plains intersected by a few ranges of +hills, and it is bounded to the southward by the great ridges of Mount +Taurus, from whence are poured forth numerous streams, which, after +fertilizing the valleys, collect their superabundant waters in a chain +of lakes, extending from the neighbourhood of Synnada in Phrygia through +the whole of Lycaonia to the extremity of the Tyanitis in Cappadocia. +In the rainy season these lakes overflow the lower part of the plains, +and would often form one entire inundation 200 miles in length, were +it not for some ridges which traverse the plains and separate them +into several basins. By the structure of the hills, and the consequent +course of the waters, these basins form themselves into three principal +recipients, having no communication with one another, unless it be in +very extraordinary seasons. These are, 1. The recipient of Karahissár +and Ak-shehr. 2. That of Ilgún and Ladik, which receives I believe the +superfluous water of the lake of Karajeli as well as that from the slopes +of the neighbouring mountains. 3. The recipient of Kónia, which collects +the overflowings of the lakes of Sidyshehr and Bey-shehr. 4. The basin +lying between the Cilician Taurus to the south-east and the Cappadocian +mountains in the opposite direction, which mountains are now called the +Hassan Daghi, and give rise to the western branch of the Halys. Were the +bountiful intentions of Providence seconded by a rational government, +the inundations would but prepare the plains for an abundant harvest: at +present they water only an immense extent of pasture land[50], while the +lakes supply the surrounding inhabitants with fish, and with reeds for +the construction of their miserable cottages. + +Concerning two of the ancient sites traversed by the modern road leading +from Eski-Shehr to Kónia, there can be little doubt. The modern name +of Ladik is decisive of its being upon the site of Laodiceia Combusta, +and the sound of Πολυβοτόν as pronounced by the modern Greeks, with the +accent on the last syllable, so nearly resembles that of Bulwudún, that +the latter name is probably a Turkish corruption of the former. The +position of Bulwudún, moreover, agrees perfectly with that ascribed to +Polybotum in the narrative of Anna Comnena[51]. Polybotum, however, is +mentioned only in the history of the Lower Empire[52]: and although from +the 6th to the 12th century it appears to have been with Philomelium and +Iconium the chief city of these vast plains[53], its name is not found in +the earlier periods of history, when Synnada, Philomelium, and Iconium +seem to have been the principal places[54]. The position of Polybotum, +therefore, affords us no assistance in tracing the other ancient places +on the main route between Dorylæum and Laodiceia. + +Of these places the most important to determine is Synnada, which indeed +is in some measure the key to the ancient geography of the central parts +of Asia Minor. It appears from the Table that Synnada was on the road +from Dorylæum to Philomelium and Laodiceia Combusta,—from Livy, that +it was in the way from the country lying eastward of Apameia Cibotus +towards the frontiers of Galatia,—and from Cicero[55], that it was +in the way or nearly so from Apameia to Philomelium and Iconium. The +crossing of these lines will fall not far from the modern Bulwudún, as +appears from the route of Pococke in his way from the upper valley of the +Mæander to Ancyra. It is highly probable, therefore, that the extensive +quarries which we saw on the road from Khosrukhan to Bulwudún are those +of Docimia, a small town in the plain of Synnada, celebrated for the +marble extracted from thence in large quantities, and sent even to Rome. +This marble was known to the Romans by the name of Synnadic, from the +more important town of Synnada, which was only sixty stades distant from +Docimia[56]. + +It is difficult to ascertain the name of the ancient city which occupied +the remarkable position of Karahissár, which is distinguished from some +other towns of the same name by the epithet of Afiom, in reference to +its abundant produce of opium. D’Anville supposed it to be the site +of Apameia; but the waters of Karahissár, instead of running into the +Mæander, of which the principal sources were at Apameia, flow to the lake +of Bulwudún. Pococke asserts that he found an inscription at Karahissár, +which proves it to be the site of Prymnesia; but upon referring to his +_Inscriptiones Antiquæ_, it appears that the inscription to which he +alludes is nothing more than the memorial of a man whose name ends in +ΜΕΝΝΕΑΣ, and who with his wife had constructed a tomb for themselves +and their only daughter. A few miles southward of Karahissár are the +fountains of a branch of the Mæander; it is probably the Obrimas, whose +sources according to Livy were at Aporis[57]. As the Consul Manlius +entered the plain of Metropolis from Aporis, and marched onward to +Synnada and Beudos vetus in his way towards Galatia, there is some reason +to think that Karahissár stands on the site of Metropolis. + +If we suppose the Beudos vetus of the Latin historian to have been at +Beiad, from the similarity of name and the proximity of Beiad to the +site of Synnada (for Beudos, according to Livy, was only five Roman +miles from Synnada), we shall find that the distance from Karahissár to +Beiad, which is twenty G. M. direct, agrees very exactly with the march +of two days and five miles by the Consul Manlius, according to the mean +rate of armies reduced a little in consequence of the plunder which, as +the historian tells us, impeded the movement of the Romans. It will be +found, moreover, that the situation of Metropolis at Karahissár, accords +extremely well with the description given by Artemidorus of the road +through Asia from Ephesus to Mazaca or Cæsareia in Cappadocia, which, +after ascending the valley of the Mæander to its sources at Apameia, +proceeded by Metropolis and through Phrygia Paroreius to the termination +of that district at Tyriaium; and thence through Lycaonia to Garsabora +and Mazaca[58]: for although the distances on that road in our copies +of Strabo from Apameia as far as Laodiceia Combusta will not bear +examination,—and although Karahissár does not fall in the direct line +from Ephesus to Mazaca,—neither of these objections can be considered of +much weight: the inaccuracy of numbers in the ancient MSS. is too common +an occurrence to overthrow other testimony; and the divergence of the +ancient road to the northward at Karahissár, was evidently occasioned +by the projection of that part of Mount Taurus which is now called the +Sultan-dagh, and which causes so many of the modern routes to pass +through Karahissár. + +Though the proportionate distances do not exactly agree with the numbers +in the Table, it may be inferred from the remains of antiquity at +Ak-shehr and Ilgún, that these were the Jullæ and Philomelium named in +that itinerary. Strabo describes Philomelium as being in the midst of a +plain on the north side of the hills of Paroreia; his description[59] +of which district agrees exactly with the Sultan-dagh and the plain on +its northern side. Its position no less accords with the testimony of +Artemidorus cited in the preceding page, according to whom the road +from Apameia to Mazaca led through the Paroreia. And the territory of +Philomelium appears from the narrative of Anna Comnena[60] to have +been at no great distance from that of Iconium; for as soon as the +Emperor Alexius had taken Philomelium from the Turks, his troops spread +themselves over the country round Iconium. The lake of the Forty Martyrs +mentioned in this narrative corresponds also with that of Ilgún, so that +it will probably be found that Ilgún stands upon the site of Philomelium. + +The Jullæ of the Table seems to be a false writing for Julia, a name +which became common in every part of the Roman world under the Cæsars; +and it is probably the same place as the Juliopolis placed by Ptolemy[61] +in the part of the country where stood Synnada, and Philomelium. But +there can be little doubt that so fine a situation as that of Ak-shehr +was occupied, before the time of the Cæsars, by some important place, +which on its being repaired or re-established may have assumed the new +name of Julia or Juliopolis. + +Of the cities mentioned by Xenophon on the route of Cyrus through Phrygia +into Lycaonia, Tyriaium and Iconium are the only two which occur in later +authors. Tyriaium, which is named by Hierocles as well as by Strabo (from +Artemidorus), is shown by the latter to have been between Philomelium +and Iconium. It must consequently have been at no great distance from +Laodiceia, although this situation is quite incompatible with the +distance which Xenophon has stated between Tyriaium and Iconium[62]. + +In following the march of Cyrus onwards from Iconium towards the Ciliciæ +pylæ of Mount Taurus, we find the distances of Xenophon rather more +reconcileable with the reality. It is agreed that Dana, which he places +at nine marches or fifty-five parasangs from Iconium, was the same +place as Tyana, otherwise called Eusebeia ad Taurum, and which under +Archelaus and the Romans was the chief town of one of the præfectures of +Cappadocia[63]. It was the only place in that province, except Mazaca, +which Strabo thought deserving to be called a city; and under the +Byzantine empire it was the capital of the second Cappadocia, and the see +of a metropolitan bishop until the Turkish conquest. + +There can be little doubt that the site of Tyana is now occupied by +Kílisa Hissár, or the Castle of Kílisa near Bor[64]. This place is +acknowledged by the Greek clergy as the site of their episcopal see +of Tyana; it is situated, as Strabo describes Tyana to have been, in +a fertile plain not far from the entrance of the Pylæ Ciliciæ, or the +easiest and most frequented pass leading over Mount Taurus into Cilicia +Pedias and Syria,—and midway in the road to that pass from Mazaca[65]. + +At Kílisa Hissár are found very considerable ruins of an ancient city, +among which are those of an aqueduct upon arches, designed to convey +water to the town from the hills to the southward, which are connected +with the last slopes of Mount Taurus. Aqueducts of this description are +indubitable signs of an ancient place which flourished under the Romans, +and such we know to have been the condition of Tyana. + +Strabo remarks that Castabala and Cybistra were not far from Tyana; that +they were nearer than that city to the heights of Taurus; that they +belonged to the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia, and that Cybistra was +situated at a distance of three hundred stades from Mazaca[66]. We learn +also from the Table, that Cybistra was on the road from Tyana to Mazaca, +sixty-four Roman miles from the former. These data seem sufficient to fix +the site of Cybistra at Karahissár[67], where are considerable remains +of an ancient city; and they render it probable that the position of +Castabala is now occupied by Nigde, where we find similar evidences of an +ancient site. + +The situation of Cybistra at Karahissár illustrates the interesting +account which Cicero has left us of his military operations, in defending +Cilicia and Cappadocia against a threatened attack of the Parthians[68], +when he fixed his camp at Cybistra, because it was on the frontier of the +two provinces, but nearer to the great plains of Cappadocia lying to the +eastward of Mount Taurus. These plains (he remarks) afford an easy access +to Cappadocia from Syria, while nothing can be stronger than Cilicia on +the side of Syria. In the end, however, the Parthians having advanced +towards Antioch, Cicero was obliged to cross Mount Taurus from Cybistra +to Tarsus, from whence he proceeded to clear Mount Amanus of the enemy. + +In order thoroughly to understand the reason of one of the præfectures +of Cappadocia being called Cilicia by the Romans, it is to be observed +that more anciently both the sides of Taurus belonged to the +Eleuthero-Cilices, or independent Cilicians; and that the whole range +from the plains of Lycaonia to the Antitaurus was called the Cilician +Taurus[69]. Archelaus the last king of Cappadocia, having added all the +country on the northern side of the mountain to his kingdom, together +with a large portion of Cilicia Tracheia, Tiberius, who put him to +death at Rome, included it all, except the maritime parts, in the Roman +province of Cappadocia; and he added to the ten præfectures of the late +kingdom of Archelaus an eleventh, composed chiefly of his Cilician +conquests: and hence called the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia. Its +chief town was Mazaca; it comprehended Cybistra and Castabala, and +extended along the mountains on the south side of the Tyanitis as far +as Derbe inclusively[70]. The inconvenience, however, of a division +which included in the same district two such distant places as Mazaca +and Derbe, seems to have been soon felt: for we find that in the time +of Hadrian, Derbe, Laranda, and a neighbouring region of Taurus +containing the town of Olbasa, formed a separate district called the +Antiochiana[71]; and that the Cilician præfecture was confined to the +parts about Mazaca and Cybistra. + +The name of Erkle so much resembles the Turkish corruption of Heraclia, +as instanced in two cities of that name on the coasts of the Euxine and +Propontis, that it has often been supposed that the Erkle on the road +from Kónia to the Cilician Pylæ occupied the site of a Heraclia; and +Hadji Khalfa even asserts that it was so. No Greek or Latin authorities, +however, hint at the existence of a Heraclia in this situation. I have +little doubt therefore that Erkle occupies the site of Archalla, named as +one of the cities of the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia[72], which, +as we have already seen, comprehended Erkle. Erkle, it may be added, is +precisely the softened sound which Turks would give to the word Ἄρχαλλα +pronounced in the Greek manner with the accent on the first syllable. + +To the northward of the region of lakes and plains, through which leads +the road from Afióm Karahissár to Kónia and Erkle, lies a dry and naked +region, anciently called Axylus, which extends as far as the Sangarius +and Halys. Pococke, who crossed a part of this dreary country, describes +it exactly in the same manner as Livy[73], though apparently without +having adverted to that historian. + +The southern part of this open country consists of a range of mountains +running parallel to Mount Taurus, and bordering the great valleys of +Philomelium, Iconium and Tyana on the northern side. The western part of +this range is a summit called Emír-dagh, which rises to a considerable +elevation from the lakes of Bulwudún and Ak-shehr, slopes gradually +into the open champaign to the eastward, and to the north is bounded by +a very broad naked valley, which is included on the opposite side by +the hills in which originate some of the branches of the Sangarius. To +the N.W. this valley opens into the great _axylous_ plains of Phrygia, +extending to Dorylæum; and to the S.E. into those of Galatia or Lycaonia. +The ridges lying to the northward of Kónia and Erkle form the district +described by Strabo as the cold and naked downs of Lycaonia, which +furnished pasture to numerous sheep and wild-asses, and where was no +water, except in very deep wells. As the limits of Lycaonia are defined +by Strabo, and by Artemidorus, whom he quotes[74], to have been between +Philomelium and Tyriaium on the west, and Coropassus and Garsabora on the +east,—which last place was 960 stades from Tyriaium, 120 from Coropassus, +and 680 from Mazaca,—we have the exact extent of the Lycaonian hills +intended by the geographer. Branching from the great range of Taurus, +near Ilgún (Philomelium), and separating the plain of Laodiceia from +that of Iconium, they skirted the great valley which lies to the +south-eastward of the latter city, as far as Erkle; comprehending, to the +north of Erkle and Bor, a part of the mountains of Hassan Daghi. It would +seem that the depopulation of this country, which rapidly followed the +decline of the Roman power, and the irruption of the Eastern barbarians, +had left some remains of the vast flocks of Amyntas, mentioned by Strabo, +in undisturbed possession of the Lycaonian hills to a very late period: +for Hadji Khalfa, who describes the want of wood and water in these +hills, adds, that there was a breed of wild sheep on the mountain of +Fudul Baba, above Ismil, and a tomb of the saint from whom the mountain +receives its name: and that sacrifices were offered at the tomb by all +those who hunted the wild sheep; and who were taught to believe that they +should be visited with the displeasure of heaven, if they dared to kill +more than two of these animals at a time[75]. + +At the back of the Lycaonian hills was Soatra, or Sabatra, situated in +a part of the country so desolate, that water was sold in the streets. +Sabatra was at a distance of 55 Roman miles from Laodiceia Combusta, and +of 44 from Iconium[76]. + +There is some difficulty in understanding to which of the lakes at +the foot of the Lycaonian hills we are to apply the names Coralis and +Trogitis. Stephanus mentions a city of Carallis, or Caralleia, which he +ascribes to Isauria. About the same period of time there was a Caralia +belonging to the consular government of Pamphylia, and a bishopric of +that province; but which had ceased to be an episcopal see in the ninth +century[77]. If these notices refer to one and the same place, it is +probable that the lake of Karajeli is the ancient Coralis, or Caralis; +and that the ruins which are found near its shore are those of the town +Caralleia[78]. In this case, the lake of Ilgún is probably the Trogitis +of Strabo; for it is difficult to suppose that he meant the lake of +Iconium by either of those which he names. As to the difference of size +which he remarks between them, our information is so imperfect, and the +lakes themselves differ so much in size, according to the seasons, that +no certain inference can be drawn from this distinction of the geographer. + +One of the most remarkable features of this part of Asia Minor is the +lake Tatta; which, according to Strabo, produced salt in such abundance, +that any substance immersed in it was very soon entirely covered with +the crystal; and that birds were unable to fly, if they had dipped their +wings in it. The lake still furnishes all the surrounding country with +salt, and its produce is a valuable royal farm in the hands of the Pasha +of Kir-shehr. In 1638, Sultan Murad the Fourth made a causeway across +the lake, upon the occasion of his army marching to take Bagdad from the +Persians. The road from Ak-serai and Khoja Hissár to Haimane and to the +north-westward, passes across the lake. + +The numerous places noticed in ancient history in the country round +the lake Tatta, and from thence north-westward as far as Dorylæum, +prove that, however naked and disagreeable, it was not unfruitful. The +natural landmarks, however, are so few, and the mention of the towns by +the ancients is so slight, that it will be difficult for travellers to +identify any ruins which may exist, unless where they are assisted by +the preservation of the ancient appellations, either in inscriptions or +in the modern names. At present, Germa and Orcistus are the only two +places whose sites are exactly determined; the former by the modern +name of Yerma, the latter by means of a Latin inscription which Pococke +copied at the modern village of Alekiam[79]. Germa was a Roman colony, +and probably flourished after the decline of the neighbouring city of +Pessinus. Of Orcistus we know nothing, except that its bishop subscribed +to the Council of Chalcedon in the year 451, and that it continued to +be a see of the ecclesiastical province of the Second or Pessinuntine +Galatia until a late period of the Byzantine Empire[80]. + +The documents which chiefly assist in placing the ancient cities of these +parts of Lycaonia, Galatia, and Phrygia, are the Antonine and Jerusalem +Itineraries, and the Peutinger Table. It is to be regretted that we +can seldom place entire confidence in the distances contained in these +authorities—flagrant instances of discrepancy and inaccuracy being so +frequent as to make one very cautious in trusting implicitly to them, +without some corroborating evidence. + +The following is a comparative view of the distances in Roman miles, in +the three Itineraries, between the several places on the great Roman +road from Nicæa, by Juliopolis and Ancyra to Tyana, omitting such of the +mere changing- or halting-places[81] as are found only in one of the +itineraries, and correcting the orthography of some of the names from the +better authority of Strabo, Ptolemy, &c. + + _It. Anton._ _It. Hierosol._ _Tab._ + Itinerary of Itinerary of Peutinger + Antoninus. Jerusalem. Table. + From Nicæa to Tottaium 44 40 40 + Dablæ 28 29 23 + Dadastana 45 22 40 + Juliopolis 26 25 28 + --------------------------------- + Total from Nicæa to Juliopolis 143 116 131 + --------------------------------- + Laganeos (Agannia in It. Heiros.) 24 24 50 + Minizus 23 16 + Ancyra 52 25 + the last 66 from + stage Lagania. + --------------------------------- + Total from Juliopolis to Ancyra 99 about 75 116 + --------------------------------- + Total from Nicæa to Ancyra 242 about 191 247 + ================================= + Ancyra to Corbeus 20 21 + Rosologiacum 12 12 + Aspona 31 31 73 from + Parnassus[82] 24 35 Ancyra. + --------------------------------- + Total from Ancyra to Parnassus 87 99 + --------------------------------- + Ozzala (Iogola in Hieros.) 17 16 + Nitazus (Nitalis in Hier.) 18 18 + Colonia Archelais 27 29 + --------------------------------- + Total from Parnassus to Archelais 62 63 + Total from Ancyra to Archelais 149 162 118[83] + ================================= + Nazianzus (Nantianulus in Anton., + Anathiango in Hieros.) 25 24 + Sasima 24 24 + Andabalis 16 16 27[84] + Tyana 16 deest. + --------------------------------- + Total from Archelais to Tyana 81 64 + the 68[85] + last stage + --------------------------------- + Total from Ancyra to Tyana 230 242[86] 186 + ================================= + +The Antonine and Jerusalem proceed together as far as Mopsucrene[87], +56 M. P. from Tyana in the former and 63 in the latter. From thence +the Antonine proceeds by Ægæ to Baiæ and Alexandria ad Issum—and the +Jerusalem to the same points by Tarsus and Adana. + +Between Tyana and the Pylæ was situated Faustinopolis, probably not far +from the camp of Cyrus[88]; for it can hardly be doubted that Curtius, +in stating the Pylæ to have been only fifty stades from the camp of +Cyrus, alluded to the beginning of the passes. The narrowest part, which +was particularly called the Pylæ, was towards the southern side of the +mountain, as the Jerusalem Itinerary[89] and modern travellers concur in +showing. + +Of the places contained in the preceding extract from the Itineraries, +Andabilis is the only one of which the position is determined by the name +in actual use. But there is a strong presumption that Ak-serai stands +on the site of Archelais, as well from the agreement of its position on +a line drawn from A´ngura to Bor with that which the distances in the +Itineraries give to Archelais on the same line, as from the remark of +Pliny, that this colony of Claudius stood on the Halys; for Ak-serai by +all accounts is watered by the stream which forms the western branch of +that river. As no traveller, however, has yet described Ak-serai, we +are still uninformed whether it stands on the exact site of the ancient +colony, or only near it. + +Upon comparing together the distances from Nicæa to Tyana in the three +itineraries, it is obvious that the Antonine is most to be depended +upon; for in some of the important points in which it differs from the +Jerusalem it is confirmed by the Table; and in one instance, where it +differs from the Jerusalem, and where the Table fails us, it is confirmed +by itself in another passage. We may conclude, therefore, in taking +the road distance in Roman miles between Nicæa and Ancyra at 242, and +from Ancyra to Tyana at 230. Both these measured on my construction in +distances of half a degree along the general direction of the route give +150 geographical miles or a rate of 62/100 of a G. M. to the M. P. on +the former road, and of 65/100 on the latter; both somewhat below the +correct rate of the Roman mile on level ground (and such is by far the +greater part of this road), but sufficiently near the truth to give +a strong presumption of accuracy both to the ancient numbers and to +my construction. It must be confessed, however, that the ancient road +which branched to Mazaca from the road Ancyra-Tyana, compared with the +map, does not give a similar result. The distance of 114 M. P. between +Parnassus and Mazaca in the Antonine Itinerary, compared with the 85 G. +M. of the map, gives a rate to the M. P. of not much less than 75/100 or +3/4 of a G. M. Future geographers will determine whether my construction +is in fault or the Itinerary, which unfortunately on this route we have +no means of checking by any other authority. + +There are five routes in the Table across Mount Taurus, from the +interior plains to the southern coast. The easternmost is not connected +at either end; but the word Paduando shows its real position. The Pylæ +Ciliciæ was also called the pass of Podandus, which place was about +midway between Tyana and Tarsus: this route of the Table, therefore, is +evidently intended for that from Tyana to Tarsus; and should be connected +accordingly[90]. Next to this is a road from Iconium, unconnected at its +southern extremity, and without any places named on it, except “the +boundaries of Cilicia” and “Mount Taurus[91].” It is evidently intended +for the road from Iconium to Tarsus. The third route leads from Iconium +by Tetrapyrgia to Pompeiopolis: the sum of its distances from “ad fines” +(the boundary of Cilicia) to Pompeiopolis is 54 M. P., or very nearly the +same as the distance from the “boundaries” to Tarsus in the former road, +and from the “hot waters” to Tarsus, in the first road. It gives us the +line of Tetrapyrgia[92]; a town, therefore, which cannot be the same as +that placed by Ptolemy in the Garsauritis of Cappadocia. The fourth road +led from Iconium by Taspa, Isaura, and Crunæ to Seleuceia, with a branch +leading from between Isaura and Crunæ to Anemurium. It gives us the line +of Isaura, but its distances are imperfect[93]. The fifth road across the +Taurus led from Iconium to Side, with a branch to Antiocheia of Pisidia. +The distance in the Table seems to be 80 M. P. to Side, which is about +half the reality. + +Having drawn upon the map the several routes of the three Itineraries, +inserting the names of the principal places at their proportional +distances, and correcting occasionally their orthography from better +authorities, it remains only for me, in reference to the central region +immediately under consideration, to offer some remarks upon a few of the +chief points on which the Itineraries are assisted by other authorities. +It is hoped that by these several means the future traveller will be +furnished with an approximation that may assist him in ascertaining the +real sites. + +The most important places in the northern part of the country under +consideration were (after Ancyra), Juliopolis, Pessinus, and Amorium. + +1. Juliopolis.—We learn from Strabo that this city stood on the +Sangarius, on the site of the ancient Gordium[94], and that it received +its name from Cleon, a native, who after having exercised the profession +of robber with great success in Mount Olympus, Phrygia Epictetus, and the +adjacent districts, had the good fortune to make himself useful, first to +Marcus Antonius and afterwards to Julius Cæsar: for these services he was +acknowledged by the Romans as an independent prince, and was honoured +with the priesthood of Comana in Pontus, and of Jupiter Abrettenus in +Mysia: in gratitude to Cæsar, he gave the name of Juliopolis to his +native town, which had greatly declined from its former importance until +he made it his capital[95]. + +It appears from an existing coin of Juliopolis[96] that it was situated +at the confluence of the Sangarius and Scopas, and from Procopius that it +stood about ten miles to the west of the Siberis[97]. The latter seems +to have been the same stream which Pliny calls Hiera, for he makes no +mention of the Siberis, but names the Hiera next to the Scopius[98]; +and the Jerusalem Itinerary places the river Hierus at 13 M. P. to the +eastward of Juliopolis[99]. The respective distances of Juliopolis +from Nicæa and from Ancyra in the Antonine Itinerary fall precisely at +the point, where the stream named Aladan by Paul Lucas unites with the +Aialá or Sakaría not far to the westward of Sarilár. The character, +also, of being subject to inundation, which Procopius shows to have +been that of the Siberis[100], agrees with a remark of Lucas in regard +to the Kirmir, which he crossed between Beybazar and Aiás, and which +falls into the Sakaría about ten miles to the eastward of the junction +of the Aladan. From all these considerations it appears that the Aladan +is the Scopas, and the Kirmir the Siberis or Hierus; and that some +vestiges of Juliopolis would probably be found at or near Sarilár at the +junction of the Scopas or Aladan with the Sangarius. Pliny remarks that +the Hierus was the boundary of Bithynia and Galatia, thus agreeing with +Ptolemy[101], who places Juliopolis the last town in Bithynia, after +Dablæ and Dadastana. At a later period, however, Dadastana, where the +Emperor Jovian died, was considered the frontier town[102]. + +That Juliopolis stood exactly at the junction of the two rivers Sangarius +and Scopas, may be inferred as well from the coin as from Procopius, +who informs us that Justinian erected a dyke to defend the walls of +Juliopolis from the ravages of a river flowing on the western side of the +city[103]: a remark which shows also, that the city was on the eastern +side of the junction. + +The advantages which twice made this site the capital of the surrounding +country were not entirely those of its position, at the confluence of two +perennial streams in the centre of the fertile valley of the Sangarius, +near the southern foot of the Olympene range, and at a favourable point +for commanding the open country to the southward, though all these must +have had a powerful influence on its prosperity. They were in part +derived from its situation relatively to the sea-coasts of Asia Minor; +its central position, and the facility of its communication as well with +the Euxine and Ægæan as with the Pamphylian sea, having made it one of +the most frequented commercial marts in the peninsula[104]. + +2. Pessinus.—It unfortunately happens, that the only two ancient +places in this country, the positions of which are deduced from the +superior though not always infallible evidence, of a preservation of +the ancient name, Orcistus and Germa, afford us very little assistance +in a determination of the neighbouring sites. Orcistus does not occur +in the itineraries or in the march of Manlius; its position at Alekiam +serves, therefore, only to show where those roads did _not_ pass. As to +Germa, its position at Yerma is in total disagreement with the itinerary +of Antoninus, according to which, Germa was 16 M. P. on the road from +Pessinus to Ancyra[105]; whereas Pessinus being by the consent of +Polybius, Livy, and Strabo on the Sangarius[106], and Yerma being about +15 miles to the S.W. of that river, Pessinus should rather have been on +the road from Germa to Ancyra, if Germa was at Yerma. We are under the +necessity, therefore, either of doubting the identity of Yerma, or of +rejecting the evidence of the Antonine as to the site of Pessinus. I am +the more inclined to adopt the latter part of the alternative, because +that itinerary is liable to great suspicion in this place, from its total +disagreement with the Peutinger Table in its distance from Dorylæum to +Germa, while the Table on the other hand is confirmed by the actual +construction. The Table gives 77 M. P. from Dorylæum to Pessinus[107], +which agrees very accurately with the 56 G. M. of direct distance on +the map; whereas the Antonine has only 50 M. P. from Dorylæum to Germa, +although according to that itinerary Germa ought to be still further than +Pessinus from Dorylæum. It is probable, therefore, that there is some +error in this part of the Antonine itinerary, and that the Roman remains +which Mr. Kinneir observed at Yerma are really those of the Roman colony +of Germa. + +Pessinus was situated on the Sangarius, at the foot of mount +Dindymum[108]. It appears from Livy[109] to have been on the right bank +of the river; for he states that Manlius coming from the southward, after +having constructed a bridge and crossed the river, was met by the priests +of Pessinus as he marched along the bank; and that having accepted the +omen of their predictions in favour of the Romans, he halted for the day +in the same place where he met them, which appears to have been very near +to Pessinus. As he arrived on the next day at Gordium, which we have +already seen was only ten or thirteen miles from the river Hierus; and +as his march in direct distance could hardly have been more than 14 G. +M.—it is evident that Pessinus was not very far above the junction of the +Hierus with the Sangarius. It is not improbable that it may have stood +exactly at the junction of these two streams, and that the Hierus may +have received that name as partaking of the sacred character of Pessinus. + +This position of Pessinus, it may be observed, is in exact agreement +with the account which Ammianus gives of the march of Julian from Nicæa; +who, after having followed the great road of the Itineraries as far +as the confines of Gallogræcia (near Gordium), turned to the right to +Pessinus[110]. The traveller, therefore, who after discovering the site +of Gordium should turn out of the great road to A´ngura about Sarilár, +and follow the right bank of the Sangarius, could hardly fail in finding +some indications of the site of a place which is described by Strabo[111] +as a great mart of commerce, and which flourished as a metropolitan +bishopric until the Mussulman conquest[112]. It is not impossible that +he might discover some remains of the very ancient and celebrated temple +dedicated to Angistis, the Great Goddess, or Phrygian Cybele, which had +been sumptuously adorned with porticos of white marble by the Pergamenian +kings, and which was the object of the visit of the apostate emperor. + +The only evidence of ancient history militating against the position of +Pessinus here supposed, is the assertion of Strabo that the sources of +the Sangarius were only 150 stades distant from Pessinus, for this short +interval does not very well agree with the description of the Sakaría +given by Pococke and Kinneir, who crossed it considerably above the +supposed site of Pessinus[113],—a better knowledge of the country will +show whether the error is in the numbers of Strabo, or in my conjecture +as to the site of Pessinus: or, perhaps, it may be found that the sources +of the Sangarius alluded to by Strabo were, in the same manner as those +of the Mæander and of several other Grecian rivers, not the natural or +most distant springs of the river; although, from something remarkable in +them, they may have been the reputed sources. + +3. Amorium chiefly flourished under the Byzantine empire. It was the +metropolitan see of the Second Galatia, and was taken and cruelly +plundered by the Caliph Motasem, in the year of the Christian æra +837[114]. Under the Saracens it rose to be the chief town of all the +surrounding country; and continued to be so in the eleventh century, +when Idrisi wrote his geographical work[115]. The Turkish conquest, +however, effected so complete a change in the political arrangement and +geographical nomenclature of Asia Minor, that we find no trace of the +name of Amorium in the Turkish Geographers; and future travellers will +perhaps find the best evidence of its site in its Saracenic vestiges, +combined with such slender data as the Greek authors have left us. +Strabo, and Stephanus who follows him, place Amorium in Great Phrygia; +and Strabo clearly describes it[116] as being in the country which lay +southward of Cotyaeium, Dorylæum, and Pessinus; westward of Lycaonia, +and in the parts near Phrygia Paroreius and Synnada. And this situation +of Amorium serves to explain, and at the same time receives confirmation +from, a part of the Peutinger Table which is rather obscure. We find in +this Table a road from Pessinus to Amorium by Abrostola, and from thence +to Laodiceia Combusta; it then returns from Amorium to Abrostola, and +from the latter is carried to join the great route from Ancyra to Tyana, +at Salaberina (the Salambria of Ptolemy) 20 M. P. beyond Archelais. Hence +it seems evident, upon placing these routes upon the map, that Amorium +must have been to the southward of Abrostola; a situation which agrees +very well with that described in the words of Strabo. + +The princess Anna Comnena[117] relates that her father Alexius, in +his expedition against the Turks in the year 1116, after moving from +Dorylæum, sent forward detachments of his army from a place called +Santabaris, towards Polybotum in one direction, and in another towards +Pœmanene and Amorium. This seems to place Santabaris at or near +Seid-el-Ghazi, and Pœmanene between that place and Amorium. + +Orcaoryci, which the passage of Strabo cited in the preceding note tends +to place to the northward of Lycaonia, towards Pessinus, is shown by +the geographer’s description of Galatia to have been between that city +and the lake Tatta, on the confines of the Tectosages[118]. A third +mention of Orcaoryci by the same author, seems to imply that it was not +to the northward of Tatta[119]. Not far from these places was a town +called Pitnisus, or Pitnissa[120], or Petenessus[121]. Ptolemy, who +considers this country a part of Lycaonia, names Petenessus next to +Daumana, or Ecdamua, or Ecdaumana—the same, undoubtedly, as the Egdaua +of the Table, which places it at 71 M. P. from Abrostola, on the road to +Tyana. This position, therefore, of Petenessus, and consequently of the +neighbouring Orcaoryci, agrees perfectly with that which is deducible +from the observations of Strabo. Orcaoryci and the neighbouring places +formed a part of the _axylous_ country described by Livy, through which +the consul Manlius marched his army in proceeding from Synnada to cross +the Sangarius near Pessinus[122]. I am unable to trace his route, +because none of the names of the intermediate places mentioned by him +are found in any other author. In any such attempt it will be necessary +to recollect that the boundaries of the Asiatic provinces followed by +Strabo, were not established until long after the time of Manlius, by +Augustus and Tiberius,—that the Gauls had not long before conquered +the greater part of Asia Minor, and that the Consul’s expedition was +for the purpose of reducing them. Hence we find that he arrived at the +limits of the Tolistobogii only in three days’ march from Beudos; he +then moved, in four days, to Alyatti; from thence crossed the _Axylus_ +to Cuballum, where he was attacked by the Galatian cavalry; and from +thence, in several days’ continued march (continentibus itineribus), he +arrived at the Sangarius. It is evident that the Consul was not marching +in any regular line during these days, but was overrunning the country +of the Tolistobogii, while waiting for an answer from the king of the +Tectosages: it seems not at all improbable, therefore, that he may have +advanced as far southward as the Caballucome placed in the Table at 23 +M. P. from Laodiceia, and at 32 from Sabatra; and consequently, that the +Caballucome of the Table may be the same as the Cuballum of Livy. + +There can be little doubt that the Tolosocorio marked in the Table at +24 miles from Abrostola, in the road to Tyana, and which by Ptolemy +is written Τολαστόχωρα, ought to be Tolistochora, “the town of the +Tolistobogii”; who being the southern and western division of the +Galatians, must have precisely occupied the part of the country in +which the direction and distances of the route in the Table place +Tolistochora[123]. It has already been remarked, that the Egdaua of this +road in the Table is the Ecdaumana of Ptolemy; in like manner Congusso +may be corrected from him into Congustus; Petra into Perta, which +writing is confirmed by the Notitiæ Episcopatuum[124]; and Salaberina +into Salambria, at which place the road fell into that from Archelais to +Tyana. + + +_Additional note to page 51._ + +The existence of a large district in the interior of Asia Minor, in +which the waters do not flow to the sea, and that much larger tract on +the frontier of Persia, and Caubul, which is watered by the Elmend, +(Etymander) terminating in a lake subject to periodical inundations, seem +sufficient without other examples to render it probable that a great +part of the still larger continent of North Africa may have a physical +construction of the same kind, and that its interior may be a system of +oases, formed by rivers ending in lakes which vary in size according to +the season of the year. The mode in which Nature fertilizes low lands in +countries so situated as to climate that rain seldom falls, except in the +mountains or their vicinity, is exemplified in Egypt; and it is obvious +that the same end may be produced, whether the inundating river has a +delta and a communication with the sea, or whether it terminates in a +lake which overflows large plains around its banks after the season of +rain in the high lands. In some instances, as in the small district of +Taka, which is situated in the midst of the Desert, between the Astaboras +and the Red Sea, the inundation which descends from the mountains of +Abyssinia previous to the season of vegetation, is afterwards totally +dried up. (Burckhardt’s Nubia, p. 387.) But it more frequently happens +that the recipient preserves a part of its water all the year; and this +seems to be the condition of the lakes of Fitré and Bornou. From the +southern slopes of the African mountains bordering on the Mediterranean +Sea, several considerable rivers run southward into the great Desert, +which cannot terminate otherwise than in fertilized sands, or lakes, or +inundations. The lake Dibbie, or Tybe, which was crossed by Alexander +Scott in the course of his captivity, we know from Park to be an +inundation derived from the Niger. It is not impossible that the lake +of Bornou may originate, in part at least, from the same stream; for +as Nature generally economizes her means, it is evident that in the +case of an interior river the greatest effect will be produced by the +spreading of its waters as its course advances, instead of their being +collected into one bed, as occurs in rivers which flow into the sea. In +proportion, therefore, as the information of travellers may show the +impossibility of a junction of the Niger with the Nile (and Browne and +English seem to have furnished the strongest evidence to this effect), it +will become more probable that the Niger, by branching and by expanding +into lakes and inundations, is the great fertilizing cause throughout +the low countries of North Africa which lie just without the reach of +the tropical rains. Thus spread out and exposed to the rapid evaporation +of an African sun, the Niger may be as large, or perhaps even larger +where Park saw it as Sego, than in any subsequent part of its course. In +several rivers of Spain, Italy, and particularly of Greece, artificial +derivations alone have caused a similar effect; so that the quantity of +water in the bed of the river diminishes instead of increases from the +foot of the mountains to the sea. Even the Nile carries very little of +its water to the sea, except during the inundation; and in ancient times +when the Mæris and other smaller lakes were annually filled to a great +extent, and when three or four times as much land was watered by the +overflowing of the river as in the present day, the quantity of water +discharged by the mouths of the Nile must have been still smaller than it +is at present. + + + + +CHAPTER III. + +CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNEY FROM KÓNIA. + + _Tshumra—Kassabá—Karamán or Láranda—Ancient Cities of this Part + of the Country—Laranda, Derbe, Lystra, Ilistra—Passage over + Mount Taurus into the Valley of the Calycadnus—Mout—Passage + of another Ridge of Taurus—Sheikh-Amúr—Approach to the + Sea-coast—Gulnar or Kelénderi, ancient Colenderis—Ancient + Cities of the Interior of Tracheiotis—Olbasa + Claudiopolis—Philadelphia—Diocæsareia—Passage by Sea to + Cyprus—Tzerína—Lefkosía—Lárnaka—Return to Tzerína—Passage by Sea + to Kháradra—Cape Selenti—Aláya—Author’s Route by Sea along the + Coast to Constantinople—Journal of General Koehler from Aláya to + Shughut—Alara—Menavgát—Stavros—Adália—Bidjikli—Tshaltigshe—Búrdur— + Ketsiburlu—Dombai—Sandukli—Sitshanli—Altún Tash—Kutáya—In-óghi— + Shughut—Conclusion of the Tour._ + + +Feb. 1.—Our journey of this day is from Kónia to Tshumra, reckoned a +six hours’ stage. We have remarked that since leaving Ak-shehr the +post-horses are of an inferior kind. They are larger and not well formed, +often broken-knee’d, and frequently falling, which seldom happened +in the first part of our journey. Those supplied from Kónia for this +day’s journey are very indifferent, and we did not get them till ten +o’clock, nor till after we had paid some high fees to the post-master and +Tatár-aga. The plain of Kónia is considered the largest in Asia Minor; +our road pursues a perfect level for upwards of twenty miles, and is in +excellent order for travelling. In such roads the journey, even with +loaded horses, may be performed in two-thirds of the computed time. A +rough kind of two-wheeled carriage, drawn by oxen or buffaloes, is used +in this plain. It runs upon trucks, ingeniously formed of six pieces of +solid wood, three in the centre, and three on the outside, the outer +joints falling opposite to the centre of the inner pieces; the whole is +kept together by an iron felloe, and by fastenings connecting the outer +pieces with the inner. + +Tshumra is a small village with a scanty cultivation around it. We are +lodged in a Turk’s cottage, which consists of two apartments. The inner +(which is considerably the larger of the two) is for his horse; the other +is separated from the passage leading into the stable by two or three +steps and a low rail, and is just sufficient to contain the fireplace, +and a sofa on either side of it. This is the whole of his habitation, and +here we are just able to find room enough to lie down at night. + +Feb. 2.—From Tshumra to Kassabá, nine hours over the same uninterrupted +level of the finest soil, but quite uncultivated, except in the immediate +neighbourhood of a few widely dispersed villages. It is painful to behold +such desolation in the midst of a region so highly favoured by nature. +Another characteristic of these Asiatic plains is the exactness of the +level, and the peculiarity of their extending, without any previous +slope, to the foot of the mountains, which rise from them, like lofty +islands out of the surface of the ocean. The Karamanian ridge seems to +recede as we approach it, and the snowy summits of Argæus are still seen +to the north-eastward. We passed only one small village in this day’s +route. It was called Alibey Kiúi, and was situated at one hour’s distance +short of Kassabá. We observed, however, some ruins of villages, and in +several places fragments of ancient architecture, particularly about +half way, at a bridge constructed almost entirely of such remains, which +traverses a small stream running from the mountain on our right to the +lake of Kónia. At three or four miles short of Kassabá, we are abreast of +the middle of the very lofty insulated mountain already mentioned, called +Kara-dagh. It is said to be chiefly inhabited by Greek Christians, and to +contain 1001 churches; but we afterwards learned that these 1001 churches +(Bin-bir Klissa) was a name given to the extensive ruins of an ancient +city at the foot of the mountain. Since leaving Kónia we have experienced +more civility from the inhabitants than before; a change to be ascribed +to our being now upon a less frequented route. On approaching Kassabá, +the people met us in great numbers. One person threw a pair of pigeons, +with the legs tied together, under the feet of the general’s horse; +others wrestled and danced. On arriving at our lodging they brought +us presents of water-melons, dried grapes, and other fruits. Kassabá +differs from every town we have passed through, in being built of stone +instead of sun-baked bricks. It is surrounded with a wall flanked by +redans, or angular projections, and has some handsome gates of Saracenic +architecture. It has a well supplied bazar, and seems formerly to have +been a Turkish town of more importance than it is at present. The dry +clear weather which has been so propitious to our travelling, has been +very unfavourable to agriculture. At Kassabá we are informed that there +has been neither snow nor rain for two months, and that the drought is +very distressing. Khatun-serái is four hours to the westward of Kassabá, +in a pleasant situation in the mountains. + +Feb. 3.—From Kassabá to Karamán, four hours: the weather cool and +overcast; the road still passing over a plain, which towards the +mountains begins to be a little intersected with low ridges and ravines. +At one hour from Kassabá we pass on the outside of Illísera, a small +town with low walls and towers, built of mud bricks, and situated upon a +rising ground half a mile from the foot of the mountains. Between these +mountains and the Kara-dagh there is a kind of strait, which forms the +communication between the plain of Karamán and the great levels lying +eastward of Kónia. Having passed this opening, we enter the plain of +Karamán. Our course from Kónia has been more southerly than it was before +we reached that town, or upon an average S. by E. by compass. We are told +that the mountains above Illísera produce madder in great abundance, +partly used in the dyeing manufactories of Kónia, and partly sent to +Smyrna. The plain of Karamán and the foot of the surrounding mountains +are in general well cultivated; and as they present a more bounded +prospect, and are intersected with frequent streams, and varied with +swelling grounds, they are much more pleasing and picturesque than the +immense unbroken levels we have for so many days been travelling over. + +Advancing towards Karamán I perceive a passage into the plains to the +N.W. round the northern end of Kara-dagh, similar to that of Illísera on +the south, so that this mountain is completely insulated. We still see to +the north-east the great snowy summits of Argæus, which is probably the +highest point of Asia Minor[125]. As we approached the town of Karamán +two horsemen met us, and conducted us to our Konák, at the house of the +Vekíl of the Bishop of Iconium, who is at the head of the Christian +community of the place. Karamán is situated at a distance of two miles +from the foot of the mountains. Its ancient Greek name, Láranda, with +the accent on the first syllable, is still in common use among the +Christians, and is even retained in the firmahns of the Porte. The +houses, in number about a thousand, are separated from one another by +gardens, and occupy a large space of ground. There are now only three or +four mosques, but I observed the ruins of several others; and the remains +of a castle show that the place was formerly of much greater importance. +It was the capital of a Turkish kingdom, which lasted from the time of +the partition of the dominions of the Seljukian monarchs of Iconium until +1486, when all Caramania was reduced to subjection by the Ottoman emperor +Bayazíd the Second. Karamán derives its name from the first and greatest +of its princes, who on the death of Sultan Aladin the Second, about the +year 1300, made himself master of Iconium, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycaonia, +and of a large portion of Phrygia and Cappadocia. His name, like those +of some other Turkish chieftains[126], who at the same time shared among +them a great part of the western provinces of the peninsula, has been +transmitted to posterity in one of the great Turkish divisions of Asia +Minor. The Ottomans upon obtaining possession of Karamán subdivided +it into Kharidj the outer and Itshili the interior country: probably +because to them who came from the north-east Itshili, which comprises the +Cilician coast and Cyprus, lay behind or within the mountains; Iconium +the former Seljukian capital became the seat of the Ottoman Pashalik; and +the decline of the town of Karamán may be dated from that period. + +The appearance of Karamán indicates poverty. The only manufactures are +some coarse cotton and woollen stuffs; but they send the produce of the +surrounding mountains, consisting chiefly of hides, wool, and acorns +used in dyeing, to the neighbouring coasts and to Smyrna. The houses +are built of sun-baked bricks, with flat roofs. The chimneys being very +wide, and much exposed to violent winds from the surrounding mountains, +have a trap-door on the top, which may be raised or lowered at pleasure, +by means of a cord, communicating through the roof into the house. The +women of Karamán when passing through the streets conceal their faces +with unusual care. In the other parts of Asia Minor a veil covering the +upper and lower parts of the face has been the utmost we have remarked, +but here I see several women with only a single eye exposed to the view +of passengers. The rest of the person is in the usual shapeless form of +Turkish drapery. + +We could not find any Greek remains at Karamán, with the sole exception +of a stone in a wall near the entrance of the castle with the words +ΙΩΑΝΝΗϹ ΔΟΜΕϹΤΙΚΟϹ upon it. + +The chief ancient towns near Laranda were Derbe and Lystra, whose +names have been immortalized by the sacred writer of the Acts of the +Apostles[127].—About the middle of the century preceding the birth of +Christ, Derbe was the residence of an independent chief, or robber, as +Strabo calls him[128], named Antipatrus, who possessed also Laranda. +Antipatrus having been slain by Amyntas king of Galatia, Derbe fell +into the power of the latter; who had already received Isauria from +the Romans, upon its reduction by Servilius. Amyntas conquered all +Pisidia, as far as Apollonias, near Apameia Cibotus; but having fallen +in fighting with the Homonadenses, his dominions devolved to the Romans; +who having not long afterwards succeeded also to those of Archelaus +king of Cappadocia, made a new distribution of these provinces, in +which Derbe, as we have already seen, was the western extremity of the +Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia. Strabo, from whom we learn most of +the preceding facts[129], observes in another place, that Derbe was on +the Isaurian frontier of Cappadocia[130]. But it must also have been on +the frontier of Lycaonia; for about the same time St. Luke calls both +Derbe and Lystra cities of Lycaonia. About a century afterwards, we find +that Derbe had been separated from the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia, +and that it formed,—together with Laranda and the adjacent part of Mount +Taurus, which contained Olbasa,—a separate district called Antiochiana; +which Ptolemy places between Lycaonia and the Tyanitis[131]. From all +these circumstances, there seems no doubt that Derbe stood in the great +Lycaonian plain, not far from the Cilician Taurus, on the Cappadocian +side of Láranda; a situation precisely agreeing with that of the ruins +called the 1001 churches of Mount Kara-dagh. These ruins have never been +visited, or at least described, by any modern traveller; nor has the +route from Láranda to Erkle, near which they stand, been traversed by any +except Bertrandon de la Brocquière, in 1432, from whom we learn nothing +more than that he travelled for two days in a plain from Erkle to +Láranda. It is impossible, therefore, to say, whether there is any lake +near these ruins, which will support the conjecture that the word λιμὴν, +used by Stephanus[132] in speaking of Derbe, may be altered into λίμνη; +for without this change the word can have no meaning. + +Lystra appears to have been nearer than Derbe to Iconium; for St. Paul, +leaving that city, proceeds first to Lystra, and from thence to Derbe; +and in like manner returns to Lystra, to Iconium, and to Antiocheia of +Pisidia. And this seems to agree with the arrangement of Ptolemy, who +places Lystra in Isauria, and near Isaura, which seems evidently to have +occupied some part of the valley of Sidy Shehr, or Bey Shehr. Under +the Greek empire, Homonade, Isaura, and Lystra, as well as Derbe and +Laranda, were all included in the consular province of Lycaonia, and were +bishoprics of the metropolitan see of Iconium. The similarity of name +induced me at first to believe that Lystra was situated at the modern +Illísera; but we find, as well in the civil arrangement of the cities in +Hierocles as in two ecclesiastical lists in the Notitiæ Episcopatuum, +that Lystra and Ilistra were distinct places. I am inclined to think that +the vestiges of Lystra may be sought for with the greatest probability of +success at or near Wiran Khatoun or Khatoun Serai, about 30 miles to the +southward of Iconium. Nothing can more strongly show the little progress +that has hitherto been made in a knowledge of the ancient geography +of Asia Minor, than that of the cities, which the journey of St. Paul +has made so interesting to us, the site of one only (Iconium) is yet +certainly known. Perga, Antioch of Pisidia, Lystra, and Derbe, remain to +be discovered. + +Feb. 4.—Such is the poverty of Karamán, that we cannot procure the +number of horses necessary for our party, and are obliged to perform the +remainder of the journey to the coast, reckoned at thirty-six hours, +with camels, instead of horses, for carrying our baggage, although +the intervening track, being almost entirely mountainous, is the kind +of country the least adapted to that animal. It requires all this day +to procure a sufficiency of camels and horses; and we are under the +necessity of deferring our departure. + +Feb. 5.—The arrival of Captain Lacy from Constantinople produces a +further delay this morning, an addition to our cattle being necessary. +It was eleven o’clock before we set out from Karamán, though we rose at +two, and were ready to start at four. At the distance of two or three +miles from the town we began to ascend, and entered the mountainous +region which extends all the way to the coast, and which anciently +formed part of the division of Cilicia called Tracheiotis, or Cilicia +Tracheia. Our caravan now consists, besides saddle-horses, of thirteen +camels, one of which is laden with provisions for the rest. On account of +the difficulty of the road, their burthen is light; they carry no more +than the usual load of a horse, yet with this easy weight they do not +move quicker than two miles and a half in the hour. They step a yard at +a time, and make about seventy-five steps in a minute. The post-horses +laden with baggage in the former part of the route, moved at the rate of +three miles and a half an hour in the plains. Entering the hills, we see +rocks excavated into a great number of chambers, anciently sepulchral, +but now inhabited by peasants and shepherds. As we leave the plains the +climate changes. At four hours from Karamán, in the lower region of the +mountains, we pass a village where the snow beginning to fall heavily, +and there being no habitation beyond for the next fifteen hours, our +guides and attendants are much inclined to remain for the night; but our +delay at Karamán makes us impatient to proceed, and we advance four hours +further to a khan in the wildest part of the mountain. During the ascent, +the road presented some magnificent views of mountain-scenery. On the +left was a very lofty peaked summit, one of the highest of the range of +Taurus, probably between 6 and 7000 feet above the level of the sea. In +the lower regions of the mountain, we passed through woods consisting +chiefly of oak, ilex, arbutus, lentisk, and junipers of various species. +As we ascend, we enter the region of pines; and through the latter part +of the route do not see a living creature; though we are told that the +woods abound with deer, wild boars, bears, and wolves. The khan where +we take up our lodging for the night is deserted, and partly in ruins. +As we resolve not to unload the camels, they are seated on the outside +of the khan in a ring round the door. We break some branches from the +fir-trees, now heavily covered with snow, which grow near the khan, then +select a part of the building where the roof is still entire, and make a +fire on one of the hearths which are ranged in a line along the inside +of the wall. Here we cook some meat which we had brought with us, and +then sleep round the fire till midnight; soon after which we send off +our camels in advance, and at six o’clock (Feb. 6.) pursue our journey +to Mout, distant eleven hours.—The weather is again fine. The road lies +over the highest ridges of the mountains, where, amidst the forests of +pines, are several beautiful valleys and small plains, forming with +the surrounding rocks and woods the most beautiful scenery. In several +places we trace the footsteps of the wild animals, and observe spots +where wild boars have been rooting up the earth. The soil is fertile in +the intervals of the woods, and the climate cannot be very severe during +the greater part of the year, there being no permanent snow, now in +the middle of winter, upon any but the highest summits. There appears, +however, no trace of cultivation, though there is ample proof that these +mountains were anciently well inhabited; for we meet with scarcely a rock +remarkable for its form or position, that is not pierced with ancient +catacombs. Many of these rocks present at a small distance the exact +appearance of towers and castles. At a khan half way between our last +night’s konák and Mout, we begin to descend into the valley where this +town is situated. The khan seems to stand upon the site of an ancient +temple, or other public building, there being many fragments of ancient +architecture in its walls, and lying around it, and among the latter a +handsome Corinthian capital. Not far beyond the khan we stop to examine +a tall rock, which, partly by its natural form, and partly by the effect +of art, represents a high tower. At the foot of it is a niche with a +semicircular top, the lower part forming a coffin, cut out of the solid +rock; the lid of this sarcophagus, which is a separate stone, lies at +the foot of the rock; upon it is the figure of a lion seated in the +middle, with a boy at either end; the boy facing the lion has his foot +upon the paw of the animal. The sculpture is much defaced, and the heads +have been purposely destroyed. We find also many entire sarcophagi, with +their covers. They had all been opened; in some instances by throwing +off the covers, in others by forcing a hole through the sides. The usual +ornament is the _caput bovis_ with festoons, but some have on one side +a defaced inscription on a tablet; on either side of this are ornaments +varying on different sarcophagi. We observe on some, a garland on one +side of the tablet, and a crescent on the other; some have emblems which +seem to refer to the profession of the deceased. These, and all the other +monuments of antiquity we have met with, excepting those of Doganlú, +are evidently of the time of the Romans. Not far from the spot where we +saw these remains is the village of Máhile; not in view from our road; +it may, perhaps, have been the site of the ancient town to which the +sepulchres belonged. From hence we begin to descend through woods of oak, +beech, and other timber-trees, growing amidst an underwood of arbutus, +andrachne, ilex, lentisk, and many other of the shrubs cultivated with +so much care in our gardens. As we approach the valley, we meet with +the wild olive in considerable quantities, and at length, after a very +rugged descent, we enter the valley of Mout. The town and its dependent +territory are governed by a pasha of two tails: who in this retired and +distant situation seems to care little for the orders of the Porte, for +he laughs at our firmahn, and declares, what the desolate appearance +of the place tends to confirm, that he has not a horse or a camel to +furnish us with; but he offers us forage for our cattle, and lodging +for ourselves. The latter is a ruinous hut in the castle, where we can +procure nothing but some coarse barley-bread to add to the meat which we +brought with us. The walls of the castle are surmounted with battlements, +flanked by square towers open to the interior. In the middle is a round +tower, cased, as it were, in another circular wall, rising to half the +height of the tower, and leaving a narrow interval between them[133]. On +one side of the castle is a precipice, the foot of which is washed by a +river. + +Mout stands on the site of an ancient city of considerable extent and +magnificence. No place we have yet passed preserves so many remains +of its former importance, and none exhibits so melancholy a contrast +of wretchedness in its actual condition. Among the ruined mosques and +baths, which attest its former prosperity as a Turkish town under the +Karamanian kings, a few hovels made of reeds and mud are sufficient +to shelter its present scanty population. Some of the people we saw +living under sheds, and in the caverns of the rocks. Among these Turkish +ruins and abodes of misery may be traced the plan of the ancient Greek +city. Its chief streets and temples, and other public buildings, may +be clearly distinguished, and long colonnades and porticoes, with +the lower parts of the columns in their original places. Pillars of +verd-antique, breccia, and other marbles, lie half-buried in different +parts, or support the remains of ruined mosques and houses. Most of the +inhabitants whom we saw appeared half-naked, and half-starved; and this +in a valley which promises the greatest abundance and fertility, and +which is certainly capable of supporting a large population. Its scenery +is of the greatest beauty: the variegated pastures, groves, and streams +are admirably contrasted with the majestic forms and dark forests of the +high mountains on either side. Every thing is seen that can be desired to +complete the picturesque, unless it be an expanse of water. + +Feb. 7.