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+ margin-left: 1.5em; +} + +.x-ebookmaker blockquote { + margin: 1.5em 5%; +} + +/* Illustration classes */ +.illowp76 {width: 76%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp76 {width: 100%;} +.illowp100 {width: 100%;} +.illowp63 {width: 63%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp63 {width: 100%;} +.illowp52 {width: 52%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp52 {width: 100%;} +.illowp37 {width: 37%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp37 {width: 100%;} +.illowp93 {width: 93%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp93 {width: 100%;} +.illowp83 {width: 83%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp83 {width: 100%;} +.illowp45 {width: 45%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp45 {width: 100%;} +.illowp61 {width: 61%;} +.x-ebookmaker .illowp61 {width: 100%;} + </style> + </head> + +<body> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78967 ***</div> + + +<p class="titlepage"><span class="mid">JOURNAL</span><br> +<span class="smaller">OF</span><br> +<span class="larger">A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR,</span><br> +<span class="smaller"><i>&c.</i></span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_i">[i]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<p class="titlepage"><span class="mid">JOURNAL</span><br> +<span class="smaller">OF</span><br> +<span class="larger">A TOUR IN ASIA MINOR,</span><br> +<span class="smaller">WITH</span><br> +COMPARATIVE REMARKS<br> +<span class="smaller">ON THE</span><br> +ANCIENT AND MODERN GEOGRAPHY<br> +OF THAT COUNTRY.</p> + +<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br> +WILLIAM MARTIN LEAKE,<br> +<span class="smaller">F.R.S. &c.</span></p> + +<p class="titlepage"><i>ACCOMPANIED BY A MAP.</i></p> + +<p class="titlepage">LONDON:<br> +JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.<br> +1824.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ii">[ii]</span></p> + +<p class="titlepage smaller">PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR,<br> +SHOE-LANE.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">[iii]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE.</h2> + +</div> + +<p>To the traveller who delights in tracing +vestiges of Grecian art and civilization +amidst modern barbarism and desolation, +and who may thus at once illustrate history +and collect valuable materials for the geographer +and the artist—there is no country +that now affords so fertile a field of discovery +as Asia Minor. Unfortunately, there is no +province of the Ottoman empire more difficult +to explore in detail. In European +Turkey, the effects of the Mahometan system +are somewhat tempered by its proximity +to civilised Europe, by its conscious +weakness, and by the great excess of the +Christian population over the Turkish: but +the Turk of Asia Minor, although he may +be convinced of the danger which threatens +the whole Ottoman empire, from the change +that has taken place in the relative power +of the Musulman and Christian world, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_iv">[iv]</span>since his ancestors conquered the favoured +regions of which their successors have so +long been permitted to remain in the undisturbed +abuse—derives, nevertheless, a +strong feeling of confidence and security, +from his being further removed from the +Christian nations which he dreads; and +sensible that European Turkey must be the +first to fall before the conqueror, he feels +no restraint in the indulgence of his hatred +to the Christian name, beyond that which +may arise from the dictates of his religion, +or from the native hospitality of the people +of the East.</p> + +<p>In Asia Minor, among the impediments +to a traveller’s success may be especially +reckoned the deserted state of the country, +which often puts the common necessaries +and conveniences of travelling out of +his reach; the continual disputes and wars +among the persons in power; the precarious +authority of the government of Constantinople, +which rendering its protection +ineffectual, makes the traveller’s success +depend upon the personal character of the +governor of each district; and the ignorance +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">[v]</span>and the suspicious temper of the Turks, +who have no idea of scientific travelling; +who cannot imagine any other motive for +our visits to that country, than a preparation +for hostile invasion, or a search after treasures +among the ruins of antiquity, and +whose suspicions of this nature are of course +most strong in the provinces which, like +Asia Minor, are the least frequented by us⁠<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>⁠. +If the traveller’s prudence or good fortune +should obviate all these difficulties, and +should protect him from plague, banditti, +and other perils of a semibarbarous state +of society, he has still to dread the loss of +health, arising from the combined effects +of climate, fatigue, and privation; which +seldom fails to check his career before +he has completed his projected tour.</p> + +<p>Asia Minor is still in that state in which +a disguised dress, an assumption of the +medical character, great patience and perseverance, +the sacrifice of all European +comforts, and the concealment of pecuniary +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[vi]</span>means, are necessary to enable the +traveller thoroughly to investigate the +country, when otherwise qualified for the +task by literary and scientific attainments, +and by an intimate knowledge of the language +and manners of the people.</p> + +<p>Among modern travellers, two only have +yet traversed Asia Minor in various directions +for exploratory purposes; Paul Lucas +in the years 1705, 1706, and 1715, and Capt. +Macdonald Kinneir in the years 1813 and +1814. The rest have merely followed a single +route in passing through the country; even +the travels of the two persons just named, +amount only to a description of several +routes instead of one; the state of the provinces +and the mode of travelling having +rendered it impossible to make any of those +excursions from the main road, without +which the geography of an unknown country +cannot possibly be ascertained. It even +appears from the journal of Mr. Kinneir, +that the difficulties of travelling in Asia +Minor have rather increased of late years +than diminished. And hence he was unsuccessful +in all his attempts to explore particular +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">[vii]</span>sites interesting to ancient history, +and was unfortunate in his collection of the +surest tests of ancient geography,—inscriptions.</p> + +<p>The principality of Tshappán-Oglu, which +offered some security to the traveller, has +been broken up by his death; and that of +the family of Kara-Osmán-Oglu, the mildness +and equity of whose government over +the greater part of Æolis, Ionia and Lydia, +had attracted thither great numbers of +Greeks from Europe, has been put an end +to by the same impolitic jealousy of Sultan +Mahmud which is undermining his own security +and threatens the destruction of his +empire. There remain only a few dispersed +chieftains, most of them in a state of +doubtful allegiance to the Porte, in whose +districts, by good management and previous +preparation, the traveller might perhaps be +allowed to explore the country in safety. +In no other parts can he, unless with all +the requisites above stated, and a great sacrifice +of time, hope to effect more than a +rapid passage along the principal roads, +take a transient view of some of the remains +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_viii">[viii]</span>of antiquity, and note the distances +of places, and the general bearings of the +route, together with the relative situations +of a few hills or other remarkable objects +on either side of the road.</p> + +<p>Under such circumstances, it is obvious +that the geography of Asia Minor can only +be improved by collecting and combining +the information contained in the journals of +modern travellers; by which means an approximation +to a detailed map of the country +may progressively be made. It was +with the view of contributing to this object +that I published the journal of two routes +through the central parts of Asia Minor, +in the second volume of the Rev. R. Walpole’s +Collection of Memoirs on Greece +and Asia Minor.</p> + +<p>Having, since that publication, extended +over the whole peninsula the comparative +inquiry into its ancient and modern geography, +which was there confined to the +parts forming the subject of the journals, +the result has been, the map which accompanies +the present volume; the volume +itself containing, together with the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">[ix]</span>substance of the memoir in Mr. Walpole’s +Collection, the additional remarks suggested +by the more enlarged geographical inquiry.</p> + +<p>As the <i>remarks</i> have become considerably +more voluminous than the <i>journal</i>, +I cannot flatter myself that the work in its +present form will possess much attraction +for the general reader. It can only pretend +to contain, when accompanied by the +map, all the existing information upon Asia +Minor most essential to the exploring traveller; +at the same time that it cannot fail +to offer some interest to the reader of ancient +history.</p> + +<p>The modern authorities which have served +in the construction of the map are of two +kinds—the maritime, and those relating +to the interior of the country: the former +derived from celestial observations, or nautical +surveys on the sea coast; the latter, +from the routes of travellers. The maritime +being the most certain, and giving +accuracy of position to the two ends of +some of the principal routes, and consequently +in a great degree to the entire lines—may +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">[x]</span>be considered as the foundation of +the work.</p> + +<p>The positions of Constantinople and +Smyrna are assumed from the concurrence +of several good observations. The entire +southern coast, from the Gulf of Iskenderún +to that of Mákri, together with several +parts of the coast between Mákri and +Smyrna, has been laid down from the Survey +of Captain Beaufort, which was made +in the years 1811 and 1812, by order of the +Admiralty, during the administration of +Mr. Yorke; and which was published in the +year 1820, by direction of the Lords Commissioners. +The principal points and the general +outline of the Pontic coast of the peninsula +have been adopted from the recently-published +chart of the Black Sea by Capt. +Gauttier, of the Royal Navy of France⁠<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>⁠. +The western coast, from the Gulf of Elæa to +the mouth of the Hellespont, has been laid +down from Truguet and Racord, officers of +the French Navy, who accompanied Count +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">[xi]</span>Choiseul Gouffier in his Embassy to the +Porte in 1784; and the result of whose labours +is published in the second volume +of M. Choiseul’s <i>Voyage Pittoresque de la +Grèce</i>.</p> + +<p>In the interior of the peninsula the latitude +of some important points, as Kesaría, +Kónia, Afiom Karahissár, Kutáya, Manissa, +Brusa, Isnik, have been observed +by Niebuhr, Browne, or by Messrs. Chavasse +and Kinneir: the remaining construction +is nothing more than the result +of a comparison of the ancient geographers +and historians with the routes of modern +travellers, and with the descriptions of two +Turkish geographers, who lived about the +middle of the seventeenth century—Mustafa +Ben Abdalla Kalib Tsheleby, commonly +called Hadji Khalfa, and Abubekr +Ben Behrem of Damascus. Though little +is to be derived from these authors with +regard to the exact situation of towns, +their evidence on the orthography of names, +and their information on the political geography, +are of considerable utility.</p> + +<p>The elder travellers, whose routes have +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">[xii]</span>served in the construction of the Map, may +be confined to Tavernier, Tournefort, Paul +Lucas, Otter, and Pococke; for Bertrandon +de la Brocquière, de la Mottraye, and Le +Bruyn, afford no geographical matter that +is not contained in the others.</p> + +<p>Tavernier informs us, in his introduction, +that he began his travels by a visit to England, +in the reign of James the First; he +died in 1685. Although he crossed Asia +Minor several times, in the way to Persia, +where his commercial speculations carried +him, he has left us nothing more than a +very brief description of two caravan routes +to Tokât: the one from Constantinople, by +Bóli, Tósia, and Amasía; the other from +Smyrna, by Kassabá, Allah-shehr, Afiom +Karahissár, Buhwudún, and across the Salt +country to the Kizil-Ermak, which he passed +at Kesre Kiupri.</p> + +<p>Tournefort traversed Asia Minor only in +one direction, from Erzrúm by Tokát to +A´ngura, from whence he passed a little to +the north of Eski-shehr, to Brusa.</p> + +<p>Paul Lucas was sent out in the year 1704, +by the same minister of Louis XIV. who +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</span>employed Tournefort on a similar expedition +in the Archipelago, the Black Sea, and +Armenia. But, unfortunately for our geographical +knowledge of Asia Minor, Lucas’s +qualifications were very inferior to those of +his contemporary; nor does he appear to +have been well adapted, by previous study, +even for those branches of investigation to +which his attention was particularly directed +by his employers; namely, the collecting +of coins and inscriptions.</p> + +<p>By assuming the medical character, he +secured a good reception at several of the +provincial towns, and protection from the +governors, as far as their authority extended; +but the banditti which at that period +infested every part of the country, obliged +him always to travel in haste, and often in +the night; and he was not qualified to derive +as much advantage from journeys made +under such circumstances as a more experienced +and more enlightened traveller +might have done. He was generally careful +in noting the time employed in each +stage; but the names of places are often +disfigured by his careless mode of writing. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</span>His ignorance and credulity made him delight +in repeating the absurd tales which +the traveller so often hears in these half-civilised +countries; at the same time that +he omitted the insertion of many useful +observations which he could not have failed +to make. In some instances he has repeated +the fabulous accounts of the natives as if +he had himself witnessed them, and has +thus rendered himself liable to the suspicion +of having wilfully imposed upon his +readers. There can be no doubt, however, +that his itinerary, abstracted from his narrative, +is as correct as he was capable of +making it. The geographical results, when +connected and compared with those of other +travellers, are a sufficient proof of this fact; +and Lucas, with all his faults, has furnished +us with a greater number of routes than any +other traveller in Asia Minor. In 1705 he +went from Constantinople to Nicomedia, +Nicæa, and Brusa; from Brusa to Kutaya, +Eski-shehr, A´ngura, Kir-shehr, Kesaría; +from Kesaría to Nigde, Bor, Erkle, and +Kónia; from Kónia to A´ngura, Beibazár, +Kíwa, Nicomedia, and Constantinople, to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xv">[xv]</span>which city he returned in February 1706. +In the autumn of the same year, after a +long journey in Greece, he set out on a second +tour in Asia Minor from Smyrna, travelling +by Sardes, to Allah-shehr, Alan-kiúi, +Burdur, Susu, and Adália; from Adália +to Susu, Isbarta, Egerder, Serkiserai, +and Kónia; from Kónia to Erkle, and over +Mount Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ to +A´dana, Tarsus, and thence into Syria. In +a third journey in Asia Minor, in the year +1715, Lucas went from Smyrna to Ghiuzel +Hissár by Tire; from thence by the valley +of the Mæander to Denizlú; and from Denizlú +by Burdur to Isbarta, from whence he +travelled the same road as before to Kónia. +He states also, but without giving any +particulars of his route, that he again visited +Kesaría; and that, after having returned to +to Kónia, he once more proceeded by the +Pylæ Ciliciæ to A´dana and into Syria.</p> + +<p>Next to Lucas, Otter is the most useful +of the earlier travellers. He was a Swede, +sent to Persia by the Court of France in +1734. He crossed Asia Minor by the way +of Iznimid, Lefke, Inoghi, Eski-shehr, Ak-shehr, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvi">[xvi]</span>Kónia, Erkle, and A´dana; and returned +from Persia by the route of Amasía +and Boli. His narrative is chiefly valuable +from his knowledge of the Turkish language, +and from his having previously +consulted some manuscript works in the +Royal Library at Paris, especially that of +Ibrahim Effendi, who first established a +Turkish press at Constantinople, and whose +information seems to accord with that of +Hadji Khalfa, and of Abubekr of Damascus.</p> + +<p>Among our own countrymen, Pococke +is the only traveller of the last century who +has published his route with sufficient precision +to be of any use to the geographer; +but he has been extremely negligent in +noting bearings and distances: his narrative +is very obscure and confused; and his +journey in Asia Minor is consequently of +much less importance than it might have +been made by so enlightened, learned, and +persevering a traveller. In the year 1740, +after visiting a great part of Ionia and Caria, +he ascended the valley of the Mæander +and its branches to Ishekli and Sandukli, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvii">[xvii]</span>from whence he crossed to Beiad, Sevrihissár, +and A´ngura. From A´ngura he +crossed to the northward into the great +eastern road from Constantinople, and returned +to that capital by the way of Boli +and Nicomedia.</p> + +<p>Niebuhr traversed Asia Minor in the +year 1766, on his return from India by the +way of Baghdad, Mosúl, and Aleppo. +From Iskenderún he passed by Bayas to +Adana, and from thence by Erkle to Kónia, +Karahissár, Kutaya, and Brusa⁠<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>In the year 1797, Browne returned from +the interior of Africa by the way of Asia +Minor. From Aleppo and Aintab, he traversed +the range of Taurus to Bostán, Kesaría, +A´ngura, Sabanje, and Nicomedia. +Mr. M. Bruce⁠<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> travelled the same route +in 1812, and has given us a diary of names +and distances not to be found in Browne’s +printed book of travels.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xviii">[xviii]</span></p> + +<p>It was in the year 1797, also, that Olivier +passed through Asia Minor, from Celenderis +by Mout, Láranda, Kónia, Ak-shehr, +Afiom Karahissár, Kutaya, Yenishehr, Nicæa, +and Nicomedia.</p> + +<p>Seetzen traversed Asia Minor from Constantinople +to Smyrna, and from Smyrna +to Afiom Karahissár, Ak-shehr, Kónia, Láranda, +Ibrala, and across Mount Taurus to +Karaduar (anciently Anchiale, the port of +Tarsus), from whence he passed by sea to +Seleuceia, the port of Antioch, now Suadíeh. +The distances and the names of the +places which he passed through, written +with great care, have been preserved; but +it is feared that the rest of his valuable +manuscripts are irretrievably lost⁠<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>In the year 1801, Browne again traversed +Asia Minor from Constantinople, by Nicomedia, +Brusa, Kutaya, Afiom Karahissár, +Ak-shehr, Kónia, Erkle, Tarsus.</p> + +<p>Among recent travellers, Capt. M. Kinneir +has furnished us with the greatest +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xix">[xix]</span>number of routes. These are; 1. from +Constantinople, by Nicæa, Eski-shehr, +Seid-el-Ghazi, and Germa, to A´ngura; +from A´ngura, by Uskát, to Kesaría; and +from Kesaría, by Nigde, Ketch-hissar⁠<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>⁠, +and over Mount Taurus, by the Pylæ Ciliciæ, +to Tarsus, Adana, and Iskenderún. +2. From Celenderis to Mout, Láranda, +Kónia, Ak-shehr, Afiom Karahissár, Kutaya, +Brusa, Mudánia. 3. From Constantinople, +by Nicomedia, Sabanje, Turbali, +Boli, Kastamni⁠<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>⁠, Samsún, Tarabizún, to +Erzrúm.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xx">[xx]</span></p> + +<p>Mr. Kinneir was also one of the many +persons who, during the late war, crossed +the northern part of Asia Minor, to or from +Persia by the way of Boli, Amasía, and +Tokát.</p> + +<p>Another road, which has been still more +followed, is from Brusa or from Mikhalitza, +by Ulubad and Magnesia, to Smyrna, or +in the opposite direction: the latitudes of +all the principal places on it have been determined +by Browne⁠<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>⁠. Of this and of several +other routes in the ancient provinces +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxi">[xxi]</span>of Mysia, Lydia, Ionia, and Caria, we +have descriptions in Smith, Wheler, Spon, +Chishull, Pococke, Picenini, Chandler, and +Choiseul Gouffier.</p> + +<p>The authorities upon which our knowledge +of the <i>ancient</i> geography of Asia Minor +is chiefly founded, are the works of +Strabo, Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>⁠, Pliny, Stephanus Byzantinus, +the curious table or map of roads +called the Peutingerian Table, the Antonine +and Jerusalem Itineraries⁠<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>⁠, the Synecdemus +of Hierocles, and the following +historical narratives of some celebrated military +expeditions:—1. The Journal by Xenophon⁠<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>⁠, +of the route of Cyrus from Sardes +to Celænæ, and from thence to Iconium; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxii">[xxii]</span>and through Lycaonia and part of +Cappadocia, and over Mount Taurus to +Tarsus. 2. Arrian’s history of the conquest +of Asia Minor by Alexander; in which the +part more particularly worthy of the geographer’s +attention is the march from Lycia +into Pamphylia and Pisidia, and thence to +Gordium in Phrygia, and to Ancyra, and +through Cappadocia and the Pylæ Ciliciæ +to Tarsus⁠<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>⁠. 3. The history of the Roman +wars in Asia by Polybius, Livy, and Appian; +especially the description by Livy +of the marches of Cn. Manlius, in Phrygia, +Pamphylia, and Pisidia, and thence into +Gallogræcia, and to Ancyra⁠<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>⁠. 4. The +march of the Emperor Alexius Comnenus, +from Constantinople to Iconium, in an expedition +against the Turks, as related by +his daughter Anna Comnena.</p> + +<p>To these may be added, with regard to +the southern coast, an anonymous Periplus, +entitled, “σταδιασμὸς τῆς μεγάλης θαλάσσης,” +which was extracted from a manuscript in +the Royal Library of Madrid, and published +in a volume called Regiæ Bibliothecæ +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxiii">[xxiii]</span>Matritensis Codices Græci MSS. by the +librarian Iriarte, in the year 1769. But +the best and most numerous evidences of +ancient geography are those which still +exist in the country itself, in the ruins of +the ancient cities, and in the inscriptions +and other monuments which may be found +there. When these remains of antiquity +shall be thoroughly explored, and the results +compared with the geographers, with the +itineraries and with the passages of history +just referred to, they will probably lead to a +system of Ancient Geography in Asia Minor, +much more correct than we at present +possess⁠<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>⁠. For while we are still ignorant of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxiv">[xxiv]</span>the exact position of such important points +as Gordium, Pessinus, Synnada, Celænæ, +Cibyra, Sagalassus, Aspendus, Selge, Antioch +of Pisidia and Isaura, it is almost +a vain attempt to form any satisfactory system; +as the several parts of it must depend +so much upon one another, and upon +an accurate determination of the principal +places.</p> + +<p>After this remark, the reader will not be +surprised, upon consulting the map, to find +that not only the boundaries of the provinces +or districts are indistinctly marked, +but that even the names of places, both ancient +and modern, are often inserted without +the usual note of exact locality.</p> + +<p>The ancient provincial divisions are distributed +according to the description of +Strabo; or, in other words, according to +their usual acceptation at the time of the +establishment of the Roman Empire, when, +as they ceased to have any political use, +their boundaries became, as they had always +in some degree been, extremely uncertain.</p> + +<p>The appellations of the Turkish districts +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxv">[xxv]</span>are either derived from the principal town +of each district, or from the names of those +chieftains who, together with the founder +of the Ottoman dynasty, shared Asia Minor +among them, on the breaking up of the +Seljukian kingdom of Iconium, at the death +of Aladin the Second, about the year 1300 +of the Christian æra. These chieftains +were, Karamán, Kermián, Teke, Aidín, +Sarukhán, Sassan or Sagla, and Karasi. +Múntesha, the appellation of the southwestern +corner of Asia Minor, is supposed +to be a corruption of Myndesia, or +the country of Myndus; and this is the +only district, therefore, the name of which +the Turks adopted from the conquered +people.</p> + +<p>All the north-eastern part of the peninsula +fell to the share of Amur and his sons, +but its divisions were not distinguished by +their names.</p> + +<p>Osman, who inherited the country around +Shughut from his father Ertogrul, soon increased +his territory by the country to the +northward and westward of that town, as +far as the Propontis and the Black Sea. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxvi">[xxvi]</span>This part of the peninsula still retains the +appellation of Khodja-Ili, or the country +of Khodja, given to it in honour of Aktshe +Khodja, the officer of Osman, who effected +the conquest.</p> + +<p>Khodavenkiar⁠<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>⁠, which was the surname +of Murad, son of Orkhan son of Osman, +has been attached to the district of Brusa +ever since Orkhan, having conquered that +country from the Greeks, confided the government +of it to his son.</p> + +<p>Kermián-oglu, or the successor of Kermian⁠<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>⁠, +was the first of the Turkish princes +of Asia Minor who resigned a part of his +dominions to the house of Osman, and who +put his family under their protection, by +the marriage of his daughter with the son of +Murad, the celebrated Bayazid. During the +three subsequent reigns, those princes were +generally tributary to, but not otherwise dependent +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxvii">[xxvii]</span>on, the Ottoman monarchs, whom +they often resisted in the field; and it was +not until the family of Isfendiar, who governed +in Heracleia Pontica, Castamon, +and Sinope, was reduced by Mahomet the +Second, and the kingdom of Karaman by +Bayazid the Second, in the year 1486, that +the whole of Asia Minor became an Ottoman +province.</p> + +<p>Thus much it seemed necessary to recall +to the reader’s recollection, in explanation +of the Turkish provincial names in +the map.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS.</h2> + +</div> + +<table> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER I.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">Journey from Constantinople to Kónia</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">1</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER II.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">Illustration of the Ancient Geography of the + Central Part of Asia Minor</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">51</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER III.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">Continuation of the Journey—From Kónia to Cyprus, + Alaia, and Shughut</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">93</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER IV.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">Of the ancient places on the road from Adalia to + Shughut, including remarks on the comparative geography of the + adjacent country</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">144</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER V.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">Of the ancient places on the southern coast of + Asia Minor</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">171</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc">CHAPTER VI.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">Some remarks on the comparative geography of the + western and northern parts of Asia Minor</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">219</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc">ADDITIONAL NOTES.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">1.</td> + <td>On the military operations of the first Crusade in Asia + Minor</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_1">313</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">2.</td> + <td>Another error in Xenophon’s march of Cyrus</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_2">319</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">3.</td> + <td>On Cilicia and the position of Claudiopolis</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_3">319</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">4.</td> + <td>On the Theatres of Telmissus and Patara</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_4">320</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">5.</td> + <td>On the distinction between the Greek and Roman Theatre. + Peculiarities of the Asiatic Greek theatre. Dimensions of the + principal Greek theatres</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_5">321</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">6.</td> + <td>On a Latin inscription at Stratoniceia, relating to the + prices of various commodities</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_6">329</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">7.</td> + <td>On a Greek inscription at Mylasa</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_7">328</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">8.</td> + <td>Two Greek inscriptions, proving the site of Tralles</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_8">339</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">9.</td> + <td>Plans of the Theatre and Palæstra of Hierapolis. On the + Plutonium at the same place</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_9">340</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">10.</td> + <td>A description of the antiquities of Sardes, by Mr. Cockerell</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_10">342</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">11.</td> + <td>On the principal Temples of Asia Minor</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_11">346</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">12.</td> + <td>On the description of the battle of Magnesia by Appian</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#Note_12">352</a></td> + </tr> +</table> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="transnote x-ebookmaker-drop"> +<b>Transcriber’s Note:</b> The map is clickable for a larger version. +</div> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp76" id="illus01" style="max-width: 25.0em;"> + <a href="images/map-full.jpg"><img class="w100" src="images/illus01.jpg" alt=""></a> + <figcaption> + <p>ESSAY of a MAP of ASIA MINOR, Ancient and Modern</p> + <p>By W. M. Leake, 1822.</p> + <p><i>Published as the act directs Febʸ. 1824, by John Murray Albermarle Street + London.</i></p> + <p>J. Walker sculpt.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p> + +<h1><span class="smaller">JOURNAL OF A TOUR<br> +<span class="smaller">IN</span></span><br> +ASIA MINOR,<br> +<span class="smaller"><i>&c.</i></span></h1> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 8.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/line.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.<br> +<span class="smaller">JOURNEY FROM CONSTANTINOPLE TO KÓNIA.</span></h2> + +<p><i>Departure from Constantinople—Kartal—Ghebse—Kizderwént—Lake +Ascanius—Nicæa—Site of the ancient Towns between +Constantinople and Nicæa—Ruins of Nicæa—Lefke—Shughut—Eski-shehr, +the ancient Dorylæum—Seid-el-Ghazi—Doganlú, +probably the ancient Nacoleia—Kosru-Khan—Bulwudún—Isaklú—Ak-shehr—Ilgún—Ladík—Ruins +of Laodiceia—Kónia.</i></p> + +</div> + +<p>On the 19th of January 1800, I quitted Constantinople, +on my way to Egypt, in company with the +late Brigadier General Koehler, the late Sir Richard +Fletcher, the late Archdeacon Carlyle, Arabic professor +at Cambridge, and Mr. Pink, of the corps of +Royal Military Surveyors, and Draftsmen. We +were well armed, and dressed as Tatár Couriers; +and the whole party, including servants, baggage, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span>Turkish attendants, and postillions, formed a caravan +of thirty-five horses. At this time, there were +two roads across Asia Minor, used by messengers +and other persons, travelling post between the +Grand Vizier’s army, and the capital; the one +meeting the south coast at Adália, the other at +Kelénderi. We deferred deciding as to which we +should follow, until we should arrive at the point +of separation.</p> + +<p>We left Iskiodár (in Greek, Σκουτάριον, Skutári) +at 11 <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, and travelled for four hours along the +borders of the sea of Marmora, through one of the +most delightful tracts in the neighbourhood of Constantinople; +its beauty heightened by the mildness +of the weather and the clearness of the atmosphere. +On our right was the tranquil expanse of the sea of +Marmora, as far as the high woody coast on the +south side of Nicomedia, surmounted by the majestic +summits of the Bithynian Olympus. In the +midst of this magnificent basin were seen immediately +before us the Princes Islands, with their picturesque +villages and convents, amidst pine groves +and vineyards. The road led sometimes through +rich pastures, covered with sheep, but, for the most +part, through the gardens which supply a large proportion +of the vegetables consumed in the city and +its suburbs. Already the beans, and other productions +of the spring, were in a forward state. The +road was in some places muddy, but in general +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span>very good. Kartal, where we arrived at the end of +four hours, is a small place upon the edge of the +gulf, in the midst of a fertile and well cultivated +district, and has a harbour for small vessels. Half +an hour further is a Greek village, which preserves +unaltered the ancient name Παντίχιον, pronounced +Pandíkhi.</p> + +<p>Jan. 20.—From Kartal to Ghebse⁠<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> five hours, +passing through Pandíkhi; and at the end of three +hours Tuzla, so called from the salt-works belonging +to it. The road winds along the side of the +gulf, which, as it narrows, presents a great variety +of beautiful landscapes. The soil affords a fine +pasture, in some parts of which appear rocks of +blue and white marble, projecting above the surface; +and several remains of ancient quarries. We +met a Mollah travelling in a Taktreván, lounging +upon soft cushions, smoking his Narghilé⁠<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>⁠, and +accompanied by splendidly-dressed attendants on +horseback. His baggage-horses were loaded with +mattresses and coverings for his sofas; with valises +containing his clothes; a large assortment of pipes; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span>tables of copper; cauldrons; saucepans; and a +complete <i>batterie de cuisine</i>. Such a mode of travelling +is undoubtedly very different from that +which was in use among the Turks of Osman, and +Orkhan. The articles of the Mollah’s baggage +are, probably, for the most part, of Greek origin, +adopted from the conquered nation in the same +manner as the Latins borrowed the arts of the +Greeks of a better age. In fact, it is in a great +degree to Greek luxuries, with the addition of coffee +and tobacco, that the present imbecile condition of +these barbarians is to be ascribed; and “Græcia +capta ferum victorem cepit” applies as well to the +Turk as it once did to the Roman; for though +Grecian art in its perfection may be degraded by a +comparison with the arts of the Byzantine Greeks, +yet in the scale of civilization, the Turks did not +bear a higher proportion to these than the Romans +did to the ancient Greeks.