—In leaving Mout this morning, we particularly admire the fine +effect of the castle with its round and square towers, the precipices +with the river below them, the surrounding trees, and the ancient +colonnades; and, among the most remarkable of the modern buildings, +an old Turkish mosque, with the tomb of Karamán-Oglu, its founder. On +quitting the town, we pass along the ancient road, which led through the +cemetery. Sarcophagi stand in long rows on either side; some entire and +in their original position, others thrown down and broken; the covers +of all removed, and in most instances lying beside them. The greater +part were adorned with the usual bull’s head and festoons, and had a +Greek inscription in a tablet on one side. The letters were sufficiently +preserved to indicate the date to be that of the Roman Empire. We looked +in vain for the name of the city; though, perhaps, it might have been +found, with more leisure than we could command. + +The journey of this day is from Mout to Sheikh Amúr, reckoned 12 hours +for walking horses, and 18 for camels; the proportion of their movements +being nearly as two to three. We had wished to have sent off our camels +in the middle of the night, and to have followed in the morning, that we +might all have arrived at our journey’s end at the same time, but the +Pasha’s language and the wildness of the country make us think it more +advisable to keep together. Another apprehension of more real magnitude +is suggested by our Tatár, that the drivers, having been forced to go +beyond their post, would take some opportunity, unless we should send a +sufficient force along with them, of cutting off the baggage, leaving +it on the road, and perhaps plundering it, and riding away with the +horses and camels. We had risen at three in the morning, but could not +with every exertion set out from Mout before seven; from which time we +continued travelling, without halting, except occasionally for a few +minutes, till eleven at night; having during the last two hours preceded +the camels, which arrived at a little past twelve. For the first two +or three hours, the road led us along the delightful valley of Mout. A +little beyond a small village, around which are some rice-grounds, we +forded, by the help of guides belonging to the place, a deep and rapid +river, called the Kiúk-su (Sky-blue river). The river of Mout is a branch +of this stream, and joins it further down the valley. After passing over +a level for a short distance, we crossed another stream rather wider than +the former, the water of which runs perfectly clear over a bottom of +pebbles. This branch, the principal of those which form the Calycadnus, +is called the Ermenék-su, from a town of that name near its sources in +the western part of the valley, where, we are informed, considerable +remains of antiquity, similar to those of Mout, are to be seen. Others +are said to exist also lower down the valley, between Mout and Selefke. +The Calycadnus passes the ruins of Seleuceia at Selefke, and joins the +sea not far below that place. Soon after crossing the Ermenék we began to +ascend, and travelled for the rest of the day along a horse-track amidst +the forests and mountains. The oaks are not numerous, and are chiefly +confined to the lower regions, where they are intermixed with arbutus, +ilex, cornel, juniper, lentisk, &c. In the upper parts scarcely any trees +are seen but pines of different species: most of these are of a moderate +size, but some which we saw in the highest parts of the mountain were +straight, large, tall, and fit for the masts of ships of war. Great +numbers had been destroyed for the sake of the turpentine, by making an +incision near the foot of the tree and lighting a fire under it, which +has the effect of making the resin run more freely. The summits in the +centre of the ridge which we crossed yesterday are higher than any part +of this range; but these mountains are more extensive, and of a still +wilder and more rugged description. We are told, that in addition to +the wild animals found in the ridge to the north of Mout, the forests +of these mountains contain tigers, or at least an animal to which the +Turkish name of Kaplán is given. The road sometimes passed along the edge +of precipices of immense height; at other times it was a rugged path, +climbing amidst broken rocks, where there seemed hardly a footing for a +mule; and at others it was a descent upon banks and slopes so slippery +that it was difficult even on foot to avoid falling. The camels, whose +footing is so very ill formed for such roads, passed them nevertheless +without any material accident; they had no doubt been often accustomed +to carry the merchandize of the people of Karamán across the mountains +which separate that town from the coast in every direction; and it may be +mentioned as a remarkable instance of the force of habit. We met with a +very civil reception from the Aga of Sheikh-Amúr, who presented us with +part of a large wild boar which his men had killed in the woods. + +This morning, (Feb. 8.) we are much gratified by the delightful situation +of the village perched upon a rocky hill, in a small hollow, surrounded +by an amphitheatre of woody mountains. We proceed from Sheikh-Amúr +to Gulnar, on the sea-side, a distance of six hours for horses. At a +short distance from Sheikh-Amúr we remark several comfortable cottages, +surrounded with patches of cultivation, and inclosures of palisades. +These detached habitations, so uncommon in Turkey, indicate a degree +of security which gives us a favourable opinion of the Caramanian +mountaineers, whom indeed we have found very hospitable and inoffensive. +The road is through the most beautiful mountain-scenery. A woody valley +between high rocks, with a rivulet of clear water trickling through it, +conducted us into a district more open and level, but at the same time +more singularly wild, than any we had yet seen; for over the whole of it +high perpendicular rocks, of the most grotesque and varied forms, stood +up among the trees, resembling the representations of rocks on Chinese +earthenware. From hence we passed along the dry bed of a torrent, which +served as a road, between high calcareous precipices, rising close to +us on either side. As we advanced, these rocks were fringed with ivy, +saxifrage, &c., and mixed with small groves of evergreens: at the +bottom, a clear stream ran along a natural groove in the rock. The +prospect soon opened upon an extensive forest of oaks upon the slope of +the mountain, through which we at length arrived at a pass between two +summits, from whence we beheld the sea with almost as much delight as the +soldiers of Xenophon, from the top of Mount Theches. The island of Cyprus +appeared in the horizon. We descended into the valley which borders the +coast, by a long and extremely steep and rugged mountain-path, often +intersected by rivulets running in ravines, shaded by plane-trees. The +valley presented a prospect very different from those we had passed. Its +meadows and cultivated fields were in all the luxuriant vegetation and +brilliant colours of an advanced spring. Among them were dispersed some +cottages, with flat roofs and open galleries, like those of the interior +country. In descending the mountain we followed the remains of an ancient +aqueduct, and, as we approached the coast, traced it again leading +towards the ruins which occupy the cape forming the bay of Celenderis. +The road through the valley led along the beds of torrents adorned with +oleander and agnus castus, and through groves of myrtle, bay, and other +shrubs, produced only in the softer climate of the coast. The ruins, the +beautiful curve of the bay, and the distant sea-view on the one side, +and on the other the rich valley, contrasted with the steep mountains +and dark woods behind, form a picture, the beauty of which was greatly +heightened by the brightness of the weather. + +Gulnar is the name applied by the Turks, and Kelénderi by the Greeks, +to a harbour and surrounding district, in which, with the exception of +the dispersed cottages already mentioned, the only habitations are the +tombs and subterraneous vaults of the ancient Celenderis; several of the +latter were occupied by poor Turkish families. Our lodging was a brick +vault, with a stone pavement, which seemed once to have been a cistern; a +low arch divided it into two equal parts. The outer was without a roof, +but the inner furnished a dry and comfortable apartment. The remains of +Celenderis are of various dates, but none of them, unless it be some +sepulchres excavated in the rock, appear to be older than the early +periods of the empire of Rome; and there are some even of a late date in +that of Constantinople. The town occupied all the space adjacent to the +inner part of the bay, together with the whole of the projecting cape. +The best preserved remains of antiquity are, a square tower upon the +extremity of the cape, and a monument of white marble among the tombs; +the latter is formed of four open arches, supported upon pilasters of +the Corinthian order, of not very finished workmanship; and the whole is +surmounted with a pyramid, the apex of which has fallen. I observed some +handsome tessellated pavements among the ruins, and a great number of +sarcophagi, together with fragments of columns and wrought stones. + +Celenderis, although it now preserves the remains only of a Roman town, +seems in more ancient times to have been the principal place in this +part of the country. It gave name to a region called Celenderitis, and +coined those silver tetradrachms which supply some of the earliest and +finest specimens of the numismatic art. The antiquity of the city is +proved by the tradition of its having been founded by Sandocus, son of +Phaethon[134], and like the neighbouring Nagidus, it received a colony +from the island of Samus[135]. It is situated about the centre of the +coast of Cilicia Tracheia. + +As this province extended to the boundaries of Tarsus on the east, of +Coracesium on the west, and of Laranda on the north[136], it seems to +have corresponded exactly to the Turkish province of Itshili. The most +fertile and the only extensive level in Tracheiotis is the valley of +the Calycadnus, a district which was sometimes called Citis[137]. This +river, which rises to the north-west, passes by Ermenék, Sinanli, Mout, +and Selefke, and joins the sea not far below the last of these modern +places. Olbasa being the only city mentioned in the inland part of +Citis by Ptolemy[138], and Claudiopolis by Ammianus[139], it is not +improbable that Olbasa may have changed its name to Claudiopolis, when +a Roman colony was established there by the Emperor Claudius, and that +its situation may have been at Mout. The extent and description of +the remains of antiquity at that place are highly favourable to the +supposition of its being the site of a city which flourished under the +Roman Empire, at the same time that the vicinity of this part of Taurus +to the plains which contain Derbe and Laranda is in agreement with the +evidence of Ptolemy[140] as to the position of Olbasa; for he states the +district of Antiochiana to have consisted of the townships of Laranda, +Derbe, Olbasa, and a fourth town which he calls Musbanda. If the Roman +colony at Mout was entirely a new foundation, perhaps it will be found +that Olbasa was at Mahile. Philadelphia and Diocæsareia, which were also +in this part of the country, may have been the one at Ermenék, and the +other at the ruins already mentioned between Mout and Selefke. + +Feb. 9.—Nothing can more strongly show the present desolation of these +fine countries, than the fact, that as we descended the hills yesterday, +towards the coast, only one vessel was visible in the vast extent of +sea then open to our view. It proved to be the boat which was to carry +us across to Cyprus, and in which we embarked this evening, having +delayed until that time, in the hope of profiting about midnight by the +land-breeze from the mountains, which seldom fails when the weather is +fair. + +Feb. 10.—The land-breeze carries us half across the channel, and then +leaves us to be tossed all day by the swell in a calm. + +Feb. 11.—We land this forenoon at Tzerína, called by the Italians +Cerina, and by the Turks Ghirne. It is a small town with a Venetian +fortification, and a bad port on the northern coast of Cyprus; it is +reckoned by the Greek sailors to be eighty miles from Kelénderi, but is +probably less than sixty English. The town is situated amidst plantations +of oranges, lemons, olives, dates, and other fruit-trees; and all the +uncultivated parts of the plains around are covered with bay, myrtle, +and lentisk. On the west side of the town are extensive quarries, among +which are some catacombs, the only remains of the ancient Ceryneia. The +harbour, bad and small as it is, must, upon a coast very deficient in +maritime shelter, have always ensured to the position a certain degree +of importance. The natural formation of the eastern part of the north +side of Cyprus is very singular: it consists of a high rugged ridge +of steep rocks, running in a straight line from east to west, which +descend abruptly on the south side into the great plain of Lefkosía, +and terminate to the north in a narrow plain bordering the coast. Upon +several of the rocky summits of the ridge are castles which seem almost +inaccessible. The slope and maritime plain at the foot of the rocks, on +the north, possess the finest soil and climate, with a plentiful supply +of water; it is one of the most beautiful and best cultivated districts I +have seen in Turkey. + +Feb. 12.—Finding it impossible to procure horses in time to enable us +to reach the gates of Lefkosía before sunset, at which time they are +shut, we are under the necessity of remaining at Tzerína to-day. I +visit a large ruined monastery, in a delightful situation, not far to +the eastward of Tzerína, at no great distance from the sea. It contains +the remains of a handsome Gothic chapel and hall, and bears a great +resemblance to the ruins of an English abbey[141]. + +Feb. 13.—From Tzerína to Lefkosía, six hours. At the back of Tzerína the +road passes through a natural opening in the great wall of rock I have +already described, and descends into the extensive plain of Lefkosía. +This is in some places rocky and barren, and is little cultivated even +where the soil is good. Like most of the plains of Greece, it is marshy +in the winter and spring, and unhealthy in the summer. On the west and +south are the mountains which occupy all that part of the island, and +the slopes of which produce the wines exported in so large a quantity +from Cyprus to all the neighbouring coasts. In the centre of the plain is +Lefkosía (Λευκοσία), called Nicosia by the Italians, the capital of the +island and of the province of Itshili, of which Cyprus is considered a +part, though the government is now always administered, like that of the +other Greek islands, by a deputy of the Capudán Pasha. The ramparts of +the Venetian fortifications of Lefkosía exist in tolerable preservation; +but the ditch is filled up, and there is no appearance of there ever +having been a covert way. There are thirteen bastions: the ramparts are +lofty and solid, with orillons and retired flanks. In the town is a large +church converted into a mosque, and still bearing, like the great mosque +at Constantinople, the Greek name of St. Sophia: it is said to have been +built by Justinian; but this may be doubted, as Procopius, in his work +on the edifices of that emperor, makes no mention of it; and its Gothic +style seems rather to mark it for the work of one of the Frank kings of +Cyprus. The flat roofs, trellised windows, and light balconies of the +better order of houses, situated as they are in the midst of gardens of +oranges and lemons, give, together with the fortifications, a respectable +and picturesque appearance to Lefkosía at a little distance, but, upon +entering it, the narrow dirty streets, and miserable habitations of the +lower classes, make a very different impression upon the traveller; +and the sickly countenances of the inhabitants sufficiently show the +unhealthiness of the climate. At Lefkosía we were very hospitably +entertained by an Armenian merchant, of the name of Sarkís, who is an +English baratli, and under that protection has amassed a considerable +property, and lives in splendour: he and his relations seem to occupy all +the principal offices of the island held by Christians, such as those of +interpreter and banker to the Motsellim, or deputy of the Capudán Pasha, +of collector of the contributions of the Christians, of head of the +Christian community, &c. + +Feb. 14.—From Lefkosía to Lárnaka, eight hours. The first half of the +distance was a continuation of the same plain as before; the remainder +lay over rugged hills of soft limestone, among which we cross some long +ridges of selenite. At Lárnaka we found Sir Sidney Smith with his small +squadron: he had just signed a treaty for the evacuation of Egypt by the +French. + +Feb. 15.—We pass the day on board the Tigre, where we find General Junot, +afterwards Duke of Abrantes, and Madame Junot and General Dupuy: the +latter, next to Kleber, the senior general of the army of Egypt. They +were taken by the Theseus, Captain Styles, in attempting to escape from +Alexandria. + +The town of Lárnaka stands at the distance of a mile from the shore, +and has a quarter on the sea-side, called Ἀλικαίς by the Greeks, and +Marina by the Italians. In the intermediate space are many foundations +of ancient walls, and other remains, among the gardens and inclosures. +The stones are removed for building materials as quickly as they are +discovered; but the great extent of these vestiges, and the numerous +antiquities which at different times have been found here[142], seem to +leave little doubt that here stood Citium, the most ancient and important +city in this part of Cyprus. + +March 2.—After having remained several days at Lárnaka and Lefkosía, we +arrive to-day at Tzerína, on our return to Constantinople. The purity of +the air on the north coast of Cyprus is very sensibly perceived, after +leaving the interior plains and the unhealthy situation of Lárnaka. The +Turkish troops are already arriving in large bodies, on their way home, +in the faith that the war of Egypt is concluded. + +We set sail at eight this morning, in a three-masted covered vessel, +with latine sails, for Adália. A halo round the moon last night, and a +turbid atmosphere this morning, portend a change of weather. At two or +three miles from the port, the land-wind which carried us out, falls and +leaves us becalmed, but a breeze soon springs up from the eastward, and +we steer N. by W. Having come in sight of the coast, we soon perceive the +point of Anamúr, five or six leagues to leeward of us. As we approach the +shore, the wind coming from the westward, and freshening, we are unable +to weather Cape Selenti, and are obliged to make for a small cove, called +Kalándra by the Turks, and Kháradra (its ancient name) by the Greeks. +Here we are sheltered under the lee of a high cape, and by the help of +six cables, three attached to the anchors, and three to the shore, we +ride out a most tempestuous night of wind, rain, and thunder. + +March 8.—At ten this forenoon, the weather having become serene, we land +and spend the day at some huts on the sea-shore, belonging to a village +on the hills which we do not see. Here the coast, retiring from the cape +under which we were sheltered last night, forms a small bay; around it is +a fertile valley; at the head of which a _torrent_, making its way from +high mountains[143], between lofty precipices, seems to have given to +this place its Greek name of Kháradra. The retired valley, with the bold +coast, and the woods and precipices at the back, is extremely beautiful. +The only remains of antiquity are part of a mole, just below the huts +on the sea-shore. On the side of the torrent, a mile up the valley, is +a deserted building, which has every appearance of Venetian or Genoese +construction. Kháradra is reckoned by our boatmen ninety miles from +Tzerína, twenty or thirty from Cape Selenti, and sixty from Aláya. It has +been already remarked that they reckon eighty from Kelénderi to Tzerína. +Comparing these computed distances with the real distances on the map, it +appears that the Greek mile is about two-thirds of the geographical. As +the word μίλι was borrowed from the Latin, the measure must originally +have been the same as the Roman mile, though it is now shorter. It is, +however, merely a computed and not a measured distance, and I could never +obtain from the Greeks any accurate definition of it. + +March 9.—We sail this forenoon at ten with a fair breeze, which in two +hours brings us abreast of Cape Selenti. Here the wind slackens, and +becomes variable, and sometimes contrary with frequent showers and calms, +so that we do not arrive at Aláya till eight in the evening. During the +first half of the distance from Cape Selenti, we sail under high cliffs +and headlands, beyond which are some very lofty mountains covered with +snow. Further on, the mountains retire more inland, and leave upon the +coast a fertile plain, which increases in breadth as we approach Aláya. + +March 10.—This town is situated upon a rocky hill, jutting into the +sea from the outer or westernmost angle of the plain. It resembles +Gibraltar, the hill being naturally fortified on one side (the western) +by perpendicular cliffs of vast height, and falling in the opposite +direction by a very steep slope to the sea. The whole face of the hill +is surrounded by high solid walls[144] and towers, but the lower part +only is occupied by the town, which is about a mile in circumference. The +ground upon which it stands is in some parts so steep that the houses +rise above one another in terraces, so that the flat roofs of one row of +houses serve for a street to those above them. To the eastward of the +town there is an anchorage for large ships, and small vessels are drawn +up on the beach. In the middle of the sea-front are some large vaulted +structures, on a level with the water’s edge, intended for sheltering +galleys; and constructed, perhaps, by the Genoese. They now serve for +building the vessels, called by the Turks Ghirlanghitsh (swallow), which +are generally formed with three masts and a bolt-sprit, all bearing +triangular sails. Of these and other vessels nearly resembling them, of +from twenty to sixty tons burthen, there are several belonging to Aláya. +The place is said to have taken its name from its founder Alah-ed-din, +son of Kai-kosru, who was surnamed Kaikobad, and who was the tenth of +the Seljukian dynasty, and the founder of the Iconian race. It seems to +have become the principal maritime fortress and naval arsenal of these +sovereigns, and of their successors the princes of Karamán. In the old +maps Aláya is called Castel Ubaldo, which may possibly have been the +name given to it by the Venetians or Genoese, when in possession of +this and other strong holds upon the Caramanian coast, but there is no +recollection of the name in this country at present. In the year 1471 +the Prince of Karamán, then engaged in a struggle for independence with +Mahomet the Second, was put in possession of Aláya, and several other +places, by the Venetians, who were then in alliance with him as well as +with Usum Kassan King of Persia against the Ottoman Emperor[145]. From +the town, the beach runs eastward, and thence forms a long sweep to the +south-east to Cape Selenti, which is seen from Aláya. The level coast +extends about half that distance, and ends in an angle, where some trees +are seen round a village, at which I was informed there are remains of an +ancient city. There are other ruins said to be of great extent at a few +hours to the northward of Aláya. + +I was detained at Aláya by illness; and while General Koehler, with his +two remaining companions, (Mr. Carlyle having left them in Cyprus,) +pursued their journey overland to Constantinople, I proceeded thither +by sea, visiting the most remarkable places on the coast, as well as +the adjacent islands of Rhodus, Cos, Patmus, Samus, Chius, Lesbus, +and Tenedus. Of those places which I visited on the coast, and which +deserve to be more thoroughly described than they have yet been, the +most remarkable are, 1. The ruins of a large city, with a noble theatre, +at Kákava, in a fine harbour, formed by a range of rocky islands. 2. +The island called Καστελόρυζον by the Greeks, and Castel Rosso by +the Italians. It is a flourishing little Greek town, carrying on a +considerable commerce of timber and charcoal with Egypt. In a plain +in the interior of the island, I found the remains of some ancient +buildings, of Hellenic construction. The importance of the situation +must at all times have attracted inhabitants. 3. Antiphellus, on the +main land, opposite to Castel Rosso. Here I found a small theatre nearly +complete, the remains of several public buildings and private houses, +together with catacombs, and a great number of sarcophagi, some of which +are very large and magnificent. The greater part have inscriptions, +few of which are legible. In two or three, however, I read the name +of the city Antiphellus. 4. Telmissus, at Méi, the port of Mákri, at +the bottom of the gulf anciently called Glaucus. The theatre, and the +porticoes and sepulchral chambers, excavated in the rocks at this place, +are some of the most remarkable remains of antiquity in Asia Minor. +5. The ruins of Assus, at Behrém or Beriám Kalesi, opposite to Mólivo +(the ancient Methymna), in Mytilene. The ruins are extremely curious. +There is a theatre in very perfect preservation; and the remains of +several temples lying in confused heaps upon the ground; an inscription +upon an architrave belonging to one of these buildings shows that it +was dedicated to Augustus; but some figures in low relief on another +architrave, appear to be in a much more ancient style of art, and they +are sculptured upon the hard granite of mount Ida, which forms the +materials of several of the buildings[146]. On the western side of the +city the remains of the walls and towers, with a gate, are in complete +preservation; and without the walls is seen the cemetery, with numerous +sarcophagi still standing in their places, and an ancient causeway +leading through them to the gate. Some of these sarcophagi are of +gigantic dimensions. The whole gives, perhaps, the most perfect idea of a +Greek city that any where exists. + +I shall now subjoin a brief itinerary of the route of General Koehler +and his party from Aláya to Shughut, where he fell into the same road by +which we came from Constantinople in January. + +March 11.—From Aláya to A´lara, eight computed or caravan hours. The +road leads along the sea-shore, sometimes just above the sea-beach, +upon high woody banks, connected on the right with the great range of +mountains which lies parallel to the coast; at others, across narrow +fertile valleys, included between branches of the same mountains. There +are one or two fine harbours formed by islands and projecting capes; but +the coast for the most part is rocky and without shelter, and after such +a westerly gale as occurred last night, is exposed to a tremendous surf. +The equinoctial monsoon occurs very regularly upon these coasts, and +the Greek sailors think themselves sufficiently prudent if they remain +in port during the first fortnight of March, old style. A´lara is two +or three miles from the sea, in a valley inclosed between woody hills, +and situated amidst gardens and corn-fields, with neat fences. Near the +village is a remarkable conical hill, with the ruins of a strong castle +upon it in good preservation. It is said by the natives to have been +built by the Sultan Alah-ed-din, of Iconium. + +March 12.—From A´lara to Hadji-Ali Kiúi, eight hours. The road proceeded +at a distance of three or four miles from the sea, crossing several +fertile and well-cultivated valleys, and passing some neat villages +pleasantly situated. The valleys are watered by streams coming from a +range of lofty mountains, appearing at a great distance on the right. The +largest of these rivers was a little beyond the fortified hill of A´lara, +and was traversed by a wooden bridge sixty feet in length. Another large +river occurred about three hours further. On the west side of the gulf, +a little to the left of the direction of the route, appeared another +range of mountains[147], still more lofty than those on the right, and so +distant that nothing but their outline was visible. No remains of Grecian +antiquity were seen by the travellers either this day or yesterday. + +March 13.—From Hadji-Ali Kiúi to Menavgát, four hours: weather rainy. +Crossed the large river of Menavgát at one hour short of the town, which +is situated in the midst of fields and gardens, in a fertile district, +watered by many rivulets. The surrounding valleys are well cultivated +and inhabited. Distant mountains appear to the north and east; and to +the N.W. is the steep range which rises from that side of the gulf, and +extends from Cape Khelidóni to Adália. The price of a sheep at Menavgát +is eight piastres, equal to twelve shillings sterling; four fowls for a +piastre. + +March 14.—Detained at Menavgát for want of horses. + +March 15.—From Menavgát to Dashashéhr, six hours. These two days were +frosty, and perfectly clear. The road passes at the same distance from +the sea as before, but winds for the most part through deserted valleys, +where the rich soil, and the rains which had lately fallen, had made +the road very muddy. There was seen abundance of the cattle which is +brought for pasture in the winter and spring from the mountainous +districts of the interior; at intervals are several villages, with a +scanty cultivation around them. Dashashéhr is situated upon some rocky +hills, commanding a view of the sea; and the cottages have gardens, +and orchards, and plantations of vines and fig-trees attached to them. +The great range of mountains is seen at a distance of twenty or thirty +miles to the northward. The whole of this part of Pamphylia seems to be +a succession of fine valleys, separated by ridges branching from the +mountains, and each watered by a stream of greater or less magnitude. + +March 16.—From Dashashéhr to Stavros, six hours, through a vast plain of +the richest pasture, in which were great numbers of oxen and sheep. At +the end of two or three hours was a large river, crossed by a bridge +built upon the ruins of a magnificent ancient bridge, one arch of which, +still standing, forms a part of the modern work. Several other smaller +streams were passed in the course of the day. In the last half of the +road the late rains had inundated the plains in several places. The +villages are numerous, and the population consists entirely of Turks, who +are hospitable and inoffensive. + +March 17.—From Stavros to Adália, six hours. The first half over the same +kind of road, inundated in many places. At the end of two hours a large +and rapid stream was passed by a ferry, a little beyond which, appeared +on the left the ruins called by the Turks Eski-Kálesi, where are great +remains of walls and vaulted buildings. The road passes from thence +over a more elevated level, with a dry soil, nearly as far as the walls +of Adália, at one hour short of which it crosses a very deep and rapid +stream[148], dividing itself into several branches, from which there +are artificial derivations for irrigating the gardens and cultivated +fields around Adália. Besides the two principal streams just mentioned, +the road from Stávros crossed several smaller, particularly one between +those two, the banks of which are thickly sheltered with trees, and where +is a solid ancient bridge, its summit level with the banks. Adália is +a large and populous town, which, though governed only by a Motsellim, +is considered as one of the best governments in Anatolia, the district +being large and fertile, and the maritime commerce extensive. The town +is situated around a circular port; behind it, on a height, is a castle, +built with battlements and square towers. In the suburbs, the houses are +dispersed amidst orange groves and gardens, and thus occupy a large space +of ground. Granite columns, and a great variety of fragments of ancient +sculpture, found about the place, attest its former importance as a Greek +city. Among other remains are those of an aqueduct, extending the whole +length of the suburbs, but now quite ruined and overgrown with bushes. +These different objects, with the sea, and the stupendous ridge of rugged +mountains on the west side of the gulf, render the place extremely +picturesque. + +March 18.—Halt at Adália. + +March 19.—From Adália to Bidjikli, seven hours, due north. The road +passes over a region of rugged rocks, intersected with hollows full of +water. No cultivation was in sight; to the left the same kind of ground +seemed to extend as far as the ridge of rocky mountains, which borders +the west side of the gulf, and to the right as far as the Dudén, or river +of Adália. + +March 20.—From Bidjikli to Karabunár Kiúi, nine hours: the first two +hours over the same rugged plain not far from the river. The two great +ranges on the west and north of the plains of Adália now approach each +other, and at length are only divided by the passes, through which the +river finds its way. The road, however, leaves this gorge to the right, +and ascends the mountain by a paved winding causeway, a work of great +labour and ingenuity. At the foot of it, in the plain, are the ruins +of a castle, and of many towers and gateways of elegant architecture, +with cornices, capitals, and fluted columns lying upon the ground. +Sarcophagi, with their covers beside them, are seen in great numbers, +as well in the plain as for a considerable distance up the side of the +hill. Some of them were of large size, many with inscriptions. At the +top of this formidable pass, which was anciently commanded by the city, +standing at the foot of it, the road enters an elevated level surrounded +with mountains, and proceeds along a winding valley amidst rocks and +precipices, some of which, being quite detached and perpendicular, appear +at a distance like castles and towers. The konák this evening was a +tchiftlik (farm and country-house) of the Motsellim of Adália, situated +near three small villages on the banks of a rivulet, in a pure air and +most romantic situation. The usual spring weather of these climates has +now prevailed for some days; showers, often accompanied with thunder, +occur in the afternoon and in the early part of the night, and during the +remainder of the day the sky is perfectly clear and serene. + +March 21.—From Karabunár Kiúi to Tsháltigtshi Kiúi, five hours and a +half. One hour from the place of departure is a khan, formed out of +the remains of an old building, upon which are angels sculptured on +either side of a large arched gate. It appears to have been a church +of the earliest ages of Christianity. The route continues through +valleys of the same description as that of Karabunár Kiúi, level and +surrounded by barren rocks and mountains. A neighbouring town called +Butshuklu, is said to contain a thousand houses, and has the reputation +of refusing quarters to strangers, especially to couriers and persons +travelling under the orders of the Porte. This district, however, as has +already been remarked in regard to other places having the character of +rebellious, exhibits several marks of superior industry, and a better +kind of public economy; good roads and bridges are seen, and large clean +pieces of wheat surrounded with ditches or fences. In the mountain not +far from Butshuklu there are said to be ruins of ancient buildings with +columns, and sculptured and inscribed stones. A hill which bounds the +district of Butshuklu to the north limits the command of the Motsellim of +Adália. At the foot of this hill is a khan, which appears to have been +constructed from the ruins of some large ancient building; fragments of +architecture, and ruins of walls, are seen on every side of it. The hill +is rugged and extensive, and has on the north side a level much lower +than all those lying between it and Adália. A river flows through this +plain, and there are many villages, among which is that of Tsháltigtshi. +The people appeared simple and hospitable, and welcomed the travellers +by presents of fruit and flowers, which they threw down at their feet, +and then departed without saying a word. The villages are surrounded +with fruit-trees, but no oranges, nor lemons, nor olives are seen among +them; and the season here is a month or six weeks behind that of Adália. +Wheel-carriages are used: the wheels being either solid trucks formed of +one piece of wood, or of three pieces joined together, and shod with an +iron plate turned up at the edges, and thus fixed on without any nails. +They had also iron axles, and a box for them to turn in, exhibiting a +neatness of workmanship seldom seen in Turkey. + +March 22.—From Tcháltigtshi to Burdur, seven hours and a half; for the +first two hours along the valley; then up a high steep mountain, not a +mere rock, like the others which the travellers had passed, but having +trees, and a soil fit for any vegetation. They passed an insulated +valley, where was a rivulet which disappeared in a cavity at the foot +of a mountain. The weather was very cold, and four inches of snow lay +upon the ground at no great distance above them. After a narrow craggy +pass, they entered an open country, which, unlike the level valleys to +the southward, was diversified with undulations and slopes. At two hours +short of Burdur, they came into a valley full of rocks, thrown about +in the wildest manner: some of these were of a kind which looked like +bundles of rushes, incrusted with cement, and petrified into a solid +mass: in some places the scene around had the appearance of a succession +of enormous sand-pits. They passed several water-mills, and saw nothing +of the town or lake of Burdur until they were close upon it. The houses +are flat-roofed; the town is large, and comparatively well paved, and +there is some appearance of wealth and industry in the streets. Tanning +and dyeing of leather, weaving and bleaching of linen, seemed to be +the chief occupations. Streams of clear water flow through most of the +streets. The country around produces good butter. The salt lake of +Burdur begins at a very short distance from the town, and stretches to +the N. and N.W., forming a beautiful picture with its winding shores, +its shrubby or bare and rocky capes, and the cultivated lands, numerous +villages, and woody hills around it. + +March 23.—Detained at Burdur by a violent southerly gale and heavy rain. + +March 24.—From Burdur to Ketsiburlu, six hours. The road along the +edge of the lake having been rendered difficult by the rains, they +took another nearer the hills. They passed a good deal of arable land, +and many villages with abundance of fruit-trees and vineyards. The +walnut-trees grow to a great size: on the 22nd they had seen poplars also +of not less than six and eight feet in diameter. + +March 25.—From Ketsiburlu to Dombai-óvasi (the valley of Dombai) five +hours: the wind north: a sharp frost, and the hills around covered with +snow: the road very good, leading at first through rocky hills, but +afterwards through a rich valley, where are many villages; Dombai is the +chief and one of the largest. Here they received much civility from the +Motsellim, whose design in it was to get their interest at the Porte in +his endeavours to obtain the Pashalik of Isbárta, a considerable town at +no great distance to the eastward. At Dombai they were told of the ruins +of an ancient town very near, with the remains of columns, inscribed +stones, and statues. + +March 26.—From Dombai to Sandukli on the river Méndere, the distance +seven hours, through a fine country variegated with gentle undulations, +but bare of wood, except upon the mountains, which are at no great +distance on either side. There were several small villages and a good +deal of arable land, but the season was still six weeks behind that of +the coast: the cold severe with much snow. + +March 27.—From Sandukli to Sitshanli, seven hours: a north wind, with ice +an inch thick: the road was for the most part hilly and stony, but in +some places there were villages and cultivated lands. Sitshanli is in a +fertile valley, with many villages around. + +March 28.—From Sitshanli to Altún-Tash, nine hours: the country is of +an undulated form with little wood. They observed several villages, and +in many places scattered fragments of ancient buildings, but in no one +spot any thing that indicated the site of a large town. At Altún-Tash the +snow was lying on the ground. The place takes its name (signifying golden +stone) from some rocks of a yellow colour in the neighbourhood. It stands +on the left bank of the river Pursek, the ancient Thymbrius, or Thymbres, +a branch of the Sangarius. Here were 200 horsemen of the Pasha of Kutáya, +who had been reducing a rebellious chieftain, and were in the act of +driving away his flocks. + +March 29.—From Altún-Tash to Kutáya, nine hours: at first over a swampy +plain, which had been inundated by the rains and the melting of the +snow upon the hills, then across the Pursek, which between this place +and Kutáya forms an S: a high mountain, at the foot of which Kutáya is +situated, filling up the northern part of the S. After crossing the +Pursek at Altún-Tash, they passed over gentle hills and a pleasant +country. Nearly midway were a fountain, the ruins of a mosque, and an +ancient Greek church. A good gravel road led in a winding direction +through a delightful scene of lawns of the finest herbage, adorned with +detached trees and clumps of evergreen, disposed in a manner which art +could not have improved. From hence, after passing a tract of wild +cliffs and rocks, which formed a remarkable contrast to the former, they +descended a steep hill to the Pursek, here a very deep and rapid river. +Having crossed it by a bridge, and ascended a part of the mountain of +Kutáya, they proceeded along a dangerous path on the edge of an immense +precipice: the mountain, with its snow-topped summit, rising to a +great height on the left, and on the right the Pursek taking a large +sweep round the base of the mountain. Thus they made almost half the +circuit of it before they arrived at Kutáya. This is a large town with +an ancient castle, which stands upon a projecting point of the hill +rising above the town. Being the usual residence of the Beglerbeg of +Anatolia, Kutáya may in some measure be considered the capital of the +province, though much inferior in size to Smyrna, Tokát, and A´ngura. The +Pasha being absent with the army in Syria, the place was governed by a +Motsellim, who furnished the travellers with a tchaous to accompany them +to Constantinople, and orders for horses and other necessaries. Ancient +coins and gems may be collected in the bazars of Kutáya in considerable +numbers. + +March 30.—Halt at Kutáya. + +March 31.—From Kutáya to In-óghi, twelve hours: the weather fine, and the +road for the most part good. They soon crossed the Pursek, and passed at +first over a flat swampy road, inundated by floods from the mountains; +they then ascended a hill, upon the top of which the rocks appeared to +be of a hard and handsome kind of breccia. Thus they proceeded nearly +half the day’s journey: the scenery sometimes very dreary and barren; +at others grand and picturesque; but the country no where cultivated. +They then descended a steep slope to the Pursek, which they now crossed +for the second time since they had left Kutáya, and proceeded for some +distance along its left bank with high steep cliffs on each side; +among these, and along the river, grow a variety of trees and shrubs, +particularly evergreens. In one part conical and sharp-pointed rocks +arise to a great height, resembling in some places the spires and +ornamented sides of Gothic churches. Here the ancients had excavated +crypts, niches, and sepulchral chambers with doors and windows. After +the pass the valley opens into fine meadows, with the river winding +through the middle. Soon afterwards the road quits this valley and +turns to the right up another, watered by a small branch of the same +river; the route then passes through a tract of country where it winds +amidst clumps of evergreens beautifully disposed by nature upon a fine +turf, with hills, valleys, and lawns, as in an English park. Here they +met a company of Turks coursing with their greyhounds, who made them a +present of a hare. They then crossed a ridge, the absolute height of +which (though apparently inconsiderable, when compared with the adjacent +valleys) was indicated by large patches of snow lying upon the ground. +The country consists of fine pasture-lands, mixed with good timber-trees. +On a long descent from this place they looked down upon an extensive and +well cultivated plain, and at the foot of the descent they arrived at +In-óghi, a large village situated on the edge of the plains under the +vast precipices of a mountain of bare rock, excavated naturally into +caverns, and artificially into sepulchral chambers. Some of those in the +upper part of the heights are the abode of eagles, which are seen soaring +around them in great numbers. One enormous cavern is shut up in front by +a wall with battlements and towers, and seems once to have served as a +sort of citadel to the town. + +April 1.—From In-óghi to Shughut, five hours: the weather very clear. The +road passes over pleasant hills and dales, where appears a considerable +degree of cultivation. The country is interspersed with fine oaks and +beeches, and in one place there is a large forest. Some symptoms of +spring have begun to appear, but the season is not yet so forward as +it was upon the south coast in the beginning of February. Not a tree +has begun to bud: the corn is but just above the ground; and primroses, +violets, and crocuses, are the only flowers to be seen. At Shughut the +appearance was more wintry than when we passed in January; and the broad +summit of Olympus was capped with snow to a much greater extent. + + + + +CHAPTER IV. + +OF THE ANCIENT PLACES ON THE ROAD FROM ADALIA TO SHUGHUT, INCLUDING +REMARKS ON THE COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY OF THE ADJACENT COUNTRY. + + _Ancient Authorities—Cotyaeium—Termessus—Lake Ascania—Milyas— + Cibyra—Selge—Pednelissus—Cretopolis—Lyrbe—Sagalassus—Cremna— + Lysinoe—Sinda—Isionda—Tabæ, Tiaba—Mender-su at Sandukli the + ancient Obrimas—Ancient Sites on the four Roads of the Table, + which cross the modern Route from Adália to Shughut—Themisonium— + Cormasa—Celænæ or Apameia—Eumeneia—Apollonia—Euphorbium—Conni— + Eucarpia—Acmonia—Cadi—Azani—Synaus._ + + +I shall now submit to the reader some observations on the ancient +geography of the route of General Koehler and his party from Adália to +Shughut. + +This road traverses a part of Asia Minor upon which ancient history +throws little light. The text of Strabo is almost contradictory in +regard to some of the principal places which lay near the road; and the +itineraries supply no routes in this direction, though there are five in +the Peutinger Table which intersect it. + +The march of Alexander from Pamphylia to Gordium in Phrygia, as related +by Arrian; and the description by Livy of the progress of the Consul +Cneius Manlius in his Expedition from Cibyra into Pamphylia and from +thence by Sagalassus to Synnada and into Galatia, are the only historical +documents. As the passage of Livy is very detailed and was borrowed from +Polybius[149], its information deserves more confidence than is usually +due to that of a Latin author in regard to Grecian geography; and it +may hereafter be extremely useful, when the ancient ruins, with which +Pisidia and the adjacent districts are known to abound, shall have been +more explored. In the present state of our knowledge of the country, it +supplies not much positive information. + +The only point in General Koehler’s route which can be considered +absolutely certain is Cotyaeium. The position of that city in Phrygia +Epictetus, not far from Nacoleia, and Dorylæum[150], agrees perfectly +with that of Kutáya, the resemblance of which name to the Greek Κοτυάειον +is still more striking when we observe the identity of accent. + +There are two other places also in General Koehler’s route, upon the +ancient names of which we cannot entertain much doubt. These are +Termessus and the lake Ascania. The latter corresponds with the salt +lake of Burdur; for Arrian relates that Alexander, after having reduced +Sagalassus and some other strong places in Pisidia, passed by the lake +Ascania in his way to Celænæ (afterwards Apameia), and that the water +of this lake was so salt, that the inhabitants had no need of sea salt +for domestic purposes[151]. The same fact is mentioned by the anonymous +geographer of Ravenna. Perhaps this is the lake Ascanius, of which Pliny +remarks, that the upper surface of the water was fresh, while the lower +was nitrous[152]. + +The great ruins which General Koehler passed through at the ascent of the +mountains, on the second day of his departure from Adália, seem to be +those of Termessus, which, next to Selge, was the largest of the Pisidian +cities, and was situated at the passes of mount Solyma, leading from +the maritime plains through Milyas to the lake Ascania[153], and from +thence to Celænæ. Milyas was the country of the more ancient Solymi[154]; +and being also described by Strabo as the mountainous district, which +extended from the passes of Termessus to the district of Apameia, it +answers exactly to the elevated region which General Koehler traversed +after he had mounted the pass which I have supposed the Termessian. + +Between Milyas and the valley of the Mæander were Cabalis and the +Cibyratis[155]. The latter district, which long flourished under the +monarchy of a family named Moagetes[156], was a tetrapolis; the four +cities were, Cibyra, which had two votes in the general council, Œnoanda, +Balbura, and Bubon. The Cibyratis is clearly indicated by Strabo to have +been situated between Lycia and the parts of the valley of the Mæander +about Nysa and Antiocheia[157]; in the height of its prosperity, its +dependencies extended from Pisidia and Milyas to Lycia and Peræa of the +Rhodii[158]. Balbura and Bubon having been given to Lycia by Murena, on +the reduction of the last Moagetes, and Œnoanda having been included +in the same province, in the arrangement of Constantine[159], while +Cibyra was ascribed to Caria, it may be presumed that Cibyra lay to the +northward of the three other cities. This in some measure agrees with +Ptolemy, who places Bubon, Œnoanda, and Balbura in a district of Lycia +called Carbalia; under this name, as a part of Pamphylia, he ranges also +Termessus, Cretopolis, and six other towns; Cibyra he places in Phrygia. +Such are the data afforded by ancient history, to assist the traveller in +discovering the sites of the four cities of the Cibyratis. + +Polybius[160], in his account of the proceedings of Achæus, king of +the provinces _within_ Taurus, against Antiochus the Great[161], has +furnished a few data as to the situation of some of the towns on the +frontiers of Pisidia and Pamphylia. In relating the operations of +Garsyeris, commander of the army of Achæus, whose ostensible object was +to assist the people of Pednelissus against the Selgenses, Polybius +appears to apply the name of Climax to all the ridge of the mountains +Solyma, from the summit called Olympus on the shore of the Gulf of +Attaleia, to the great heights of Taurus. Garsyeris was at first unable +to penetrate through the passes of Mount Climax, leading to Pednelissus, +because they were occupied by the Selgenses, and particularly the pass +of Saporda—a place not mentioned by any other author. We know from +Strabo[162], that Pednelissus was situated inland from Aspendus; and +it has been seen that the principal pass of the Solyma was commanded +by the city of Termessus: Saporda, therefore, may perhaps have stood +at another pass which leads over the ridge of Solyma from Adália in +a W.N.W. direction to Dauas and Denizli. Cretopolis in Milyas, where +Garsyeris encamped before he attempted the passes, is shown from this +circumstance to have been on the western side of Mount Climax: and +the Etennenses, who, together with the Aspendii, joined the party of +Achæus against Selge, are stated by the historian to have inhabited the +mountains above that city,—being thus obviously the same people as the +Catennenses of Strabo[163]; who describes them as bordering on Selge and +the Homonadenses. + +Lyrbe, which, as well as Etenna, was still a bishopric in the ninth +century[164], under the metropolitan of Side, seems, from some verses of +Dionysius of Charax[165], to have stood between Termessus and Selge, a +little above the maritime plains, among hills once covered with olives, +but now affording little but pasture. + +There is great difficulty in reconciling the authority of Arrian with +that of Strabo in regard to the site of Sagalassus, otherwise called +Selgessus[166], one of the most important cities and most fertile +districts in Pisidia[167]; and which could not have been far from the +route of General Koehler. Arrian, in a passage already referred to, +seems to place it to the south of Burdur[168]; thus far agreeing with +Strabo, who, after describing the cities on the southern side of Mount +Taurus, just noticed, remarks that Sagalassus was _within_, or on the +northern side of Taurus, near Milyas[169], which district, as he tells us +in another place, extended northward as far as those of Sagalassus and +Apameia[170]. + +Strabo further informs us[171], that Sagalassus was one day’s journey +from Apameia; whereas Arrian relates that Alexander was five days in +marching from Sagalassus to Celænæ, passing by the lake Ascania. + +Nothing but an examination of this country by an intelligent traveller +can clear up this difficulty, or explain the passage of Strabo cited in +the note below; and for this purpose the ruins seen by Paul Lucas in this +country, and the others heard of by General Koehler, probably contain +ample materials. The remarkable site which gave name to Cremna[172] could +hardly elude research; and it is the more likely to preserve some remains +of antiquity, as having been a Roman colony. + +If by the _lake_, mentioned in the march of Manlius, Polybius, from whom +Livy has taken all this part of his history, meant the lake of Burdur, +Lysinoe may have occupied the site of Burdur; or more probably some +situation near the opposite end of the lake, where the future traveller +may perhaps find the river Lyses, from which Lysinoe seems to have taken +its name. And this might also lead to the discovery of the lake Caralitis +and Sinda[173]. + +It is evident from the passage of Livy just cited, that Sinda and +Isionda were different places, and not the same place as has sometimes +been supposed. Livy seems to agree with Strabo in placing Sinda to the +northward of Cibyra at the extremity of Pisidia bordering on Caria and +Phrygia; whereas Isionda appears clearly to have been on the Pamphylian +side of Termessus[174]. + +Dombai seems to be a corruption of Tabæ: hardly, indeed, a corruption, as +it is no more than the hard and rustic pronunciation of the Greek word +Τάβαι. The situation of Dombai accords very well with that which Strabo +assigns to Tabæ, for he places it in the part of Pisidia adjacent to +Phrygia and Caria[175], and names it among the cities which lay around +Apameia and Laodiceia, which is precisely the position of Dombai[176]. +The fertile plain which has obtained the name of Dombai-ovasi, or +Valley of Dombai, corresponds equally with the Ταβηνὸν πεδίον, which, +according to another passage of Strabo, lay on the confines of Phrygia +and Pisidia[177]. It can hardly be doubted that Livy has incorrectly +described Tabæ as situated on the frontier of Pisidia towards the +Pamphylian sea[178]. + +The river called the Mender-su, which General Koehler crossed at +Sandukli, seems to be that branch of the Mæander anciently called +Obrimas, the fountains of which were something more than two days’ +march from Synnada, and not far from Metropolis on the side towards +Apameia[179]. The modern application of the name Mæander (slightly +corrupted) to a stream which was anciently considered a tributary of +that river, is another instance of those natural changes of geographical +nomenclature, of which a similar example has already been given in the +case of the river Sangarius. + +It has already been remarked, that General Koehler’s route was crossed +by five of the Roman roads marked in the Peutinger Table. These are, +beginning from the southward, 1. From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge; +2. From Apameia Cibotus to Antiocheia of Pisidia; 3. From Apameia +to Synnada; 4. from Apameia to Dorylæum; 5. From Philadelphia to +Dorylæum.—The real situations of all these cities, except Antioch, being +known with sufficient exactitude, those of the intermediate places on +the several roads would also have been determined, had the distances in +the Table been accurate; but unfortunately, like some of those to which +I have already had occasion to advert, they are either imperfect or they +are obviously erroneous, when compared with the map. + +1. From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge, passing through Themisonium and +Cormasa.—Although the direct distance is upwards of 100 G. M. there +are only 46 M. P. marked in the Table, namely, 34 between Themisonium +and Cormasa, and 12 from Cormasa to Perge. If these two distances +were correct, therefore, the omitted distance between Laodiceia and +Themisonium ought to be supplied with about 100 M. P. It is impossible +to believe however that Themisonium, which is named by Strabo among the +smaller towns around Apameia and Laodiceia[180], could have been so far +to the south-east. Cormasa, on the other hand, must have been much more +than 12 M. P. from Perge; for it appears from Livy that Cormasa was at a +considerable distance from the borders of Pamphylia towards Lysinoe and +the lake of Burdur[181]; which agrees with Ptolemy, who names it among +the cities of Pisidia and next to Lysinia. The suspicion of inaccuracy in +this route of the Table is confirmed by the negligences which occur on +its continuation to Side; where the distance between Perge and Syllium +is wanting, and where Syllium and Aspendus occupy each other’s places. +Upon the whole, therefore, this route serves only to give us the line of +Themisonium and Cormasa, the distance between which two places (34 M. P.) +may perhaps be correct. And so far it may be an useful approximation to +the traveller. + +2. From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia.—There cannot be a stronger +proof of the little progress yet made in geographical discovery in Asia +Minor, than the fact, that the site of Apameia still remains unexplored. +Under the name of Celænæ, it was the capital of Phrygia; and in Roman +times, although not equal in political importance to Laodiceia, which was +the residence of the proconsul of Asia, it was inferior only to Ephesus +as a centre of commercial transactions[182]. It appears from Pococke to +have been at a place called Dinglar (or some such name), situated, as +well as we can discover amidst the negligence and want of precision which +are the usual characteristics of Pococke’s narrative, at 8 or 10 miles +on the right of the road leading from Khónos to Ishékle[183], and about +16 miles[184] to the southward of the latter place. Pococke himself had +no doubt that some remains of antiquity which he observed at Ishekle +were those of Apameia; thus overlooking, or failing to decypher, an +inscription which he copied at that place, and which clearly proves it to +be the site of Eumeneia or Eumenia[185]. + +Eumenia was situated on the river Glaucus, as appears from an existing +coin[186]. Pliny names the Glaucus, but places Eumenia upon the river +Cludrus. Possibly this may have been the name of the sources of the +Glaucus, those fine fountains which Pococke observed at Ishékle, and +which may perhaps join another stream in or near the town. + +As Eumenia is marked in the Table on the road from Dorylæum to Apameia +at 26 M. P. from the latter, we have a presumption in this datum alone +that Apameia was not far from Dinglar, the site of which modern place, +relatively to the other chief ancient cities of Phrygia, is in conformity +with that of Apameia, as described by Strabo[187]. Our knowledge of the +peculiarities of the place itself is derived from Pococke and some recent +travellers, who were informed that at the place called Dinglar or Dizla +there are many remains of antiquity under a high hill which has a lake +on the summit and a river falling down the face of the hill; for this +description of Dinglar accords precisely with that of Celænæ as given +by several ancient authors. According to Xenophon[188] the Mæander rose +in the palace of Cyrus, flowing from thence through his park and the +city of Celænæ: and the sources of the Marsyas were at the palace of +the king of Persia in a lofty situation under the acropolis of Celænæ. +From Arrian and Q. Curtius[189] we learn that the citadel was upon a +lofty precipitous hill, and that the Marsyas fell from its fountains +over the rocks with a great noise: from Herodotus[190] it appears that +the same river was from this circumstance called Catarrhactes; and from +Strabo[191], that a lake on the mountain above Celænæ was the reputed +source both of the Marsyas, which rose in the ancient city, and of the +Mæander. Comparing these authorities with Livy[192], who probably copied +his account from Polybius, with Pliny[193], with Maximus Tyrius[194], +and with the existing coins of Apameia[195], it may be inferred that a +lake or pool on the summit of a mountain which rose above Celænæ, and +which was called Celænæ or Signia, was the reputed source of the Marsyas +and Mæander; but that in fact the two rivers issued from different parts +of the mountain below the lake: that the lake was named Aulocrene, as +producing reeds well adapted for flutes, and that it gave the name of +Aulocrenis to a valley extending for ten miles from the lake to the +eastward: that the source of the Marsyas was in a cavern on the side +of the mountain in the ancient agora of Celænæ: that the Marsyas and +Mæander, both of which flowed through Celænæ, united a little below the +ancient site: that to this junction the city was removed by Antiochus +Soter, son of Seleucus Nicator, when he gave it a new name after his +mother Apama; and that the united stream was soon afterwards joined +by the Orgas and the Obrimas. Whether these inferences drawn from the +ancient authors are correct, will be decided by the future traveller. +He may also ascertain whether there are any volcanic rocks, the burnt +appearance of which will justify the etymologist[196] who ascribed to +that cause the origin of the word Celænæ; or he may discover the valley +of Aulocrenis, the scene of the celebrated contest of Apollo with +Marsyas, whose skin was still shown in the time of Herodotus, in the +acropolis of Celænæ[197]. + +I have been thus particular in laying before the reader the ancient +evidences on the site of Apameia, because it is a point of great +importance to the ancient geography of the western part of Asia +Minor,—not less so than Tyana is to the eastern: and because in regard +to both these places, I have the misfortune to differ from the author in +whose opinion the public is justly in the habit of placing the highest +confidence[198]. + +The Roman road from Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia passed through +Apollonia, otherwise called Mordiæum[199], which was 24 M. P. distant +from the former, and 45 from the latter. Although on account of our +ignorance of the site of Antiocheia, no exact comparison can be +instituted between the amount of the two numbers just mentioned and the +actual distance on the map, it is manifestly not very erroneous; and the +position of Apollonia therefore was probably at no great distance from +a town called Ketsibúrlu, which General Koehler passed through between +Burdur and Dombai, and which according to Abubekr Ben Behren is a kadilik +of Hamed, of which Isbárta is the chief city. Ptolemy places Apollonia +near Antiocheia; and its situation, between that city and Apameia, which +the Table gives, is in exact conformity with Strabo’s description of the +conquests of Amyntas. Having taken Derbe, and received Isauria from the +Romans, he made himself master of Antiocheia, and the country as far +as the district of Apollonia, near Apameia Cibotus[200], together with +Lycaonia and some part of Phrygia Paroreius. He took Cremna, but did not +venture on attacking Sandalium: and after capturing the greater part +of the places belonging to the Homonadenses, (whose tyrant he slew,) +he was himself destroyed by a stratagem of the wife of the latter. +Sulpicius Quirinius and the Romans afterwards reduced Homona:—all the +late territories of Amyntas were then placed under the government of a +præfect[201]. + +3. The ancient road from Apameia to Synnada must have crossed that of +Gen. Koehler at or near Sandukli, on the river now called the Mendere +(Mæander), but which anciently, I suppose to have been the Obrimas, a +branch of the Mæander. The total distance of 73 Roman miles on this road +agrees tolerably with the 66 geographical miles in direct distance, +which the map gives between the assumed site of Synnada and that of +Apameia at Dinglar. Euphorbium, the only place on the road mentioned +in the Table, and which was midway between the two extremes, will fall +at Sandukli. Euphorbium is noticed as a town in this part of Asia by +Pliny only, who tells us that its people formed,—together with those of +Metropolis, Peltæ, Acmonia and some other towns,—the _conventus_ held +under the Romans at Apameia[202]. + +4. The fourth Roman road which crossed the modern route from Adália to +Shughut, is that marked in the Table from Dorylæum to Apameia Cibotus, +leading through Nacoleia, Conni, Eucarpia, and Eumenia[203]. Although +the total distance of 148 M. P. on this road sufficiently agrees with +the 100 G. M. in direct distance on the map, it must be confessed that +the 26 Roman miles and the 15 geographical miles of direct distance, +between Eumeneia at Ishékle and Apameia at Dinglar, do not bear the +same proportion as the Roman and geographical numbers on the whole line; +and that, if I am right in the position of Nacoleia, the 20 M. P. of the +Table, between Dorylæum and Nacoleia, errs almost as much in defect, as +the 26 M. P. between Eumeneia and Apameia does in excess. But it is in +vain that we look for much accuracy of detail in the Table. The positions +of Nacoleia and Eumeneia rest upon very satisfactory grounds. All that +remains to be done, therefore, is to arrange Conni and Eucarpia between +Doganlu and Ishékle, at the proportional distances of the numbers in the +Table. This will place Conni not far to the southward of Altun Tash, near +where the roads to Altun Tash, both from Karahissár and from Sandukli, +cross the ancient road; a position which agrees with that of Conna in +Ptolemy[204], according to whom it appears to have been not far from +Cotyaeium, to the southward. Under the Byzantine emperors, Conna (then +called Cone[205]) was a bishopric of the province of Phrygia Salutaris, +of which Synnada was the metropolis. + +Eucarpia was another bishopric of the same province. Its name was derived +from the fertility of the soil[206], which by attaching the people to +agriculture may have contrasted them with those of the neighbouring +Euphorbium, celebrated probably for its flocks and pasture. The position +of Eucarpia in the Table agrees with that which Ptolemy gives it to the +southward of Conna. + +5. The fifth and last of the ancient roads intersected by the modern +road from Adália to Shughut was from Dorylæum to Philadelpheia: its two +extremities are known points; its length in direct distance is equal to +two degrees of latitude, or 120 G. M., which corresponds with as much +accuracy as one can expect to the 155 M. P. of the Table. The _line_, as +will be seen on referring to the map, leads directly through Kutáya. We +cannot doubt therefore that _Cocleo_, the first name occurring on this +road in the Table, is an error for Cotyaeio; especially as the distance +of 30 M. P. answers very well to the real distance from Eski-shehr +to Kutáya. The distance of 35 M. P. between Cotyaeium and Acmonia +furnishes the traveller with a good approximation for discovering the +site of the latter city, which is mentioned in one of the Orations of +Cicero[207], and which was one of the towns of the conventus of Apameia, +and afterwards a bishopric under the metropolitan of Laodiceia. It is +difficult to reconcile the position of Aludda, 25 miles beyond Acmonia on +the road to Philadelpheia, with that which may be inferred from Ptolemy, +who names Alydda among the towns of the greater Mysia, together with +Pergamum and Apollonia on the Rhyndacus. Clanudda I suspect to be an +erroneous writing; but its correction I am unable to discover. + +It is in the unexplored part of Phrygia Epictetus[208], lying between the +Thymbres and the branches of the Rhyndacus on the southern side of the +Olympene mountains, that the future traveller will seek for the Phrygian +cities of Cadi, Azani, and Synaus. One is much disposed at first sight to +consider the remarkable position of In-óghi, which General Koehler passed +through in his way from Kutáya to Shughut, to have been the site of one +of these cities of Phrygia Epictetus; but upon further examination, they +all appear to have been situated considerably to the westward of this +position. The Azanitis, or district of Azani, contained the sources of +the river Rhyndacus, which, after passing through the lake of Apollonia, +joined the Propontis opposite the island of Besbicus, having first +received the united waters of several streams from Mysia Abrettena, +particularly the Mecistus, which flowed from Ancyra Abassitis, a Phrygian +town on the frontier of Lydia[209]. Synaus appears to have been near +this Ancyra; for in the acts of one of the Councils, a bishop of the +Phrygian Ancyra signs himself Αγκύρας Συννάου, no doubt in order to +distinguish this Ancyra from the Galatian. Cadi also may be presumed to +have been to the westward of the meridian of In-óghi and Kutáya; for we +find that Cadi is assigned by some authors to Mysia[210]. It is precisely +in the situation, which may be inferred from this circumstance, combined +with what has been said of the position of Synaus and Azani,—that is to +say, between the Thymbres and the sources of the Rhyndacus,—that we find +a town of the name of Kodús, which has not been visited by any modern +traveller, but which is briefly described by Hadji Khalfa—as situated +on the banks of a river, in a plain surrounded by mountains. He adds +that the river, which bears the same name as the town, descends from +Mount Morad, and passes by Magnesia into the Gulf of Smyrna. We know +from modern travellers, that this river, which is the ancient Hermus, is +still called Kodús or Ghedís in all the lower part of its course; and +Kodús, it can hardly be doubted, is the same place as Καδοί, the name of +which the Turks received from the Greeks, in the usual Romaic form of the +accusative case Καδούς. + +In exploring the equally unknown country which extends to the southward +of this part of Phrygia Epictetus, towards the mountains Messogis and +Tmolus, and which formed the frontier of Lydia and Great Phrygia, the +traveller may derive assistance from a passage in Strabo[211], where +he enumerates the principal plains in their order from west to east. +Adjacent to the Caystrian, which lay between Tmolus and Messogis, was +the Cilbian, then the Hyrcanian, the plain of Cyrus, the Peltene, the +Cillanian, and the Tabene. It cannot be doubted that a journey through +these plains would lead to a knowledge of the general distribution of +the geography of the country, as well as to that of the sites of some +of the towns which gave name to the several plains. Peltæ, Lysias, +and Silbium appear to have been in the country northward of the upper +Mæander, which is traversed by the caravan route from Smyrna to Tokát: +but the few names and distances which Tavernier and Seetzen have left us +between Alláh-Shehr and Karahissár, throw no light whatever upon ancient +geography. + + + + +CHAPTER V. + +OF THE ANCIENT PLACES ON THE SOUTHERN COAST OF ASIA MINOR. + + +Although the _Karamania_ of Captain Beaufort has anticipated all that is +most interesting in regard to the southern coast, the publication which +has recently been made of his minute and accurate delineation of this +coast, induces me to enter into an examination of its ancient geography +at greater length than was consistent with the plan of the _Karamania_: +for poor and deserted as this country now is, the numerous remains of +antiquity which it possesses, attest that it was formerly one of the most +populous and flourishing regions of the ancient world. It is remarkable +that in Strabo, and in the anonymous Periplus, entitled the Stadiasmus +of the Sea (σταδιασμὸς τῆς θαλάσσης), a fragment of which is preserved +in the Madrid library, we have a more ample description of this coast +than of any other that has been distinguished by Grecian civilization: +and thus at the same time that history has preserved an abundance of +information concerning its ancient places, the survey of Capt. Beaufort +furnishes us with a most correct representation of its real topography. + +The most convenient mode of putting the reader in possession of the +ancient authorities on the sea coast of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia, +in order that he may compare them with the actual delineation, will be +to give a translation of its description by Strabo, subjoining in the +notes the collateral information of other ancient authors, together with +a few remarks suggested by a comparison of them. The passages of the +Stadiasmus I shall cite at length in the original language, because they +are found only in a scarce work. So minute is the description which this +coasting pilot has given, that nothing short of the detailed accuracy of +Captain Beaufort’s survey could have been sufficient to explain it, or to +detect and rectify the numerous errors which have been left in it by the +negligence and ignorance of the copier[212]. + +As Captain Beaufort’s survey begins at the gulf anciently called +Glaucus, and now the gulf of Mákri, I shall also begin the extract from +Strabo[213] at the same point, omitting all the passages which do not +assist in elucidating the geography. + +“Beyond Dædala, which is the last place in Peræa of the Rhodii(1), is +a mountain of the same name, from whence begins the coast of Lycia, +which is 1720 stades in circum-navigation, rugged and dangerous, but +provided with good harbours.... Near Dædala, a mountain of the Lycii, is +Telmissus, a small city of the Lycii, and Cape Telmissis with a harbour. +Next is Anticragus, a very steep mountain, under which is Carmylessus, +situated in a narrow valley: beyond it is Cragus, which has eight capes +and a city of the same name. It is to these mountains that the fables +related of the Chimæra are applied, and in the vicinity there is a ravine +called Chimæra opening to the sea. Under Mount Cragus in the interior +is Pinara, one of the largest cities in Lycia. Then occurs the river +Xanthus, formerly called Sirbe. It may be ascended in small boats to the +temple of Latona, which is situated ten stades above its mouth: sixty +stades above the temple is the city of the Xanthii, the greatest in +Lycia(2). Beyond the Xanthus is Patara, also a great city, and having +a port and a temple of Apollo, founded by Patarus(3).... Then occurs +Myra(4), situated twenty stades above the sea on a commanding hill; +then the mouth of the river Limyrus; and twenty stades inland from it, +the small town of Limyra. On the coast just mentioned are many harbours +and islands: of the latter, the largest is called Cisthene(5), and has +a town of the same name. In the interior are Phellus, Antiphellus(6), +and Chimæra, of which last we have already spoken. Beyond the mouth of +the Limyrus is the Sacred Promontory(7), and the three rugged islands +called the Chelidoniæ, equal in size, and distant from each other +about five stades, and from the continent six stades; one of them has +an anchorage. From hence it is generally thought that Mount Taurus +has its beginning.... But in truth the mountains are uninterrupted +from Peræa of the Rhodii, as far as the parts about Pisidia; and the +whole of this range also bears the name of Taurus.... From the Sacred +Promontory to Olbia there is a distance of 367 stades(8), in which space +occurs Crambusa(9) and Olympus: the latter is a large city, and has a +mountain of the same name, which is also called Phœnicus(10); next to +it is the coast named Corycus(11); and then Phaselis, a large city with +three harbours and a lake. Above Phaselis is Mount Solyma. Termessus, +a Pisidian city, is situated at the straits of Mount Solyma, where is +the ascent into Milyas. Alexander destroyed Termessus, because he was +desirous of opening those passes. Near Phaselis is the defile on the +sea-shore through which Alexander led his army. The mountain is called +Climax; it borders upon the Pamphylian sea, leaving a narrow passage +along the shore, which, when the sea is calm, is dry and practicable +to travellers, but when swollen, is, for the most part, covered by the +waves. The road over the mountain is circuitous and difficult, for +which reason the passage along the shore is preferred in fair weather. +Alexander happening to be here in the winter season, and trusting to +fortune, attempted to pass before the waves had subsided; the soldiers +in consequence had to march the whole day up to the middle in water(12). +Phaselis is a city of Lycia on the confines of Pamphylia; it does not, +however, belong to the community of the Lycians, but has a separate +government of its own. In like manner Homer considers the Solymi as +separate from the Lycians.... Next to Phaselis is Olbia(13), a great +fortress, and the beginning of Pamphylia; then the Catarrhactes, a +large and rapid river, which falls from a lofty rock, with a sound +heard at a great distance(14). Next is the city Attaleia, so named from +its founder Attalus Philadelphus, who having also introduced a colony +into the neighbouring town of Corycus, comprehended them within a wall, +which inclosed a space of ground of no great extent(15). It is said that +Thebe and Lyrnessus[214] are to be seen between Phaselis and Attaleia; +for Callisthenes informs us that a part of the Cilices of Troas being +driven out of the plain of Thebe, came into Pamphylia. Next is the river +Cestrus(16), navigable for sixty stades to Perge; near Perge, in a lofty +situation, is the temple of Diana Pergæa, where a religious assembly is +held every year. Then, at a distance of forty stades from the sea, is a +lofty city, conspicuous from Perge; then a lake of considerable size, +called Capria; and next the river Eurymedon; and a navigable ascent of +sixty stades to the populous city of Aspendus, which was a colony from +Argus. Higher up lies Pednelissus. Beyond (the Eurymedon) is another +river, with many small islands lying before it(17). Then occurs Side(18), +a colony from Cyme, and having a temple of Minerva. Near it is the coast +of the lesser Cibyra; then the river Melas(19), and a station for ships; +and then the city Ptolemais(20), beyond which are the boundaries of +Pamphylia and Coracesium, which is the beginning of Cilicia Tracheia. The +whole circumnavigation of Pamphylia is 640 stades. + +“Of Cilicia, beyond Taurus, a part is called Tracheia (rugged), and a +part Pedias (plain). Of the rugged, the maritime part is narrow, and has +very little or no level country; the part which the Taurus overhangs +is equally mountainous, and is thinly inhabited as far as the northern +flanks near Isaura, and the Homonadenses, and as far as Pisidia. Hence +the country is called Tracheiotis, and the inhabitants Tracheiotæ. +Cilicia Pedias extends from Soli and Tarsus as far as Issus; and includes +all the country as far as the part of Cappadocia which is adjacent to the +northern flank of Taurus. This division of Cilicia consists for the most +part of plains, and a fertile land. + +“Having spoken of the parts (of Cilicia) within Taurus[215], we shall now +proceed to speak of those without Taurus, beginning with Tracheiotis. The +first fortress of the Cilicians is Coracesium, built upon a precipitous +rock(21). Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon, made use of it as an arsenal, +when, with varying success, he headed an insurrection of Syria against +its kings, and at length was forced to put an end to his own life, upon +being blockaded in a certain fortress by Antiochus the son of Demetrius. +Tryphon set the example of piracy to the Cilicians, &c. + +“After Coracesium is Syedra(22), then Hamaxia(23), a small inhabited +place upon a rock, with a station for vessels below it, to which +ship-timber is brought down from the mountains. This consists chiefly of +cedar, a wood apparently very abundant in these parts; for which reason +Antonius gave this region to Cleopatra, as being well suited for fitting +out her fleets. Next occurs Laertes(24), a fortress situated upon a hill +shaped like a woman’s breast, and having an anchorage below it; then the +river Selinus; then Cragus, a rock rising from the sea, and precipitous +on every side; and then the castle of Charadrus, which has an anchorage +below it. The mountain Andriclus rises above Charadrus, beyond which is +a rugged shore called Platanistus, and the promontory Anemurium. Here +the continent lies nearest to the coast of Cyprus, at the promontory +Crommyon, the distance being 350 stades. From the frontier of Pamphylia +to Anemurium, the length of the coast of Cilicia is 820 stades; the +remainder, as far as Soli, is 500 stades(25). In this space Nagidus(26) +is the first city which occurs after Anemurium; then Arsinoe(27), +having a station for ships before it; then the place called Melania, +and Celenderis, a city with a harbour(28). Some consider this place, +and not Coracesium, as the beginning of Cilicia.... Next occurs Holmi, +where the people of Seleuceia first dwelt, but who after the erection +of Seleuceia upon the Calycadnus emigrated to that place. Immediately +after turning the shore which forms a promontory, called Sarpedon, is +the mouth of the Calycadnus; near the Calycadnus is Zephyrium, also a +promontory; the river is navigable up to Seleuceia, which is a populous +city(29).... Beyond the Calycadnus is the rock Pœcile(30), cut into steps +leading to Seleuceia. Then occurs Anemurium, a cape, of the same name as +the former, and the island Crambusa, and the promontory Corycus(31), 20 +stades above which is the Corycian cave.... Next to Corycus is Elæussa, +an island near the shore(32). The town was founded by Archelaus, and +became his residence when he took all Cilicia Tracheia, except Seleuceia, +in the same manner as Amyntas had it before him, and still earlier +Cleopatra.... The boundary of Cilicia Tracheia is between Soli and +Elæussa, at the river Lamus, where is a town of the same name.... Beyond +Lamus is the important city of Soli, the beginning of Cilicia Issensis: +it was founded by the Achæans, and the Rhodii of Lindus. To this place, +being in a deserted state, Pompey the Great removed such of the pirates +as he thought most worthy of clemency and protection, and named the place +Pompeiopolis(33).... Next occurs Zephyrium, of the same name as that at +the Calycadnus(34); then Anchiale, situated at a short distance from the +shore(35).... Above it is the fortress Cyinda, where the Macedonians +formerly kept their treasures, which Eumenes seized, rebelling against +Antigonus. Above this place and Soli are mountainous districts, where +is the city Olbe, with a temple of Jupiter, founded by Ajax the son of +Teucer.... Next to Anchiale are the mouths of the Cydnus, near the place +called Rhegma. This place, which resembles a lake, preserves some remains +of the naval arsenal, which it formerly contained; it is now the port of +Tarsus. The river Cydnus, which rises in the part of Mount Taurus above +Tarsus, flows through the middle of that city, and into the lake(36).... +Beyond the Cydnus is the Pyramus, flowing from Cataonia(37). Artemidorus +says that the distance from this river to Soli, in a direct line, is +500 stades. Near it is Mallus, situated upon a height; it was founded +by Amphilochus and Mopsus, who, having slain one another in single +combat, were buried so that the tomb of one should not be visible from +that of the other:—the sepulchres are now shown near Magarsa and the +Pyramus.... Above this coast is the plain called Aleium, through which +Philotas led the cavalry of Alexander, while the king himself conducted +the phalanx from Soli by the sea-coast and the Mallotis to Issus(38).... +Beyond Mallus is the town Ægææ, which has an anchorage below it, and +then the gates (Pylæ) Amanides. Here also is an anchorage; and here +Mount Amanus terminates, which joins to Taurus, and bounds Cilicia on +the East. Next to Ægææ is the small town of Issus, where the battle was +fought between Alexander and Darius. The gulf is called Issic: in it are +the towns Rhosus and Myriandrus, and Alexandreia, and Nicopolis, and +Mopsuestia(39): and the gates (Pylæ) as they are called, which are the +boundary of Cilicia and Syria.” + + +NOTES. + +(Note 1.) Peræa (from Πέρα) was the name of the coast of Caria opposite +to Rhodus, which for several centuries formed a dependency of that +opulent republic. In the time of Scylax, the Rhodii possessed only the +peninsula immediately in face of their island. As a reward for their +assistance in the Antiochian war, the Romans gave them a part of Lycia +and all Caria as far as the Mæander. By having adopted a less prudent +policy in the second Macedonic war, they lost it all, including Caunus, +the chief town of Peræa. It was not long, however, before it was restored +to them, together with the small islands near Rhodus; and from this time +Peræa retained the limits which Strabo has described, namely, Dædala on +the east, and Mount Loryma on the west, both included. Vespasian finally +reduced Rhodus itself into the provincial form, and joined it to Caria. +Liv. l. 38. c. 39.—l. 45. c. 20, 25. Cicero, Ep. ad Fratrem. l. 1. c. 1. +Sueton. in Vespas. c. 8. + +(2) The names and distances on this part of the coast, in the anonymous +Periplus or Stadiasmus, which proceeds in a contrary direction to Strabo +(or from east to west), are as follows: + + Ἀπὸ Πατάρων ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν ὑπέρκειται πόλις Ξάνθος σταδ. ξ. + (60.) + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ Ξάντου εἰς Πύδνας ἐπ’ ἐπευθείας σταδ. ξ. (60.) + + Ἀπὸ Πύδνων ἕως τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας σταδ. π. (80.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας εἰς Καλαβαντίαν σταδ. λ. (30.) + + Ἀπὸ Καλαβαντίων εἰς Περδικίας σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Περδικίων εἰς Κισσίδας σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Κισσίδων εἰς νῆσον Λάγουσαν σταδ. π. (80.) + + Ἀπὸ Λαγούσων εἰς Τελεμενσὸν σταδ. εʹ. (5.) + +Here it may be observed, that, reckoning about ten stades to the +geographical mile, the total coasting distance of 355 stades between +Telmissus and the Xanthus is not incorrect when applied to the map; that +the 140 stades from the Xanthus to Cape Hiera, carries us to the most +projecting point of the Efta Kávi, or _Seven Capes_, as the _eight_ +promontories of Mount Cragus mentioned by Strabo are now called; and +that the 130 stades from Cape Hiera to Cissides, and the 85 stades from +Cissides to Telmissus,—concur in showing that Cissides was the name of +the peninsular promontory, on the south side of which is the island and +harbour of St. Nicholas. As the ruins upon this cape and island, which I +visited in coasting from Castel Rosso to Mákri, indicate a late period +of the Roman Empire, it is probable that the town did not exist in the +time of Strabo; for the position will not answer to that of Carmylessus, +which, according to the Geographer, was in a φάραγξ, or narrow valley, +of Mount Anticragus. The exact situation of Carmylessus, therefore, +still remains unknown; as well as that of the cities of Cragus, of +Pinara at the foot of Mount Cragus, and of Tlos at the passage of the +mountains leading from the sea-coast into the Cibyratis[216]. According +to Artemidorus,—Pinara, Tlos, Patara, Xanthus, Myra, and Olympus were the +six great cities of Lycia: so that Telmissus, which is styled a πολίχνη, +probably had not in the time of Artemidorus reached that importance +which its theatre shows that it afterwards enjoyed. The ruins remarked +by Captain Beaufort under Mount Cragus, at the northern extremity of +the sandy beach which extends to the river Xanthus, seem to answer to +the Pydnæ of the Stadiasmus: it is perhaps the same as the Cydna, which +Ptolemy places among the cities of Mount Cragus. + +(3) The port of Patara, which was too small to contain the allied fleet +of the Romans, Rhodii, and other Greek states under the command of L. +Æmilius Regillus in the Antiochian war[217], is now entirely choked up by +encroaching sands. The ruins of the city are extensive; consisting of the +town-walls, and of numerous sepulchres on the outside; and within, of the +remains of several public buildings. Among these is a theatre, in good +preservation, and nearly of the same size as that of Telmissus; it is 295 +feet in diameter, with thirty-four rows of seats, and a proscenium, upon +which a long inscription shows that the theatre was built by Q. Velius +Titianus, and dedicated by his daughter Velia Procla, in the fourth +consulate of the Emperor Antoninus Pius (A.D. 145). Appian remarks, that +Patara was like a port to Xanthus; which city appears from Strabo and +the Stadiasmus to have been on the banks of the river Xanthus, eight or +nine miles above Patara. Ruins are known to exist in this situation, but +they have not yet been described by any modern traveller. According to +Arrian[218], it seems to have been on the left bank of the river; for +Alexander crossed the river Xanthus from Telmissus, before he took the +cities Pinara, Xanthus, and Patara. Hence, also, we have some light on +the site of Pinara. + +(4) Myra still preserves its ancient name, together with the ruins of a +theatre 355 feet in diameter; the remains of several public buildings, +and numerous inscribed sepulchres, on some of which are the Lycian +characters, found also at Limyra, Telmissus, and Cyana. The distance +of the ruins of Myra from the sea corresponds very accurately with the +twenty stades of Strabo. + +Andriace, described as the port of Myra by Appian[219], and which is +named also by Pliny and Ptolemy, is still called Andráki. On the banks of +the river by which Lentulus ascended to Myra, after breaking the chain +which closed the port, are the ruins of a large building, which appears +by an inscription to have been a granary of Hadrian. Here are also +several other remains of antiquity. + +(5) There is no variation in the MSS. of Strabo in this place, and +Isocrates also names Κισθήνη in a manner which leads one to believe +that he is speaking of a place on this coast[220]. Later writers, +however, make no mention of Cisthene; and Ptolemy[221], Pliny[222], +and Stephanus[223], agree in showing that Megiste and Dolichiste were +the two principal islands on the coast of Lycia: the former word +(_greatest_) well describing the island of Kastelóryzo, or Castel Rosso, +as the latter word (_longest_) does that of Kákava. Nor is Scylax less +precise in pointing out Kastelóryzo as Megiste; which name is found in an +inscription copied by Mr. Cockerell from a rock at Castel Rosso[224]. It +would seem, therefore, that this island was anciently known by both names +(Megiste and Cisthene), but in later times perhaps chiefly by that of +Megiste. Its convenience to maritime war and commerce must have secured +its importance in every age; whence its mention in the narrative, by +Livy[225], of the transactions of the Rhodian fleet against Antiochus, +would alone perhaps have been sufficient, without other evidence, to +identify Castel Rosso with Megiste, although the historian describes +Megiste as a port only, not as an island. The anonymous Periplus, or +Stadiasmus, has accurately enumerated the islands between Antiphellus +and Patara, in the passage cited in a following Note. His Rhope and +islands of Xenagoras are evidently the Rhoge and Enagora of Pliny. Rhoge +is now called St. George. The two islands of Xenagoras, now named Volo +and O’khendra, are situated at the mouth of the bay of Kalamáki; the +situation of which harbour, two miles eastward of the ruins of Patara, +accords, no less than its steep rocky shore, with the description of Port +Phœnicus, from whence, in the course of the operations against Antiochus, +C. Livius made an unsuccessful attempt upon Patara[226]. + +(6) Strabo is inaccurate in placing Antiphellus among the inland towns, +ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ, in contradiction to Ptolemy, Pliny, and the author +of the Stadiasmus. There can be no doubt of the ruins on the coast +opposite to Castel Rosso being those of Antiphellus: the ancient name +is still preserved in the corrupted form of Andífilo; at which place I +distinguished on many of the ancient tombs the word Ἀντιφελλείτης, which +is found to be the ethnic adjective in Stephanus of Byzantium. + +(7) The name of the Chelidoniæ insulæ has been transferred to Cape Hiera, +or the Sacred Promontory, which is now called Cape Khelidhóni. The +following is the description of the coast between Patara and the Sacred +Promontory in the Stadiasmus, which, as I have already observed, travels +in an opposite direction to Strabo, or from east to west:— + + Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας ἐν Μελανίππη σταδ. λ. (30.) + + Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης εἰς Γάγας σταδ. ξ. (60.) + + Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης ἐπὶ Ταμὸν (leg. ποταμὸν) ἀλμυρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.) + ὑπὲρ σταδ. ξ. (60.) κεῖται πόλις Ἀλμυρὰ καλουμένη. + + Ἀπὸ Μελανίππης (τοῦ Λιμύρου?) εἰς πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον καλούμενον + σταδ. ξ. (60.) + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰσίου πύργον εἰς Ἀδριακὴν σταδ. ξ. (60.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἀδριακὴς εἰς Σόμηναν σταδ. δ. (4.) + + Ἀπὸ Σόμηναν εἰς Ἀπέρλας σταδ. ξ. (60.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἀκρωτηρίου εἰς Ἀντίφελλον σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἀντιφέλλου εἰς νῆσον Μεγέστην σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Μεγέστης εἰς νῆσον Ῥόπην σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Ῥόπης εἰς τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσους σταδ. τ. (300.) + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσων εἰς Πάταραν σταδ. ξ. (60.) + +The greater part of the distances towards the beginning of this extract +are quite unintelligible. Melanippe, however, seems to accord with +the bay on the north side of Cape Khelidhóni. This place may possibly +have been the port of Gagæ, which was a city of some celebrity[227], +and appears from Scylax to have been near the coast, between Limyra +and the Chelidoniæ. Being also named by Pliny[228] as near Olympus and +Corydalla,—which last place, according to the Peutinger Table, was +29 miles from Phaselis on the road to Patara,—the site of Gagæ will +accord very well with the ruins marked in Captain Beaufort’s survey at +Aladjá, five miles from the centre of the Bay of Fínika. Following the +same direction into the interior, we ought to meet with the remains of +Corydalla, coins of which city are still extant. Rhodiopolis, also, +called Rhodia by Stephanus and Ptolemy, which Pliny names next to +Corydalla, and which Ptolemy enumerates together with Corydalla, among +the cities adjacent to Mount Masicytus,—would also probably be found in +the neighbouring part of the interior of Lycia[229]. And here it may +be observed, that the position of several of the towns which Ptolemy +enumerates around Mount Masicytus[230], are now determined with a degree +of accuracy sufficient at least to show the situation and extent of that +mountain, a very lofty projection of which separates the bays of Fínika +and Myra, under the name of Cape Fínika. + +Following the Stadiasmus to the westward, we cannot doubt that his river +Almyrus is a corruption of Limyrus, mentioned, together with the town +of Limyra, by Pliny and Stephanus, as well as by Strabo. The remains of +Limyra are found at Fínika, on the river which enters the bay of Fínika +at its western angle: not, however, at a distance of sixty stades +from the river’s mouth, as the Stadiasmus indicates, but, as Strabo +remarks, at twenty. Some of the curious sepulchres inscribed in the +Lycian character and dialect, which Mr. Cockerell found here, have been +published by him in the 2d volume of Walpole’s Collection (p. 524). A +stream which joins the sea close to the mouth of the Limyrus, seems to +be the Arycandus of Pliny[231], which name we learn to have been that of +a Lycian city, from Hierocles, from Stephanus, and from the Scholiast +of Pindar[232], who speaks also of a sacred place called Embolus in +its vicinity. That Arycanda was in this part of the country, might be +presumed likewise from an inscription found by Mr. Cockerell[233] at +Limyra, in honour of a person who had acquired the rites of citizenship +at Arycanda and Olympus. Some vestiges of Arycanda, therefore, might +possibly be found on the banks of the river above mentioned. I am +inclined to think that the name of a town near Mount Masicytus, which in +some of the copies of Ptolemy is Τριβένδα, and in others Ἀρένδαι, ought +to be Ἀρυκάνδαι. Pliny places Arycanda (perhaps improperly) in Milyas. + +In Captain Beaufort’s survey, we find the beach of Myra bounded to the +west by a small rocky cape, called Pýrgo. This seems to be the tower +named Isium (εἰς Πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον καλούμενον) in the Stadiasmus; though in +arriving at that conjecture we must overlook the distance from Andriace +there stated. As to the distance of the same tower from Melanippe, I +take that word to have been a mistake of the copier of the Stadiasmus +for Limyrus: the repetition of Melanippe a second time was necessary, +because Gagæ being an inland place, the Periplus was obliged to revert +to Melanippe: and this second repetition may have led to an erroneous +repetition a third time; for it is to be observed that the total distance +from Cape Hiera to Andriace _minus_ that from Melanippe to Gagæ is +correct. And so is the distance (120 stades) from Limyrus to Andriace, +assuming the correction which I have mentioned. + +To the westward of Andriace we have two ancient sites determined by +inscribed sepulchres, which record the name of the city, and the +inscriptions upon which have been copied by Mr. Cockerell:—that of Cyana, +or the city τῶν ΚΥΑΝΕΙΤΩΝ, at the head of Port Trístomo, as the inner +part of the bay behind the island of Kákava, is now called ——; and that +of Aperlæ, or the city τῶν ΑΠΕΡΛΕΙΤΩΝ at the head of Assar Bay. In our +copies of Pliny, the former name is written Cyane; in Hierocles and +the Notitiæ Episcopatuum it is Cyaneæ. The Stadiasmus has omitted it, +probably because it is at a considerable distance from the open sea. +Aperlæ is erroneously written by Ptolemy Aperræ, by Pliny Apyræ; in the +Notitiæ the bishopric is styled Ἀπριλλῶν: in Hierocles and the Stadiasmus +we find the orthography correct. The Somena of the Stadiasmus we can +hardly doubt to be the same place as the Simena mentioned as a Lycian +city by Pliny (l. 5. c. 27.), and by Stephanus. Simena is placed by the +Stadiasmus at four stades to the westward of Andriace, precisely in +which situation we find some sepulchres marked in the survey of Captain +Beaufort. A further examination of these monuments might perhaps discover +the name of Simena as that of the ancient town which stood here. + +(8) The Stadiasmus describes the places between Attaleia and Cape Hiera +as follows:— + + Ἀπὸ Ἀτταλείας ἐπὶ χωρίον Τένεδον σταδ. κ. (20.) + + Ἀπὸ Τενέδου εἰς Λύρναντα χωρίον σταδ. ξ. (60.) ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως + ὄρος μέγα ὑπέρκειται Φασίλις ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ. + (_deest_.) + + Ἀπὸ Κωρύκου ἐπὶ τὸν Φοινικοῦντα σταδ. λ. (30.) ὑπὲρ μέγα ὄρος + ὑψηλὸν κεῖται Ὄλυμπος καλούμενον. Ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος ἐπ’ εὐθείας εἰς + Κράμβουσαν σταδ. ρ. (100.) + + Ἀπὸ Κραμβούσης ἐπὶ χώρας Ποσιδαρισοῦντος σταδ. λ. (30.) + + Ἀπὸ Ποσιδαρισοῦντος ἐπὶ Μωρὸν ὕδωρ καλούμενον σταδ. λ. (30.) + + Ἀπὸ Μωροῦ ὕδατος ἐπὶ ἄκραν Ἱερὰν καὶ νῆσον Χελιδονίαν σταδ. ν. + (50.) + +Captain Beaufort discovered the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash, and those +of Phaselis at Tékrova; the inscriptions at either place leaving no doubt +of the identity. The ὄρος μέγα, in the second paragraph of the above +passage of the Stadiasmus, is Mount Solyma, which extends 70 miles to +the northward, but the highest part of which, now called Taghtalu, is +immediately above the ruins of Phaselis. From the third paragraph of the +preceding passage of the Stadiasmus compared with Strabo, it appears +that the names Phœnicus and Olympus were applied indifferently, both +to the city which stood at Deliktash and to the mountain above it. In +the inscriptions, however, and in the coins of this city, Olympus only +occurs. In several of the inscriptions found at Deliktash, the name of +the people is written ΟΛΥΝΠΗΝΟΙ, in others, as well as on the existing +coins, it is ΟΛΥΜΠΗΝΟΙ, and thus also we find the name in the ancient +authors. Scylax, in the place of Olympus, names the cape and harbour of +Siderus[234]; and it cannot be doubted that he meant the bay of Deliktash +or Olympus; for he adds that in the mountain above there was a temple +of Vulcan, at which there was a perpetual fire issuing from the earth, +exactly as Captain Beaufort discovered it, at a short distance above the +ruins of Olympus. + +(9) Crambusa is an island still known by its ancient name, slightly +corrupted. It is probably the same as the Dionysia of Scylax and Pliny. + +(10) Strabo in a subsequent passage (p. 671) remarks, that all Lycia, +Pamphylia, and Pisidia, were visible from Mount Olympus; and that upon it +was the fortress of a celebrated pirate named Zenicetus. + +(11) The Corycus of the Stadiasmus corresponds exactly in situation with +that which Strabo describes as a coast (Κώρυκος αἰγαλός) between Olympus +and Phaselis; and Lyrnas is evidently the representative of Lyrnessus; +which Homer mentions together with Thebe. According to Strabo, Thebe and +Lyrnessus were supposed to have been between Phaselis and Attaleia. + +(12) Arrian (l. 1. c. 26.) relates the same occurrence in the following +manner: “Alexander moving from Phaselis, sent part of his army through +the mountain to Perge, the Thracians pointing out the road, which was +difficult, but not long. Those attached to his person, were led by +himself along the sea-side. This road cannot be used, except when the +wind is northerly; when the south wind blows, it is impracticable. When +Alexander arrived there, a north wind succeeding to violent south winds, +rendered the passage short and easy; an accident which, by Alexander and +his court, was considered as having happened by the interposition of some +deity.” + +The incident is well illustrated by the actual geography; for the whole +coast, from the ruins of Phaselis to the western corner of the plain of +Attaleia, consists of a lofty mountain, rising abruptly from the shore. +Arrian, in saying that the passage was not long through the mountains +from Phaselis into the plains where Perge was situated, shows that there +was a pass in Mount Solyma not far from Attaleia; for Alexander was not +yet in possession of Termessus, which commanded the principal pass of +Mount Solyma, and the detour that way instead of being short would have +been very long. + +(13) The position of Olbia is still uncertain; but as Strabo and Ptolemy +agree in placing it at the beginning of Pamphylia, between Attaleia +and the Lycian frontier, I am inclined to think that its remains may +still be found (especially if Strabo has truly described it as a great +fortress) in some part of the plain which extends for seven miles from +the modern Adália to the foot of Mount Solyma. Stephanus, who states +that the name is properly Olba, not Olbia, adds that it did not belong +to Pamphylia, but to the country of the Solymi—a strong presumption that +it stood upon or at the foot of Mount Solyma. As the Stadiasmus was a +Periplus, the omission of Olbia is at once explained, if we suppose it +to have been situated at some distance from the coast: and as Captain +Beaufort’s survey was equally a Periplus, the same circumstance would +account for the site of Olbia having eluded his researches. The following +is the description of the coast between Coracesium and Attaleia in the +Stadiasmus: + + Ἀπὸ Κορακησίου εἰς Αὔνησιν ἐπὶ χωρίον Ἀνάξιον σταδ. π. (80.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἀναξίων εἰς χωρίον καλούμενον Αὐγὰς σταδ. ο. (70.) + + Ἀπὸ Αὐγῶν ἐπὶ ἀκρωτήριον Λευκόθειον σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Λευκοθείου εἰς Κύβερναν σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Κυβέρνης ἐπὶ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν Μέλανον σταδ. θ. (9.) + + Λοιπὸν Παμφυλία. + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ εἰς Σίδην σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Σίδης εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. π. (80.) + + Ἀπὸ Σελευκείας εἰς ποταμὸν πλωτὸν καλούμενον Εὐρυμέδοντα σταδ. ρ. + (100.) + + Ἀπὸ Κυνοσθρίου ἐπὶ ποταμὸν καλούμενον Κεστρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.) + ἀναπλεύσαντι τὸν ποταμὸν πόλις ἐστὶ Πέργη τοῦ Κέστρου ἐπὶ + Ῥουσκόποδα. + + Ἀπὸ Ῥουσκόποδος ἐπὶ Μάσουραν καὶ τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Μασούρας εἰς Μυγδάλην σταδ. ο. (70.) + + Ἀπὸ Μυγδάλων εἰς Ἀττάλειαν σταδ. ι. (10.) + +(14) Pomponius Mela gives a similar description of the +Catarrhactes:—“Deinde duo validissimi fluvii, Cestros et Catarrhactes: +Cestros navigari facilis, hic quia se præcipitat ita dictus. Inter +eos, Perga est oppidum.” The Stadiasmus affords a still more accurate +allusion to its present state, by using the plural τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας, +the Cataracts. The river on approaching the coast divides itself into +several branches, which in falling over the cliffs that border the coast +from Laara to Adália, form upon their upper part a mass of calcareous +deposition, projecting considerably beyond the perpendicular line of the +cliffs. Through the calcareous crust, the water makes its way to the sea; +and being thus separated into several streams by a natural process, which +has been rapidly increasing in its operation in the course of time, the +river has now no determinate mouth (as it may perhaps have had in former +ages), unless it be after heavy rains, when, as I saw it in passing along +the coast, it precipitates itself copiously over the cliffs near the most +projecting point of the coast a little to the west of Laara. Besides this +natural peculiarity which divides the Catarrhactes into many branches, +its main stream is further diminished by the derivations which turn the +mills and supply water to the gardens and town of Adália. + +(15) I am aware that this passage has been differently interpreted. The +words of Strabo are these: Εἶτα πόλις Ἀττάλεια, ἐπώνυμος τοῦ κτίσαντος +Φιλαδέλφου καὶ οἰκίσαντος εἰς Κώρυκον πολίχνιον ἄλλην κατοικίαν ὅμορον +καὶ μικρὸν περίβολον περιθέντος. That the meaning of the geographer was +that which I have given, seems confirmed by Demetrius, as quoted by +Stephanus in the following words, in which, however, he has misnamed +Cilicia for Pamphylia: Ἀττάλεια ... οἱ δὲ τὴν Κιλικίας Κώρυκον οὕτω +φασὶ λέγεσθαι, ὡς Δημήτριος· ἀπὸ Ἀττάλου Φιλαδέλφου κτίσαντος αὐτήν. It +seems, therefore, that Attalus sent a colony to occupy the shore of the +harbour of Adália, near a small town then called Corycus; that Corycus +also received a part of the colony, and that he inclosed that town and +his new settlement within the same walls. The passage of Strabo is +further illustrated by Suidas, (in Κωρυκαῖος,) who says that Corycus was +a cape of Pamphylia, where Attaleia was built: Κώρυκος γὰρ τῆς Φαμφυλίας +ἀκρωτήριον παρ’ ᾧ πόλις Ἀττάλεια. + +Captain Beaufort expresses his conviction that the modern Adália stands +on the site of Olbia; and he places Attaleia at some ancient ruins, which +he discovered at Laara, to the eastward of the Catarrhactes. D’Anville, +as well as M. Gosselin (See the new French translation of Strabo, l. 14. +c. 4.), are of a similar opinion. This opinion is founded entirely upon +the order of names in Strabo, though he is contradicted by the evidence +of Ptolemy[235], of the Stadiasmus, and of the modern name of Adália. +To me it appears that the ruins at Laara, whose position possesses no +advantages adapted to the seat of a colony, are too inconsiderable +for those of a city, the importance of which may be traced from the +time of its Pergamenian founder, through the history of the Greeks, +Romans, Crusaders, and Byzantines, down to the Turkish conquest of +Constantinople, without any indication or probability of a change of +situation. Adália possesses all the natural advantages likely to have +made it the chief settlement of the adjacent country, when the power of +Asia became embodied under the successors of Alexander. The walls and +other fortifications—the magnificent gate or triumphal arch, bearing an +inscription in honour of Hadrian—the aqueduct—the numerous fragments of +sculpture and architecture—the inscribed marbles found in many parts of +the town—the Episcopal church, now converted into a mosque—the European +coats of arms seen upon this church and upon the city walls—and lastly, +the bishopric of Attaleia (τῆς Ἀτταλείας), of which Adália is still the +see—appear to me incontrovertible evidences of identity[236]. In regard +to the names Adália and Satalía applied to the place by the Turks and +Italians respectively, it may not be unworthy of observation that they +are both taken immediately from the Greek; the former from the nominative +or accusative case (ἡ Ἀττάλεια, or στὴν Ἀττάλειαν), which were the forms +most frequently used by the Greeks in speaking of the town itself; the +latter from the genitive case (τῆς Ἀτταλείας), this being perhaps the +case which the Italian navigators are chiefly in the habit of hearing the +Greeks employ in speaking of the gulf or port (of the κόρφος or πόρτος +τῆς Ἀτταλείας). The great difference of sound in the two modern words has +been the necessary consequence of the difference between the accent of +the gen. case of the Greek word, and that of the nom. or acc. The Turkish +name Adália is precisely the Greek, except that the Turks have hardened +the tt into d. + +The vestiges of an ancient town and port, which Captain Beaufort +observed at Laara, answer to the Magydus of Ptolemy, a place which +flourished under the Byzantine Empire, and was a bishopric of the +province of Pamphylia[237]. The Masura of the Stadiasmus, and the Μάσηδος +of Scylax, appear to be the same place as Magydus. + +(16) Although the ancient geography of the coast of Pamphylia cannot be +thoroughly illustrated until the position of its chief towns is examined +and ascertained, there seems little doubt that the four rivers mentioned +by Strabo,—namely the Cestrus, the Eurymedon, a third river not named +with islands before it, and the Melas,—are accurately fixed by the +survey of Captain Beaufort and the route of General Koehler, confronted +with Strabo, the Stadiasmus, Zosimus[238], and Pomponius Mela[239]. The +Cestrus is that which General Koehler crossed at two hours to the west of +Stavros, and the ruins which he had on his left hand in crossing it seem +to be those of Perge. The Eurymedon is called Kápri-su, a name derived +from the ancient city of Capria, which, as well as can be understood from +the imperfect text of Strabo, stood at the distance of about two miles +from the sea, upon the banks of a lake of the same name, which occupies a +part of the maritime region between the Eurymedon and Cestrus. The name +of Kápri has, by a process not uncommon, been transferred from the lake +or city to the neighbouring river Eurymedon. The remains of Aspendus +ought to be found at six or eight miles from the mouth of the Eurymedon, +on a lofty precipitous height on the banks of the river[240]. Higher up +was Pednelissus. But the most interesting discovery in this part of the +country would be Selge, a colony from Laconia, situate on the frontiers +of Pisidia and Pamphylia, in a very fertile district, difficult of +approach, in the upper regions of Mount Taurus, near the sources of the +Cestrus and Eurymedon[241]. + +(17) There can be little doubt that the river without a name here +mentioned, is that which is marked on the map between Side and the +Eurymedon, although instead of any islands before it, nothing is now seen +but some rocks below or even with the water’s surface. In proceeding by +sea from Alaya to Castel Rosso, I remained for two or three days in the +mouth of this river, in a two-masted vessel of Alaya of about 50 tons. It +is the only river which affords shelter, or even entrance to a boat; the +Cestrus and Eurymedon, although much larger streams, being now closed by +_bars_. It is very probable that the remains of Sylleium would be found +upon the banks of this river, for which we have no name either ancient +or modern; for Sylleium appears both from Scylax and Arrian[242] to have +been situate between Side and the Eurymedon; and as it continued to be a +place of importance under the Byzantine empire, and became the principal +bishopric of the province of Pamphylia upon the decline of Perge, and +superior even in rank to Attaleia[243], I have little doubt that its +site might be ascertained. According to the Stadiasmus, there stood +also between Side and the Eurymedon one of the numerous places named +Seleuceia. This may perhaps have been the port of Sylleium. The relative +distances of the Stadiasmus, which are tolerably correct on this part +of the coast, would place Seleuceia in the bay to the eastward of the +nameless river. At the mouth of that river I did not observe any remains +of antiquity. + +(18) The fine ruins of Side have been described by Captain Beaufort. Its +site is decisively fixed by the inscriptions found there. The extensive +moles and artificial harbours, of which the remains still exist, +illustrate the remark of Strabo, that Side was the chief port and place +of construction of the piratic fleets; and its magnificent theatre, 400 +feet in diameter, indicates that under the more civilised government of +the Romans it still continued to be the chief city of this coast. Though +the Turks are so ignorant as to give it the name of Eski Adália (Old +Attaleia), the name of Side was not unknown to their geographers 150 +years ago, being mentioned by Hadji Khalfa. The Greeks give the name of +Παλαιὰ Ἀττάλεια to the ruins of Perge. + +(19) There can be no doubt that the Melas is the river now called +Menavgát-su, for Zosimus and Mela[244] agree in showing its proximity to +Side. Strabo, Mela, and the Stadiasmus, all place it to the eastward of +Side; and the distance of 50 stades in the Stadiasmus between the Melas +and Side, is precisely that which occurs between the ruins of Side and +the mouth of the river of Menavgát. + +Cape Karáburnu being the most remarkable projection upon this coast, +seems to be the promontory Leucotheius of the Stadiasmus, although the +modern name implies _black_ and the ancient _white_. The situation of +Karáburnu relatively to Coracesium and the Melas, agrees also with that +of Leucotheius with regard to the same places in the Stadiasmus. It is +probably the same as the Cape Leucolla of Pliny[245]. + +If the Κύβερνα of the Stadiasmus is the same as the Little Cibyra of +Strabo, as we can hardly doubt, there is a manifest disagreement between +the two authorities in regard to the position of its territory. It is +probable that the text of Strabo is in fault, and that in the order of +names the coast of Lesser Cibyra should follow instead of preceding the +Melas; for it is difficult to believe that any other territory should +have been interposed between that of so large a city as Side and a river +which was only four miles distant from it. The vestiges of Cibyra are +probably those observed by Captain Beaufort upon a height which rises +from the right bank of a considerable river about 8 miles to the eastward +of the Melas, about 4 miles to the westward of Cape Karáburnu, and nearly +2 miles from the shore. Ptolemy[246] places Cibyra among the inland +towns of Cilicia Tracheia; Scylax names it as a city of Pamphylia, near +Coracesium. + +The 200 stades of the Stadiasmus between Coracesium and Leucotheius, +accord tolerably well with the 16 G. M. of the map between Alaya +Coracesium and Karáburna: and although the relative distances of the +two ancient ruins which occur in this interval do not very accurately +agree with the two places mentioned in that Periplus, I am inclined to +consider the easternmost of the ruins as Anaxia, and the westernmost +(which is on a cape) as Augæ. The meaning of the Stadiasmus seems to +be, that Anaxia was not on the coast, and that it had a port called +Aunesis,—circumstances which exactly agree with the ruins nearest to +Alaya. I greatly suspect also that the Anaxia of the Periplus is the +Hamaxia of Strabo, and that the geographer has erroneously placed that +town to the eastward of Coracesium. + +(20) As no other author makes mention of this Ptolemais, and as its name +is not found in the Stadiasmus, it may be conjectured that Ptolemais did +not stand upon the coast, but occupied, perhaps, the situation of the +modern town of A´lara, where is a river, and upon its banks a steep hill +crowned with a Turkish castle. + +(21) The testimonies of Strabo, Ptolemy, Scylax, and the Stadiasmus, +concur in placing Coracesium at Alaya, the extraordinary situation of +which town upon a rocky promontory, precipitous on one side and on the +other extremely steep, is well suited to that fortress, which alone held +out against Antiochus the Great, when all the other places on the coast +of Cilicia had submitted to his arms[247]. Coracesium was one of the +positions which particularly assisted in supporting the spirit of piracy +upon this coast; and it was the last at which the pirates ventured to +make any united resistance to the fleet of Pompey, before they separated +and retired to their strong holds in Mount Taurus. For the history of the +pirates the reader may consult Strabo, the Mithridatic war of Appian, +(who gives an account of their reduction by Pompey,) and Plutarch’s +life of the same Roman commander. Their long success was owing to the +commodious ports and strong positions of the coast, to the strength of +Mount Taurus behind, and to the frequent disputes of the kings of Cyprus, +Egypt, and Syria, among one another and with the Romans; which made it +occasionally the interest of every party to support the Cilician cities +in piracy and independence. Thus, like the Barbary states in the present +day, the opportunity was afforded them of collecting plunder and captives +from every vessel and shore that was unable to resist them. The sacred +island of Delus became the entrepôt of their trade; and the increasing +luxury of the Romans gave encouragement to their commerce in slaves. + +(22) Lucan[248] calls Syedra a port. Floras describes it as a desertum +Ciliciæ scopulum; yet its copper-coins are not uncommon[249]; it probably +shared with Coracesium a fertile plain which here borders the coast, and +stretches for ten miles to the eastward of the latter place. + +(23) I have already observed that I am inclined to prefer the testimony +of the Stadiasmus, as to the site of Hamaxia, to that which Strabo +has here given: for notwithstanding the frequent interruptions, false +spellings, and false distances in the Periplus, the order of names in +a work of that description is more to be depended upon than in Strabo. +Unfortunately, Hamaxia is not mentioned by any other author. + +(24) The following is the description in the Stadiasmus of the coast +between Anemurium and Coracesium. + + Ἀπὸ δὲ Ἀνεμουρίου εἰς Πλατανοῦντα σταδ. τν. (350). Error. + + Ἀπὸ Πλατανοῦντος εἰς χωρίον Χάραδρον σταδ. τν. (350). Error. + + Ὑπὲρ δὲ Χαράδρου κεῖται ὄρος μέγα Ἄνδροκος καλούμενος ἀπὸ σταδ. + λ. (30.) + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Χαράδρου ἐπὶ χωρίον Κράγον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100). + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κράγου ἐπὶ χωριὸν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης, Ζεφελίους (lege Νεφέλεως) + σταδ. κε. (25). + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφελίου ἐπὶ ἄκραν Νησιαζούσης σταδ. π. (80). + + Ἀπὸ Νησιαζούσης ἄκρας εἰς Σελινοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100). + + * * * * * + + Ἀπὸ Λαερτοῦ εἰς Κορακήσιον σταδ. ρ. (100). + +The distance between Selinus and Laertes is wanting; which, as it +deprives us also of the whole number of stades between Anemurium and +Coracesium, deducts very largely from the information contained in this +passage of the Stadiasmus, where, moreover, there are great errors in +some of the separate distances. Neither Syedra nor Hamaxia are mentioned; +but the other names are the same as in Strabo and in the same order, +with the addition of Cape Nesiazusa, which is not mentioned by any other +author, and of Cape Nephelis, which according to Livy[250] was the +station of the fleet of Antiochus the Great, when having reduced the +cities of Cilicia as far as Selinus inclusive, he was employed in the +siege of Coracesium, and where he received the ambassadors of the Rhodii. + +The preservation of the ancient names of Selinus, Charadrus, and +Anemurium, renders it easy to fix the principal places on the line of +coast between Alaya and Anamúr. If we allow any weight to the evidence +of the distances in the preceding passage of the Stadiasmus, the site of +Laertes was at some ruins on a hill near the shore, 9 G. M. direct from +Alaya, and 13½ from the ruins of Selinus, or Trajanopolis, at Selinti. +Cragus, the Antiocheia super Crago of Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 8.), who places +it next to Selinus eastward, is found about half way between Selinus +and Charadrus on a steep hill rising from the shore, which exactly +corresponds with the description of Cragus by Strabo. Nephelis appears +from the distance in the Stadiasmus to have been the promontory two or +three miles to the westward of the same place. But in this case Ptolemy +has improperly inserted Nephelis between Antiocheia and Anemurium. It +seems not improbable that Antiocheia was founded or named by Antiochus, +when he chose the bay of Nephelis for the station of his fleet in his +operations against the Cilician fortresses. According to Appian (Mithrid. +c. 96.) there was a fortress of Anticragus, as well as of Cragus. In +regard to Platanus, Captain Beaufort remarks, that “between the plain of +Selinti and the promontory of Anamúr, a distance of 30 miles, the ridge +of bare rocky hills forming the coast is interrupted but twice by narrow +valleys which conduct the mountain torrents to the sea. The first of +these is Kháradra; the other is half way between that place and Anamúr.” +The latter seems therefore to be the Platanus of the Stadiasmus: in +comparing which authority with Strabo and with the map, it would appear +that Platanus gave the name of Platanistus to the whole coast between +Charadrus and Anemurium, and that the distance of Platanus from either +place in stades should be ρν (150) instead of τν (350). + +(25) These two numbers, namely, 820 stades from Coracesium to Anemurium, +and 500 stades from Anemurium to Soli, are obviously incorrect; nor +would they be very accurate if they were to change places, the distance +from Coracesium to Anemurium being about 50 geographical miles in direct +distance, and that from Anemurium to Soli near 100. + +(26) Nagidus, a colony of the Samii[251], appears from its silver +coins[252] to have been anciently one of the chief cities upon this +coast: it probably declined in proportion as the neighbouring position of +Anemurium (which was better adapted to be one of the fortresses and ports +of the pirates) rose into importance. The two theatres, the aqueduct, and +other ruins at Anemurium, all show that it chiefly flourished under the +Romans. The site of Nagidus appears to have been on the hill above the +castle of Anamúr. + +The river Arymagdus, placed by Ptolemy between Anemurium and Arsinoe, +seems to be the same as the Lalassis, which, according to Pliny, flowed +from Isauria into the sea of Anemurium[253]. The name of Lalassis was +applied also to the country on the banks of this river. Ptolemy mentions +Nineia, as the only town which it contained. The river is now called the +Direk-Ondasi; it joins the coast at the castle of Anamúr, five miles +north-eastward of Cape Anamúr. + +The following are the places between Celenderis and Anemurium according +to the Stadiasmus: + + Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100). + + Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπ’ ἀκρωτήριον Ποσείδιον καλούμενον σταδ. ζ. (7). + + Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπὶ τὰς Διονυσιοφάνους σταδ. λ. (30). + + Ἀπὸ Διονυσιοφάνους εἰς Ρυγμάνους (qu. Ἀρυμάγδους?) σταδ. ν. (50). + + Ἀπὸ Ρυγμανῶν εἰς Ἀνεμούριον σταδ. ν. (50). + +Notwithstanding the distortion of names in this passage, yet as the two +extreme places preserve their ancient appellations, and the amount of +distance 237 stades corresponds with the 26 G. M. of the map, we may +place some confidence in the intermediate positions. The fifty stades +of the Stadiasmus between Rhygmana and Anemurium accord with the real +distance between the cape of Anamúr and the castle of Anamúr, which +stands at the mouth of the Arymagdus: it is probable therefore that +Ρύγμανα is an error for Ἀρύμαγδος. Nor can it well be doubted that the +promontory Poseidium is the cape now called Kizlimán, this being the +only remarkable headland between Anemurium and Celenderis, and the +distances in the Stadiasmus according very accurately with the reality. +According to an emendation of Saumaise, who was not acquainted with this +corroborating passage of the Stadiasmus, Scylax also makes mention of the +promontory of Poseidium. + +(27) The Arsinoe here mentioned by Strabo is the only place in Ptolemy +between the mouth of the Arymagdus and Celenderis: it is named also by +Pliny, Stephanus, and the geographer of Ravenna, the last of whom in +giving the names in this order, Anemurium, Arsinoe, Sicæ, Celenderis, +corroborates Strabo and Ptolemy, and justifies us in placing Arsinoe at +or near the ruined modern castle called Sokhta Kálesi, below which is a +port such as Strabo describes at Arsinoe, and a peninsula on the east +side of the harbour covered with ruins. The relative distances in the +Stadiasmus place Dionysiophanæ at the same spot. Possibly this may have +been the name of the harbour or peninsula, and Arsinoe may have stood +upon the hill of Sokhta Kálesi. The name of Syce or Sycea, the Sicæ of +the geographer of Ravenna, is found as a Cilician town in Athenæus[254] +and Stephanus of Byzantium; and if the emendation of Scylax by Gronovius +may be followed, it was very near the promontory Poseidium.—Perhaps it +possessed the fertile valley lying on the east side of the hills which +end in Cape Kizliman. + +One cannot but suspect at first sight that the Mandane of the Stadiasmus +is the same place as the Melania of Strabo. The seven stades however of +the Stadiasmus place Mandane very near Poseidium to the eastward. On the +other hand there is a small bay only two or three miles to the westward +of Kelénderi, where Captain Beaufort remarked some vestiges of antiquity: +it remains doubtful therefore whether the distance in the Stadiasmus is +correct, and whether Melania and Mandane were the same, or different +places. + +(28) As the Stadiasmus does not mention any distance between the Gulf of +Berenice and Celenderis, there is reason to think that Berenice was the +name of the _bay_ to the eastward of the little _port_ of Kelénderi. The +following are the names and distances of the places in the Stadiasmus +between the mouth of the Calycadnus and the Gulf of Berenice: + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ (scil. Καλυκάδνου) ἐπὶ ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν + Σαρπεδονίαν καλουμένην. σταδ. π. (80.) + + Ἀπ’ αὐτῆς ἀνατεινὸν τὰ βραχέα ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας σταδ. κ. + (20.) + + Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἔγγιστα πρὸς τὴν Κύπρον εἰς πόλιν Καρπασίου + νεωτάτου σταδ. υʹ. (400.) + + Ἀπὸ Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) ὁμοίως καὶ + εἰς Σώλους (leg. Ὁρμοὺς sive Ὁλμοὺς) σταδ. ρκ. (120.) + + Ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν Ὁρμῶν ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ κώμην καλουμένην Μύλας σταδ. μ. + (40.) + + Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ λιμένα Νησούλιον καὶ ἄκραν ἐπινήσιαν σταδ. ξ. + (60.) + + Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ χωρίον Φιλαίαν σταδ. κ. (20.) Οἱ πάντες ἀπὸ + Μυλαίων τὸν ἐπίτομον, σταδ. φ. (500.) + + Ἀπὸ τῆς Φιλαίας ἐπὶ νῆσον Πιτυοῦσαν σταδ. ρλ. (130.) Ἀπέχει ἡ + Πιτυοῦσα ἀπὸ Χεῤῥονήσου τῇ πρὸς τὴν Μύλη σταδ. κ. (20.) + + Ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων τῆς Πιτυούσης πρὸς τὴν Ἀφροδισιάδην σταδ. μεʹ. (45.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐκ τῶν εὐωνύμων ὑμῶν εχον’ τὴν Πιτυοῦσαν ἐπὶ + πύργον κείμενον πρὸς ἄκραν ἡ προσονομάζεται Ζεφύριον σταδ. μ. + (40.) + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφυρίου ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ πόλιν Ἀφροδισιάδα σταδ. μ. (40.) + + Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Ἀφροδισιάδα ὁ πλοῦς ἐπὶ τὴν κα + ... δέθιν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) Ἡ δὲ Ἀφροδισιὰς κεῖται ἔγγιστα τῆς + Κύπρου πρὸς τὴν Αὐλιῶνα ἄκτην κατὰ πρύμναν ἔχουσα πρὸς τὰ μέρη + τῆς ἄρκτου σταδ. φ. (500.