</p> + +<p>Ghebse, called by the Greeks Gívyza⁠<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> (Κίβυζα), +is a Turkish town, having a few Greek houses. +The only remarkable object in it is a fine mosque +of white marble, surrounded by a grove of large +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span>cypresses, both of the pointed kind and of that of +which the branches are looser and more spreading. +This mosque, and some good baths, were built by +Mustafá Pasha, who was Grand Vizier to Sultán +Selím the First at the time of the conquest of Egypt. +An imperfect Greek inscription was the only indication +which I observed of Ghebse being on the +site of a Greek city.</p> + +<p>Jan. 21.—From Ghebse to Kizderwént, nine +hours. Our route for the first three hours was parallel +to the shore of the gulf, which here presents, +on either side, a beautiful scenery of abrupt capes +and woody promontories, with villages upon the +sides of the mountains, and corn-fields and vineyards +to their very tops. The road then descends to +the water-side under the small village of Malsúm, +where a long tongue of land, projecting from the +opposite shore, affords a convenient ferry of about +two miles across, to the south side of the gulf. It +is called the ferry of the Dil (tongue), and being +much frequented, is well supplied with large boats +and constant attendance. The persons employed +in it are lodged in tents by the water-side. We +write to our friends at Constantinople by a huntsman +of the Sultan, who is returning from the chace +loaded with pheasants, partridges, and other game, +which he has been killing for the Imperial table in +the woods near the gulf. It takes us two hours to +unload, cross the ferry, and reload. We then ride +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>three miles along the Dil before we gain the line of +coast. Leaving the town of Ersek at no great distance +on our right, we proceed up a beautiful valley, +watered by a river which joins the gulf near the +Dil. This river we cross more than twenty times; +passing through the water, or over good stone +bridges. In many places the river falls in cascades +over the rocks. The sky is without a cloud; and +the temperature that of England in April or May. +The ground is covered with violets, crocusses, and +hyacinths. The road being excellent, we travel +nearly at the rate of four miles and a half an hour, +and complete our computed journey of nine hours +in seven. We passed a ruined castle of the lower +Greek empire, with many towers. On the slopes +on either side are seen flocks of sheep and goats; +in the valley the peasants are at plough, and we +meet long caravans of camels tied together, and +preceded by an ass. As we approach Kizderwént, +which is situated in a retired part of the valley, +near the source of the river which we have been +following, we enter an extensive mulberry plantation, +this being one of the numerous villages in the +neighbourhood that supply Brusa with the excellent +silk for which it is noted in the commercial world. +Vineyards, on the slopes of the hills around, furnish +also a tolerable wine. Kizderwént (the pass of the +girls) having the misfortune to lie upon the great +road from Constantinople to Brusa, Kutáya, and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>Kónia, is exposed to a thousand vexations from +passengers, notwithstanding the privileges and exemptions +which have been granted to it by the +Porte. It is inhabited solely by Greeks. Upon our +arrival we found our konakjí, or Tatár courier, who +has the charge of riding forward to procure lodgings +(konák), seated over a blazing fire in a neat cottage, +which formed a favourable contrast to the meanness +and want of comfort seen amidst the pretended magnificence +of some of the Turkish houses which we +had seen. To judge from what we have hitherto +observed, the lower order of Christians are not in a +worse condition in Asia Minor than the same class +of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey +have some advantages arising from the effects of the +superiority of their numbers over the Turks, those of +Asia have the satisfaction of seeing that the Turks +are as much oppressed by the men in power as they +are themselves; and they have to deal with a race +of Mussulmans generally milder, more religious, +and better principled than those of Europe.</p> + +<p>Jan. 22.—We travel in a fine valley, continually +ascending. At the end of an hour we come suddenly +upon a view of the lake Ascanius. It is about +ten miles long, and four wide; surrounded on three +sides by steep woody slopes, behind which rise the +snowy summits of the Olympus range. A forest of +Ilex, and other evergreens, mixed with oaks, cover +the nearer hills; while on the left, along the head of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>the lake, we perceive a rich cultivated plain, at the +extremity of which, soon afterwards appears, on the +edge of the lake, the entire circuit of the ancient +walls of Nicæa, with their massy towers and gates. +Nothing is more striking in this magnificent prospect, +than that clearness of atmosphere, and brilliancy +of colouring, which is so seldom seen in our +northern scenery. We make the circuit of the +northern end of the lake; passing for ten miles +through the plain, and traversing plantations of +olives, mulberries, and vines: the almond-trees +were already in blossom. At about two miles on +our left, we saw an ancient triangular obelisk, standing +single in the middle of the plain. It bears an inscription, +which has been published by Pococke, +and which proves that the obelisk was erected in +honour of C. Cassius Philiscus. Having passed +through one of the ancient gates of Nicæa, and +through the garden ground now inclosed within its +walls, we arrive at the wretched Turkish town of +Isnik, distant five complete hours, or about twenty +miles, from Kizderwént.</p> + +<p>Among the ancient places situated between Constantinople +and Nicæa, there is sufficient evidence +of the situation of Scutarium⁠<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> + and Pantichium⁠<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>⁠, +in the preservation of their ancient names. Gívyza +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>has generally been supposed a corruption of Libyssa, +the name of a small maritime town, celebrated +as having been the burying-place of Hannibal; but +Gívyza is more probably a corruption of Dacibyza; +being, when written in Greek (Κίβυζα), no other +than the ancient Δακίβυζα, with the loss of the first +syllable. The thirty-six or thirty-nine Roman miles, +moreover, placed in the itinerary, between Chalcedonia +and Libyssa, will not agree so well with the +nine hours from Skutári to Gívyza, as with the +twelve hours to Malsúm; which place, therefore, I +take to stand on the site of Libyssa. Plutarch appears +to confirm this supposition, for in mentioning +Libyssa⁠<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>⁠, he speaks of a sandy place near it on the +sea-side, answering to the promontory of Dil, which, +as we have seen, is immediately below Maldysem or +Malsum. Dacibyza is mentioned by several of the +historians of the Lower Empire, as a place where, +by order of the Arian Emperor Valens, eighty priests +of the opposite sect were burned, with the ship +wherein they were embarked⁠<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>⁠. The river descending +from Kizderwént to the Dil, can be no other +than the Draco, which joined the sea at Helenopolis, +a small town, so named by Constantine in honour +of his mother: for it seems evident, upon comparing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>Procopius with Anna Comnena, that Helenopolis +was at or near Ersek. The Dil has been formed +by the alluvial deposition of the Draco; whose impetuosity +has been well described by Procopius, as well +as its winding course⁠<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>⁠. In riding from the Dil to +Kizderwént, I remarked that we traversed the river +about twenty times, without being aware that Procopius +has made precisely the same remark with +regard to the Draco⁠<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>⁠.—In the first crusade, the +passes of this stream were fatal to many of the followers +of Peter the Hermit; who, after having by +the assistance of the Emperor Alexius crossed the +sea from Constantinople, encamped at Helenopolis. +From thence they proceeded to ravage the country +around Nicæa, which city was then in the possession +of the Turks of Kilidj Arslan; and they occupied +the fortress of Xerigordus. But this place was +soon retaken by the Sultan; who slew many of the +Franks, captured others, and destroyed a still greater +number by means of an ambuscade, which he stationed +in the passes of the Draco⁠<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>In the evening we found time to walk among the +ruins of Nicæa. The ancient walls, towers, and +gates are in tolerably good preservation. Their +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span>construction resembles that of the walls of Constantinople, +with which they are coæval. In most +places they are formed of alternate courses of Roman +tiles, and of large square stones, joined by a cement +of great thickness. In some places have been +inserted columns, and other architectural fragments, +the ruins of more ancient edifices. Of the towers, +those on the edge of the lake, and on either side of +the different gates, are the largest and most perfect. +We remark, also, the remains of two walls which +projected from the main inclosure into the water, +and which were undoubtedly intended to exclude, +when necessary, all communication under the walls, +along the edge of the lake. Some of the towers, +like those of Constantinople, have Greek inscriptions; +these have been published in the Inscriptiones +Antiquæ of Pococke. The ruins of mosques, +baths, and houses, dispersed among the gardens +and corn-fields, which now occupy a great part of +the space within the Greek fortifications, show that +the Turkish Isnik, though now so inconsiderable, +was once a place of importance, as indeed its history +under the early Ottomans, before they were +in possession of Constantinople, gives sufficient reason +to presume. But it never was so large as the +Grecian Nicæa, and it seems to have been almost +entirely constructed of the remains of that city; +the walls of the ruined mosques and baths being full +of the fragments of Greek temples and churches.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span></p> + +<p>Jan. 23.—From Isnik to Lefke, six hours, and +from Lefke to Vezir-Khan, four hours. We rise +at two in the morning; but as it takes near three +hours for the whole party to breakfast, pack up the +baggage, and load the horses, we are not ready till +five, and have then to wait an hour and a half for +horses. We soon leave the borders of the beautiful +lake of Isnik, and proceed up a valley, which we +quit after three or four miles, and suddenly ascend +to the left a hill of moderate height. Soon losing +sight of the lake, we advance along an elevated barren +country, until we enter a deep ravine formed by +towering cliffs on either side, where a great variety of +luxuriant evergreens spring from among the rocks. +The ravine leads into a valley, where the same kind +of scenery receives additional beauty from the contrast +which opens upon us of a fine valley, watered +by the Sakaría, a name corrupted from the ancient +Sangarius, although this river is not the +main branch of the Sangarius, but that which was +anciently called Gallus⁠<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>⁠. Lefke, a neat town built +of sun-baked bricks, is situated in the middle of +this beautiful valley near the river, which we crossed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span>by a handsome stone bridge a little before we entered +the town. We find the cultivation in this +valley as perfect as that of some of the most civilized +parts of Europe. The fields are separated by +neat hedges and ditches. Extensive plantations of +mulberry-trees, mixed with vineyards and corn-fields, +occupy the lower grounds, while cultivated +patches are seen to a great height in the hills, +which in other parts furnish a fine pasture to sheep +and goats. This delightful region exhibits a most +picturesque contrast with the unevenness and grandeur +of the surrounding mountains. We were told +there had lately been an insurrection, with the design +of expelling an obnoxious Kadi, but we did +not perceive the least symptom of disturbance. +We follow the valley, passing many villages on +either hand, for four hours more, to Vezir-Khan. +Since leaving the gulf of Nicomedia we have seen +no marks of wheel-carriages, and we met with +scarcely any person on the road during this day’s +journey, except a party of Turkish horsemen with +their dogs, in search of hares. The Turks of this +part of the country are an extremely handsome +race: they have a great variety of head-dresses, +most of which are highly becoming to their fine +countenances. The women who appear abroad are +invariably dressed in the shapeless ferijé, and the +veil so often described by travellers. At Vezir-Khan +we were lodged in a small mud-built house, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>and had to wait a considerable time before our attendants +could prevail upon the people to kill the +fowls intended for our dinner, and to send men to +the river to catch some fish. The valley around is +covered with extensive plantations of mulberry-trees, +and with orchards, vineyards, and corn-fields, +inclosed with hedges; but to these signs of neatness +and comfort there is a great contrast in the +misery of the houses.</p> + +<p>Jan. 24.—From Vezir-Khan to Shughut, eight +hours: the weather still delightfully clear and mild. +For the first two hours we continue to pursue the +valley, and then ascend a lofty ridge, a branch of +Olympus. It incloses on the east the valleys watered +by the branches of the Sangarius which we +have passed, as the heights between Isnik and +Lefke do on the opposite side. Our road across +the mountain presents some wild scenery of broken +rocks and barren downs with little or no wood, +and occasionally the view of extensive valleys on +either side. At the summit of the ridge we pass +a Karakol-hané (guard-house), and at the foot of +the mountain on the east side we enter some pleasant +valleys, conducting into an open expanse of +undulated ground, well cultivated with corn. It +gives a favourable idea of Asiatic husbandry; but +there is little appearance of inhabitants, only three +or four small villages being in sight in the whole +of our day’s journey. The weather being dry the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span>road is excellent; but in seasons of rain it must be +quite the reverse, on account of the rich deep soil. +At the further end of this champaign country we +perceive the town of Shughut, and upon an adjacent +hill the tomb of Ali Osman, founder of the +Ottoman dynasty. Shughut was bestowed upon +Ertogrul, the father of Osman, by the Sultan of +Kónia, for his services in war; and became the +capital of a small state, which included the adjacent +country as far as A´ngura on the east, and in +the opposite direction all the mountainous district +lying between the valleys of the Sangarius and +those of the Hermus and Mæander. From hence +Osman made himself master of Nicæa and Prusa, +and gradually of all Bithynia and Phrygia, and thus +laid the foundations of the Turkish greatness. +There is another tomb of Osman at Brúsa, the most +important of the places which he conquered from the +Greeks. But the Turks of this part of Asia Minor +assert that the monument at Brúsa is a cenotaph, +and that the bones of Osman were laid by the side +of those of his father Ertogrul in his native town. +The tomb is built like some of the handsomest and +most ancient of the Turkish sepulchres at Constantinople, +and is situated in the midst of a grove of +cypresses and evergreen oaks.</p> + +<p>The town is said to contain 900 houses, but now +exhibits a wretched appearance, chiefly in consequence +of a late insurrection of the inhabitants, a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>party of 300 of whom have put to death, within +three months, three different Ayáns sent here by +the Porte. At present the government of Constantinople +has the upper hand, and the insurgents +have been obliged to fly to the mountains; but we +find the new governor with all his troops still on +the <i>alerte</i> to prevent the place from being once +more surprised and pillaged. Our situation is rendered +still more uncomfortable by the discovery we +now make, that our travelling firmahn, in consequence +of an intrigue at Constantinople, of which +we too well know the original mover, is drawn up +in such a manner as to leave it in the power of any +of the Turks to obstruct our progress; and the +Ayán of Shughut accordingly takes advantage of it +to extort a present before he will give us the smallest +assistance. We are wretchedly lodged in a +ruinous apartment over a stable occupied by the +Ayán’s cavalry; and cannot prevent the soldiers +from coming into the room, or from examining our +arms and baggage. There are large plantations of +mulberries around the town, and every house manufactures +a considerable quantity of raw silk.</p> + +<p>Jan. 25.—It is nine o’clock before we can procure +any horses, and then find none to be had but +some wretched animals covered with sores, and almost +skeletons. At first setting out they are hardly +able to walk; but to our surprise we find, before +we have travelled many miles, that most of them +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>have a very easy and rapid pace; they performed +a journey of ten hours’ distance with only a few +short halts, and arrived at our konák at Eski-shehr +apparently in better travelling condition than when +they set out. Our road indeed is dry and level, +and the weather still fine. Half the route was over +mountains, and woody; the latter half over an extensive +plain not less than 30 miles in length and +10 in breadth, but very thinly peopled and not +above one-third cultivated. Seven or eight miles +short of Eski-shehr are some ancient Greek ruins +upon a rising ground in the plain. Amidst a great +number of scattered fragments of columns, and +other remnants of architecture, we find several +square pedestals or στήλαι of a clumsy construction, +with some almost-defaced fragments of Greek inscriptions, +in which we endeavoured in vain to discover +the name of the city, though the word πόλις +was visible. The ruins are called Besh-Kardash +(the five brothers); the number of pedestals standing, +however, is more than five, but five is a favourite +number with the Turks: the generality of +whom, having little idea of numerical accuracy, +confine themselves in common conversation to a +few numbers, which they particularly affect. These +numbers are 5, 15, 40, 100, and 1001.</p> + +<p>Eski-shehr is about the same size as Shughut, +and is advantageously situated on the root of the +hills which border on the north the great plain +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>already mentioned. The town is divided into an +upper and lower quarter; and is traversed by a +small stream, which at the foot of the hills joins +the Pursek, or ancient Thymbres. This river rises +to the south of Kutáya, passes by that city, and joins +the Sangarius a few hours to the north-east of Eski-shehr. +This place is now celebrated for its natural +hot-baths: we were unable to ascertain whether +it preserves any remains of antiquity⁠<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>⁠; but there +can be little doubt that it stands upon the site of +Dorylæum. The plain of Dorylæum is often mentioned +by the Byzantine historians as the place of +assembly of the armies of the Eastern empire in +their wars against the Turks, and it is described by +Anna Comnena⁠<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> as being the first extensive plain +of Phrygia after crossing the ridges of Mount +Olympus from Nicæa, and after passing Leucæ. +As we have the strongest evidence of the position +of Leucæ in the name of the village Lefke, which +is exactly the modern pronunciation of the Greek +Λεύκαι, there cannot be any doubt that the plain of +Dorylæum is that which surrounds Eski-shehr.</p> + +<p>The site of the ancient town is not less decisively +fixed at Eski-shehr. Athenæus speaks of the hot +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>waters of Dorylæum, and remarks that they are very +pleasant to the taste. Cinnamus mentions the hot +baths, the fertile plain, and the river of Dorylæum⁠<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>⁠; +and the site is indicated with equal certainty by +the ancient itineraries⁠<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>⁠: for from Dorylæum diverged +roads, to Philadelphia; to Apameia Cibotus; +to Laodiceia Combusta, and Iconium; to Germa, +and to Pessinus: a coincidence of lines which +(their remote extremities being nearly certain) will +not apply to any point but Eski-shehr, or some +place in its immediate neighbourhood. The position +of Eski-shehr accords also with the Antonine +and Jerusalem itineraries, inasmuch as we observe +in these tables, that the road from Nicæa to Ancyra +did not pass through Dorylæum, but to the +northward of it; and Eski-shehr is about thirty +miles to the southward of a line drawn from Isnik +to A´ngura.</p> + +<p>The Aga of Eski-shehr was formerly in the government +of a town six hours distant, the name of +which we neglected to note. He had long been at +war with the governor of Eski-shehr, and at length +having acquired the preponderancy so far as to carry +off all his opponent’s sheep and cattle, he followed +up his successes last year with such increased energy +that he added his rival’s head to the other spoils, +and has since been in undisturbed possession of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span>both places, and confirmed in his authority by the +Porte.</p> + +<p>Jan. 26.—From Eski-shehr to Seid-el-Gházi, a +computed distance of nine hours. We have a sharp +wind at east. Our road for the first half of the journey +continues to cross the same wide uncultivated +plains; but towards the end they are more broken +into hill and dale, and appear less wild and desolate. +Scarcely a tree is to be seen through the whole +day’s journey. Upon the edge of the plains we +observe in many places sepulchral chambers excavated +in the rocks. In these, and in the fragments +of ancient architecture dispersed in different parts +of the plains, we have undoubted proofs of their ancient +cultivation and populousness. At about half +way we found, near a fountain, several inscribed +stones. The annexed is the only inscription I could +decypher:</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent2">ΔΗΜΑΣΚΑΙ</div> + <div class="line indent2">ΓΑΙΟΣΥΠΕΡ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΒΟΩΝΙΔΙΩΝΠΑ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΠΙΑΔΙ ΙΣΩΤΗ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΡΙΕΥΧΗΝΚΑΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΗΡΑΚΛΗΑΝΙΚ</div> + <div class="line indent2">ΗΤ.</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">It appears to be a dedication of thanks to Jupiter +Papias, the Saviour, and Hercules, the Invincible, +for their care of the oxen of Demas and Gaius.</p> + +<p>This inscription is upon a flat slab, surmounted +with a pediment, in the middle of which is a <i>caput +bovis</i>, with a festoon. Here also is a square stele, +with an ornamented cornice; on one of its sides +is an obliterated inscription, in the centre of a garland.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus02" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus02.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p><i>To face Page 21.</i></p> + <p><i>Inscription at a...b.</i></p> + <p>ΙΑΕϜΑϜΑΚΕΝΑΝΟΓΑϜΟΣ:ΜΙΔΑΙ:ΛΑϜΑΓΤΑΕΙ:ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ:ΕΔΑΕ</p> + <p><i>Inscription at c...d.</i></p> + <p>ΒΑΒΑ:ΜΕΜΕϜΑΙΣ:ΠΡΟΙΤΑϜΟΣ:ΚΦΙͿΑΝΑϜΕͿΟΣ:ΣΙΚΕΜΕΜΑΝ:ΕΔΑΕΣ</p> + <p><i>G. Scharf Lithog: London. Pub: by J. Murray. Albemarle Sᵗ. 1824. + Printed by C: Hullmandel</i></p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span></p> + +<p>The latter part of our journey is over low ridges; +the road throughout is excellent, and fit for wheel-carriages. +Seid-el-Gházi is a poor ruined village, +but it bears marks of having once been a place of +more importance, even in Turkish times; upon +the side of a hill which commands the village, there +is a fine mosque dedicated to the Mussulman saint +from whom the place derives its name. There are +also several fragments of architecture which fix it +as the site of an ancient Greek city.</p> + +<p>Jan. 27.—From Seid-el-Gházi to Kósru Pasha-Khany, +the distance is seven hours; but we made +a détour to the right of the direct road, for the sake +of viewing some monuments of antiquity, which +were reported to us at Seid-el-Gházi. We first +ascend for some distance, and pass over an elevated +stony heath, in a direction to the westward of south; +we then enter a forest of pine-trees, from many of +which they had been extracting the turpentine, by +making an incision at the foot of the tree, and then +lighting a fire under it. By these means the resin +descends rapidly, and is soon collected in large +quantities, but the tree is killed; and it sometimes +happens that the fire communicating destroys large +tracts of the forest. We saw several remains of +these conflagrations as we passed along. After traversing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span>the forest for an hour, we came in sight of +a beautiful valley, situated in the midst of it. Turning +to the left, after we had descended into the valley, +we found it to be a small plain, about a mile long +and a quarter of a mile broad, embosomed in the +forest, and singularly variegated with rocks, which +rise perpendicularly out of the soil, and assume the +shape of ruined towers and castles. Some of these +are upwards of 150 feet in height, and one or two, +entirely detached from the rest, have been excavated +into ancient catacombs, with doors and windows, +and galleries, in such a manner that it required a +near inspection to convince us that what we saw were +natural rocks, and not towers and buildings. We +found the chambers within to have been sepulchres, +containing excavations for coffins, and niches for +cinerary vases. Following the course of the valley +to the S.E., we came in sight of some sepulchral +chambers, excavated with more art, and having a +portico with two columns before the door, above +which a range of dentils forms a cornice. But the +most remarkable of these excavations, is that which +will best be understood by the annexed sketch of it, +taken by General Koehler, while Mr. Carlyle and +myself were employed in copying two inscriptions +engraved upon the face of the rock. In the upper +inscription a few letters are deficient at the beginning +and end; the lower appeared to us to be complete. +The letters of the first are larger and wider +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span>asunder than those of the second. Both are written +from left to right, but in the lower inscription the +letters are written <i>downwards</i>, along the edge of the +monument, so that to place the eyes upon the same +line with the inscription, the head must be held sideways. +The rock which has been shaped into this +singular monument rises to a height of upwards of +one hundred feet above the plain; and at the back, +and on one of the sides, remains in its natural state. +The ornamented part is about sixty feet square, +surmounted by a kind of pediment, above which +are two volutes. The figures cut upon the rock are +no where more than an inch deep below the surface, +except towards the bottom, where the excavation +is much deeper, and resembles an altar. It +is not impossible, however, that it may conceal the +entrance into the sepulchral chamber, where lie the +remains of the person in whose honour this magnificent +monument was formed; for in some other +parts of Asia Minor, especially at Telmissus, we +have examples of the wonderful ingenuity with +which the ancients sometimes defended the entrance +into their tombs. There can be little doubt that +the monument was sepulchral; the crypts and catacombs +in the excavated rocks around it prove that +the valley was set apart for such purposes, to which +its singularly retired position and romantic scenery, +amidst these extensive forests, rendered it peculiarly +well adapted.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span></p> + +<p>The valley bears the name of Doganlú, from a +neighbouring village which we did not see, but +where, according to the information we received, +are remains of an ancient fortification, called by +the Turks Pismésh Kálesi. I am inclined to +think they mark the site of Nacoleia⁠<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>⁠, named by +Strabo among the cities of Phrygia Epictetus, +together with Cotyaeium, Dorylæum, and Midaeium; +the first of which places (now Kutáya) +is within twenty geographical miles, in direct distance, +to the north-westward of Doganlú; the +second, Dorylæum (Eski-shehr), is at nearly that +distance to the north of Doganlú; and Midaium +was to the north-eastward, distant about 35 G. M. +direct. But a still closer argument, in favour of +this situation of Nacoleia, is derived from a comparison +of the several routes leading from Dorylæum, +as stated in the ancient itineraries, with their +directions on the map. These roads are five in +number; and though little reliance can be placed +upon the distances between the several places, the +order of names furnishes evidence that cannot be +very erroneous, and the positions of the places at +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>the extremity of each route are known with tolerable +accuracy. The first of the roads, as they are +arranged in the subjoined note⁠<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>⁠, led by Midaium +to Pessinus; the second by Archelaium to Germa, +now Yerma; the third conducted south-eastward +to Synnada, Philomelium, and Laodiceia Combusta +(now Yorgán Ladík); the fourth by Nacoleia and +Eumenia to Apameia Cibotus; and the fifth south-westward, +by Cotyaium to Philadelphia (Allah-Shehr). +Now, although the site neither of Apameia +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>Cibotus, Synnada, nor Pessinus, has yet been +explored, their situations are very nearly certain. +Apameia was at the source of the Mæander, and +bore a little westward of south from Eski-shehr. +Nacoleia, therefore, bore in about that direction +from Dorylæum; it lay between the roads conducting +from that city to Synnada and Laodiceia, and +to Cotyaium and Philadelphia; and it was the first +town which occurred on the road to Apameia: all +which circumstances accurately accord with the position +of Doganlú in respect of Eski-shehr.</p> + +<p>On first beholding the great sculptured rock of +the valley of Doganlú, and on remarking the little +resemblance which it bears to the works of the +Greeks, our idea was, that it might have been +formed by the ancient Persians, when in possession +of this country; and that the lower part, resembling +an altar, might have had some reference to their +worship of fire; but, upon further reflection, there +appeared several objections to such a supposition. +In the first place, none of the great monuments of +the Persians are likely to be found at so great a +distance from Susa and Persepolis, in a part of the +country of which they had only a temporary possession, +and which could never have been considered +by them otherwise than as a conquered foreign +country, of doubtful tenure. Secondly, the style of +ornament does not exactly resemble any known +monument of the ancient Persians; and, thirdly, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>the characters of the inscriptions, which have every +appearance of being coeval with the rest of the +work, bear so close a resemblance to the letters of +the Greek alphabet, in their earliest form, that the +most reasonable conjecture seems to be that this +monument is the work of the ancient Phrygians, +who, like the Ionians⁠<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>⁠, Lydians, and other nations +of Asia Minor, who were in a state of independence +before the Persian conquest, made use of an alphabet +differing slightly from the Greek, and derived from +the same oriental original. While the form of the +characters, as well as the vertical ranges of points +for noting the separation of the words, bear a +marked resemblance to the archaic Greek: on the +other hand, some of the words agree with the +semibarbarous style of the sculptured ornaments +of this monument, in indicating that the inscriptions +are not in pure Greek. Both in the resemblance +and dissimilitude, therefore, they accord +with what we should expect of the dialect of the +Phrygians, whose connexion with Greece is evident +from many parts of their early history; at the +same time, that the distinction between the two +nations is strongly marked by Herodotus, who +gives to the Phrygians the appellation of barbarians.</p> + +<p>It is further remarkable that the sculpture of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span>monument of Doganlú, though unlike any thing of +Greek workmanship, is very much in the same +style as the elaborate ornaments (equally remote +from Grecian taste) which covered the half columns +formerly standing on either side of the door of the +Treasury of Atreus at Mycenæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>⁠, a building said to +have been erected by the Cyclopes, who were supposed +to have been artisans from Asia⁠<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Upon comparing the alphabet of the monument +of Doganlú with the archaic Greek, and with the +Etruscan, it is observable that there is no greater +difference between the three than might be expected +in distant and long-separated branches of the same +family. It may be remarked, however, that the +Greek alphabet, and that of Doganlú, resemble each +other much more than they resemble the Etruscan, +as well in the form of the letters, as in the important +circumstance of their being written from left +to right, instead of from right to left, as the Etruscan +always continued to be⁠<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span></p> + +<p>It may seem a vain attempt to endeavour to explain +inscriptions, written in a language or dialect +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span>of which we have no other remains; yet as the +characters are themselves a proof that there was +a great resemblance between this dialect and the +Greek, it is not impossible that some light may be +thrown upon ancient history by the monument of +Doganlú, if other inscriptions in the same dialect +should hereafter be discovered. Upon this subject +one or two remarks occur which may not be unimportant.