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ χωρίον καλούμενον Κίφισον σταδ. λεʹ. (35.) + + Ἀπὸ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ ἄκραν Κραύνους σταδ. μ. (40.) + + Ἀπὸ τῶν Κραύνων ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια εὐώνυμα ἔχοντα τὴν Κράμβουσαν + σταδ. με. (45.) + + Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια σταδ. ρκ. (120.) + + Ἀπὸ τῶν Πισουργίων εἰς κόλπον Βερνίκην (leg. Βερενίκην) σταδ. ν. + (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100.) &c. + +(29) Although there is not much to be learnt from the preceding passage +of the Stadiasmus, one very important point is settled by it. The long +sandy promontory of Lissan El Kahpeh is so accurately described by +the words ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν, as to leave no doubt of its identity +with Sarpedonia, celebrated as being the place beyond which the ships +of Antiochus the Great were forbidden to sail by his treaty with the +Romans[255]. Strabo has therefore justly described the mouth of the +Calycadnus as occurring after turning Cape Sarpedon to the eastward; +and the same relative situation of the places is indicated as well +by the Stadiasmus, as by Ptolemy, whose names are in the following +order: Celenderis, Aphrodisias, Sarpedon, the mouth of the Calycadnus, +Zephyrium, Corycus. Although Ptolemy here describes the mouth of the +Calycadnus and Zephyrium as separate places, I believe them to have been +the same, and that Cape Zephyrium was nothing more than the remarkable +projection of the sandy coast at the mouth of that river; for Polybius, +Livy, and Appian, all speak of Calycadnus as a cape, and the two latter +as a cape different from Sarpedon: it can hardly be doubted therefore +that the projection at the mouth of the river was meant by them. In +corroboration of this opinion, it is to be observed that the Stadiasmus +does not notice any Zephyrium on this part of the coast, but names only +the mouth of the Calycadnus at 80 stades to the east of Sarpedonia, +which is nearly the distance of the mouth of the Ghiuk Su from Lissan El +Kahpeh. Pliny[256] in like manner omits Cape Zephyrium, stating the order +of names (from E. to W.) as follows: “Corycus eodem nomine oppidum et +portus et specus; mox flumen Calycadnus, promontorium Sarpedon, oppida +Holme, Myle promontorium et oppidum Veneris, a quo proxime Cyprus insula.” + +The Aphrodisias or city of Venus which Ptolemy here names, although +unnoticed by Strabo, is mentioned by Stephanus, by Diodorus[257], and by +Livy[258]; from the last of whom it appears to have ranked in the time +of Antiochus the Great among the chief towns of the coast. Its position, +as indicated by Pliny, agrees with that ascribed to it by Ptolemy and +the Stadiasmus; and it appears from their joint authority to have been +situated between Celenderis and Sarpedon, on or very near a promontory, +also called Aphrodisias, which lay about north of Cape Aulion the +north-eastern extremity of Cyprus. These data, however precise, are not +sufficiently so to decide the question between two adjacent capes on +the coast westward of Sarpedon; and the confused account of the places +in the Stadiasmus does not inspire much confidence in that authority. +We perceive, however, that the Stadiasmus accords with Strabo and Pliny +in naming Holmi as the first place to the westward of Cape Sarpedon, +and Pliny confirms the Stadiasmus in placing Mylæ between Holmi and +Aphrodisias. Mylæ in the Stadiasmus is called a Cape and Chersonese, a +description precisely applicable to Cape Cavaliere, which is a peninsula +connected with the continent by a very narrow isthmus. I am inclined to +think, therefore, that cape Cavaliere was Mylæ, that the cape near the +Papadúla rocks was the promontory of Venus, and that some vestiges of +the town of Aphrodisias would be found near the harbour behind the cape. +Captain Beaufort informs us that he did not observe many remains of +Grecian antiquity on this part of the coast; they were probably converted +into new buildings by the Crusaders, many marks of whose residence +are found here, and among others the names of Cavaliere and Provençal +attached to the most remarkable cape and island[259]. The island of +Provençal, called by the Turks Menavát, is probably the Pityussa of +the Stadiasmus; for the Papadúla islands, consisting of several small +rocks, would hardly have been described by a Greek word in the singular. +Holmi, the ancient residence of the people of Seleuceia before the time +of its foundation by Seleucus Nicator[260], was probably at Aghalimán, +the modern port of Seléfke. The observation of the Stadiasmus, that the +distances were equal between Cape Sarpedonia and Seleuceia, and between +the same promontory and Holmi, will be found accurate when applied to +Aghalimán and Seléfke, relatively to the extreme point of the sandhills +above the low sandy cape of Lissan el Kahpeh: for it may easily be +credited that the point of the sandhills was the extreme cape at the +date of the Stadiasmus; at which time the long low spit may have been +the shoals which that authority notices as extending twenty stades +beyond Sarpedonia. The distance, however, of 120 stades from Sarpedon to +Seleuceia and to Holmi will be found too great, when measured from the +point of the sandhills to Seléfke and Aghaliman. + +The river which joins the sea at the bottom of the Bay of Papadúla, +being the largest stream on the part of the coast under consideration, +seems to be the Melas of the Stadiasmus; and the cape which lies midway +between that stream and Celenderis may possibly be the Crauni of the same +authority. The other places mentioned in the Stadiasmus, I shall not +pretend to determine, but proceed to extract from it the names of the +places on the whole extent of the coast of Cilicia Campestris, with their +respective distances. As this authority proceeds in a contrary direction +to Strabo, it will be found more convenient to examine the entire passage +relating to the coast of Cilicia before we continue the immediate +reference to the text of Strabo, followed in the numbers attached to +these Notes. + + Ἀπὸ Ἀλεξανδρείας εἰς τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας σταδ. σ. (200.) ὁμοῦ οἱ + πάντες ἀπὸ Πάλτου ἕως τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν σταδ. β͵φ. (2500.) + + Λοιπὸν Κιλικία. + + Ἀπὸ τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν εἰς τὸ Ἱερὸν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) τοῦτο ἐστὶν + ὑπερβῆναι εἰς τὸν τόπον εἰς πόλιν. + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἱεροῦ εἰς πόλιν Ἀμινσὸν σταδ. ψ. (700.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἀμινσοῦ εἰς τὰς Ἀμμωνιακὰς (leg. Ἀμανικὰς) πύλας ἐντ’ + κοιλοτάτου τοῦ κόλπου σταδ. ϛ. (6.) + + Ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν εἰς κώμην Ἄλλην σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου οὐριοδρομοῦντος σταδ. ρ. (100.) + + Ἀπὸ τῶν Ἄλλων εἰς πόλιν Αἰγαίας σταδ. ρ. (100.) + + Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου εἰς Αἰγαίας εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ + νότου σταδ. ρ. (100.) + + Ἀπὸ Αἰγαίων ὁ παράπλους Κρημύωδος ἐπὶ κώμην Σερετίλην σταδ. ρν. + (150.) + + Ἀπὸ δὲ Ῥωσοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τὴν Σερετίλην ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ + νότου σταδ. σν. (250.) κατὰ δὴ τὴν Σερετίλην κώμη ἐπάνω Πύραμος + καλεῖται· καὶ ὑπεράνω αὐτοῦ ὄρος καλούμενον Πάριον ἀπὸ σταδ. ξ. + (60.) + + Ἀπὸ τῆς Σερετίλλεως εἰς κώμην ἐπ’ ἄκραν Ἰανουαρίαν σταδ. α͵. + (1000.) + + Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰανουαρίας ἄκρας ἐπὶ τὰς Διδύμους νήσους σταδ. λ. (30.) + + Ἀπὸ τῶν Διδύμων νήσων εἰς πόλιν καλουμένην Μάλλον σταδ. ρ. (100.) + + Ἀπὸ Μάλλου εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπὶ Πύραμον ποταμὸν σταδ. ρν. (150.) + + Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, ἣν νῦν Κέφαλον καλοῦσι σταδ. + ο. (70.) παρὰ τὸ ἀκρωτήριον ποταμός ἐστι πλωτὸς Πύραμος καλεῖται. + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Σκοπέλου (scil. Ῥωσσικοῦ[261]) δὲ μὴ κατακολπίζοντι, ἀλλ’ + ἐπ’ εὐθείας πλέοντι εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν· ἔπειτα πρὸς ἀνατολὴν τῆς + Ἠπείρου νότῳ τὰ εὐώνυμα μάκρον διαφάλλω σταδ. τν. (350.) + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι εἰς Σώλους ἐπὶ τὰ πρὸς + ἑσπέραν μέρη τῆς ἄρκτου νότῳ μίκρᾳ παρέλκας σταδ. φ. (500.) + + Ἀπὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Πυράμου ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Ἄρειον σταδ. ρκ. + (120.) + + Ἀπὸ Ἀρείου ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ στόματος λίμνης, ὃ καλεῖται Ῥηγμοὶ σταδ. + ο. (70.) + + Ἀπὸ Ῥηγμῶν εἰς Τάρσον σταδ. οʹ. (70.) ῥέει δὲ μέσης τῆς πόλεως + ποταμὸς Κύδνος. + + Ἀπὸ Τάρσου ἐπὶ χωρίον Ζεφύριον σταδ. ρκ. (120.) + + Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων ἐπὶ κώμην Καλάνθιαν σταδ. ν. (50.) + + Ἀπὸ Καλανθίας κώμης εἰς Ἐλαιοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100.) + + Ἀπὸ Σεψαούσης (qu. Σεβάστης?) εἰς κώμην καλουμένην Κώρυκον σταδ. + κ. (20.) + + Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ. σπ. (280.) ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀπέχον ἐστὶν + ἀκρωτήριον Κωρύκιον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100.) + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κωρυκίου ἐπὶ λιμένα καλούμενον καλὸν Κορακήσιον σταδ. + ρκε. (125.) + + Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κορακησίου ἐπὶ τὴν Ποικίλην Πέτραν, ἥτις ἔχει κλίμακα δι’ + ἧς ἐστιν ὁδὸς εἰς Σελεύκειαν τὴν ἐπὶ Λύκου σταδ. οʹ. (70.) (lege + Καλυκάδνου sive Καλύδνου[262]). + + Ἀπὸ τῆς κλίμακος ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Καλύδιον (lege Καλυδνον) σταδ. + μ. (40.) + +The reader will think, perhaps, that this long passage was hardly worth +transcribing. Some of the distances indeed between the known points +give us not much confidence in its authority: the number of stades, for +instance, from Paltus on the coast of Syria to the Cilician pylæ is more +than double, and that across the Gulf of Issus from Myriandrus to Ægæ +is less than half the true distance. Nor will the shorter lines along +the coast bear much examination. I have thought it worth while, however, +to complete the comparison of this Periplus with the survey of Capt. +Beaufort, because its minute description can be illustrated only by a +delineation so detailed and accurate as that of Capt. B. In the part of +the Gulf of Issus which has not yet been surveyed, the names and their +order may be of use to future investigators of the comparative geography +of these countries: and the Periplus may throw some light upon ancient +topography, when it has itself received illustration from a correct +delineation. + +There are two points at the head of the Gulf of Issus besides +Alexandreia, which have preserved the ancient name. These are Baiæ and +Ægæ, both which words are still used in the _Romaic_ form (the accusative +case), in which they were received by the Turks from the Byzantine +Greeks. Βαιαί is now called Bayás, and Αἰγαί or Αἰγαῖαι, Ayás. The former +stands in a small plain at the foot of Mount Amanus, which rises from +the extremity of the Gulf; the latter occupies a point on the north side +of the gulf, at the entrance of a bay, which is formed on the opposite +or western side by a low cape, at the mouth of the Djihún, or Ghihún—the +ancient Pyramus. + +Strabo, Ptolemy[263], and the Stadiasmus agree in naming two pylæ, or +passes, fortified with a wall and gate at the head of the gulf; namely, +the gate of Amanus, which was in Cilicia, and the Cilician gate, which +formed the division between Syria and Cilicia. The position of both +these pylæ has been ascertained[264]; the northern or Amanic, between +Ayás and Bayás, at the northern or innermost extremity of the gulf, ἐν +τῷ κοιλοτάτῳ τοῦ κόλπου, as the Stadiasmus has well described it,——the +southern or Cilician, between Bayás and Iskenderún, not far from, if not +exactly at the place, where Pococke and other modern travellers observed +some ruins vulgarly known by the name of the Pillars of Jonas. The pass +of Beilan, leading from Iskenderún over the mountain into the plain of +Antioch, was a third pylæ[265], which has been well distinguished by +Ptolemy from the other two, and was justly called the Gate of Syria. + +It will follow from the foregoing remarks, that I cannot agree with the +author of the Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus, in thinking +that Strabo, by the words Ἀμανίδες Πύλαι, and αἱ Πύλαι λεγόμεναι, ὅριον +Κιλίκων τε καὶ Σύρων[266], meant one and the same pass; or that by either +of these pylæ he meant the pass of Beilan. For it is to be observed, +that his words Ἀμανίδες πύλαι occur in enumerating the places in their +order, thus: Mallus, Ægæ, Amanides Pylæ, Issus. At Issus, after observing +that the gulf took its name from that city, he suddenly breaks off from +his former order, mentions several cities in the neighbourhood of the +Gulf, and ends with naming the gate which formed the boundary of Syria +and Cilicia; which, it is to be observed, could not have been the Pass +of Beilan, because in that case Alexandria would have been included in +Cilicia: whereas we know that Issus was the last town of that province. +Nor is the meaning which Major Rennell gives to these words of Strabo +supported by the other passage which he cites (from p. 751); the words +of which are ... αἱ Πάγραι τῆς Ἀντιοχίδος, χωρίον ἐρυμνὸν κατὰ τὴν +ὑπέρθεσιν τοῦ Ἀμανοῦ τὴν ἐκ τῶν Ἀμανίδων πυλῶν εἰς τὴν Συρίαν κείμενον. +Ὑποπίπτει μὲν οὖν ταῖς Πάγραις τὸ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πεδίον. The ruins of +Pagræ are found under their ancient name, in the usual modern form of +the accusative case (Pagras), on the southern slope of Mount Amanus +eight or nine miles below Beilan on the road to Antioch. Had Beilan been +the Amanic gate meant by Strabo, he would surely have described Pagræ +simply as being on the descent from the gates of Amanus into the plain +of Antioch, not as on the _passage over_ Mount Amanus, which leads from +the Pylæ Amanides into Syria; for thus the passage should be translated, +and not as Dr. Gillies has given it, “situate upon the _ascent_ of Mount +Amanus leading from the gates of Amanus into Syria.” Beilan certainly +was, as I have just observed, _a Pylæ_, and it was upon Mount Amanus, +or rather exactly at the point which separated Mount Amanus from Mount +Pieria; but it was not the Pylæ Amanides of Strabo, the position of +which, as already described, is exactly confirmed by the Stadiasmus, +as well as by Ptolemy. There was a fourth pass, as Major Rennell has +justly observed, which crossing Mount Amanus from the eastward, descended +upon the centre of the head of the gulf, near Issus. By this pass it +was that Dareius marched from Sochus, and took up his position on the +banks of the Pinarus; by which movement Alexander, who had just before +marched from Mallus to Myriandrus, through the two maritime pylæ, was +placed between the Persians and Syria. Cicero also alludes to this pass +when he observes, that “nothing is stronger than Cilicia on the side of +Syria, there being only two narrow entrances into it over the Amanus, the +ridge of which mountain divides the two provinces: “qui Syriam a Cilicia +aquarum divortio dividit[267].” The other pass to which he alludes was +that of Beilan. + +With regard to the military operations of Alexander and of Cyrus on this +celebrated scene of action, I must be satisfied, until we have a more +detailed and accurate map, with referring the reader to Major Rennell, +who has ably confronted the various evidences upon the subject in his +illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus. The chief movements and the +general situation of the places are sufficiently clear, and I fully +subscribe to Major Rennell’s opinions, with the sole exception which I +have just stated. + +Having ascertained the eastern extremity of the line of coast +comprehended between the mouth of the Calycadnus and the head of the gulf +of Issus, I shall now return to the western extremity, and, proceeding +according to the order of names in the extract from Strabo, examine how +far the text of the Geographer can be illustrated by other authorities, +particularly the Stadiasmus. The modern names of Kórgos, Lámas, and +Tersús, which would probably be still nearer the original Corycus, +Latmus, and Tarsus, when written by a Greek, are the principal landmarks, +and together with the ruins of Pompeiopolis at Mezetlu, they render it +not difficult, with the assistance of Captain Beaufort’s survey, to fix +most of the intermediate places. + +(30) Here it will be observed that the Stadiasmus exactly confirms +Strabo’s description of the rock Pœcile, with its steps leading to +Seleuceia. Its distance of 40 stades from the Calycadnus, if correct, +will place it about Pershendi, at the north-eastern angle of the sandy +plain of the Calycadnus, where a sheltered bight between the sandy beach +and a projection of the mountains which constitute the coast from thence +as far as the Lámas, serves as the harbour of Selefke towards the east, +as Aghalimán is to the west. Instead of any steps in the rocks, Captain +Beaufort here found the “extensive ruins of a walled town, with temples, +arcades, aqueducts, and tombs built round a small level, which had some +appearance of having once been a harbour, with a narrow opening to the +sea.” An inscription copied by Captain Beaufort from a tablet over the +eastern gate of the ruins, accounts for the omission of any notice +of this _town_ by Strabo; for the inscription states it to have been +entirely built by Fluranius, archon of the Eparchia of Isauria, in the +reign of the Augusti Valentinian, Valens, and Gratianus[268]. It seems +probable that it is the same place called Pœcile Petra by Strabo; and +that being the eastern port of Seleuceia, it acquired under the Roman +emperors a share of the importance to which Seleuceia then attained, +and probably some new name, perhaps Zephyrium. As the Stadiasmus speaks +of the place in the same terms as Strabo, it may be inferred that this +Periplus is older than the ruins at Pershendi, or older than the 4th +century. + +(31) Between Pœcile Petra and Corycus, Strabo places Cape Anemurium +and the island Crambusa; the Stadiasmus names only port Coracesium. +Κώρυκος still preserves its name; but instead of being a promontory as +described by Strabo, it is an island, upon which stands a castle similar +in structure to another larger castle on the neighbouring shore of the +continent. The castle on the island appears from the inscriptions which +it preserves, to have been of the time of the Armenians, who possessed +this country in the beginning of the 13th century. In 1432 Korgos +belonged to the king of Cyprus[269]. In 1471 it was taken from the Turks +of Mahomet the Second by the Venetians, who gave it up to the prince of +Karaman[270]. The castle on the shore stands on the site of a Greek town, +the ancient Corycus[271], which Strabo has not noticed. There does not +appear to be any cape on the four miles of coast between this point and +Pershendi that will readily identify itself with his cape Anemurium, nor +any harbour that will agree with the Coracesium of the Stadiasmus; and +the distances in the last authority are quite absurd. On the summit of +the mountain, above the ruins of Corycus, ought to be found the Corycian +cave, of which Strabo, Mela, and Solinus have related such wonders, that +with regard to the greatest part of them we may use the words applied +by Solinus himself to one of the circumstances reported of the cave—Qui +volunt, credunt. + +(32) Elæussa is no longer an island; and it is remarkable that Stephanus, +though in one place[272] he calls it an island near Corycus, in +another[273] describes it as a Chersonese. A sandy plain now connects +Elæussa with the coast, and with the ruins of the city which derived +its importance and its name of Sebaste from having been the residence +of Archelaus king of Cappadocia[274]. These ruins consist of a temple, +theatre, numerous sepulchres, and three aqueducts, one of which is +derived from the river Lamus, six miles distant. The distance of Elæussa +as well as of Soli from Corycus is tolerably exact in the Stadiasmus; +consequently there must be some error either in the distance between Soli +and Calanthia, or in that between Calanthia and Elæussa: and hence, as +there are no conspicuous ruins upon this part of the coast, it becomes +impossible to fix Calanthia. + +(33) Soli, which like Aspendus and Rhodus was a colony from Argus, was +at one time the chief city on the coast of Cilicia; but it had fallen +into decay, chiefly by the ill treatment of Tigranes, when Pompey, +having reduced Cilicia, rebuilt it and named it Pompeiopolis[275]. +Captain Beaufort has published a plan of its ruins. The elliptical +mole and artificial port seem to have been a magnificent structure, +and may perhaps be only a repair of an ancient Greek work. The other +remains, the walls, aqueduct, theatre, temples, and the long colonnade +on either side of the main street, were probably erected by Pompey, as +they resemble the skeletons of Roman cities seen at Antinoe in Egypt, at +Gerasa in Syria, and less perfectly in many other places. + +(34) The most projecting point between the ruins of Soli and the mouth +of the Tersús-tshai, or Cydnus, is the sandy cape at the mouth of the +river of Mersín. This cape, therefore, is probably the ancient Zephyrium, +though its distance from Tarsus is somewhat greater than that which +the Stadiasmus gives between these two places, namely 120 stades. The +Stadiasmus agrees with Hierocles in showing that there was a town as well +as a cape of Zephyrium. + +(35) We naturally look for Anchiale, the port of Tarsus, at the nearest +part of the coast at which there is shelter for shipping, or at that +from whence the maritime traffic of Tarsus is now carried on. The shore +opposite to Kazalú and Karaduar is in both these predicaments; and +between these two villages is a river answering to the Anchialeus[276]. +Anchiale boasted of an antiquity equal to that of Tarsus; but as early +as the time of Alexander the Great it retained only the vestiges of +its former importance, in its massy and extensive walls[277]. A large +mound, not far from the Anchialeus, with some other similar tumuli near +the shore to the westward, are the remains, perhaps, of the works of +the Assyrian founders of Anchiale, which probably derived its temporary +importance from being the chief maritime station of the Assyrian monarchs +in these seas. + +(36) The Cydnus, instead of flowing through Tarsus, as in former +times[278], leaves the present city to the westward, and no longer forms +the lake towards its mouth, which once served as a naval arsenal to +Tarsus. The alluvion of the river itself has converted this lake into a +sandy plain. + +Although Strabo has omitted to mention the Sarus in this place, there is +sufficient proof that it was the modern Sihún, which enters the sea at +a short distance to the S.E. of the Cydnus; for the town of A´dana, the +district of which adjoined to that of Tarsus, still retains its ancient +name and situation on the western bank of the Sihún[279]; the course of +which river is traced upwards through mount Taurus into the plains of +Cappadocia, exactly as Strabo describes the Sarus[280]. + +(37) It is equally evident that the Ghihún is the Pyramus, whose origin, +like the Sarus[281], was in Cappadocia, from whence it flowed through the +Taurus; for the Pyramus was the next river eastward of the Sarus[282]; +and at Mensís, the Ghihún flows within 20 miles of the Sihún at Adana, +without any intermediate river of magnitude between them; from thence it +winds to the east, and joins the sea in the middle of the Issic gulf. The +Ghihún is larger than any other river in Cilicia, as Strabo describes +the Pyramus, and it has deposited a large tract of alluvial land at its +mouth, which, however, has not increased so rapidly as the ancients had +predicted. + +(38) The great plain situated between the lower course of these two +rivers and the sea was called Aleium. The only hill which it contains +rises from the shore of the gulf of Iskenderun, and forms at its southern +extremity the northern cape of that gulf under the name of Karadash. +Here Captain Beaufort observed the vestiges of an ancient town. This I +believe to have been Megarsus, and that Mallus was situated on another +hill which rises from the eastern bank of the Pyramus near its mouth; +for these two situations accord perfectly with the evidence which the +ancients have left respecting the position of Megarsus and Mallus. 1. +Megarsus was a sea-beaten hill in the neighbourhood of Mallus and the +mouth of the Pyramus[283], and Karadash is the only hill near the Aleian +plain which borders the sea-coast. 2. Mallus was upon a height near the +Pyramus, as Euphorion[284], Scylax[285], Strabo, Stephanus[286], and +Mela[287], all indicate, and not far from the sea-coast, as appears +from its being noticed in the Periplus of Scylax, as well as in the +Stadiasmus. 3. Strabo and Ptolemy agree in naming the Pyramus before +Mallus in proceeding from west to east. 4. This position of Megarsus, the +Pyramus, and Mallus, agrees perfectly with the proceedings of Alexander, +as related by Strabo, Arrian, and Curtius[288]. Alexander having sent +his horse under Philotas from Tarsus across the Aleian plain to the +Pyramus, marched the infantry from Soli along the sea-coast to Megarsus; +from whence, after having sacrificed to Minerva Megarsis, he proceeded +to Mallus, which it appears that his army did not enter until they had +thrown a bridge across the Pyramus. + +It is further remarkable, in reference to the site of Mallus, that +the sailing distance in the Stadiasmus from Mallus to Soli, accords +precisely with that of Artemidorus[289] from the Pyramus to Soli, namely +500 stades, which is very near the truth; and that the description which +the Stadiasmus gives of the navigation is exactly confirmed by the +form of the intermediate coast, namely, that it trended first to the +southward, and then to the north-westward. + +(39) Mopsuestia is represented to have stood on the Pyramus[290]. Its +name under the Byzantine empire was corrupted to Mampsysta, or Mamista, +or Mansista[291]; of which names the modern Mensís appears to be a +further corruption. This town stands on the Ghihún, on the road from +Baiás to A´dana, nearly at the distance from each at which the Jerusalem +Itinerary places Mansista. The Peutinger Table, also, places Mopsuesta at +19 M. P. from A´dana. We cannot doubt, therefore, that Mensis occupies +nearly, if not exactly, the site of the ancient city of Mopsus. + +Above this place, on the same river, stood Anazarba, or Cæsareia at Mount +Anazarbus, which has probably preserved some remains of antiquity, as it +was the capital of the second or eastern Cilicia about the fifth century, +Tarsus being at that time the metropolis of the western[292]. + +To the north-eastward of Ægæ was Epiphaneia[293], one day’s march from +Mount Amanus[294], on the road from Alexandria to Anazarbus[295], which +probably branched from the road to Mopsuestia, not far from the Amanic +gates. In the mountains above Epiphania and Anazarbus towards Cappadocia +were Pindenissus and Tibara, two strong towns of the Eleuthero-Cilices +which were taken by Cicero[296]. Castabalum, placed by the Itineraries +about 16 M. P. from Baiæ, and about 26 from Ægæ, appears from Curtius +to have been very near the Pylæ Amanides, on the northern side[297]. +According to the Table, Issus was 5 M. P. to the southward of Castabalum. + +Below Mopsuestia, between that place and Mallus, there appears to have +been a town upon the Pyramus called Antiocheia; for besides the evidence +which the Stadiasmus affords of this fact, we find it exactly confirmed +by Stephanus, who mentions it as one of ten cities of that name[298]. + +The Seretila, which the Stadiasmus places between Mallus and Ægæ, is +probably an error for Serrepolis, which name is inserted by Ptolemy[299] +in the same situation; and this conjecture is in some measure confirmed +by the genitive Σερετίλλεως, in which form the Stadiasmus afterwards +mentions the same name, and which nearly approaches to Σεῤῥεπόλεως. + +I shall not pretend to explain the Stadiasmus any further, or to justify +its distances, some of which may, however, be found accurate, when a +better knowledge of the real geography and of the ancient sites shall +have illustrated its meaning. With such a multitude of verbal and literal +errors, we cannot be surprised at finding many of the numbers also +inaccurate. It may be observed, however, that of the three distances +which the author has drawn across the gulf of Issus,—namely, from +Myriandrus to Ægæ, from Rhosus to Serrepolis, and from the Rhosic rock +(now cape Hanzír) to Antiocheia on the Pyramus,—the two latter seem to be +tolerably near the truth. + + + + +CHAPTER VI. + +SOME REMARKS ON THE COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY OF THE WESTERN AND NORTHERN +PARTS OF ASIA MINOR. + + _Principal places in Peræa Rhodia—in Doris—in Caria—in the + valley of the Mæander—in the valley of the Caystrus—on the coast + of Ionia—in the valleys of the Hermus and Caicus, and in the + adjacent country—in Troas—in Bithynia—in Paphlagonia._ + + +It remains to submit to the reader some observations in justification +of the ancient names in the western and northern parts of the map which +accompanies the present volume. It will not be necessary to enter into +this part of the subject so fully as into those which have already +been under consideration. The western provinces, in consequence of +their celebrity and greater advantages of climate, soil, and situation, +have been more fully described, both by ancient and modern writers; so +that, in conducting the reader to the results recorded on the map, a +general reference on the one hand to the travellers whose routes are +there marked, and on the other to the ancient historians, geographers, +and itineraries, will be sufficient. In those instances only, it may +be necessary to be more particular, where the ancient positions are +determined by less obvious authorities or by unpublished documents, +or where the question is rendered doubtful by deficient or conflicting +evidence. As to the north-eastern part of the peninsula, we must be +contented with a brief notice of its geography, for a reason the reverse +of that which induces me to abridge the geographical notice of the +provinces bordering on the Ægæan sea. The distance of Paphlagonia and +Eastern Bithynia from the centre of Grecian civilization, and the little +attention which those countries have received from ancient history, +have hardly tempted a single traveller to trust himself among their +barbarous tribes, or to explore their mountains and forests; and hence +the evidences of the geography of that country, both ancient and modern, +are extremely imperfect. + +I shall begin from the western extremity of Captain Beaufort’s Survey, +and shall proceed to the westward and northward from the same point +at which the remarks of the preceding chapter set out in the opposite +direction. It so happens that Dædala is precisely the point at which +Strabo also changes the course of his observations; and from which, after +describing the coast of Caria with the adjacent islands and continent +in a western direction, he proceeds, as we have seen in the translated +extract at the beginning of the last chapter, to direct his description +of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia, from west to east. + +Captain Beaufort not having surveyed any part of the coast between +Telmissus and Halicarnassus, excepting that near Cnidus; and no +traveller having pretended to publish a delineation of it, except M. +de Choiseul Gouffier, whose map is too obviously incorrect, both in +construction and in detail, to merit much attention; this part of the +coast-line of Asia is more subject to a suspicion of inaccuracy than any +other. The important positions of Rhodus, Cnidus, Cos, and Halicarnassus, +are indeed ascertained by the observations of Captain Beaufort, and I +have derived some assistance from a few measurements taken with the +compass and sextant from the same places, by Sir William Gell; but no +reliance can yet be placed on the outline of the gulfs of Syme and Kos: +even the extent of those magnificent bays is very uncertain, and nothing +is known of the situation of the numerous towns and islands placed in +them by the ancient authors, especially by Pliny: in short, the exploring +of these two gulfs with that of the coast in the vicinity of Caunus, is +now one of the most interesting desiderata in the geography of Asia Minor. + +Strabo[300] describes Peræa as beginning at the fort and mountain Dædala, +near Telmissus, and as ending at mount Phœnix, both places included. +“Next to the gulf Glaucus occurs the cape and temple Artemisium, and +then the grove of Latona; above which, 60 stades inland, is the city +Calynda, then Caunus, a city with docks and a closed port; and near it +the Calbis, navigable by boats. Between Caunus and the Calbis is Pisilis; +and on a height above Caunus is a fort named Imbrus. The next place on +the coast to Caunus is Physcus, a small city which has a harbour and a +grove of Latona; then the rugged coast of Loryma, the highest mountain +above which is named Phœnix, and has a castle of the same name on its +summit. Before this coast lies Elæussa, 4 stades from the sea, 8 stades +in circumference, and 120 stades distant from Rhodus. Beyond Loryma is +the cape Cynossema and the island Syme.” + +As it appears from another passage in Strabo[301], where he cites +Artemidorus, that the common road from this coast to the northward, was +from Physcus by Alabanda and Tralles, there seems little doubt that +Physcus was at Mármara, which is still the usual place of debarkation +from Ródos to those going towards Ghiuzel-hissár and Smyrna. + +The distances of Elæussa and port Cressa from Rhodus, as given by Strabo +and Pliny[302], are sufficiently accurate to identify those two places. +The excellent harbour of Cressa is now called Aplothíka by the Greeks, +and Porto Cavaliere by the Italians, and on its western shore are the +ruins of a Hellenic fortress and town, which are undoubtedly those +of Loryma; for Loryma is called a city by Seneca[303] and Stephanus, +although not so designated by Strabo or by Pliny; and port Loryma is +described by Livy as being opposite to Rhodus[304], at a little more +than the distance[305] which Pliny assigns to Cressa. The order of names +on this coast in Ptolemy[306] is in exact agreement with the other +authorities which I have cited in proof of their position, as marked on +the map, if we suppose his cape Onugnatus to be the same as the Cynosema +of Strabo. + +Although Choiseul Gouffier must have nearly crossed the sites of Dædala +and Calynda, he did not ascertain the position of either of them: nor +has that of Caunus, the chief city of Peræa, yet been explored. The +promontory called by Strabo Artemisium, from the temple of Diana which +stood upon it, appears to have been the same as the Pedalium of Pliny +and the Stadiasmus, and to be the cape now called Bokomadhi. + +The Clydæ, which the Stadiasmus[307] names between Pedalium and Crua +(Crya) is evidently the same as the Chydæ, which Ptolemy places a +little to the westward of Crya, and Crya is undoubtedly the Cryassus +of Stephanus and Plutarch[308]. We are not surprised at finding in the +modern town of Ródos an inscription[309], in which Cryassus and Chalce +(the island still called Khalki) are alluded to, both these places +having been dependencies of the Rhodian republic. The islands off the +coast of Dædala and Crya are noticed by Pliny[310], who says there +were two belonging to the Dædalenses; and three, two of which are by +Stephanus[311] named Alina and Carysis, belonging to the Cryenses. + +In consequence of our ignorance of the actual topography of the gulfs +of Doris and Ceramus, I have not attempted to place any of their towns, +even conjecturally, except Euthenæ, which is stated by Mela[312] to have +been in a bay between Cnidus and the Ceramic gulf: Bargasa and Ceramus +are described by Strabo[313] as being near the sea, between Cnidus and +Halicarnassus; and Passala, an island in the same gulf, was the port +of the Mylassenses[314]. The modern name Kéramo, which, if it exists, +identifies the site of Ceramus, rests, I believe, solely upon the +authority of D’Anville. + +The Dorian colonies from the Peloponnesus, which settled in +Halicarnassus, Cnidus, Cos, and in the three cities of Rhodus, introduced +the use of Doric architecture, and of the Doric dialect, into this angle +of Caria. Remains of Doric buildings are found at Lindus, Cnidus, and +Halicarnassus[315]; and inscriptions in the Doric dialect have been +found in most of the cities of the Hexapolis. It appears that they had +not neglected the latter mark of their origin in the early ages of the +Roman empire[316]. + +The conversion into a peninsula of the island on which Strabo and +Stephanus represent Jasus (now Asýn Kale) to have stood, is probably a +remote effect of the encroachments of the Mæander upon the sea. We find +another instance of the same kind at Caryanda: for there can be little +doubt that the large _peninsula_, towards the western end of which is the +fine harbour called by the Turks Pasha Limáni, is the ancient _island_ of +Caryanda, now joined to the main by a narrow sandy isthmus. Pasha Limáni +(the port of the Pasha) is the _harbour_ of Caryanda, noticed by Strabo, +Scylax, and Stephanus; its position according with that of the other +places along this coast, as described by Strabo. “Next to Halicarnassus,” +he says, “is Termerium, a cape of the Myndii, opposite to cape Scandaria +of Cos.... Proceeding towards Myndus are the capes Astypalsæa and +Zephyrium; and immediately beyond the latter, the city Myndus, with a +harbour; then Bargylia, also a city, between which and Myndus is the +harbour and the island of Caryanda[317]. Near Bargylia is the temple of +Diana Cindyas. Next occurs Iasus.” + +We can hardly doubt that Myndus stood in the small sheltered port of +Gumishlú, where Captain Beaufort remarked the remains of an ancient pier +at the entrance of the port, and some ruins at the head of the bay. The +cape to the southward of this port will consequently be Zephyrium; and +it is not improbable that the ruins which the same traveller observed +at Kadí Kálesi, in a bay on the south side of that cape, are those of a +small ancient town of the same name, which has not been noticed by the +ancient authors. + +Such having been the situation of Myndus and of Caryanda, Bargylia +(called Andanus[318] in the Carian language) should be sought for on the +coast between Pasha Limáni and Asýn Kálesi: this position, it may be +added, agrees with that which Mela[319] ascribes to Bargylia, as well +as with the fact that the gulf of Iasus was often called the gulf of +Bargylia[320]. + +Of the interior cities of Caria, Stratoniceia is shown to have been at +Eski-hissár, by the important ruins which have given rise to the modern +name, in conjunction with an inscription[321] found there, which relates +to Jupiter Chrysaoreus, the deity particularly worshipped at Stratoniceia. + +The names of Lagina and Mylasa still subsist, slightly corrupted. Of +the latter city there are many remains; but that which constituted its +most remarkable antiquity in the time of Pococke, the temple of Rome +and Augustus, was destroyed about the middle of the last century by the +Turks, who built a new mosque with the materials[322]. + +The situation of Alabanda is still doubtful; and the ancient testimony on +that of Labranda is so much connected with it, that the same uncertainty +prevails as to the site of the latter. The following is the substance of +what Strabo says of these places: + +Labranda was a dependency of Mylasa, distant from thence 68 stades, +and situated in the mountain over which lay the route from Mylasa to +Alabanda. As far as Labranda there was a paved road, which, as leading to +the temple of Jupiter Stratius, (otherwise named Labrandenus,) was called +the Sacred Way[323]. Alabanda stood at the foot of a hill with a double +summit, which resembled an ass bearing a pack-saddle. It was situated +near a very winding river, and its territory was separated by a ridge of +hills from that of Mylasa[324]. + +Pococke and Chandler supposed Alabanda to have been at Karpúsli, where +they found sepulchres and the remains of public buildings, of a theatre, +and of town walls; and Chandler was the first to describe the ruins +(at Iakli, not far to the southward of Kizeljik or Mendeliat,) of a +small fortified town containing a theatre, and a ruined temple of the +Corinthian order, of which 16 columns of 2½ feet in diameter, with a +part of the entablature, were standing in the year 1776. This, Chandler +supposed to have been the temple of Jupiter of Labranda[325]. M. de +Choiseul Gouffier[326] and M. Barbié du Bocage[327] were of a different +opinion. Without pretending to determine the position of Alabanda, +they agreed in thinking that the ruins at Iakli are those of Euromus, +which we know from Polybius and Livy[328] to have been one of the most +important places in this part of the country, at the time of the Roman +wars; and from Strabo, to have been situated, as the ruins at Iakli are, +near the eastern extremity of Mount Grium[329]. It appears, moreover, +from a coin of the emperor Caracalla[330], that the Jupiter of Euromus +had considerable celebrity; to him, therefore, the existing temple may +have been sacred, and not to Jupiter of Labranda: in favour of which +opinion, it may be added that the temple of Labranda was noted for its +antiquity, whereas the architecture at Iakli is of Roman times. + +On the other hand, it may be remarked that the distance of Iakli from +Mylasa agrees tolerably with the 68 or 70 stades between that place and +Labranda; that supposing Alabanda to have been at Karpúsli, the direction +of Iakli from Mylasa is not much to the left of a line drawn from thence +to Karpúsli: and that the deviation is a natural consequence of the +projection westward of the range of hills, a part of which overhangs the +temple at Iakli. + +There are some reasons, however, for thinking that Alabanda was not at +Karpúsli, but at Arabissár. 1. Pococke describes the ancient remains at +Arabissár as consisting of town-walls, a theatre, and a large oblong +Roman building with windows, which appeared to him to have been intended +for public assemblies: he adds that the city occupied the slope and +foot of two hills. Now the two hills accord with Strabo’s description +of Alabanda; and the oblong building may have belonged to the Roman +conventus of which Alabanda was the chief town[331]. 2. The river Tshina, +near Arabissár, accords extremely well with the river upon which Alabanda +was situated; as do the mountains which separate its valley from the +plain of Mylasa, with the geographer’s words, ἡ μεταξὺ ὀρεινὴ, relating +to the mountain between Mylasa and Alabanda.—3. The other words of +Strabo, descriptive of the situation of the temple, ἐν τῷ ὄρει, and of +the road which led to Labranda from Mylasa, tend to show that the temple +was on a mountain, and that the road thither did not lead through a plain +like that from Mylasa to Iakli. It may be added, 4. that the ancient gate +at Mylasa, upon which Chandler observed the figure of a hatchet, the +symbol of Jupiter Labrandenus, and from which he inferred that it was the +gate leading to Labranda, does not open towards Iakli, but faces the east +towards the mountain and Arabissár[332]. Upon the whole, therefore, I am +inclined to think that Alabanda was at Arabissár, and Euromus at Iakli; +and that the vestiges of Labranda will hereafter be found on the mountain +to the north-eastward of Mylasa. The ancient remains at Karpúsli are +perhaps those of Orthosia. This was a place of some importance; and we +know that it was situated in the country to the southward of the Mæander, +opposite to Tralles and Nysa; that it was not far from Coscinia[333], and +that Coscinia was upon the same river as Alabanda[334]. + +If Alabanda was at Arabissár, Tshina, where Pococke[335] found +considerable remains, may be the site of Coscinia, and its modern name +may possibly be a corruption of the ancient. + +M. Barbié du Bocage[336] has with great reason supposed that the river of +Tshina was the branch of the Mæander called Marsyas by Herodotus[337]. +The historian describes the Marsyas as flowing from the country of Idrias +into the Mæander; and he relates that the Persians under Daurises having +met the revolted Carians not far from the junction of the two streams, +the Carians were defeated, and retired to Labranda, where they took up a +position in the sacred grove, and were joined by the Milesii and others +of their allies. They were defeated a second time, and the Persians +continued to advance into Caria, until the Carians, attacking the +invaders by night on the road to Pedasus, were in their turn victorious, +and slew Daurises and several others of the Persian leaders. It is +evident that the Marsyas of which the historian here speaks was a Carian +river, totally different from the stream or fountain of the same name at +Celænæ, the course of which was not longer than that city itself[338]. +Idrias was one of the earlier names of the city, which under the +Macedonians assumed the name of Stratoniceia, and its territory included +Lagina, celebrated for a temple of Hecate[339]. The latter place still +preserves its ancient name, and not far from it are the sources of the +Tshina. It may be further observed, in confirmation of the identity of +this river with the Marsyas of Herodotus, that the retreat of the Carians +from its valley into the hills to the westward was a very natural +movement, and perfectly conformable with the other circumstances of these +transactions. + +In opposition to the placing of Alabanda at Arabissár will perhaps be +adduced the distances on the road which led from Physcus by Tralles to +Smyrna, as stated by Artemidorus, and preserved by Strabo[340]. These +distances are from Physcus to Lagina 850 stades, to Alabanda 250, to the +Mæander, which was the boundary of Caria, 80, to Tralles 80, to Magnesia +140, to Ephesus 120, to Smyrna 320,—total from Physcus to Tralles 1260, +from Tralles to Smyrna 580. The numbers from Tralles to Smyrna agree +tolerably well with the reality: but it is sufficient to refer for a +moment to the map, to perceive how totally unworthy of credit those +on the road from Physcus to Tralles must be, both in the aggregate +and in detail. The 1260 stades are represented on the map by only 60 +geographical miles in direct distance, making more than 20 stades to a +mile. Instead of 850 stades from Physcus to Lagina, there could not have +been with all the windings of the road more than 300; nor are there more +than 50, instead of 80, from the Mæander to the ruins of Tralles. The +evidence of position derived from this passage may therefore be rejected, +except inasmuch as it shows that Alabanda lay in the road from Physcus to +Tralles. + +The second-rate places of Caria, dependent upon the chief cities of the +coast, or upon the three great towns of the interior, were Euromus, +Chalcetor, Heracleia, and Amyzon[341]. + +As Mount Grium extended from the Milesia eastward to Chalcetor and +Euromus[342], Chalcetor would perhaps be found, supposing Euromus to have +been at Iakli, at the foot of the mountain which lies between that place +and Asýn Kálesi. + +The Heracleia mentioned by Strabo among the four smaller towns of the +interior of Caria, is not the same as the Heracleia under Mount Latmus +which he describes elsewhere, for this was a maritime town. It must +therefore be the same which Ptolemy distinguishes from Heracleia of +Latmus (πρὸς Λάτμῳ) by the name of Heracleia of Albanum (πρὸς Ἀλβάνῳ). +Whether Albanum was the name of a river or mountain it is difficult to +say;—but the traveller might perhaps seek for the site of this Heracleia, +with some prospect of success, in the situation in which it stands in the +enumeration of the towns of this country by Pliny[343], namely, between +Euromus and Amyzon. + +The ruins of the citadel and town-walls of Amyzon are to be seen on +the eastern side of Mount Latmus on the road from Bafi to Tchisme, +one hour short of the latter, and a little above some villages called +Kafaslár. Mr. Hamilton here copied an inscription in a very defective +state of preservation, of which however some of the expressions are +distinguishable. Towards the beginning I observe ΑΜΥΤΟΝΕΩΝ and ΧΑΙΡΕΙΝ. +When the letters of the inscription were perfect, the former word was +undoubtedly [Illustration: ΑΜΥΖΟΝΕΩΝ], and it proves that these remains +belonged to Amyzon[344]. Mixed with Hellenic ruins, there are others at +this place, of the date of the Byzantine empire,—a circumstance which +agrees with the mention made of Amyzon among the places of Caria in +Hierocles, and in the list of Greek bishoprics. + +The city of Latmus or Heracleia at Mount Latmus has preserved +considerable remains of its walls, together with many sepulchres and a +small temple. These ruins are found at the foot of a rocky mountain, the +ancient Latmus, on the shore of a lake, which takes its name from the +village of Báfi near the eastern extremity. This lake is the Latmic Gulf +described by Strabo[345], but which since his time has been separated +from the sea by the new plain formed at the mouth of the Mæander. +Chandler, not adverting to this remarkable change, mistook the lake of +Báfi for that of Myus, and consequently the ruins of Heracleia for those +of Myus—an error which was corrected by M. de Choiseul Gouffier. With +this adjustment, and the undoubted landmarks afforded by the fine ruins +of Priene at Samsún[346], and by the theatre of Miletus at Palátia, we +have accurate data for judging of the progress of the encroachments of +the Mæander upon the sea, as well as for determining the sites of the two +towns of Pyrrha and Myus, the situation of which relatively to Miletus is +accurately described by Strabo[347]. + +The reader has perceived that in the question concerning the site +of Alabanda, that of Tralles has been assumed to have been at +Ghiuzel-hissár. It is now time to show that Smith, as well as Pococke +and Chandler, who too blindly followed the opinion of Smith, were wrong +in supposing that town to stand on the site of Magnesia—an error which +infallibly led to others of equal importance. M. Barbié du Bocage in the +notes to his translation of Chandler gave convincing reasons for thinking +that Ghiuzel-hissár occupied the position of Tralles: but it was not +until Mr. Hamilton explored the ruins of Magnesia at Inekbazar[348], and +discovered the ruins of the celebrated temple of Diana Leucophryene, +(which has since been measured and drawn by the Mission of the Society +of Dilettanti,) that the question could be considered as satisfactorily +determined. The decisive reasons in proof of the positions of Magnesia, +Tralles and Nysa, as marked on the map at Inekbazar, Ghiuzel-hissár and +Sultan-hissár, respectively, shall here be stated as briefly as possible. + +1. Magnesia was according to Pliny 15 miles[349], and according to +Artemidorus 120 stades[350] from Ephesus. This is about the real distance +of Inekbazar, and not half that of Ghiuzel-hissár, from the ruins of +Ephesus at Aiasolúk. + +2. Tralles was on the road from Physcus to Ephesus[351]. But had Magnesia +been at Ghiuzel-hissár, Tralles, which was 18 miles according to one +author[352], or 140 stades according to another[353], to the eastward +of Magnesia, must have been about Atshá, which is very much out of the +direction from Mármara to Ephesus. + +3. We are told by Strabo, that to the traveller going from Magnesia to +Tralles, with Mount Messogis on his left hand, the plain on his right +belonged to the Magnetes, and to the people of Myus and Miletus[354]. But +the two last places were too distant to have possessed any part of the +plain opposite to Ghiuzel-hissár and Atshá. + +4. Strabo describes Magnesia as situated in a plain at the foot of a +mountain called Thorax, not far from the Mæander, but nearer the Lethæus +a stream flowing from Pactyas a mountain of the Ephesii[355]. This +description agrees precisely with Inekbazar, in face of which are two +insulated hills, which, when all the plain of the Mæander below Inekbazar +was sea, were two islands called Derasidæ and Sophonia[356]. Besides the +town-walls, theatre, stadium[357], and other indications of the site of +a great city, are the vast prostrate fragments of an octastyle Ionic +temple, the peristyle of which was near 200 feet in length, and was +formed of columns more than 4 feet and a half in diameter. It agrees +perfectly with the description given of the temple of Diana at Magnesia +by Vitruvius[358] and Strabo[359]; the former of whom informs us that +this building was a pseudodipterous octastyle of the Ionic order, and the +latter that it was larger than any temple in Asia except those of Diana +Ephesia and of Apollo Didymeus, and that it surpassed even the Ephesian +temple in harmony and in the construction of the cell (τῇ εὐρυθμίᾳ καὶ τῇ +τέχνῃ τῇ περὶ τὴν κατασκευὴν τοῦ σηκοῦ πολὺ διαφέρει). Among the ruins +are seen inscribed pedestals which formerly supported statues of Nerva +and Marcus Aurelius; one of these is dedicated by a high priest and +scribe of the Magnetes; and on another fragment were found the names of +some priestesses of Artemis Leucophryene[360]. + +5. The ruins of Tralles are found above the modern town of +Ghiuzel-hissár, in a situation such as Strabo[361] has described—a table +summit strong by nature (ἵδρυται ἐπὶ τραπεζίου τινὸς, ἄκραν ἔχοντος +ἐρυμνήν). The only ruin well defined is that of the theatre and stadium, +which formed one building. The Ionic temple of Æsculapius built by +Argelius, which Vitruvius mentions[362], as well as the other works of +the purer times of Grecian art, seem to have been buried by earthquakes +beneath the ruins of later buildings; among which are many remains of +the architecture of the Lower Empire, vestiges of the restoration of +Tralles by Andronicus Palæologus[363]. Pococke copied a Latin inscription +at Ghiuzel-hissár in which the name of Tralles occurs, but without +having observed it. It is found also in two inscriptions copied at +Ghiuzel-hissár by Sherard. The site of Tralles is traversed by a torrent +answering to the ancient Eudon. + +6. At Sultán-hissár, not far to the westward of Nasli, are the remains +of a large city, corresponding with the description which Strabo has +given of Nysa. Nysa was situated for the greater part on the slope of +Mount Messogis, and was divided by a torrent so as to appear like two +separate towns—a bridge traversed this torrent in one place, and in +another the valley was occupied by an amphitheatre, beneath which flowed +the torrent[364]. Chandler’s account of the ruins at Sultan-hissár is +exactly conformable with this description of Nysa,—so perfectly in regard +to the remark of Strabo on the appearance of a double city, that Chandler +supposed the western division to be Tralles, and the eastern Nysa. +Pococke has reported an inscription found at Nasli, which contains the +words ΝΥΣΑΕΙΣ and ΜΑΣΤΑΥΡΕΙΤΟΥ. Possibly Nasli may have been the site of +Mastaura. + +The situation of the other dependencies of Nysa,—namely Briula, Aromata, +celebrated for its vines, and Acharaca where was a Plutonium and +cavern,—have not yet been discovered. The latter was not far from Nysa on +the road to Tralles[365]. + +It may be inferred from Strabo that Hydrela also was in this part of +the valley; and notwithstanding his remark[366]—that when the three +towns founded by Hydrelus and his two brothers fell into decay, their +united population formed the single one of Nysa,—Hydrela appears to have +flourished at the time of the Roman wars in Asia[367]. + +To the eastward of the Marsyas, or river of Tshina, several other smaller +streams join the Mæander on its southern bank. That which is nearly +opposite to Nasli may perhaps be the Harpasus, which flowed near the town +of Harpasa[368]; for we learn from Pococke[369], that some ruins in this +situation are called Arpás-Kálesi. Not far to the eastward of this stream +is another, which descends from Gheira and Karajasu. On the eastern side +of its junction with the Mæander are the remains of an ancient city. +This was probably Antiocheia, which stood at the junction of the Mosynus +with the Mæander; having a bridge over the latter river, and a fertile +territory on either bank[370]. At this bridge it appears that the great +eastern road from Ephesus to Mazaca—which passed through Magnesia, +Tralles, and Nysa—crossed the river, leading afterwards from Antiocheia +along the left bank to Carura and Laodiceia[371]. + +Other ancient sites were observed in this region by Sherard[372] and +Pococke: but all the ancient geography of the country to the southward of +the Mæander is still involved in great uncertainty, there being no points +absolutely certain except Laodiceia ad Lycum, Aphrodisias, and Mount +Cadmus, now called Baba-dagh. + +Aphrodisias is proved to have been at Gheira, by the numerous remains +of antiquity still to be seen at that place. Among these are several +inscriptions containing the name of the people; and ruins still exist +of the temple of Venus[373], from whose worship was derived the name by +which the city was most commonly known[374]. + +There can be little doubt that the hot springs observed by Pococke[375] +and Chandler[376] on the south bank of the Mæander, about 12 miles west +of Denizlú, mark the site of Carura, which was celebrated for its hot +baths in the time of Strabo, and was then the boundary of Caria and +Phrygia. It was the same place, probably, as the Cydrara of Herodotus; +for either here, or at no great distance, must have been the meeting of +the three great roads which the historian mentions[377], one leading into +Lydia through the opening of Mount Messogis by Tripolis to Philadelphia; +a second down the valley of the Mæander into Caria; and the third into +Phrygia by the valley of the Lycus and Celænæ. Cydrara, in the time of +Herodotus, was near the frontier of the three provinces. + +Smith, in his Journey to the Seven Churches in 1671, was the first to +describe the sites of Laodiceia, Hierapolis, Tripolis, and Colossæ. In +all these places, except Tripolis, he has been followed by Pococke, or +by Chandler; and at Hierapolis, recently, by Mr. Cockerell: the general +topography and the antiquities which exist in these places are therefore +known, although they have not yet been described to the public with +sufficient accuracy or detail[378]. + +Laodiceia[379] preserves great remains of its importance as the +residence of the Roman governors of Asia under the emperors; namely, a +stadium in uncommon preservation, three theatres, one of which is 450 +feet in diameter, and the ruins of several other buildings[380]. + +There are few ancient sites more likely than Laodiceia to preserve +many curious remains of antiquity beneath the surface of the soil: its +opulence, and the earthquakes to which it was subject[381], rendering +it probable that valuable works of art were often there buried, beneath +the ruins of the public and private edifices[382]. And a similar remark, +though in a smaller degree perhaps, will apply to the other cities of the +vale of the Mæander, as well as to some of those situated to the north +of Mount Tmolus: for Strabo informs us that Philadelphia, Sardes, and +Magnesia of Sipylus were not less than Laodiceia and the cities of the +Mæander, as far as Apameia at the sources of that river, subject to the +same dreadful calamity[383]. + +Hierapolis, now called Tabúk-Kale or Pambúk-Kale, owed its celebrity, +and probably the sanctity indicated by its name, to its very remarkable +sources of mineral water, the singular effects of which, caused by +the rapid accumulation of its deposit, are shown by the narratives +of Pococke and Chandler[384] to have been accurately described by +Strabo[385]. A great number and variety of sepulchres are found on the +different approaches to the site, which is a commanding hill overlooking +the valleys of the Lycus and Mæander, and terminating on that side +in a precipice. The town-walls are seen on the other sides, and the +main street is traced in its whole length, bordered by three Christian +churches, one of which is upwards of 300 feet long. About the middle of +the street, just above the mineral sources, Pococke, in 1740, thought +that he distinguished some remains of the temple of Apollo, which +according to Damascius, quoted by Photius, was in this situation[386]. +Chandler distinguished the area of a stadium in a recess of the mountain. +But the principal ruins are a theatre and gymnasium, both in a state of +uncommon preservation; the former 346 feet in diameter, the latter nearly +filling a square space of 400 feet the side. + +Of Tripolis we have a very imperfect description by Smith. Chandler saw +at a distance the theatre which Smith mentions. Lucas, the only other +traveller who has visited the site, was incompetent to give a description +of its antiquities; and all that can be understood from his narrative +is, that he really did pass by Tripolis, though he writes Kosh-Yenije, +a village near the ruins of Tripolis, Kashashead, and Pambúk-Kálesi, +Bambour-quezer. + +The remains of Colossæ were found by Smith and Pococke below the modern +Khónas; which name serves to identify the site, as we learn from +Constantine Porphyrogennetus[387] that Colossæ was in his time called +Chonæ (Χῶναι). Herodotus[388] mentions a subterraneous course of the +Lycus for about half a mile near this place; but no traveller has yet +verified this observation of the historian, or has ascertained the +existence of the salt lake of Anava between Colossæ and Apameia[389]. + +M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French translation of +Chandler’s Travels, has justly remarked that Chandler very improperly +blames Pococke for having misunderstood the geography of this part of the +country. It was Chandler himself who erred, in mistaking the river Caprus +for the Lycus, and the Lycus for the Mæander. But although Pococke was +right, he did no more than follow Smith, who clearly saw that the river +which he crossed between Kosh-Yenije and Tabúk-Kálesi is the Mæander; +that the stream between Tabúk-Kálesi and Eski-hissár (Laodiceia) is the +Lycus; and that the small rivers which meet at the site of Laodiceia are +the Caprus and the Asopus. + + * * * * * + +The valleys of four parallel rivers with the interjacent ridges of +mountains, form the leading features of that beautiful and fertile +country in the middle part of the western extremity of Asia Minor, which +comprehended the ancient provinces of Ionia, Lydia, and Mysia. + +The Mæander and Hermus, which (in proceeding from south to north) are the +first and third of those rivers, are nearly equal as well in magnitude +as in the length of their course, which is between two and three hundred +miles. The fourth or northernmost river, the Caicus, although not so +celebrated as the Caystrus, which is the second in the above-mentioned +order, is much more considerable in size. Deriving its origin from the +same mass of Olympene mountains which give rise to the Hermus and the +Rhyndacus, it is formed of two large branches, either of which is as long +in its course as the Caystrus. But the latter, although little more than +70 miles in length, collects all the waters from the adjacent slopes of +the great mountains Tmolus and Messogis; and thus becomes a stream of +considerable magnitude at Ephesus, where it joins the sea. + +There is very little certainty as to the names and positions of the +ancient cities which occupied the valley of the Caystrus. The evidences +of ancient history are so scanty with regard to them, that it is only +from the discovery of their ruins, and of ancient inscriptions, that we +can hope to ascertain either their situations or their names. + +The remains of antiquity at Beréki, on the southern side of Tmolus, +seem from Strabo and Ovid to have belonged to Hypæpa[390]; and it is +not improbable that, in the fertile and delightful region on the +summit of the mountain between Beréki and Sart (Sardes), a part of +which is occupied by a large lake, there might be found some remains of +the city Tmolus; which, together with many of the surrounding places, +was destroyed by an earthquake in the fifth year of the reign of +Tiberius[391]. + +From the many remains of antiquity at Tyre, it appears that this large +and advantageously-situated modern town is the successor of the chief +Grecian city of that part of the country. It is known from Strabo and +Pliny[392], that the valley of the Caystrus was divided into that of +Ephesus towards the sea; the plain properly called Caystrian; and the +Cilbian plain: above the last were the Cilbian mountains, in which +the Caystrus had its sources. We find that the Caystriani, the lower +Cilbiani, and the upper Cilbiani, coined each their own money, with the +name of the people inscribed[393]; and they had undoubtedly each a chief +town in which the coinage took place. As Tyre stands in the central part +of the Caystrian valley, it probably occupies the site of the city of the +Caystriani: whether this place had any other name cannot be discovered +in ancient history. Larissa Ephesia, which possessed a temple of Apollo +Larissenus, and was supposed to have been anciently a city of much +greater importance than it was in the time of Strabo, stood in another +part of the Caystrian plain, 180 stades from Ephesus, towards Mount +Tmolus[394]. There was another Larissa, 30 stades distant from Tralles, +on the road leading from thence across the Messogis into the plain of +Caystrus, from whence the worship of Jupiter Larissius at Tralles had its +origin[395]. + +Although the remains of Ephesus are still very considerable and of easy +access, they have hardly yet been sufficiently explored, or at least +they have not yet been described to the public with the accuracy and +detail which they merit. The temple of Diana Ephesia, the largest and +most celebrated of the Asiatic Greek buildings, is the only one of +the great examples of the Ionic order, of which we do not now possess +particulars more or less satisfactory. The temples at Samus, Branchidæ, +Priene, Magnesia, and Sardes, have been measured and drawn by experienced +architects;—but not a stone has yet been discovered that can with +certainty be ascribed to the Ephesian temple, although very little doubt +remains as to its exact situation[396]. + +There has been some difference of opinion with regard to the ancient +maritime sites between Ephesus and Cape Trogilium, which was the extreme +point of Mount Mycale. Strabo[397] describes this coast in the following +terms: “Beyond the strait formed by Samus and Mycale, in sailing towards +Ephesus, a part of the coast on the right hand belongs to the Ephesii and +a part to the Samii;—the first place is Panionium, situated three stades +above the sea. Here is held the common festival of the Ionians, who +sacrifice to Neptune Heliconius; the priesthood belongs to the people of +Priene. Next occurs Neapolis, which the Ephesii exchanged with the Samii +for Marathesium, the latter being nearer to them; then Pygela, a small +city; then the port Panormus, and the temple of Diana Ephesia.” + +The uninhabitable aspect of the rocks and forests of Mycale from Cape +Trogilium to the modern Tshanglí, is such as make it impossible to fix +upon any spot, either on the face or at the foot of that mountain, at +which Panionium can well be supposed to have stood. Tshanglí, on the +other hand, situated in a delightful and well watered valley between two +projecting points of the mountain, was admirably suited to the Panionian +festival: and here Sir William Gell found, in a church on the sea-shore, +an inscription in which he distinguished the name of Panionium twice. I +conceive, therefore, that there can be little doubt of Tshanglí being on +the site of Panionium. + +Several travellers in passing from Ephesus to Skalanóva have remarked the +ruins of a small town near the sea, at about one-third of the distance +from the former place to the latter. These are probably the remains of +Pygela; though I am not aware how far the neighbouring coast will answer +to Livy’s description of Pygela as a harbour[398]. Between this spot and +Tshanglí there are only two places which we can suppose to have been +anciently occupied by towns: one is Skalanóva; the other is half-way +between Skalanóva and Tshanglí; where, in a valley watered by a stream, +is a source of hot water, near the ruins of a fortress, which, although +it appears to have been a work of the Lower Greek Empire, contains some +remains of an earlier age. This latter I take to be the site of Neapolis, +which the Ephesii built, and afterwards exchanged with the Samii; and +Skalanóva stands probably on the ancient Marathesium. + +The survey by Captain Beaufort of the coast between Skalanóva and the +canal of Khio, illustrates ancient history in the most satisfactory +manner. There still exist on this coast some remains of two celebrated +buildings—the Ionic temple of Bacchus at Teos, and the temple of Jupiter +Clarius at Notium, the port of Colophon[399]. The chief written evidence +is supplied by Livy and Strabo; and upon this the map will be found a +sufficient commentary. + +Although the ancient names to the westward of Teos are not so certainly +fixed as those to the eastward of that place, one can hardly doubt that +the harbour of Sykiá, on the west side of Cape Corycus, now Kóraka, was +the port called Corycus; for Livy describes Corycus both as a promontory +of the Teii and as a harbour. In the war between Antiochus and the +Romans, in the year B.C. 193[400], Polyxenidas, commander of the fleet +of Antiochus, hearing that the Roman fleet was approaching from Delus, +and being desirous of coming to an engagement with them before they +should be joined by Eumenes and the Rhodii, sailed from Phocæa with a +hundred vessels of a small class, of which seventy were covered. Having +passed through the channel of Chius, he anchored in Cyssus, a port of +the Erythræi. The Romans sailed from Delus to Phanæ in Chius, and from +thence, after taking in provision at the city of Chius, they proceeded +to Phocæa; where they were joined by Eumenes from Elæa, the port of +Pergamum, with twenty-four covered, and many open vessels. The combined +fleet, amounting to 200 ships, (a fourth of which were uncovered,) then +sailed along the shore, with the view of passing into port Corycus, which +was beyond Cyssus. Polyxenidas, when he saw the enemy approach, advanced +against them, and was defeated. Cyssus, from this transaction, seems to +have been the harbour now called Latzáta, the largest on this part of +the coast; and it is probably the same which Strabo calls Casystes[401]. +Tshisme, noted for more than one Turkish disaster, seems to be the port +Phœnicus of the Erythræi, in which the Romans anchored after the action, +on their way to the city of Chius. The remains of Erythræ are found +considerably to the northward of Tshisme, in a port sheltered by the +islands, anciently called Hippi[402]. + +As Strabo[403] states the entrance into the canal of Chius on this side, +between Cape Argennum of the main land and Cape Poseidium of Chius, to +have been sixty stades in breadth, these two capes could be no others +than the promontories marked with those names in the map; the real +distance agreeing exactly with the ancient number. + +The next place to Poseidium, in coasting the island with the shore on +the light hand, was Phanæ[404], which is described by Livy as a harbour +turned toward the Ægæan (portum Chiorum in Ægeum mare versum), and in +another place as a promontory (promontorium Chiorum). We have already +seen that it was the place at which the Roman fleet touched in proceeding +from the isle of Delus to the Pergamenian coast; on another occasion they +assembled at Phanæ, previously to their sailing to the same island[405]: +it seems therefore to have been in the bay on the western side of the +southernmost cape of Chius. + +The other ancient names of this island have been placed on the map, as +well as the information afforded by the ancient authors[406] compared +with the blind accounts of the modern travellers Pococke and Heyman would +admit. + + * * * * * + +The rivers Hermus and Caicus, each of which is formed by the union of +two branches meeting at thirty or forty miles above the mouth, water +two extensive valleys equal in natural advantages to those of the +Mæander and Caystrus, and not exceeded in beauty and fertility by any in +the world. Sardes was the chief city of the valley of the Hermus, and +Pergamum in that of the Caicus. Both have retained the ancient name a +little corrupted by the Turks: but while Pergamum continues to be the +capital of the surrounding country, Sardes has yielded to Magnesia of +Mount Sipylus, and has dwindled to a small village. This village however +and its vicinity have to boast of two of the most interesting remains +of antiquity in Asia; the colossal tumulus of Alyattes near the lake +Gygæa[407], and the vast Ionic temple of Cybebe[408] or the Earth, on +the bank of the Pactolus[409]. Here is also a theatre connected with a +stadium, and the ruins of a large church, perhaps the only one of the +Seven Churches of Asia of which there are any distinguishable remains. + +Pergamum retained under the Romans that superiority over all the cities +of Asia which it had acquired under the successors of Philetærus: and +it still preserves many vestiges of its ancient magnificence. Remains +of the Asclepium and of some other temples; of the theatre, stadium, +amphitheatre, and several other buildings, are still to be seen[410]. + +There is a confusion of names in regard to the two branches of the +Hermus, similar to that which I have already had occasion to notice +in the instances of the Sangarius and Mæander. It seems clear from +Homer[411] and from Strabo[412], that the branch of the Hermus which +waters the plain of Ak-hissár, and which joins the main stream not far +from Magnesia, is the ancient Hyllus, which in the time of Strabo was +called Phrygius; for we find no mention in ancient history of any other +tributary stream of the Hermus, with the exception of the Cogamus near +Philadelphia, that of Sardes the famed Pactolus, and a third the Cryus, +obscurely named by Pliny, and which was probably of no greater magnitude +than the other two just mentioned. Nor in fact is there any stream of +importance joining the main river now called Kodus or Ghedis, in the +lower part of its course, except the river of Ak-hissár. The course of +the main stream, moreover, agrees exactly with the description which +Strabo has given of the Hermus. “It rises,” he says, “in the sacred +mountain Dindymene, flows through the Catacecaumene into the district of +Sardes, and from thence through the subjacent plains into the sea[413].” + +From Livy however, in his narrative of the transactions which preceded +the decisive victory gained by the Romans over Antiochus at Magnesia, +it seems evident that Phrygius was the name by which the southern or +main branch of the Hermus was better known to the Romans. Antiochus +had collected his forces at Thyateira, when his opponent the Consul +Lucius Cornelius Scipio crossed the Hellespont, and moved in six days +from Ilium to the sources of the Caicus. Here he was joined by Eumenes +from Elæa; and from hence, on the supposition that the king was still +near Thyateira, he marched to meet him, and moved in five days into the +Hyrcanian plain. But Antiochus in the mean time had quitted Thyateira, +and after having _crossed the river Phrygius_, had entrenched himself at +Magnesia. The Consul followed on the opposite side of the river, until +he arrived in the enemy’s presence. When the armies had remained in this +position, with the river between them, for two days, the Romans crossed +it and took up a position with their left to the stream, consequently +to the westward of the position of Antiochus, which was probably done +for the sake of securing a communication with the fleet at Elæa, and +a retreat in that direction in case of necessity. After his defeat +Antiochus fled to Sardes and Apameia. + +From these transactions it cannot well be doubted that Livy applies +the name of Phrygius to the southern or main branch of the Hermus, in +contradiction to Strabo, who identifies it with the northern. And in this +the historian agrees with Pliny[414], who by distinguishing the Phryx +from the Hyllus, and by observing that the Phryx gave name to Phrygia, +and that it separated that province from Caria, shews clearly that he +applied the name Phryx to the largest, and at the same time to the +southernmost branch. This instance serves, like that of the Sangarius, +to prove how easily a confusion of names occurs in regard to the branches +of a river. + +From the direction of Scipio’s route from Troy to the Hyrcanian plain, +and from the proportion of his marches, it may be inferred that the +north-eastern branch of the river of Bergma, which flows by Menduria and +Balikesri, is that which was anciently called Caicus;—of the name of the +southern branch I have not found any trace in ancient history. + +Strabo[415] informs us that the Caicus was joined by the Mysius flowing +from Temnum; and that this mountain separated the valley of the Caicus +from the plain of Apia, which bordered on Thebe and Adramyttium. Such is +our ignorance of the real structure of this part of the country, that it +is only from the ancient geographer that we have any knowledge either of +the mountain or the river. + +Notwithstanding the facilities which were so long given to the researches +of travellers by the favourable disposition of the ruling Turkish family +of Kara-Osmán-Oglu, added to the influence of the European factories at +Smyrna, even the most accessible parts of the valleys of the Hermus and +Caicus and of their interjacent ridges are still very insufficiently +explored. It seems strange to say, that of a coast so near to Smyrna +as that between the mouths of the Hermus and Caicus, we possess no +delineation that can be relied on; and consequently no satisfactory +information upon the very interesting positions of Leucæ, Phocæa, Cyme, +Ægæ, Neontichus, Myrina, and Grynium; the latter noted for a magnificent +temple of Apollo, of white marble[416]. + +In short, with the exception of Temnus, which appears from the Peutinger +Table to have been at Menimen; and of Nacrasa, which an inscription +mentioned by Chishull[417] shews to have been at Bakír,—we have no +accurate information on the sites of any of the second-rate towns of +this part of Asia Minor—and all to the east and north of Philadelphia, +Thyateira and Pergamum, as far as the Thymbres, Mount Olympus, and the +coast of the Propontis, is little better than an unknown land, in which +there are very few ancient names that I have been able to place with any +degree of certainty. + +The site of Cyzicus has been visited and imperfectly described by Pococke +and Sestini, and Miletopolis appears from Chishull’s description of +the neighbouring lake to have been at Miniás[418]. And hence we have +two lines in the Table of which the extremities are known—namely, that +leading from Pergamum to Miletopolis, and that leading from Pergamum to +Cyzicus. On the former was Hadrianotheræ[419], for such undoubtedly is +the correction that should be made of the corrupted name in the Table, +though the distance there assigned to it of 8 M. P. from Pergamum cannot +be implicitly relied on, as the 41 M. P. which forms the whole interval +between Pergamum and Miletopolis is not half the reality. On the road +from Pergamum to Cyzicus we find two names in the Table, which do not +occur elsewhere in ancient history—Phemeneo—Argesis. The distance of +Phemenium from Cyzicus is omitted in the Table: but if the other two +distances on this line are correct, the mines of Ergasteria mentioned by +Galen were between Phemenium and Argesæ[420]. + +The name of Kesri or Balikesri seems to be a corruption of Cæsareia[421]. +It is the chief town of the Turkish district of Karasi, and is situated +on the Caicus, near the great road from Smyrna to Constantinople: it is +probably the site of one of the numerous places which under the Romans +changed their more ancient name to Cæsareia. + +In some part of Mount Olympus, to the westward of Brusa, we find mention +made by the Turkish geographer Abubekr, of a town called Edrenús. There +can be little doubt that this is the ancient Hadriani ad Olympum or in +Olympo, of which coins inscribed with this local distinction are still in +existence[422]. Edrenús is no other than Ἀδριανούς, a slight corruption +of Hadriani in the usual modern Greek form of the accusative, like Kodus +for Cadi. + + * * * * * + +The geography of the western side of the Idæan range, which slopes to the +Ægæan sea and the Hellespont, is in a very different state from that of +the country to the eastward of that mountain. The natural beauties of the +Troas, its accessibility by sea, but above all its celebrity as the scene +of the Ilias, have attracted a greater number of travellers to it, than +to any other part of Asia Minor[423]. + +[Illustration: The TROAS from _RHŒTEIUM and ALEXANDREIA to the SUMMITS OF +Mᵗ. IDA_. + +_W.M.L. del. Published Febʸ. 1824 by John Murray Albemarle Street London. +J. Walker Sculpt._] + +[Illustration: _SKETCH to explain the supposed alteration in the_ coast +_and in the_ rivers _of TROY since the time of the_ Trojan War. + +_The strong lines represent the supposed state of the rivers and coast in +the time of the War. The dotted lines shew the course of the rivers and +line of coast at the present day._ + +_W.M.L. delᵗ. Published Febʸ. 1824 by John Murray Albemarle Street London. +J. Walker sculpᵗ._] + +The most remarkable places in the Troas were Assus, Lectum, Hamaxitus, +Larissa, Colonæ, Alexandreia, Cebrene, Neandria, Cenchreæ, Scamandria, +Sigeium, and New Ilium. + +The two most important, and to which the greater part of the population +of the others was drawn as early as the time of the successors of +Alexander, were Alexandria and New Ilium; and these continued to be +the chief towns under the Roman emperors. Alexandria has preserved +considerable remains to this day. Of New Ilium only the foundations of +the walls with a few other fragments are to be seen. + +As Hamaxitus, Larissa, and Colonæ, were from their proximity to +Alexandria absorbed by that city at the time of its foundation[424], +we are not surprised that no remains of them have been remarked by +travellers. Some circumstances, however, mentioned by Strabo[425], are +sufficient very nearly to fix their positions. Hamaxitus in particular +is determined by the salt-works of Tragasæ, which are still in a state +of operation on the sea-coast near the mouth of the river of Tuzla. +This river (perhaps the ancient Satnioeis) does not, however, take its +name, which means _salt_, from the maritime salt-works alone: there are +other salt-works at some very copious sources of hot salt water, at a +considerable distance from the sea, on the northern side of the valley, +where is a village called Tuzla, and where the neighbouring hills are +composed of rock salt. This curious fact accounts for the name Halesium, +anciently applied to the district[426]. + +As it appears from Strabo that Cebrenia bordered on the territories of +Antandrus, Hamaxitus, Neandria, New Ilium, and Scepsis[427], and that +the Scepsia was on the Æsepus[428], consequently on the eastern side of +the summit of Ida,—Cebrenia seems to have occupied the higher region of +Ida on the western side, and its city very probably stood at Kushunlú +Tepe, not far from Bairamitsh, where Dr. E. D. Clarke, proceeding from +the latter place towards the sources of the Mendere and the summit of +Ida, found very considerable remains of antiquity. The fine valley which +extends from thence to the modern town of Ene, seems to answer in its +upper part to the level country of Cebrenia, mentioned by Strabo[429]; +and in its lower or western to the plain called Samonium, which belonged +to Neandria[430]: for Neandria being described by the geographer as +inland from Hamaxitus towards New Ilium, and as 130 stades distant from +the latter[431], corresponds exactly in position with Ene. + +In the plain of Troy, or region watered by the lower course of the +Mendere and its branches, the only positions proved to be ancient sites, +by remains of buildings existing in their original places, are— + +1. That of New Ilium on a hill which rises to the eastward of the +villages of Kum-Kiúi and Kalafátli, about 5 miles to the S.E. of Kum-Kalé +or the lower castle of the Dardanells, and three miles from the nearest +shore. The vestiges of the walls of the citadel are to be traced on the +summit of the height; and some of the buildings of the town, on the +western slope and at the foot of the hill: but very little now remains +in its place, the site being resorted to (as it probably has been +ever since its abandonment), as to a stone-quarry, for the materials +of modern constructions—whence we find all the villages, farms, and +particularly the Turkish cemeteries of the surrounding country, full +of the inscribed or decorated marbles of New Ilium. 2. Paleó Aktshi +Kiúi. This, by its direction and distance from New Ilium, corresponds +exactly with the Ἰλιέων κώμη, or village of the Ilienses, described by +Strabo[432] as being 30 stades eastward of New Ilium towards Ida and +Dardania. 3. Paleó-Kastro, near the Turkish village of It-ghelmés, on +a height overlooking the Bosphorus. This is probably the site of the +town Rhœteium, on a part of the sea-shore of which was the Æanteium or +tomb of Ajax[433], still existing. 4. Yenishehr, the ancient Sigeium. +5. Another Paleó-Kastro, near the mouth of the small river which +receives the canal derived from the river of Bunárbashi. This has been +supposed, with great probability, to have been a small town and port +called Agameia[434]. 6. The hill which rises above the less or lower +Bunárbashi to the S.E., and which is bounded in the same direction by the +deep valley of the Mendere. This, it is not improbable, was the site of +Scamandria; for it may be presumed that Scamandria being named by Pliny +together with New Ilium[435], was in some part of the lower plain of +the Scamander, near that river; and there is no site on the Mendere so +remarkable as that of Bunárbashi. Pliny describes Scamandria as a _small_ +town: but it seems from an extant inscription to have been of sufficient +importance to make a recorded treaty with New Ilium concerning the sale +of corn[436]. + +The same heights are by many persons supposed to have been in an earlier +age the position of the renowned capital of Ilus and his successors: +indeed, so many of the most intelligent _travellers_[437] in the Troas +are agreed in placing the Homeric Ilium at Bunárbashi, that I should +have been satisfied on the present occasion with stating my concurrence +with their opinion, and with referring to the arguments of such of them +as have supported it by their publications, had not some adverse systems +been recently maintained with great learning and ingenuity; though +chiefly, it must be admitted, by those who have considered the question +in the closet only. I shall here offer, therefore, a few observations +on this subject; first stating what appear to me to be the strongest +grounds for thinking that Bunárbashi was the site of Troy, and then the +principal objections that have been made to that opinion, together with +the arguments which occur in reply to them[438]. + +As even the identity of the country on the Asiatic side of the entrance +of the Hellespontine strait with the scene of the Ilias has been +doubted, it may not be useless to premise, that if the war of Troy was +a real event, having reference to a real topography (and to doubt it +would shake the whole fabric of profane history), no district has yet +been shown that will combine even a few of the requisite features of +the plain of Troy, except that between Kum-Kalé and Bunárbashi: whereas +in that district, and in the surrounding country by land and by water, +we find the seas and mountains and islands in the positions which the +poet indicates, and many of them with the same or nearly the same names. +The features which do not accord so well with his description are those +which are the most liable to change in the lapse of ages,—the course and +size of the rivers, and the extent and direction of the low coast where +these waters join the sea. Instead of a river with two large branches, +which Homer seems to describe, we find on one side of the plain a broad +torrent, reduced in the dry season to a slender brook, and a few stagnant +pools; and on the other side a small perennial stream, which instead of +joining the former is diverted into an artificial channel, and is thus +carried to a different part of the coast. But the diminutive size of some +of the most celebrated rivers of antiquity is well known to those who +have travelled in Greece; and it must be considered that a poet writing +of a real scene is obliged to magnify those features, which without +exaggeration would be beneath the dignity of his verse. In regard to +the course of the streams, it seems sufficient still to find, at the end +of three thousand years, two rivers which, if they do not now unite, +evidently did so at a former period of time: and for the sources of that +stream which Homer describes as rising under the walls of Troy, to find +some very remarkable springs, not very different in their peculiarities +from the poet’s description, and rising at the foot of a commanding +height on the edge of the plain. + +For poetry this coincidence appears sufficient: and in regard to the +position of Troy itself, it seems enough to find a hill rising above the +sources just mentioned, not only agreeing in all particulars with the +kind of position which the Greeks[439] usually chose for their towns, but +the only situation in this region which will combine all the requisites +they sought for; namely, a height overlooking a fertile maritime +plain,—situated at a sufficient distance from the sea to be secure from +the attacks of pirates, and furnished with a copious and perennial supply +of water,—presenting a very strong and healthy position for the city; and +for the citadel a hill beyond the reach of bowshot from the neighbouring +heights, defended at the back by steep rocks and precipices, surrounded +by a deep valley and broad torrent, and backed beyond the river by +mountains which supplied timber and fuel. That it was precisely such a +situation as the inhabitants of Greece and Asia in remote ages preferred, +might be shown by a great variety of examples: and it can hardly be +doubted that a person totally unacquainted with the Ilias, but accustomed +to observe the positions of ancient Greek towns, would fix on Bunárbashi +for the site of the chief place of the surrounding country. + +It is a necessary consequence of placing Troy on the heights to the +S.E. of Bunárbashi, that the river flowing from the sources which give +that village its name (meaning Spring-head), is the Scamander of Homer: +that the large torrent which flows through a deep ravine on the eastern +side of the heights, is the Simoeis: and that notwithstanding the much +greater magnitude of the bed of the latter and occasionally of that +stream itself, the united river after the junction in the plain was +called by the name of the former, Scamander. In support of this opinion, +it has been justly observed by Lechevalier, that Homer’s description, +allowance being made for poetical exaggeration, is correct, both as to +the springs themselves, and as to the very different character of the +two rivers: nor can it be denied that the two hills, that of Bunárbashi +and the higher eminence behind it, correspond to the mention by Homer +of Ilium and its citadel Pergamus. The termination of the slope towards +the springs accords also with the idea which we receive from the poet of +the extent of the city on that side, and of the position of the gate Scææ +or Dardaniæ, which was near the sources of the Scamander, and was the +principal outlet towards the plain[440]. But if these assumptions are not +unreasonable, it cannot be denied on the other hand that in attempting +to identify such objects as the tombs of Ilus, Myrinna, and Æsyetes, +Lechevalier has exposed himself to reasonable objections from his +opponents, and has rather injured than strengthened his cause. For it is +not certain that all the monuments mentioned by Homer were tumuli; and it +is very possible that if they were, several of them have been obliterated +by time. Nothing can be more likely than that the real history of +the monuments should have been forgotten in the interval between the +destruction of Troy and the foundation of New Ilium, and that names +should have been ascribed to them by the inhabitants of the latter place, +suited to their own system of Trojan topography, and favourable to the +pretensions which they held, that their city stood upon the ancient site. +With regard to the existing barrows, it seems incontrovertible only that +those which stand in conspicuous situations on either side of the mouth +of the Scamander, are the tumuli, supposed in the time of the Romans, +and probably with reason, to have been the sepulchres of Ajax, Achilles, +and some other chieftains; and these monuments are so far important, as +they prove the identity of the plain of the Mendere with the scene of the +Ilias[441]. + +It is objected to the springs of Bunárbashi, that instead of being only +two,—one hot and the other cold, as described by Homer[442],—they are +in one place so numerous as to have received from the Turks the name of +Kirk-Ghiuz, (the Forty Fountains), and that they are all of the same +temperature. + +But viewing them as the springs of a river, they may in poetical +language, or even in common speech, be considered as two, since they +arise in two places, distant from each other about 200 yards: in one +the water appears in a deep basin, which is noted among the natives for +being often covered with a thick vapour like smoke: in the other place, +there are numerous rills issuing from the rocks, into a broad shallow +piece of water, terminating in a stream which is joined by that from the +smoking spring. As to the temperature of the water, the observations +of travellers give various results. Some have observed a difference: +according to others, it would appear that being all deep-seated springs, +their temperature is the same at all seasons, or about 60° of Fahrenheit +at their eruption from the ground; consequently that they will feel cold +when the air is at 70° or 80°, and warm when it is at 40° or 50°[443]. +But even in this case it is obvious that there will be a real difference +between the heat of the shallow recipient of the springs called the +Forty Fountains, and that of the single deep pool. It seems sufficient +to justify Homer’s expression, that a difference of temperature was +believed, and that an occasional appearance of vapour over one source was +often observed by the natives: for the poet would probably flatter the +local prejudices, even if he had examined the fountains so attentively as +to be convinced that the warmth of all the sources was the same. + +Another and a more weighty objection to the placing of Troy on the +heights of Bunárbashi, is that the much greater magnitude of the river, +which flows on the east side of those heights, concurs with its modern +name Mendere in showing it to be the Scamander of Homer; and that such +was evidently the opinion of several authors of antiquity, particularly +of Demetrius, a native of Scepsis in the Troas, from whom Strabo +principally derived his information on the geography of this district. +In fact there can be no doubt, that in the time of Demetrius, who wrote +in the second century before Christ[444], the Mendere from its source in +Mount Kazdagh to its junction with the sea was called Scamander. But was +it so in the time of the Trojan war? In this inquiry we have nothing to +do with any authority but that of the Ilias itself: for it is evident +from the remarks of Demetrius and Strabo, that the topography of the +poem and the site of Troy were as much a subject of doubt and dispute +in their time as they are at present. Nor is this surprising. The result +of the Trojan war was the subversion of Ilium and the extinction (with +the exception of a single branch of the royal family) of the colony which +had settled in this part of Phrygia[445]. Strabo repeatedly remarks that +the revolutions following the Trojan war were the great cause of the +difficulty which he experienced in adjusting the Homeric chorography. +The barbarous people of Thrace, called Treres, who then established +themselves in the Troas, could not have taken much interest in any thing +relating to the former colony, to whose language they were strangers, and +whose history was recorded only in the songs of an Ionian stranger. It +was not till long afterwards that the Æolian Greeks of Lesbus extended +their settlements into the Troas. It was not even by them that New +Ilium was founded, but by a Lydian, and consequently a semibarbarous +colony[446], about the eighth century before Christ; and it was not +till a taste for the poems of Homer having begun to prevail in European +Greece, and the Athenians having taken possession of Sigeium[447] and a +part of the Chersonesus, that their enlightened sovereigns Pisistratus +and his sons[448], if they were not the first to collect, arrange, and +edit the Ilias,—were at least the first to bring it into notice among +the most lettered of the European Greeks[449]. We cannot wonder that the +Homeric topography should at that time have become subject to the same +kind of uncertainty now found to prevail in regard to such places as +Athens, Rome, Jerusalem, Alexandria of Egypt, and even many cities much +more modern. + +For the New Ilium founded by the Lydians, colonized afterwards by the +Æolians, and augmented and first fortified with a circuit of forty stades +by Lysimachus[450], a situation was chosen which, being nearer to the sea +than that of the ancient city, was better adapted to the more advanced +state of commerce and civilization[451]. It was very natural that its +inhabitants the Ilienses[452] should pretend that their town stood on +the site of the ancient city[453]; and no less so, that a historian of a +neighbouring and kindred race should flatter them by concurring in their +opinion[454]. That the conquerors of Asia likewise, and so many other +illustrious visitors of Ilium from Xerxes to the Cæsars, when they found +it useful to their purposes or grateful to their vanity to sacrifice to +Minerva Ilias, should have willingly followed the guidance of the priests +to the temple in New Ilium, and should have admitted without inquiry that +it stood on the site of the Pergamus of Priam—is nothing more than we +should expect under such circumstances. But we know that the claim of the +Ilienses was strongly contested during the whole period in which their +city flourished. Demetrius of Scepsis and Hestiæa of Alexandria Troas +opposed it about the time of the Antiochian war, and Strabo subscribed to +their opinion in the Augustan age[455]. + +Although Demetrius found it impossible to assent to the claim of the +Ilienses in this respect, and seems to have been far from implicitly +believing in the identity of all the Homeric places pointed out by +them[456]; he appears never to have suspected that the Scamander was any +other than the large torrent, to which he found that name then applied +from its mouth in the Hellespont to its distant source in the summit of +Ida called Cotylus[457]. It was a necessary consequence (as all those +who have concurred in the same belief have experienced) to identify +the Simoeis with one of the branches of the Mendere flowing from the +eastward. The Ghiumbrek-su, the most important of the Trojan streams +after the Mendere and Bunárbashi river, seems to have been that which +Strabo (probably following Demetrius[458]) supposed to be the Simoeis, +as may be inferred from his observation that the site of Troy, which +he places at the Pagus Iliensium (Paleó Aktshi), was near the river +Thymbrius; and that the temple of Apollo Thymbræus at the junction of +this river with the Scamander, was 50 stades from New Ilium[459]; for +these data concur in showing that the Kamára-su[460] was the Thymbrius, +and consequently that the Ghiumbrek-su was the Simoeis of the geographer. + +But although a site had been found for Troy at Pagus by those who did +not subscribe to the claims of the Ilienses in favour of their own +site, neither Demetrius nor Strabo was able to discover any springs +corresponding to the Scamandrian sources of Homer. Demetrius, having +observed how utterly irreconcileable the single source of the Scamander +in the distant summit of Mount Ida is with Homer’s description of the +Scamandrian springs, was under the awkward necessity of imagining +that those fountains, wherever they might be, were called the springs +of Scamander, not as being in reality the sources, but only because +they were near the Scamander, or because they afforded a stream which +joined that river[461]. And as the valley and river of Ghiumbrek do not +unite with the plain and river of the Mendere till very near the sea, +Demetrius distinguishes the Simoeisian from the Scamandrian plain[462]—a +distinction, it may be observed, which no where occurs in Homer, and is +in fact inconsistent with his topography. + +There seems no other mode of obviating these difficulties, inevitably +attendant upon taking the Mendere in its whole course for the Homeric +Scamander, but to suppose that the river of Bunárbashi was the _ancient_ +Scamander, that it gave name to the united stream, and that the part of +the Mendere above the junction was the Simoeis. The latter name appears +to have become obsolete during the ages in which the events of the war +of Troy had been almost forgotten on the scene itself, and in the time +of Demetrius and Strabo to have been known only to antiquaries inquiring +into the topography of the Ilias. The name of Scamander on the other +hand, being the more illustrious of the two, and a name apparently of +familiar import in Asia Minor[463], was retained in use: but as the river +of Bunárbashi had lost much of its local importance, and had now become +of inferior consideration, the name of Scamander before attached to the +united stream and to the Bunárbashi-su, was after the revival of New +Ilium by Lysimachus (and perhaps long before that time) applied to the +united stream and to the whole course of the Mendere. + +In some of the preceding pages we have had occasion to remark in the +instances of the Sangarius, Mæander, and Hermus, how easily the names +of two branches of a river are confounded with one another or with the +united stream, and how readily they are transferred from the one to +the other. In addition to these examples, it may be observed that a +similar transmutation of name in two branches of the same river, under +circumstances which cannot so easily be accounted for as in the Trojan +rivers, is to be found in Thessaly, where the river called by Herodotus +and Thucydides Apidanus, is undoubtedly the same as the Enipeus of later +writers, whose Apidanus is at twelve miles distance, and joins the other +branch not far from the confluence of the united stream with the Peneus. + +The principal causes of the obscurity into which the Homeric Scamander +(or river of Bunárbashi) had fallen at the time of Demetrius, are +sufficiently manifest. When Troy stood at Bunárbashi, it was natural +that the river which had its sources under the walls should be one +of the _deified_ rivers of the district. In the climate of Greece a +perennial fountain, however small, was held in at least equal honour +with a large torrent affording only water that was either turbid or +stagnant: and we find many proofs in ancient history, and upon ancient +monuments, especially coins, of the importance often attached to streams, +however diminutive, which flow near the sites of large cities. It is +not surprising, therefore, that the river, which from the position of +its sources and from its utility was more peculiarly the river of Troy, +should, while Troy flourished, have had a preference over the broad +torrent in giving name to the united stream; or that its local importance +should have ceased when the capital of the district was removed to a +situation nearer the sea. + +But besides these accidental causes, there were others arising from +physical changes which tended to destroy the importance of the river +of Bunárbashi. The Mendere and its tributary streams, which flow from +Aktshi-Kiúi, from the Kamára valley, from Tshiblak and from Ghiumbrek, +being all torrents descending from lofty mountains, bring down with them +a great quantity of stones, earth, and other matter: while the Bunárbashi +stream, deriving all its water from pure deep-seated veins, has little +or no deposit. Hence during the ages which have elapsed since the Trojan +war, the eastern side of the plain has been gradually rising; the course +of the Mendere has been gradually receding from that side[464], and +the western side has become more and more marshy; until at length the +Bunárbashi, instead of uniting with the Mendere about the middle of the +plain, as in the time of the Trojan war, is now forced to find its way +through the marshes on the western side, and from those marshes into +the Mendere by two exits not far from Kum-Kale, or towards the ancient +Sigeium. Its waters in the plain have been still further diminished +by a canal, which carries off a large portion of them into another +stream, which joins not the Hellespont, but the Ægæan, at a part of the +coast situated not less than seven miles from the ancient mouth of the +Scamander. Whether this canal is the remains of an ancient work made for +the purpose of draining the plain, when it became marshy by the operation +of the causes above stated, or whether it was formed by the Turks merely +for its present use, of turning some mills, may be doubtful: its effect +has been to cut off in summer all communication between the Bunárbashi +springs and the marshy ground on the western side of the plain; so +that it is only in rainy seasons that the old bed of the river, which +is still very traceable, is now filled with water. I shall here take +occasion to remark, that the manner in which the alluvion collects in +this plain, as already described, will account for an apparent difficulty +in regard to those passages of the Ilias which shew that the Scamander +(the united stream) flowed on the left of the Grecian encampment, or +toward Rhœteium[465], instead of towards Sigeium, as might be inferred +from Strabo[466] and present appearances: for it is evident from the +causes mentioned, that the altered course of the river would be to the +westward of the former course; and consequently that when there was a +bay at the mouth of the Scamander, the river probably issued into that +bay, not towards its western, but towards its eastern side[467]. No +appearance of a bay indeed is now visible; but its former existence is +undoubted, as well from the testimony of Homer as from the physical +structure of the land. Instead of two promontories with a beach between +them, as described by the poet, there is now only one low point of land, +which has been formed between the two ancient capes by the soil brought +down from the upper country by the river, and deposited at its mouth in +the course of ages. The rate at which the new land has accumulated may +be inferred from Strabo and Pliny, from whom it appears that in their +time New Ilium was distant about a Roman mile and a half from the nearest +shore[468]. Now it appears from the existing vestiges of New Ilium, by +those of its citadel on the summit of the hill of Paleó Kastro, which +rises behind Kalafatli, and Kum Kiui, and by other remains on the western +slope of that hill,—that the lower part of the town reached nearly to the +position of Kum Kiui, which is three miles from the shore, or more than +double the distance assigned by Strabo. Allowing therefore the same rate +of accumulation between the Trojan war and the Augustan age, as since +that period, it becomes probable that in the former age the sea reached +to about half a mile below the position of Kum Kiui: and consequently +that Hestiæa of Alexandria was nearly correct in supposing that all the +plain below the hill of New Ilium had been gained from the sea since the +time of the Trojan war[469],—the sandy ground at the extremity of the +slope of that hill, which gives name to Kum Kiui (Sand-village), marks +perhaps what was at one period the sea beach. To those who may think this +formation of new land over-rated[470], it is to be observed, that in +every instance in which the history of Greece has left us the means of +comparison, the same phenomenon has occurred in the maritime plains; and +that in the instances of the Spercheius and Mæander, but particularly of +the latter, the soil has been formed in the same period of time with a +much greater rapidity. + +From all these considerations, therefore, it seems highly probable that +the mouth of the Scamander in the time of the Trojan war was not far from +the situation now occupied by the village of Kum Kiui, and that the +river of Bunárbashi or Scamander, instead of then creeping along the foot +of the southern and western heights, crossed the plain from near Erkessi +in the direction of Kum Kiui, and that it joined the Mendere or Simoeis +towards the middle of the plain, perhaps not far from the present village +of Kalafatli. The passages of the Ilias in which the πόρος, or ford of +the Scamander is mentioned, tend to show that such must have been the +course of the river, if Troy stood at Bunárbashi; and we have seen that +the nature of the plain, and the manner in which the alluvion has been +accumulated, render such a state of the river in ancient times highly +probable. + +A third objection to Bunárbashi as the site of Troy is, that its distance +from the Grecian station at the mouth of the Scamander is so great as +to render impossible some of the events of the Ilias. In considering +this distance, however, we must first deduct from the actual distance +of Bunárbashi from the nearest shore, the new land formed since the +Trojan war, together with the _depth_ of the Grecian encampment, which in +_length_ extended from the foot of the hill of Achilleium on the right, +to the mouth of the Scamander on the left. The new land we have already +seen to have been nearly all that which now lies below Kum Kiui. The +following are the only circumstances upon which we may build a judgement +as to the extent of the Grecian encampment. + +According to the poet, the bay was too narrow to contain the whole fleet, +which was therefore arranged in several lines[471]. Although nothing +but necessity could have made the Greeks submit to having any of their +vessels at a distance from the sea, and that we may therefore suppose the +number of lines to have been as few as possible, the poet’s expression +will hardly allow the supposition that there were fewer than four or +five lines. And this number agrees very well with the dimensions of the +ground: for if we allow 25 feet for the breadth of each ship, added to +the interval between it and the next, we shall find that about one-fifth +of 1200, which is the amount of Homer’s enumeration[472], would have been +sufficient to occupy the space of one mile and a quarter, to which the +rear of the Greek encampment was confined by the hill of Achilleium on +the right, and by the river on the left, supposing its mouth to have been +near Kum Kiui[473]. + +For the breadth or depth of the encampment it would not be necessary to +assign more than three or four hundred yards, if it were measured only +by the length of the ships, added to the necessary interval between the +rows: but it is obvious that a large space must, either in the length or +depth of the encampment, have been required for the tents of the leaders, +for the chariots and horses, for the market, and for the places to +contain the cattle and other commodities which the Greeks collected for +provisions, or to be exchanged for wine[474]. In short, for a permanent +encampment of between 50,000 and 100,000 men[475], with a front of a mile +and a quarter, a depth of not less than half a mile would be necessary. +Such a space would not be greater than was required by the Romans for +their encampments[476]; in which, although there was ample accommodation +for the several departments of the army, there was no necessity for the +space required in the camp before Troy, for the ships, and for some of +the other incumbrances incidental to its permanence. On the one hand +we can hardly restrict the Greek camp to a smaller space than I have +mentioned, because it would have been insufficient to contain the ships +and tents: on the other, a much larger can hardly be assigned; because +the inconvenience of having any of the ships at a distance from the +sea-shore would be a powerful motive for contracting the space towards +the plain, and because the poet expressly states that the army was +crowded[477]. + +In considering, therefore, the transactions of the Ilias, the present +distance of Bunárbashi from the mouth of the Scamander must be diminished +about three miles and a half, in order to give the distance between Troy +and the Grecian rampart, which will thus be reduced to about six miles. + +The events which have been considered most inconsistent with the distance +of Bunárbashi from the Hellespont, are those occurring on the days called +by Pope the 23d and 28th; the former day occupies the 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, +6th, and the greater part of the 7th books of the poem; the 28th day +extends from the beginning of the 11th to the middle of the 18th book. + +On the 23d day the Greeks are drawn out, after their forenoon’s repast, +in the plain lying between the rampart and the Scamander; and from thence +they advance to the city, where, after the duel between Menelaus and +Paris, the armies join battle with alternate success. At one time the +Trojans have so far prevailed as to have approached the Greek camp[478]; +and at another, the Greeks are again near the city[479]. Hector then +rallies his army; a duel ensues between him and Ajax, which is put an +end to by the approach of night[480], and the Greeks retire to their +encampment. It does not seem necessary to suppose that the ground passed +over by the Greeks on this day is more than 20 or 22 miles; six of which +were performed after the close of day. + +On the 28th day the two armies drawn out in the plain before the Greek +encampment, fought only with the light troops until the hour of the +woodman’s meal[481], which, to judge by modern customs, was about 9 or 10 +o’clock in the forenoon. The charioteers of the two armies having then +come to action, the Greeks had the superiority, and beat back the Trojans +quite to the walls of Troy[482], where Agamemnon being wounded, Hector +in turn leads the victorious Trojans to the Grecian rampart, forces it, +and fights at the ships. Patroclus then advances to battle in the armour +of Achilles, and drives the Trojans back to the city. Here he is slain, +and the Trojans again advance near to the Greek camp before the day +closes[483]. As the movements on this day carry the parties quite up to +the hostile fortifications, the distance passed over is in so much, but +no more, greater than on the 23d day; and 24 miles seems to be the utmost +distance that we are obliged to suppose the Greeks to have passed over on +this day. + +In considering the probability of these exploits, we must take into +consideration that whatever may have been the proportion of the infantry +to the chariots, the extreme distances appear to have been performed only +by the latter; for Homer, in all the great movements from the Greek camp +to Troy, and from Troy to the Greek camp, as well as in all the principal +actions, notices the chariots only. Even in the assault of the wall, in +the beginning of the 12th book, Hector descends from his chariot; and all +the other Trojans, adds the poet, follow his example. + +Not much argument, however, seems necessary against objections +which, when allowed in their fullest force, are founded only on the +exaggerations of a poet, to whom, however accurate as a geographer and +historian when it was his object to be so, we cannot refuse the usual +poetical liberties in some of the most animated descriptions which his +work contains. If the labours of the Trojan and Grecian heroes in the +two days the events of which are thought to disprove the position of Troy +at Bunárbashi, were too great for ordinary men; they were not beyond the +power of heroes who could hurl such rocks as two men in the time of the +poet were unable even to lift[484]; who could make their voices heard +from the centre to either extremity[485], or even from the one end to +the other[486] of an encampment of sixty or eighty thousand men; and +who could see so clearly, that Helen is able from the walls of Troy to +point out and minutely describe all the leaders of the Grecian host, +when the whole Trojan army lay between[487]. It is evident that these +are fictions which the Muse allows and encourages; and instances of them +are so frequent throughout the poem, that it cannot be necessary to make +any more particular reference to them. At one time the poet found it +convenient to magnify beyond probability, or even beyond possibility, +the common occurrences of war; at another, to bring together the actions +of an extensive field, in order to present them to view in one continued +scene. + +A fourth objection which has been made against the site of Bunárbashi +is, that in this position it would have been impossible for Achilles +to have pursued Hector three times round the walls of Troy, as Homer +relates. But does Homer really so relate? It cannot be denied that many +interpreters, ancient and modern, have understood the poet in this sense; +and it is perhaps the most obvious meaning to a cursory reader, who does +not particularly consider the fact described, or who has not, by a view +of the site of Troy, been convinced of its extreme improbability. Virgil, +however, who in the latter part of the 12th book of the Æneis, has very +closely imitated every part of Homer’s description of the encounter +between Achilles and Hector, seems to have understood his prototype very +differently. He does not represent Turnus as pursued by his adversary +_round_ the walls of Laurentum, but as forming a circle in a plain which +was bounded by those walls, by a marsh, and by the Trojan army. In +like manner the pursuit of Hector by Achilles occurred in sight of the +Trojans, collected on the ramparts on one side, and of the Grecian army +drawn out in the plain on the other. And the poet, in describing the +action, mentions no objects passed by Hector and Achilles, except the +Scæan or Dardanian gate, the carriage-way under the walls, the Erineus, +and the source of the Scamander[488]; all places which we know to have +been on the side of the city towards the plain. Can it be supposed that +Homer intended to describe the heroes as following such a track as must +have concealed them entirely from the view of both armies, except in a +small portion of the circle? + +It has justly been observed by Lechevalier and Choiseul Gouffier that +the word περὶ, which has given rise to the erroneous interpretation of +this passage, means, in other passages[489] perfectly similar, _near_ +or _before_ the city, and not _around_ it. To this I may add, that no +supposed situation of the city, which is not entirely in the plain, will +suit the idea of a course round the entire circuit of the walls; and that +such a situation would be totally unadapted to the description which +Homer has given of Troy, as windy[490], lofty[491], and as surmounted +with a citadel bordered by precipices[492]. Strabo in fact, following +Demetrius, makes use of this very argument to prove that the ancient +city did not stand at New Ilium; round which, he remarks, it would have +been impossible for Achilles to have pursued Hector[493]. It would seem, +therefore, that the poet, as a keen observer of nature, intended to +describe that circular course, which a person invariably takes when he +runs from another, and finds no shelter or advantageous position for +defending himself. The track of the two heroes was from the Scæan gate, +along the road under the walls, by the Erineus, and by the fountains of +the Scamander back again to the Scæan gate. Ὣς οἳ τρὶς Πριάμοιο πόλιν +περὶ δινηθήτην[494]. + + * * * * * + +It remains to offer a few remarks in justification of the north-eastern +portion of the map which accompanies the present volume. This part of +Asia Minor was called Pontus by the Romans, from its bordering on the +Euxine _sea_: though it still retained the divisions of its ancient +inhabitants, the Bithyni, Maryandini, Caucones, and Paphlagones. Here, +as in many other parts of the peninsula, modern travellers have not yet +afforded us sufficient information to enable us to make the best use of +the evidence of ancient history. The astronomical observations of M. +Beauchamp and Capt. Gauttier have been of great importance in giving the +correct length of the coast, its general outline, and the exact position +of the principal places: but it requires such a careful survey as that +of the southern coast by Capt. Beaufort, to illustrate fully the three +ancient Periplus of the Pontic coast[495], and to correct the numerical +errors which their disagreement with one another proves to exist in them. + +On the sea-coast all the most important sites of antiquity are determined +by the actual names.—These sites are _Rhebas_, now Ríva; _Calpe_, +Kerpe; the river _Sangarius_, Sakaría; _Heraclia_, Erégri; the river +_Parthenius_, Bartan, in Greek Parthéni; _Amastris_, Amásera; _Cytorus_, +Kídros; _Thymena_, Temena; _Carambis_, Kerempe; _Abonuteichus_, afterward +_Ionopolis_, Aináboli; _Cinolis_, Kinóli; _Stephane_, Istefán, in Greek +Stéfanos; _Sinope_, Sinub, in Greek Sinópi; _Carusa_, Kerze; _Amisus_, +Samsun. With these data it will not be difficult for the future traveller +to fix the intermediate names of the three Periplus: especially as +existing vestiges of antiquity, and the rivers which form a large +proportion of the ancient names, will greatly facilitate the task. + +Although the route along this coast, in the Peutinger Table, is unworthy +of much notice, and conveys very little information, it is right to point +out the obvious correction of one remarkable error which it contains. The +author, misled by the similarity of the name of Amastris (written Mastrum +in the Table) with that of Amasia, has substituted the coast-road from +Amastris to Sinope for that leading from Amasia to Sinope. Of this the +names along the latter route in the Table, although disfigured, leave no +doubt.—Cromen, Cythero, Egilan, Carambas, Stefano, Syrtas, are obviously +intended for Cromna, Cytorum, Ægiali, Carambis, Stephane, Syrias; and the +sum of the distances, 149 M. P., is tolerably correct. It is probable, +therefore, that the two roads should change places in the Table; although +it must be confessed that no proof of this inference is to be found +in the road of the Table from Mastrum to Sinope; for the sum of the +distances of the three places on that route is not above half the real +road-distance, and I can find no traces of their names (Tycæ, Cereæ, and +Miletus) in any other ancient author. + +Another and a more important defect in the routes of the Table through +Paphlagonia, is the omission of the name of the place which by its _two +towers_ is shown to have been the most remarkable on the road leading +from Nicomedia to Gangra, with a branch to Amasia. As this route of +the Table lies between the coast road and that leading from Nicæa to +Amasia by Juliopolis, Ancyra, and Tavium, it seems evidently to have +been the same as the modern road from Nicomedia to Amasia by Boli; +for the structure of the country, and the direction of its mountains, +passes, valleys, and rivers, must naturally have led the main ancient +road in the same direction as the modern. The position in the Table of +the place with two towers without a name, relatively to the two ends +of the route, shows that it stood on or about the site now occupied +by Boli. Now Boli is evidently an abbreviation of some name ending in +Polis, which in process of time was vulgarly used in that form, like ἡ +πόλις for Constantinople. In Honorias, which under Constantine formed a +district separate from Paphlagonia proper, lying between it and Bithynia, +there were three places with the termination of polis—Claudiopolis, or +Bithynium; Flaviopolis, or Cratia; and Hadrianopolis[496]. The other +towns of Honorias were Tium, Heraclia Pontica, and Prusias on the Hypius; +so that the district seems to have chiefly comprehended the country lying +between the Sangarius and the Billæus. Bithynium or Claudiopolis was on +the Sangarius[497]; and having been originally a colony from Greece[498], +was probably not far from the mouth of that river, Greek colonies +having generally settled in maritime situations, as we see instanced in +several cities on this coast. Flaviopolis was twenty or thirty miles +from Claudiopolis, on the road leading from that place to Ancyra[499]; +consequently to the westward of Boli. Boli, therefore, seems to have +been the ancient Hadrianopolis. It is singular that among the numerous +inscriptions which so many travellers agree in having observed near +Boli, not one should yet have been copied, containing the name of the +ancient city. + +The other places on this road in the Table have been inserted in the Map, +in the situations which I have thought the most probable, trusting less +to the distances in the Table, (which are probably not more correct in +detail than they are in the general result,) than to the situation of the +valleys and fertile districts. Potamia, a place which Strabo has noticed +as being in this part of the country[500], seems to have stood in the +valley of Beinder, where the branches of the Parthenius first unite into +a considerable stream. + +On another route in the Table, which crosses the preceding nearly +at right angles, the only place named between Gangra and Sinope is +Pompeiopolis. This place seems to have occupied the site of Tash Kiupri, +as well from the position of that modern town, as from the considerable +remains of antiquity found there, and which are apparently of the date +when Pompeiopolis may be supposed to have flourished. + +Of Germanicopolis, or Germanopolis, we know only that it was one of the +principal places of the interior of Paphlagonia, and that it continued +to be so in the sixth century[501]. It has probably left some remains +similar to those of Pompeiopolis, though they have not yet been +discovered by modern travellers. D’Anville supposed Germanicopolis to +have occupied the site of Kastamúni; but the words in the Novellæ of +Justinian seem to place it near Gangra[502].