</p> + +<p>It has already been observed, that the lower +inscription beginning ΒΑΒΑ is complete, and +it may be assumed that the upper, though incomplete +at either end, has lost but a few letters. +This seems evident, as well from its occupying +the whole length of a sort of outer pediment, as +from its concluding word, which wants only one +letter of being the same as the concluding word +of the lower inscription. This concluding word +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span>is very remarkable; written in Greek it is ΕΔΑΕ, +or ΕΔΑΕΣ. Now ἔδαε from δαίω, to divide or +cut with a sharp instrument, is precisely such a +Greek word as one might have expected to find in +a very ancient <i>Greek</i> inscription upon a monument, +all the apparent merit of which is the cutting +of squares, lozenges, and other regular figures, +upon the smoothed surface of a rock. In examining +the other words, we find further resemblances +of the Greek. The 2d, 3d, and 4th words of the +lower inscription, and the first word of the upper +inscription (if it be a single word), all seem to end +in sigma, and three of them in ος, thus rendering it +not improbable that the words 1, 2, 3, 4, of the lower +inscription, contained the name and title of the person +who engraved that inscription; that the fifth word +Σικεμεμαν may have indicated some such distinction, +as the place from whence he came; and that the long +word, No. 1. of the upper inscription, was the name of +the person who placed that inscription. But the most +remarkable words of all are the second and fourth of +the upper inscription, which, written in Greek, are +ΜΙΔΑΙ ϜΑΝΑΚΤΕΙ, “to King Midas;” and +which furnish an immediate presumption that the +monument was erected in honour of one of the +Kings of Phrygia of the Midaian family. The situation +of the place is no less favourable to this supposition +than the construction of the monument, +the tenor of the inscription, and the form of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>letters; for it cannot be doubted that the valley in +which the monument stands is precisely in the heart +of the country which formed the ancient kingdom +of Phrygia. Strabo remarks, that the royal families +of Gordius and Midas possessed the countries adjacent +to the river Sangarius, on the banks of which +stood the cities of Midaeium and Gordium⁠<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>⁠. We +learn from Pausanias⁠<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> that Ancyra was founded +by Midas, and that in his time there was a fountain +in that city, called the fountain of Midas; and +both these authors concur in the testimony⁠<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> that +a tribe of Gauls, in seizing the country adjacent to +Ancyra and Pessinus, occupied a part of the ancient +dominions of the Gordian dynasty. The fertile +valleys of the Sangarius, and its branches, seem, +therefore, to have formed the central part of the +dominions of the kings of Phrygia. According to +this supposition, the date of the monument of Doganlú +is between the years 740 and 570 before the +Christian æra; for that such was nearly the period +of the Gordian dynasty appears from Herodotus⁠<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>⁠, +who informs us that Midas, son of Gordius, was +the first of the Barbarians who sent offerings to +Delphi, and that his offerings were earlier than +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span>those of Gyges, king of Lydia, who began his reign +<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 715. Phrygia lost its independence, when all +the country to the west of the Halys was subdued +by Crœsus, king of Lydia, in or about the year +572 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> A few years afterwards Atys, son of +Crœsus, was killed accidentally by Adrastus, who +was of the royal family of Phrygia, and son of the +Gordius who had been rendered tributary to Crœsus. +As this Gordius was son of a Midas⁠<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>⁠, and +the first Midas was son of a Gordius, it is probable +that several of the intermediate monarchs of the +dynasty, during the two centuries of their independence, +bore the same names.</p> + +<p>The distinguishing appellation of the particular +Midas to whom the monument was dedicated, +seems to be contained in the word of the upper +inscription, which occurs between Μίδᾳ and ἄνακτι⁠<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>⁠; +but as we possess no details of the history +of independent Phrygia, it is impossible to determine +to what period in the two centuries the monument +of Doganlú is to be ascribed. In regard +to the word ΒΑΒΑ, which begins the lower inscription, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>it was probably the highest title of honour +at that period. Papas, or Papias, derived from +ΠΑΠΑ, nearly the same word as ΒΑΒΑ, and +meaning <i>father</i>, was a common epithet of Jupiter +in this part of Asia Minor at a subsequent period. +The dedication to Jupiter Papias, mentioned in a +preceding page, was copied from a marble found at +no great distance from Doganlú: and we are informed +by an ancient author, that Papas was the +name of the Bithynian Jupiter⁠<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>⁠. In another part +of the country we find the title applied, by a natural +descent, to the magistrate of a city⁠<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>⁠; and it +was a common name among the Etruscans, the +kinsmen of the Phrygians⁠<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Close by this magnificent relic of Phrygian art +is a very large sepulchral chamber with a portico, +of two columns, excavated out of the same reddish +sandstone of which the great monument and other +rocks are formed. The columns have a plain plinth +at the top, and are surmounted by a row of dentils +along the architrave. They are of a tapering form, +which, together with the general proportions of the +work, give it an appearance of the Doric order, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span>although, in fact, it contains none of the distinctive +attributes of that order. It is an exact resemblance +of the ordinary cottages of the peasants, which +are square frames of wood-work, having a portico +supported by two posts made broader at either end. +The sepulchral chambers differ only in having their +parts more accurately finished; the dentils correspond +to the ends of the beams, supporting the flat +roof of the cottage.</p> + +<p>I cannot quit the subject of this interesting valley +without expressing a wish that future travellers, +who may cross Asia Minor by the routes of Eski-shehr +or Kutáya, will employ a day or two in a +more complete examination of it than circumstances +allowed to us; as it is far from improbable that +some inaccuracy or omission may have occurred in +our copy of the inscriptions, from the singularity +of the characters, the great height of one of the inscriptions +above the ground, and the short time +that was allowed us for transcribing and revising +them.</p> + +<p>After leaving the great sculptured rock, we followed +the valley for a short distance, and then passed +through a wild woody country, having met scarcely +any traces of habitations till we reached our konák, +at the little village which receives its appellation +from the Khan built there by a Pasha of the name +of Kosru; and where we arrived at five in the evening, +having, according to our calculation, made a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span>circuit of nine or ten miles more than the direct +distance from Seid-el-Gházi. We had a sharp +shower of hail as we galloped through the wood, +but the weather soon cleared again.</p> + +<p>Jan. 28.—From Kosru Khan to Bulwudún, +twelve hours. We rose at two in the morning: +the baggage set off at five, ourselves at six. The +road lay through several small woody valleys, and +towards the latter part of our journey across a ridge +of hills, with a fine soil, containing a few cultivated +patches of ground, but for the most part overgrown +with brushwood; at intervals we saw a few flocks of +sheep and goats, and in one place a large herd of +horned cattle. We saw many sepulchral chambers +excavated in the rocks, some of which were ornamented +on the exterior; others were plain. In +several parts of our route, also, were appearances of +extensive quarries, from some of which was probably +extracted the celebrated Phrygian marble, called +Synnadicus, or Docimitis, from the places where it +was found.</p> + +<p>This marble was so much esteemed that it was +carried to Italy⁠<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>⁠; and such was the force of fashion +or prejudice, that Hadrian placed columns of it in +his new buildings at Athens⁠<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>⁠, where the surrounding +mountains abound in the finest marble. At +about ten miles from Bulwudún we came in sight +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span>of that town with a lake beyond it: to the southward +was the high range of mountains called Sultán-dagh, +and parallel to it, on the northern side of +the plain of Bulwudún, the Emír-dagh.</p> + +<p>From hence we descended by a long slope to +Bulwudún, which is situated in the plain. It is a +place of considerable size, but consists chiefly of +miserable cottages. There are many remains of +antiquity lying about the streets, and around the +town, but they appeared to be chiefly of the time +of the Constantinopolitan empire. At Bulwudún +we had to make choice of two roads to the coast; +one leading to Satalía, the other, by Kónia and +Karaman, to Kelénderi. We prefer the latter on +account of the uncertainty of the long passage by +sea from Satalía to Cyprus at this season of the +year; and we are informed that all the Grand Vizier’s +Tatárs now take the Kónia road.</p> + +<p>Jan. 29.—From Bulwudún to Ak-shehr, eleven +hours. For the first two hours the road traversed +the plain which lies between Bulwudún and the foot +of Sultán-dagh; towards the latter a long causeway +traverses a marshy tract, through the middle of +which runs a considerable stream. This river comes +from the plains and open country, which extend on +our right as far as Afiom Karahissár, and joins the +lake which occupies the central and lowest part of +the plain lying between the parallel ranges of Sultán-dagh +and Emír-dagh. Our road continues in +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>a S.E. direction along the foot of Sultán-dagh; it +is perfectly level, and, owing to the dry weather, in +excellent condition. On our left were the lake and +plains already mentioned. The ground was every +where covered with frost, and the hills on either +side of the valley with snow; but these appearances +of winter vanished as the day advanced, and from +noon till three <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> the sun was warmer than we +found agreeable; our faces being exposed to it by +that most inconvenient head-dress, the Tatar Kalpak. +Our Surigis (postillions) wore a singular kind +of cloak of white camels’ hair felt, half an inch thick, +and so stiff that the cloak stands without support +when set upright upon the ground. There are neither +sleeves nor hood; but only holes to pass the +hands through, and projections like wings upon +the shoulders for the purpose of turning off the +rain. It is of the manufacture of the country. At +the end of six hours we passed through Saakle or +Isaklú, a large village surrounded with gardens and +orchards, in the midst of a small region well watered +by streams from Sultán-dagh, and better cultivated +than any place we have seen since we left +the vicinity of Isnik and Lefke. Yet the Aga of +Isaklú is said to be in a state of rebellion; and this +is not the first instance we have seen of places in +such a state being more flourishing than others; +whence we cannot but suspect that there is a connexion +in this empire between the prosperity of a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>district and the ability of its chieftain to resist the +orders of the Porte. This is nothing more than +the natural consequence of their well-known policy +of making frequent changes of provincial governors, +who, purchasing their governments at a high price, +are obliged to practise every kind of extortion to +reimburse themselves, and secure some profit at the +expiration of their command. It seems that the +Aga of Isaklú, having a greater share of prudence +and talents than usually falls to the lot of a Turk +in office, has so strengthened himself that the Porte +does not think his reduction worth the exertion +that would be required to effect it, and is, therefore, +contented with the moderate revenue which +we are told he regularly remits to Constantinople. +In the mean time he has become so personally interested +in the prosperity of the place, that he finds +it more to his advantage to govern it well than to +enrich himself rapidly by the oppressive system of +the other provincial governors. The territory of +Isaklú contains several dependent villages to which +fertility is ensured by the streams descending from +Sultán-dagh. We here observe a greater quantity +and variety of fruit-trees than in any place in Asia +Minor we have yet seen. Their species are the +same as those which grow in the middle latitudes +of Europe, as apples, pears, walnuts, quinces, +peaches, grapes; no figs, olives, or mulberries⁠<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>⁠. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span>The climate, therefore, though now so mild, and +exposed undoubtedly to excessive heat in summer, +is not warmer upon the whole than the interior of +Greece and Italy.</p> + +<p>We follow the level grounds at the foot of Sultán-dagh +until we come in sight of Ak-shehr (white +city), a large town, situated, like Isaklú, on the foot +of the mountains, and furnished with the same natural +advantages of a fertile soil, and a plentiful +supply of water. It is surrounded with many pleasant +gardens, but in other respects exhibits the +usual Turkish characteristics of extensive burying-grounds, +narrow dirty streets, and ruined mosques +and houses. At a small distance from the western +entrance of the town we pass the sepulchre of Nureddin +Hoja, a Turkish saint, whose tomb is the +object of a Mussulman pilgrimage. It is a stone +monument of the usual form, surrounded by an +open colonnade supporting a roof; the columns +have been taken from some ancient Greek building. +The burying-ground is full of remains of Greek architecture +converted into Turkish tomb-stones, and +furnishes ample proof of Ak-shehr having been +the position of a Greek city of considerable importance. +The only apartment our Konakjí could +procure for us at Ak-shehr was a ruinous chamber +in the Menzil-hané (post-house); and the Aga +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>sending insolent messages in return to our remonstrances, +we resolve, though at the end of a long +day’s journey, upon setting out immediately for the +next stage. While the horses are preparing, we +eat our <i>kebáb</i> in the burying-ground, and take +shelter from the cold of the evening in the tent +of some camel-drivers, who were enjoying their +pipes and coffee over a fire. On our arrival, we had +observed the people fortifying their town, by erecting +one of the simplest gates that was ever constructed +for defence. It consisted of four uprights +of fir, supporting a platform covered with reeds, +in front of which was a breastwork of mud-bricks +with a row of loop-holes. These gates and a +low mud-wall are the usual fortifications of the +smaller Asiatic towns. In one place we saw the +gates standing alone without any wall to connect +them.</p> + +<p>The lake of Ak-shehr is not close to the town as +D’Anville has marked it on his map; but at a distance +of six or eight miles: it communicates by a +stream with that of Bulwudún, and after a season +of rain, when these lakes are very much increased +in size, they form a continued piece of water, thirty +or forty miles in length. It is probable that D’Anville +was equally mistaken in placing Antioch of +Pisidia at Ak-shehr: for if Sultán-dagh is the Phrygia +Paroreia of Strabo, as there is reason to believe, +Antioch should, according to the same authority, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>be on the south side of that ridge; whereas Ak-shehr +is on the north.</p> + +<p>At six in the evening we set out from Ak-shehr, +and at one in the morning of January 30 arrived +at Arkut-khan. Our pace was much slower than +by day. The road lay over the same open level +country as before, and towards the latter part of +the route, over some undulations of ground, which +separate the waters running into the lake of Ak-shehr +from those which flow into the lake of Ilgún. +The weather was frosty and clear, but very dark +after eleven o’clock, when the moon set. Several +of our party then became so oppressed by sleep as +to find it difficult to save themselves from falling +from the horses. After two or three hours’ repose +at Arkut-khan, we pursued our route for three hours +to Ilgún, a large but wretched village, containing +some scattered fragments of antiquity, where we +procured some eggs and kaimak (boiled cream) for +breakfast, and then continued our route to Ladík. +From near Ak-shehr, the loftier summits of the +range of Sultán-dagh begin to recede from our +direction towards the south; and our route has +continued through the same wide uncultivated +champaign, intersected by a few ridges, and by torrents +running from the Sultán-dagh to the lakes in +the plain. At two hours is a more considerable +stream, crossed by a bridge, and discharging itself +into the lake of Ilgún. Six hours beyond Ilgún +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>we pass through the large village of Kadún-kiúi, +or Kanun-haná, said to consist of 1000 houses; +and three hours further we come to Yorgan-Ladík, +or Ladik-el-Tchaus, another large place, famous +throughout Asia Minor for its manufacture of carpets; +and advantageously situated in a well-watered +district, among some low hills to the northward of +which lies a very extensive plain.</p> + +<p>The road through the open country which we have +passed has been wide, well beaten, fit for any carriage, +and, owing to the late dry weather, in an excellent +state. We continue to enjoy a sky without +a cloud: there is generally a slight breeze from the +east in the day: in the afternoon the sun is hot; +and at night the sky is perfectly calm and clear, +with a sharp frost, which in the shaded places generally +continues to a late hour in the afternoon.</p> + +<p>The plains between Arkut-Khan and Ladík are +traversed by several low stony ridges, and by streams +running towards the lake of Ilgún. The country is +bare and open; not a tree or inclosure was to be +seen, nor any appearance of cultivation, except in +small patches around a few widely-scattered villages. +The country to our right forms the district +of Dogan-hissár, a town belonging to the Sanjak +of Ak-shehr. To the left is seen the continuation +of the series of long narrow lakes which begin near +Bulwudún: they receive the torrents running from +the surrounding mountains, and are greatly enlarged +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span>in winter, but in summer are entirely dried +up.</p> + +<p>Jan. 31.—From Ladík to Kónia nine hours; +the road excellent, and weather very fine; the sun +even scorching, and much too glaring for our exposed eyes. +At Ladík we saw more numerous +fragments of ancient architecture and sculpture +than at any other place upon our route. Inscribed +marbles, altars, columns, capitals, frizes, cornices, +were dispersed throughout the streets and among +the houses and burying-grounds; the remains of +Laodiceia κατακεκαυμένη, anciently the most considerable +city in this part of the country. At less +than an hour’s distance from the town, on the way +to Konia, we met with a still greater number of remains +of the same kind, and copied one or two sepulchral +inscriptions of the date of the Roman empire. +The following fragment appears to be part +of an imprecation against any person who should +violate the tomb upon which it is inscribed.</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝ ΒΩΜΟΝ ΑΔΙΚΗϹΕΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">Η ΚΑΙ ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΝ ΤΑΦ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΟΝ ΤΙ ΟΡΦΑΝΑ ΤΕΚΝΑ ΛΙΠΟΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">........................</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝ ΧΗΡΟΝ ΒΙΟΝ ΟΙΚΟΝ Ε</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΡΗΜΟΝ</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">Soon after we had quitted this spot, we entered +upon a ridge branching eastward from the great +mountains on our right, and forming the northern +boundary of the plain of Kónia. On the descent +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span>from this ridge we came in sight of the vast plain +around that city, and of the lake which occupies +the middle of it, and we saw the city with its +mosques and ancient walls, still at the distance of +12 or 14 miles from us. To the north-east nothing +appeared to interrupt the vast expanse but two very +lofty summits covered with snow, at a great distance. +They can be no other than the summits of Mount +Argæus above Kesaría, and are, consequently, +near 150 miles distant from us, in a direct line. +To the south-east the same plains extend as far as +the mountains of Karaman, which to the south-west +of the plains are connected with the mountains +of Khatun-serái, on the other side of which +lies Bey-shehr and the country of the ancient Isaurians; +and these bending westward in the neighbourhood +of Kónia form a continuous range with +the ridge of Sultán-dagh, of which we have been +following the direction ever since we left Bulwudún. +At the south-east extremity of the plains beyond +Kónia we are much struck with the appearance of +a remarkable insulated mountain, called Kara-dagh +(black mountain), rising to a great height, covered +at the top with snow, and appearing like a lofty +island in the midst of the sea. It is about sixty +miles distant, and beyond it are seen some of the +summits of the Karaman range, which cannot be +less than ninety miles from us; yet it is surprising +with what distinctness the form of the ground and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>of the woods is seen in this clear atmosphere. As +far as I have observed, the air is much more transparent +in a fine winter’s day in this climate than it +is in summer, when, notwithstanding the breeze of +wind which blows, there is generally a haze in the +horizon, caused probably by the constant stream of +vapour which rises from the earth. The situation +of the town of Karaman is pointed out to us exactly +in the line of our route, a little to the right of +Mount Kara-dagh. After descending into the plain +we move rapidly over a road made for wheel-carriages; +the first we have met with since we left the +neighbourhood of Skutári.</p> + +<p>At Kónia we are comfortably accommodated in +the house of a Christian belonging to the Greek +church, but who is ignorant of the language, which +is not even used in the church-service: they have +the four Gospels and the Prayers printed in Turkish. +At the head of the Greek community is a +Metropolitan bishop, who has several dependent +churches in the adjacent towns. As it is now the +moon Ramazan, when the Turks neither take nourishment +nor receive visits till after sunset, we are +obliged to defer our visit to the Governor of Kónia +till the evening. He is a Pasha of three tails, but +inferior in rank to the Governor of Kutáya, who +has the title of Anadol-Beglerbeg, or Anadol-Valesi, +and who has the chief command of all the +Anatolian troops when they join the Imperial camp. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>Our visit, as usual among the Turks, was first to +the Kiaya, or Deputy, and afterwards to the Pasha. +The entrance into the court of the Serai was striking; +portable fires of pine-wood placed in a grating +fixed upon a pole, and stuck into the ground, were +burning in every part of the court-yard; a long +line of horses stood ready saddled; attendants in +their gala-clothes were seen moving about in all +directions, and trains of servants, with covered +dishes in their hands, showed that the night of a +Turkish fast is a feast. The building had little in +unison with these appearances of gaiety and magnificence, +being a low shabby wooden edifice, with +ruinous galleries and half-broken window frames; +but it stands upon the site of the palace of the ancient +sultans of Iconium, and contains some few +remains of massy and elegant Arabic architecture, +of an early date. The inside of the building seemed +not much better than the exterior, with the exception +of the Pasha’s audience-chamber, which was +splendidly furnished with carpets and sofas, and +filled with a great number of attendants in costly +dresses. The Pasha, as well as his deputy in the +previous visit, received us with haughtiness and +formality, though with civility. The Pasha promised +to send forward to Karaman for horses to be +ready to carry us to the coast, and to give us a travelling +order for konáks upon the road. After +passing through the usual ceremony of coffee, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span>sweetmeats, sherbet, and perfumes, which in a +Turkish visit of ceremony are well known to follow +in the order here mentioned, we return to our +lodging. Nothing can exceed the greediness of the +Pasha’s attendants for Bakshish. Some accompany +us home with mashallahs (the torches above mentioned), +and others with silver wands. Soon after +our return to our lodgings we are visited by a set +of the Pasha’s musicians, who seem very well to +understand that after our fatigues we shall be glad +to purchase their absence at a handsome price; +but no sooner are they gone than another set make +their appearance; the Kahwejí, the Tutunjí, and +a long train of Tchokadars; and these being succeeded +by people of the town, who come simply to +gratify their curiosity, it is not till a late hour that +we are at liberty to retire to rest.</p> + +<p>The circumference of the walls of Kónia is between +two and three miles, beyond which are suburbs +not much less populous than the town itself. +The walls strong and lofty, and flanked with square +towers, which at the gates are built close together, +are of the time of the Seljukian kings, who seem +to have taken considerable pains to exhibit the +Greek inscriptions, and the remains of architecture +and sculpture belonging to the ancient Iconium, +which they made use of in building their walls. +We perceived a great number of Greek altars, inscribed +stones, columns, and other fragments inserted +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span>into the fabric, which is still in tolerable preservation +throughout the whole extent. None of +the Greek remains that I saw seemed to be of a +very remote period, even of the Roman Empire. +We observed in several places Greek crosses, and +figures of lions, of a rude sculpture; and on all the +conspicuous parts of the walls and towers, Arabic +inscriptions, apparently of a very early date. The +town, suburbs, and gardens around are plentifully +supplied with water from streams, which flow from +some hills to the westward, and which to the north-east +join a lake varying in size according to the +season of the year. We are informed that in the +winter and after the melting of the snows upon the +surrounding mountains, the lake is swollen with +immense inundations, which spread over the great +plains to the eastward for near fifty miles. At +present there is not the least appearance of any +such inundation, the usual autumnal rains having +failed, and the whole country labouring under a +severe drought. The gardens of Kónia abound +with the same variety of fruit-trees which we remarked +in those of Isaklú and Ak-shehr; and the +country around supplies grain and flax in great +abundance. In the town carpets are manufactured, +and they tan and dye blue and yellow leather. +Cotton, wool, hides, and a few of the other raw +materials which enrich the superior industry and +skill of the manufacturers of Europe, are sent to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span>Smyrna by the caravans. The low situation of +the town and the vicinity of the lake seem not to +promise much for the salubrity of Kónia; but we +heard no complaint on this head; and as it has in +all ages been well inhabited, these apparent disadvantages +are probably corrected by the dryness of +the soil, and the free action of the winds over the +surrounding levels. The most remarkable building +in Kónia is the tomb of a saint, highly revered +throughout Turkey, called Hazret Mevlana, the +founder of the Mevlevi Dervishes. His sepulchre, +which is the object of a Mussulman pilgrimage, is +surmounted by a dome, standing upon a cylindrical +tower of a bright green colour. The city, like all +those renowned for superior sanctity, abounds with +Dervishes, who meet the passenger at every turning +of the streets, and demand paras with the +greatest clamour and insolence. Some of them +pretend to be idiots, and are hence considered as +entitled to peculiar respect, or at least indulgence. +The bazars and houses have little to recommend +them to notice.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.<br> +<span class="smaller">ILLUSTRATION OF THE ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF +THE CENTRAL PART OF ASIA MINOR.</span></h2> + +<p><i>Geographical Structure of the Country—Ancient Sites near the +Road from Eski-Shehr to Kónia—Polybotum—Synnada—Docimia—Metropolis—Julia—Philomelium—Tyriaium—Iconium—Ancient +Sites between Iconium and Mazaca or Cæsareia—Tyana—Castabala—Cybistra—Cilician +Taurus—Archalla—Country called Axylus—Lycaonian Downs—Garsabora—Coropassus—Sabatra—Lakes +Coralis, Trogitis, and Tatta—Germa—Orcistus—Places in the ancient +Itineraries on the Road from Ancyra to the Pylæ Ciliciæ, Archelais, +&c.—Roads in the Peutinger Table across the Taurus to the southern +Coast—Juliopolis or Gordium—Pessinus—Amorium—Santabaris—Pœmanene—Orcaoryci—Pitnisus—Caballum—Tolistochora—Sub-divisions +of Galatia.</i></p> + +</div> + +<p>Before we pursue our route beyond the capital +of the Greek province Lycaonia and of the Turkish +kingdom Karamán, it may be right to offer a few +remarks upon the general geography of this part +of the peninsula, and upon the situation of some +of the opulent and celebrated cities which anciently +adorned it.</p> + +<p>From the sources of the Sangarius and Halys on +the north and east, to the great summits of Mount +Taurus on the south-west and south, there is an +extent of country nearly 250 miles long and 150 +broad, in which the waters have no communication +with the sea. Its southern part consists of fertile +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span>valleys or of extensive plains intersected by a few +ranges of hills, and it is bounded to the southward +by the great ridges of Mount Taurus, from +whence are poured forth numerous streams, which, +after fertilizing the valleys, collect their superabundant +waters in a chain of lakes, extending +from the neighbourhood of Synnada in Phrygia +through the whole of Lycaonia to the extremity +of the Tyanitis in Cappadocia. In the rainy season +these lakes overflow the lower part of the +plains, and would often form one entire inundation +200 miles in length, were it not for some +ridges which traverse the plains and separate them +into several basins. By the structure of the hills, +and the consequent course of the waters, these basins +form themselves into three principal recipients, +having no communication with one another, unless +it be in very extraordinary seasons. These are, 1. +The recipient of Karahissár and Ak-shehr. 2. That +of Ilgún and Ladik, which receives I believe the +superfluous water of the lake of Karajeli as well as +that from the slopes of the neighbouring mountains. +3. The recipient of Kónia, which collects +the overflowings of the lakes of Sidyshehr and Bey-shehr. +4. The basin lying between the Cilician +Taurus to the south-east and the Cappadocian +mountains in the opposite direction, which mountains +are now called the Hassan Daghi, and give +rise to the western branch of the Halys. Were the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span>bountiful intentions of Providence seconded by a +rational government, the inundations would but +prepare the plains for an abundant harvest: at present +they water only an immense extent of pasture +land⁠<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>⁠, while the lakes supply the surrounding inhabitants +with fish, and with reeds for the construction +of their miserable cottages.</p> + +<p>Concerning two of the ancient sites traversed by +the modern road leading from Eski-Shehr to Kónia, +there can be little doubt. The modern name +of Ladik is decisive of its being upon the site of +Laodiceia Combusta, and the sound of Πολυβοτόν as +pronounced by the modern Greeks, with the accent +on the last syllable, so nearly resembles that of Bulwudún, +that the latter name is probably a Turkish +corruption of the former. The position of Bulwudún, +moreover, agrees perfectly with that ascribed to Polybotum +in the narrative of Anna Comnena⁠<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>⁠. Polybotum, +however, is mentioned only in the history of +the Lower Empire⁠<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>⁠: and although from the 6th to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span>the 12th century it appears to have been with Philomelium +and Iconium the chief city of these vast +plains⁠<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>⁠, its name is not found in the earlier periods +of history, when Synnada, Philomelium, and Iconium +seem to have been the principal places⁠<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>⁠. The +position of Polybotum, therefore, affords us no assistance +in tracing the other ancient places on the main +route between Dorylæum and Laodiceia.</p> + +<p>Of these places the most important to determine +is Synnada, which indeed is in some measure the +key to the ancient geography of the central parts of +Asia Minor. It appears from the Table that Synnada +was on the road from Dorylæum to Philomelium +and Laodiceia Combusta,—from Livy, that it was in +the way from the country lying eastward of Apameia +Cibotus towards the frontiers of Galatia,—and +from Cicero⁠<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>⁠, that it was in the way or nearly so +from Apameia to Philomelium and Iconium. The +crossing of these lines will fall not far from the +modern Bulwudún, as appears from the route of +Pococke in his way from the upper valley of the +Mæander to Ancyra. It is highly probable, therefore, +that the extensive quarries which we saw on +the road from Khosrukhan to Bulwudún are those +of Docimia, a small town in the plain of Synnada, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span>celebrated for the marble extracted from thence in +large quantities, and sent even to Rome. This +marble was known to the Romans by the name of +Synnadic, from the more important town of Synnada, +which was only sixty stades distant from Docimia⁠<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>It is difficult to ascertain the name of the ancient +city which occupied the remarkable position of +Karahissár, which is distinguished from some other +towns of the same name by the epithet of Afiom, in +reference to its abundant produce of opium. D’Anville +supposed it to be the site of Apameia; but the +waters of Karahissár, instead of running into the +Mæander, of which the principal sources were at +Apameia, flow to the lake of Bulwudún. Pococke +asserts that he found an inscription at Karahissár, +which proves it to be the site of Prymnesia; but +upon referring to his <i>Inscriptiones Antiquæ</i>, it appears +that the inscription to which he alludes is +nothing more than the memorial of a man whose +name ends in ΜΕΝΝΕΑΣ, and who with his wife +had constructed a tomb for themselves and their +only daughter. A few miles southward of Karahissár +are the fountains of a branch of the Mæander; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>it is probably the Obrimas, whose sources according +to Livy were at Aporis⁠<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>⁠. As the Consul +Manlius entered the plain of Metropolis from Aporis, +and marched onward to Synnada and Beudos +vetus in his way towards Galatia, there is some reason +to think that Karahissár stands on the site of +Metropolis.</p> + +<p>If we suppose the Beudos vetus of the Latin historian +to have been at Beiad, from the similarity +of name and the proximity of Beiad to the site of +Synnada (for Beudos, according to Livy, was only +five Roman miles from Synnada), we shall find that +the distance from Karahissár to Beiad, which is +twenty G. M. direct, agrees very exactly with the +march of two days and five miles by the Consul +Manlius, according to the mean rate of armies reduced +a little in consequence of the plunder which, +as the historian tells us, impeded the movement of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span>the Romans. It will be found, moreover, that the +situation of Metropolis at Karahissár, accords extremely +well with the description given by Artemidorus +of the road through Asia from Ephesus to +Mazaca or Cæsareia in Cappadocia, which, after +ascending the valley of the Mæander to its sources +at Apameia, proceeded by Metropolis and through +Phrygia Paroreius to the termination of that district +at Tyriaium; and thence through Lycaonia to +Garsabora and Mazaca⁠<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>⁠: for although the distances +on that road in our copies of Strabo from Apameia +as far as Laodiceia Combusta will not bear examination,—and +although Karahissár does not fall in +the direct line from Ephesus to Mazaca,—neither of +these objections can be considered of much weight: +the inaccuracy of numbers in the ancient MSS. is +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>too common an occurrence to overthrow other testimony; +and the divergence of the ancient road to +the northward at Karahissár, was evidently occasioned +by the projection of that part of Mount +Taurus which is now called the Sultan-dagh, and +which causes so many of the modern routes to pass +through Karahissár.