—Kastamúni is the modern +corruption of Castamon, which we find mentioned in the Byzantine +history[503], and which may have been a more ancient name, although it is +not found in Ptolemy, nor in any authority earlier than the 12th century. + +The subordinate districts of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia Pontica; namely, +Timonitis, Bogdomanis, Zygiani, Marmolitis, Blaene, Domanitis, Cimiatene, +Gazelonitis, Saramene, Phamezonitis, Diacopene, Babamonitis,—have been +inserted in the map, from the information, as well as it could be +understood, of Strabo and Ptolemy; and some of the Turkish names from the +still obscurer description of Abubekr Ben Behrem. + +It is much to be regretted that no modern traveller has visited Tshorúm, +which there is the strongest reason to believe occupies the site of +Tavium, the chief fortress of the Trocmi, and a very important point in +the ancient itineraries. + +Upon comparing the road from Tavium to Cæsareia (Mazaca) in the Table +with that in the Antonine itinerary, we find that none of the names +agree—that the distance in the Table is nearly double that in the +Antonine—and that both of them give an incorrect rate to the Roman mile. +It might be supposed, in explanation of this difficulty, that there were +two roads from Tavium to Cæsareia; but I am inclined to think there is +some error here in the Antonine, as it places Soanda on this road, which +we have good authority for believing to have been in a very different +situation, namely, on the great western road from Cæsareia, between that +city and Garsabora[504]. + + + + +ADDITIONAL NOTES. + + +I have reserved to this place all observations on the geographical +information contained in the Latin historians of the 12th century, +who have described the first crusade[505]; because, upon a careful +examination of it, I have not found any thing either to invalidate or +materially to confirm that which is deducible from the ancients or from +the Byzantines. At the same time there are several passages in the Latin +historians which may receive some illustration from the cotemporary +Greeks, or from the ancient geographical authorities. + + +NOTE TO PAGE 9. + +The following is the substance, of a short account, by Anna Comnena, +of the military operations in Bithynia in the autumn of the year 1096, +which proved fatal to so many of the followers of Peter the Hermit. +Peter having passed over into Asia, contrary to the advice which the +Emperor Alexius gave him to wait for the other crusaders who were then +on the way, encamped at Helenopolis, from whence the Normans proceeded +to ravage the country around Nicæa; and having successfully defended +themselves against a body of Turks, which advanced against them, they +carried back their spoil in safety to Helenopolis. In a second expedition +they occupied the fort of Xerigordus, but the sultan Kilidj Arslan, +having sent one of his officers against them, retook that place, slew +many of the Normans, and made many of them prisoners. He then sent two +men to raise a report in the camp at Helenopolis, that the Normans had +taken possession of Nicæa, and were plundering it; when the other troops, +desirous of sharing in the spoil, proceeded in a disorderly manner +towards Nicæ: and thus they fell into an ambuscade which the Sultan had +stationed in a place called Draco, and were cut to pieces. The number +that fell was so great that their bones formed a mountain. Peter then +retired to Helenopolis, where he was invested by the Turks: but the +Emperor, unwilling that he should be taken, sent his officer Catacalon +with some ships to his succour, upon whose arrival the Turks retired, and +Peter returned with his surviving followers into Europe. + +From the Latins there is great difficulty in extracting any clear account +of these events, which may partly be ascribed to the want of a good map, +partly to the ignorance of the authors in ancient geography, but chiefly +to the circumstance of none of those writers having been personally +engaged in Peter’ s imprudent expedition. They agree tolerably well with +the Greek Princess in regard to the principal events, but are at variance +both with her and with one another as to many of the particulars. They +relate that the crusaders, having crossed the Bosphorus, marched to +Nicomedia, and from thence to a place on the sea-side called Civitot +or Civito, where they were amply supplied with provisions by sea. The +French troops, separating from the others, spread themselves over the +country and took possession of an abandoned fortress called Exerogorgo +(the Xerigordus of Anna Comnena), the situation of which is variously +described as four days beyond Nicomedia, as four days beyond Nicæa, and +as three or four miles from the latter. Here they were soon surrounded +by the Turks, who cut off their supply of water, slew many of them, +and at length, by the treachery of one of the French chieftains named +Reynald, captured many more. Soon after this event there was a general +action in the field, which was fatal to the gallant military commander of +Peter’s army, Gauthier Sansavoir, (Walter the moneyless,) as well as to +several other distinguished leaders. The exact scene of action it is very +difficult to understand, though it rather appears from a comparison of +Anna Comnena with Albert of Aix-la-Chapelle, and William of Tyre, the two +Latin authors who have given the fullest account of these transactions, +to have been at the northern extremity of the plain of Nicæa, and on +the adjoining hills. The chief slaughter of the Franks seems to have +occurred in the passes leading from thence to the sea, of which passes +the Turks had made themselves masters during the action, unknown to the +enemy. According to the Latin historians, a part of their army found its +way back to Civitot, where they were speedily surrounded by the Turks, +and where they would have been in great danger of being all slain or +taken, had not the Turks been induced, by the mediation of Alexis, to +retire, and to leave the crusaders at liberty to return to Constantinople. + +It naturally occurs, on reading these two accounts of the same events, +that Helenopolis, which name is not found in the Gesta Dei per Francos, +was the same place which the authors of that collection mean by Civitot; +but a little further examination will show this supposition to be +inadmissible. In the first place, the passage of Procopius referred to +in page 8 of this volume[506] is a convincing proof that Helenopolis +was on the shore of the Gulf of Nicomedia. Procopius, in complaining +of the injury which Justinian had done to the imperial establishment +for the relay of horses on all the great post roads of the empire[507], +remarks in particular, that the abolition of the post from Chalcedon to +Dacibyza had obliged all persons who were going from Constantinople to +Helenopolis to cross the sea in small boats, which often exposed them +to great danger. It is evident, as well from this passage of Procopius +as from several others in Anna Comnena, that Helenopolis was the usual +place of debarkation for those going from the capital to Nicæa and +the south eastward, as the Dil or Glossa is at present; and hence +Constantine turned his attention to this important point soon after he +had established the seat of empire at Byzantium, giving to the village +of Drepanum[508], which before stood there, the name of Helenopolis in +honour of his mother. From the same sense of its importance, Justinian +augmented Helenopolis, and constructed there an aqueduct, a bath, and +other buildings[509]. + +Secondly, it cannot be doubted that the barbarous name Civitot or +Civito, which, like many other parts of the narrative, the authors of +the Gesta Dei have copied from one another, is no other than the Κιβωτὸς +(pronounced Kivotó in modern Greek) of Anna Comnena. In the following +year we find that it was the place of debarkation and maritime supply for +the crusaders, especially during their operations before Nicæa; and it +clearly appears, upon a comparison of the Latin historians with Anna, to +have been in the Gulf of Cius, and not far from that city: for the former +state that, in order to complete the blockade of Nicæa, and to prevent +the Turks in the city from receiving succours by the lake, boats were +collected at Civitot and conveyed from thence overland into the lake; +while from the Greek princess we learn[510] that this operation, which +according to her was performed by placing the boats in chariots, took +place on the side of the lake towards Cius. Here, in fact, the ground was +more favourable to it than in any part of the borders of the lake, and +here also the lake approaches nearest to the sea, the interval being, as +Albert of Aix remarks, about seven miles. + +As to the statement of Anna, that Alexius sent ships to the assistance +of Peter, when invested by the Turks at Helenopolis, compared with that +of the Latin historians, who represent Civitot to have been the last +retreat of the crusaders, the only mode of reconciling this apparent +contradiction is to suppose that the defeated and dispersed crusaders +retreated through the woods to both those places, that both were invested +by the victorious Turks, but that it was to Helenopolis that Alexius sent +his admiral, whose interference with the Turks liberated the Franks at +Cibotus, as well as those who were shut up in Helenopolis. + + +NOTE TO PAGE 18. + +The Latin historians are at variance with one another, and with Anna +Comnena, in many of the circumstances attending the march of the +crusaders, after the capture of Nicæa, to the plain of Dorylæum, and +relating to the great battle which took place there. Thus much however +may be gathered from them: that the crusaders moved in a single line in +two days from Nicæa to Leucæ; that at Leucæ they crossed the Gallus by a +bridge, and halted for two days to refresh themselves and their cattle +in that fertile valley. They then divided themselves into two bodies; +that which was accompanied by Godfrey took the road to the right, (the +road probably which now leads through Bozavik,) while Bohemond and the +remainder of the forces pursued the direct route to Dorylæum. On the +fourth day, the latter corps being then, as it appears, encamped on the +banks of the Thymbres in the plain of Dorylæum not far to the westward +of that town, was attacked by an immense army of Turks under Kilidj +Arslan. They supported the unequal contest from the 2d to the 8th hour of +the day, when Godfrey, who had received from the messengers of Bohemond +intelligence of what was occurring, arrived, and, making an immediate +attack on the flank and rear of the Sultan’s army, gained a complete +victory over them. + + +NOTE TO PAGES 37, 58. + +The crusaders now marched in a single body and suffered extreme distress +from a want of water in the dry and barren country which they had to +traverse, until they arrived at a river which appears to have been at no +great distance from Antioch the Less, or Antiocheia of Pisidia. At this +city several chieftains with their followers separated themselves from +the main body and pursued different routes; the remainder moved forward +to Iconium. It must be admitted, that if the evidence as to the position +of Antiocheia of Pisidia contained in this part of the Gesta Dei is not +sufficient to overthrow that of Strabo and the Peutinger Table,—both +which authorities tend to show that it was not exactly on the modern +route from Eski Shehr to Konia by Bulwudun and Ak Shehr,—it is at least +a proof that Antiocheia lay not far from that line. The river which +relieved the sufferings of the crusaders seems to have been that which +flows through the plain of Karahissár to the lake of Bulwudún. + + +NOTE TO PAGE 65. + +The princess Anna is silent as to all the proceedings of the crusaders +between the battle of Dorylæum and their arrival before Antioch of Syria. +But the Latins agree in stating that, after marching from Iconium, they +arrived at a place which is variously spelt Erachia, Eraclia, Heraclea, +Reclei; and that here they turned to the right through the mountains to +Tarsus. Some of them add, that on the first day from Iconium they were +obliged to take a provision of water in skins, because none was met with +at the end of that day’s journey; that on the second day they arrived +at a river, and on the third at Heraclea. This account of the country +through which the crusaders marched after quitting Iconium, is in every +respect so accurate a description of the route from Konia to Tarsus +through Erkle, that no doubt can remain of Erkle having been the place at +which they arrived at the end of the third day’s march from Iconium,—and +hence the authority of their historians may perhaps have been considered +a proof that Erkle is the position of one of the many Greek cities called +Heracleia. I have already remarked, however, that there does not appear +at any period of ancient history to have been a Heracleia in this quarter +of Asia Minor; and I have stated my reasons for thinking that Erkle is +a corruption not of Ἡράκλεια but of Ἄρχαλλα. It must be recollected +that the Mussulmans had been in possession of that part of the country +400 years before the arrival of the crusaders, and that sufficient time +therefore had elapsed for the Greek name to have assumed the form of +corruption which it now bears: Albert of Aix, who writes it Reclei, +which nearly represents the present sound, furnishes us with a strong +presumption that it really had then assumed that form. + +It is natural that the historians of the crusade, having a sufficient +degree of learning to write in Latin, but no profound knowledge of +ancient geography, should have had just so much familiarity with the name +of Heraclea as would lead them to suppose Erkle to be a corruption of +Heraclea, and would induce them to translate it in Latin by that word. It +has been seen, however, that they did not all so convert it. Tudebode, +Archbishop Baldric, and the Abbot Guibert, all write it Erachia. Upon +the whole, therefore, I find nothing in the Gesta Dei which invalidates +the conjecture of Erkle being the site of Archalla. + + +NOTE TO PAGE 60. + +In addition to the other proofs which I have given in the note to +this page of the little dependence that can be placed on Xenophon’s +description of the route of Cyrus through Asia Minor, the following may +also be mentioned: Xenophon states that there were three stations or +thirty parasangs between Colossæ and Celænæ: the distance by the road is +not more than 30 miles. + + +NOTE TO PAGE 117. + +The following is the description of Cilicia by Ammianus: “Superatis +Tauri montis verticibus, qui ad solis ortum sublimius attolluntur, +Cilicia spatiis porrigitur late distentis, dives bonis omnibus terra +ejusque lateri dextro adnexa Isauria; pari sorte uberi palmite viret, et +frugibus multis; quam mediam navigabile flumen Calycadnus interscindit. +Et hanc quidem, præter oppida multa, duæ civitates exornant; Seleucia +opus Seleuci regis, et Claudiopolis quam deduxit coloniam Claudius +Cæsar. Isaura ... ægre vestigia claritudinis pristinæ monstrat admodum +pauca.” Ammian. l. 14. c. 25. The situation of Mout between the two +great parallel ridges of Taurus corresponds exactly with that of +Claudiopolis as described by Theophanes: Κλαυδιοπόλεως ... τῆς μεταξὺ +τῶν δύο Ταύρων ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένης. In the 3rd year of the Emperor +Anastasius, Claudiopolis, which had been recently recovered by Diogenes +from the Isaurians, was again suddenly invested by them and reduced to +the greatest extremity, when it was opportunely relieved by John Cyrtus +and Conon bishop of Apameia, who suddenly crossing the passes of Taurus +(those between Mout and Láranda), were assisted by a sortie of Diogenes, +and thus completely defeated the Isaurians. The bishop died of a wound +which he received in the action. Theoph. Chronog. p. 119. + +Strabo (p. 672) describes a very ancient Greek colony of the name of +Olbe, founded by Ajax, son of Teucer, and which had a temple of Jupiter +that preserved its sanctity and importance through many revolutions. He +places Olbe in the mountains behind Soli and Cyinda, which, although not +a very accurate description of the situation of the valley of Mout, seems +sufficient to identify the Olbe of Strabo with the Olbasa which Ptolemy +places in the Citis or valley of the Calycadnus. Nothing indeed is more +probable than that this spacious, fertile, and easily defensible valley +should have attracted a colony of Greeks at an early period. Hierocles +mentions both Olbe and Claudiopolis in the province of Isauria, of +which in his time Seleucia was the chief town. It appears also from the +Notitiæ, that they were separate Greek bishoprics. + + +NOTE TO PAGE 182. + +The theatre of Telmissus is smaller than that of Patara. According to +Foucherot, (see Choiseul Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tome 1. pl. +72) the diameter of the theatre of Telmissus was 238 French feet, equal +to 254 English. That of Patara is 265 (not 295 as stated in page 182). +At Telmissus the cavea contained 28 seats divided by a diazoma at the +fifteenth seat from the bottom. The theatre of Patara had about 30 rows +of seats. At Patara are the ruins of a bath, an inscription upon which +shows that it was erected by the Emperor Vespasian. The theatre was built +in the reign of Antoninus Pius. + +[Illustration: THEATRE OF PATARA. + +THEATRE OF MYRA.] + + +NOTE TO PAGE 183. + +By the kindness of Mr. Cockerell, I am enabled to submit to the reader a +plan on a small scale of the theatre of Patara, together with a sketch +of the form and dimensions of the theatre of Myra. Their construction +resembles that of the other theatres of Asia Minor, as exemplified at +Side[511], Telmissus, Miletus, Hierapolis, Laodiceia, and in several +other smaller theatres. It differs from that of the theatres of European +Greece in the form of the extremities of the cavea, as far as we can +judge from such of the European Greek theatres as are sufficiently +preserved to show the construction of that part of the building. In the +Asiatic theatres the ends of the cavea diverged from the orchestra, so +as to form an oblique angle to the direction of the scene. We find, on +the contrary, that in the theatres of Segeste, Tauromenium, Syracuse, +Sparta, Epidaurus, Sicyon, in the theatre of Herodes at Athens, and in +that near Ioannina in Epirus, the extremities of the cavea were parallel +to the scene. In both, the cavea exceeded a semicircle; but in the +Asiatic theatres the excess was formed by producing the same curve at +either extremity of the semicircle, until the cavea occupied from 200 to +225 degrees of a circle[512]; whereas at Tauromenium, Sicyon, Epidaurus, +and in the theatre near Ioannina, the excess above a semicircle is +formed by two right lines drawn from the extremities of the semicircle +perpendicular to its diameter and to the direction of the scene, as in +the annexed figure[513]. + +[Illustration] + +At Syracuse, the cavea was a semicircle and no more. In the theatre of +Herodes at Athens, the excess above a semicircle was a curve, and it +is therefore an exception to the European rule. The other theatres of +European Greece are too much ruined to admit of any certainty on this +point. + +Vitruvius has not noticed this remarkable difference between the +Greek theatres of Europe and Asia; but he gives the following precise +distinction between the Greek and the Roman theatre: “To construct the +Roman theatre,—having described a circle of the size intended for the +lowest part of the theatre, inscribe in it four equilateral triangles, +the angles of which will divide the circumference into 12 equal parts. +Assume the side of one of the triangles for the position of the scene. A +line drawn parallel to it through the diameter of the circle, will mark +the separation of the pulpitum of the proscenium from the orchestra. +The seven angles of the triangles in the semicircle of the orchestra +determine the position of the scalæ or steps leading from the orchestra +between the cunei into the first præcinctio. The scalæ leading from these +to the second præcinctio are in the middle of the intervals between the +scalæ of the lower cunei. The five remaining angles of the triangles +determine the divisions of the scene, the length of which ought to be +double the diameter of the orchestra. The construction of the Greek +theatre differs in some respects from that of the Roman. In the Greek +three squares are inscribed in the circle of the lowest part of the +theatre, dividing the circumference into 12 equal parts as before. Having +assumed a side of one of the squares for the position of the λογεῖον +or pulpitum of the proscenium, a line parallel to it, touching the +circumference of the circle in the point most distant from the cavea, +will determine the line of the scene. Draw a diameter of the circle +parallel to the scene, and from each extremity of the diameter as a +centre describe a curve from the opposite extremity until it intersects +the line of the proscenium. These two curves, the semicircle and the +proscenium, inclose the orchestra.” + +[Illustration: CONSTRUCTION OF THE ROMAN THEATRE, ACCORDING TO VITRUVIUS. + + A B C D E F A Cavea. + F D Pulpitum of the Proscenium. + G H Scene. + I Proscenium. + K K Cunei separated by Scalæ. + F E D F Orchestra. + L Postscenium.] + +[Illustration: CONSTRUCTION OF THE ORCHESTRA OF THE GREEK THEATRE, +ACCORDING TO VITRUVIUS. + + A C Pulpitum of the Proscenium. + A B C A Orchestra. + D D Cunei of the Cavea. + E Proscenium. + F G Scene. + H I K The three centres, from which the curve of the Orchestra + is described.] + +The effect of these two modes of construction was, to give a more +spacious cavea and a more spacious orchestra to the Greek theatre than +to the Roman; a scene further removed from the middle of the cavea, and +a narrower pulpitum to the proscenium. The intention of their difference +is to be found in the different destinations of the two theatres. Among +the Greeks the tragic and comic actors only performed on the scene: +all other exhibitions took place in the orchestra; and hence their +theatrical artists were divided into Scenici and Thymelici—the latter +term being derived from the thymele or altar of Bacchus; which in +process of time was often used as synonymous with the whole orchestra. +The Roman theatres, on the other hand, being chiefly intended for +dramatic representations, it was desirable to bring the scene as near as +possible to the centre of the cavea; the orchestra was used only for the +moveable seats of privileged spectators, and the cavea seldom exceeded +a semicircle. In Roman theatres the height of the pulpitum above the +orchestra was only five feet, that the spectators in that part of the +theatre might command a good view of the stage—as in our pit; in the +Greek theatres, there being no spectators in the orchestra, it was ten or +twelve feet high[514]. + +As no science can less bear to be fettered by rules than architecture, +it will not be surprising to find, as we increase our collection of +ancient examples, that the speculations of Vitruvius seldom agree with +the ancient monuments. His rules, in fact, are rather to be regarded as +his own system, than that which was followed by the architects of Greece; +whose genius is in nothing more remarkable than in the variety which +pervaded their designs, according to the circumstances of each particular +work; and in the singular felicity with which they harmonized the several +parts of those designs. + +The theatre of Patara may exemplify the rules given by Vitruvius for the +position of the scene in Greek theatres, and for that of the scalæ, which +determine the dimensions of the cunei: but, like all the other theatres +in Asia Minor, it is an exception to his rule for constructing the curve +of the orchestra or cavea; this curve being in all those theatres a +segment of one and the same circle, instead of being formed from three +centres. + +And even in regard to the position of the scene, the theatre of Patara +is subject to the remark, that between the lower seat of the cavea and +the orchestra there is a præcinctio or διάζωμα[515], twelve feet wide, +and four feet (not ten or twelve, as he prescribes in Greek theatres) in +height above the level of the orchestra; which diazoma must be included +within the circle of the orchestra, in order to make the scene a tangent +to that circle, as the rule of Vitruvius requires. The scene of the +theatre of Myra is still more distant from the cavea. + +It is impossible to determine, without further excavation, whether in +any existing theatre the curve of the _orchestra_ at the two ends next +the proscenium was formed from three centres as Vitruvius has described; +but in no instance that has yet been remarked are the extremities of +the _cavea_ constructed in this manner; they are either right lines or +continuations of the same circle which forms the middle of the cavea. + +The great theatre of Laodiceia[516] is also an exception to the rules +of Vitruvius, or rather it exemplifies a mixture of his Greek and Roman +theatre; for with a cavea, spacious like that of the Greek theatre, it +has a Roman scene; as not only appears from the position of the scene +_within_ the curve of the orchestra, but likewise from the great niche +in the centre of the scene, which is found also at Hierapolis, and is +remarked at Nicopolis of Epirus, and in some other theatres of Roman +construction[517]. + +The advantage of the Asiatic over the European construction in Greek +theatres, consisted only in the increase of capacity derived from the +obliquity of the two ends of the cavea. As the spectators in the upper +seats of the two extremities must have had a very imperfect view of the +scene, the Asiatic construction may perhaps have been adopted to provide +accommodation for the classes who cared less for the drama than for the +dancing and dumb-show of the orchestra: and these classes may perhaps +have been more numerous in the Asiatic than in the European cities of +Greece. + +In Asia Minor the lower part of the cavea was generally excavated in a +hill, and the upper part was built of masonry raised upon arches; so +that there was a direct access from the level of the ground at the back +of the theatre into the middle diazoma, either at the two ends of the +diazoma, or by arched vomitories in the intermediate parts of the curve, +under the upper division of the cavea. The same mode of construction +occurred also in some of the theatres of European Greece; though in the +more ancient theatres of that country it seems to have been the common +practice to excavate all the middle part of the cavea and even the seats +out of the rock. It seldom happened that theatres were constructed in +plains, as it added so much to the labour and expense of them: instances, +however, exist at Mantineia and Megalopolis. + +As the scene and every part of the theatre relating to the spectacle +stood on level ground at the lowest part of the building, it has +invariably happened, in all the remaining theatres of Greece and Asia, +that the parts belonging to the scene have been more or less buried in +their own ruins, and in those of the cavea, which rises above them like +a crumbling mountain. It is only by excavating, therefore, that we can +arrive at an exact knowledge of the construction of that which is the +most important part of the Greek theatre: but when circumstances admit of +a complete examination of the theatres of Hierapolis, Patara, Laodiceia, +Side, of some in Syria, which are in a remarkable state of preservation, +and of two or three in European Greece, great light may be thrown on many +interesting inquiries relating to the ancient drama. + +I may here take the opportunity of observing, that there are no remains +of Greek architecture more illustrative of the ancient state of society +in Greece than the theatres. Comparing them with modern works of the same +kind, we are astonished at the opulence required to collect the materials +of those immense edifices, and afterwards to construct them; as well +as at the effect of those customs and institutions, which, in filling +the theatre, could inspire such a multitude of citizens with a single +sentiment of curiosity, amusement, or political feeling. It may be said +that the theatres of Greece are an existing proof of the populousness +of the states of that country, much more convincing than the arguments +of those who have endeavoured to confute the received opinion on this +subject. No Grecian community was complete without a theatre. In the +principal cities they were from 350 to 500 feet in diameter, and capable +of containing from eight or ten to twenty thousand spectators. I have +already, in another work[518], shown some reasons for believing that the +Greeks were indebted for the invention of these buildings to the same +city, to which they owed so large a share of their civilization. The +Dionysiac theatre at Athens, in the form in which it was constructed at +the time that Æschylus brought the drama to perfection, seems to have +been the original model which, with some slight variations, was adopted +throughout the Grecian states both of Europe and Asia. + +I subjoin the diameters of the principal theatres in existence. They were +all measured by Mr. Cockerell, except those marked D.; which are from the +Missions of the Society of Dilettanti. All those of Greece Proper I have +myself measured; but the reader will undoubtedly be better satisfied in +possessing the measurements of Mr. Cockerell. + + Exterior Interior + Diameter. Diam. + + THEATRES OF ASIA MINOR. + + Ephesus 660 240 + Tralles[519] 540 150 + Miletus (D) 472 224 + Stratoniceia (D) 390 106 + Side 390 120 + Sardes[519] 396 162 + Laodiceia (D) 364 136 + Myra 360 120 + Hierapolis 346 100 + Patara 265 96 + Teos[519] (Roman construction) 285 70 + Pompeiopolis[519] (Ditto) 219 138 + Limyra 195 — + Anemurium (Roman construction) 197 — + Selinus in Cilicia 114 — + Cnidus (D) about 400 — + + THEATRES IN EUROPEAN GREECE. + + Sparta[520] 453 217 + Near Joannina in Epirus 445 121 + Argos[520] 435 217 + Syracusa 342 114 + Sicyon[520] 313 100 + Mantineia[520] 227 — + Delus[520] 175 — + Epidaurus[520] — 91 + Nicopolis in Epirus (Roman constr.) 360 120 + + ODEIA[521]. + + Nicopolis 139 93 + Messene (of a singular form, being 112 feet long) 93 + + +NOTE TO PAGE 229. + +The reader will perhaps be curious to learn something more of the Latin +inscription of Stratoniceia mentioned in the note to page 229; which, +although it has been more than a century in England, and the greater +part of that time in the British Museum, has never yet been published. +It consists of a decree, very long and wordy, and written in a style +strongly indicating a declining Latinity, followed by a list of articles +of provision in most common use among the Romans, with prices annexed to +each of them. + +The decree makes some allusion to the damages sustained by recent +incursions of the Barbarians into the Roman empire, and to its actual +pacific state. It contains repeated reflections on the avarice of +forestallers, who frustrate the bounty of nature; refers to the plenty +which generally reigns in Asia; directs that those engaged in the +traffic of provisions shall never exceed the subjoined prices in time +of scarcity; and denounces capital punishment against such as shall +infringe the decree which is promulgated to the whole world—called +_our_ world: the decree being as usual in the first person. There is +no mention however made of the Emperor’s name, but there are some +expressions which seem to indicate that his reign had already been of +some length. For the following reasons I am inclined to think it was a +decree of the Emperor Theodosius. It appears by the tailor’s work at the +end of the catalogue, that silken garments were in very common use. Now +it is known that, as late as the reign of Aurelian, they were still very +rare and expensive; and that their use was confined almost entirely to +women[522]. The only successors of Aurelian, whose length of reign and +stability of power were suited to the language of the Inscription, are +Diocletian, Constantine, and Theodosius. As Diocletian arrived at the +empire only ten years after the death of Aurelian, it cannot be supposed +that the use of silk had in his time become so common as the Inscription +indicates. Constantine chiefly triumphed over his Roman rivals; but the +victories of Theodosius over the Goths, who under Valens had overrun +all Thrace, were the peculiar pride and characteristic of the reign of +Theodosius. Ammianus, who wrote his History in that reign, observes +that the use of silken garments, formerly confined to the nobility, had +then become common among the lower classes[523]; a state of customs +which appears to be in exact conformity with the prices of the tailors’ +work in silk in the Inscription, as well as with the classification of +those articles of dress among the other garments used by the common +people of that age—namely, the rough coat, or birrhus; the caracallis, +or hooded cloke, which soon afterwards became the dress of the monks; +the Gallic breeches, and the socks. The late date of the Inscription is +shown by its barbarous style, and the use of several words not found in +earlier Latin; but that which declares its age more strongly, perhaps, +than any other peculiarity, is the very reduced value of the drachma +or denarius, in its exchange for the necessaries of life. It is true +that the prices in the decree are given as a maximum; but the value of +the denarius must have very greatly diminished from that which it bore +in the two first centuries of the Roman Empire, when butchers’ meat +was about 2 denarii the pound, and middling wheat from 3 to 6 denarii +the modius[524],—before, under any circumstances contemplated by the +Roman government, it could have been equivalent to an oyster, or the +hundredth part of a lean goose. It appears from the coins of the early +Byzantine Emperors, that great liberties were at that period taken with +the weight of the denarius, and that it varied greatly between the time +of Constantine and that of the final division of the Empire; but its +diminution of value seems from this inscription to have been much greater +than has hitherto been supposed[525]. + +The Inscription cannot well be referred to a later time than that of +Theodosius, as under his sons the Empire was again oppressed by the +Barbarians; and after the final separation of the Empire, which took +place in their reign, the use of the Latin language was gradually laid +aside in the acts of government of the Eastern Empire. + +It would be difficult to deduce any inference as to the date of the +Inscription from the form of the letters; more especially as the Harleian +MS. of Sherard, in which it is preserved, is only the copy of a copy. The +characters seem to have been executed by a Greek engraver, and to have +been left unfinished, so that the S resembles a Greek gamma, and the A a +lambda. The following is a specimen of the characters, as nearly as they +can be represented by printed types. + + ETΓEMPERPRɅECEPTORMETUΓIUΓTIΓΓI + MUΓOFFICIORUMΙNUENITUREΓΓEMODE + RATORPLɅCEΤΓIQUIΓCONTRɅFORMAM + ΓTATUTIΗUIUΓCONUIXUΓFUERITɅUDE + NTIɅCɅPITɅLIPERICULOΓUBICIETUR + +Et semper præceptor metus justissimus invenitur esse moderator. Placet +si quis contra formam statuti hujus convictus fuerit audentia capitali +periculo subjicietur. + +The following is the list of provisions with their prices. It is very +possible that Mr. W. Bankes may have procured a more complete copy of the +Inscription, and a longer list. + +It should be observed that the denomination of coin, here expressed by an +asterisk, is in the original denoted by the usual sign of the denarius, +namely X with a transverse line, or an asterisk with six points. The sign +of quantity here expressed by _ƒ_, which nearly resembles the note in the +original, is probably _S_ for sextarius, with a transverse line; but it +may be worthy of remark, that this note is not commonly found in ancient +manuscripts like the asterisk for drachma or denarius. + + Conditi ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti quatuor[526] + Apsinthi ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti + Rhosati[527] ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti + Item olei + Olei floris[528] ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti quatuor + Olei sequentis ital _ƒ_ unum * viginti qua.... + Olei cibari[529] ital _ƒ_ unum * duodecim + Olei raphanini[530] ital _ƒ_ unum * octo + Aceti ital _ƒ_ unum * sex + Liquaminis[531] primi ital _ƒ_ unum * se...... + Liquaminis secundi ital _ƒ_ unum * decem + Salis F M̊[532] unum * centum + Salis conditi[533] italicum _ƒ_ unum * o...... + + Mellis optimi ital _ƒ_ unum * cu....... + Mellis secundi ital _ƒ_ unum * vig.... + Mellis fœnicini[534] ital _ƒ_ unum * octo + + Item carnis + Carnis porcinæ ital po[535] unum * duodecim + Carnis bubulæ ital po unum * octo + Carnis caprinæ sive vervecinæ ital po unum * ...... + Vulvæ[536] ital po unum * viginti quattuor + Suminis[537] ital po unum * viginti + Ficati[538] optimi ital po unum * sedecim + Laridi optimi ital po unum * sedecim + Pernæ optimæ petasonis sive Menapicæ vel Ceritanæ[539] ital po + unum * viginti + Marsicæ[540] ital po unum * viginti + Adipis recentis ital po unum * duodecim + Axungiæ ital po unum * duodecim + Ungellæ—quattuor et Aqualiculum[541] pretio quo distrahitur + Isicium[542] porcinum unciæ unius * duod.... + Isicia bubula ital po unum * decem + Lucanicarum[543] ital po unum * sedecem + Lucanicarum bubularum ital po uno * dec.. + Fasionus pastus * ducentis quinquaginta + Fasionus agrestis * centum viginti quinque + Fasia pasta po ... * ducentis + Fasiana non pasta * centum + Anser pastus * ducentis + Anser non pastus * centum + + Pullo .... * sexaginta + Perdix .... * triginta + Turtur .. * duodecim + Turtur .. * duodecim + Turdorum .. * sexaginta + Palumb .... * viginti + Columb .... * viginti quattuor + Attagen * viginti + Anas * cuadraginta + Lepus * centum quinquaginta + Cunic(ulus) * quadraginta + .. pe .. viginti + ........ quadraginta + ........ sedecim + Femina.......... + Coturnices n * numero ducentis + Sturni decem * viginti + Aprunæ ital po * sedicim + Cervinæ ital po * duodecim + Dorcis sive capræ vel dammæ ital po duodecim + Porcinæ lactantis * sedicim + Agnus M po .... * duodecim + Hædus[544] M po l * duodecim + Sevi ital po l * sex + Butyri ital po l * sedecim + + Item pisces + Piscis aspratilis[545] marini ital po l * viginti quattuor + Piscis secundi ital po l * sedecim + Piscis fluvialis opt. po l * duodecim + Piscis secundi fluvialis ital po l * octo + Piscisalsi ital po l * sex + Ostriæ no centum * centum + Echini no centum * quinquaginta + Echini recentis purgati ital _ƒ_ unum * quadraginta + Echini salsi ital _ƒ_ unum * centum + Sphondili[546] marini no centum * quinquaginta + Sagenici[547] ital po l * duodecim + Sardæ sive Sardinæ po l * sedecim + + Item Cardus majores no quinque * decem + Sequentes no decem.............. + Intibus optima no decem............ + Sequentis no decem.............. + Malvæ maximæ no VI............ + Malvæ sequentis decem.......... + Lactucæ optimæ no V............ + Sequentes no decem * quattuor + Coliculi optimi no V * quattuor + Sequentes no X * quattuor + Cumæ[548] optimæ fascem l * quinque + Porri maximi no X * octo + Sequentes no viginti...... + Betæ maximæ no V........ + Sequentes no X...... + Radices maximæ...... + Sequentes............ + Rapæ maximæ no X...... + Sequentes no X.......... + Ceparum siccarum........ + Cepæ verdes[549]............ + Sequentes.............. + Capparis.............. + Sisinariorum[550] ital........ + Cucurbitæ............ + Sequentes.............. + Melopepones............ + Sequentes.............. + Pepones.............. + Fasiolorum............ + Asparagi Hortulani...... + Asparagi Agrestes...... + Rusci[551].............. + Ciceris................ + Fabæ virdes............ + Fascioli virdes.......... + + .... etiam + licitum sit.......... + Frumenti K M̊.......... + Hordei K M̊ unum *........ + Centenum sive sicale[552] K M̊ unum........ + Milipisti K M̊ unum * centum + Militegri[553] K M̊ * quinquaginta + Panicii[554] K M̊ * quinquaginta + Speltæ .... K M̊ * centum + Scandulæ[555] sive speltæ K M̊ * triginta + Fabæ fressæ ..... * centum + Fabæ non fressæ[556] * sexanta .... + Lenticlæ ..... * centum + Herviliæ .... * octocenta + Pisæ fractæ ..... * centum + Pisæ non fractæ .... * sexacinta + Ciceris .... * centum + Hervi .... * centum + Avenæ .... * triginta + Fœnigræci .... * centum + + .......... scripturæ versuum no centum........ + Tabellanioni in scriptura livelli bel tabulæ versibus no + centum.................. + Bracario pro excisura et urnatura + Pro birro qualitatis primæ * se............ + Pro birro qualitatis secundæ * quadra...... + Pro Caracalli majori * viginti + Pro Caracalli minori * viginti + Pro Vracibus * viginti + Pro Udonibus * quattuor + Sarcinatori in beste soubtili replicatoriæ * sex...... + Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura sit olosericæ * quinquaginta + Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura subsericæ[557] * triginta + Subsuturæ in beste grossiori * quattuor + + +NOTE TO PAGE 230. + +Sherard copied the following curious inscription in two places at Mylasa:— + + ΜΑΥΣΣΩΛΟΣΕΚΑΤΟΜΝΩΤΟΜΒΩΜΟΝΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ + +Mausolus, who here erects an altar to Hecatomnus, was his eldest son, +and his successor in the kingdom of Caria. Mausolus married his eldest +sister Artemisia, who on his death built the celebrated sepulchre at +Halicarnassus called Mausoleum. According to Pliny, Mausolus died in +the second year of the 106th Olympiad, or before Christ 355.[558] He +was succeeded in the regal authority by Artemisia, according to a +custom which Arrian observes to have been not uncommon in Asia[559]. +Artemisia died before the monument of Mausolus was finished, and was +succeeded by Hydrieus the second son of Hecatomnus, and he by his widow +and sister Ada. Ada was expelled from Halicarnassus by her brother +Pixodarus, the third son of Hecatomnus; who submitted to the Persians, +and was succeeded by the Persian satrap Orontobates, who had married his +daughter. It was from this Persian that Alexander took Halicarnassus, +after an obstinate defence, in the year B.C. 334, when he restored the +kingdom of Caria to Ada; who, on being expelled from the sovereignty by +her brother, had remained in possession of Alinda[560]. + +The reduplication of the sigma in Μαύσσωλος is found also in other proper +names of this period of time. The conversion of N before B into M, was in +conformity with a pronunciation which has continued to the present day. +Other conversions of a similar kind are often found in inscriptions: see +some examples in the Inscriptiones Antiquæ of Chishull and of Chandler. + + +NOTE TO PAGE 248. + +The following are the two inscriptions mentioned in the text as +containing the name of Tralles, and as having been copied by Sherard at +Ghiuzél Hissár. + +I. + + ... ΣΤΗΜΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΕΡΟΥ- + -ΣΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΦΙΛΟΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ + ΝΕΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΕΝ ΤΡΑΛΛΕΣΙ + ΡΩΜΑΙΟΙ ΕΤΕΙΜΗΣΑΝ ΤΙΒ + ΚΛ ΠΑΝΥΧΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΟΝ + ΚΟΙΒΙΛΟΝ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ- + -ΤΑ ΤΗΝ ΝΥΚΤΕΡΙΝΗΝ ΣΤΡΑ- + -ΤΗΓΙΑΝ ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝ- + -ΤΑ ΑΡΓΥΡΟΤΑΜΙΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ + ΕΚΔΑΝΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΟΥΡΑΤΟ- + -ΡΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΩΝ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ + ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΑΠΟ ΑΙΓΥ- + -ΠΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΕΡΓΟΝ ΠΟΙΗΣΑΝ- + -ΤΑ ΕΙΣ ΤΟΝ ΣΕΙΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΔΟΝΤΑ + ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΝ ΧΒΦΚΖ ΝΕ- + -ΟΠΟΙΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ- + -ΤΑ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΦΙΛΟ- + ΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΑΝΑΘΕΝΤΑ ΔΕ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ + ΙΔΙΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΑΣ ΕΝ ΤΗ ΟΨΑΡΙΟ- + -ΠΩΛΕΙ ΜΑΡΜΑΡΙΝΑΣ ΤΡΑΠΕ- + -ΖΑ. ΙΒ Σ.. ΤΑΙΣ ΒΑΣΕΣΙΝ Β + Π. ΤΙΤΙΟΣ ΜΗΟΥΒΙΑΝΟΣ Κ. + -ΛΩΝ ΤΟΝ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΝ + +II. + + ΜΑΡΚΟΝ ΝΩΝΙΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ + ΤΟΝ ΑΞΙΟΛΟΓΩΤΑΤΟΝ + ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑ + ΒΟΥΛΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΥ + ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΕΙΡΗΝΑΡΧΗ- + -ΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ + ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ + ΔΙ ΟΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΝ + ΚΑΙ ΜΟΝΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ + ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ + ΚΑΙ ΘΕΝΤΑ ΕΛΑΙΟΥ + ΗΜΕΡΑΣ ΠΕΝΤΕ + Η ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΗ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΝ + ΤΡΑΛΛΙΑΝΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΣ + ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΟΔΩΝ + ΠΡΟΝΟΗΣΑΜΕΝΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑ- + -ΣΕΩΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΙΜΗΣ Μ ΑΥΡ ΛΗΤΟΙΔΟΥ + ΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΥ ΧΡΥΣΟΦΟΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ + Μ ΑΥΡ ΤΡΟΦΙΜΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΩΣ. + + +NOTE TO PAGE 253. + +In the annexed plate are plans, on a small scale, of the theatre and +palæstra of Hierapolis, from the drawings of Mr. Cockerell. I know of +only two other palæstræ, or gymnasia[561], in a state of preservation +sufficient to give any useful information on the subject of these +buildings, whose spacious chambers and massy walls show the importance +which was attached to them by the ancients. + +[Illustration: THE THEATRE OF HIERAPOLIS. + +THE PALÆSTRA OF HIERAPOLIS.] + +Near the mineral sources which rise in the centre of the site of +Hierapolis, Mr. Cockerell observed the Plutonium or mephitic cavern, +which eluded the search of Pococke and of Chandler. Dio accurately +remarks that it was situated below the theatre, Strabo says that it was +fatal to oxen placed within its influence, and both he and Dio assert +that they exposed birds to it, which fell dead immediately. Mr. C. found +several small birds lying dead near the grotto; and though he tried its +effects on a fowl for a whole day without any result, he was assured by +the inhabitants that it was sometimes fatal to their sheep and oxen, but +that it was not always equally dangerous. The ancient authors who have +mentioned this Plutonium are Strabo (p. 629.), Pliny (l. 2. c. 95.), Dion +Cassius (l. 68. c. 27.), Apuleius (de Mundo), Ammianus (l. 23. c. 6.), +and Damascius (ap. Photii Bibl. p. 1054.) + + +NOTE TO PAGE 259. + +Pliny (l. 36. c. 21.) says, the temple of Ephesus was built “in solo +palustri ne terræ motus sentiret aut hiatus timeret.” + + +NOTE TO PAGE 265. + +Mr. Cockerell has been so kind as to furnish me with the following note +on the antiquities of Sardes:— + + “Sardes was magnificently situated on one of the roots of Mount + Tmolus, which commands an extensive view to the northward over + the valley of the Hermus, and the country beyond it. To the south + of the city, in a small plain watered by the Pactolus, stood the + temple, built of coarse whitish marble. The western front was on + the bank of the river; the eastern under the impending heights of + the Acropolis. + + “Two columns of the exterior order of the east front, and one + column of the portico of the pronaus, are still standing, with + their capitals: the two former still support the stone of the + architrave, which stretched from the centre of one column to + the centre of the other. The columns are buried nearly to half + their height in the soil, which has accumulated in the valley + since their erection; chiefly, it is probable, by the destruction + of the hill of the Acropolis, which is continually crumbling, + and which presents a most rugged and fantastic outline. On the + edges of its summit the remains of the ancient walls are still + observable in many places. I was told that, four years ago, three + other columns of the temple were still standing, and that they + were thrown down by the Turks, for the sake of the gold which + they expected to find in the joints[562]. + + “Besides the three standing columns which I have mentioned, + there are truncated portions of four others belonging to the + eastern front, and of one belonging to the portico of the + pronaus; together with a part of the wall of the cella. When it + is considered that these remains are 25 feet above the pavement, + it cannot be doubted that an excavation would expose the greater + part of the building: even now, however, there is sufficient + above the soil to give an idea of the dimensions of the temple, + and to show that it was one of the most magnificent in Greece; + for though in extent it was inferior to the temples of Juno at + Samus, and of Apollo at Branchidæ, the proportions of the order + are at least equal to those of the former, and exceed those of + the latter. The following plan and elevation will illustrate what + I have just stated: the shading expresses those parts which still + remain in their places above the soil. + + “The dimensions are as follow:— + + Diameter of the exterior columns, at about 35 feet F. In. + below the capital 6 4½ + Diameter of the exterior columns under the capital 5 6¼ + Diameter of interior columns under the capital 6 0¾ + Diameter of the same under the caps 5 3 + + “The height of the entire column has been assumed from the + proportions of those at Branchidæ, Miletus, &c. The stone A must + have weighed 25 tons, and that above the centre intercolumnium + was still larger. + + “The capital, appeared to me to surpass any specimen of the Ionic + I had seen in perfection of design and execution. I suppose the + temple to have been an octastyle dipterus, with seventeen columns + in the flanks; though in regard to the number in the flanks, I + am more guided by the proportion of the other dipteral temples + of the Ionic order than by any proof that can be derived from + the ruins in their present state. The gradual diminution of the + intercolumnia from the centre of the front to the angles, is + remarkable, and, I believe, without any other example. The larger + intercolumnium in the centre is indeed found in the temple of + Diana at Magnesia; and is recommended by Vitruvius lib. iii. + c. 11: the contraction of the intercolumnia, in the flanks, + is exemplified in the temple of Samus. The smaller diameter + of the interior columns is not uncommon in Greek temples: the + capitals resembled those of the exterior order. The flutings are + not continued in any of the columns below the capital; which I + conceive to be a proof that this temple, like that of Apollo + Didymeus, was never finished. + + “The great height of the architrave, the peculiar style of the + design and workmanship, and the difference of intercolumnia in + the faces and in the flanks of the peristyle, I cannot but regard + as tokens of high antiquity; and perhaps we may consider as no + less so the vast size of the stones employed in the architrave; + and the circumstance of their being single stones, whereas in + the temple of Didyma and in the Parthenon there were two blocks + in the same situation[563]. In subsequent times the durability + ensured by this massive mode of construction was sacrificed for + appearances, and for a more easy result. + + “The merit of the very ancient architects in overcoming such + a difficulty, and the great expense incurred by it, may be + illustrated by the practical observation, that the price of the + cubic foot of stone is doubled and trebled, according to size, + as well in the quarrying as in the carriage and setting. Modern + architecture has indeed succeeded in producing buildings of + immense bulk, but they cannot be kept together without continued + repair; and the triumph is little more than that of balancing a + skeleton on its legs. In some late works only, such as the recent + artificial docks and basins, have we imitated the solidity of the + ancients. + + “On the north side of the Acropolis of Sardes, overlooking the + valley of the Hermus, is a theatre, attached to a stadium: in + the manner of which we find several examples in Asia Minor. The + stadium is near 1000 feet in length, the theatre near 400 in + diameter.” + +[Illustration: THE TEMPLE OF CYBEBE AT SARDES.] + +The subjoined plate is intended to show the relative proportions of the +principal temples of Asia Minor, as well with each other as with the four +most celebrated temples of European Greece. All these plans, except the +first, are formed from observations made by skilful architects, on the +existing ruins of the buildings. + +1. _Temple of Diana at Ephesus._—Vitruvius mentions this building as an +example of the class of temples which he calls dipterus; and one of the +characters of which, according to him, is, that of having eight columns +in front. His words, however, are ambiguous, and I am disposed to think +that he alludes, not to the temple which existed in his time, but to +the original work of Chersiphron of Cnossus, and his son Metagenes, who +were cotemporaries of Theodorus and Rhœcus, the architects of the Heræum +of Samus; and whose building, after having been enlarged by another +architect, was destroyed by fire in the year B.C. 356: for it was not +until then that the edifice was begun, which, after 220 years employed +in its construction, was in perfection in the time of the Roman empire; +when it was noticed by Strabo, Pliny, and Vitruvius[564]. In any case, +as the expression of Vitruvius forms part of his absurd classification +of temples[565], it deserves not much weight in contradiction to the +description of the building by Pliny, whose principal data will be +found (on the supposition that the temple was decastyle) to agree in +a remarkable manner with each other, as well as with some other great +examples of the Ionic order. Pliny relates that the temple was 220 feet +in front, and 425 long, and that the diameter of the columns was one +eighth of the height, which was 60 feet. The columns, therefore, were 7½ +feet in diameter; and the intercolumnia of the front, supposing them to +have been all equal, were 16 feet, or only 9 inches less than the eustyle +proportion of Vitruvius; which is 2¼ times the diameter of the column. + +It has been thought that the side of this temple, having been less than +double the front, the number of columns on the sides must also have +been less than double the number in the fronts. But this is by no means +a necessary consequence; on the contrary, we find that in the temples +of Samus and Branchidæ, both of which had one column more in the flank +than in the front, the side is less than double the front; and that the +breadth exceeds half the length, even in a greater proportion than it +did, according to the numbers of Pliny, in the temple of Ephesus. There +is no reason, therefore, why the Ephesian temple, like the temples of the +same order, which most nearly approached it in magnitude, namely those +of Samus and Branchidæ, should not have had 21 columns in the sides. +In regard to its total number of columns, which in our copies of Pliny +is 127, there is evidently some error, as the number could not have +been uneven. It is very possible that the early copiers of Pliny made +the common oversight of omitting an unit, writing cxxvii. instead of +cxxviii.; for such would have been the number if we suppose that there +was a triple row of columns before the vestibule of the cell in front, +as in the temples of Samus and Sardes, and also at the opposite end, as +in the Olympium of Athens; together with four columns between the Antæ +at either end of the cella, as the general construction of Greek temples +renders highly probable. + +As it cannot be certain whether Pliny refers to the Greek or Roman foot +in this example, I have drawn the little plan in the plate by the same +scale of English feet used for the other figures. The English foot being +somewhat greater than the Roman, and smaller than the Greek, the error +must be very trifling, whether Pliny used the Greek or Roman. + +2. _Temple of Juno at Samus._—Herodotus has prepared us for the +magnificence of this building. He names it, together with the temple of +Ephesus, as the most admirable of all the works of the Grecians; and +in another place he calls it the largest temple of which he has any +knowledge[566]. Hence it appears that the Heræum of Samus was larger than +the Artemisium of Ephesus as the latter existed in the time of Herodotus. + +Although only one column of the Heræum deprived of its capital is now +standing, its plan was ascertained by Mr. Bedford, one of the architects +who accompanied Sir William Gell in the second Asiatic Mission of the +Dilettanti. The length was 346 feet, the breadth 189. It was a decastylus +dipterus, had 10 columns in front, 21 on the sides, a triple row in +the pronaus, and a double row of four columns between the antæ at the +entrance of the cella in front. The columns were about 7 feet in diameter +at the bottom of the shaft, and about 60 feet high. The intercolumniation +in the two fronts was 14 feet, in the flank only 10½ feet, and in the +flank of the pronaus something still less. There was no appearance of +fluting in the columns. The material was the white and blueish-gray +marble of the island. + +3. _Temple of Apollo Didymeus at Branchidæ in the Milesia._—Of this +building there remain two columns with the architrave, still standing: +the remainder is an immense mass of ruin. The proportions of the order +are more slender than those of Samus and Sardes, their height being +63 feet, with a diameter of 6½ feet, at the base of the shaft. The +architrave is lower, and the building much less ancient than those two +temples. It was a decastylus dipterus, with 21 columns in the flanks, +and 4 between the antæ of the pronaus: in all 112. The fluting of the +columns is finished only in the exterior order; in the interior it +exists only under the capital[567]. The material of the temple is white +marble—in some parts blueish. + +4. _Temple of Cybebe at Sardes._—Of this the foregoing note of Mr. +Cockerell, the only person who has measured it with care, has furnished +the reader with all that is known. The plan is constructed on the +supposition, not yet sufficiently proved, that it had 17 columns on the +sides, and not more than a double row at the back of the cella. Of the +other particulars Mr. C.’s measurements leave no doubt. + +5. _The Temple of Artemis Leucophryene_—which is now a mere heap of +ruins, among other remains of the city of Magnesia on the Mæander. Its +material is white marble, not of the purest kind. The length is 198 feet, +the breadth 106; measured, as usual, on the upper step of the stylobate. +There were 8 columns in the fronts and 15 in the sides, measuring 4 feet +8 inches in diameter at the bottom of the shaft. The number of columns +was only 56; this temple being the example which Vitruvius has given +of the pseudodipterus, a mode of construction by which 38 columns were +saved, and a larger space was left for the reception of the people in the +peristyle. The central intercolumnium of the temple of Magnesia is found +to be three-fourths of a diameter greater than the other intercolumnia; +and we are informed by Vitruvius that such was exactly the proportion of +the central intercolumnium to the others in the eustylus, a disposition +so called as being the most harmonious mode of proportioning the +diameters to the intercolumnia. The other intercolumnia, however, of the +temple of Magnesia do not bear so large a proportion to the diameter +of the column, as the eustylus required.—Vitruvius informs us that +Hermogenes of Alabanda, the architect of the temple of Magnesia, was the +inventor both of the Pseudodipterus and Eustylus; but in regard to the +former at least, his merit seems not to have been very great, as we now +find from the observations of two architects, Messrs. Harris and Angell, +who have lately resided six months at Selinus in Sicily for the purpose +of examining the magnificent ruins at that place, which are much more +ancient than the time of Hermogenes, that the great temple of Jupiter as +well as one of the hexastyles was constructed on the principles of the +pseudodipterus. + +6. _The Temple of Bacchus at Teos._—The ruins of this building afford +only the diameter of the column (about 3 feet 8 inches at the base), with +a few less important details of the other parts of the construction. But +we have some means of judging of the dimensions of the temple, from its +being the example of the eustylus given by Vitruvius, who informs us also +that it was a hexastylus monopterus[568]. The columns therefore being 3.8 +in diameter, and the intercolumniation of the eustylus being 3 diameters +in the centre with 2¼ in the four other intercolumnia, the total length +of the front must have been about 64 feet on the upper step, which is +very nearly the breadth of another Ionic hexastyle, namely the temple of +Minerva at Priene. If we suppose the number of columns in the sides at +Teos to have been the same as at Priene, namely 11, these two temples +must have been nearly equal in length as well as in breadth. It seems +highly probable that such was the number of columns in the sides at Teos, +because Vitruvius, who chiefly extracted his theoretical system from the +commentaries of the great architects of the Asiatic temples, prescribes +the number of columns in the hexastyle to be not more than 11. One of +those Asiatic writers, we know, was Hermogenes the architect of the +temple at Teos; and he also was the inventor of the eustylus or beautiful +proportion, of which this temple was an example[569]. + +[Illustration: PLANS OF TEMPLES AT + +1. EPHESUS, Ionic. 425 feet long, 220 broad. + +2. SAMUS, Ionic. 346 × 189. + +3. BRANCHIDÆ, Ionic. 304 × 65. + +4. SARDES, Ionic. 251 × 144. + +5. MAGNESIA, Ionic. 198 × 105. + +6. TEOS, Ionic. 122 × 64. + +7. PRIENE, Ionic. 122 × 63. + +1. AGRIGENTUM, Doric. 358 × 172. + +2. SELINUS, Doric. 358 × 164. + +3. ATHENS (Olympium), Corinthian. 354 × 171. + +4. ATHENS (Parthenon), Doric.] + +7. Although the temple of Minerva at Priene seems to have closely +resembled that of Bacchus at Teos in the length and breadth, its other +proportions were different, the intercolumnia being smaller in proportion +to the diameter of the column, which measures four feet and a quarter +at the bottom of the shaft. The shaft was 38 feet high and fluted. The +material of the temple, as well as of the other buildings of the city, +was the stone of the mountain on which it stands—a blue and white marble, +not of a very compact texture. + +Vitruvius has not spoken of the temple of Sardes, probably because it +was already in ruins in his time. The other six just enumerated are the +great examples of the Ionic order to which he has particularly alluded, +and which happen also to be the temples of Asiatic Greece of which the +existing ruins furnish us with the most satisfactory details. There were +other temples of great celebrity in that country; particularly those of +Apollo at Grynium and at Clarus, of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva +at Phocæa, to which we may add that of Cyzicus destroyed by an earthquake +in the reign of Antoninus Pius[570]; but no remains of these edifices, +except that of Clarus, which is stated by Captain Beaufort to have been +of the Doric order, have yet been discovered. + + +NOTE TO PAGE 268. + +To the testimony of Livy as to the Phrygius might have been added that +of Appian; but it is evident that in the description of the battle of +Magnesia both the historians have drawn from the same source, namely +Polybius, and Appian is less particular than Livy as to the topography of +the position. + + + + +FOOTNOTES + + +[1] These remarks were written before the insurrection broke out +in Greece—an event which will greatly increase the difficulties of +travelling in Asia Minor. + +[2] The coast between Cape Carambis and Sinope was not seen by Captain +Gauttier, who has therefore borrowed that part from the Russian charts. + +[3] An unfortunate fire destroyed the engravings prepared for Niebuhr’s +third volume, and put a stop to its publication. I believe Major Rennell +is in possession of a copy of the map of Niebuhr’s route through Asia +Minor, struck from the plate before the fire. + +[4] See the appendix to Mr. Kinneir’s Travels. + +[5] In the latter part of the last century, Griffiths and Capper +published their routes across the peninsula, from S.E. to N.W., but +without adding much to geography. + +[6] This is probably an error for Kílissa-Hissár, which, according to +Hadji Khalfa, is the name of a castle near Bor; for the bearing and +distance of Mr. Kinneir’s Ketch-Hissar from Nigde are sufficient to prove +that it must have been very near the Bor of Hadji Khalfa and Paul Lucas. + +[7] Mr. Kinneir calls this place Costambol; but the Turkish geographers +give it the name in the text, which in fact is nothing more than a slight +corruption of Castamon, its Greek name under the Byzantine empire. See +Anna Comnena, l. 7. p. 206.—Nicet. in Joan. Comnen.—Chalcocond. l. 9. +p. 259.—Leuncl. Annal. Turc.—It is to be regretted that Mr. Kinneir was +not more careful in his orthography of places, which often requires +correction from Hadji Khalfa, or modern travellers. Like Pococke he +has omitted, in giving us his computation of miles, to add the actual +_measure_ by the watch, which is generally the more useful of the two. + +[8] The following are among some of the observations of the latitude of +places on the road from Smyrna to Constantinople, made by Mr. Browne. +They are taken from his manuscript papers. + + Latitude. Longitude. + Smyrna 38° 28′ 7″ 27° 6′ 48″ + Magnesia 38° 41′ 30″ + Demir Kapu 39° 49′ 0″ + Balikesr 39° 32′ 0″ + Ulubad 40° 9′ 30″ + Mikhalitza 40° 16′ 30″ + Brusa 40° 9′ 30″ + Yenishehr 40° 12′ 0″ + Kizdervent 40° 32′ 0″ + Nicæa 40° 21′ 30″ + +[9] It is almost unnecessary to remark that the latitudes and longitudes +of Ptolemy are of very little use, though they may be sometimes employed +as a concurrent testimony in proof of the vicinity of places. + +[10] The routes of these three itineraries are described upon the map +by a double line; and thus the part of the Peutinger Table relating +to Asia Minor is (I believe for the first time) placed upon the real +projection. This part of the Table has at the same time been engraved on +the same plate with the Map, for the greater convenience of reference and +comparison. + +[11] Ante Christum, 401. + +[12] A. C. 333. + +[13] A. C. 189. + +[14] An inquiry into the situation of the sees of the Greek bishoprics +of the Lower Empire may sometimes assist the traveller in the discovery +of the ancient _Pagan_ sites. In regard to the smaller places, this +method may not often be successful, Turkish conquest and Christian +depopulation having gradually obliterated the greater part of them; but +it is difficult to suppose that the metropolitan, and some others of the +more important sees, which are at the same time desiderata of ancient +geography,—such as Synnada, Antiocheia of Pisidia, Perge, Philomelium, +Pessinus, Amorium,—should be unknown to the Christians of Asia Minor, +although their names may be no longer in common use. + +[15] An Arabic word, meaning _master_, _ruler_. + +[16] This name has been supposed to prove that Kutaya, the capital of +Kermian, stands on the site of the Κεραμῶν ἄγορα of Xenophon; but there +is no doubt that Kermian is a Turkish name, and foreign to ancient Asia +Minor. The mosque of Sultan Kermian still exists at Kutaya. + +[17] The rule which I have observed in writing Turkish names, requires +the reader to pronounce the vowels as in Italian, and the consonants as +in English. Gh, Dh, and Kh, are intended to express the aspirated forms +of G, D, K. The accent is marked in all words, the sound of which might +be doubtful without it. + +[18] A kind of pipe in which the smoke is made to pass through water: +used in every part of the East. + +[19] The initial K, P, T, in names of places have generally among the +modern Greeks the sound of G, B, D: this arises from their practice of +using those names in the accusative case preceded by στὴν; for ν before +κ, π, τ, gives the harder kindred sound to the vowel which follows. +Before π the ν becomes converted into m: as, στὴν πόλιν—Constantinople, +pronounced stim bólin. Whence the Turkish Stambol. + +[20] Ὀρχάνης ... ἦλθε πρὸς τοῦ Βυζαντίου τὴν Περαίαν, ὃ Σκουτάριον +ἐρχωρίως ὀνομάζεται.—Cantacuz. l. 4. c. 4. + +[21] Antonin. Itin. ed. Wessel. p. 139. Hierosol. It. p. 572. + +[22] Ἐν δὲ Βιθυνίᾳ τόπος ἐστὶ θινώδης ἀπὸ θαλάσσης καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ κώμη τις +οὐ μεγάλη Λίβυσσα καλεῖται—Plutarch. in Flam. + +[23] Zonaras, l. 13. c. 16. Socrates, l. 4. c. 16. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 14. +Cedrenus, p. 311. Theophanes, p. 50. + +[24] Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2. Hist. Arcan. c. 30. Anna Comn. l. 10. +p. 287. + +[25] Διαβαίνειν αὐτὸν πλεῖον ἢ εἰκοσάκις ἐστὶ τοῖς τῇδε ἰοῦσι. Proc. de +Ædif. l. 5. c. 2. + +[26] Anna Comnena, l. 10. p. 286. ed. Paris. + +[27] A similar confusion as to the Gallus and Sangarius seems to have +prevailed in ancient times. Herodian places the city Pessinus on the +Gallus; although we know from Polybius, Livy, and Strabo, that it stood +on the banks of the Sangarius, not far from the sources of that river. +Strabo, in describing the Gallus as the branch which joins the main river +300 stades from Nicomedia, has identified it with the river of Lefke. + +[28] Mr. M. Kinneir found some antique remains, and copied some Christian +Greek inscriptions here. Paul Lucas found some ruins, and transcribed +some incomplete inscriptions at an Armenian village an hour and a half +from Eski-shehr. + +[29] Ann. Comn. l. 11. p. 317—l. 15. p. 469. + +[30] Athen. l. 2, c. 5. ed. Casaub. Cinnam. l. 6. c. 74. + +[31] Tab. Peutinger. Segm. vi. Anton. Itin. p. 202. + +[32] Nacoleia was the chief fortress of this country in the reign of +Arcadius, whose officer, Count Tribigild, with a garrison of Ostrogoths, +rebelled against the Emperor, and reduced all the neighbouring country. +Philostorg. l. 11. c. 8. For an account of the rebellion of Gainas and +Tribigild, which illustrates several points of Asiatic geography, see +Gibbon, c. 32, and the authors to whom he refers. + +[33] I. Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Total 77 M. P. to +Pessinus: the distance on the map is about 55 G. M. d. + +II. Iter a Dorilao:—Arcelaio M. P. 30, Germa M. P. 20. Total 50 M. P.: +the distance on the map is 57 G. M. d. + +III. Dorileo Docymeo 32 Synnada 32 Jullæ 35 Philomelo 28 Laudicia +Catacecaumeno. Total 127 M. P. _plus_ the distance from Dorylæum to +Docimia. The distance upon the map is about 130 G. M. d. + +IV. Dorileo 20 Necolea 40 Conni 32 Eucarpia 30 Eumenia Pella 12 ad vicum +14 Apamea Ciboton. Total 148 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 100 +G. M. d. + +V. Dorileo, 30 Cocleo (lege Cotyæo) 35 Agmonia 25 Aludda 30 Clanudda 35 +Philadelfia. Total 155 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 120 G. M. +d. The second of these roads is from the Antonine itinerary, the other +four from the Peutinger Table. + +The proportion between the real distances, and the amount of the several +computed distances in Roman miles, shows that the distance, in the +itineraries, from one place to another, cannot be relied on to within ten +or twelve miles. In many instances, the errors of the Table are still +greater. + +[34] Herodot. l. 1. c. 142. l. 5. c. 59. + +[35] Some fragments of these are to be seen in the British Museum. + +[36] Strabo, p. 373. + +[37] See Lanzi, Saggio di Lingua Etrusca. There is nothing, however, +very surprising in this peculiarity of the Etruscan. The Greek alphabet, +like its oriental prototype, was at first written from right to left, +then indifferently either way, then alternately, in the manner called +boustrophedon; and lastly, from left to right. It was imported into +Etruria at a period when it was written in the earliest manner; and the +Etruscans, by a practice often observable in colonies, seem to have +adhered to the custom after it had been altered in the mother country. + +It can no longer be doubted, from a comparison of the military +architecture and other arts of the Etruscans with those of the Greeks, +as well as from that of their language and writing, so ably investigated +by Lanzi, that the two people had a common origin, or a common source of +civilization. This source, in the opinion of the Greeks, was a people +called Pelasgi, the last seat of whose prosperity was the country +adjacent to the Thessalian Olympus. Driven away from thence about the +fifteenth century before the Christian æra, they migrated to Asia, Crete, +Epirus, and a part of them to Etruria; where they are said to have been +joined, about two centuries afterwards, by a colony from Lydia. We find +an evidence of the skill of the Pelasgi in military architecture, in the +circumstance of the Athenians having employed some of those who were +settled in Attica to fortify the Acropolis: and it is probable that +the peculiar style of building exhibited in the walls of many ancient +cities, as well in Greece as in Etruria and Italy, and which is the same +in all, had its origin in the Pelasgic school. Hellanicus of Lesbus, +and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, denied that the Etruscans had ever been +colonized from Lydia: but in this they were opposed to the general +opinion of antiquity, as shown by Herodotus, Strabo, Paterculus, Pliny, +Seneca, Plutarch, Appian, Justin, and Tacitus. At the time of the War of +Troy, the Pelasgi possessed the fertile plains on the south-eastern side +of Mount Ida, and had given the name of the Thessalian Larissa to their +chief town. Hom. Il. β. 840. Several other communities in the surrounding +parts of Asia Minor were of Pelasgic origin, and Lydia is said to have +received one of their colonies. (Plutarch in Romulo, Raoul Rochette +Hist. des Colonies Grecques.) Etruria, therefore, in its manners, arts, +language, and writing, could not have been very much altered by the +addition of a Lydian colony, if any such event ever took place. Among +the numerous instances of resemblance between the Etruscan and Æolic +Greek adduced by Lanzi, I shall mention one only, as it is illustrated +by a discovery of my own. 𐌀𐌐𐌋𐌖 Aplu, we find, by some of the monuments +of Etruria, to have been the Etruscan name for Apollo; and Plato, in a +passage of the Cratylus referred to by Lanzi, observes that Ἀπλοῦν or +Ἀπλὸς was the name of the Thessalian Apollo. Between Larissa and Mount +Olympus, in the part of Thessaly which, as late as the time of the Roman +empire, was called Pelasgiotis, I found two marbles inscribed with +dedications to this deity, ΑΠΛΟΥΝΙ. See Lanzi Saggio di Lingua Etrusca, +tomo 2. p. 200, 224; Walpole’s Collection of Travels in Turkey, vol. 2. +p. 506; Classical Journal, No. 52. + +[38] Strabo, p. 568, 576. + +[39] Attic. c. 4. + +[40] Strabo, p. 571. Paus. _ib._ + +[41] Herod. l. 1. c. 14. Eusebius places the beginning of the reign of +the first Midas in the fourth year of the tenth Olympiad, or 737 B.C. + +[42] Herod. l. 1. c. 35. + +[43] The first letter of this word appears to be the old gamma, +[Illustration: Γ], as written on several ancient monuments. The sixth +letter was perhaps a Τ, of which a part of the upper line has been +effaced. Upon this supposition, the name in Greek was ΓΑϜΑΤΤΑΗΣ, which +bears a resemblance to the royal Lydian names, Sadyattes, Alyattes. + +[44] Arrian. ap. Eustath. in Il. ε. p. 429. + +[45] An inscription found by Pococke, at Nysa in the valley of the +Mæander, qualifies one Artemidorus as Παπὰς τῶν τῆς πόλεως στρατηγῶν, and +as Παπὰς ἄρχων. Pococke Inscr. Ant. p. 13. + +[46] Lanzi, tom. 2. p. 144. + +[47] Strabo, p. 577. + +[48] Paus. Att. c. 18. + +[49] Strabo, however, informs us that anciently these plains bore olives: +he describes the plain of Synnada as an ἐλαιόφυτον πεδίον. + +[50] Of pasture there appears from Cicero to have been a great abundance +in Asia Minor, even when the country was still famous for the exuberance +of its agricultural productions. Asia tam opima est et fertilis ut et +ubertate agrorum et diversitate fructuum et magnitudine pastionis, +et multitudine earum rerum quæ exportantur, facile omnibus terris +antecellat. (Cicero pro lege Manil.) But probably even as early as the +time of Cicero, Asia had suffered from the wars and military despotism of +the Romans. + +[51] Lib. 11. p. 323. Lib. 15. p. 471. + +[52] It was a bishoprick under the metropolitan of Synnada, in whose +province were also Nacoleia and Dorylæum. + +[53] Procop. Hist. Ar. c. 18. Anna Com. ib. A bishop of Polybotum sat in +the second Nicene Council, A.D. 787. + +[54] Cicero ad Att. l. 5. ep. 20. ad Divers. l. 3. ep. 8. + +[55] Cic. ib. et ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4. + +[56] Σύνναδα δ’ ἔστιν οὐ μεγάλη πόλις· πρόκειται δ’ αὐτῆς ἐλαιόφυτον +πεδίον ὅσον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων· ἐπέκεινα δ’ ἐστὶ Δοκιμία κώμη καὶ τὸ +λατόμιον τοῦ Συνναδικοῦ λίθου· οὕτω μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν οἱ δ’ +ἐπιχώριοι Δοκιμίτιν καὶ Δοκιμαῖον, &c. Strabo, p. 577. + +[57] Apamiam ... ante adpellatam Celænas, dein Ciboton. Sita est in +radice montis Signiæ, circumfusa Marsya, Obrima, Orga fluminibus, in +Mæandrum cadentibus. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. + +Inde in agrum Sagalassenum.... Progressus inde ad Obrimæ fontes ad +vicum, quem Aporidis Comen vocant, posuit castra ... profectus eo die in +Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. Inde Synnada +venit, metu omnibus circa oppidis desertis, quorum jam præda grave agmen +vix quinque millium die toto itinere perfecto, ad Beudos quod vetus +appellant pervenit. Ad Anabura inde, &c. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 15. + +[58] Ἐπεὶ δὲ κοινή τις ὁδὸς τέτριπται ἅπασι τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς +ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐξ Ἐφέσου καὶ ταύτην ἔπεισιν. Ἐπὶ μὲν τὰ Κάρουρα τῆς Καρίας +ὅριον πρὸς τὴν Φρυγίαν διὰ Μαγνησίας καὶ Τραλλέων, Νύσης, Ἀντιοχείας, +ὁδὸς 740 σταδίων. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἡ Φρυγία διὰ Λαοδικείας καὶ Ἀπαμείας καὶ +Μητροπόλεως καὶ Χελιδονίων· ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Παρωρείου τοὺς +Ὅλμους στάδιοι περὶ 920 ἐκ τῶν Καρούρων· ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πρὸς τῇ Λυκαονίᾳ +πέρας τῆς Παρωρείου τὸ Τυριάϊον διὰ Φιλομηλίου μικρῷ πλείους τῶν 500. +Εἶθ’ ἡ Λυκαονία μέχρι Κοροπασσοῦ διὰ Λαοδικείας τῆς Κατακεκαυμένης 840· +ἐκ δὲ Κοροπασσοῦ τῆς Λυκαονίας εἰς Γαρσάουρα, πολίχνιον τῆς Καππαδοκίας, +ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἱδρυμένον, 120· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ εἰς Μάζακα, τὴν μητρόπολιν +τῶν Καππαδόκων διὰ Σοάνδου καὶ Σαδακόρων 680· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ἐπὶ τὸν +Εὐφράτην μέχρι Τομισῶν, χωρίου τῆς Σοφηνῆς διὰ Ἡρφῶν πολίχνης 1440. +Artemidorus ap. Strab. p. 663. + +[59] Ἡ μὲν οὖν Παρώρεια ὀρεινήν τινα ἔχει ῥάχιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς +ἐκτεινομένην ἐπὶ δύσιν· ταύτῃ δ’ ἑκατέρωθεν ὑποπέπτωκέ τι πεδίον μέγα καὶ +πόλεις πλησίον αὐτῆς, πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲν Φιλομήλιον, ἐκ θατέρου δὲ μέρους +Ἀντιόχεια, ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καλουμένη, ἡ μὲν ἐν πεδίῳ κειμένη πᾶσα, ἡ δ’ +ἐπὶ λόφου, ἔχουσα ἀποικίαν Ῥωμαίων. Strabo, p. 577. It is evident from +this passage how greatly the discovery of Antioch of Pisidia would assist +the comparative geography of all the adjacent country. + +[60] Lib. 15. p. 473. + +[61] Lib. 5. c. 2. + +[62] The following was the route of Cyrus, according to Xenophon:— + + Stathmi. Parasangs. + From Celænæ, afterwards Apameia Cibotus, to Peltæ, 2 or 10 + Ceramorum Agora, at the end of Mysia, 2 — 12 + Caystri Campus (a city), 3 — 30 + Thymbrium, where was the fountain of Midas, 2 — 10 + Tyriaium, 2 — 10 + Iconium, 3 — 20 + Through Lycaonia, 5 — 30 + Through Cappadocia to Dana (Tyana), 4 — 25 + -------- + Total 23 92 + +In Major Rennell’s work on the Retreat of the Ten Thousand, the +reader will see the extreme difficulty of fixing the places on this +route. Indeed there seems no mode of reconciling Xenophon with other +geographical authorities than by supposing great errors in his numbers; +for it is difficult to believe that his Καΰστρου πεδίον is not the same +as that which Strabo (p. 629.) describes as watered by the Caystrus and +situated on the south side of Mount Tmolus. In like manner there is the +greatest reason to think that Thymbrium and the fountain of Midas were on +the branch of the Sangarius called Thymbres in the country which formed +the kingdom of Midas, and not in the plains between Ak-shehr and Ilgún, +where we must place Thymbrium, if we follow the evidence of Xenophon’s +numbers. Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this itinerary of +Xenophon is so incorrect that very little reliance can be placed on its +authority. We have a strong proof of its inaccuracy in the positive +assertion of Xenophon, that after he had crossed Mount Taurus, he marched +twenty-five parasangs (or about seventy-five miles) in four days through +the plain of Tarsus to the city, though Tarsus is only ten miles from +the foot of that mountain. Xenophon probably meant four days from the +halting-place of Cyrus, afterwards called the plain of Cyrus, on the +north side of Taurus, but his words express the former meaning without +the smallest ambiguity. Again, he places ten parasangs between Tarsus +and the river Sarus, and only five between the Sarus and the Pyramus, +although the real distances are nearly equal. + +[63] Strabo, p. 534, 537, et seq. + +[64] In a rude delineation of the country between Kesaría and Ak-shehr by +a bishop of Iconium, published at Vienna in 1812, Bor is written πόρος, +which suggests the origin of the word Bor—namely, that it is a Turkish +corruption of the Greek πόρος, and that Porus was a suburb of Tyana, so +called as being situated at the πόρος, or passage of the river, which +now runs through Nigde and Bor into a lake near Erkle. Kílisa also is +undoubtedly a Greek name (Κίλισσα, the feminine of Κίλιξ), derived from +that of the neighbouring Cappadocian præfecture. The substitution of +local names for provincial, and of provincial for local, was a kind of +change common among the lower Greeks. + +[65] Of course this distance must not be measured horizontally, the road +from Mazaca to Tyana being plain, and that from Tyana to the Pylæ very +mountainous. + +[66] Strabo, ibid. + +[67] D’Anville placed Cybistra at Bustere, which he supposed a corruption +of the Greek word; but according to Hadjy Khalfa the name is Kostere not +Bustere. + +[68] See particularly the letter to Marcus Cato. Ep. ad Diversos, l. 15. +ep. 4.—and that to Atticus, l. 5. ep. 20. + +[69] Ἡ Καππαδοκία ... οἱ δ’ οὖν ὁμόγλωττοι μαλιστά εἰσιν οἱ ἀφοριζόμενοι +πρὸς νότον μὲν τῷ Κιλικίῳ λεγομένῳ Ταύρῳ, πρὸς ἕω δὲ τῇ Ἀρμενίᾳ. Strab. +p. 533. Ἡ Καταονία ... Περίκειται δ’ ὄρη ἄλλα τε καὶ ὁ Ἄμανος ἐκ τοῦ +πρὸς νότον μέρους, ἀπόσπασμα ὂν τοῦ Κιλικίου Ταύρου, καὶ ὁ Ἀντίταυρος +εἰς τἀναντία ἀπεῤῥωγώς. Strab. p. 535. Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 6.) describes +Antitaurus as the mountain which extends from Taurus to the Euphrates. + +[70] Strabo, p. 534. + +[71] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6. + +[72] Ptolem. ibid. + +[73] ... duci inde exercitus per Axylon quam vocant terram cœptus; ab re +nomen habet: non ligni modo quidquam, sed ne spinas quidem, aut ullum +aliud alimentum fert ignis. Fimo bubulo pro lignis utuntur. Pococke +observes, “They are very much distressed in these parts for fuel, and +commonly make use of dried cow-dung.” His remark on the abundance of fine +fish in the Sangarius had not escaped the notice of the Latin historian: +Sangarius ... non tam magnitudine memorabilis quam quod piscium adcolis +ingentem vim præbet. Liv. Hist. l. 38. c. 18. + +The merit of this accuracy, however, is not due to Livy, but to Polybius, +from whom the Latin compiler copied this part of his history. + +[74] Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν, καὶ τὰ +τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια, ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ καὶ ὀναγρόβοτα, ὑδάτων δὲ σπάνις +πολλὴ· ὅπου δὲ καὶ εὑρεῖν δυνατὸν βαθύτατα φρέατα τῶν πάντων, καθάπερ +ἐν Σοάτροις, ὅπου καὶ πιπράσκεται τὸ ὕδωρ· ἔστι δὲ κωμόπολις Γαρσαούρων +πλησίον· ὅμως δὲ καίπερ ἄνυδρος οὖσα ἡ χώρα πρόβατα ἐκτρέφει θαυμαστῶς, +τραχείας δὲ ἐρέας· καί τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν τούτων μεγίστους πλούτους +ἐκτήσαντο. Ἀμύντας δ’ ὑπὲρ 300 ἔσχε ποίμνας ἐν τοῖς τόποις τούτοις. Εἰσὶ +δὲ καὶ λίμναι Κώραλις μὲν ἡ μείζων, ἡ δὲ ἐλάττων Τρογῖτις. Ἐνταῦθα δέ που +καὶ τὸ Ἰκόνιόν ἐστι, πολίχνιον εὖ συνῳκισμένον καὶ χώραν εὐτυχεστέραν +ἔχον τῆς λεχθείσης ὀναγροβότου· τοῦτο δ’ εἴχε Πολέμων. Πλησιάζει δ’ ἤδη +τούτοις τοῖς τόποις ὁ Ταῦρος, ὁ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ὁρίζων καὶ τὴν Λυκαονίαν +πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκείμενους Κίλικας τοὺς Τραχειώτας. Λυκαόνων δὲ καὶ +Καππαδόκων ὅριόν ἐστι τὸ μεταξὺ Κοροπασσοῦ κώμης Λυκαόνων καὶ Γαρσαούρων +πολιχνίου Καππαδόκων. Ἔστι δὲ τὸ μεταξὺ διάστημα τῶν φρουρίων τούτων 120 +που στάδιοι. Strabo, p. 568. + +For the extract from Artemidorus, relating to the same subject, see page +57. + +[75] Hadji Khalfa lived in the middle of the 17th century. Whether +any wild asses or wild sheep are still found on the Lycaonian hills, +I have never been able to learn; but it is certain that the ὄναγρος, +or wild ass, is still hunted on similar hills in many parts of Persia. +Naturalists have often confounded this animal with the zebra. + +[76] Tab. Peutinger. segm. 6. + +[77] Compare Hierocles and the Acts of the Councils of Ephesus, +Chalcedon, and Constantinople, with the Notitiæ Græcorum Episcopatuum. + +[78] Livy (l. 38. c. 15.) mentions a Caralitis palus; but it seems to +have been situated further westward than Karajeli, and near the Cibyratis. + +[79] Pococke, in mentioning this inscription in the Narrative of +his Travels (vol. 2. part 2. ch. 15.), makes a blunder similar to +that which I have noticed relating to another inscription at Afióm +Karahissár. He observes, that the inscription at Alekiam contains the +word “Amorianorum:” no such word occurs, but “Orcistanorum” is found +twice; and the inscription, which is long and curious, and (what is very +uncommon with Pococke) tolerably correct, clearly shows that Alekiam is +the site of Orcistus. + +[80] Notitiæ Episcopatuum Græcorum. + +[81] In the Jerusalem Itinerary the places are distinguished by the words +Civitas, city; Mutatio, changing-place; Mansio, konák. + +[82] These four distances occur again in the Antonine (ed. Wessel, p. +205.), in the road from Ancyra to Cæsareia, or Mazaca, as follows—24, +18, 20, 22; but I have rejected them, because those given in the text +from the Antonine are confirmed by the Jerusalem as far as Aspona. On the +other hand, the 24 M. P. from Aspona to Parnassus, in the Antonine, is so +far confirmed by the 22 of the same itinerary in the road to Cæsareia, as +to make it probable that the 35 of the Jerusalem is erroneous. + +[83] This part of the route in the Table is very incorrect. Nitazus seems +to stand in the place of Corbeus, and _vice versa_; and the _names_ of +Ancyra and Archelais are omitted. + +[84] This distance is taken from the road from Tyana to Mazaca. + +[85] By a route which must have been different from that of the other two +itineraries; none of the names being alike. + +[86] By assuming (from the Antonine) 16 M. P. for the last stage to Tyana. + +[87] Mopsucrene was 12 M. P. short of Tarsus, and was noted for the +death of the Emperor Constantius. The name is disfigured in both the +Itineraries. For the correction see the authorities quoted in Cellarius, +l. 3. c. 7. § 122.; but particularly Ammianus, l. 21. c. 15., compared +with Theophanes Chronog. p. 39. The Antonine seems to have confounded +Mopsucrene with Mopsuestia; and hence to have omitted the distance +between these two places. + +[88] Xenoph. Anab. l. 1. c. 2. Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 4. +Strabo, p. 539. + +[89] According to this authority, the post-station of the Pylæ (mutatio +Pylæ) was 24 M. P. from Tarsus. + +[90] It should then be read thus,—Tyana ... Aquis Calidis 12 Podando 22 +Coriopio 12 in Monte 12 Tarso Ciliciæ. We know from modern travellers, +that there are about 12 miles from the foot of the mountain to Tarsus. +Coriopium here stands at the same distance from Tarsus as Pylæ in the +Jerusalem, and is probably the same place. + +[91] I read it thus. Iconium 20 fines Ciliciæ 25 in Monte Tauro 30 Tarso +Ciliciæ: thus connecting the extremity, as in the former instance, with +the words Tarso Ciliciæ. The number 20 (xx.) ought perhaps to be 120 +(cxx). + +[92] Tetrapyrgia and Crunæ are named together by the geographer of +Ravenna. + +[93] The only two that have any appearance of reality are 24 M. P. from +Taspa to Isaura, and 33 M. P. from Crunæ to Seleuceia. + +[94] Πλησίον δὲ καὶ ὁ Σαγγάριος ποταμὸς ποιεῖται τὴν ῥύσιν· ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ +τὰ παλαιὰ τῶν Φρυγῶν οἰκητήρια Μίδου καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Γορδίου καὶ ἄλλων +τινῶν, οὐδ’ ἴχνη σώζονται πόλεων ἀλλὰ κῶμαι μικρῷ μείζους τῶν ἄλλων· οἷόν +ἐστι τὸ Γόρδιον.... Strabo, p. 568. + +Τὸ δὲ Γόρδιον ἐστὶ μὲν τῆς Φρυγίας τῆς ἐφ’ Ἑλλησπόντου, κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ +Σαγγαρίου ποταμοῦ. Arrian, lib. 1. c. 29. + +[95] Strabo, p. 574. + +[96] Eckhel. Doct. Num. vet. Bithynia. + +[97] Ἔστι δὲ ποταμὸς ἐν Γαλάταις, ὅνπερ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι Σίβεριν, +τῶν μὲν καλουμένων Συκέων ἄγγιστα, πόλεως δὲ Ἰουλιοπόλεως ἀπὸ σημείων +μάλιστα δέκα ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4. + +[98] De cætero intus in Bithynia colonia Apamena, Agrippenses, +Juliopolitæ, Bithynion; flumina, Syrius, Lapsias, Pharmicas, Alces, +Crynis, Lilæus, Scopius, Hiera, qui Bithyniam et Galatiam disterminat. +Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 32. + +[99] Civitas Juliopolis 13 M. P. Mutatio Hieron potamon 11 M. P. Agannia +(Laganeus) Itin. Hierosol. p. 574. Wessel. + +[100] Justinian built a bridge and dyke to preserve the high road from +the ravages of the Siberis. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4. + +[101] Plin. ubi supr. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1. + +[102] Ammian. l. 25. sub fin. Socrat. l. 3. sub fin. Sozomen, l. 6. c. 6. +Theodoret, l. 4. c. 5. + +[103] Procop. De Ædif. l. 5. c. 4. + +[104] Postero die ad Gordium pervenit. Id haud magnum quidem oppidum est, +sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et frequens emporium: tria maria pari +ferme distantia intervallo habet, Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius +oræ litora, qua Cilices maritimi colunt: multarum magnarumque præterea +gentium fines contingit, quarum commercium in eum maxime locum mutui usus +contraxere. Liv. l. 38. c. 18. + +Phrygia tunc habebat quondam nobilem Midæ regiam; Gordium nomen est urbi, +quam Sangarius amnis interfluit pari intervallo Pontico et Cilicio mari +distantem. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1. + +These observations of Livy and Curtius may be taken as examples of the +extreme negligence and inaccuracy often shown by the Latin authors in +matters of fact relating to foreign countries. It could hardly have been +unknown at Rome in their time, that Gordium was not half so distant from +the Propontis or Euxine as from the Ægæan or Cilician sea. + +[105] + + Iter a Pesinunte Ancyram 99 M. P. + --------- + Sic Germa 16 + Vindia 24 + Papira 32 + Ancyra 27 + --------- + Iter a Dorylao Ancyra 141 M. P. + --------- + Sic Arcelaio 30 + Germa 20 + Vindia 32 + Papira 32 + Ancyra 27 + +The 32 to Vindia is an error for 24, as appears by the numbers in the +former list agreeing with the total: 32 seems by a mistake of the copier +to have been written twice. + +[106] Polyb. l. 22. c. 20. Liv. l. 38. c. 18. Strabo, p. 567. Herodian +(in the Life of Commodus) says that Pessinus was on the Gallus: but we +know from Strabo that the Gallus was that branch of the Sakaría which +waters the valley of Léfke. The mistake of Herodian is easily accounted +for:—The Gallus being a very important branch of the Sangarius, the +united stream was often known by the former name; as we observe in +Ammianus,—who in coupling the Gallus with the lake Sophon, which we know +from some passages in the Byzantine history to have been the lake of +Sabanja,—evidently means by the Gallus the lower part of the Sangarius. +In process of time the name Gallus became applied to the whole course +of the Sangarius as far as its sources. The same thing happened to the +Scamander at Troy, the name of which between the time of Homer and that +of Antiochus the Great had become attached not only to the part below the +junction of the two rivers, but to that also above it, as far even as the +sources of the Homeric Simoeis. + +[107] Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Tab. Peutinger, seg. 6. + +[108] Strabo, p. 567. + +[109] Liv. l. 38 c. 18. + +[110] Ammian. l. 22. c. 9. + +[111] Strabo, p. 567. + +[112] Notit. Episc. Græc. + +[113] Pococke, however, observes, that the river was “small” where he +crossed it, “being near the sources.” + +[114] Zonar. Ann. l. 15. c. 29. + +[115] Geogr. Nubiens. (Clim. 5. pars 5.) + +[116] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καὶ Κοτιάειον, +καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις.... Ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς Ἐπικτήτου πρὸς νότον +ἐστὶν ἡ μεγάλη Φρυγία λείπουσα ἐν ἀριστερᾷ τὴν Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ τὰ περὶ +Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Λυκαονίαν, ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ Μαίονας καὶ Λύδους καὶ Κᾶρας· ἐν +ᾗ ἐστιν ἥτε Παρώρειος λεγομένη Φρυγία καὶ ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καὶ τὰ περὶ +Ἀμόριον καὶ Εὐμένειαν καὶ Σύνναδα. Strabo, p. 576. + +[117] Anna Comn. l. 15. p. 470. + +[118] Τεκτόσαγες δὲ τὰ πρὸς τῇ μεγάλῃ Φρυγίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ +Ὀρκαορυκούς. Strabo, p. 567. + +[119] Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Γαλατίαν πρὸς νότον ἥτε λίμνη ἐστὶν ἡ Τάττα, +παρακειμένη τῇ μεγάλῃ Καππαδοκίᾳ τῇ κατὰ τοὺς Μοριμηνοὺς, μέρος δ’ +οὖσα τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας· καὶ ἡ συνεχὴς ταύτῃ μέχρι τοῦ Ταύρου, ἧς τὴν +πλείστην Ἀμύντας εἶχεν.... Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ +Πιτνισὸν καὶ τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ, &c. Strabo, p. 568. + +[120] Stephan. in Πίτνισσα. + +[121] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4. + +[122] Liv. l. 38. c. 15 et seq. + +[123] The _chief_ town of the Tolistobogii, however, in the time of +Strabo, was not Tolistochora, but Pessinus. Ancyra, according to the +arrangement of Augustus, was the chief town of the Tectosages, who +occupied the central part of Galatia, and Tavium was that of Trocmi, who +possessed the eastern part of the province. Strabo, p. 567. + +[124] A bishop of Perta sat in the Second Nicene Council, A.D. 787. + +[125] By the description of Mr. Kinneir it appears that Argæus is not +less than 8 or 9000 feet above the sea; for it was covered with snow +to a great distance below the summit in October: Strabo’s expression, +therefore, of ὅρος πάντων ὑψηλότατος may, perhaps, apply to it with +truth, if we confine his observation to the countries between the +Caucasus and the Alps. + +[126] Karasi, Sarukhan, Aidin, Kermian. See Niceph. Greg. l. 7. c. 1. +Chalcocond. l. 1. p. 7. + +[127] Act. Apost. c. 14. + +[128] Cicero speaks of him with more respect: “Cum Antipatro Derbete mihi +non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa familiaritas intercedit.”—Ep. ad +Div. l. 13. ep. 73. + +[129] Strabo, p. 534, 567. + +[130] Τῆς δὲ Ἰσαυρικῆς ἐστιν ἐν πλευραῖς, ἡ Δέρβη, μάλιστα ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ +ἐπιπεφυκὸς, τὸ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τυραννεῖον τοῦ Δερβήτου· τούτου δ’ ἦν καὶ +τὰ Λάρανδα. Strabo, p. 569. + +[131] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6. + +[132] Stephan. in Δέρβη. + +[133] There is a similar keep at Launceston in Cornwall. + +[134] Apollodorus, l. 3. c. 4. + +[135] Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13. + +[136] Strabo, p. 668. + +[137] Basil of Seleucia, in the Life of Thecla. + +[138] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. + +[139] Claudiopolis, quam dedux coloniam Claudius Cæsar. Ammian. l. 15. c. +25. + +[140] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6. + +[141] It was founded by Hugh Lusignan the Third: for a description of it +see the work of Mariti, who visited Cyprus in 1762. + +[142] See Mariti, Drummond, and Pococke. + +[143] This is the Mount Andriclus which Strabo places above Charadrus. + +[144] In some parts of the modern wall are remains of Hellenic masonry, +of the kind often called Cyclopian. + +[145] Josaphat Barbaro, who was sent by the Venetian government into +Persia, and who published a description of his journey, assisted at the +capture of Corycus and Seleuceia by a squadron under Pietro Mocenigo. The +work of Barbaro was printed at the Aldine press in 1543. + +[146] The following words are distinguished upon one of the +architraves.... ΙΕΡΕΥΣ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣ ... ΚΑΙΣΑΡΙ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΩΙ. On another +architrave is recorded the name of a person who had bequeathed land for +restoring the city, and from the profits of which the temple had been +rebuilt. Ἐκ τῆς προσόδου τῶν ἀγρῶν, ὧν ἀπέλιπεν εἰς ἐπισκευὴν τῆς πόλεως +Κλεόστρατος υἱὸς πόλεως, φύσει δὲ Τελλικόντος, ἐπεσκευάσθη. + +[147] Mount Solyma, then distant about sixty miles. + +[148] In passing by sea from Aláya to Castel Rosso, I was obliged to +follow the coast of the gulf of Adália, the sailors being afraid, in this +season, of crossing directly to Cape Khelidóni. This practice has been +common among the Greek seamen of every age, and was anciently expressed +by the word κατακολπίζω. After having been detained three days in the +mouth of a river, to the westward of Menavgát, I passed within sight of +the mouth of the river Dudén, not far to the eastward of Adália, and I +observed that it discharged itself into the sea by a perpendicular fall +over a high cliff. This singularity accounts for the name Catarrhactes, +anciently given to it. + +[149] This is evident upon comparing it with the fragments of the 22d +book of Polybius, as well as from the confession of Livy himself in +several places. + +[150] Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια καί Κοτιάειον +καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις καὶ Κάδοι· τοὺς δὲ Κάδους ἔνιοι τῆς +Μυσίας φασίν. Strabo, p. 576. + +[151] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29. + +[152] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 31. c. 10. + +[153] Arrian ubi supra. + +Μιλύας δ’ ἐστὶν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Τερμησσὸν στενῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς +τοῦ Ταύρου ὑπερθέσεως δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Σίνδα, παρατείνουσα ὀρεινὴ μέχρι +Σαγαλασσοῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀπαμέων χώρας. Strabo, p. 631. + +Ὑπέρκειται δ’ αὐτῆς (scil. Phaselidis) τὰ Σόλυμα ὄρος καὶ Τερμησσὸς, +Πισιδικὴ πόλις, ἐπικειμένη τοῖς στενοῖς, δι’ ὧν ὑπέρβασίς ἐστιν εἰς τὴν +Μιλυάδα. Strabo, p. 666. + +In Arrian the names are Salagassus and Telmissus, but improperly, as the +coins of the two cities show. Stephanus says there was a greater and +lesser Termissus in Pisidia, which is confirmed by the coins with the +legend, Τερμησσέων τῶν μειζόνων. (Eckhel and Mionnet in Pisidia.) + +[154] Strabo, p. 573, 630. + +[155] ... τὰ μέχρι Καρούρων εἴρηται. Τὰ δ’ ἐξῆς ἐστὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς δύσιν, +ἡ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πόλις τῶν ἐπὶ Μαιάνδρῳ, τῆς Καρίας ἤδη· τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον +ἡ Κίβυρά ἐστιν ἡ μεγάλη, καὶ ἡ Σίνδα καὶ ἡ Καβαλὶς, μεχρὶ τοῦ Ταύρου καὶ +τῆς Λυκίας. Strabo, p. 630. + +... τῆς Νυσαΐδος, ἥ ἐστι χώρα κατὰ τὰ τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πέραν μέχρι τῆς +Κιβυράτιδος καὶ τῆς Καβαλίδος. Strabo, p. 629. + +[156] Strabo, p. 631. Liv. l. 38. c. 14. + +[157] Compare the preceding passages of Strabo, pp. 629, 630, with those +of pp. 651, 665, where he says that a branch of Taurus occupied all +Lycia, from the Cibyratis to Peræa of the Rhodii, and that Tlos a Lycian +city stood near the pass leading to Cibyra. + +[158] Strabo, p. 631. + +[159] Hierocl. Synecd. + +[160] Polyb. l. 5. c. 72. + +[161] In the year before Christ 219. + +[162] Strabo, p. 667. + +[163] ... οἱ Σελγεῖς οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἀξιολογώτατοι τῶν Πισιδῶν. Τὸ μὲν οὖν +πλέον αὐτῶν μέρος τὰς ἀκρωρείας τοῦ Ταύρου κατέχει· τινὲς δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ +Σίδης καὶ Ἀσπένδου, Παμφυλικῶν πόλεων, κατέχουσι γεώλοφα χωρία, ἐλαιόφυτα +πάντα· τὰ δ’ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀρεινὰ ἤδη, Κατεννεῖς, ὅμοροι Σελγεῦσι καὶ +Ὁμοναδεῦσι· Σαγαλασσεῖς δ’ ἐπὶ τὰ ἐντὸς τὰ πρὸς τῇ Μιλυάδι. Strabo, p. +569. + +[164] Notit. Episc. Græc. + +[165] + + Τοῖς δ’ ἔπι Πισιδέων λιπαρὸν πέδον, ἧχι πόληες + Τερμισσὸς Λύρβη τε καὶ ἣ ἐπολίσσατο λαὸς + Πρίν ποτ’ Ἀμυκλαίων, μεγαλώνυμος ἐν χθονὶ Σέλγη. + + Dionys. Perieg. v. 858. + +[166] Strabo, p. 569. + +[167] Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 570. Liv. l. 38. c. 15. Arrian, l. 1. +c. 28. + +[168] Arrian, l. 1. c. 29. + +[169] See Note [163], p. 149. + +[170] See Note [153], p. 146. + +[171] Ἀμύντας ... πολλὰ χωρία ἐξεῖλεν ἀπόρθητα πρότερον ὄντα, ὧν καὶ +Κρήμνα. τὸ δὲ Σανδάλιον οὐδ’ ἐνεχείρησε βίᾳ προσάγεσθαι, μεταξὺ κείμενον +τῆς τε Κρήμνης καὶ Σαγαλασσοῦ. Τὴν μὲν οὖν Κρήμναν ἄποικοι Ῥωμαίων +ἔχουσι. Σαγαλασσὸς δ’ ἐστὶν ὑπὸ τῷ αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνι τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὑφ’ ᾧ καὶ ἡ +Ἀμύντου βασιλεία πᾶσα· διέχει δ’ Ἀπαμείας ἡμέρας ὁδὸν, κατάβασιν ἔχουσα +σχεδόν τι καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος· καλοῦσι δ’ αὐτὴν καὶ +Σέλγησσον. Strabo, p. 569. + +[172] Κρήμναν ... ἐν ἀποκρήμνῳ τε κειμένην καὶ κατὰ μέρος χαράδραις +βαθυτάταις ὀχυρωμένην. Zosim. l. 1. c. 69. + +[173] “A Cibyra per agros Sindensium exercitus ductus, transgressusque +Caularem amnem, posuit castra. Postero die est præter Caralitin paludem +agmen ductum; ad Mandropolim manserunt; inde progredientibus ad Lagon, +proximam urbem metu incolæ fugerunt; inde ab Lysis fluminis fonte, +postero die ad Cobulatum (ap. Polyb. Κολοβάτον) amnem progressi. +Termessenses eo tempore Isiondensium arcem, urbe capta, oppugnabant.... +Volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam divertendi oblata est; adveniens +obsidione Isiondenses exemit. Termesso pacem dedit, 50 talentis argenti +acceptis: item Aspendiis cæterisque Pamphyliæ populis. Ex Pamphylia +rediens ad fluvium Taurum primo die, postero ad Xylinen comen posuit +castra. Profectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa (ap. Polyb. +Κύρμασα) urbem pervenit. Darsa proxima urbs erat; eam ... desertam ... +invenit. Progredienti præter paludes (ap. Polyb. τὴν λίμνην) legati ab +Lysinoe dedentes urbem venerunt. Deinde in agrum Sagalassenum, uberem +fertilemque omni genere frugum, ventum est. Colunt Pisidæ, longe optimi +bello regionis hujus: quum ea res animos facit, tum agri fœcunditas, et +multitudo hominum, et situs inter paucas munitæ urbis.... Progressus inde +ad Obrimæ fontes, ad vicum, quem Aporidos comen vocant, posuit castra. Eo +Seleucus ab Apamea postero die venit. Ægros inde et inutilia impedimenta +quum Apameam dimisisset, ducibus itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis, profectus +eo die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. +Inde Synnada,” &c. Liv. l. 38. c. 15. + +[174] Compare the preceding Note with those in pp. 146, 147, 158. +Artemidorus (ap. Strabon. p. 570) includes Sinda among the cities of +Pisidia. Stephanus calls it a city of Lycia. + +[175] Strabo, p. 570. + +[176] Strabo, p. 576. + +[177] Strabo, p. 627. + +[178] “Inde (ab Antiochia ad Mæandrum) ad Gordiutichos, quod vocant, +processum est; ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris perventum: in finibus +Pisidarum posita est urbs, in ea parte, quæ vergit ad Pamphylium mare.” +Liv. l. 38. c. 13. + +[179] See the Note page 152. + +[180] Strabo, p. 576. See Note [187], p. 158.—Ptolemy places it in +the same part of the country with Cibyra, Hierapolis and Apameia. By +Hierocles it is named among the towns of Phrygia Pacatiana, together with +Laodiceia, Colossæ and Hierapolis. + +[181] See Note, p. 152. + +[182] Strabo, p. 577. + +[183] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 2. c. 14. + +[184] I have somewhat enlarged Pococke’s computation of miles, as I find, +in the sequel of his route to A´ngura, that (contrary to the common error +of travellers) it is generally below the truth. He computes about 100 +English miles from Karahissár to A´ngura; whereas the distance is little +less than 120 G. M. in direct distance. + +[185] The beginning of this inscription is imperfect: it ends in a form +common upon sepulchral monuments, by subjecting the violator of the tomb +to a fine, payable to the treasury of the city, and another sum to the +Council. + + ...................... + ...................... + ΦΙΣΚΟΝ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ ΔΙΣΧΕΙΛΙΑ ΚΑΙ + ΤΗ ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ Β. Φ + +Pococke copied the third letter of the lower line Σ instead of Ε, which +was probably the cause of his failing to discover the ancient name of +Ishekle. Εὐμενεύς is the ethnic adjective of Eumeneia in Stephanus, and +ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ is the legend on the coins of that city. Another inscription at +Ishekle supported a statue of Marcus Aurelius, τὸν ἴδιον θεὸν εὐεργέτην. +And a third attests the worship at that place, among other deities, of +the _dæmon Angdistis_, ΑΝΓΔΙΣΤΕΩΣ ΔΑΙΜΟΝΟΣ, under which name the _mother_ +of the gods was adored at Pessinus. Her worship in the country adjacent +to the Mæander may be inferred from Pliny, who alludes to her epithet of +Berecynthia in the passage in which he speaks of Eumenia: “Est Eumenia +Cludro flumini apposita, Glaucus amnis. Lysias oppidum et Orthosia, +Berecynthius tractus, Nysa, Tralles,” &c. l. 5. c. 29. + +[186] Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Phrygia. + +[187] P. 576. “To the south of Phrygia Epictetus,” he says, “is Great +Phrygia, which has Pessinus and Lycaonia on the right, the Mæones, +Lydians and Carians on the left: it contains Phrygia Paroreius and the +part towards Pisidia, and the country about Amorium, and Synnada and +Eumeneia, Apameia surnamed Cibotus, and Laodiceia, which are the two +greatest of the Phrygian cities, and around which are other smaller +towns, Aphrodisias, Colossæ, Themisonium, Sanaus, Metropolis, Apollonias; +and still further off Peltæ, Tabæ, Eucarpia, Lysias:” the “still further +off” (ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω τούτων) is however not geographically accurate in +regard to all the places mentioned. + +[188] Κελαινὰς.... Ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος μέγας.... Διὰ +μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν +ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν πόλεως. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ μεγάλου +βασιλέως βασίλεια ἐν Κελαιναῖς ἐρυμνὰ, ἐπὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου +ποταμοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλει· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐμβάλλει +εἰς τὸν Μαίανδρον. Xenoph. Cyri Exp. l. 1. c. 2. + +Xenophon adds that Celænæ was a large and flourishing city; that the +palace and acropolis were built by Xerxes on his return from Greece; that +the park was full of wild beasts which Cyrus hunted for the exercise of +himself and his horses; that the Marsyas rose in a cavern, where Apollo +hung up the skin of Marsyas; and that the breadth of the Marsyas was 25 +feet. + +[189] Ἀλέξανδρος ... ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Κελαινὰς πεμπταῖος. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς +Κελαιναῖς ἄκρα ἦν πάντη ἀπότομος. Alexander gladly came to terms with +the people on account of the strength of the citadel. (ἄπορον πάντη +προσφέρεσθαι τὴν ἄκραν.) Arrian, l. 1. c. 29. + +Alexander ... ad urbem Celænas exercitum admovit. Mediam illa tempestate +interfluebat Marsyas amnis.... Fons ejus ex summo montis cacumine +excurrens in subjectam petram magno strepitu aquarum cadit.... Alexander +... arcem oppugnare adortus caduceatorem præmisit ... illi caduceatorem +in turrim et situ et opere multum editam perductum, quanta esset altitudo +intueri jubent, &c. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1. + +[190] ... ἐς Κελαινάς· ἵνα πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ, καὶ +ἑτέρου οὐκ ἐλάσσονος ἢ Μαιάνδρου, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει ἐὸν Καταῤῥήκτης, ὃς +ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγορῆς τῆς Κελαινέων ἀνατέλλων, ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῖ. +Herod. l. 7. c. 26. + +[191] Ἵδρυται δὲ ἡ Ἀπάμεια ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκβολαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ· καὶ +ῥεῖ διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ὁ ποταμὸς, τὰς ἄρχας ἀπὸ τῆς (παλαιᾶς) πόλεως +ἔχων· κατενεχθεὶς δ’ ἐπὶ τὸ προάστειον σφοδρῷ καὶ κατωφερεῖ τῷ ῥεύματι, +συμβάλλει πρὸς τὸν Μαίανδρον, προσειληφότα καὶ ἄλλον ποταμὸν Ὀργᾶν, +δι’ ὁμαλοῦ φερόμενον πρᾷον καὶ μαλακόν·.... Ἄρχεται δὲ (ὁ Μαίανδρος) +ἀπὸ Κελαινῶν, λόφου τινὸς ἐν ᾧ πόλις ἦν ὁμώνυμος τῷ λόφῳ. Ἐντεῦθεν +δὲ ἀναστήσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁ Σωτὴρ Ἀντίοχος εἰς τὴν νῦν Ἀπάμειαν, +&c.——Ὑπέρκειται δὲ καὶ λίμνη φύουσα κάλαμον, τὸν εἰς τὰς γλώττας τῶν +αὐλῶν ἐπιτήδειον, ἐξ ἧς ἀπολείβεσθαί φασι τὰς πηγὰς ἀμφοτέρας, τήν τε τοῦ +Μαρσύου καὶ τὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου. Strabo, p. 578. + +[192] Consul (Cn. Manlius) ... ad Antiochiam super Mæandrum amnem posuit +castra. Hujus amnis fontes Celænis oriuntur. Celænæ urbs caput quondam +Phrygiæ fuit: migratum inde haud procul veteribus Celænis, novæque urbi +Apameæ nomen inditum.... Et Marsyas amnis, haud procul a Mæandri fontibus +oriens, in Mæandrum cadit. Famaque ita tenet Celænis Marsyam cum Apolline +tibiarum cantu certasse. Mæander, ex arce summa Celænarum ortus, media +urbe decurrens, per Caras primum, deinde Ionas, in sinum maris editur, +qui inter Prienen et Miletum est. Liv. l. 38. c 38. + +[193] Tertius (Asiæ Conventus) Apamiam vadit, ante appellatam Celænas, +dein Ciboton. Sita est in radice Montis Signiæ, circumfusis Marsya, +Obrima, Orga fluminibus in Mæandrum cadentibus. Marsyas ibi redditur +ortus ac paullo mox conditus; ubi certavit tibiarum cantu cum Apolline, +Aulocrenis ita vocatur, convallis decem millia passuum ab Apamia Phrygiam +petentibus.... Amnis Mæander ortus e lacu in monte Aulocrene.... Apamenam +primum pervagatur regionem mox Eumeniticam, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. +29. + +[194] Φρύγες οἱ περί Κελαινάς νεμόμενοι τιμῶσι ποταμοὺς δύο, Μαρσύαν καὶ +Μαίανδρον. εἶδον τοὺς ποταμούς. ἀφίησιν αὐτοὺς πηγὴ μία, ἣ προελθοῦσα ἐπὶ +τὸ ὄρος ἀφανίζεται κατὰ νώτου τῆς πόλεως κᾳὖθις ἐκδιδοῖ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, +διελοῦσα τοῖς ποταμοῖς καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα. ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ Λυδίας ῥεῖ ὁ +Μαίανδρος, ὁ δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰ πεδία ἀναλίσκεται. Max. Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. +8. + +He then proceeds to relate a tale resembling that which Strabo has +told us of the Alpheius and Eurotas, and which shews that the sources +of the Mæander and Marsyas were exactly circumstanced as those of the +two Peloponnesian rivers, described by Pausanias (Arcad. c. 43.) and +Strabo (p. 343), and the accuracy of whose description I have myself +ascertained. Those celebrated streams issue from separate sources at the +foot of a mountain, behind which, in the elevated plain of Asea, is a +rivulet, which, after crossing that plain, runs through a small lake into +the mountain. This rivulet was anciently reputed to be the common origin +of the two rivers; and it was believed (but apparently not by Strabo +himself), that if offerings to the two river-gods were thrown into this +stream, each offering would re-appear at the source of the river for the +god of which it was destined by the sacrificer. Maximus Tyrius improves +upon the similar story relating to the Mæander, by adding, that if a +joint offering was thrown in for both the gods, it was divided in its +passage through the mountain, and a portion appeared at each of the lower +sources. + +[195] See Eckhel and Mionnet in Phrygia. + +[196] Strabo, p. 579. + +[197] M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French translation of +Chandler, thinks that the words of Pliny cited above, warrant the +supposition that Apameia was ten miles distant from the site of Celænæ. +I cannot perceive any such meaning in them: on the contrary, I think it +clearly appears from Strabo, that both the rivers ran through Celænæ, +and that they united in the suburb, which afterwards became the new +city Apameia. The removal of Grecian cities, from the strong positions +of the ancient independent republics, to neighbouring situations more +commodious but less defensible, was a common occurrence on the decline of +the republican system in Greece, and on the prevalence of monarchy; and +it was a natural consequence of that change of system. The removal was +generally attended with a change of name, which flattered the Macedonian +or Roman prince under whom the removal took place. It often occurred, +also, that a new name was given upon the mere occasion of a repair, when +there was no change of situation. + +[198] See Rennell’s Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus. + +[199] Stephan. in Ἀπολλωνία. + +[200] Τὴν γὰρ Ἀντιόχειαν ἔχων τὴν πρὸς τῇ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι Ἀπολλωνιάδος, τῆς +πρὸς Ἀπαμείᾳ τῇ Κιβωτῷ &c. Strabo, p. 569. + +[201] Strabo, ibid.—Tacit. Ann. l. 3. c. 48. + +[202] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. Similar assemblies were held at +Cibyra, Synnada, Laodiceia ad Lycum, Alabanda, Ephesus, Smyrna, Sardes, +Adramyttium, and Pergamum. + +[203] Between Eumenia and the number which marks the miles from thence to +_ad vicum_, which seems to have been a small place between Eumenia and +Apameia,—occurs the word Pella. I am quite unable to explain what this +means. I thought at first it was a mistake for Peltæ, an important town +situated in this part of Phrygia; but it is impossible to find room for +Peltæ and the great Peltene plain between Ishékle and Dinglar. + +[204] Ptolemy, l. 5. c. 2. + +[205] Notit. Episc. Græc. + +[206] Stephan. de Urb. in Εὐκαρπία. + +[207] Cicero pro Flacco, c. 15. + +[208] It was also called Hellespontine Phrygia, although totally divided +from the Hellespont by Mysia. Hence it would seem that the part of Mysia +lying between mount Olympus and the Caicus was included at one time +in the district of Hellespontus; which at that time extended from the +Hellespont to the Thymbres. + +[209] Strabo, p. 576. + +[210] Strabo ibid. See Note, p. 145.—Ptolemy ascribes Cadi and two other +towns to the Erizeli, a people of Mæonia, on the borders of Mysia, Lydia +and Phrygia. + +[211] Strabo, p. 629. + +[212] The survey having been reduced to a tenth of Captain Beaufort’s +scale in the map which accompanies the present volume, the latter may +in some instances, perhaps, be found inadequate to illustrate the +geographical remarks in the following chapter; which were constantly made +with a reference to the survey itself. In all such difficulties, which it +is hoped will not be found numerous, the reader is necessarily referred +to the original authority. + +[213] Strabo, p. 664. + +[214] Strabo here means to allude to the mention of these two places by +Homer. + +[215] See Strabo, p. 533 et seq. and page 64 of this volume. + +[216] ... Τλῶν, κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τὴν εἰς Κίβυραν κειμένην. Artemid. ap. +Strab. p. 665. + +[217] Liv. l. 37. c. 17. + +[218] Arrian. de Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 24. + +[219] Appian. Bel. Civ. l. 4. c. 82. + +[220] Panegyr. §. 41. + +[221] Ptol. l. 5. c. 3. + +[222] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31. + +[223] Stephan. in Δολιχίστη et Μεγίστη. + +[224] With a little correction it was as follows; but the beginning of +the third line still wants explanation: + + ΣΩΣΙΚΛΗΣ ΝΙΚΑΡΟΤΑ + ΣΑΜΙΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΑΤΗΣΑΣ + ΕΝΤΕΚΑΣΤΑΒΙ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙ + ΤΟΥ ΠΥΡΓΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΜΕ- + -ΓΙΣΤΑΙ ΕΡΜΑΙ ΠΡΟΠΥ- + -ΛΑΙΩΙ ΧΑΡΙΣΤΗΡΙΟΝ + +The Doric dialect may be accounted for by Megiste being in possession, +and probably a colony, of the Rhodii. I found the ruins of a Hellenic +tower here, at the end of a small plain: perhaps the tower mentioned in +the inscription. + +[225] Liv. l. 37. c. 22, 24, 25. + +[226] Liv. l. 37. c. 16. + +[227] Stephan. Byzant. with the Notes of Holstein. + +[228] Oppidum Olympus ubi fuit, nunc sunt montana: Gage, Corydalla, +Rhodiopolis. Juxta mare Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit, et +Mons Massycites, Andriaca, civitas Myra. Oppida Apyre, Antiphellus, quæ +quondam Habessus (_al._ Edebessus) atque in recessu Phellus. Deinde +Pyrrha itemque Xanthus a main xv. M. P. flumenque eodem nomine. Deinde +Patara, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. + +[229] The following fragment in honour of a person who had received the +rites of citizenship in Rhodiopolis, Myra, and Phaselis, was found by Mr. +Cockerell in the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash. + + ΟΠΡΑΜΟΑΝ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΟΥ + ΔΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΛΛΙΑΔΟΥ ΡΟΔΙΟ + ΠΟΛΕΙΤΗΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΥΡΕΑ (καὶ) + ΦΑΣΗΛΕΙΤΗΝ ... + .... + +[230] The following are the names in their order:—Corydalla, Sagalassus, +Rhodia, Trebenda (_al._ Arendæ), Phellus, Myra. + +[231] Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. +c. 29. + +[232] ... ἐν Λυκίᾳ δέ ἐστιν πόλις Ἀρύκανδα καλουμένη, ἧς πλησίον ἱερόν τι +χωρίον, ὃ πρότερον μὲν Ἔμβολος ἐκαλεῖτο διὰ τὴν θέσιν τοῦ χωρίου. Schol. +in Pindar. Olymp. Od. 7. + +[233] + + Μ’ ΑΥΡ’ ΤΟΑΛΙΣ ΔΙΣ ΟΛΥΜ + ΠΗΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΥΚΑΝΔΕΥΣ + +[234] Stephanus of Byzantium describes Σιδαροῦς as a city and harbour, +but he omits to add in what country it was situated. + +[235] The order of names in Ptolemy on this coast is, Phaselis, Olbia, +Attalia, the mouth of the Catarrhactes, Magydis, the mouth of the +Cestrus, the mouth of the Eurymedon, Side. Ptol. l. 5. c. 5. + +[236] Voyage au Levant, par C. Lebruyn, c. 74. Voyage en Grèce, &c. par +Paul Lucas, tom. 1. c. 33. Beaufort’s Karamania, c. 6. Itinéraire de +l’Asie Mineure, par Corancez, l. 4. c. 2. + +[237] Hierocl. Synecd.—Notit. Episc. Græc. + +[238] lib. 5. c. 16. + +[239] lib. 1. c. 14. + +[240] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 14. Arrian. Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 27. + +[241] Strabo, p. 570. Polyb. l. 5. c. 72. Dionys. Perieg. v. 858. Arrian. +lib. 1. c. 28. Zosim. l. 5. c. 15. + +[242] Scylax Perip. Pamphylia. Arrian, l. 1. c. 26. + +[243] Hierocl. Synecd.—Constantin. Porph. de Them.—Notit. Episcop. + +[244] τοῦ Μέλανος καὶ τοῦ Εὐρυμέδοντος ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐπέκεινα διαβαίνει τῆς +Σίδης· ὁ δὲ διαῤῥεῖ τῇ Ἀσπένδῳ. Zosim. l. 5. c. 16.—Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. +14. + +[245] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. + +[246] Geograph. lib. 5. c. 5. + +[247] Liv. l. 33. c. 20. + +[248] Pharsal. lib. 8. v. 259. + +[249] Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. Cilicia. + +[250] Livy (l. 33. c. 20.) says: “Nephelida promontorium Ciliciæ, +inclitum fœdere antiquo Atheniensium.” What treaty this was it is +difficult to discover—not the treaty of Cimon with the Persians; for +according to that, the Chelidonian promontory was the point beyond which +the Persians were forbidden to sail. + +[251] Pompon. Mel. lib. 1. c. 13. + +[252] See Eckhel, Hunter, &c. + +[253] Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 5. cap. 27. + +[254] Athen. l. 3. c. 5. + +[255] In the copy of the treaty in Polybius (l. 22. c. 26.) Cape +Calycadnus is mentioned as the point. Μηδὲ πλείτωσαν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ +Καλυκάδνου ἀκρωτηρίου, εἰ μὴ φόρους ἢ πρέσβεις ἢ ὁμήρους ἄγοιεν. In +the Latin copy of the treaty in Livy (l. 38. c. 38.) both capes are +mentioned. “Neve navigatio citra Calycadnum neve Sarpedonem promontoria” +&c. Appian, who has given the substance only of the treaty, names also +both the capes: Ὅρον μὲν Ἀντιόχῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι δύο ἄκρας Καλύκαδνόν τε +καὶ Σαρπηδόνιον. Appian Syr. c. 39. + +[256] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. + +[257] Diodor. Sic. l. 19. c. 61. + +[258] Liv. Hist. Nat. l. 33. c. 20. + +[259] Among other places on this coast taken possession of by the Knights +of St. John were three fortresses, consigned to their care about the +year 1200 by Pope Innocent III., who had received them from Leo king of +Armenia, on the occasion of his coronation and acknowledgment of the +Latin church. The ancient Armenian inscriptions still existing at Korgos +and Selefke, render it probable that these were two of the fortresses. +See Beaufort’s Karamania, pp. 220, 245. + +[260] Stephanus (in Σελεύκεια) says that this Seleuceia was formerly +called Olbia: which appears to be a mistake, arising from the similarity +of the names Olbia; and Holmi. Strabo is confirmed by Pliny (l. 5. c. +27.), who says, “Seleucia supra amnem Calycadnum, Trachiotis cognomine, a +mare relata, ubi vocabatur Hormia” (Holmia). + +[261] Ptolemy calls the southern cape at the entrance of the Issic gulf +(now Cape Hanzir) by this name, Ῥωσσικὸς σκόπελος. + +[262] Stephanus (in Ὑρία) says, the Calycadnus was sometimes called +Calydnus. + +[263] Τῆς ἴδιως Κιλικίας μεσόγειοι ... Μοψυεστία, Καστάβαλα, Νικόπολις, +Ἐπιφάνεια, καὶ αἱ Ἀμανικαὶ πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. + +Ἡ Συρία περιορίζεται ἀπὸ μὲν ἄρκτων τῇ τὲ Κιλικίᾳ, &c. ... Μετὰ τὸν Ἰσσὸν +καὶ τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας Ἀλεξάνδρεια ἡ κατὰ Ἰσσὸν, Μυρίανδρος, &c.... +Πιερίας δὲ πόλεις αἵδε. Πίναρα, Πάγραι καὶ αἱ Συρίαι πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. +c. 15. + +[264] Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 1. c. 20. M. Kinneir’s Journey in +Asia Minor, p. 135. Niebuhr’s Map in the Voyage en Arabie, tom. 2. pl. +52. Drummond’s Travels, letter 5. + +[265] I saw the foundation of the wall which once fortified this pass. +Perhaps Beilan is only a corruption of Πύλην, or Pyla in the accusative. + +[266] Strabo, p. 676. See the translation in p. 180 of this volume. + +[267] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4. ad Attic. l. 5. ep. 20. Cicero, in +clearing Mount Amanus of the Parthians, took Erana, the chief town, and +several smaller places. + +[268] We find in Hierocles that Seleuceia was the metropolis of Isauria +at the time when Cilicia, divided into two ἐπαρχίαι, extended no further +westward than Corycus inclusive. The chief magistrate, however, is stated +by Hierocles to have been intitled ἡγεμών, not ἄρχων: but Hierocles +probably wrote long after the date of this inscription, and in the +interval some change may have taken place in the mode of government. + +[269] Travels of Bertrandon de la Brocquière in the years 1432, 1433, +translated by Johnes, pp. 174, 190. + +[270] Josaphat Barbaro—Viaggio in Persia. + +[271] Liv. l. 33. c. 20. Plin. l. 5. c. 27. Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13. +Stephan. in Κώρυκος. + +[272] In Ἐλαιοῦσσα. + +[273] In Σεβάστη. + +[274] Joseph. Antiq. Jud. l. 16. c. 4. Strabo, p. 671. + +[275] Xenoph. Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Arrian, l. 2. c. 5. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. +7. Dio. Cass. l. 36. c. 20. Liv. l. 33. c. 20.—l. 37. c. 56. Pompon. Mel. +l. 1. c. 13. Ptol. l. 5. c. 8. + +[276] Stephan. in Ἀγχιάλη. Eustath. in Dionys. Perieg. + +[277] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5. + +[278] Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 5. Dionys. Perieg. v. 868. + +[279] Dio. Cass. l. 47. c. 31. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5. Stephan. in +Ἄδανα. + +[280] Διὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς πόλεως ταύτης (scil. Comana) ὁ Σάρος ῥεῖ ποταμὸς +καὶ διὰ τῶν συναγκειῶν τοῦ Ταύρου διεκπεραιοῦται πρὸς τὰ τῶν Κιλίκων +πεδία καὶ τὸ ὑποκείμενον πέλαγος. p. 536. Comana is the modern Bostán. + +[281] Strabo, ibid. + +[282] Xenoph. de Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Procop. de +Ædif. l. 5. c. 5. + +[283] Stephan. in Μάγαρσος. + + ... Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς + ... + Αἰπὺς δ’ ἀλιβρὸς ὄχμος ἐν μεταιχμίῳ + Μέγαρσος. + + Lycophr. v. 439. + +ἡ δὲ Μέγαρσος πόλις κεῖται πρὸς ταῖς ἐκχύσεσι τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ. +Tzetzes in Schol. ibid. + +περὶ Μάγαρσα τοῦ Πυράμου πλησίον. Strabo, p. 676. See the translated +extract. + +[284] Ap. Tzetz. in Lycoph. ubi sup. + +[285] ποταμὸς Πύραμος καὶ πόλις Μαλλὸς, εἰς ἣν ἀνάπλους κατὰ τὸν ποταμόν. +Scylax in Cilicia. + +[286] Steph. in Μάλλος. + +[287] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 13. + +[288] Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.—... castris motis, et Pyramo amne ponte juncto, +Mallon pervenit. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7. + +[289] Ap. Strabon. p. 675. See the translated extract. + +[290] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Stephan. in Μόψου ἑστία. Procop. de +Ædif. l. 5. c. 5. + +[291] Cod. Theodos. + +ἡ Μάμιστα ἡ καὶ Μόψου ἑστία λεγομένη. M. Glycæ Annal. p. 306. Paris. + +Civitas Adana, 18 M. P. Civitas Mansista 48 M. P. Mansio Baiæ.—Itin. +Hierosol. + +[292] Hierocl. Synecd. + +[293] Appian Mithridat. c. 96.—Epiphania quæ anteà Eniandus. Plin. Hist. +Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Hierocl. Synecd. + +[294] Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4. + +[295] Tab. Peutinger, seg. 7. + +[296] Cicer. ubi supra. + +[297] Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7. + +[298] Ἀντιόχεια ... ἕκτη Κιλικίας ἐπὶ τοῦ Πυράμου. Stephan. in Ἀντιόχεια. + +[299] Μάλλος, Σεῤῥέπολις, Αἴγαι, Ἰσσός. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. + +[300] Strabo, p. 651, 655, 664, 665. + +[301] Strabo, p. 663. Strabo has committed a great error in stating that +Physcus was the nearest point of the coast to Mylasa. The gulf of Kos is +not one-third of the distance of Marmara from Mylasa. + +[302] Caria mediæ Doridi circumfunditur ad mare utroque latere ambiens: +in ea promontorium Pedalium, amnis Glaucus deferens Telmissum; oppida +Dædala, Crya fugitivorum: flumen Axon: oppidum Calydna ... oppidum Caunos +liberum; deinde Pyrnos, portus Cressa a quo Rhodus insula xx M.; locus +Loryma. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. + +Here Pyrnus occupies the place of Physcus, which ought perhaps to be +substituted for the former word. + +[303] Senec. Qu. Nat. l. 3. c. 19. + +[304] Liv. l. 37. c. 17. + +[305] viginti paullo amplius millia. Liv. l. 45. c. 10. + +[306] Κνίδος πόλις καὶ ἄκρα, Ὀνουγνάθος ἄκρα· Λώρυμα, Κρῆσσα λιμὴν, +Φοίνιξ, Φοῦσκα, Κάλβιος ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαὶ, Καῦνος, Κάλινδα, Χύδαι, Καρύα, +Δαίδαλα τόπος, Τέλμησσος. Ptol. l. 5. c. 2. 3. + +[307] Λοιπὸν Καρία. + +Ἐκ Τελμενσοῦ εἰς Δαίδαλα σταδ. ν. (50.) + +Ἐκ Δαιδάλων εἰς Καλλιμάχην σταδ. ν. (50.) + +Ἐκ Καλλιμάχης εἰς Κρούαν σταδ. ξ. (60.) + +Ἐκ Κρούων εἰς τὸν Κοχλίαν σταδ. ν. (50.) + +Ἐκ Κλυδῶν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηδάλιον ἀκρωτήριον σταδ. λ. (30.) + +Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πηδαλίου ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀγκῶνα τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ Γλαυκοῦ σταδ. π. (80.) + +Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀγκῶνος ἐπὶ τῶν Κουνίων (lege Καυνίων) Πάνορμον σταδ. ρκ. (120.) + +200 stades from Pedalium to Panormus of the Caunii is nearly the real +distance from cape Bokomádhi to port Karagatsh, and renders it probable +that the latter was the ancient Panormus, a name which well applies to +that fine basin. Its having been a part of the territory of the Caunii, +may perhaps account for other authorities having omitted to mention it. + +[308] Plutarch. de Virt. Mul. + +[309] + + ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ + ΧΑΛΚΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΟΣ + ΚΛΕΑΙΝΙΔΟΣ ΚΑΛΛΙΚΡΑΤΙΔΑ + ΚΡΥΑΣΣΙΔΟΣ. + +[310] Plin. l. 5. c. 31. + +[311] Stephan. in Κρύα.—Stephanus has distinguished Crya from Cryassus, +ascribing the former to Lycia and the latter to Caria, copying +Artemidorus for the former, and Plutarch for the latter. The distinction +is probably an error; unless Crya was the old site, and that the other +was the new Cryassus mentioned by Plutarch. + +[312] Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16. + +[313] Strabo, p. 656. + +[314] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31. Stephanus in Πάσσαλα. + +[315] At Lindus are the ruins of a dodecastyle Doric portico in front of +a cavern, at Cnidus there is a Doric stoa, and at Halicarnassus are the +ruins of a large Doric temple, supposed by Choiseul Gouffier, who has +published a design of it, to have been the temple of Mars mentioned by +Vitruvius. + +It is not to be supposed that the people of the Hexapolis confined +themselves to Doric architecture, being so near the country where the +Ionic originated and was brought to perfection. At all the three places +just mentioned, but particularly at Cnidus, we find examples of the other +orders. + +Cnidus formed one of the most important objects of the late mission +of the Society of Dilettanti. There is hardly any ruined Greek city +in existence which contains examples of Greek architecture in so many +different branches. There are still to be seen remains of the city walls, +of two closed ports, of several temples, of stoæ, of artificial terraces +for the public and private buildings, of three theatres, one of which +is 400 feet in diameter, and of a great number of sepulchral monuments. +Designs of the most important of these curious remains are about to be +published by the Society of Dilettanti. + +[316] The following is an inscription at Cnidus: + + Α ΒΟΥΛΑ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΑΜΟΣ + ΑΥΡΗΛΙΑΝ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΝ ΘΥΓΑΤΕΡΑ ΜΕΝ + ΝΕΙΚΑΔΑ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΑ ΔΕ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΤΑ- + ΑΡΙΣΤΟΥ. ΜΑΡ. ΑΥΡ. ΕΥΔΟΞΟΥ ΔΙΣ + ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΔΙΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΝ- + ΦΑΝΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΗΛΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΔΑΜΙ- + ΟΥΡΓΟΥ, ΑΡΕΤΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΑ + ΚΕΚΟΣΜΑΙΜΕΝΑΝ, ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΑΡΧΗΣΑΣΑΝ + ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΩΣ, ΤΑΝ ΤΕΙ- + ΜΑΝ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΝΤΟΣ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ + ΤΟΥ ΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΑΥΤΑΣ ΚΑΘ Α ΤΑ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙ + ΥΠΕΣΧΕΤΟ + ΘΕΟΙΣ. + +In a fragment of another Doric inscription at Cnidus, mention is +again made of the officer called δαμιουργὸς, also of a γυμνικὸς ἀγὼν +πενταετηρικὸς held at Cnidus. It was, probably, for these quinquennial +celebrations, common, no doubt, to all the surrounding country, that the +great theatre at Cnidus was principally intended. + +In an inscription copied by Chandler (Ins. Ant. p. 19), at Iasus (Asýn +Kale), we find a decree of the Calymnii cited at length. This decree is +in the Doric dialect, whereas that of the Iasenses which contains it is +in common Hellenic. We are informed by Herodotus (l. 7. c. 99.) that the +islands Calydniæ, of which Calymna was the chief, were colonized from +Epidaurus; they were consequently included (as was Nisyrus likewise) +among the Dorians of the Hexapolis. + +In Mitylene I found several inscriptions, shewing that the use of the +Æolic dialect was preserved to a late period in that island, which was +colonized from Thessaly: the most remarkable form is ΒΟΛΛΑ for ΒΟΥΛΗ, and +ΒΟΛΛΕΥΤΑΣ for ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΣ. + +Pococke has given copies (very inaccurately as usual) of some of these +inscriptions (Inscr. Antiq. p. 45); and one is to be seen in Gruter, p. +1091. + +In reference to the use of the Doric dialect by the colonies of that race +of Greeks, it may be worthy of remark that the Greek inscription of the +time of Psammetichus king of Egypt, lately discovered by Mr. W. Bankes +on the temple of Ibsambal in Nubia, appears from the words Ψαματιχο +Ἐλεφαντιναν, and τοι for οἱ, to be in the Doric dialect. Herodotus tells +us that the Greeks in the service of Psammetichus were Ionians and +Carians: those who inscribed the temple of Ibsambal may therefore have +been from the Carian Doris. It was perhaps in memory of these first Greek +settlers in Upper Egypt that the Greeks of the Thebais often used the +Doric dialect as late as the time of the Roman emperors. + +[317] Pliny also (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.) numbers Caryanda among the +islands. + +[318] Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Const. Porph. de Them. l. 1. th. 14. + +[319] ... sinus Iasius et Basilicus. In Iasio est Bargylos. Pomp. Mel. l. +1. c. 16. + +[320] Liv. l. 37. c. 17. Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Constant. Porph. ubi supr. + +[321] Chishull, Antiq. Asiat. p. 155.—This inscription was copied at +Eski-hissár in 1709, by the celebrated botanist Sherard, then British +Consul at Smyrna. He also copied at the same place, a long Latin +inscription, containing a list of the prices of various commodities, as +regulated by one of the Roman emperors—which has recently been excavated +and more completely transcribed by Mr. W. Bankes. Sherard presented to +the Earl of Oxford a volume containing copies of between three and four +hundred inscriptions collected by him in Asia Minor. This MS. is now in +the British Museum. Catal. Harl. Cod. 7509. + +[322] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 6. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56. + +[323] Τὰ δὲ Λάβρανδα κώμη ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ὄρει κατὰ τὴν ἐξ Ἀλαβάνδων εἰς τὰ +Μύλασα, ἄπωθεν τῆς πόλεως· ἐνταῦθα Διός ἐστι νεὼς ἀρχαῖος καὶ ξόανον Διὸς +Στρατίου. τιμᾶται δ’ ὑπὸ τῶν κύκλῳ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Μυλασέων· ὁδός τε ἔστρωται +σχεδόν τι ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίων μέχρι τῆς πόλεως ἱερὰ καλουμένη δι’ +ἧς πομποστολεῖται τὰ ἱερά. Strabo, p. 659. + +Ælian (de Nat. Anim. l. 12. c. 30.) says that 70 stades was the distance +between Alabanda and Mylasa. + +[324] Ἀλάβανδα δὲ καὶ αὕτη μὲν ὑπόκειται λόφοις δυσὶ συγκειμένοις οὕτως, +ὥστ’ ὄψιν παρέχεσθαι κανθηλίου κατεστραμμένου ... μεστὴ δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ αὕτη +καὶ ἡ τῶν Μυλασέων πόλις τῶν θηρίων τούτων (σκορπίων) καὶ ἡ μεταξὺ πᾶσα +ὀρεινή. Strabo, p. 660. + +... πολλὰς δὲ (διαβάσεις τῇ αὐτῇ ὁδῷ ἔχει) καὶ (ὁ ποταμὸς) ὁ ἐκ Κοσκινίων +εἰς Ἀλάβανδα. Strabo, p. 587. + +[325] Antiquities of Ionia, part l. c. 4. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 58. + +[326] Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, c. 11. + +[327] Voyage de Chandler, tom. 2. p. 248. + +[328] Polyb. l. 17. c. 2—l. 18. c. 27.—l. 30. c. 5. Liv. l. 33. c. 30.—l. +45. c. 25. + +[329] τὸ Γρίον ... παράλληλον τῷ Λάτμῳ, ἀνῆκον ἀπὸ τῆς Μιλησίας πρὸς ἕω, +διὰ τῆς Καρίας μέχρι Εὐρώμου καὶ Χαλκητόρων. Strabo, p. 635. + +[330] Vaillant Num. Græc. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Caria. + +[331] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. + +[332] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56. + +[333] ... περίκεινται δὲ ἀξιόλογοι κατοικίαι πέραν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου, +Κοσκινία καὶ Ὀρθωσία. Strabo, p. 650. + +[334] Strabo, p. 587. vide supra. + +[335] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 9.