</p> + +<p>Though the proportionate distances do not exactly +agree with the numbers in the Table, it may +be inferred from the remains of antiquity at Ak-shehr +and Ilgún, that these were the Jullæ and +Philomelium named in that itinerary. Strabo describes +Philomelium as being in the midst of a +plain on the north side of the hills of Paroreia; +his description⁠<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> of which district agrees exactly +with the Sultan-dagh and the plain on its northern +side. Its position no less accords with the testimony +of Artemidorus cited in the preceding page, +according to whom the road from Apameia to Mazaca +led through the Paroreia. And the territory +of Philomelium appears from the narrative of Anna +Comnena⁠<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> to have been at no great distance from +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>that of Iconium; for as soon as the Emperor Alexius +had taken Philomelium from the Turks, his troops +spread themselves over the country round Iconium. +The lake of the Forty Martyrs mentioned in this +narrative corresponds also with that of Ilgún, so +that it will probably be found that Ilgún stands +upon the site of Philomelium.</p> + +<p>The Jullæ of the Table seems to be a false +writing for Julia, a name which became common +in every part of the Roman world under the +Cæsars; and it is probably the same place as the +Juliopolis placed by Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> in the part of the +country where stood Synnada, and Philomelium. +But there can be little doubt that so fine a situation +as that of Ak-shehr was occupied, before the time +of the Cæsars, by some important place, which +on its being repaired or re-established may have assumed +the new name of Julia or Juliopolis.</p> + +<p>Of the cities mentioned by Xenophon on the +route of Cyrus through Phrygia into Lycaonia, +Tyriaium and Iconium are the only two which +occur in later authors. Tyriaium, which is named +by Hierocles as well as by Strabo (from Artemidorus), +is shown by the latter to have been between +Philomelium and Iconium. It must consequently +have been at no great distance from Laodiceia, +although this situation is quite incompatible with +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>the distance which Xenophon has stated between +Tyriaium and Iconium⁠<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span></p> + +<p>In following the march of Cyrus onwards from +Iconium towards the Ciliciæ pylæ of Mount Taurus, +we find the distances of Xenophon rather more +reconcileable with the reality. It is agreed that +Dana, which he places at nine marches or fifty-five +parasangs from Iconium, was the same place as +Tyana, otherwise called Eusebeia ad Taurum, and +which under Archelaus and the Romans was the +chief town of one of the præfectures of Cappadocia⁠<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>⁠. +It was the only place in that province, except Mazaca, +which Strabo thought deserving to be called a city; +and under the Byzantine empire it was the capital +of the second Cappadocia, and the see of a metropolitan +bishop until the Turkish conquest.</p> + +<p>There can be little doubt that the site of Tyana +is now occupied by Kílisa Hissár, or the Castle of +Kílisa near Bor⁠<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>⁠. This place is acknowledged by +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>the Greek clergy as the site of their episcopal see +of Tyana; it is situated, as Strabo describes Tyana +to have been, in a fertile plain not far from the entrance +of the Pylæ Ciliciæ, or the easiest and most +frequented pass leading over Mount Taurus into +Cilicia Pedias and Syria,—and midway in the road +to that pass from Mazaca⁠<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>At Kílisa Hissár are found very considerable +ruins of an ancient city, among which are those of +an aqueduct upon arches, designed to convey water +to the town from the hills to the southward, which +are connected with the last slopes of Mount Taurus. +Aqueducts of this description are indubitable signs +of an ancient place which flourished under the Romans, +and such we know to have been the condition +of Tyana.</p> + +<p>Strabo remarks that Castabala and Cybistra were +not far from Tyana; that they were nearer than that +city to the heights of Taurus; that they belonged +to the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia, and that +Cybistra was situated at a distance of three hundred +stades from Mazaca⁠<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>⁠. We learn also from the +Table, that Cybistra was on the road from Tyana +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>to Mazaca, sixty-four Roman miles from the former. +These data seem sufficient to fix the site of Cybistra +at Karahissár⁠<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>⁠, where are considerable remains of an +ancient city; and they render it probable that the +position of Castabala is now occupied by Nigde, +where we find similar evidences of an ancient site.</p> + +<p>The situation of Cybistra at Karahissár illustrates +the interesting account which Cicero has left +us of his military operations, in defending Cilicia +and Cappadocia against a threatened attack of the +Parthians⁠<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>⁠, when he fixed his camp at Cybistra, because +it was on the frontier of the two provinces, +but nearer to the great plains of Cappadocia lying +to the eastward of Mount Taurus. These plains +(he remarks) afford an easy access to Cappadocia +from Syria, while nothing can be stronger than +Cilicia on the side of Syria. In the end, however, +the Parthians having advanced towards Antioch, +Cicero was obliged to cross Mount Taurus from +Cybistra to Tarsus, from whence he proceeded to +clear Mount Amanus of the enemy.</p> + +<p>In order thoroughly to understand the reason of +one of the præfectures of Cappadocia being called +Cilicia by the Romans, it is to be observed that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>more anciently both the sides of Taurus belonged +to the Eleuthero-Cilices, or independent Cilicians; +and that the whole range from the plains of Lycaonia +to the Antitaurus was called the Cilician Taurus⁠<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>⁠. +Archelaus the last king of Cappadocia, +having added all the country on the northern side +of the mountain to his kingdom, together with a +large portion of Cilicia Tracheia, Tiberius, who put +him to death at Rome, included it all, except the +maritime parts, in the Roman province of Cappadocia; +and he added to the ten præfectures of the +late kingdom of Archelaus an eleventh, composed +chiefly of his Cilician conquests: and hence called +the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia. Its chief +town was Mazaca; it comprehended Cybistra and +Castabala, and extended along the mountains on +the south side of the Tyanitis as far as Derbe inclusively⁠<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>⁠. +The inconvenience, however, of a division +which included in the same district two such +distant places as Mazaca and Derbe, seems to have +been soon felt: for we find that in the time of Hadrian, +Derbe, Laranda, and a neighbouring region +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span>of Taurus containing the town of Olbasa, formed +a separate district called the Antiochiana⁠<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>⁠; and +that the Cilician præfecture was confined to the +parts about Mazaca and Cybistra.</p> + +<p>The name of Erkle so much resembles the +Turkish corruption of Heraclia, as instanced in +two cities of that name on the coasts of the Euxine +and Propontis, that it has often been supposed +that the Erkle on the road from Kónia to the Cilician +Pylæ occupied the site of a Heraclia; and +Hadji Khalfa even asserts that it was so. No +Greek or Latin authorities, however, hint at the +existence of a Heraclia in this situation. I have +little doubt therefore that Erkle occupies the site +of Archalla, named as one of the cities of the Cilician +præfecture of Cappadocia⁠<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>⁠, which, as we have +already seen, comprehended Erkle. Erkle, it may be +added, is precisely the softened sound which Turks +would give to the word Ἄρχαλλα pronounced in +the Greek manner with the accent on the first syllable.</p> + +<p>To the northward of the region of lakes and +plains, through which leads the road from Afióm +Karahissár to Kónia and Erkle, lies a dry and +naked region, anciently called Axylus, which extends +as far as the Sangarius and Halys. Pococke, +who crossed a part of this dreary country, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span>describes it exactly in the same manner as Livy⁠<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>⁠, +though apparently without having adverted to that +historian.</p> + +<p>The southern part of this open country consists +of a range of mountains running parallel to Mount +Taurus, and bordering the great valleys of Philomelium, +Iconium and Tyana on the northern side. +The western part of this range is a summit called +Emír-dagh, which rises to a considerable elevation +from the lakes of Bulwudún and Ak-shehr, slopes +gradually into the open champaign to the eastward, +and to the north is bounded by a very broad naked +valley, which is included on the opposite side by +the hills in which originate some of the branches +of the Sangarius. To the N.W. this valley opens +into the great <i>axylous</i> plains of Phrygia, extending +to Dorylæum; and to the S.E. into those of Galatia +or Lycaonia. The ridges lying to the northward +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span>of Kónia and Erkle form the district described by +Strabo as the cold and naked downs of Lycaonia, +which furnished pasture to numerous sheep and +wild-asses, and where was no water, except in very +deep wells. As the limits of Lycaonia are defined +by Strabo, and by Artemidorus, whom he quotes⁠<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>⁠, +to have been between Philomelium and Tyriaium +on the west, and Coropassus and Garsabora on the +east,—which last place was 960 stades from Tyriaium, +120 from Coropassus, and 680 from Mazaca,—we +have the exact extent of the Lycaonian +hills intended by the geographer. Branching from +the great range of Taurus, near Ilgún (Philomelium), +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span>and separating the plain of Laodiceia from +that of Iconium, they skirted the great valley which +lies to the south-eastward of the latter city, as far +as Erkle; comprehending, to the north of Erkle +and Bor, a part of the mountains of Hassan Daghi. +It would seem that the depopulation of this country, +which rapidly followed the decline of the Roman +power, and the irruption of the Eastern barbarians, +had left some remains of the vast flocks +of Amyntas, mentioned by Strabo, in undisturbed +possession of the Lycaonian hills to a very late period: +for Hadji Khalfa, who describes the want of +wood and water in these hills, adds, that there was a +breed of wild sheep on the mountain of Fudul Baba, +above Ismil, and a tomb of the saint from whom +the mountain receives its name: and that sacrifices +were offered at the tomb by all those who hunted +the wild sheep; and who were taught to believe that +they should be visited with the displeasure of heaven, +if they dared to kill more than two of these +animals at a time⁠<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>At the back of the Lycaonian hills was Soatra, +or Sabatra, situated in a part of the country so desolate, +that water was sold in the streets. Sabatra +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>was at a distance of 55 Roman miles from Laodiceia +Combusta, and of 44 from Iconium⁠<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>There is some difficulty in understanding to which +of the lakes at the foot of the Lycaonian hills we are +to apply the names Coralis and Trogitis. Stephanus +mentions a city of Carallis, or Caralleia, which he +ascribes to Isauria. About the same period of time +there was a Caralia belonging to the consular government +of Pamphylia, and a bishopric of that +province; but which had ceased to be an episcopal +see in the ninth century⁠<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>⁠. If these notices refer to +one and the same place, it is probable that the lake +of Karajeli is the ancient Coralis, or Caralis; and +that the ruins which are found near its shore are +those of the town Caralleia⁠<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>⁠. In this case, the +lake of Ilgún is probably the Trogitis of Strabo; +for it is difficult to suppose that he meant the lake +of Iconium by either of those which he names. +As to the difference of size which he remarks between +them, our information is so imperfect, and +the lakes themselves differ so much in size, according +to the seasons, that no certain inference can +be drawn from this distinction of the geographer.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span></p> + +<p>One of the most remarkable features of this part +of Asia Minor is the lake Tatta; which, according +to Strabo, produced salt in such abundance, that +any substance immersed in it was very soon entirely +covered with the crystal; and that birds were +unable to fly, if they had dipped their wings in it. +The lake still furnishes all the surrounding country +with salt, and its produce is a valuable royal +farm in the hands of the Pasha of Kir-shehr. +In 1638, Sultan Murad the Fourth made a causeway +across the lake, upon the occasion of his +army marching to take Bagdad from the Persians. +The road from Ak-serai and Khoja Hissár to Haimane +and to the north-westward, passes across the +lake.</p> + +<p>The numerous places noticed in ancient history in +the country round the lake Tatta, and from thence +north-westward as far as Dorylæum, prove that, +however naked and disagreeable, it was not unfruitful. +The natural landmarks, however, are so few, +and the mention of the towns by the ancients is so +slight, that it will be difficult for travellers to identify +any ruins which may exist, unless where they +are assisted by the preservation of the ancient appellations, +either in inscriptions or in the modern +names. At present, Germa and Orcistus are the +only two places whose sites are exactly determined; +the former by the modern name of Yerma, the +latter by means of a Latin inscription which Pococke +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span>copied at the modern village of Alekiam⁠<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>⁠. +Germa was a Roman colony, and probably flourished +after the decline of the neighbouring city of +Pessinus. Of Orcistus we know nothing, except +that its bishop subscribed to the Council of Chalcedon +in the year 451, and that it continued to be +a see of the ecclesiastical province of the Second +or Pessinuntine Galatia until a late period of the +Byzantine Empire⁠<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The documents which chiefly assist in placing +the ancient cities of these parts of Lycaonia, Galatia, +and Phrygia, are the Antonine and Jerusalem +Itineraries, and the Peutinger Table. It is to be +regretted that we can seldom place entire confidence +in the distances contained in these authorities—flagrant +instances of discrepancy and inaccuracy +being so frequent as to make one very cautious in +trusting implicitly to them, without some corroborating +evidence.</p> + +<p>The following is a comparative view of the distances +in Roman miles, in the three Itineraries, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span>between the several places on the great Roman road +from Nicæa, by Juliopolis and Ancyra to Tyana, +omitting such of the mere changing- or halting-places⁠<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> +as are found only in one of the itineraries, +and correcting the orthography of some of the names +from the better authority of Strabo, Ptolemy, &c.</p> + +<table> + <tr> + <th></th> + <th><i>It. Anton.</i><br>Itinerary of Antoninus.</th> + <th><i>It. Hierosol.</i><br>Itinerary of Jerusalem.</th> + <th><i>Tab.</i><br>Peutinger<br>Table.</th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>From Nicæa to Tottaium</td> + <td class="tdr">44</td> + <td class="tdr">40</td> + <td class="tdr">40</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="ditto">Dablæ</span></td> + <td class="tdr">28</td> + <td class="tdr">29</td> + <td class="tdr">23</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="ditto">Dadastana</span></td> + <td class="tdr">45</td> + <td class="tdr">22</td> + <td class="tdr">40</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td><span class="ditto">Juliopolis</span></td> + <td class="tdr">26</td> + <td class="tdr">25</td> + <td class="tdr">28</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">Total from Nicæa to Juliopolis</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">143</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">116</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">131</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Laganeos (Agannia in It. Heiros.)</td> + <td class="tdr">24</td> + <td class="tdr">24</td> + <td class="tdr">50</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Minizus</td> + <td class="tdr">23</td> + <td class="tdr">16</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ancyra</td> + <td class="tdr">52</td> + <td class="tdr">25</td> + <td>+ the last 66<br>from stage Lagania.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">Total from Juliopolis to Ancyra</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">99</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">about 75</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">116</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">Total from Nicæa to Ancyra</td> + <td class="tdr bb2">242</td> + <td class="tdr bb2">about 191</td> + <td class="tdr bb2">247</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ancyra to Corbeus</td> + <td class="tdr">20</td> + <td class="tdr">21</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Rosologiacum</td> + <td class="tdr">12</td> + <td class="tdr">12</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Aspona</td> + <td class="tdr">31</td> + <td class="tdr">31</td> + <td class="tdr">73 from Ancyra.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Parnassus⁠<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a></td> + <td class="tdr">24</td> + <td class="tdr">35</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">Total from Ancyra to Parnassus</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">87</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">99</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ozzala (Iogola in Hieros.)</td> + <td class="tdr">17</td> + <td class="tdr">16</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Nitazus (Nitalis in Hier.)</td> + <td class="tdr">18</td> + <td class="tdr">18</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Colonia Archelais</td> + <td class="tdr">27</td> + <td class="tdr">29</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">Total from Parnassus to Archelais</td> + <td class="tdr bt">62</td> + <td class="tdr bt">63</td> + <td class="tdr bt"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">Total from Ancyra to Archelais</td> + <td class="tdr bb2">149</td> + <td class="tdr bb2">162</td> + <td class="tdr bb2">118⁠<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>⁠</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Nazianzus (Nantianulus in Anton., Anathiango in Hieros.)</td> + <td class="tdr">25</td> + <td class="tdr">24</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Sasima</td> + <td class="tdr">24</td> + <td class="tdr">24</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Andabalis</td> + <td class="tdr">16</td> + <td class="tdr">16</td> + <td class="tdr">27⁠<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>⁠</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Tyana</td> + <td class="tdr">16</td> + <td class="tdr">deest.</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">Total from Archelais to Tyana</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">81</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">64 + the last stage</td> + <td class="tdr bt bb">68⁠<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>⁠</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">Total from Ancyra to Tyana</td> + <td class="tdr bb2">230</td> + <td class="tdr bb2">242⁠<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a></td> + <td class="tdr bb2">186</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span></p> + +<p>The Antonine and Jerusalem proceed together +as far as Mopsucrene⁠<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>⁠, 56 M. P. from Tyana in +the former and 63 in the latter. From thence the +Antonine proceeds by Ægæ to Baiæ and Alexandria +ad Issum—and the Jerusalem to the same points +by Tarsus and Adana.</p> + +<p>Between Tyana and the Pylæ was situated Faustinopolis, +probably not far from the camp of Cyrus⁠<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>⁠; +for it can hardly be doubted that Curtius, in +stating the Pylæ to have been only fifty stades from +the camp of Cyrus, alluded to the beginning of the +passes. The narrowest part, which was particularly +called the Pylæ, was towards the southern side of +the mountain, as the Jerusalem Itinerary⁠<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> and +modern travellers concur in showing.</p> + +<p>Of the places contained in the preceding extract +from the Itineraries, Andabilis is the only one of +which the position is determined by the name in +actual use. But there is a strong presumption +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>that Ak-serai stands on the site of Archelais, as +well from the agreement of its position on a line +drawn from A´ngura to Bor with that which the +distances in the Itineraries give to Archelais on the +same line, as from the remark of Pliny, that this +colony of Claudius stood on the Halys; for Ak-serai +by all accounts is watered by the stream which +forms the western branch of that river. As no +traveller, however, has yet described Ak-serai, we +are still uninformed whether it stands on the exact +site of the ancient colony, or only near it.</p> + +<p>Upon comparing together the distances from Nicæa +to Tyana in the three itineraries, it is obvious +that the Antonine is most to be depended upon; for +in some of the important points in which it differs +from the Jerusalem it is confirmed by the Table; +and in one instance, where it differs from the Jerusalem, +and where the Table fails us, it is confirmed +by itself in another passage. We may conclude, +therefore, in taking the road distance in Roman miles +between Nicæa and Ancyra at 242, and from Ancyra +to Tyana at 230. Both these measured on my construction +in distances of half a degree along the general +direction of the route give 150 geographical +miles or a rate of 62/100 of a G. M. to the M. P. on +the former road, and of 65/100 on the latter; both +somewhat below the correct rate of the Roman mile +on level ground (and such is by far the greater +part of this road), but sufficiently near the truth +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>to give a strong presumption of accuracy both +to the ancient numbers and to my construction. +It must be confessed, however, that the ancient +road which branched to Mazaca from the road +Ancyra-Tyana, compared with the map, does +not give a similar result. The distance of 114 +M. P. between Parnassus and Mazaca in the Antonine +Itinerary, compared with the 85 G. M. of +the map, gives a rate to the M. P. of not much +less than 75/100 or 3/4 of a G. M. Future geographers +will determine whether my construction is in fault +or the Itinerary, which unfortunately on this route +we have no means of checking by any other authority.</p> + +<p>There are five routes in the Table across Mount +Taurus, from the interior plains to the southern +coast. The easternmost is not connected at either +end; but the word Paduando shows its real position. +The Pylæ Ciliciæ was also called the pass of Podandus, +which place was about midway between Tyana +and Tarsus: this route of the Table, therefore, is evidently +intended for that from Tyana to Tarsus; and +should be connected accordingly⁠<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>⁠. Next to this is +a road from Iconium, unconnected at its southern +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>extremity, and without any places named on it, +except “the boundaries of Cilicia” and “Mount +Taurus⁠<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>⁠.” It is evidently intended for the road from +Iconium to Tarsus. The third route leads from Iconium +by Tetrapyrgia to Pompeiopolis: the sum of +its distances from “ad fines” (the boundary of Cilicia) +to Pompeiopolis is 54 M. P., or very nearly +the same as the distance from the “boundaries” to +Tarsus in the former road, and from the “hot waters” +to Tarsus, in the first road. It gives us the +line of Tetrapyrgia⁠<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>⁠; a town, therefore, which cannot +be the same as that placed by Ptolemy in the +Garsauritis of Cappadocia. The fourth road led +from Iconium by Taspa, Isaura, and Crunæ to Seleuceia, +with a branch leading from between Isaura +and Crunæ to Anemurium. It gives us the line of +Isaura, but its distances are imperfect⁠<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>⁠. The fifth +road across the Taurus led from Iconium to Side, +with a branch to Antiocheia of Pisidia. The distance +in the Table seems to be 80 M. P. to Side, +which is about half the reality.</p> + +<p>Having drawn upon the map the several routes +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>of the three Itineraries, inserting the names of the +principal places at their proportional distances, +and correcting occasionally their orthography from +better authorities, it remains only for me, in reference +to the central region immediately under consideration, +to offer some remarks upon a few of the +chief points on which the Itineraries are assisted +by other authorities. It is hoped that by these +several means the future traveller will be furnished +with an approximation that may assist him in ascertaining +the real sites.</p> + +<p>The most important places in the northern part +of the country under consideration were (after Ancyra), +Juliopolis, Pessinus, and Amorium.</p> + +<p>1. Juliopolis.—We learn from Strabo that this +city stood on the Sangarius, on the site of the ancient +Gordium⁠<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>⁠, and that it received its name from +Cleon, a native, who after having exercised the +profession of robber with great success in Mount +Olympus, Phrygia Epictetus, and the adjacent districts, +had the good fortune to make himself useful, +first to Marcus Antonius and afterwards to +Julius Cæsar: for these services he was acknowledged +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>by the Romans as an independent prince, +and was honoured with the priesthood of Comana +in Pontus, and of Jupiter Abrettenus in Mysia: in +gratitude to Cæsar, he gave the name of Juliopolis +to his native town, which had greatly declined from +its former importance until he made it his capital⁠<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>It appears from an existing coin of Juliopolis⁠<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> +that it was situated at the confluence of the Sangarius +and Scopas, and from Procopius that it stood +about ten miles to the west of the Siberis⁠<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>⁠. The +latter seems to have been the same stream which +Pliny calls Hiera, for he makes no mention of the +Siberis, but names the Hiera next to the Scopius⁠<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>⁠; +and the Jerusalem Itinerary places the river Hierus +at 13 M. P. to the eastward of Juliopolis⁠<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>⁠. The +respective distances of Juliopolis from Nicæa and +from Ancyra in the Antonine Itinerary fall precisely +at the point, where the stream named Aladan by +Paul Lucas unites with the Aialá or Sakaría not far +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span>to the westward of Sarilár. The character, also, of +being subject to inundation, which Procopius shows +to have been that of the Siberis⁠<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>⁠, agrees with a +remark of Lucas in regard to the Kirmir, which he +crossed between Beybazar and Aiás, and which falls +into the Sakaría about ten miles to the eastward of +the junction of the Aladan. From all these considerations +it appears that the Aladan is the Scopas, +and the Kirmir the Siberis or Hierus; and that +some vestiges of Juliopolis would probably be found +at or near Sarilár at the junction of the Scopas or +Aladan with the Sangarius. Pliny remarks that the +Hierus was the boundary of Bithynia and Galatia, +thus agreeing with Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>⁠, who places Juliopolis +the last town in Bithynia, after Dablæ and +Dadastana. At a later period, however, Dadastana, +where the Emperor Jovian died, was considered the +frontier town⁠<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>That Juliopolis stood exactly at the junction of +the two rivers Sangarius and Scopas, may be inferred +as well from the coin as from Procopius, +who informs us that Justinian erected a dyke to +defend the walls of Juliopolis from the ravages of +a river flowing on the western side of the city⁠<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>⁠: +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span>a remark which shows also, that the city was on the +eastern side of the junction.</p> + +<p>The advantages which twice made this site the +capital of the surrounding country were not entirely +those of its position, at the confluence of two perennial +streams in the centre of the fertile valley of the +Sangarius, near the southern foot of the Olympene +range, and at a favourable point for commanding +the open country to the southward, though all these +must have had a powerful influence on its prosperity. +They were in part derived from its situation relatively +to the sea-coasts of Asia Minor; its central position, +and the facility of its communication as well with +the Euxine and Ægæan as with the Pamphylian sea, +having made it one of the most frequented commercial +marts in the peninsula⁠<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span></p> + +<p>2. Pessinus.—It unfortunately happens, that the +only two ancient places in this country, the positions +of which are deduced from the superior though not +always infallible evidence, of a preservation of the ancient +name, Orcistus and Germa, afford us very little +assistance in a determination of the neighbouring +sites. Orcistus does not occur in the itineraries or +in the march of Manlius; its position at Alekiam +serves, therefore, only to show where those roads did +<i>not</i> pass. As to Germa, its position at Yerma is in +total disagreement with the itinerary of Antoninus, +according to which, Germa was 16 M. P. on the +road from Pessinus to Ancyra⁠<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>⁠; whereas Pessinus +being by the consent of Polybius, Livy, and Strabo +on the Sangarius⁠<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>⁠, and Yerma being about 15 +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span>miles to the S.W. of that river, Pessinus should +rather have been on the road from Germa to Ancyra, +if Germa was at Yerma. We are under the +necessity, therefore, either of doubting the identity +of Yerma, or of rejecting the evidence of the Antonine +as to the site of Pessinus. I am the more +inclined to adopt the latter part of the alternative, +because that itinerary is liable to great suspicion +in this place, from its total disagreement with the +Peutinger Table in its distance from Dorylæum to +Germa, while the Table on the other hand is confirmed +by the actual construction. The Table +gives 77 M. P. from Dorylæum to Pessinus⁠<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>⁠, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span>which agrees very accurately with the 56 G. M. of +direct distance on the map; whereas the Antonine +has only 50 M. P. from Dorylæum to Germa, +although according to that itinerary Germa ought +to be still further than Pessinus from Dorylæum. +It is probable, therefore, that there is some error +in this part of the Antonine itinerary, and that the +Roman remains which Mr. Kinneir observed at Yerma +are really those of the Roman colony of Germa.</p> + +<p>Pessinus was situated on the Sangarius, at the foot +of mount Dindymum⁠<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>⁠. + It appears from Livy⁠<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> to +have been on the right bank of the river; for he states +that Manlius coming from the southward, after having +constructed a bridge and crossed the river, was +met by the priests of Pessinus as he marched along +the bank; and that having accepted the omen of their +predictions in favour of the Romans, he halted for the +day in the same place where he met them, which +appears to have been very near to Pessinus. As he +arrived on the next day at Gordium, which we have +already seen was only ten or thirteen miles from +the river Hierus; and as his march in direct distance +could hardly have been more than 14 G. M.—it +is evident that Pessinus was not very far above +the junction of the Hierus with the Sangarius. It +is not improbable that it may have stood exactly +at the junction of these two streams, and that the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span>Hierus may have received that name as partaking +of the sacred character of Pessinus.</p> + +<p>This position of Pessinus, it may be observed, is +in exact agreement with the account which Ammianus +gives of the march of Julian from Nicæa; +who, after having followed the great road of +the Itineraries as far as the confines of Gallogræcia +(near Gordium), turned to the right to Pessinus⁠<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>⁠. +The traveller, therefore, who after discovering the +site of Gordium should turn out of the great road +to A´ngura about Sarilár, and follow the right +bank of the Sangarius, could hardly fail in finding +some indications of the site of a place which is described +by Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> as a great mart of commerce, and +which flourished as a metropolitan bishopric until +the Mussulman conquest⁠<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>⁠. It is not impossible +that he might discover some remains of the very ancient +and celebrated temple dedicated to Angistis, +the Great Goddess, or Phrygian Cybele, which had +been sumptuously adorned with porticos of white +marble by the Pergamenian kings, and which was +the object of the visit of the apostate emperor.</p> + +<p>The only evidence of ancient history militating +against the position of Pessinus here supposed, is +the assertion of Strabo that the sources of the Sangarius +were only 150 stades distant from Pessinus, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span>for this short interval does not very well agree with +the description of the Sakaría given by Pococke and +Kinneir, who crossed it considerably above the supposed +site of Pessinus⁠<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>⁠,—a better knowledge of the +country will show whether the error is in the numbers +of Strabo, or in my conjecture as to the site +of Pessinus: or, perhaps, it may be found that the +sources of the Sangarius alluded to by Strabo were, +in the same manner as those of the Mæander and +of several other Grecian rivers, not the natural or +most distant springs of the river; although, from +something remarkable in them, they may have been +the reputed sources.</p> + +<p>3. Amorium chiefly flourished under the Byzantine +empire. It was the metropolitan see of the +Second Galatia, and was taken and cruelly plundered +by the Caliph Motasem, in the year of the +Christian æra 837⁠<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>⁠. Under the Saracens it rose +to be the chief town of all the surrounding country; +and continued to be so in the eleventh century, +when Idrisi wrote his geographical work⁠<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>⁠. +The Turkish conquest, however, effected so complete +a change in the political arrangement and +geographical nomenclature of Asia Minor, that we +find no trace of the name of Amorium in the Turkish +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span>Geographers; and future travellers will perhaps +find the best evidence of its site in its Saracenic +vestiges, combined with such slender data as the +Greek authors have left us. Strabo, and Stephanus +who follows him, place Amorium in Great Phrygia; +and Strabo clearly describes it⁠<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> as being in the +country which lay southward of Cotyaeium, Dorylæum, +and Pessinus; westward of Lycaonia, and +in the parts near Phrygia Paroreius and Synnada. +And this situation of Amorium serves to explain, +and at the same time receives confirmation from, +a part of the Peutinger Table which is rather obscure. +We find in this Table a road from Pessinus +to Amorium by Abrostola, and from thence to Laodiceia +Combusta; it then returns from Amorium +to Abrostola, and from the latter is carried to join +the great route from Ancyra to Tyana, at Salaberina +(the Salambria of Ptolemy) 20 M. P. beyond +Archelais. Hence it seems evident, upon placing +these routes upon the map, that Amorium must +have been to the southward of Abrostola; a situation +which agrees very well with that described in +the words of Strabo.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span></p> + +<p>The princess Anna Comnena⁠<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> relates that her +father Alexius, in his expedition against the Turks +in the year 1116, after moving from Dorylæum, +sent forward detachments of his army from a place +called Santabaris, towards Polybotum in one direction, +and in another towards Pœmanene and +Amorium. This seems to place Santabaris at or +near Seid-el-Ghazi, and Pœmanene between that +place and Amorium.</p> + +<p>Orcaoryci, which the passage of Strabo cited in +the preceding note tends to place to the northward +of Lycaonia, towards Pessinus, is shown by the +geographer’s description of Galatia to have been +between that city and the lake Tatta, on the confines +of the Tectosages⁠<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>⁠. A third mention of +Orcaoryci by the same author, seems to imply that +it was not to the northward of Tatta⁠<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>⁠. Not far +from these places was a town called Pitnisus, or Pitnissa⁠<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>⁠, +or Petenessus⁠<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>⁠. Ptolemy, who considers +this country a part of Lycaonia, names Petenessus +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span>next to Daumana, or Ecdamua, or Ecdaumana—the +same, undoubtedly, as the Egdaua of the Table, +which places it at 71 M. P. from Abrostola, on the +road to Tyana. This position, therefore, of Petenessus, +and consequently of the neighbouring Orcaoryci, +agrees perfectly with that which is deducible +from the observations of Strabo. Orcaoryci +and the neighbouring places formed a part of the +<i>axylous</i> country described by Livy, through which +the consul Manlius marched his army in proceeding +from Synnada to cross the Sangarius near Pessinus⁠<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a>⁠. +I am unable to trace his route, because +none of the names of the intermediate places +mentioned by him are found in any other author. +In any such attempt it will be necessary to recollect +that the boundaries of the Asiatic provinces +followed by Strabo, were not established until long +after the time of Manlius, by Augustus and Tiberius,—that +the Gauls had not long before conquered +the greater part of Asia Minor, and that the Consul’s +expedition was for the purpose of reducing +them. Hence we find that he arrived at the limits +of the Tolistobogii only in three days’ march from +Beudos; he then moved, in four days, to Alyatti; +from thence crossed the <i>Axylus</i> to Cuballum, +where he was attacked by the Galatian cavalry; +and from thence, in several days’ continued march +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span>(continentibus itineribus), he arrived at the Sangarius. +It is evident that the Consul was not +marching in any regular line during these days, but +was overrunning the country of the Tolistobogii, +while waiting for an answer from the king of the +Tectosages: it seems not at all improbable, therefore, +that he may have advanced as far southward +as the Caballucome placed in the Table at 23 M. P. +from Laodiceia, and at 32 from Sabatra; and consequently, +that the Caballucome of the Table may +be the same as the Cuballum of Livy.</p> + +<p>There can be little doubt that the Tolosocorio +marked in the Table at 24 miles from Abrostola, +in the road to Tyana, and which by Ptolemy is +written Τολαστόχωρα, ought to be Tolistochora, +“the town of the Tolistobogii”; who being the +southern and western division of the Galatians, +must have precisely occupied the part of the country +in which the direction and distances of the route +in the Table place Tolistochora⁠<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>⁠. It has already +been remarked, that the Egdaua of this road in the +Table is the Ecdaumana of Ptolemy; in like manner +Congusso may be corrected from him into Congustus; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span>Petra into Perta, which writing is confirmed +by the Notitiæ Episcopatuum⁠<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>⁠; and Salaberina +into Salambria, at which place the road fell into +that from Archelais to Tyana.</p> + +<h3><i>Additional note to page <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</i></h3> + +<p>The existence of a large district in the interior of Asia Minor, +in which the waters do not flow to the sea, and that much +larger tract on the frontier of Persia, and Caubul, which is +watered by the Elmend, (Etymander) terminating in a lake +subject to periodical inundations, seem sufficient without other +examples to render it probable that a great part of the still +larger continent of North Africa may have a physical construction +of the same kind, and that its interior may be a system +of oases, formed by rivers ending in lakes which vary in size +according to the season of the year. The mode in which +Nature fertilizes low lands in countries so situated as to climate +that rain seldom falls, except in the mountains or their vicinity, +is exemplified in Egypt; and it is obvious that the same end +may be produced, whether the inundating river has a delta and +a communication with the sea, or whether it terminates in a +lake which overflows large plains around its banks after the +season of rain in the high lands. In some instances, as in the +small district of Taka, which is situated in the midst of the +Desert, between the Astaboras and the Red Sea, the inundation +which descends from the mountains of Abyssinia previous +to the season of vegetation, is afterwards totally dried up. +(Burckhardt’s Nubia, p. 387.) But it more frequently happens +that the recipient preserves a part of its water all the year; and +this seems to be the condition of the lakes of Fitré and Bornou. +From the southern slopes of the African mountains bordering on +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span>the Mediterranean Sea, several considerable rivers run southward +into the great Desert, which cannot terminate otherwise +than in fertilized sands, or lakes, or inundations. The lake +Dibbie, or Tybe, which was crossed by Alexander Scott in the +course of his captivity, we know from Park to be an inundation +derived from the Niger. It is not impossible that the lake of +Bornou may originate, in part at least, from the same stream; +for as Nature generally economizes her means, it is evident +that in the case of an interior river the greatest effect will be +produced by the spreading of its waters as its course advances, +instead of their being collected into one bed, as occurs in rivers +which flow into the sea. In proportion, therefore, as the information +of travellers may show the impossibility of a junction +of the Niger with the Nile (and Browne and English seem to +have furnished the strongest evidence to this effect), it will +become more probable that the Niger, by branching and by +expanding into lakes and inundations, is the great fertilizing +cause throughout the low countries of North Africa which lie +just without the reach of the tropical rains. Thus spread out +and exposed to the rapid evaporation of an African sun, the +Niger may be as large, or perhaps even larger where Park saw +it as Sego, than in any subsequent part of its course. In several +rivers of Spain, Italy, and particularly of Greece, artificial derivations +alone have caused a similar effect; so that the quantity +of water in the bed of the river diminishes instead of increases +from the foot of the mountains to the sea. Even the Nile carries +very little of its water to the sea, except during the inundation; +and in ancient times when the Mæris and other smaller +lakes were annually filled to a great extent, and when three or +four times as much land was watered by the overflowing of the +river as in the present day, the quantity of water discharged +by the mouths of the Nile must have been still smaller than it +is at present.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.<br> +<span class="smaller">CONTINUATION OF THE JOURNEY FROM KÓNIA.</span></h2> + +<p><i>Tshumra—Kassabá—Karamán or Láranda—Ancient Cities of this +Part of the Country—Laranda, Derbe, Lystra, Ilistra—Passage +over Mount Taurus into the Valley of the Calycadnus—Mout—Passage +of another Ridge of Taurus—Sheikh-Amúr—Approach +to the Sea-coast—Gulnar or Kelénderi, ancient Colenderis—Ancient +Cities of the Interior of Tracheiotis—Olbasa +Claudiopolis—Philadelphia—Diocæsareia—Passage by Sea to +Cyprus—Tzerína—Lefkosía—Lárnaka—Return to Tzerína—Passage +by Sea to Kháradra—Cape Selenti—Aláya—Author’s +Route by Sea along the Coast to Constantinople—Journal +of General Koehler from Aláya to Shughut—Alara—Menavgát—Stavros—Adália—Bidjikli—Tshaltigshe—Búrdur—Ketsiburlu—Dombai—Sandukli—Sitshanli—Altún +Tash—Kutáya—In-óghi—Shughut—Conclusion of the Tour.</i></p> + +</div> + +<p>Feb. 1.—Our journey of this day is from Kónia +to Tshumra, reckoned a six hours’ stage. We have +remarked that since leaving Ak-shehr the post-horses +are of an inferior kind. They are larger +and not well formed, often broken-knee’d, and frequently +falling, which seldom happened in the first +part of our journey. Those supplied from Kónia +for this day’s journey are very indifferent, and we +did not get them till ten o’clock, nor till after we +had paid some high fees to the post-master and +Tatár-aga. The plain of Kónia is considered the +largest in Asia Minor; our road pursues a perfect +level for upwards of twenty miles, and is in excellent +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span>order for travelling. In such roads the journey, +even with loaded horses, may be performed in two-thirds +of the computed time. A rough kind of +two-wheeled carriage, drawn by oxen or buffaloes, +is used in this plain. It runs upon trucks, ingeniously +formed of six pieces of solid wood, three +in the centre, and three on the outside, the outer +joints falling opposite to the centre of the inner +pieces; the whole is kept together by an iron +felloe, and by fastenings connecting the outer pieces +with the inner.</p> + +<p>Tshumra is a small village with a scanty cultivation +around it. We are lodged in a Turk’s cottage, +which consists of two apartments. The inner +(which is considerably the larger of the two) is for +his horse; the other is separated from the passage +leading into the stable by two or three steps and a +low rail, and is just sufficient to contain the fireplace, +and a sofa on either side of it. This is the +whole of his habitation, and here we are just able +to find room enough to lie down at night.</p> + +<p>Feb. 2.—From Tshumra to Kassabá, nine hours +over the same uninterrupted level of the finest soil, +but quite uncultivated, except in the immediate +neighbourhood of a few widely dispersed villages. +It is painful to behold such desolation in the midst +of a region so highly favoured by nature. Another +characteristic of these Asiatic plains is the exactness +of the level, and the peculiarity of their extending, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span>without any previous slope, to the foot of the +mountains, which rise from them, like lofty islands +out of the surface of the ocean. The Karamanian +ridge seems to recede as we approach it, and the +snowy summits of Argæus are still seen to the +north-eastward. We passed only one small village +in this day’s route. It was called Alibey Kiúi, and +was situated at one hour’s distance short of Kassabá. +We observed, however, some ruins of villages, and +in several places fragments of ancient architecture, +particularly about half way, at a bridge constructed +almost entirely of such remains, which traverses a +small stream running from the mountain on our +right to the lake of Kónia. At three or four miles +short of Kassabá, we are abreast of the middle +of the very lofty insulated mountain already mentioned, +called Kara-dagh. It is said to be chiefly +inhabited by Greek Christians, and to contain 1001 +churches; but we afterwards learned that these +1001 churches (Bin-bir Klissa) was a name given +to the extensive ruins of an ancient city at the foot +of the mountain. Since leaving Kónia we have +experienced more civility from the inhabitants than +before; a change to be ascribed to our being now +upon a less frequented route. On approaching +Kassabá, the people met us in great numbers. One +person threw a pair of pigeons, with the legs tied +together, under the feet of the general’s horse; +others wrestled and danced. On arriving at our +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span>lodging they brought us presents of water-melons, +dried grapes, and other fruits. Kassabá differs +from every town we have passed through, in being +built of stone instead of sun-baked bricks. It is +surrounded with a wall flanked by redans, or angular +projections, and has some handsome gates +of Saracenic architecture. It has a well supplied +bazar, and seems formerly to have been a Turkish +town of more importance than it is at present. +The dry clear weather which has been so propitious +to our travelling, has been very unfavourable to +agriculture. At Kassabá we are informed that +there has been neither snow nor rain for two +months, and that the drought is very distressing. +Khatun-serái is four hours to the westward of Kassabá, +in a pleasant situation in the mountains.</p> + +<p>Feb. 3.—From Kassabá to Karamán, four hours: +the weather cool and overcast; the road still passing +over a plain, which towards the mountains +begins to be a little intersected with low ridges +and ravines. At one hour from Kassabá we pass +on the outside of Illísera, a small town with low +walls and towers, built of mud bricks, and situated +upon a rising ground half a mile from the foot +of the mountains. Between these mountains and +the Kara-dagh there is a kind of strait, which +forms the communication between the plain of +Karamán and the great levels lying eastward of +Kónia. Having passed this opening, we enter the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span>plain of Karamán. Our course from Kónia has +been more southerly than it was before we reached +that town, or upon an average S. by E. by compass. +We are told that the mountains above Illísera +produce madder in great abundance, partly +used in the dyeing manufactories of Kónia, and +partly sent to Smyrna. The plain of Karamán +and the foot of the surrounding mountains are in +general well cultivated; and as they present a more +bounded prospect, and are intersected with frequent +streams, and varied with swelling grounds, they +are much more pleasing and picturesque than the +immense unbroken levels we have for so many days +been travelling over.</p> + +<p>Advancing towards Karamán I perceive a passage +into the plains to the N.W. round the northern +end of Kara-dagh, similar to that of Illísera on +the south, so that this mountain is completely insulated. +We still see to the north-east the great snowy +summits of Argæus, which is probably the highest +point of Asia Minor⁠<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>⁠. As we approached the town +of Karamán two horsemen met us, and conducted +us to our Konák, at the house of the Vekíl of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span>Bishop of Iconium, who is at the head of the +Christian community of the place. Karamán is +situated at a distance of two miles from the foot +of the mountains. Its ancient Greek name, Láranda, +with the accent on the first syllable, is still +in common use among the Christians, and is +even retained in the firmahns of the Porte. The +houses, in number about a thousand, are separated +from one another by gardens, and occupy a large +space of ground. There are now only three or +four mosques, but I observed the ruins of several +others; and the remains of a castle show that the +place was formerly of much greater importance. +It was the capital of a Turkish kingdom, which +lasted from the time of the partition of the dominions +of the Seljukian monarchs of Iconium until +1486, when all Caramania was reduced to subjection +by the Ottoman emperor Bayazíd the Second. +Karamán derives its name from the first and greatest +of its princes, who on the death of Sultan +Aladin the Second, about the year 1300, made +himself master of Iconium, Cilicia, Pamphylia, +Lycaonia, and of a large portion of Phrygia and +Cappadocia. His name, like those of some other +Turkish chieftains⁠<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>⁠, who at the same time shared +among them a great part of the western provinces +of the peninsula, has been transmitted to posterity +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span>in one of the great Turkish divisions of Asia +Minor. The Ottomans upon obtaining possession +of Karamán subdivided it into Kharidj the +outer and Itshili the interior country: probably +because to them who came from the north-east +Itshili, which comprises the Cilician coast and +Cyprus, lay behind or within the mountains; Iconium +the former Seljukian capital became the seat +of the Ottoman Pashalik; and the decline of the +town of Karamán may be dated from that period.</p> + +<p>The appearance of Karamán indicates poverty. +The only manufactures are some coarse cotton and +woollen stuffs; but they send the produce of the +surrounding mountains, consisting chiefly of hides, +wool, and acorns used in dyeing, to the neighbouring +coasts and to Smyrna. The houses are built +of sun-baked bricks, with flat roofs. The chimneys +being very wide, and much exposed to violent winds +from the surrounding mountains, have a trap-door +on the top, which may be raised or lowered at +pleasure, by means of a cord, communicating +through the roof into the house. The women of +Karamán when passing through the streets conceal +their faces with unusual care. In the other parts +of Asia Minor a veil covering the upper and lower +parts of the face has been the utmost we have remarked, +but here I see several women with only a +single eye exposed to the view of passengers. The +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span>rest of the person is in the usual shapeless form of +Turkish drapery.</p> + +<p>We could not find any Greek remains at Karamán, +with the sole exception of a stone in a wall +near the entrance of the castle with the words +ΙΩΑΝΝΗϹ ΔΟΜΕϹΤΙΚΟϹ upon it.</p> + +<p>The chief ancient towns near Laranda were Derbe +and Lystra, whose names have been immortalized +by the sacred writer of the Acts of the Apostles⁠<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>⁠.—About +the middle of the century preceding the +birth of Christ, Derbe was the residence of an independent +chief, or robber, as Strabo calls him⁠<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>⁠, +named Antipatrus, who possessed also Laranda. +Antipatrus having been slain by Amyntas king of +Galatia, Derbe fell into the power of the latter; +who had already received Isauria from the Romans, +upon its reduction by Servilius. Amyntas conquered +all Pisidia, as far as Apollonias, near Apameia +Cibotus; but having fallen in fighting with +the Homonadenses, his dominions devolved to the +Romans; who having not long afterwards succeeded +also to those of Archelaus king of Cappadocia, +made a new distribution of these provinces, +in which Derbe, as we have already seen, was the +western extremity of the Cilician præfecture of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span>Cappadocia. Strabo, from whom we learn most +of the preceding facts⁠<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>⁠, observes in another place, +that Derbe was on the Isaurian frontier of Cappadocia⁠<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>⁠. +But it must also have been on the frontier +of Lycaonia; for about the same time St. Luke calls +both Derbe and Lystra cities of Lycaonia. About a +century afterwards, we find that Derbe had been separated +from the Cilician præfecture of Cappadocia, +and that it formed,—together with Laranda and +the adjacent part of Mount Taurus, which contained +Olbasa,—a separate district called Antiochiana; +which Ptolemy places between Lycaonia and the +Tyanitis⁠<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>⁠. From all these circumstances, there +seems no doubt that Derbe stood in the great Lycaonian +plain, not far from the Cilician Taurus, +on the Cappadocian side of Láranda; a situation +precisely agreeing with that of the ruins called +the 1001 churches of Mount Kara-dagh. These +ruins have never been visited, or at least described, +by any modern traveller; nor has the route from +Láranda to Erkle, near which they stand, been traversed +by any except Bertrandon de la Brocquière, +in 1432, from whom we learn nothing more than +that he travelled for two days in a plain from Erkle +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span>to Láranda. It is impossible, therefore, to say, +whether there is any lake near these ruins, which +will support the conjecture that the word λιμὴν, +used by Stephanus⁠<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> in speaking of Derbe, may be +altered into λίμνη; for without this change the word +can have no meaning.</p> + +<p>Lystra appears to have been nearer than Derbe +to Iconium; for St. Paul, leaving that city, proceeds +first to Lystra, and from thence to Derbe; and in +like manner returns to Lystra, to Iconium, and to +Antiocheia of Pisidia. And this seems to agree with +the arrangement of Ptolemy, who places Lystra +in Isauria, and near Isaura, which seems evidently +to have occupied some part of the valley of Sidy +Shehr, or Bey Shehr. Under the Greek empire, +Homonade, Isaura, and Lystra, as well as Derbe +and Laranda, were all included in the consular +province of Lycaonia, and were bishoprics of the +metropolitan see of Iconium. The similarity of +name induced me at first to believe that Lystra +was situated at the modern Illísera; but we find, +as well in the civil arrangement of the cities in +Hierocles as in two ecclesiastical lists in the Notitiæ +Episcopatuum, that Lystra and Ilistra were +distinct places. I am inclined to think that the +vestiges of Lystra may be sought for with the greatest +probability of success at or near Wiran Khatoun +or Khatoun Serai, about 30 miles to the southward +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span>of Iconium. Nothing can more strongly show the +little progress that has hitherto been made in a +knowledge of the ancient geography of Asia Minor, +than that of the cities, which the journey of St. Paul +has made so interesting to us, the site of one only +(Iconium) is yet certainly known. Perga, Antioch +of Pisidia, Lystra, and Derbe, remain to be discovered.</p> + +<p>Feb. 4.—Such is the poverty of Karamán, that +we cannot procure the number of horses necessary +for our party, and are obliged to perform the remainder +of the journey to the coast, reckoned at +thirty-six hours, with camels, instead of horses, +for carrying our baggage, although the intervening +track, being almost entirely mountainous, is the +kind of country the least adapted to that animal. +It requires all this day to procure a sufficiency of +camels and horses; and we are under the necessity +of deferring our departure.</p> + +<p>Feb. 5.—The arrival of Captain Lacy from Constantinople +produces a further delay this morning, +an addition to our cattle being necessary. It was +eleven o’clock before we set out from Karamán, +though we rose at two, and were ready to start at +four. At the distance of two or three miles from +the town we began to ascend, and entered the +mountainous region which extends all the way to +the coast, and which anciently formed part of the +division of Cilicia called Tracheiotis, or Cilicia +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span>Tracheia. Our caravan now consists, besides saddle-horses, +of thirteen camels, one of which is laden +with provisions for the rest. On account of the +difficulty of the road, their burthen is light; they +carry no more than the usual load of a horse, yet +with this easy weight they do not move quicker +than two miles and a half in the hour. They step +a yard at a time, and make about seventy-five steps +in a minute. The post-horses laden with baggage +in the former part of the route, moved at the rate +of three miles and a half an hour in the plains. +Entering the hills, we see rocks excavated into a +great number of chambers, anciently sepulchral, +but now inhabited by peasants and shepherds. As +we leave the plains the climate changes. At four +hours from Karamán, in the lower region of the +mountains, we pass a village where the snow beginning +to fall heavily, and there being no habitation +beyond for the next fifteen hours, our guides and +attendants are much inclined to remain for the +night; but our delay at Karamán makes us impatient +to proceed, and we advance four hours further +to a khan in the wildest part of the mountain. +During the ascent, the road presented some magnificent +views of mountain-scenery. On the left +was a very lofty peaked summit, one of the highest +of the range of Taurus, probably between 6 and +7000 feet above the level of the sea. In the lower +regions of the mountain, we passed through woods +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span>consisting chiefly of oak, ilex, arbutus, lentisk, and +junipers of various species. As we ascend, we enter +the region of pines; and through the latter part +of the route do not see a living creature; though +we are told that the woods abound with deer, wild +boars, bears, and wolves. The khan where we take +up our lodging for the night is deserted, and partly +in ruins. As we resolve not to unload the camels, +they are seated on the outside of the khan in a ring +round the door. We break some branches from the +fir-trees, now heavily covered with snow, which grow +near the khan, then select a part of the building +where the roof is still entire, and make a fire on one +of the hearths which are ranged in a line along the +inside of the wall. Here we cook some meat which +we had brought with us, and then sleep round the +fire till midnight; soon after which we send off our +camels in advance, and at six o’clock (Feb. 6.) pursue +our journey to Mout, distant eleven hours.—The +weather is again fine. The road lies over the +highest ridges of the mountains, where, amidst the +forests of pines, are several beautiful valleys and +small plains, forming with the surrounding rocks +and woods the most beautiful scenery. In several +places we trace the footsteps of the wild animals, +and observe spots where wild boars have been rooting +up the earth. The soil is fertile in the intervals +of the woods, and the climate cannot be very +severe during the greater part of the year, there being +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span>no permanent snow, now in the middle of winter, +upon any but the highest summits. There appears, +however, no trace of cultivation, though there +is ample proof that these mountains were anciently +well inhabited; for we meet with scarcely a rock +remarkable for its form or position, that is not +pierced with ancient catacombs. Many of these +rocks present at a small distance the exact appearance +of towers and castles. At a khan half way +between our last night’s konák and Mout, we begin +to descend into the valley where this town is situated. +The khan seems to stand upon the site of +an ancient temple, or other public building, there +being many fragments of ancient architecture in its +walls, and lying around it, and among the latter +a handsome Corinthian capital. Not far beyond +the khan we stop to examine a tall rock, which, +partly by its natural form, and partly by the effect +of art, represents a high tower. At the foot of it +is a niche with a semicircular top, the lower part +forming a coffin, cut out of the solid rock; the lid +of this sarcophagus, which is a separate stone, lies +at the foot of the rock; upon it is the figure of a +lion seated in the middle, with a boy at either end; +the boy facing the lion has his foot upon the paw +of the animal. The sculpture is much defaced, +and the heads have been purposely destroyed. We +find also many entire sarcophagi, with their covers. +They had all been opened; in some instances +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span>by throwing off the covers, in others by forcing a +hole through the sides. The usual ornament is the +<i>caput bovis</i> with festoons, but some have on one +side a defaced inscription on a tablet; on either +side of this are ornaments varying on different sarcophagi. +We observe on some, a garland on one +side of the tablet, and a crescent on the other; some +have emblems which seem to refer to the profession +of the deceased. These, and all the other monuments +of antiquity we have met with, excepting those of +Doganlú, are evidently of the time of the Romans. +Not far from the spot where we saw these remains +is the village of Máhile; not in view from our road; +it may, perhaps, have been the site of the ancient +town to which the sepulchres belonged. From +hence we begin to descend through woods of oak, +beech, and other timber-trees, growing amidst an +underwood of arbutus, andrachne, ilex, lentisk, and +many other of the shrubs cultivated with so much +care in our gardens. As we approach the valley, +we meet with the wild olive in considerable quantities, +and at length, after a very rugged descent, +we enter the valley of Mout. The town and its +dependent territory are governed by a pasha of two +tails: who in this retired and distant situation +seems to care little for the orders of the Porte, for +he laughs at our firmahn, and declares, what the +desolate appearance of the place tends to confirm, +that he has not a horse or a camel to furnish us +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span>with; but he offers us forage for our cattle, and +lodging for ourselves. The latter is a ruinous hut +in the castle, where we can procure nothing but +some coarse barley-bread to add to the meat which +we brought with us. The walls of the castle are +surmounted with battlements, flanked by square +towers open to the interior. In the middle is a +round tower, cased, as it were, in another circular +wall, rising to half the height of the tower, and +leaving a narrow interval between them⁠<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>⁠. On one +side of the castle is a precipice, the foot of which +is washed by a river.</p> + +<p>Mout stands on the site of an ancient city of +considerable extent and magnificence. No place +we have yet passed preserves so many remains of +its former importance, and none exhibits so melancholy +a contrast of wretchedness in its actual condition. +Among the ruined mosques and baths, +which attest its former prosperity as a Turkish +town under the Karamanian kings, a few hovels +made of reeds and mud are sufficient to shelter its +present scanty population. Some of the people we +saw living under sheds, and in the caverns of the +rocks. Among these Turkish ruins and abodes of +misery may be traced the plan of the ancient Greek +city. Its chief streets and temples, and other public +buildings, may be clearly distinguished, and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span>long colonnades and porticoes, with the lower parts +of the columns in their original places. Pillars of +verd-antique, breccia, and other marbles, lie half-buried +in different parts, or support the remains of +ruined mosques and houses. Most of the inhabitants +whom we saw appeared half-naked, and half-starved; +and this in a valley which promises the +greatest abundance and fertility, and which is certainly +capable of supporting a large population. +Its scenery is of the greatest beauty: the variegated +pastures, groves, and streams are admirably contrasted +with the majestic forms and dark forests of +the high mountains on either side. Every thing is +seen that can be desired to complete the picturesque, +unless it be an expanse of water.</p> + +<p>Feb. 7.—In leaving Mout this morning, we +particularly admire the fine effect of the castle with +its round and square towers, the precipices with the +river below them, the surrounding trees, and the +ancient colonnades; and, among the most remarkable +of the modern buildings, an old Turkish +mosque, with the tomb of Karamán-Oglu, its +founder. On quitting the town, we pass along the +ancient road, which led through the cemetery. +Sarcophagi stand in long rows on either side; some +entire and in their original position, others thrown +down and broken; the covers of all removed, and +in most instances lying beside them. The greater +part were adorned with the usual bull’s head and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span>festoons, and had a Greek inscription in a tablet +on one side. The letters were sufficiently preserved +to indicate the date to be that of the Roman +Empire. We looked in vain for the name of the +city; though, perhaps, it might have been found, +with more leisure than we could command.