—It is impossible from Pococke’s +confused narrative to understand either the exact course of the river +Tshina, or the position of the places in its vicinity. The attempt +to describe them on the map must therefore be considered as a mere +approximation. + +[336] Voyage de Chandler, tome 2. p. 252. + +[337] Herodot. l. 5. c. 118. + +[338] See above, chapter 4. p. 159. + +[339] Strabo, p. 600. Stephan. in Ἑκατησία, Ἰδριὰς, Χρυσάορις. All these +were ancient names of Stratoniceia. In consequence of some restorations +by Hadrian, it afterwards received that of Hadrianopolis, but did not +long retain the appellation. See Hierocles Synec. The worship of Hecate +is mentioned in the inscription of Stratoniceia, published by Chishull. + +[340] Strabo, p. 663. + +[341] Strabo, p. 658. + +[342] Strabo, p. 635. See p. 232, note [329]. + +[343] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. + +[344] The form of the letters in this inscription seems to show that +its date is about the time of the first wars of the Romans in Asia. It +was an epistle addressed to the Amyzonenses by some person in power: +beginning with the usual form of salutation, and ending with the no less +customary ΕΡΡΩΣΘΕ. In the Classical Journal, No. 28, the reader will +find an inscription nearly of the same tenor and date, which I copied +at Cyretiæ in Perrhœbia, and which was an epistle addressed to the +people of that place by the Consul Titus Quinctius Flamininus, when he +commanded the Roman army in Greece against the king of Macedonia, Philip +son of Demetrius. In the inscription of Amyzon, besides the two words +already stated, I distinguish ΤΟ ΙΕΡΟΝ ΑΣΥΛΟΝ—ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΕΥΝΟΙΑΝ—ΚΑΙ ΜΗΘΕΝΙ +ΕΝΟΧΛΕΙΝ ΥΜΑΣ. + +[345] Having described Miletus and the islands before it, Lade and the +Tragææ, now heights in the plain, he adds: ἐξῆς δ’ ἐστὶν ὁ Λατμικὸς +κόλπος ἐν ᾧ Ἡράκλεια ἡ ὑπὸ Λάτμῳ λεγομένη, πολίχνιον ὕφορμον ἔχον· +ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ πρότερον Λάτμος ὁμωνύμως τῷ ὑπερκειμένῳ ὄρει. Strabo, p. 635. + +[346] A re-examination of the ruins of Priene and Branchidæ was a +principal object of the second Asiatic Mission of the Society of +Dilettanti. Their late publication renders it unnecessary for me to make +any observations on the great monuments at those two places: but the +reader will not be displeased at my here inserting a curious inscription, +in Boustrophedon, from Branchidæ. It was copied by Sir W. Gell from the +chair of a sitting statue on the Sacred Way, or road leading from the +sea to the temple of Apollo Didymeus. This road—bordered on either side +with statues on chairs of a single block of stone, with the feet close +together and the hands on the knees—is an exact imitation of the avenues +of the temples in Egypt. The inscription (which is perfect to the right +and incomplete to the left) is as follows: + +[Illustration] + +The name at the beginning was probably Hermesianax. It appears by ἡμεὰς +(Ion. for ἡμὰς _us_) ἀνέθηκεν, that the inscribed statue speaks for them +all. The word at the beginning of line 3 may possibly be ΒΡΑΝΚΙΔΕΩ. Of +the _crasis_ instanced in ΤΩΠΟΛΛΩΝΙ, there are several examples in the +Sigeian inscription, in the Eleian tablet, and in other monuments of a +time when the Greeks wrote rather by sound than grammar. It seems to have +been particularly at the end of inscriptions that the Greek ear required +an agreeable cadence and combination of vowel sounds; and hence their +inscriptions sometimes ended in metre, although the former part was not +constructed by any such rules. Thus the last line of the following Doric +inscription on a helmet lately found at Olympia appears to be the end of +a hexameter verse: a supposition which will account for the crasis or +omission of two of the vowels. + +[Illustration: Ἱέρων ὁ Δεινομένεος καὶ οἱ Συρακουσίοι τῷ Διῒ Τυρρηνὰ ἀπὸ +Κύμης.] + +The single instead of double liquid in TVRANA, seems to have been not +uncommon in the old Doric—we have ΑΛΑΛΟΙΣ for ἀλλήλοις in the Eleian +tablet. + +This curious inscription relates to a military expedition of Hiero king +of Syracuse, son of Deinomenes, (commonly called Hiero the First,) in +aid of the people of Cyme, who had suffered severely from the Tyrrhenian +fleet. (Diod. l. 11. c. 51.) The triremes of Hiero gained a brilliant +victory and destroyed a great number of Tyrrhenian ships; and the helmet +seems to have been among the _Tyrrhenian spoils_ which upon this occasion +Hiero and his Syracusans dedicated at Olympia. A few years before +this exploit, the same prince had obtained a victory in the Olympic +games, which the first Ode of Pindar has made more illustrious than +the historian Diodorus has rendered his triumph over the Tyrrhenians: +though the poet alludes also to the latter victory. (Pyth. l. v. 137.) +Pausanias, who has described (Eliac. post. c. 12. Arcad. c. 42.) the +magnificent dedications of Deinomenes the son of Hiero, in honour of +his father’s three victories in the Olympic games, says nothing of +the offerings of Hiero after his success over the Tyrrhenians: but so +numerous were these martial dedications at Olympia, that the omission +is not surprising. Pausanias had enough to do to describe the great +monuments of art and religion. + +[347] ... ἀφ’ Ἡρακλείας ἐπὶ Πύῤῥαν πολίχνην πλοῦς ἑκατόν που σταδίων. +Μικρὸν δὲ πλέον τὸ ἀπὸ Μιλήτου εἰς Ἡράκλειαν ἐγκολπίζοντι· εὐθυπλοίᾳ +δ’ εἰς Πύῤῥαν ἐκ Μιλήτου τριάκοντα· τοσαύτην ἔχει μακροπορίαν ὁ παρὰ +γῆν πλοῦς.... Ἐκ δὲ Πύῤῥας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πεντήκοντα.... +ἀναπλεύσαντι δ’ ὑπηρετικοῖς σκάφεσι τριάκοντα σταδίους πόλις Μυοῦς.... +Ἔνθεν ἐν σταδίοις τέσσαρσι κώμη Καρικὴ Θυμβρία παρ’ ἣν Ἄορνόν ἐστι +σπήλαιον ἱερὸν Χαρώνειον λεγόμενον.... Ὑπέρκειται δὲ Μαγνησία ἡ πρὸς +Μαιάνδρῳ.... Μετὰ δὲ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Μαιάνδρου ὁ κατὰ Πριήνην ἐστὶν +αἰγιαλός· ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δ’ ἡ Πριήνη καὶ ἡ Μυκάλη τὸ ὄρος &c. Strabo, p. 636. +I have inserted this passage, as giving, when compared with the actual +topography, the clearest idea of the situation of the ancient places and +the state of the coast in the time of Strabo. The plain of the Mæander +as it advanced upon the sea, and converted the commercial shores of +the maritime cities into unhealthy marshes, successively devoted them +to desolation. Myus in the time of Strabo had recently been abandoned +by its inhabitants, who had removed to Miletus; but the accumulations +had not yet shut up the Latmic Gulf. Such having been the causes of the +desolation of the ancient sites near the mouth of the Mæander, they are +never likely to be reoccupied. In the Voyage Pittoresque of Choiseul +Gouffier, vol. 1. pl. 111., will be found plans by Kauffer and Barbié du +Bocage, explanatory of the progressive increase of the Mæandrian plain +and the consequent changes in the topography. + +[348] Inekbazar was visited by Van Egmont and Heyman in passing from +Skalanóva to Ghiuzel-hissár; and one is rather surprised, that their +account of the ruins at that place, although extremely vague, did not +lead geographers to the suspicion that at Inekbazar would be found +remains of Magnesia and of the temple of Leucophryene. The general +dulness and inaccuracy of Heyman’s book may perhaps account for this +neglect of its authority. I am ignorant of the exact date of the Travels +of the Dutch statesman and of the Oriental scholar of the same nation who +was his companion. The English translation was published in 1759. We are +told in the Preface that the travels occupied thirteen years. + +[349] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. + +[350] Artem. ap. Strab. p. 663. + +[351] Artem. ibid. + +[352] Plin. ubi supr. + +[353] Artem. ubi supr. + +[354] Strabo, p. 648. + +[355] Strabo, p. 647. + +[356] Plin. ubi supr. + +[357] It appears to have been very customary with the Asiatic Greeks to +make their stadia circular at both ends. Examples exist at Magnesia ad +Mæandrum, Tralles, Aphrodisias, Laodiceia ad Lycum, and Pergamum. At +Magnesia, Tralles, Sardes, and Pergamum, the theatre is placed on one +side of the stadium thus, + +[Illustration] + +Under the Romans the stadium was sometimes converted into an +amphitheatre, by building a curved wall across its breadth, so as to +form with one of the circular ends a circle or oval. An inscription at +Laodiceia, boasting of such a pitiful conversion of the stadium at that +place, has been published by Chandler: and Pococke remarked the remains +of a similar operation in the stadium of Ephesus. It appears from Strabo +that there was an amphitheatre at Nysa: and there is one still existing +at Pergamum; the latter is a building separate from the theatro-stadium. + +[358] Vitruv. præf. in l. 7. + +[359] Strabo, p. 647. + +[360] + +1. + + ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΑ + ΤΟΝ ΓΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΑΛΑΣ- + ΣΗΣ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΝ ΜΑΡ· + ΑΥΡ· ΑΝΤΩΝΕΙΝΟΝ ΕΥ- + ΣΕΒΗ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ ΣΕ + ΒΑΣΤΟΝ Μ· ΑΥΡ· ΣΤΡΑ- + ΤΟΝΕΙΚΟΣ Κ. ΣΙΛΙΚΙΟΣ + ΙΕΡΟΚΛΗΣ· Κ· Μ· ΑΥΡ· + ΟΦΙΛΗΤΟΣ· Κ· ΑΥΡ..... + ΜΑΣ. Κ. ΑΥΡ.....ΤΑΣ + ΟΙ ΑΡΧΙΕΡΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜ + ΜΑΤΕΙΣ ΑΝΕΣΤ (ησαν) + ΛΟΓΙΣΤΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ + ΚΡΙΣΠΟΥ ΑΣΙΑ.... + +2. + + ...ΔΕΣΠ..... + ...ΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑ.... + ..Μ. ΑΥΡ. ΑΝΤΩ...- + ..ΝΟΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗ Ε.... + ............... + ...Σ ΔΙΔΙΑΝΟΣ Ο... + ...ΕΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜΜΑ- + ...Σ ΤΗΣ ΜΑΓΝΙΤΩΝ + ... ΕΩΣ ΚΑΙ.. + +3. + + ............... + ............... + .............ΙΕ- + ΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡΤΕ- + ΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥΗ- + ΝΗΣ ΑΦΡΟΔΕΙΣΙΑ Ν + ............ + +On the same stone as the preceding: + + ΑΓΑΘΗ ΤΥΧΗ + ΙΕΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡ- + ΤΕΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥ- + ................ + +Although Magnesia was an Æolic city founded by Thessalians, (Strabo, p. +647.) no inscriptions have been found there in the Æolic dialect. + +Pausanias in enumerating the great temples of Ionia has omitted that +of Magnesia, possibly because he did not consider its district a part +of Ionia. He states the temple of Ephesus to have been the first both +for size and riches; next, the temples of Apollo at Branchidæ and at +Colophon, neither of which was ever finished; then the temple of Juno +at Samus and of Minerva at Phocæa, both of which had been burnt by the +Persians, but were still objects of admiration: and after them the +temples of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva at Priene; the former +remarkable for its antiquity, the latter for the statue which it +contained. Pausan. Achaic. c. 5. The remark of Pausanias on the temple of +Samus, which in magnitude was second only to that of Diana Ephesia, may +account for the neglect of it by Strabo and Vitruvius. The latter was so +ill-informed as to call it a Doric building. + +[361] Strabo, p. 648. + +[362] Præf. in l. 7. + +[363] Pachymer. Hist. l. 6. c. 20. Nicephor. Greg. l. 5. c. 5. + +[364] Strabo, p. 649. + +[365] Id. Ibid. + +[366] Strabo, p. 650. + +[367] Liv. l. 37. c. 56. + +[368] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. + +[369] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 11. + +[370] Plin. ibid. Strabo, p. 630. + +[371] Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 663. + +[372] Sherard was accompanied in a tour to Aphrodisias in the year 1705, +by Picenini; and in another in the year 1716, by Lisle. He copied upwards +of 100 inscriptions at Aphrodisias, which are to be found in the MS. +volume already mentioned. From two of the inscriptions of Aphrodisias, +selected for publication by Chishull, it appears that Aphrodisias and +Plarassa formed one community, having a governing council and a temple of +Venus common to both: coins with a legend of both names are also not very +uncommon. Plarassa is designated as a town of Caria by Stephanus. + +[373] Mr. Gandy, one of the architects of the Mission of the Dilettanti, +visited Gheira, and made drawings of the ruins. + +[374] Its other appellations were Ninoe, Megalopolis, and Lelegopolis. +Steph. in Μεγάλη Πόλις et Νινόη. + +[375] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 12. + +[376] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 65. + +[377] Herodot. l. 7. c. 30. + +[378] The Second Mission of the Dilettanti into Asia did not penetrate so +far as these places. + +[379] Laodiceia is now a deserted place, called from the ruins +Eski-hissár, a Turkish word equivalent to the Paleókastro, which the +Greeks so frequently apply to ancient sites. + +[380] Antiquities of Ionia, part 2. p. 32.—Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 67. + +[381] Cicero. Epist. ad Am. l. 2. ep. 17. l. 3. ep. 5. l. 5. ep. 20. +Tacit. l. 14. c. 27. + +[382] ... Εἰ γάρ τις ἄλλη καὶ ἡ Λαοδίκεια εὔσειστος καὶ τῆς πλησιοχώρου +τὸ πλέον. Strabo, p. 578. + +[383] Strabo, p. 579, 628, 630. + +[384] Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 13.—Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 68. + +[385] Strabo, p. 629, 630. Chandler found at the theatre the beginning of +an encomium of Hierapolis: + + Ἀσίδος εὐρείης προφερέστατον οὖδας ἁπάντων + Χαίροις Χρυσόπολι Ἱεράπολι πότνια νυμφῶν + Νάμασιν ἀγλαΐησι κεκασμένη.... + +And Smith was the first to copy an inscription mentioning a company of +dyers: + + Τοῦτο τὸ ἥρωον στεφανοῖ ἡ ἐργασία τῶν βαφέων. + +The latter illustrates Strabo, who tells us the waters of Hierapolis were +famous for dyeing. + +[386] Phot. Biblioth. p. 1054. + +[387] Const. Porphyrog. de Them. l. 1. th. 3. The bishops of Chonæ +subscribed to the second Nicene Council in 787, one hundred and fifty +years before Porphyrogennetus. + +[388] Herodot. l. 7. c. 30. + +[389] Herodot. ibid. Strabo, p. 579. + +[390] + + ... riget arduus alto + Tmolus in adscensu: clivoque extentus utroque + Sardibus hinc, illinc parvis finitur Hypæpis. + + Ovid. Metam. l. 11. v. 150. + +Ὕπαιπα δὲ πόλις ἐστὶ καταβαίνουσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ Τμώλου πρὸς τὸ τοῦ Καΰστρου +πεδίον. Strabo, p. 627. + +[391] Tacit. Ann. l. 2. c. 47. Euseb. Chron. + +[392] Strabo, p. 440, 620, 629. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. + +[393] See Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. vol. 3. p. 96; where several coins are +described, with the legends ΚΑΥΣΤΡΙΑΝΩΝ, ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΩ and ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ +ΤΩΝ ΑΝΩ. But it seems that not only the upper and lower Cilbiani, but +that settlers also in their country, from Nicæa and Pergamum, had their +separate coinage. Eckhel. ibid. + +[394] Strabo, p. 620. + +[395] Strabo, p. 440. + +[396] The total disappearance of such a vast edifice as the temple of +Diana Ephesia is to be ascribed to two causes, both arising from its +situation. Its position near the sea has facilitated the removal of its +materials for the use of new buildings during the long period of Grecian +barbarism; while that gradual rising of the soil of the valley, which has +not only obstructed the port near the temple, but has created a plain of +three miles between it and the sea, has buried all the remains of the +temple that may have escaped removal. Enough of these however, it is +probable, still exists beneath the soil to enable the architect to obtain +a perfect knowledge of every part of the construction. + +It is remarkable that all the greatest and most costly of the temples +of Asia, except one, are built on low and marshy spots: those of Samus, +Ephesus, Magnesia, and Sardes, are all so situated. It might be supposed +that the Greek architects, having to guard against earthquakes, as +against the most cruel enemy of their art, and having ample experience in +all the concomitant circumstances of these dreadful convulsions, which +are the peculiar scourge of all the finest parts of Asia Minor, were +of opinion that a marshy situation offered some security against their +effects. But the custom seems rather to be connected with the character +of the Ionic order, which is itself associated with that of the Asiatic +Greeks. While the massy and majestic Doric was best displayed on a lofty +rock, the greater proportional height of the elegant Ionic required a +level, surrounded with hills. So sensible were the Greeks of this general +principle, that the columns of the Doric temple of Nemea, which is +situated in a narrow plain, have proportions not less slender than some +examples of the Ionic order. In fact, it was situation that determined +the Greeks in all the varieties of their architecture; and, so far +from being the slaves of rule, there are no two examples of the Doric, +much less of the Ionic, that exactly resemble, either in proportion, +construction, or ornament. It must be admitted, however, that the +colonies of Italy and Sicily appear to have been less refined in taste; +and, like all colonies, to have adhered to ancient models longer than the +mother-country. + +[397] Strabo, p. 639. + +[398] Liv. l. 37. c. 11. + +[399] Colophon stood at a distance of two miles from the shore. Liv. +l. 37. c. 26. The temple of Clarus has not yet been sufficiently +examined, although, according to Captain Beaufort, its remains are not +inconsiderable; and, what is curious in this part of the country, it was +of the Doric order. For Teos, see Antiquities of Ionia, part 1. c. 1. + +[400] Liv. l. 36. c. 43. + +[401] Strabo, p. 644. + +[402] Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 25. + +[403] Strabo, ubi sup. + +[404] Strabo, p. 645. + +[405] Liv. l. 36. c. 43.—l. 44. c. 28. + +[406] Particularly Herodot. in vitâ Hom. Thucyd. l. 8. c. 24. Strabo, +ubi sup. There is a manifest error in regard to the breadth of the +island in our copies of Strabo, which assign 60 stades for the interval +between Elæus on the western side, and the city Chius on the eastern:—the +narrowest part of the island cannot be less than double that distance. + +[407] Herodot. l. 1. c. 93. + +[408] Herodot. l. 5. c. 102.—Strabo, Chrest. l. 10. + +[409] + + Ὀρεστέρα παμβῶτι Γᾶ + Μᾶτερ αὐτοῦ Διὸς + Ἃ τὸν μέγαν Πακτωλὸν εὔχρυσον νέμεις. + + Sophocl. Philoct. v. 395. + +From a drawing of the temple by Peyssonel in 1750, it appears there were +then standing three columns with their architraves, a part of the cella, +and three detached columns. Mr. Cockerell found there in 1812 only three +columns standing with their capitals; but enough remained of the ruins +to satisfy him that it was of the kind called by Vitruvius Octastylus +Dipterus—that the exterior columns of the peristyle were about 7 feet in +diameter at the base, and that the peristyle was upwards of 260 feet in +length. + +[410] Choiseul Gouffier. Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tome 2. c. 13. + +[411] + + ... τοι τέμενος πατρώϊόν ἐστιν, + Ὕλλῳ ἐπ’ ἰχθυόεντι, καὶ Ἕρμῳ δινήεντι. + + Il. Υ. 392. + +[412] Strabo, p. 554. ... Ἕρμον εἰς ὃν καὶ ὁ Ὕλλος ἐμβάλλει, Φρύγιος νῦν +καλούμενος. Strabo, p. 626. + +[413] Pliny (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.) says that the Hermus rises near +Dorylæum of Phrygia; which although not a very accurate description, +agrees at least with the distant origin of the Kodús in the mountains +adjoining to Olympus. + +[414] Hermus ... oritur juxta Dorilaium Phrygiæ civitatem multosque +colligit fluvios, inter quos Phrygem, qui nomine genti dato a Caria eam +disterminat, Hyllum et Cryon et ipsos Phrygiæ, Mysiæ, Lydiæ amnibus +repletos. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. + +[415] Strabo, p. 616. + +[416] Strabo, p. 622. + +[417] Antiq. Asiat. p. 146. + +[418] This place was visited by Chishull in the year 1702, in his way +from Smyrna to Adrianople; when leaving the main road from Smyrna +to Brusa to the right at Susugerli, he proceeded from thence to the +Hellespont which he crossed at Gallipoli. It is from his route alone that +I obtain any clear knowledge of the situation and course of the Æsepus +and Granicus. + +[419] This Hadrianotheræ was a place of sufficient importance to coin its +own money. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Bithynia. + +[420] Ergasteria was at 440 stades from Pergamum on the road to Cyzicus. +Galen, in proceeding to Ergasteria from Pergamum, remarked a great +quantity of metallic substance, which he calls molybdæna. Galen. de +Medicam. Simp. l. 9. c. 22. + +[421] Bala, or Bali, from the Greek Παλαιὰ, is not unfrequently prefixed +to Turkish corruptions of ancient Greek names. Abubekr Ben Behrem +mentions a Baliambóli (Παλαιὰν πόλιν) in the district of Aidin, and a +Balia in that of Karasi. Patræ in the Peloponnesus is called by the Turks +Balabátra. + +[422] Eckhel Bithynia.—Sestini, Lett. t. 2. p. 103. + +[423] It is to M. de Choiseul Gouffier, and to those who assisted him, +that we are indebted for the best map of this interesting region, though +much still remains to be done in the details of its topography. In 1819 +Choiseul’s map received some corrections and additions from M. Barbié du +Bocage, founded upon the observations of M. Dubois, who had been sent to +the Troas in the preceding year by M. de Choiseul. See Voyage Pittoresque +de la Grèce, tom. 2. pl. 19. + +[424] Strabo, p. 604. + +[425] Id. pp. 440, 473, 604, 612, 620. + +[426] Strabo, p. 605. + +[427] Id. pp. 596, 606. + +[428] Id. pp. 552, 603. + +[429] Id. p. 596. + +[430] Id. p. 472. + +[431] Id. p. 606. + +[432] Strabo, pp. 593, 597. + +[433] Strabo, p. 595. + +[434] Stephan. in Ἀγάμεια. Hesych. et Phavorin. in Ἀγαμίας et Ἄγαμος. +Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pitt. de la Grèce, tom. 2. p. 331. + +[435] Est tamen et nunc Scamandria civitas parva, ac M. D. passus remotum +a portu Ilium immune. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30. + +[436] This inscription is now in the Royal Museum of Paris. Choiseul +Gouffier, tom. 2. p. 288. + +[437] I may particularly mention Choiseul Gouffier, Lechevalier, Morritt, +Hawkins, Gell, Hamilton, and Foster. + +[438] To those who may consider it idle to inquire for a site which was +unknown 2,000 years ago, it may not be improper to offer the remark, +that not one of the ancient authors who have written on the Troas, with +the exception of Homer, was so well acquainted with the locality as +modern travellers are; and that not one possessed any delineation of +its topography approaching to the accuracy of that with which we are +furnished and not yet satisfied. + +[439] It is almost unnecessary here to remark, that the ruling family, +and hence probably a large portion of the people of Troy, were of Greek +origin, and that they had adopted the manners and language of Greece. +The Dardanidæ were Greeks settled in Asia, as the Atridæ were Phrygians +settled in Europe. For the history of Ilium the reader may conveniently +consult the work of Chandler, in 4to. 1802. + +[440] Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade, tome 2. c. 5, 6. + +[441] A monument of the same kind is seen on the summit of the hill above +the lower European castle of the Dardanells, and another at the upper +European castle. The latter has been clearly described as the Cynossema +or tomb of Hecuba (Strabo, p. 595); the former as the monument of +Protesilaus, near Elæus. Herodot. l. 9. c. 116. Philostr. Heroic. c. 2. + +[442] + + Κρουνὼ δ’ ἵκανον καλιῤῥόω, ἔνθα δὲ πηγαὶ + Δοιαὶ ἀναΐσσουσι Σκαμάνδρου δινήεντος· + Ἡ μὲν γὰρ θ’ ὕδατι λιαρῷ ῥέει, ἀμφὶ δὲ καπνὸς + Γίγνεται ἐξ αὐτῆς ὡσεὶ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο· + Ἡ δ’ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα χαλάζῃ + Ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ, ἢ ἐξ ὕδατος κρυστάλλῳ. + + Il. X. v. 147. + +[443] Major Rennell quotes several observations, all of which make both +the sources from 61° to 64° Fahr. Choiseul says that on the 10th Feb. +he found the atmosphere at 10° Reaumur, the hot source at 22°, the cold +source at 8°. Dubois from the 12th to 16th Jan. found the temperature +of the single or hot source from 2° to 5° Reaumur higher than the air; +and that of the Forty Fountains, from ½° to 1° below the heat of the +air. Although I was several days in the Troas, I could not make any +observations, from an accident which happened to my thermometer. + +[444] Strabo, p. 594. Demetrius visited New Ilium about the time that +Antiochus the Great was defeated by the Romans—he was then a boy. He +describes the town of New Ilium as being in a state of decline, and +so poor that the houses were not covered with earthen tiles—ὥστε μηδὲ +κεραμωτάς ἔχειν τὰς στέγας: meaning probably that they were covered with +what are called in modern Greek πλάκες, generally made of schistose +limestone. + +[445] That Troy was totally ruined and abandoned as early as the time +of the poet, is evident from his expressions in many parts both of the +Ilias and Odysseia. That it continued to be an uninhabited place was the +general opinion of all antiquity. + +[446] Strabo, p. 601. The Lydians are here called semibarbarous in the +Greek sense—as using a language and writing not Greek, and yet bearing a +great resemblance to it. + +[447] Herodot. l. 5. c. 94. Strabo, p. 599. + +[448] The Pisistratidæ lived at Sigeium after their exile from Athens. +Herodot. l. 5. c. 65. + +[449] Ælian. Var. Hist. l. 13. c. 14.—Pausan. Achaic. c. 26.—Cicero de +Orat. l. 3. c. 34.—Epig. in Anthol. l. 4. c. 4. + +[450] Strabo, p. 593. + +[451] Thucydides (l. 1. c. 7.) has remarked the effect of the progress of +Grecian society, in moving the settlements of the Greeks nearer to the +sea-coast. + +[452] Ἰλιεῖς. This word is never used by Homer, who always calls the +people Trojans, Τρῶες. + +[453] Strabo, pp. 593, 600. + +[454] Hellanicus of Lesbus. Ἑλλάνικος χαριζόμενος τοῖς Ἰλιεῦσιν, &c. +Strabo, p. 602. + +[455] Strabo, p. 599. + +[456] He says that the greater part of the actions described by the poet +were fought in the Scamandrian plain (or Trojan properly so called): +and there, he adds, the Ilienses _point out_ the Erineus, the tomb of +Æsyetes, Batieia, and the tomb of Ilus—τοὺς ὀνομαζομένους τόπους ἐνταῦθα +δεικνυμένους ὁρῶμεν, τὸν Ἐρινεὸν &c. Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597. + +[457] Strabo, p. 602. A passage in the 12th book of the Ilias (v. 20.) +has been adduced in favour of the opinion that the Mendere was the +Scamander of Homer; because the description there given of the origin +of the Scamander in Mount Ida, will better apply to the Mendere than to +the Bunárbashi stream, which rises on the edge of the plain. But the +same passage makes the Granicus and Æsepus concur with the Scamander and +Simoeis in the destruction of the Grecian rampart, though they flow in an +opposite direction and fall into the Propontis,—an absurdity which must +destroy the geographical authority of the passage, if indeed it be not +spurious. + +[458] It is not easy to distinguish the opinions and observations of +Strabo from those which he has copied from Demetrius. In general, +however, it may be supposed that Strabo had seen little of the Troas +himself, and that he therefore followed Demetrius, as a native and a +copious writer on the subject. But there is reason to think that even +Demetrius saw little of the Troas after his early youth. + +[459] Strabo, p. 598. + +[460] So called from the ruins of an aqueduct upon arches (καμάρες) which +crosses the bed of the river. This aqueduct probably conveyed water from +Mount Ida to New Ilium. + +[461] Demet. ap. Strab. p. 602. + +[462] Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597. + +[463] Scamander, Mæander and Mendere,—which last is now applied by the +Turks to three of the rivers of Asia Minor,—seem all to belong to the +ancient language of the country, before the introduction of Greek. +Scamander may be Sca-Mæander, Sca being perhaps a distinctive prefix to +the Trojan Mæander. And the Σκαιαὶ πύλαι may have received its name from +the same word. + +[464] A part of the old bed is still to be seen in going from Bunárbashi +to Tshiblak. + +[465] This has been admitted by nearly all the writers on the Trojan +question, but has been stated with particular clearness by Major Rennell +(Observations, Sect. IV.). I shall therefore merely cite the verse of +Homer, which furnishes the direct proof. + + ... Ἕκτωρ + ... μάχης ἐπ’ ἀριστερὰ μάρνατο πάσης, + Ὄχθας πὰρ ποταμοῖο Σκαμάνδρου.... + + Il. Λ. v. 497. + +It is almost unnecessary to add, that the poet here, as elsewhere, speaks +of the left of the Greeks. Hector was opposed to Ajax, whose station was +on the Greek left. + +[466] Strabo, p. 597, 598. + +[467] In the time of Strabo (or Demetrius) the mouth of the river was 20 +stades distant from New Ilium: it has now moved still further west, and +joins the sea close to Kum-Kale. The small harbour under Intepe (or the +tomb of Ajax) is the modern representative of the portus Achæorum, which +was the port of New Ilium, and the nearest point of the coast to that +city. Strabo, p. 598. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30. Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. +18. Naustathmum was near the place where the river joined the sea in the +time of the geographer. + +[468] Strabo says 12 stadia; Pliny, 1500 Roman paces. + +[469] Hestiæa ap. Strab. p. 599. + +[470] A late writer on the Trojan question (Mr. Maclaren) particularly +insists on this supposed error, and conceives the sandy point of Kum Kale +to be nearly in the same state as it was in the Trojan war; founding his +opinion chiefly on the rapidity of the current of the Hellespont, which +must, he thinks, have carried away the soil almost as quickly as it was +brought down. But the cape of new formation which lies between Kum Kale +and Intepe is surely a proof that the current has had no such effect; and +in fact every one who has navigated the Hellespont knows that there is +a strong counter current along the two shores, the effect of which has +probably contributed to form that cape. Strabo (p. 599.) has collected +the passages of Homer which support his opinion that Troy stood far from +the sea; and these alone seem fatal to the new hypothesis brought forward +by the author just alluded to—that of its position at New Ilium. + +[471] + + Οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδ’, εὐρύς περ ἐὼν, ἐδυνήσατο πάσας + Αἰγιαλὸς νῆας χαδέειν· στείνοντο δὲ λαοί· + Τῷ ῥὰ προκρόσσας ἔρυσαν, καὶ πλῆσαν ἁπάσης + Ἠϊόνος στόμα μακρὸν, ὅσον συνεέργαθον ἄκραι. + + Il. Ξ. v. 33. + +[472] Thucydides (l. 1. c. 10.) verifies our copies of the catalogue by +remarking that the total number of ships was 1200. + +[473] In one passage (O. 676) the poet seems to represent Ajax as +striding from ship to ship: but if some of the vessels were so closely +arranged as to have admitted of such an action, a greater width must have +been necessary between the divisions than if each vessel was isolated: so +that in either case the _entire_ space required will be nearly the same. + +[474] Il. Η. v. 467. + +[475] About one hundred thousand is the result of the calculation of +Thucydides; and the extent of country from which the army was collected +will hardly allow of a smaller number. We may admit, however, with the +historian, that a large part of them was always absent collecting plunder +and provisions. + +[476] Polyb. l. 6. c. 27, &c. See Lipsius de Mil. Rom. l. 5. + +[477] στείνοντο δὲ λαοί. These words, however, seem more to relate to the +unusual and somewhat dangerous expedient of doubling the ranks of ships, +in consequence of the narrowness of the beach, than to the crowded state +of the army in general. + +[478] Il. Ε. v. 791. + +[479] Ζ. v. 256, 435. + +[480] Η. v. 282. + +[481] Λ. v. 86. + +[482] Λ. v. 170. + +[483] Σ. v. 239. + +[484] Il. Ε. v. 303. Υ. v. 286. + +[485] Θ. v. 222. + +[486] Π. v. 77. + +[487] Γ. v. 178. + +[488] Il. Χ. v. 131. + +[489] Il. Β. 508. Ζ. 327. Π. 448. Σ. 279. + +[490] Il. Γ. 395. Θ. 499. Μ. 115. Ν. 724. Σ. 174. Ψ. 64, 297. + +[491] Il. Ν. 625. + +[492] Il. Δ. 508. Ζ. 512. Ε. 460. Χ. 411. Ω. 700. + +[493] Strabo, p. 599. + +[494] Χ. v. 165. + +[495] These Periplus are: 1. By Arrian, governor of Cappadocia under +Hadrian. 2. By Marcian of Heraclia Pontica, who is supposed to have lived +about a century later than Arrian. And, 3. By an anonymous author, who +has collected his information from the two former, and from some other +sources. He is of a much later date than the two others, as appears from +the names of his own time, which he has annexed to some of the ancient +names, and by the miles which he has subjoined to the stades. + +[496] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1. Hierocl. Synecd. p. 694. Notit. Episc. Græc. + +[497] Pausan. Arcad. c. 9. Stephan. in Βιθύνιον. + +[498] From Mantineia in Arcadia. Pausan. ibid. + +[499] Itin. Anton. p. 200. + +[500] Strabo, p. 562. + +[501] Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4. Justinian. Novel. 29. c. 1. + +[502] See the Note on Σόρα in Hieroc. Synec. p. 695. ed. Wess. + +[503] Anna Comn. l. 7. p. 206. Nicet. in Joan. Comn. Chalcocond. l. 9. p. +259. + +[504] Artemid. ap. Strab. p. 663. + +[505] Gesta Dei per Francos. + +[506] Procop. Hist. Secr. c. 30. + +[507] In each interval that might be traversed by a foot passenger in +a day, there were several inns, and at each inn 40 horses and as many +grooms,—so that a courier could perform in one day a distance equal to +ten pedestrian journeys. Justinian substituted asses for horses, and left +only one inn, where before there had been from five to eight. + +[508] Nicephor. Callist. l. 7. c. 49. + +[509] Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2. + +[510] Ann. Comn. p. 312. + +[511] For the details of the theatre of Side, from the drawings of Mr. +Cockerell, see the Karamania of Captain Beaufort.—The theatre of Side is +of the largest size, and is in better preservation than any in Asia Minor. + +[512] The reader will perceive from the plan of the theatre of Myra, that +when the segment was very great, the ends of the cavea were directed not +upon the centre of the orchestra, but upon a point nearer to the scene. + +[513] The form of the Asiatic Greek theatre is exemplified in the +annexed plans of Patara and Myra, and in that of Hierapolis, given in a +succeeding note. + +[514] Vitruv. l. 5. c. 6, 7. + +[515] The lower B in the plan and section of the theatre of Patara +annexed. + +[516] See Ionian Antiquities, vol. 2. pl. 49. + +[517] Perhaps the theatre of Laodiceia was accommodated to the Roman mode +of construction, when that city became the seat of the Roman government +in Asia, and when the stadium was converted into an amphitheatre in the +Roman fashion. See page 245. + +[518] Topography of Athens, sect. 4. + +[519] Those marked [519] are so much ruined, that it is difficult to +procure an exact measurement. + +[520] See note [519] in the preceding page. + +[521] In Asia Minor there still exist Odeia at Laodiceia and Anemurium. + +[522] Vopisc. in Aurelian. + +[523] Sericum ad usus antehac nobilium nunc etiam inferiorum sine ulla +discretione. Ammian. l. 23. c. 6. Although silken garments were then +so common, Ammianus still describes silk, as Virgil and Pliny had done +three centuries earlier, as a sort of woolly substance (lanugo, canities +frondium) which was _combed_ from a tree in China. + +[524] See Arbuthnot on Ancient Weights, &c. + +[525] See Romé de l’Isle, Métrologie, &c. + +[526] i.e. one Italian sextarius cost 24 denarii. The sextarius or +sextarium was in general use among the Greeks under the Roman Government. +The Greek sextarius contained 15 ounces of oil or 16 of water. Galen de +Comp. Med. l. 1.—L. Pætus ap. Græv. Thes. vol. 11. + +[527] Conditum, wine mixed with various ingredients; in the Apsinthium +the prevailing ingredient was wormwood, and in the Rhosatum roses. +Apicius, l. 1, has given us the receipt for making these three mixtures. + +[528] (Oleum) quod post molam primum est, flos. Plin. H. N. l. 15. c. 6. +ed. Harduin. + +[529] Cibarium, the most ordinary kind of oil used by soldiers, &c., and +made from the refuse of the olives. Columella, l. 12. c. 50. + +[530] Raphaninum, oil of coleseed, or rape. Plin. H. N. l. 23. c. 49. +Dioscor. l. 1. c. 41. + +[531] Liquamen: this favourite condiment, also called Garum, as having +been originally obtained from the fish garum, was made by throwing salt +on the entrails of fish, exposing the mixture to the sun for some time, +and then separating the liquid part. This liquor was the liquamen: the +residue was called Alec. Geopon. l. 20. c. ult. Plin. H. N. l. 31. c. +43. There were other kinds of liquamen less commonly used, which are +described by Apicius. + +[532] M̊ was the usual note for modius or modium, the dry measure in most +common use in the time of the Roman Empire, from whence the use of the +word passed into Italy and France and became the moggio and muid. The +sextarius in like manner became the setier. Here appear to be two modia, +that for salt preceded by F, and that for grain preceded by K. I am +unable to discover the meaning of this distinction. + +[533] Sal conditum, salt mixed with drugs of several kinds and used for +medicinal purposes. Apic. l. 1. c. 27. + +[534] Perhaps mel phœnicinum, the debs or date honey of Egypt and Arabia. + +[535] One Italian pound. + +[536] Vulva virginis porcellæ. Apicius calls it vulva sterilis, to +distinguish it from the sumen. For the mode of dressing these two famous +dainties see Apicius l. 7. + +[537] Sumen—abdomen suis cum ubere. Optimum uno die post partum. Plin. H. +N. l. 11. c. 84. + +[538] Ficatum, in Greek συκωτὸν, hog’s liver enlarged by a particular +mode of fatting. The word was originally derived from the fatting of +geese with figs for a similar purpose—ficis pastum jecur anseris albi. +Hor. It was said to have been the invention of the first Apicius, who +lived in the time of the Republic, and whose name was assumed by some +other subsequent professors of the culinary art. Apicius Cœlius, whose +work is extant, appears, from the names and descriptions which he gives +to some of the dishes or sauces, to have lived not long after the reign +of Elagabalus. See the preface to the edition of Apicius, by Dr. Lister, +physician to Queen Anne. From ficatum, συκωτὸν, are derived the Italian +and modern Greek words fegato, συκότι, used for liver in general. + +[539] Fumosæ cum pede pernæ, Hor. Petaso and perna appear, from Athenæus, +to have been synonymous, πετασῶνος, ἣν πέρναν καλοῦσι (l. 14. c. 21.). +Perna was perhaps more particularly the ham, and petaso every part of the +hog similarly cured. Laridum or lardum was the fat part of the bacon. +Menapica was the ham of Westphalia, Ceritana that of the Cerdagne in the +Pyrenees, the excellence of which is attested by Strabo (p. 162). + +[540] Marsicæ, sc. pernæ. This being of the same price as the two former +was probably a foreign ham also; not from the Marsi of Italy, but from +the Marsi near the mouth of the Rhine. + +[541] Ungellæ—ungulæ suum et pedes, Apic. l. 4. c. 7. Aqualiculum—venter +porcinus; for the mode of dressing it see Apicius, l. 7. c. 7. + +[542] Apicius has described the mode of making isicia as well of pork +as of birds, shell-fish, &c. They consisted of the meat minced with a +variety of condiments, and were made either into tessellæ, square cakes, +or wrapt in a bay leaf; and sometimes they were omentata or inclosed in a +membrane like our sausages. It appears from this inscription that their +common size was about an ounce in weight. The Turkish dolma inclosed in +a vine leaf seems to be a lineal descendant of the isicium. From salsum +isicium is derived the Italian salsiccio, and thence saucisse and sausage. + +[543] Lucanicæ, sausages of a particular kind, originally from Lucania, +which was famous for its pork. Apicius (l. 2. c. 4.) has described the +mode of making the Lucanicæ. + +[544] The Roman mode of dressing all the birds, game, &c. in the +preceding list may be seen in Apicius. + +[545] Pisces aspratiles, quales sunt merulæ, scaurus.... De piscibus +generaliter quales invenias albos carnes habentes, quod genus sunt +aspratiles ... omnem aspratilem piscem, ut sunt lupi, corvi. Plin. +Valerian. de Re Med. l. 5. Fish caught in deep water and near rocky +shores. The word aspratilis is not found in authors of a better time, who +use saxatilis with the same meaning. See Pliny, Columella. + +[546] Sphondili. Apic. l. 9. c. 14. + +[547] Sagenici, from σαγήνη, whence the English word sein: in Latin it +was called everriculum, and served to catch the small fish eaten only by +the common people, or given as food to the choice fish which some of the +rich Romans kept in piscinæ. See Varro de Re Rust. l. 3. c. 17. + +[548] Cimæ. Apic.—Cymæ. Plin. Columel. The small tender shoots of the +cabbage. See Plin. H. N. l. 19. c. 41. + +[549] Here and in two other instances below, we find the beginning of the +change of viridis into the Italian verde. + +[550] Sisinarii, perhaps the same as Cinaræ, artichokes. + +[551] Ruscus, in English, butcher’s broom; it puts forth many tender +shoots in the spring, which were eaten like asparagus. Dioscor. l. 4. c. +146. + +[552] Sicale, in French seigle, rye. The name of this grain, written +secale, by Pliny, is here in the state of transition to the σίκαλις, +sigalis, sigalum, &c. of the middle ages. The synonymous _Centenum_ I +have not found in any author; it seems to have been derived from the +prolific nature of the grain, which was supposed to yield a hundred-fold. +Secale ... nascitur qualicunque solo cum centesimo grano. Plin. H. N. l. +18. c. 40. + +[553] Milii pisti and milii integri formed into single words like +Piscisalsi above. + +[554] The grain still called panico in Italy. + +[555] Scandula. Vegetius, l. 2. c. 23. + +[556] Fabæ fressæ and fabæ non fressæ are expressions of low Latinity for +fabæ fractæ and fabæ solidæ, as panicii and lenticlæ are terms of the +same period for panici and lenticulæ. + +[557] Oloserica, a cloth entirely silken—subserica, that in which the +warp only was of silk. For the several articles of dress in this list see +the writers de Re Vestiaria in the 6th volume of Grævii Thesaurus. + +[558] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 36. c. 4, 6. + +[559] In the neighbouring province of Lycia, genealogy was reckoned by +the female side in preference to the male. Herodot. l. 1. c. 173. + +[560] Strabo, p. 656. Arrian, l. 1. c. 23. + +[561] At Alexandria Troas and Ephesus. For their plans see Antiquities of +Ionia, part 2, pl. 40, 54. + +[562] Peyssonel, in a rude drawing of the temple made in the year 1750, +represents six columns and a part of the cell standing. Three of the +columns were surmounted by an entablature. + +[563] The reasons which Mr. Cockerell here gives for believing that +the temple of Sardes was a building of very high antiquity, render it +probable that it was the work of one of the kings, or perhaps of several +successive kings, of the Lydian dynasty; which began under Gyges in +715, B.C., and ended with the capture of Sardes by Cyrus in 545. It +was undoubtedly in the same period, when the power and opulence of +Samus were at their height, that the magnificent temple of Juno in that +island was constructed; and it was probably about the same time that the +inhabitants of the little island of Ægina, which was then sufficiently +powerful to rival Samus and even Athens, constructed the temple of +Jupiter Panellenius. The temple of Sardes was burnt by the Ionians in the +year 503. It may have been repaired, but it is not probable that it was +entirely rebuilt after that misfortune. + +[564] Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 16. c. 79. l. 36. c. 21, 56. Strabo, p. 640. +Vitruv. præf. in l. 7. + +[565] “Dipteros autem octastylos et pronao et postico, sed circa ædem +duplices habet ordines columnarum sicut est ædes Quirini Dorica, et +Ephesiæ Dianæ Ionica a Chersiphrone constituta.” Vitr. l. 3. c. 2. + +Such is his definition of the dipterus which he confines to octastyle +temples; although we find that all the _decastyle_ temples in existence +are dipteral, that is to say, that they have a double range of columns +round the cell. In like manner he defines the peripteri as having six +columns in front, though all temples with a greater number of columns in +front are in fact peripteral, or having a cell surrounded with columns. +Thus also he defines the hypæthri as temples having ten columns in front, +though we know that the Parthenon and the temple of Delphi, neither of +which had so many columns, were hypæthral, or with a part of the cella +open to the sky. But, in truth, Vitruvius himself often forgets his own +definitions, and uses the Greek terms just mentioned according to their +real meaning. + +[566] Meaning the largest Greek temple; for in the other passage just +alluded to, he names it for the purpose of adding that it was smaller +than the labyrinth of Mœris in Egypt. Herod. l. 2. c. 148. l. 3. c. 60. + +[567] The fluting under the capital forming part of the same block as +the capital, was executed, together with it, before the column was +erected—the remainder of the fluting was the last operation after the +columns were erected; and hence it happens that we so often find the +columns of Greek buildings fluted only under the capitals. The time and +labour required for the fluting finished with that perfection which the +Greeks required, were so great that it was often deferred until political +circumstances no longer admitted of its execution; the temple meantime +being complete, with the exception of this ornament. Almost all the great +edifices of antiquity attest that such immense undertakings are seldom +ever finished. + +[568] Vitruv. l. 3. c. 3. l. 7. præf. Jocundus, in his edition of +Vitruvius, reads octastylus; but all the best manuscripts have hexastylon +or exastylon. See Schneider’s Note. + +[569] It is probable that the observations of Vitruvius on the eustylus +and pseudodipterus contain merely the ideas and names of Hermogenes, made +into a system; and that no other examples of these two classes were known +to Vitruvius than the temples of Teos and Magnesia. Selinus destroyed by +the Carthaginians was perhaps in his time nearly in the same shapeless +state of ruin that it is now. + +[570] Plin. H. N. l. 36. c. 22. Dion. Cass. l. 70. ad fin. Dio says the +columns were τετραόργυιοι μεν πάχος, ὕψος δε πεντήκοντα πηχέων, ἕκαστος +πέτρας μιᾶς, a description which, _if true_, justifies his assertion, +that the temple was the largest in existence. + + + + +INDEX. + + + Acmonia, 167 + + Adália, town and port of, 133. + The ancient Attaleia, 193. + Geographical remarks on the ancient places on the road from Adalia + to Shugut, 144-170 + + Ægæ, or Ayás, site of, 208 + + Agameia, town and port of, 276 + + Agmonia, 25 _note_ + + Ak-serai, 75 + + Ak-shehr, the ancient Jullæ or Juliopolis, 59 + + Alabanda, investigation of the site of, 230-236 + + Aladan river, the Scopas of ancient geographers, 80 + + Alara village, 129. + Fortified hill of, 130. + Probably the ancient Ptolemais, 197 + + Alaya, town and port, history and present state of, 125, 126. + Journey thence to Alara, 129 + + Aleium Plain, 180, 215 + + Alexandria Troas, 273 + + Alibey Kiúi, village, 95 + + Allah-Shehr, 25 + + Altun Tash, village, 139. + Route thence to Kutáya, 140 + + Aludda, 25 _note_, 167 + + Amanus, Mount, remarks on the passes of, 209, 210 + + Amorium, ancient history and site of, 86-88 + + Amyzon, ruins of, 237, 238 + + Anaxia, 197 + + Anazarba, 218 + + Anchiale, 179. + Historical notice of, 214 + + Ancyra, 90 _note_. + Various itineraries to and from that place, 72, 73. + Probable site, 168, 169 + + Andabilis, site of, ascertained, 74 + + Andriace, or Andráki, the port of Myra, 183 + + Anemurium, or Anamúr, 178, 199, 200 + + Antiocheia of Pisidia, remarks on the Roman road to, from Apameia, + 163, 164 + + Antiocheia in Cilicia, site of, 218. + In Caria, 249 + + Antiphellus, notice of the ruins of, 127, 185 + + Antonine Itinerary, illustrations of, 25 _note_, 72, 73, 74. + Most to be depended on, 75. + Corrected, 82 + + Apameia Cibotus, summary of ancient evidences for determining the + site of, 156-162. + Its probable site, 26. + Remarks on the Roman road from Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia, + 163, 164 + —to Synnada, 164, 165; + and to Dorylæum, 165, 166 + + Aperlæ, 188 + + Aphrodisias, or the city of Venus, 204. + Its probable site, 250 + + Apollonia, probable site of, 163, 164 + + Arabissar, the probable site of Alabanda, 233, 234 + + Archalla, site of, 65 + + Archelaium or Arcelaio, 25 + + Archelais, site of, 75. + Itineraries to and from thence, 73 + + Argæus, Mount, 45 + + Argennum, Cape, 263 + + Arkhut-khan, 42 + + Arsinoe, 178. + Its probable site, 201, 202 + + Arycanda, site of, 187 + + Arycandus river, 187 + + Ascania, Lake, the modern Burdur, 145, 146 + + Ascanius, Lake, scenery of, described, 7, 8 + + Asia Minor, physico-geographical structure of the _central part_ of, + 51, 52, 91, 92. + Illustrations of its ancient political and progressive geography, + 51, 53-90. + On the ancient places on the _southern_ coast of Asia Minor, + 170-218. + Comparative geography of the _western_ and _northern_ parts of Asia + Minor, 219-312 + + Attaleia, city, notice of, 175. + Remarks on its geographical situation, as stated by Strabo, 192, 193 + + Augæ, 197 + + Axylus, region of, 65; + described, 66 + + Azanitis, district, 168 + + + Baiæ, or Bayás, site of, 208 + + Bargylia, site of, 229 + + Beiad, the ancient Beudos Vetus, 56 + + Beriám-Kalesi, ancient ruins at, 128 + + Bidjikli, 133, 134 + + Bithynia, notice of the principal places in, 307 + + Bithynium, site of, 309 + + Branchidæ, curious inscription in boustrophedon at, 239, 240, _notes_. + Proportions of the temple of Apollo Didymeus at, 348 + + Bulwudún, village, notice of, 37. + Journey thence to Ak-shehr, _ibid._, 38-40. + Stands on the site of the ancient Πολυβοτὸν, 53 + + Burdur, town and salt lake of, 137, 138. + Road thence to Ketsiburlu described, 138. + —The lake of Burdur the Ascania of ancient geographers, 145, 146 + + Butshuklu, town, notice of, 135 + + + Cabalis, 147 + + Caballucome, 90 + + Cadi, probable site of, 169 + + Cæsareia, site of, 271 + + Caicus river, course of, 269. + Notice of principal places in the valley of the Caicus, 269-272 + + Calycadnus river, 111. + Valley of the Calycadnus, 116 + + Cappadocia, one of the prefectures of, why called Cilicia, 63, 64. + Cappadocia Antiochiana, 65 + + Carallis or Caralleia, site of, 69 + + Caramanian mountaineers, condition of, 113 + + Caria, notice of the principal places in, 229-254 + + Carmylessus, 173, 182 + + Carura, city and hot baths of, 251 + + Caryanda, island, now a peninsula, 227, 228 + + Castabala, 64 + + Castel Rosso, island, present state of, 127. + Inscription found there, 184 _note_ + + Catacombs of Doganlu described, 22, 23, 34, 35. + Remarks on the sculpture thereon, 26-28. + And inscriptions, 29, 30. + One of these catacombs the tomb of Midas, 30-33 + + Catarrhactes, river, 159, 175, 191 + + Cavaliere, Cape, 205 + + Caystrus, notice of towns in the valley of the, 256-258 + + Cebrenia, site of, 274 + + Celænæ, 156, 158 + + Celenderis, remains of, described, 115, 116 + + Ceryneia, site of, 118 + + Cestrus, river, 175, 194 + + Chalcetor, site of, 237 + + Charadrus, 177, 199 + + Chelidoniæ Islands, 174, 185 + + Christians of Asia Minor, condition of, 7 + + Cibyra, site of, 148. + Cibyra minor, vestiges of, noticed, 196 + + Cibyratis, district of, 147 + + Cilicia and the Cilician Taurus, 63, 64. + Description of by Ammianus, 319. + Towns in the district of Cilicia Tracheia, 116, 117. + Strabo’s description of Cilicia Tracheia (or rugged) and Pedias (or + plain), 176-180. + Geographical Illustrations of it, 197-218 + + Cissides, promontory of, 182 + + Cisthene, island, 173, 184 + + Clanudda, 25 _note_ + + Claudiopolis, site of, 117, 319 + + Climax, Mount, passage of, by Alexander, 174, 175, 190 + + Cnidus, ruins and inscription at, 226 _note_ + + Colossæ, site of, 254, 255 + + Conni, or Conna, 25 _note_. + Probable site of, 166 + + Coracesium, historical notice of, 177, 197, 198 + + Cormasa, 155 + + Corycus, coast of, 174, 189. + Promontory, 178. + Now an island, 212. + Port, 262, 263 + + Corydalla, 184 + + Cotyaeium, 24, 145, 167 + + Cragus, mount, 173, 182, 177, 199 + + Crambusa, island, 174, 189 + + Cressa, harbour, 222, 223 + + Cretopolis, 149 + + Crusaders, march of, illustrated, 313-318 + + Cuballum, 89 + + Cyana, 188 + + Cybebe, plan of the temple of, at Sardes, with observations, 342-346 + + Cybistra, site of, ascertained, 63 + + Cydnus, river, course of, 214 + + Cydrara, probable site of, 251 + + Cyprus, island, passage to, 118. + Town and port of Tzerina, ib. + Journey thence to Lefkosía, 119-121. + To Lárnaka, 121. + Return to Tzerina, 122. + + Cyssus, port, site of, 262, 263 + + Cyzicus, site of, 260 + + + Dacibyza, or Δακίβυζα, site of, determined, 9 + + Dana, the same as the ancient Tyana, 61. + Ruins of this place, 62 + + D’Anville, mistake of, corrected, 41, 55 + + Dashashéhr, village of, 131 + + Dil, ferry of, 5. + This place how formed, 10 + + Dinglar, the probable site of the ancient Celænæ, 156-158 + + Diocæsareia, probable site of, 117 + + Docimia, 25. + Site and quarries of, 54, 55 + + Dogan-hissár, district of, 43 + + Doganlu, valley, catacombs of, 22, 23, 34, 35. + Remarks on the sculpture thereof, 26-28. + And on the inscriptions thereon, 29, 30, 31. + Date of the principal monument, 32 + + Dombai, valley and town of, 138. + The ancient Tabæ, 153. + Route thence to Sandukli described, 139 + + Doric Dialect, prevalence of, 227, 228, _notes_ + + Dorileo, 25 _note_ + + Dorylæum, plain and river of, 18, 19, 317. + Site of this town determined, 19. + Remarks on the Roman road thither, from Apameia Cibotus, 165, 166. + And from Dorylæum to Philadelpheia, 167-169 + + Draco, river, course of, ascertained, 9. + Disasters of the first crusaders among its passes, 10 + + + Edrenús, site of, 272 + + Elæussa, 178. + Present state of this place, 213 + + Emír-dagh, mountainous range of, 66 + + Ephesus, temple of Diana at, 258. + Account of its relative proportions, 346, 347. + Why no remains of it are left, 259 _note_ + + Epiphaneia, city, site of, 217 + + Ergasteria, mines of, 271 + + Erkle, the ancient Archalla, 65 + + Ermenék, 117 + + Ermenék-su river, 111 + + Ersek, 10 + + Eski-hissar, 229 + + Eski-shehr, town of, 17 + Stands on the site of the ancient Dorylæum, 18 + Journey thence to Seid-el-Gházi, 20 + + Etenna, 149 + + Etennenses, 149 + + Eucarpia, 25 _note_. + Its probable site, 166 + + Eumeneia, site of, 156. + Inscription found there, 157 _note_ + + Eumenia, or Eumenia Pella, 25 + + Euphorbium, 165 + + Euromus, site of, 237 + + Eurymedon, river, 194 + + Eusebeia ad Taurum, site of, 61 + + + Ferry of the Dil, 5 + + Fortifications, Turkish, notice of, 41 + + + Gagæ, port, site of, 185, 186 + + Germa, or Yerma, 25 + + Germanicopolis, or Germanopolis, probable site of, 310, 311 + + Ghebse, or Givyza (town), notice of, 4, 5. + Description of the road thence to Kizderwént, 5-7. + Stands on the site of the ancient Dacibyza, 9 + + Glaucus, river, 157 + + Gulnar, village, 113. + Ancient ruins there described, 113, 114 + + + Hadrianopolis, 271. + Its probable site, 309 + + Hamaxia, 177, 198 + + Hamaxitus, site of, 273 + + Harpasa, town, probable site of, 249 + + Harpasus, river, course of, 249 + + Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, tomb of, 50 + + Helenopolis, 10, 314, 315 + + Heracleia, site of, 237. + Ruins of, 238, 239 + + Hermus, river, course of, 169, 266-268. + Principal places in the valley of Hermus, 264, 265 + + Hierapolis, ruins of, 252, 253. + Plan of the theatre and palæstra of, 341 + + Hierus, river, 80 + + Homer’s account of the Grecian encampment against Troy elucidated, + 298-302. + And of the pursuit of Hector by Achilles, 303-305 + + Hypæpa, site of, 256 + + + Ilgún, village, 42. + Stands on the site of the ancient Philomelium, 59. + Its lake, the Trogitis of Strabo, 69 + + Ilistra, 102 + + Ilienses, village of, 275 + + Ilium, new, site of, 275 + + Inekbazar, the site of the ancient Magnesia, 243-248 + + In-óghi, village, 142. + Journey thence to Shughut, 143 + + Inscription, near Seid-el-Gházi, 20. + On the sculptured rock of Doganlu, 30, 31. + At Ladik, 44. + At Karamán, 100. + At Eumeneia, 157 _note_. + At Castel Rosso, 184 _note_. + In the ruins of Olympus, 186 _note_ [229]. + At Ródos, 224 _note_. + At Cnidus, 226 _note_. + Of Stratoniceia, 229, 329-331. + At Mylasa, 338. + In boustrophedon at Branchidæ, 239, 240, _notes_. + At Olympia, 240 _note_, 241 _note_. + At Magnesia, 245, 246, _notes_. + At Nysa, 339, 340 + + Ionia, notice of the principal places on the coast of, 260-264 + + Isaklú, district and village of, described, 38-40 + + Isionda, 153 + + Isium, tower of, 187 + + Isnik, or Nicæa, present state of, 11. + Journey thence to Lefke, 12 + + Itineraries, ancient, illustrated, 25 _note_, 67, 69, 72-74, 76-78, + 87, 154-170 + + + Jerusalem Itinerary, illustrations of, 72, 73, 74 + + Jullæ, or Juliopolis, 25 _note_. + Its site ascertained, 59. + Origin of its name, 78, 79. + Its situation described, 79, 80. + Its commercial and political advantages, 81. + Its distance from Nicæa, 72. + Distance of Ancyra from Juliopolis, _ibid._ + + + Kadún Kiúi, or Kanun-haná, village, 43 + + Kákava, 127 + + Karáburnu, cape, 196 + + Kara-dagh, or the Black Mountain, 45, 95 + + Karahissár, the site of the ancient Cybistra, 63 + + Karajeli, the ancient Coralis, or Caralis, 69 + + Karamán, mountains of, 45. + Plain of, 97. + The town of Karamán described, 98, 99 + + Karamania, description of, translated from Strabo, 173, 180. + Illustrations of it, 181-218 + + Kassabá, village, described, 95, 96. + Journey thence to Karamán, 96 + + Καστελόρυζον, island, notice of, 127 + + Kelénderi, ruins of, 115, 116 + + Ketsiburlu, 138. + The ancient Apollonia probably situated near this place, 163, 164 + + Κίβυζα, notice of, 4, 5, 9 + + Kílisa Hissár, or the Castle of Kílisa, 61. + Stands on the site of the ancient Tyana, _ibid._ + Ancient ruins of it, still in existence, 62 + + Kirmir, river, the Hierus of ancient geographers, 80 + + Kiúk-su, or Sky-blue river, 111 + + Kizderwént, or the pass of the Girls, description of, 6, 7 + + Kháradra, 123 + + Kodús, river, 169 + + Koehler (General), journey of, from Adália to Shugut, 127-143. + Geographical observations on the ancient places occurring in his + route, 144-170 + + Kónia, town, modern state of, 46. + Interview of the author with the Pasha of, 47, 48. + Description of the place, 49, 50. + Journey thence to Tshumra, 93, 94 + + Kosru Khan, 35. + Journey thence to Bulwudún, 36, 37. + + Kutaya, the ancient Cotyaeium, mountain and town of, 145. + Journey thence to In-óghi, 141, 142. + + + Labranda, investigation of the site of, 230-234 + + Ladik-el-Tchaus, 43. + Ruins and antiquities there, 44. + Country around it described, 43. + Stands on the site of Laodiceia Combusta, 53 + + Laertes, fortress of, 177. + Its probable site, 199 + + Lagina, 230 + + Lakes of the central part of Asia Minor, 52. + Of the Forty Martyrs, 59. + Salt lake of Tatta, 70. + Of Burdur, 137, 138 + + Laodiceia ad Lycum, remarks on the Roman road from, to Perge, 154, 155 + + Laodiceia Combusta, or Laudicia Catacecaumeno, 25 and _note_. + Remains of, 44 + + Laranda, 98 + + Lárnaka, notice of, 122 + + Latmic Gulf, 239 + + Latmus, ruins of, 238, 239 + + Lefke, town, described, 12, 13 + + Lefkosía, or Λευκοσία, description of, 120, 121 + + Libyssa, site of, determined, 9 + + Limyra, site of, 186 + + Limyrus, river, 186, 187 + + Loryma, ruins of, 223 + + Lycaonia, limits of, 67. + Celebrated for its downs, _ibid._, 68 + + Lyrbe, 149 + + Lysinoe, probable site of, 151, 152 + + Lystra, probable site of, 102 + + + Mæander, river, 158 + + Magnesia, site of, 243, 244. + Notice of its ruins, 245. + Proportions of the temple of Artemis Leucophryene at, 349, 350 + + Magydus, 194 + + Mallus, city, 180. + Site of, 216 + + Malsum, village, notice of, 5. + Stands on the site of the ancient Libyssa, 9 + + Manlius, the consul, march of, illustrated, 56-58, 89, 90 + + Marathesium, probable site of, 261 + + Marble, Phrygian, notice of, 36. + And of that of Synnada, 55 + + Marmora, sea of, 2 + + Marsyas, river, sources of, 159, 161 and _note_, 162. + Why called Catarrhactes, 159. + Another Marsyas. The same as the Tshina of modern times, 234-236 + + Megarsus, city, site of, 216 + + Megiste, island, 184 + + Melas, river, 176, 196, 206 + + Menavgát, town, notice of, 130, 131 + + Méndere, river, 139. + A branch of the Mæander, 153, 154, 164 + + Midaium, 24, 25 + + Midas, tomb of, ascertained, 31-33 + + Milyas, 147 + + Mopsucrene, 74 + + Mopsuestia, 180. + Historical notice of, 217 + + Mout, town and territory of, described, 107-109, 319. + Ruins in its vicinity, 106. + Its cemetery, 109. + Journey thence to Sheikh Amúr, 110-112 + + Mylæ, cape, 205 + + Mylasa, 230. + Copy of an ancient inscription there, 338 + + Myndus, site of, 228 + + Myra, 173. + Ruins of, 183. + Plan of its theatre, 321 + + + Nagidus, historical notice and probable site of, 200, 201 + + Nacoleia, site of, determined, 24, 26. + Notice of this place, 24 _note_ + + Neapolis, probable site of, 261 + + Nephelis, promontory, 199, 200 + + Nicæa, ruins of, 10, 11. + Distance thence to Juliopolis, 72 + + Nysa, site of, 248. + Copies of ancient inscriptions found there, 339, 340 + + + Obelisk of C. Cassius Philiscus, 8 + + Obrimas, river, 153, 154, 164 + + Olbasa, site of, 117 + + Olbe, 320 + + Olbia, 175. + Conjectures on its site, 190, 191, 192 + + Olympia, copy of inscription found at, 240, 241, _notes_ + + Olympus, site of, 189. + Copy of an inscription found there, 186 _note_ [229] + + Orcaoryci, 88, 89 + + Orchestra of the Greek theatre, construction of, 322 + + Orcistus, notice of, 71 + + Orthography, Turkish, remarks on, 3 _note_ [17]. + And on the modern Greek orthography, 4 _note_ + + Osman, tomb of, 15 + + + Palæstra of Hierapolis, plan of, 341 + + Pamphylia, scenery of, described, 131-133 + + Pandíkhi, or Παντίχιον, village, 3, 8 + + Panionium, probable site of, 260, 261 + + Paphlagonia, notice of the principal places in, 308-312 + + Parnassus, distance from Ancyra to, 72. + And from Parnassus to Archelais, 73 + + Pastures of the central part of Asia Minor, 53 + + Patara, historical notice of, 182, 183. + Theatre of, 320. + Plan of it, 321 + + Pelasgi, the common source of the Etruscans and Greeks, 29 _note_. + Their architectural skill, _ibid._ + + Peræa of the Rhodii, historical notice of, 181. + Strabo’s description of it, 221, 222. + Illustrations of it, 222-226 + + Pergamum, ruins of, 266 + + Perge, illustration of the Roman road to, from Laodiceia ad Lycum, + 154, 155 + + Pessinus, 25. + Examination of its site, 82-86 + + Peutinger Itinerary, or table, illustrations of, 25 _note_, 69, 72, + 73. + Particularly of its routes across Mount Taurus, 76-78, 87. + From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge, 154, 155. + From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia, 156-164. + From Apameia to Synnada, 164, 165. + From Apameia to Dorylæum, 165-166. + From Dorylæum to Philadelphia, 167-170 + + Phanæ, port, site of, 264 + + Phaselis, 175, 190 + + Philadelphia, 25. + Its probable site, 117 + + Philomelium, site of, ascertained, 58, 59 + + Philomelo, 25 _note_ + + Phrygia, notices of the ancient history of, 32, 33. + Magnificent remains of ancient Phrygian art, described, 29-32, 33, + 34. + Topography of Phrygia Epictetus, 168, 169 + + Pityussa, island, 209 + + Pœcile, rock, 178. + Ancient ruins there, 209, 210 + + Πολυβοτὸν, site of, 53 + + Pompeiopolis of Cilicia, historical notice of, 213, 214. + Pompeiopolis of Paphlagonia, its probable site, 310 + + Poseidium, cape, 263 + + Potamia, site of, 310 + + Prices of various commodities, as fixed by one of the Roman Emperors, + table of, with illustrative remarks, 332-338 + + Priene, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, 352 + + Prince’s Islands, description of, 2 + + Ptolemais, 176 + + Pydnæ, 182 + + Pygela, probable site of, 261 + + Pylæ Ciliciæ, 62 + + Pyramus, river, 179. + Course of, 215 + + + Rhodian Colonies, notice of, 225, 226 + + Rhodiopolis, 184 + + Rhœteium, probable site of, 275 + + Rhoge, island, 184 + + Rhope, island, 184 + + Ródos, ancient inscription at, 224 _note_ + + Ruins of Nicæa described, 10, 11. + At Besh-Kardash, 17. + At Ladík, (Laodiceia Combusta), 44. + At Kílisa Hissár, (the ancient Tyana), 62. + In the vicinity of Kassabá, 95. + Of ancient Derbe, 101. + At Mout, 106. + Of Celenderis, 115, 116. + At Kákava, 127. + Of Antiphellus, _ibid._ + Of Telmissus, 128. + Of Assus, _ibid._ + At Adália, 133. + Between Bidjikli and Karabunár Kiúi, 134. + Of Patara, 182. + Of Myra and Andriace, 183. + Of Elæussa, 213. + Of Pompeiopolis, 213. + Of Amyzon, 237, 238. + Of Latmus, or Heracleia, 238. + Of Priene and Branchidæ, 239, 240, _notes_. + Of Magnesia, 247. + Of Tralles, 246, 247. + Of Nysa, 248. + Of Laodiceia, 251, 252. + Of Hierapolis, 253. + Of Sardes, 265, 342-346. + Of Pergamum, 266 + + + Sagalassus, or Selgessus, probable site of, 150 + + Sakaría, river, 12 + + Sandukli, 139 + + Samus, proportions of the temple of Juno at, 348 + + Sangarius, river, celebrated for its fish, 66 _note_ [73] + + Sardes, ruins of, 265. + Described, 342-346 + + Saporda, 149 + + Sarpedonia, promontory of, 203, 204 + + Sarus, or Sihún, river, 215 + + Scamander, river, probable course of, 290 + + Scamandria, probable site of, 278 + + Scopas, river, 80 + + Scutarium, site of, determined, 8 + + Seid-el-Ghazi, village, 21. + Copy of an ancient inscription in its vicinity, 20. + Description of ancient catacombs near it, 22, 23 + + Sheikh Amúr, village, 113. + Journey thence to Gulnar, 113-115 + + Shugut, town, described, 15, 16. + Journey thence to Eski-Shehr, 17 + + Siberis river, 80 + + Side, 176. + Its present state, 195 + + Siderus, cape and harbour of, 189 + + Sigeium, site of, 276 + + Simena, site of, 188 + + Sinda, 152 + + Sitshanli, 139 + + Soli, city, 179 + + Solyma, Mount, 174, 189 + + Stadiasmus, or Periplus of Asia Minor, illustrations of, 181, 182, + 185-188, 191-201, 202-218 + + Stavros, 131 + + Strabo’s description of Karamania translated, 173-180. + Geographical illustrations of it, 181-218 + + Stratoniceia, site of, 229-230. + Different names of, 235 and _note_ [339]. + Ancient inscription of, illustrated, 329-331 + + Sultán-hissár, the site of the ancient Nysa, 248 + + Surigis, or Turkish postillions, costume of, 38 + + Syedra, 177, 198 + + Synaus, probable site of, 169 + + Synnada, 25. + Its site ascertained, 54-58. + Remarks on the Roman road to, from Antiocheia of Pisidia, 164, 165 + + + Tabæ, probable site of, 153 + + Ταβηνὸν Πεδίον, 153 + + Tatta, salt lake of, 70 + + Taurus, Mount, passage over, into the valley of Calycadnus, 104-106, + 112 + + Tavium, probable site of, 311 + + Telmissus, 128. + Theatre of, 320 + + Temple of Cybebe, at Sardes, description and plan of, 342-346. + Account of the relative proportions of the principal temples of + Asia Minor, 346-350. + Plans of various ancient temples, 351 + + Teos, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, 350 + + Termessus, ruins of, 146. + Passes of, 147 + + Theatres of Patara and Myra, plans of, 321. + Points of difference between them and the theatres of European + Greece, 320, 322. + Plan and construction of a Roman theatre according to Vitruvius, + 323, 324. + Construction of the orchestra of the Greek theatre according to + him, 324, 325. + Advantage of the Asiatic over the Greek theatres, 326, 327. + Diameters of the principal ancient theatres in existence, in Asia + Minor, 328. + And in European Greece, 329. + Plan of the theatre of Hierapolis, 341 + + Themisonium, 155 + + Tolistobogii, 89, 90 + + Tolistochora, or Tolosocorio, site of, 90 + + Tomb of Midas, 31-34. + Of Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, 50 + + Tracheiotis, or Cilicia Tracheia, notice of ancient towns in, 116, 117 + + Tralles, site of, 243. + Notice of its ruins, 246, 247 + + Travelling, modern Turkish, described, 3, 4, 104 + + Tripolis, notice of, 254 + + Troas, region of, 273. + Notice of remarkable places in, 273-306 + + Troy, examination of the supposed site of, 279-305 + + Tsháltigtshi, village, 136. + Route thence to Burdur described, 137 + + Tshina, river, course and sources of, 234, 235 + + Tshumra, village, 94. + Journey thence to Kassabá, 94, 95 + + Tyre, probably the site of Caystrus, 257 + + Tzerina, town and port of, 118, 119 + + + Vezir Khan, village, 13. + Journey thence to Shugut, 14 + + + Weather, state of, in Asia Minor, 6 + + + Xenagoras, islands of, 184 + + Xenophon’s account of the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks, remarks + on the geographical difficulties and discrepancies in, 60, 61 + + Xerigordus, castle of, 10, 314 + + + Yerma, the site of the ancient Germa, 70, 71 + + Yorgan-Ladík, 43 + + + Zephyrium, cape, 179, 214 + + +FINIS. + +Printed by Richard Taylor, Shoe-Lane, London. + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78967 *** |