</p> + +<p>The journey of this day is from Mout to Sheikh +Amúr, reckoned 12 hours for walking horses, and +18 for camels; the proportion of their movements +being nearly as two to three. We had wished to +have sent off our camels in the middle of the night, +and to have followed in the morning, that we might +all have arrived at our journey’s end at the same +time, but the Pasha’s language and the wildness of +the country make us think it more advisable to +keep together. Another apprehension of more real +magnitude is suggested by our Tatár, that the drivers, +having been forced to go beyond their post, +would take some opportunity, unless we should +send a sufficient force along with them, of cutting +off the baggage, leaving it on the road, and perhaps +plundering it, and riding away with the horses and +camels. We had risen at three in the morning, +but could not with every exertion set out from +Mout before seven; from which time we continued +travelling, without halting, except occasionally +for a few minutes, till eleven at night; having +during the last two hours preceded the camels, +which arrived at a little past twelve. For the first +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span>two or three hours, the road led us along the delightful +valley of Mout. A little beyond a small +village, around which are some rice-grounds, we +forded, by the help of guides belonging to the +place, a deep and rapid river, called the Kiúk-su +(Sky-blue river). The river of Mout is a branch of +this stream, and joins it further down the valley. +After passing over a level for a short distance, we +crossed another stream rather wider than the former, +the water of which runs perfectly clear over a bottom +of pebbles. This branch, the principal of +those which form the Calycadnus, is called the +Ermenék-su, from a town of that name near its +sources in the western part of the valley, where, we +are informed, considerable remains of antiquity, similar +to those of Mout, are to be seen. Others +are said to exist also lower down the valley, between +Mout and Selefke. The Calycadnus passes the +ruins of Seleuceia at Selefke, and joins the sea not +far below that place. Soon after crossing the Ermenék +we began to ascend, and travelled for the +rest of the day along a horse-track amidst the forests +and mountains. The oaks are not numerous, +and are chiefly confined to the lower regions, where +they are intermixed with arbutus, ilex, cornel, juniper, +lentisk, &c. In the upper parts scarcely any +trees are seen but pines of different species: most +of these are of a moderate size, but some which +we saw in the highest parts of the mountain were +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span>straight, large, tall, and fit for the masts of ships of +war. Great numbers had been destroyed for the +sake of the turpentine, by making an incision near +the foot of the tree and lighting a fire under it, +which has the effect of making the resin run more +freely. The summits in the centre of the ridge +which we crossed yesterday are higher than any +part of this range; but these mountains are more +extensive, and of a still wilder and more rugged description. +We are told, that in addition to the +wild animals found in the ridge to the north of +Mout, the forests of these mountains contain tigers, +or at least an animal to which the Turkish +name of Kaplán is given. The road sometimes +passed along the edge of precipices of immense +height; at other times it was a rugged path, climbing +amidst broken rocks, where there seemed hardly +a footing for a mule; and at others it was a descent +upon banks and slopes so slippery that it was +difficult even on foot to avoid falling. The camels, +whose footing is so very ill formed for such roads, +passed them nevertheless without any material accident; +they had no doubt been often accustomed +to carry the merchandize of the people of Karamán +across the mountains which separate that town from +the coast in every direction; and it may be mentioned +as a remarkable instance of the force of habit. +We met with a very civil reception from the +Aga of Sheikh-Amúr, who presented us with part +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span>of a large wild boar which his men had killed in +the woods.</p> + +<p>This morning, (Feb. 8.) we are much gratified by +the delightful situation of the village perched upon +a rocky hill, in a small hollow, surrounded by an +amphitheatre of woody mountains. We proceed +from Sheikh-Amúr to Gulnar, on the sea-side, a +distance of six hours for horses. At a short distance +from Sheikh-Amúr we remark several comfortable +cottages, surrounded with patches of cultivation, +and inclosures of palisades. These detached +habitations, so uncommon in Turkey, indicate a +degree of security which gives us a favourable opinion +of the Caramanian mountaineers, whom indeed +we have found very hospitable and inoffensive. +The road is through the most beautiful mountain-scenery. +A woody valley between high rocks, with +a rivulet of clear water trickling through it, conducted +us into a district more open and level, but +at the same time more singularly wild, than any we +had yet seen; for over the whole of it high perpendicular +rocks, of the most grotesque and varied +forms, stood up among the trees, resembling the +representations of rocks on Chinese earthenware. +From hence we passed along the dry bed of a torrent, +which served as a road, between high calcareous +precipices, rising close to us on either side. +As we advanced, these rocks were fringed with ivy, +saxifrage, &c., and mixed with small groves of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span>evergreens: at the bottom, a clear stream ran along +a natural groove in the rock. The prospect soon +opened upon an extensive forest of oaks upon the +slope of the mountain, through which we at length +arrived at a pass between two summits, from whence +we beheld the sea with almost as much delight as the +soldiers of Xenophon, from the top of Mount Theches. +The island of Cyprus appeared in the horizon. +We descended into the valley which borders +the coast, by a long and extremely steep and rugged +mountain-path, often intersected by rivulets running +in ravines, shaded by plane-trees. The valley +presented a prospect very different from those we +had passed. Its meadows and cultivated fields +were in all the luxuriant vegetation and brilliant +colours of an advanced spring. Among them were +dispersed some cottages, with flat roofs and open +galleries, like those of the interior country. In +descending the mountain we followed the remains +of an ancient aqueduct, and, as we approached the +coast, traced it again leading towards the ruins +which occupy the cape forming the bay of Celenderis. +The road through the valley led along the +beds of torrents adorned with oleander and agnus +castus, and through groves of myrtle, bay, and +other shrubs, produced only in the softer climate +of the coast. The ruins, the beautiful curve of the +bay, and the distant sea-view on the one side, and +on the other the rich valley, contrasted with the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span>steep mountains and dark woods behind, form a +picture, the beauty of which was greatly heightened +by the brightness of the weather.</p> + +<p>Gulnar is the name applied by the Turks, and +Kelénderi by the Greeks, to a harbour and surrounding +district, in which, with the exception of the +dispersed cottages already mentioned, the only habitations +are the tombs and subterraneous vaults of +the ancient Celenderis; several of the latter were occupied +by poor Turkish families. Our lodging was +a brick vault, with a stone pavement, which seemed +once to have been a cistern; a low arch divided it +into two equal parts. The outer was without a +roof, but the inner furnished a dry and comfortable +apartment. The remains of Celenderis are of various +dates, but none of them, unless it be some +sepulchres excavated in the rock, appear to be older +than the early periods of the empire of Rome; and +there are some even of a late date in that of Constantinople. +The town occupied all the space adjacent +to the inner part of the bay, together with +the whole of the projecting cape. The best preserved +remains of antiquity are, a square tower +upon the extremity of the cape, and a monument +of white marble among the tombs; the latter is +formed of four open arches, supported upon pilasters +of the Corinthian order, of not very finished +workmanship; and the whole is surmounted with a +pyramid, the apex of which has fallen. I observed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span>some handsome tessellated pavements among the +ruins, and a great number of sarcophagi, together +with fragments of columns and wrought stones.</p> + +<p>Celenderis, although it now preserves the remains +only of a Roman town, seems in more ancient +times to have been the principal place in this part +of the country. It gave name to a region called +Celenderitis, and coined those silver tetradrachms +which supply some of the earliest and finest specimens +of the numismatic art. The antiquity of the +city is proved by the tradition of its having been +founded by Sandocus, son of Phaethon⁠<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>⁠, and like +the neighbouring Nagidus, it received a colony +from the island of Samus⁠<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>⁠. It is situated about +the centre of the coast of Cilicia Tracheia.</p> + +<p>As this province extended to the boundaries of +Tarsus on the east, of Coracesium on the west, +and of Laranda on the north⁠<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>⁠, it seems to have +corresponded exactly to the Turkish province of +Itshili. The most fertile and the only extensive +level in Tracheiotis is the valley of the Calycadnus, +a district which was sometimes called Citis⁠<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>⁠. This +river, which rises to the north-west, passes by Ermenék, +Sinanli, Mout, and Selefke, and joins the +sea not far below the last of these modern places. +Olbasa being the only city mentioned in the inland +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span>part of Citis by Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>⁠, and Claudiopolis by +Ammianus⁠<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>⁠, it is not improbable that Olbasa +may have changed its name to Claudiopolis, when +a Roman colony was established there by the Emperor +Claudius, and that its situation may have been +at Mout. The extent and description of the remains +of antiquity at that place are highly favourable to +the supposition of its being the site of a city which +flourished under the Roman Empire, at the same +time that the vicinity of this part of Taurus to the +plains which contain Derbe and Laranda is in agreement +with the evidence of Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> as to the position +of Olbasa; for he states the district of Antiochiana +to have consisted of the townships of Laranda, +Derbe, Olbasa, and a fourth town which he calls Musbanda. +If the Roman colony at Mout was entirely +a new foundation, perhaps it will be found that Olbasa +was at Mahile. Philadelphia and Diocæsareia, +which were also in this part of the country, may have +been the one at Ermenék, and the other at the ruins +already mentioned between Mout and Selefke.</p> + +<p>Feb. 9.—Nothing can more strongly show the +present desolation of these fine countries, than the +fact, that as we descended the hills yesterday, towards +the coast, only one vessel was visible in the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span>vast extent of sea then open to our view. It proved +to be the boat which was to carry us across to Cyprus, +and in which we embarked this evening, +having delayed until that time, in the hope of profiting +about midnight by the land-breeze from the +mountains, which seldom fails when the weather +is fair.</p> + +<p>Feb. 10.—The land-breeze carries us half across +the channel, and then leaves us to be tossed all day +by the swell in a calm.</p> + +<p>Feb. 11.—We land this forenoon at Tzerína, +called by the Italians Cerina, and by the Turks +Ghirne. It is a small town with a Venetian fortification, +and a bad port on the northern coast of +Cyprus; it is reckoned by the Greek sailors to be +eighty miles from Kelénderi, but is probably less than +sixty English. The town is situated amidst plantations +of oranges, lemons, olives, dates, and other +fruit-trees; and all the uncultivated parts of the +plains around are covered with bay, myrtle, and +lentisk. On the west side of the town are extensive +quarries, among which are some catacombs, +the only remains of the ancient Ceryneia. The +harbour, bad and small as it is, must, upon a coast +very deficient in maritime shelter, have always ensured +to the position a certain degree of importance. +The natural formation of the eastern part of the +north side of Cyprus is very singular: it consists +of a high rugged ridge of steep rocks, running in a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span>straight line from east to west, which descend +abruptly on the south side into the great plain of +Lefkosía, and terminate to the north in a narrow +plain bordering the coast. Upon several of the +rocky summits of the ridge are castles which seem +almost inaccessible. The slope and maritime plain +at the foot of the rocks, on the north, possess the +finest soil and climate, with a plentiful supply of +water; it is one of the most beautiful and best +cultivated districts I have seen in Turkey.</p> + +<p>Feb. 12.—Finding it impossible to procure horses +in time to enable us to reach the gates of Lefkosía +before sunset, at which time they are shut, we are +under the necessity of remaining at Tzerína to-day. +I visit a large ruined monastery, in a delightful situation, +not far to the eastward of Tzerína, at no +great distance from the sea. It contains the remains +of a handsome Gothic chapel and hall, and +bears a great resemblance to the ruins of an English +abbey⁠<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Feb. 13.—From Tzerína to Lefkosía, six hours. +At the back of Tzerína the road passes through a +natural opening in the great wall of rock I have +already described, and descends into the extensive +plain of Lefkosía. This is in some places rocky +and barren, and is little cultivated even where the +soil is good. Like most of the plains of Greece, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span>it is marshy in the winter and spring, and unhealthy +in the summer. On the west and south are the +mountains which occupy all that part of the island, +and the slopes of which produce the wines exported +in so large a quantity from Cyprus to all the +neighbouring coasts. In the centre of the plain is +Lefkosía (Λευκοσία), called Nicosia by the Italians, +the capital of the island and of the province of +Itshili, of which Cyprus is considered a part, though +the government is now always administered, like that +of the other Greek islands, by a deputy of the Capudán +Pasha. The ramparts of the Venetian fortifications +of Lefkosía exist in tolerable preservation; but the +ditch is filled up, and there is no appearance of +there ever having been a covert way. There are +thirteen bastions: the ramparts are lofty and solid, +with orillons and retired flanks. In the town is a +large church converted into a mosque, and still +bearing, like the great mosque at Constantinople, +the Greek name of St. Sophia: it is said to have +been built by Justinian; but this may be doubted, +as Procopius, in his work on the edifices of that emperor, +makes no mention of it; and its Gothic style +seems rather to mark it for the work of one of the +Frank kings of Cyprus. The flat roofs, trellised +windows, and light balconies of the better order of +houses, situated as they are in the midst of gardens +of oranges and lemons, give, together with the fortifications, +a respectable and picturesque appearance +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span>to Lefkosía at a little distance, but, upon +entering it, the narrow dirty streets, and miserable +habitations of the lower classes, make a very different +impression upon the traveller; and the sickly +countenances of the inhabitants sufficiently show +the unhealthiness of the climate. At Lefkosía we +were very hospitably entertained by an Armenian +merchant, of the name of Sarkís, who is an English +baratli, and under that protection has amassed a +considerable property, and lives in splendour: he +and his relations seem to occupy all the principal +offices of the island held by Christians, such as +those of interpreter and banker to the Motsellim, +or deputy of the Capudán Pasha, of collector of +the contributions of the Christians, of head of the +Christian community, &c.</p> + +<p>Feb. 14.—From Lefkosía to Lárnaka, eight +hours. The first half of the distance was a continuation +of the same plain as before; the remainder +lay over rugged hills of soft limestone, among +which we cross some long ridges of selenite. At +Lárnaka we found Sir Sidney Smith with his small +squadron: he had just signed a treaty for the evacuation +of Egypt by the French.</p> + +<p>Feb. 15.—We pass the day on board the Tigre, +where we find General Junot, afterwards Duke of +Abrantes, and Madame Junot and General Dupuy: +the latter, next to Kleber, the senior general of the +army of Egypt. They were taken by the Theseus, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span>Captain Styles, in attempting to escape from Alexandria.</p> + +<p>The town of Lárnaka stands at the distance of a +mile from the shore, and has a quarter on the sea-side, +called Ἀλικαίς by the Greeks, and Marina by +the Italians. In the intermediate space are many +foundations of ancient walls, and other remains, +among the gardens and inclosures. The stones +are removed for building materials as quickly as +they are discovered; but the great extent of these +vestiges, and the numerous antiquities which at +different times have been found here⁠<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>⁠, seem to +leave little doubt that here stood Citium, the +most ancient and important city in this part of +Cyprus.</p> + +<p>March 2.—After having remained several days +at Lárnaka and Lefkosía, we arrive to-day at Tzerína, +on our return to Constantinople. The purity +of the air on the north coast of Cyprus is very sensibly +perceived, after leaving the interior plains and +the unhealthy situation of Lárnaka. The Turkish +troops are already arriving in large bodies, on their +way home, in the faith that the war of Egypt is +concluded.</p> + +<p>We set sail at eight this morning, in a three-masted +covered vessel, with latine sails, for Adália. +A halo round the moon last night, and a turbid +atmosphere this morning, portend a change of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span>weather. At two or three miles from the port, +the land-wind which carried us out, falls and leaves +us becalmed, but a breeze soon springs up from +the eastward, and we steer N. by W. Having +come in sight of the coast, we soon perceive the +point of Anamúr, five or six leagues to leeward of +us. As we approach the shore, the wind coming +from the westward, and freshening, we are unable +to weather Cape Selenti, and are obliged to make +for a small cove, called Kalándra by the Turks, +and Kháradra (its ancient name) by the Greeks. +Here we are sheltered under the lee of a high cape, +and by the help of six cables, three attached to the +anchors, and three to the shore, we ride out a most +tempestuous night of wind, rain, and thunder.</p> + +<p>March 8.—At ten this forenoon, the weather +having become serene, we land and spend the day +at some huts on the sea-shore, belonging to a village +on the hills which we do not see. Here the +coast, retiring from the cape under which we were +sheltered last night, forms a small bay; around it +is a fertile valley; at the head of which a <i>torrent</i>, +making its way from high mountains⁠<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>⁠, between +lofty precipices, seems to have given to this place +its Greek name of Kháradra. The retired valley, +with the bold coast, and the woods and precipices +at the back, is extremely beautiful. The only remains +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span>of antiquity are part of a mole, just below +the huts on the sea-shore. On the side of the torrent, +a mile up the valley, is a deserted building, +which has every appearance of Venetian or Genoese +construction. Kháradra is reckoned by our boatmen +ninety miles from Tzerína, twenty or thirty +from Cape Selenti, and sixty from Aláya. It has +been already remarked that they reckon eighty +from Kelénderi to Tzerína. Comparing these computed +distances with the real distances on the map, +it appears that the Greek mile is about two-thirds +of the geographical. As the word μίλι was borrowed +from the Latin, the measure must originally +have been the same as the Roman mile, though it +is now shorter. It is, however, merely a computed +and not a measured distance, and I could never obtain +from the Greeks any accurate definition of it.</p> + +<p>March 9.—We sail this forenoon at ten with a +fair breeze, which in two hours brings us abreast +of Cape Selenti. Here the wind slackens, and becomes +variable, and sometimes contrary with frequent +showers and calms, so that we do not arrive +at Aláya till eight in the evening. During the first +half of the distance from Cape Selenti, we sail +under high cliffs and headlands, beyond which +are some very lofty mountains covered with snow. +Further on, the mountains retire more inland, and +leave upon the coast a fertile plain, which increases +in breadth as we approach Aláya.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span></p> + +<p>March 10.—This town is situated upon a rocky +hill, jutting into the sea from the outer or westernmost +angle of the plain. It resembles Gibraltar, the +hill being naturally fortified on one side (the western) +by perpendicular cliffs of vast height, and falling in +the opposite direction by a very steep slope to the +sea. The whole face of the hill is surrounded by +high solid walls⁠<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> and towers, but the lower part +only is occupied by the town, which is about a +mile in circumference. The ground upon which +it stands is in some parts so steep that the houses +rise above one another in terraces, so that the flat +roofs of one row of houses serve for a street to +those above them. To the eastward of the town +there is an anchorage for large ships, and small +vessels are drawn up on the beach. In the middle +of the sea-front are some large vaulted structures, +on a level with the water’s edge, intended for sheltering +galleys; and constructed, perhaps, by the +Genoese. They now serve for building the vessels, +called by the Turks Ghirlanghitsh (swallow), which +are generally formed with three masts and a bolt-sprit, +all bearing triangular sails. Of these and +other vessels nearly resembling them, of from +twenty to sixty tons burthen, there are several belonging +to Aláya. The place is said to have taken +its name from its founder Alah-ed-din, son of Kai-kosru, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span>who was surnamed Kaikobad, and who was +the tenth of the Seljukian dynasty, and the founder +of the Iconian race. It seems to have become the +principal maritime fortress and naval arsenal of +these sovereigns, and of their successors the princes +of Karamán. In the old maps Aláya is called +Castel Ubaldo, which may possibly have been the +name given to it by the Venetians or Genoese, +when in possession of this and other strong holds +upon the Caramanian coast, but there is no recollection +of the name in this country at present. In +the year 1471 the Prince of Karamán, then engaged +in a struggle for independence with Mahomet the +Second, was put in possession of Aláya, and several +other places, by the Venetians, who were then in alliance +with him as well as with Usum Kassan King +of Persia against the Ottoman Emperor⁠<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>⁠. From +the town, the beach runs eastward, and thence forms +a long sweep to the south-east to Cape Selenti, which +is seen from Aláya. The level coast extends about +half that distance, and ends in an angle, where +some trees are seen round a village, at which I was +informed there are remains of an ancient city. +There are other ruins said to be of great extent at +a few hours to the northward of Aláya.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span></p> + +<p>I was detained at Aláya by illness; and while +General Koehler, with his two remaining companions, +(Mr. Carlyle having left them in Cyprus,) +pursued their journey overland to Constantinople, +I proceeded thither by sea, visiting the most +remarkable places on the coast, as well as the +adjacent islands of Rhodus, Cos, Patmus, Samus, +Chius, Lesbus, and Tenedus. Of those places which +I visited on the coast, and which deserve to be +more thoroughly described than they have yet been, +the most remarkable are, 1. The ruins of a large +city, with a noble theatre, at Kákava, in a fine +harbour, formed by a range of rocky islands. +2. The island called Καστελόρυζον by the Greeks, +and Castel Rosso by the Italians. It is a flourishing +little Greek town, carrying on a considerable +commerce of timber and charcoal with Egypt. In +a plain in the interior of the island, I found the +remains of some ancient buildings, of Hellenic construction. +The importance of the situation must +at all times have attracted inhabitants. 3. Antiphellus, +on the main land, opposite to Castel Rosso. +Here I found a small theatre nearly complete, the +remains of several public buildings and private +houses, together with catacombs, and a great number +of sarcophagi, some of which are very large +and magnificent. The greater part have inscriptions, +few of which are legible. In two or three, +however, I read the name of the city Antiphellus. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span>4. Telmissus, at Méi, the port of Mákri, at the +bottom of the gulf anciently called Glaucus. The +theatre, and the porticoes and sepulchral chambers, +excavated in the rocks at this place, are some of the +most remarkable remains of antiquity in Asia Minor. +5. The ruins of Assus, at Behrém or Beriám Kalesi, +opposite to Mólivo (the ancient Methymna), in +Mytilene. The ruins are extremely curious. There +is a theatre in very perfect preservation; and the +remains of several temples lying in confused heaps +upon the ground; an inscription upon an architrave +belonging to one of these buildings shows that it +was dedicated to Augustus; but some figures in +low relief on another architrave, appear to be in a +much more ancient style of art, and they are sculptured +upon the hard granite of mount Ida, which +forms the materials of several of the buildings⁠<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>⁠. On +the western side of the city the remains of the walls +and towers, with a gate, are in complete preservation; +and without the walls is seen the cemetery, +with numerous sarcophagi still standing in their +places, and an ancient causeway leading through +them to the gate. Some of these sarcophagi are +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span>of gigantic dimensions. The whole gives, perhaps, +the most perfect idea of a Greek city that any +where exists.</p> + +<p>I shall now subjoin a brief itinerary of the +route of General Koehler and his party from +Aláya to Shughut, where he fell into the same +road by which we came from Constantinople in +January.</p> + +<p>March 11.—From Aláya to A´lara, eight computed +or caravan hours. The road leads along the +sea-shore, sometimes just above the sea-beach, +upon high woody banks, connected on the right +with the great range of mountains which lies parallel +to the coast; at others, across narrow fertile +valleys, included between branches of the same +mountains. There are one or two fine harbours +formed by islands and projecting capes; but the +coast for the most part is rocky and without shelter, +and after such a westerly gale as occurred last +night, is exposed to a tremendous surf. The equinoctial +monsoon occurs very regularly upon these +coasts, and the Greek sailors think themselves sufficiently +prudent if they remain in port during the +first fortnight of March, old style. A´lara is two +or three miles from the sea, in a valley inclosed +between woody hills, and situated amidst gardens +and corn-fields, with neat fences. Near the village +is a remarkable conical hill, with the ruins of a +strong castle upon it in good preservation. It is +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span>said by the natives to have been built by the Sultan +Alah-ed-din, of Iconium.</p> + +<p>March 12.—From A´lara to Hadji-Ali Kiúi, +eight hours. The road proceeded at a distance of +three or four miles from the sea, crossing several +fertile and well-cultivated valleys, and passing some +neat villages pleasantly situated. The valleys are +watered by streams coming from a range of lofty +mountains, appearing at a great distance on the +right. The largest of these rivers was a little beyond +the fortified hill of A´lara, and was traversed +by a wooden bridge sixty feet in length. Another +large river occurred about three hours further. On +the west side of the gulf, a little to the left of the +direction of the route, appeared another range of +mountains⁠<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a>⁠, still more lofty than those on the +right, and so distant that nothing but their outline +was visible. No remains of Grecian antiquity were +seen by the travellers either this day or yesterday.</p> + +<p>March 13.—From Hadji-Ali Kiúi to Menavgát, +four hours: weather rainy. Crossed the large river +of Menavgát at one hour short of the town, +which is situated in the midst of fields and gardens, +in a fertile district, watered by many rivulets. The +surrounding valleys are well cultivated and inhabited. +Distant mountains appear to the north and +east; and to the N.W. is the steep range which +rises from that side of the gulf, and extends from +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span>Cape Khelidóni to Adália. The price of a sheep +at Menavgát is eight piastres, equal to twelve shillings +sterling; four fowls for a piastre.</p> + +<p>March 14.—Detained at Menavgát for want of +horses.</p> + +<p>March 15.—From Menavgát to Dashashéhr, six +hours. These two days were frosty, and perfectly +clear. The road passes at the same distance from +the sea as before, but winds for the most part +through deserted valleys, where the rich soil, and +the rains which had lately fallen, had made the +road very muddy. There was seen abundance +of the cattle which is brought for pasture in the +winter and spring from the mountainous districts +of the interior; at intervals are several villages, +with a scanty cultivation around them. Dashashéhr +is situated upon some rocky hills, commanding a +view of the sea; and the cottages have gardens, +and orchards, and plantations of vines and fig-trees +attached to them. The great range of mountains is +seen at a distance of twenty or thirty miles to the +northward. The whole of this part of Pamphylia +seems to be a succession of fine valleys, separated +by ridges branching from the mountains, and each +watered by a stream of greater or less magnitude.</p> + +<p>March 16.—From Dashashéhr to Stavros, six +hours, through a vast plain of the richest pasture, +in which were great numbers of oxen and sheep. +At the end of two or three hours was a large river, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span>crossed by a bridge built upon the ruins of a +magnificent ancient bridge, one arch of which, +still standing, forms a part of the modern work. +Several other smaller streams were passed in the +course of the day. In the last half of the road +the late rains had inundated the plains in several +places. The villages are numerous, and the population +consists entirely of Turks, who are hospitable +and inoffensive.</p> + +<p>March 17.—From Stavros to Adália, six hours. +The first half over the same kind of road, inundated +in many places. At the end of two hours +a large and rapid stream was passed by a ferry, a +little beyond which, appeared on the left the ruins +called by the Turks Eski-Kálesi, where are great +remains of walls and vaulted buildings. The road +passes from thence over a more elevated level, with +a dry soil, nearly as far as the walls of Adália, at +one hour short of which it crosses a very deep and +rapid stream⁠<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>⁠, dividing itself into several branches, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span>from which there are artificial derivations for irrigating +the gardens and cultivated fields around +Adália. Besides the two principal streams just +mentioned, the road from Stávros crossed several +smaller, particularly one between those two, the +banks of which are thickly sheltered with trees, and +where is a solid ancient bridge, its summit level +with the banks. Adália is a large and populous +town, which, though governed only by a Motsellim, +is considered as one of the best governments +in Anatolia, the district being large and fertile, and +the maritime commerce extensive. The town is +situated around a circular port; behind it, on a +height, is a castle, built with battlements and +square towers. In the suburbs, the houses are +dispersed amidst orange groves and gardens, and +thus occupy a large space of ground. Granite columns, +and a great variety of fragments of ancient +sculpture, found about the place, attest its former +importance as a Greek city. Among other remains +are those of an aqueduct, extending the whole +length of the suburbs, but now quite ruined and +overgrown with bushes. These different objects, +with the sea, and the stupendous ridge of rugged +mountains on the west side of the gulf, render the +place extremely picturesque.</p> + +<p>March 18.—Halt at Adália.</p> + +<p>March 19.—From Adália to Bidjikli, seven +hours, due north. The road passes over a region +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span>of rugged rocks, intersected with hollows full of +water. No cultivation was in sight; to the left the +same kind of ground seemed to extend as far as the +ridge of rocky mountains, which borders the west +side of the gulf, and to the right as far as the +Dudén, or river of Adália.</p> + +<p>March 20.—From Bidjikli to Karabunár Kiúi, +nine hours: the first two hours over the same +rugged plain not far from the river. The two great +ranges on the west and north of the plains of Adália +now approach each other, and at length are only +divided by the passes, through which the river finds +its way. The road, however, leaves this gorge to +the right, and ascends the mountain by a paved +winding causeway, a work of great labour and ingenuity. +At the foot of it, in the plain, are the +ruins of a castle, and of many towers and gateways +of elegant architecture, with cornices, capitals, and +fluted columns lying upon the ground. Sarcophagi, +with their covers beside them, are seen in great +numbers, as well in the plain as for a considerable +distance up the side of the hill. Some of them +were of large size, many with inscriptions. At the +top of this formidable pass, which was anciently +commanded by the city, standing at the foot of it, +the road enters an elevated level surrounded with +mountains, and proceeds along a winding valley +amidst rocks and precipices, some of which, being +quite detached and perpendicular, appear at a distance +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span>like castles and towers. The konák this +evening was a tchiftlik (farm and country-house) +of the Motsellim of Adália, situated near three +small villages on the banks of a rivulet, in a pure +air and most romantic situation. The usual +spring weather of these climates has now prevailed +for some days; showers, often accompanied +with thunder, occur in the afternoon and +in the early part of the night, and during the remainder +of the day the sky is perfectly clear and +serene.</p> + +<p>March 21.—From Karabunár Kiúi to Tsháltigtshi +Kiúi, five hours and a half. One hour from the +place of departure is a khan, formed out of the +remains of an old building, upon which are angels +sculptured on either side of a large arched gate. +It appears to have been a church of the earliest +ages of Christianity. The route continues through +valleys of the same description as that of Karabunár +Kiúi, level and surrounded by barren rocks +and mountains. A neighbouring town called Butshuklu, +is said to contain a thousand houses, and +has the reputation of refusing quarters to strangers, +especially to couriers and persons travelling under +the orders of the Porte. This district, however, as +has already been remarked in regard to other places +having the character of rebellious, exhibits several +marks of superior industry, and a better kind of +public economy; good roads and bridges are seen, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span>and large clean pieces of wheat surrounded with +ditches or fences. In the mountain not far from Butshuklu +there are said to be ruins of ancient buildings +with columns, and sculptured and inscribed +stones. A hill which bounds the district of Butshuklu +to the north limits the command of the Motsellim +of Adália. At the foot of this hill is a khan, +which appears to have been constructed from the +ruins of some large ancient building; fragments +of architecture, and ruins of walls, are seen on +every side of it. The hill is rugged and extensive, +and has on the north side a level much +lower than all those lying between it and Adália. +A river flows through this plain, and there are +many villages, among which is that of Tsháltigtshi. +The people appeared simple and hospitable, and +welcomed the travellers by presents of fruit and +flowers, which they threw down at their feet, and +then departed without saying a word. The villages +are surrounded with fruit-trees, but no oranges, +nor lemons, nor olives are seen among them; and +the season here is a month or six weeks behind that +of Adália. Wheel-carriages are used: the wheels +being either solid trucks formed of one piece of +wood, or of three pieces joined together, and shod +with an iron plate turned up at the edges, and thus +fixed on without any nails. They had also iron axles, +and a box for them to turn in, exhibiting a neatness +of workmanship seldom seen in Turkey.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[137]</span></p> + +<p>March 22.—From Tcháltigtshi to Burdur, seven +hours and a half; for the first two hours along the +valley; then up a high steep mountain, not a mere +rock, like the others which the travellers had passed, +but having trees, and a soil fit for any vegetation. +They passed an insulated valley, where was a rivulet +which disappeared in a cavity at the foot of a mountain. +The weather was very cold, and four inches +of snow lay upon the ground at no great distance +above them. After a narrow craggy pass, they +entered an open country, which, unlike the level +valleys to the southward, was diversified with undulations +and slopes. At two hours short of Burdur, +they came into a valley full of rocks, thrown +about in the wildest manner: some of these were +of a kind which looked like bundles of rushes, incrusted +with cement, and petrified into a solid +mass: in some places the scene around had the +appearance of a succession of enormous sand-pits. +They passed several water-mills, and saw nothing +of the town or lake of Burdur until they were close +upon it. The houses are flat-roofed; the town is +large, and comparatively well paved, and there is +some appearance of wealth and industry in the +streets. Tanning and dyeing of leather, weaving +and bleaching of linen, seemed to be the chief occupations. +Streams of clear water flow through +most of the streets. The country around produces +good butter. The salt lake of Burdur begins at a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[138]</span>very short distance from the town, and stretches to +the N. and N.W., forming a beautiful picture with +its winding shores, its shrubby or bare and rocky +capes, and the cultivated lands, numerous villages, +and woody hills around it.</p> + +<p>March 23.—Detained at Burdur by a violent +southerly gale and heavy rain.</p> + +<p>March 24.—From Burdur to Ketsiburlu, six +hours. The road along the edge of the lake having +been rendered difficult by the rains, they took +another nearer the hills. They passed a good deal +of arable land, and many villages with abundance of +fruit-trees and vineyards. The walnut-trees grow to +a great size: on the 22nd they had seen poplars also +of not less than six and eight feet in diameter.</p> + +<p>March 25.—From Ketsiburlu to Dombai-óvasi +(the valley of Dombai) five hours: the wind north: +a sharp frost, and the hills around covered with +snow: the road very good, leading at first through +rocky hills, but afterwards through a rich valley, +where are many villages; Dombai is the chief and +one of the largest. Here they received much civility +from the Motsellim, whose design in it was +to get their interest at the Porte in his endeavours +to obtain the Pashalik of Isbárta, a considerable +town at no great distance to the eastward. At +Dombai they were told of the ruins of an ancient +town very near, with the remains of columns, inscribed +stones, and statues.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span></p> + +<p>March 26.—From Dombai to Sandukli on the +river Méndere, the distance seven hours, through +a fine country variegated with gentle undulations, +but bare of wood, except upon the mountains, +which are at no great distance on either side. +There were several small villages and a good deal +of arable land, but the season was still six weeks +behind that of the coast: the cold severe with much +snow.</p> + +<p>March 27.—From Sandukli to Sitshanli, seven +hours: a north wind, with ice an inch thick: the +road was for the most part hilly and stony, but in +some places there were villages and cultivated lands. +Sitshanli is in a fertile valley, with many villages +around.</p> + +<p>March 28.—From Sitshanli to Altún-Tash, nine +hours: the country is of an undulated form with little +wood. They observed several villages, and in many +places scattered fragments of ancient buildings, +but in no one spot any thing that indicated the site +of a large town. At Altún-Tash the snow was +lying on the ground. The place takes its name +(signifying golden stone) from some rocks of a +yellow colour in the neighbourhood. It stands on +the left bank of the river Pursek, the ancient Thymbrius, +or Thymbres, a branch of the Sangarius. +Here were 200 horsemen of the Pasha of Kutáya, +who had been reducing a rebellious chieftain, and +were in the act of driving away his flocks.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span></p> + +<p>March 29.—From Altún-Tash to Kutáya, nine +hours: at first over a swampy plain, which had +been inundated by the rains and the melting of the +snow upon the hills, then across the Pursek, which +between this place and Kutáya forms an S: a high +mountain, at the foot of which Kutáya is situated, +filling up the northern part of the S. After crossing +the Pursek at Altún-Tash, they passed over gentle +hills and a pleasant country. Nearly midway were a +fountain, the ruins of a mosque, and an ancient Greek +church. A good gravel road led in a winding direction +through a delightful scene of lawns of the finest +herbage, adorned with detached trees and clumps +of evergreen, disposed in a manner which art could +not have improved. From hence, after passing a +tract of wild cliffs and rocks, which formed a remarkable +contrast to the former, they descended a +steep hill to the Pursek, here a very deep and +rapid river. Having crossed it by a bridge, and +ascended a part of the mountain of Kutáya, they +proceeded along a dangerous path on the edge of +an immense precipice: the mountain, with its snow-topped +summit, rising to a great height on the left, +and on the right the Pursek taking a large sweep +round the base of the mountain. Thus they made +almost half the circuit of it before they arrived at +Kutáya. This is a large town with an ancient +castle, which stands upon a projecting point of +the hill rising above the town. Being the usual +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span>residence of the Beglerbeg of Anatolia, Kutáya +may in some measure be considered the capital of +the province, though much inferior in size to +Smyrna, Tokát, and A´ngura. The Pasha being +absent with the army in Syria, the place was governed +by a Motsellim, who furnished the travellers +with a tchaous to accompany them to Constantinople, +and orders for horses and other necessaries. +Ancient coins and gems may be collected in the +bazars of Kutáya in considerable numbers.</p> + +<p>March 30.—Halt at Kutáya.</p> + +<p>March 31.—From Kutáya to In-óghi, twelve +hours: the weather fine, and the road for the most +part good. They soon crossed the Pursek, and +passed at first over a flat swampy road, inundated +by floods from the mountains; they then ascended +a hill, upon the top of which the rocks appeared to +be of a hard and handsome kind of breccia. Thus +they proceeded nearly half the day’s journey: the +scenery sometimes very dreary and barren; at others +grand and picturesque; but the country no where +cultivated. They then descended a steep slope to +the Pursek, which they now crossed for the second +time since they had left Kutáya, and proceeded +for some distance along its left bank with high +steep cliffs on each side; among these, and along +the river, grow a variety of trees and shrubs, particularly +evergreens. In one part conical and +sharp-pointed rocks arise to a great height, resembling +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span>in some places the spires and ornamented +sides of Gothic churches. Here the ancients had +excavated crypts, niches, and sepulchral chambers +with doors and windows. After the pass the valley +opens into fine meadows, with the river winding +through the middle. Soon afterwards the road +quits this valley and turns to the right up another, +watered by a small branch of the same +river; the route then passes through a tract of +country where it winds amidst clumps of evergreens +beautifully disposed by nature upon a fine +turf, with hills, valleys, and lawns, as in an English +park. Here they met a company of Turks coursing +with their greyhounds, who made them a present +of a hare. They then crossed a ridge, the absolute +height of which (though apparently inconsiderable, +when compared with the adjacent valleys) was indicated +by large patches of snow lying upon the +ground. The country consists of fine pasture-lands, +mixed with good timber-trees. On a long descent +from this place they looked down upon an extensive +and well cultivated plain, and at the foot of +the descent they arrived at In-óghi, a large village +situated on the edge of the plains under the vast +precipices of a mountain of bare rock, excavated +naturally into caverns, and artificially into sepulchral +chambers. Some of those in the upper +part of the heights are the abode of eagles, which +are seen soaring around them in great numbers. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span>One enormous cavern is shut up in front by +a wall with battlements and towers, and seems +once to have served as a sort of citadel to the +town.</p> + +<p>April 1.—From In-óghi to Shughut, five hours: +the weather very clear. The road passes over pleasant +hills and dales, where appears a considerable +degree of cultivation. The country is interspersed +with fine oaks and beeches, and in one place there +is a large forest. Some symptoms of spring have +begun to appear, but the season is not yet so forward +as it was upon the south coast in the beginning of +February. Not a tree has begun to bud: the corn +is but just above the ground; and primroses, violets, +and crocuses, are the only flowers to be seen. +At Shughut the appearance was more wintry than +when we passed in January; and the broad summit +of Olympus was capped with snow to a much +greater extent.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.<br> +<span class="smaller">OF THE ANCIENT PLACES ON THE ROAD FROM +ADALIA TO SHUGHUT, INCLUDING REMARKS ON THE COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY OF THE +ADJACENT COUNTRY.</span></h2> + +<p><i>Ancient Authorities—Cotyaeium—Termessus—Lake Ascania—Milyas—Cibyra—Selge—Pednelissus—Cretopolis—Lyrbe—Sagalassus—Cremna—Lysinoe—Sinda—Isionda—Tabæ, +Tiaba—Mender-su at Sandukli the ancient Obrimas—Ancient +Sites on the four Roads of the Table, which cross the modern +Route from Adália to Shughut—Themisonium—Cormasa—Celænæ +or Apameia—Eumeneia—Apollonia—Euphorbium—Conni—Eucarpia—Acmonia—Cadi—Azani—Synaus.</i></p> + +</div> + +<p>I shall now submit to the reader some observations +on the ancient geography of the route of +General Koehler and his party from Adália to +Shughut.</p> + +<p>This road traverses a part of Asia Minor upon +which ancient history throws little light. The text +of Strabo is almost contradictory in regard to some +of the principal places which lay near the road; +and the itineraries supply no routes in this direction, +though there are five in the Peutinger +Table which intersect it.</p> + +<p>The march of Alexander from Pamphylia to Gordium +in Phrygia, as related by Arrian; and the description +by Livy of the progress of the Consul Cneius +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span>Manlius in his Expedition from Cibyra into Pamphylia +and from thence by Sagalassus to Synnada +and into Galatia, are the only historical documents. +As the passage of Livy is very detailed +and was borrowed from Polybius⁠<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>⁠, its information +deserves more confidence than is usually due to that +of a Latin author in regard to Grecian geography; +and it may hereafter be extremely useful, when the +ancient ruins, with which Pisidia and the adjacent +districts are known to abound, shall have been +more explored. In the present state of our knowledge +of the country, it supplies not much positive +information.</p> + +<p>The only point in General Koehler’s route which +can be considered absolutely certain is Cotyaeium. +The position of that city in Phrygia Epictetus, not +far from Nacoleia, and Dorylæum⁠<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>⁠, agrees perfectly +with that of Kutáya, the resemblance of which name +to the Greek Κοτυάειον is still more striking when +we observe the identity of accent.</p> + +<p>There are two other places also in General +Koehler’s route, upon the ancient names of which +we cannot entertain much doubt. These are Termessus +and the lake Ascania. The latter corresponds +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span>with the salt lake of Burdur; for Arrian +relates that Alexander, after having reduced Sagalassus +and some other strong places in Pisidia, passed +by the lake Ascania in his way to Celænæ (afterwards +Apameia), and that the water of this lake was so +salt, that the inhabitants had no need of sea salt +for domestic purposes⁠<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>⁠. The same fact is mentioned +by the anonymous geographer of Ravenna. +Perhaps this is the lake Ascanius, of which Pliny +remarks, that the upper surface of the water was +fresh, while the lower was nitrous⁠<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The great ruins which General Koehler passed +through at the ascent of the mountains, on the +second day of his departure from Adália, seem to +be those of Termessus, which, next to Selge, was +the largest of the Pisidian cities, and was situated at +the passes of mount Solyma, leading from the maritime +plains through Milyas to the lake Ascania⁠<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>⁠, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span>and from thence to Celænæ. Milyas was the country +of the more ancient Solymi⁠<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>⁠; and being also +described by Strabo as the mountainous district, +which extended from the passes of Termessus to +the district of Apameia, it answers exactly to the +elevated region which General Koehler traversed +after he had mounted the pass which I have supposed +the Termessian.</p> + +<p>Between Milyas and the valley of the Mæander +were Cabalis and the Cibyratis⁠<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>⁠. The latter district, +which long flourished under the monarchy of a +family named Moagetes⁠<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>⁠, was a tetrapolis; the four +cities were, Cibyra, which had two votes in the general +council, Œnoanda, Balbura, and Bubon. The +Cibyratis is clearly indicated by Strabo to have +been situated between Lycia and the parts of the +valley of the Mæander about Nysa and Antiocheia⁠<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a>⁠; +in the height of its prosperity, its dependencies extended +from Pisidia and Milyas to Lycia and Peræa +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span>of the Rhodii⁠<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a>⁠. Balbura and Bubon having been +given to Lycia by Murena, on the reduction of the +last Moagetes, and Œnoanda having been included +in the same province, in the arrangement of Constantine⁠<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a>⁠, +while Cibyra was ascribed to Caria, it +may be presumed that Cibyra lay to the northward +of the three other cities. This in some measure +agrees with Ptolemy, who places Bubon, Œnoanda, +and Balbura in a district of Lycia called Carbalia; +under this name, as a part of Pamphylia, he ranges +also Termessus, Cretopolis, and six other towns; +Cibyra he places in Phrygia. Such are the data +afforded by ancient history, to assist the traveller +in discovering the sites of the four cities of the +Cibyratis.</p> + +<p>Polybius⁠<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>⁠, in his account of the proceedings of +Achæus, king of the provinces <i>within</i> Taurus, +against Antiochus the Great⁠<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>⁠, has furnished a few +data as to the situation of some of the towns on +the frontiers of Pisidia and Pamphylia. In relating +the operations of Garsyeris, commander of the army +of Achæus, whose ostensible object was to assist the +people of Pednelissus against the Selgenses, Polybius +appears to apply the name of Climax to all +the ridge of the mountains Solyma, from the summit +called Olympus on the shore of the Gulf of +Attaleia, to the great heights of Taurus. Garsyeris +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span>was at first unable to penetrate through the passes +of Mount Climax, leading to Pednelissus, because +they were occupied by the Selgenses, and particularly +the pass of Saporda—a place not mentioned +by any other author. We know from Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>⁠, that +Pednelissus was situated inland from Aspendus; +and it has been seen that the principal pass of the +Solyma was commanded by the city of Termessus: +Saporda, therefore, may perhaps have stood at +another pass which leads over the ridge of Solyma +from Adália in a W.N.W. direction to Dauas and +Denizli. Cretopolis in Milyas, where Garsyeris +encamped before he attempted the passes, is shown +from this circumstance to have been on the western +side of Mount Climax: and the Etennenses, +who, together with the Aspendii, joined the party +of Achæus against Selge, are stated by the historian +to have inhabited the mountains above that +city,—being thus obviously the same people as the +Catennenses of Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>⁠; who describes them as +bordering on Selge and the Homonadenses.</p> + +<p>Lyrbe, which, as well as Etenna, was still a bishopric +in the ninth century⁠<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>⁠, under the metropolitan +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span>of Side, seems, from some verses of Dionysius +of Charax⁠<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>⁠, to have stood between Termessus and +Selge, a little above the maritime plains, among +hills once covered with olives, but now affording +little but pasture.</p> + +<p>There is great difficulty in reconciling the authority +of Arrian with that of Strabo in regard to the +site of Sagalassus, otherwise called Selgessus⁠<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>⁠, one +of the most important cities and most fertile districts +in Pisidia⁠<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>⁠; and which could not have been far from +the route of General Koehler. Arrian, in a passage +already referred to, seems to place it to the south of +Burdur⁠<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>⁠; thus far agreeing with Strabo, who, after +describing the cities on the southern side of Mount +Taurus, just noticed, remarks that Sagalassus was +<i>within</i>, or on the northern side of Taurus, near +Milyas⁠<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>⁠, which district, as he tells us in another +place, extended northward as far as those of Sagalassus +and Apameia⁠<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Strabo further informs us⁠<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>⁠, that Sagalassus was +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span>one day’s journey from Apameia; whereas Arrian +relates that Alexander was five days in marching +from Sagalassus to Celænæ, passing by the lake +Ascania.</p> + +<p>Nothing but an examination of this country +by an intelligent traveller can clear up this difficulty, +or explain the passage of Strabo cited in +the note below; and for this purpose the ruins +seen by Paul Lucas in this country, and the +others heard of by General Koehler, probably +contain ample materials. The remarkable site +which gave name to Cremna⁠<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> could hardly elude +research; and it is the more likely to preserve +some remains of antiquity, as having been a Roman +colony.</p> + +<p>If by the <i>lake</i>, mentioned in the march of +Manlius, Polybius, from whom Livy has taken all +this part of his history, meant the lake of Burdur, +Lysinoe may have occupied the site of Burdur; or +more probably some situation near the opposite end +of the lake, where the future traveller may perhaps +find the river Lyses, from which Lysinoe seems to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span>have taken its name. And this might also lead to +the discovery of the lake Caralitis and Sinda⁠<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>It is evident from the passage of Livy just cited, +that Sinda and Isionda were different places, and +not the same place as has sometimes been supposed. +Livy seems to agree with Strabo in placing Sinda +to the northward of Cibyra at the extremity of Pisidia +bordering on Caria and Phrygia; whereas +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span>Isionda appears clearly to have been on the Pamphylian +side of Termessus⁠<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Dombai seems to be a corruption of Tabæ: +hardly, indeed, a corruption, as it is no more than +the hard and rustic pronunciation of the Greek +word Τάβαι. The situation of Dombai accords +very well with that which Strabo assigns to Tabæ, +for he places it in the part of Pisidia adjacent to +Phrygia and Caria⁠<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>⁠, and names it among the cities +which lay around Apameia and Laodiceia, which is +precisely the position of Dombai⁠<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a>⁠. The fertile +plain which has obtained the name of Dombai-ovasi, +or Valley of Dombai, corresponds equally +with the Ταβηνὸν πεδίον, which, according to another +passage of Strabo, lay on the confines of Phrygia +and Pisidia⁠<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>⁠. It can hardly be doubted that Livy +has incorrectly described Tabæ as situated on the +frontier of Pisidia towards the Pamphylian sea⁠<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The river called the Mender-su, which General +Koehler crossed at Sandukli, seems to be that +branch of the Mæander anciently called Obrimas, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span>the fountains of which were something more than +two days’ march from Synnada, and not far from +Metropolis on the side towards Apameia⁠<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>⁠. The +modern application of the name Mæander (slightly +corrupted) to a stream which was anciently considered +a tributary of that river, is another instance +of those natural changes of geographical nomenclature, +of which a similar example has already been +given in the case of the river Sangarius.</p> + +<p>It has already been remarked, that General +Koehler’s route was crossed by five of the Roman +roads marked in the Peutinger Table. These are, +beginning from the southward, 1. From Laodiceia +ad Lycum to Perge; 2. From Apameia Cibotus to +Antiocheia of Pisidia; 3. From Apameia to Synnada; +4. from Apameia to Dorylæum; 5. From +Philadelphia to Dorylæum.—The real situations of +all these cities, except Antioch, being known with +sufficient exactitude, those of the intermediate places +on the several roads would also have been determined, +had the distances in the Table been accurate; +but unfortunately, like some of those to which I have +already had occasion to advert, they are either imperfect +or they are obviously erroneous, when compared +with the map.</p> + +<p>1. From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge, passing +through Themisonium and Cormasa.—Although +the direct distance is upwards of 100 G. M. there +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[155]</span>are only 46 M. P. marked in the Table, namely, +34 between Themisonium and Cormasa, and 12 +from Cormasa to Perge. If these two distances were +correct, therefore, the omitted distance between +Laodiceia and Themisonium ought to be supplied +with about 100 M. P. It is impossible to believe +however that Themisonium, which is named by +Strabo among the smaller towns around Apameia +and Laodiceia⁠<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>⁠, could have been so far to the south-east. +Cormasa, on the other hand, must have been +much more than 12 M. P. from Perge; for it appears +from Livy that Cormasa was at a considerable +distance from the borders of Pamphylia +towards Lysinoe and the lake of Burdur⁠<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>⁠; which +agrees with Ptolemy, who names it among the +cities of Pisidia and next to Lysinia. The suspicion +of inaccuracy in this route of the Table is +confirmed by the negligences which occur on its +continuation to Side; where the distance between +Perge and Syllium is wanting, and where Syllium +and Aspendus occupy each other’s places. Upon +the whole, therefore, this route serves only to give +us the line of Themisonium and Cormasa, the +distance between which two places (34 M. P.) may +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[156]</span>perhaps be correct. And so far it may be an useful +approximation to the traveller.</p> + +<p>2. From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia.—There +cannot be a stronger proof of the little progress +yet made in geographical discovery in Asia +Minor, than the fact, that the site of Apameia still +remains unexplored. Under the name of Celænæ, +it was the capital of Phrygia; and in Roman +times, although not equal in political importance +to Laodiceia, which was the residence of the proconsul +of Asia, it was inferior only to Ephesus as +a centre of commercial transactions⁠<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>⁠. It appears +from Pococke to have been at a place called Dinglar +(or some such name), situated, as well as we +can discover amidst the negligence and want of +precision which are the usual characteristics of +Pococke’s narrative, at 8 or 10 miles on the right +of the road leading from Khónos to Ishékle⁠<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>⁠, and +about 16 miles⁠<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> to the southward of the latter +place. Pococke himself had no doubt that some remains +of antiquity which he observed at Ishekle +were those of Apameia; thus overlooking, or failing +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span>to decypher, an inscription which he copied at +that place, and which clearly proves it to be the site +of Eumeneia or Eumenia⁠<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Eumenia was situated on the river Glaucus, as +appears from an existing coin⁠<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>⁠. Pliny names the +Glaucus, but places Eumenia upon the river Cludrus. +Possibly this may have been the name of +the sources of the Glaucus, those fine fountains +which Pococke observed at Ishékle, and which may +perhaps join another stream in or near the town.</p> + +<p>As Eumenia is marked in the Table on the road +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span>from Dorylæum to Apameia at 26 M. P. from the +latter, we have a presumption in this datum alone +that Apameia was not far from Dinglar, the site of +which modern place, relatively to the other chief +ancient cities of Phrygia, is in conformity with that +of Apameia, as described by Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>⁠. Our knowledge +of the peculiarities of the place itself is derived +from Pococke and some recent travellers, who were +informed that at the place called Dinglar or Dizla +there are many remains of antiquity under a high +hill which has a lake on the summit and a river falling +down the face of the hill; for this description +of Dinglar accords precisely with that of Celænæ as +given by several ancient authors. According to +Xenophon⁠<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> the Mæander rose in the palace of Cyrus, +flowing from thence through his park and the +city of Celænæ: and the sources of the Marsyas were +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[159]</span>at the palace of the king of Persia in a lofty situation +under the acropolis of Celænæ. From +Arrian and Q. Curtius⁠<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> we learn that the citadel +was upon a lofty precipitous hill, and that the Marsyas +fell from its fountains over the rocks with a +great noise: from Herodotus⁠<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> it appears that the +same river was from this circumstance called Catarrhactes; +and from Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>⁠, that a lake on the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[160]</span>mountain above Celænæ was the reputed source +both of the Marsyas, which rose in the ancient +city, and of the Mæander. Comparing these authorities +with Livy⁠<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>⁠, who probably copied his +account from Polybius, with Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a>⁠, with Maximus +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span>Tyrius⁠<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>⁠, + and with the existing coins of Apameia⁠<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>⁠, +it may be inferred that a lake or pool on +the summit of a mountain which rose above Celænæ, +and which was called Celænæ or Signia, was the +reputed source of the Marsyas and Mæander; but +that in fact the two rivers issued from different +parts of the mountain below the lake: that the +lake was named Aulocrene, as producing reeds well +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span>adapted for flutes, and that it gave the name of Aulocrenis +to a valley extending for ten miles from +the lake to the eastward: that the source of the +Marsyas was in a cavern on the side of the mountain +in the ancient agora of Celænæ: that the +Marsyas and Mæander, both of which flowed +through Celænæ, united a little below the ancient +site: that to this junction the city was removed by +Antiochus Soter, son of Seleucus Nicator, when +he gave it a new name after his mother Apama; +and that the united stream was soon afterwards +joined by the Orgas and the Obrimas. Whether +these inferences drawn from the ancient authors +are correct, will be decided by the future traveller. +He may also ascertain whether there are any volcanic +rocks, the burnt appearance of which will justify +the etymologist⁠<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> who ascribed to that cause the +origin of the word Celænæ; or he may discover +the valley of Aulocrenis, the scene of the celebrated +contest of Apollo with Marsyas, whose skin +was still shown in the time of Herodotus, in the +acropolis of Celænæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span></p> + +<p>I have been thus particular in laying before the +reader the ancient evidences on the site of Apameia, +because it is a point of great importance to the +ancient geography of the western part of Asia Minor,—not +less so than Tyana is to the eastern: and +because in regard to both these places, I have the +misfortune to differ from the author in whose opinion +the public is justly in the habit of placing the +highest confidence⁠<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The Roman road from Apameia to Antiocheia +of Pisidia passed through Apollonia, otherwise +called Mordiæum⁠<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>⁠, which was 24 M. P. distant +from the former, and 45 from the latter. Although +on account of our ignorance of the site of Antiocheia, +no exact comparison can be instituted between +the amount of the two numbers just mentioned +and the actual distance on the map, it is manifestly +not very erroneous; and the position of +Apollonia therefore was probably at no great +distance from a town called Ketsibúrlu, which +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span>General Koehler passed through between Burdur +and Dombai, and which according to Abubekr +Ben Behren is a kadilik of Hamed, of which Isbárta +is the chief city. Ptolemy places Apollonia near +Antiocheia; and its situation, between that city and +Apameia, which the Table gives, is in exact conformity +with Strabo’s description of the conquests +of Amyntas. Having taken Derbe, and received +Isauria from the Romans, he made himself master +of Antiocheia, and the country as far as the district +of Apollonia, near Apameia Cibotus⁠<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>⁠, together +with Lycaonia and some part of Phrygia Paroreius. +He took Cremna, but did not venture on attacking +Sandalium: and after capturing the greater part of +the places belonging to the Homonadenses, (whose +tyrant he slew,) he was himself destroyed by a stratagem +of the wife of the latter. Sulpicius Quirinius +and the Romans afterwards reduced Homona:—all +the late territories of Amyntas were then placed +under the government of a præfect⁠<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>3. The ancient road from Apameia to Synnada +must have crossed that of Gen. Koehler at or near +Sandukli, on the river now called the Mendere (Mæander), +but which anciently, I suppose to have been +the Obrimas, a branch of the Mæander. The total +distance of 73 Roman miles on this road agrees +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span>tolerably with the 66 geographical miles in direct +distance, which the map gives between the assumed +site of Synnada and that of Apameia at Dinglar. +Euphorbium, the only place on the road mentioned +in the Table, and which was midway between the +two extremes, will fall at Sandukli. Euphorbium +is noticed as a town in this part of Asia by Pliny +only, who tells us that its people formed,—together +with those of Metropolis, Peltæ, Acmonia and +some other towns,—the <i>conventus</i> held under the +Romans at Apameia⁠<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>4. The fourth Roman road which crossed the +modern route from Adália to Shughut, is that +marked in the Table from Dorylæum to Apameia +Cibotus, leading through Nacoleia, Conni, +Eucarpia, and Eumenia⁠<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>⁠. Although the total +distance of 148 M. P. on this road sufficiently +agrees with the 100 G. M. in direct distance on +the map, it must be confessed that the 26 Roman +miles and the 15 geographical miles of direct +distance, between Eumeneia at Ishékle and Apameia +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span>at Dinglar, do not bear the same proportion +as the Roman and geographical numbers on the +whole line; and that, if I am right in the position +of Nacoleia, the 20 M. P. of the Table, between +Dorylæum and Nacoleia, errs almost as much in +defect, as the 26 M. P. between Eumeneia and +Apameia does in excess. But it is in vain that +we look for much accuracy of detail in the Table. +The positions of Nacoleia and Eumeneia rest upon +very satisfactory grounds. All that remains to be +done, therefore, is to arrange Conni and Eucarpia +between Doganlu and Ishékle, at the proportional +distances of the numbers in the Table. This will +place Conni not far to the southward of Altun Tash, +near where the roads to Altun Tash, both from +Karahissár and from Sandukli, cross the ancient +road; a position which agrees with that of Conna +in Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>⁠, according to whom it appears to have +been not far from Cotyaeium, to the southward. +Under the Byzantine emperors, Conna (then called +Cone⁠<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>⁠) was a bishopric of the province of Phrygia +Salutaris, of which Synnada was the metropolis.</p> + +<p>Eucarpia was another bishopric of the same +province. Its name was derived from the fertility +of the soil⁠<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>⁠, which by attaching the people to agriculture +may have contrasted them with those of the +neighbouring Euphorbium, celebrated probably for +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span>its flocks and pasture. The position of Eucarpia +in the Table agrees with that which Ptolemy gives +it to the southward of Conna.</p> + +<p>5. The fifth and last of the ancient roads intersected +by the modern road from Adália to Shughut +was from Dorylæum to Philadelpheia: its two extremities +are known points; its length in direct +distance is equal to two degrees of latitude, or 120 +G. M., which corresponds with as much accuracy +as one can expect to the 155 M. P. of the Table. +The <i>line</i>, as will be seen on referring to the map, +leads directly through Kutáya. We cannot doubt +therefore that <i>Cocleo</i>, the first name occurring on +this road in the Table, is an error for Cotyaeio; +especially as the distance of 30 M. P. answers very +well to the real distance from Eski-shehr to Kutáya. +The distance of 35 M. P. between Cotyaeium and +Acmonia furnishes the traveller with a good approximation +for discovering the site of the latter +city, which is mentioned in one of the Orations of +Cicero⁠<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>⁠, and which was one of the towns of the conventus +of Apameia, and afterwards a bishopric under +the metropolitan of Laodiceia. It is difficult to reconcile +the position of Aludda, 25 miles beyond Acmonia +on the road to Philadelpheia, with that which +may be inferred from Ptolemy, who names Alydda +among the towns of the greater Mysia, together +with Pergamum and Apollonia on the Rhyndacus. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span>Clanudda I suspect to be an erroneous +writing; but its correction I am unable to discover.</p> + +<p>It is in the unexplored part of Phrygia Epictetus⁠<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>⁠, +lying between the Thymbres and the +branches of the Rhyndacus on the southern side of +the Olympene mountains, that the future traveller +will seek for the Phrygian cities of Cadi, Azani, +and Synaus. One is much disposed at first sight +to consider the remarkable position of In-óghi, which +General Koehler passed through in his way from +Kutáya to Shughut, to have been the site of one of +these cities of Phrygia Epictetus; but upon further +examination, they all appear to have been situated +considerably to the westward of this position. +The Azanitis, or district of Azani, contained the +sources of the river Rhyndacus, which, after passing +through the lake of Apollonia, joined the Propontis +opposite the island of Besbicus, having first +received the united waters of several streams from +Mysia Abrettena, particularly the Mecistus, which +flowed from Ancyra Abassitis, a Phrygian town on +the frontier of Lydia⁠<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a>⁠. Synaus appears to have +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span>been near this Ancyra; for in the acts of one of +the Councils, a bishop of the Phrygian Ancyra +signs himself Αγκύρας Συννάου, no doubt in order +to distinguish this Ancyra from the Galatian. Cadi +also may be presumed to have been to the westward +of the meridian of In-óghi and Kutáya; for +we find that Cadi is assigned by some authors to +Mysia⁠<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a>⁠. It is precisely in the situation, which may +be inferred from this circumstance, combined with +what has been said of the position of Synaus and +Azani,—that is to say, between the Thymbres and +the sources of the Rhyndacus,—that we find a +town of the name of Kodús, which has not been +visited by any modern traveller, but which is briefly +described by Hadji Khalfa—as situated on the banks +of a river, in a plain surrounded by mountains. +He adds that the river, which bears the same name +as the town, descends from Mount Morad, and +passes by Magnesia into the Gulf of Smyrna. We +know from modern travellers, that this river, which +is the ancient Hermus, is still called Kodús or Ghedís +in all the lower part of its course; and Kodús, it +can hardly be doubted, is the same place as Καδοί, +the name of which the Turks received from the +Greeks, in the usual Romaic form of the accusative +case Καδούς.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span></p> + +<p>In exploring the equally unknown country which +extends to the southward of this part of Phrygia +Epictetus, towards the mountains Messogis and +Tmolus, and which formed the frontier of Lydia +and Great Phrygia, the traveller may derive assistance +from a passage in Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>⁠, where he enumerates +the principal plains in their order from west +to east. Adjacent to the Caystrian, which lay between +Tmolus and Messogis, was the Cilbian, +then the Hyrcanian, the plain of Cyrus, the Peltene, +the Cillanian, and the Tabene. It cannot +be doubted that a journey through these plains +would lead to a knowledge of the general distribution +of the geography of the country, as well as +to that of the sites of some of the towns which +gave name to the several plains. Peltæ, Lysias, +and Silbium appear to have been in the country +northward of the upper Mæander, which is traversed +by the caravan route from Smyrna to Tokát: but +the few names and distances which Tavernier and +Seetzen have left us between Alláh-Shehr and Karahissár, +throw no light whatever upon ancient +geography.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.<br> +<span class="smaller">OF THE ANCIENT PLACES ON THE SOUTHERN +COAST OF ASIA MINOR.</span></h2> + +</div> + +<p>Although the <i>Karamania</i> of Captain Beaufort +has anticipated all that is most interesting in regard +to the southern coast, the publication which +has recently been made of his minute and accurate +delineation of this coast, induces me to enter into +an examination of its ancient geography at greater +length than was consistent with the plan of the +<i>Karamania</i>: for poor and deserted as this country +now is, the numerous remains of antiquity which +it possesses, attest that it was formerly one of the +most populous and flourishing regions of the ancient +world. It is remarkable that in Strabo, and +in the anonymous Periplus, entitled the Stadiasmus +of the Sea (σταδιασμὸς τῆς θαλάσσης), a fragment +of which is preserved in the Madrid library, +we have a more ample description of this coast than +of any other that has been distinguished by Grecian +civilization: and thus at the same time that history +has preserved an abundance of information concerning +its ancient places, the survey of Capt. Beaufort +furnishes us with a most correct representation of +its real topography.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span></p> + +<p>The most convenient mode of putting the reader +in possession of the ancient authorities on the sea +coast of Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia, in order +that he may compare them with the actual delineation, +will be to give a translation of its description +by Strabo, subjoining in the notes the collateral +information of other ancient authors, together with +a few remarks suggested by a comparison of them. +The passages of the Stadiasmus I shall cite at +length in the original language, because they are +found only in a scarce work. So minute is the +description which this coasting pilot has given, that +nothing short of the detailed accuracy of Captain +Beaufort’s survey could have been sufficient to explain +it, or to detect and rectify the numerous +errors which have been left in it by the negligence +and ignorance of the copier⁠<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>As Captain Beaufort’s survey begins at the gulf +anciently called Glaucus, and now the gulf of Mákri, +I shall also begin the extract from Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> at +the same point, omitting all the passages which do +not assist in elucidating the geography.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span></p> + +<p>“Beyond Dædala, which is the last place in Peræa +of the Rhodii<a id="anchor1" href="#note1">(1)</a>, is a mountain of the same +name, from whence begins the coast of Lycia, which +is 1720 stades in circum-navigation, rugged and dangerous, +but provided with good harbours.... Near +Dædala, a mountain of the Lycii, is Telmissus, a +small city of the Lycii, and Cape Telmissis with a +harbour. Next is Anticragus, a very steep mountain, +under which is Carmylessus, situated in a narrow +valley: beyond it is Cragus, which has eight capes +and a city of the same name. It is to these mountains +that the fables related of the Chimæra are applied, +and in the vicinity there is a ravine called Chimæra +opening to the sea. Under Mount Cragus +in the interior is Pinara, one of the largest cities in +Lycia. Then occurs the river Xanthus, formerly +called Sirbe. It may be ascended in small boats to +the temple of Latona, which is situated ten stades +above its mouth: sixty stades above the temple is +the city of the Xanthii, the greatest in Lycia<a id="anchor2" href="#note2">(2)</a>. +Beyond the Xanthus is Patara, also a great city, +and having a port and a temple of Apollo, founded +by Patarus<a id="anchor3" href="#note3">(3)</a>.... Then occurs Myra<a id="anchor4" href="#note4">(4)</a>, situated +twenty stades above the sea on a commanding +hill; then the mouth of the river Limyrus; +and twenty stades inland from it, the small town of +Limyra. On the coast just mentioned are many +harbours and islands: of the latter, the largest is +called Cisthene<a id="anchor5" href="#note5">(5)</a>, and has a town of the same +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span>name. In the interior are Phellus, Antiphellus<a id="anchor6" href="#note6">(6)</a>, +and Chimæra, of which last we have already spoken. +Beyond the mouth of the Limyrus is the Sacred Promontory<a id="anchor7" href="#note7">(7)</a>, +and the three rugged islands called the +Chelidoniæ, equal in size, and distant from each +other about five stades, and from the continent six +stades; one of them has an anchorage. From hence +it is generally thought that Mount Taurus has its +beginning.... But in truth the mountains are uninterrupted +from Peræa of the Rhodii, as far as the +parts about Pisidia; and the whole of this range also +bears the name of Taurus.... From the Sacred +Promontory to Olbia there is a distance of 367 stades<a id="anchor8" href="#note8">(8)</a>, +in which space occurs Crambusa<a id="anchor9" href="#note9">(9)</a> and Olympus: +the latter is a large city, and has a mountain +of the same name, which is also called Phœnicus<a id="anchor10" href="#note10">(10)</a>; +next to it is the coast named Corycus<a id="anchor11" href="#note11">(11)</a>; +and then Phaselis, a large city with three harbours +and a lake. Above Phaselis is Mount Solyma. +Termessus, a Pisidian city, is situated at the straits +of Mount Solyma, where is the ascent into Milyas. +Alexander destroyed Termessus, because he was +desirous of opening those passes. Near Phaselis +is the defile on the sea-shore through which Alexander +led his army. The mountain is called Climax; +it borders upon the Pamphylian sea, leaving a +narrow passage along the shore, which, when the sea +is calm, is dry and practicable to travellers, but when +swollen, is, for the most part, covered by the waves. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span>The road over the mountain is circuitous and difficult, +for which reason the passage along the shore +is preferred in fair weather. Alexander happening +to be here in the winter season, and trusting to +fortune, attempted to pass before the waves had +subsided; the soldiers in consequence had to march +the whole day up to the middle in water<a id="anchor12" href="#note12">(12)</a>. +Phaselis is a city of Lycia on the confines of Pamphylia; +it does not, however, belong to the community +of the Lycians, but has a separate government +of its own. In like manner Homer considers +the Solymi as separate from the Lycians.... +Next to Phaselis is Olbia<a id="anchor13" href="#note13">(13)</a>, a great fortress, and +the beginning of Pamphylia; then the Catarrhactes, +a large and rapid river, which falls from a lofty +rock, with a sound heard at a great distance<a id="anchor14" href="#note14">(14)</a>. +Next is the city Attaleia, so named from its founder +Attalus Philadelphus, who having also introduced a +colony into the neighbouring town of Corycus, comprehended +them within a wall, which inclosed a space +of ground of no great extent<a id="anchor15" href="#note15">(15)</a>. It is said that +Thebe and Lyrnessus⁠<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> are to be seen between Phaselis +and Attaleia; for Callisthenes informs us that +a part of the Cilices of Troas being driven out of the +plain of Thebe, came into Pamphylia. Next is the +river Cestrus<a id="anchor16" href="#note16">(16)</a>, navigable for sixty stades to +Perge; near Perge, in a lofty situation, is the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span>temple of Diana Pergæa, where a religious assembly +is held every year. Then, at a distance +of forty stades from the sea, is a lofty city, conspicuous +from Perge; then a lake of considerable +size, called Capria; and next the river Eurymedon; +and a navigable ascent of sixty stades to the populous +city of Aspendus, which was a colony from +Argus. Higher up lies Pednelissus. Beyond (the +Eurymedon) is another river, with many small +islands lying before it<a id="anchor17" href="#note17">(17)</a>. Then occurs Side<a id="anchor18" href="#note18">(18)</a>, +a colony from Cyme, and having a temple of Minerva. +Near it is the coast of the lesser Cibyra; +then the river Melas<a id="anchor19" href="#note19">(19)</a>, and a station for ships; +and then the city Ptolemais<a id="anchor20" href="#note20">(20)</a>, beyond which are +the boundaries of Pamphylia and Coracesium, which +is the beginning of Cilicia Tracheia. The whole +circumnavigation of Pamphylia is 640 stades.</p> + +<p>“Of Cilicia, beyond Taurus, a part is called Tracheia +(rugged), and a part Pedias (plain). Of the +rugged, the maritime part is narrow, and has very +little or no level country; the part which the Taurus +overhangs is equally mountainous, and is thinly +inhabited as far as the northern flanks near Isaura, +and the Homonadenses, and as far as Pisidia. +Hence the country is called Tracheiotis, and the +inhabitants Tracheiotæ. Cilicia Pedias extends +from Soli and Tarsus as far as Issus; and includes +all the country as far as the part of Cappadocia +which is adjacent to the northern flank of Taurus. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span>This division of Cilicia consists for the most part +of plains, and a fertile land.</p> + +<p>“Having spoken of the parts (of Cilicia) within +Taurus⁠<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>⁠, we shall now proceed to speak of those +without Taurus, beginning with Tracheiotis. The +first fortress of the Cilicians is Coracesium, built upon +a precipitous rock<a id="anchor21" href="#note21">(21)</a>. Diodotus, surnamed Tryphon, +made use of it as an arsenal, when, with varying +success, he headed an insurrection of Syria +against its kings, and at length was forced to put an +end to his own life, upon being blockaded in a certain +fortress by Antiochus the son of Demetrius. +Tryphon set the example of piracy to the Cilicians, +&c.</p> + +<p>“After Coracesium is Syedra<a id="anchor22" href="#note22">(22)</a>, then Hamaxia<a id="anchor23" href="#note23">(23)</a>, +a small inhabited place upon a rock, with a +station for vessels below it, to which ship-timber is +brought down from the mountains. This consists +chiefly of cedar, a wood apparently very abundant +in these parts; for which reason Antonius gave this +region to Cleopatra, as being well suited for fitting +out her fleets. Next occurs Laertes<a id="anchor24" href="#note24">(24)</a>, a fortress +situated upon a hill shaped like a woman’s breast, +and having an anchorage below it; then the river +Selinus; then Cragus, a rock rising from the sea, +and precipitous on every side; and then the castle +of Charadrus, which has an anchorage below it. +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span>The mountain Andriclus rises above Charadrus, +beyond which is a rugged shore called Platanistus, +and the promontory Anemurium. Here the continent +lies nearest to the coast of Cyprus, at the promontory +Crommyon, the distance being 350 stades. +From the frontier of Pamphylia to Anemurium, the +length of the coast of Cilicia is 820 stades; the remainder, +as far as Soli, is 500 stades<a id="anchor25" href="#note25">(25)</a>. In this +space Nagidus<a id="anchor26" href="#note26">(26)</a> is the first city which occurs after +Anemurium; then Arsinoe<a id="anchor27" href="#note27">(27)</a>, having a station for +ships before it; then the place called Melania, and +Celenderis, a city with a harbour<a id="anchor28" href="#note28">(28)</a>. Some consider +this place, and not Coracesium, as the beginning +of Cilicia.... Next occurs Holmi, where +the people of Seleuceia first dwelt, but who after +the erection of Seleuceia upon the Calycadnus +emigrated to that place. Immediately after turning +the shore which forms a promontory, called +Sarpedon, is the mouth of the Calycadnus; near +the Calycadnus is Zephyrium, also a promontory; +the river is navigable up to Seleuceia, which is a +populous city<a id="anchor29" href="#note29">(29)</a>.... Beyond the Calycadnus +is the rock Pœcile<a id="anchor30" href="#note30">(30)</a>, cut into steps leading to +Seleuceia. Then occurs Anemurium, a cape, of +the same name as the former, and the island +Crambusa, and the promontory Corycus<a id="anchor31" href="#note31">(31)</a>, 20 +stades above which is the Corycian cave.... +Next to Corycus is Elæussa, an island near the +shore<a id="anchor32" href="#note32">(32)</a>. The town was founded by Archelaus, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span>and became his residence when he took all Cilicia +Tracheia, except Seleuceia, in the same manner as +Amyntas had it before him, and still earlier Cleopatra.... +The boundary of Cilicia Tracheia is +between Soli and Elæussa, at the river Lamus, +where is a town of the same name.... Beyond +Lamus is the important city of Soli, the beginning +of Cilicia Issensis: it was founded by the Achæans, +and the Rhodii of Lindus. To this place, being in +a deserted state, Pompey the Great removed such +of the pirates as he thought most worthy of clemency +and protection, and named the place Pompeiopolis<a id="anchor33" href="#note33">(33)</a>.... +Next occurs Zephyrium, of the +same name as that at the Calycadnus<a id="anchor34" href="#note34">(34)</a>; then +Anchiale, situated at a short distance from the shore<a id="anchor35" href="#note35">(35)</a>.... +Above it is the fortress Cyinda, where +the Macedonians formerly kept their treasures, which +Eumenes seized, rebelling against Antigonus. +Above this place and Soli are mountainous districts, +where is the city Olbe, with a temple of Jupiter, +founded by Ajax the son of Teucer.... Next +to Anchiale are the mouths of the Cydnus, near +the place called Rhegma. This place, which resembles +a lake, preserves some remains of the naval +arsenal, which it formerly contained; it is now the +port of Tarsus. The river Cydnus, which rises in +the part of Mount Taurus above Tarsus, flows +through the middle of that city, and into the lake<a id="anchor36" href="#note36">(36)</a>.... +Beyond the Cydnus is the Pyramus, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span>flowing from Cataonia<a id="anchor37" href="#note37">(37)</a>. Artemidorus says that +the distance from this river to Soli, in a direct line, +is 500 stades. Near it is Mallus, situated upon a +height; it was founded by Amphilochus and Mopsus, +who, having slain one another in single combat, +were buried so that the tomb of one should not be +visible from that of the other:—the sepulchres are +now shown near Magarsa and the Pyramus.... +Above this coast is the plain called Aleium, through +which Philotas led the cavalry of Alexander, while +the king himself conducted the phalanx from Soli +by the sea-coast and the Mallotis to Issus<a id="anchor38" href="#note38">(38)</a>.... +Beyond Mallus is the town Ægææ, which has +an anchorage below it, and then the gates (Pylæ) +Amanides. Here also is an anchorage; and here +Mount Amanus terminates, which joins to Taurus, +and bounds Cilicia on the East. Next to Ægææ is +the small town of Issus, where the battle was fought +between Alexander and Darius. The gulf is called +Issic: in it are the towns Rhosus and Myriandrus, +and Alexandreia, and Nicopolis, and Mopsuestia<a id="anchor39" href="#note39">(39)</a>: +and the gates (Pylæ) as they are called, which +are the boundary of Cilicia and Syria.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span></p> + +<h3>NOTES.</h3> + +<p id="note1"><a href="#anchor1">(Note 1.)</a> Peræa (from Πέρα) was the name of the coast of +Caria opposite to Rhodus, which for several centuries formed a +dependency of that opulent republic. In the time of Scylax, +the Rhodii possessed only the peninsula immediately in face of +their island. As a reward for their assistance in the Antiochian +war, the Romans gave them a part of Lycia and all Caria as +far as the Mæander. By having adopted a less prudent policy +in the second Macedonic war, they lost it all, including Caunus, +the chief town of Peræa. It was not long, however, before +it was restored to them, together with the small islands +near Rhodus; and from this time Peræa retained the limits +which Strabo has described, namely, Dædala on the east, and +Mount Loryma on the west, both included. Vespasian finally +reduced Rhodus itself into the provincial form, and joined it to +Caria. Liv. l. 38. c. 39.—l. 45. c. 20, 25. Cicero, Ep. ad +Fratrem. l. 1. c. 1. Sueton. in Vespas. c. 8.</p> + +<p id="note2"><a href="#anchor2">(2)</a> The names and distances on this part of the coast, in the +anonymous Periplus or Stadiasmus, which proceeds in a contrary +direction to Strabo (or from east to west), are as follows:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Πατάρων ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν ὑπέρκειται πόλις Ξάνθος σταδ. +ξ. (60.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ Ξάντου εἰς Πύδνας ἐπ’ ἐπευθείας σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Πύδνων ἕως τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας σταδ. π. (80.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας εἰς Καλαβαντίαν σταδ. λ. (30.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Καλαβαντίων εἰς Περδικίας σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Περδικίων εἰς Κισσίδας σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Κισσίδων εἰς νῆσον Λάγουσαν σταδ. π. (80.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Λαγούσων εἰς Τελεμενσὸν σταδ. εʹ. (5.)</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>Here it may be observed, that, reckoning about ten stades +to the geographical mile, the total coasting distance of 355 +stades between Telmissus and the Xanthus is not incorrect +when applied to the map; that the 140 stades from the Xanthus +to Cape Hiera, carries us to the most projecting point of +the Efta Kávi, or <i>Seven Capes</i>, as the <i>eight</i> promontories of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span>Mount Cragus mentioned by Strabo are now called; and that +the 130 stades from Cape Hiera to Cissides, and the 85 stades +from Cissides to Telmissus,—concur in showing that Cissides +was the name of the peninsular promontory, on the south side +of which is the island and harbour of St. Nicholas. As the +ruins upon this cape and island, which I visited in coasting +from Castel Rosso to Mákri, indicate a late period of the +Roman Empire, it is probable that the town did not exist in +the time of Strabo; for the position will not answer to that of +Carmylessus, which, according to the Geographer, was in a +φάραγξ, or narrow valley, of Mount Anticragus. The exact +situation of Carmylessus, therefore, still remains unknown; +as well as that of the cities of Cragus, of Pinara at the foot of +Mount Cragus, and of Tlos at the passage of the mountains +leading from the sea-coast into the Cibyratis⁠<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a>⁠. According +to Artemidorus,—Pinara, Tlos, Patara, Xanthus, Myra, and +Olympus were the six great cities of Lycia: so that Telmissus, +which is styled a πολίχνη, probably had not in the time +of Artemidorus reached that importance which its theatre shows +that it afterwards enjoyed. The ruins remarked by Captain +Beaufort under Mount Cragus, at the northern extremity of +the sandy beach which extends to the river Xanthus, seem to +answer to the Pydnæ of the Stadiasmus: it is perhaps the +same as the Cydna, which Ptolemy places among the cities of +Mount Cragus.</p> + +<p id="note3"><a href="#anchor3">(3)</a> The port of Patara, which was too small to contain the +allied fleet of the Romans, Rhodii, and other Greek states under +the command of L. Æmilius Regillus in the Antiochian war⁠<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a>⁠, +is now entirely choked up by encroaching sands. The ruins +of the city are extensive; consisting of the town-walls, and of +numerous sepulchres on the outside; and within, of the remains +of several public buildings. Among these is a theatre, in good +preservation, and nearly of the same size as that of Telmissus; +it is 295 feet in diameter, with thirty-four rows of seats, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span>and a proscenium, upon which a long inscription shows that +the theatre was built by Q. Velius Titianus, and dedicated +by his daughter Velia Procla, in the fourth consulate of +the Emperor Antoninus Pius (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 145). Appian remarks, +that Patara was like a port to Xanthus; which city appears +from Strabo and the Stadiasmus to have been on the banks of +the river Xanthus, eight or nine miles above Patara. Ruins +are known to exist in this situation, but they have not yet been +described by any modern traveller. According to Arrian⁠<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>⁠, it +seems to have been on the left bank of the river; for Alexander +crossed the river Xanthus from Telmissus, before he took the +cities Pinara, Xanthus, and Patara. Hence, also, we have +some light on the site of Pinara.</p> + +<p id="note4"><a href="#anchor4">(4)</a> Myra still preserves its ancient name, together with the +ruins of a theatre 355 feet in diameter; the remains of several +public buildings, and numerous inscribed sepulchres, on some of +which are the Lycian characters, found also at Limyra, Telmissus, +and Cyana. The distance of the ruins of Myra from the sea +corresponds very accurately with the twenty stades of Strabo.</p> + +<p>Andriace, described as the port of Myra by Appian⁠<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a>⁠, and which +is named also by Pliny and Ptolemy, is still called Andráki. On +the banks of the river by which Lentulus ascended to Myra, after +breaking the chain which closed the port, are the ruins of a large +building, which appears by an inscription to have been a granary +of Hadrian. Here are also several other remains of antiquity.</p> + +<p id="note5"><a href="#anchor5">(5)</a> There is no variation in the MSS. of Strabo in this +place, and Isocrates also names Κισθήνη in a manner which +leads one to believe that he is speaking of a place on this +coast⁠<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>⁠. Later writers, however, make no mention of Cisthene; +and Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>⁠, Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>⁠, + and Stephanus⁠<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a>⁠, agree in +showing that Megiste and Dolichiste were the two principal +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span>islands on the coast of Lycia: the former word (<i>greatest</i>) well +describing the island of Kastelóryzo, or Castel Rosso, as the +latter word (<i>longest</i>) does that of Kákava. Nor is Scylax less +precise in pointing out Kastelóryzo as Megiste; which name is +found in an inscription copied by Mr. Cockerell from a rock at +Castel Rosso⁠<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>⁠. It would seem, therefore, that this island was +anciently known by both names (Megiste and Cisthene), but in +later times perhaps chiefly by that of Megiste. Its convenience +to maritime war and commerce must have secured its importance +in every age; whence its mention in the narrative, by Livy⁠<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>⁠, of +the transactions of the Rhodian fleet against Antiochus, would +alone perhaps have been sufficient, without other evidence, to +identify Castel Rosso with Megiste, although the historian describes +Megiste as a port only, not as an island. The anonymous +Periplus, or Stadiasmus, has accurately enumerated the islands +between Antiphellus and Patara, in the passage cited in a following +Note. His Rhope and islands of Xenagoras are evidently +the Rhoge and Enagora of Pliny. Rhoge is now called +St. George. The two islands of Xenagoras, now named Volo +and O’khendra, are situated at the mouth of the bay of Kalamáki; +the situation of which harbour, two miles eastward of +the ruins of Patara, accords, no less than its steep rocky shore, +with the description of Port Phœnicus, from whence, in the +course of the operations against Antiochus, C. Livius made an +unsuccessful attempt upon Patara⁠<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span></p> + +<p id="note6"><a href="#anchor6">(6)</a> Strabo is inaccurate in placing Antiphellus among the +inland towns, ἐν τῇ μεσογαίᾳ, in contradiction to Ptolemy, +Pliny, and the author of the Stadiasmus. There can be no +doubt of the ruins on the coast opposite to Castel Rosso being +those of Antiphellus: the ancient name is still preserved in +the corrupted form of Andífilo; at which place I distinguished +on many of the ancient tombs the word Ἀντιφελλείτης, which is +found to be the ethnic adjective in Stephanus of Byzantium.</p> + +<p id="note7"><a href="#anchor7">(7)</a> The name of the Chelidoniæ insulæ has been transferred +to Cape Hiera, or the Sacred Promontory, which is now +called Cape Khelidhóni. The following is the description of +the coast between Patara and the Sacred Promontory in the +Stadiasmus, which, as I have already observed, travels in an +opposite direction to Strabo, or from east to west:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Ἱερᾶς ἄκρας ἐν Μελανίππη σταδ. λ. (30.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης εἰς Γάγας σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Μελανίππης ἐπὶ Ταμὸν (leg. ποταμὸν) ἀλμυρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.) +ὑπὲρ σταδ. ξ. (60.) κεῖται πόλις Ἀλμυρὰ καλουμένη.</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Μελανίππης (τοῦ Λιμύρου?) εἰς πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον καλούμενον +σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἰσίου πύργον εἰς Ἀδριακὴν σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀδριακὴς εἰς Σόμηναν σταδ. δ. (4.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Σόμηναν εἰς Ἀπέρλας σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀκρωτηρίου εἰς Ἀντίφελλον σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀντιφέλλου εἰς νῆσον Μεγέστην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Μεγέστης εἰς νῆσον Ῥόπην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ῥόπης εἰς τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσους σταδ. τ. (300.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ξεναγόρου νήσων εἰς Πάταραν σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>The greater part of the distances towards the beginning of +this extract are quite unintelligible. Melanippe, however, +seems to accord with the bay on the north side of Cape Khelidhóni. +This place may possibly have been the port of Gagæ, +which was a city of some celebrity⁠<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>⁠, and appears from Scylax +to have been near the coast, between Limyra and the Chelidoniæ. +Being also named by Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> as near Olympus and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span>Corydalla,—which last place, according to the Peutinger Table, +was 29 miles from Phaselis on the road to Patara,—the site of +Gagæ will accord very well with the ruins marked in Captain +Beaufort’s survey at Aladjá, five miles from the centre of the +Bay of Fínika. Following the same direction into the interior, +we ought to meet with the remains of Corydalla, coins of which +city are still extant. Rhodiopolis, also, called Rhodia by Stephanus +and Ptolemy, which Pliny names next to Corydalla, +and which Ptolemy enumerates together with Corydalla, among +the cities adjacent to Mount Masicytus,—would also probably +be found in the neighbouring part of the interior of Lycia⁠<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>⁠. +And here it may be observed, that the position of several of the +towns which Ptolemy enumerates around Mount Masicytus⁠<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a>⁠, +are now determined with a degree of accuracy sufficient at least +to show the situation and extent of that mountain, a very lofty +projection of which separates the bays of Fínika and Myra, under +the name of Cape Fínika.</p> + +<p>Following the Stadiasmus to the westward, we cannot doubt +that his river Almyrus is a corruption of Limyrus, mentioned, +together with the town of Limyra, by Pliny and Stephanus, as +well as by Strabo. The remains of Limyra are found at Fínika, +on the river which enters the bay of Fínika at its western angle: +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span>not, however, at a distance of sixty stades from the river’s +mouth, as the Stadiasmus indicates, but, as Strabo remarks, at +twenty. Some of the curious sepulchres inscribed in the Lycian +character and dialect, which Mr. Cockerell found here, +have been published by him in the 2d volume of Walpole’s +Collection (p. 524). A stream which joins the sea close to the +mouth of the Limyrus, seems to be the Arycandus of Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a>⁠, +which name we learn to have been that of a Lycian city, from +Hierocles, from Stephanus, and from the Scholiast of Pindar⁠<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>⁠, +who speaks also of a sacred place called Embolus in its vicinity. +That Arycanda was in this part of the country, might be +presumed likewise from an inscription found by Mr. Cockerell⁠<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> +at Limyra, in honour of a person who had acquired the rites of +citizenship at Arycanda and Olympus. Some vestiges of Arycanda, +therefore, might possibly be found on the banks of +the river above mentioned. I am inclined to think that the +name of a town near Mount Masicytus, which in some of the +copies of Ptolemy is Τριβένδα, and in others Ἀρένδαι, ought to +be Ἀρυκάνδαι. Pliny places Arycanda (perhaps improperly) +in Milyas.</p> + +<p>In Captain Beaufort’s survey, we find the beach of Myra +bounded to the west by a small rocky cape, called Pýrgo. +This seems to be the tower named Isium (εἰς Πύργον τὸ Ἴσιον +καλούμενον) in the Stadiasmus; though in arriving at that conjecture +we must overlook the distance from Andriace there +stated. As to the distance of the same tower from Melanippe, +I take that word to have been a mistake of the copier of the +Stadiasmus for Limyrus: the repetition of Melanippe a second +time was necessary, because Gagæ being an inland place, the +Periplus was obliged to revert to Melanippe: and this second +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span>repetition may have led to an erroneous repetition a third time; +for it is to be observed that the total distance from Cape Hiera +to Andriace <i>minus</i> that from Melanippe to Gagæ is correct. +And so is the distance (120 stades) from Limyrus to Andriace, +assuming the correction which I have mentioned.</p> + +<p>To the westward of Andriace we have two ancient sites determined +by inscribed sepulchres, which record the name of the city, +and the inscriptions upon which have been copied by Mr. Cockerell:—that +of Cyana, or the city τῶν ΚΥΑΝΕΙΤΩΝ, at the head +of Port Trístomo, as the inner part of the bay behind the island +of Kákava, is now called ——; and that of Aperlæ, or the city +τῶν ΑΠΕΡΛΕΙΤΩΝ at the head of Assar Bay. In our copies of +Pliny, the former name is written Cyane; in Hierocles and the +Notitiæ Episcopatuum it is Cyaneæ. The Stadiasmus has omitted +it, probably because it is at a considerable distance from the +open sea. Aperlæ is erroneously written by Ptolemy Aperræ, by +Pliny Apyræ; in the Notitiæ the bishopric is styled Ἀπριλλῶν: +in Hierocles and the Stadiasmus we find the orthography correct. +The Somena of the Stadiasmus we can hardly doubt to be the +same place as the Simena mentioned as a Lycian city by Pliny +(l. 5. c. 27.), and by Stephanus. Simena is placed by the Stadiasmus +at four stades to the westward of Andriace, precisely +in which situation we find some sepulchres marked in the survey +of Captain Beaufort. A further examination of these monuments +might perhaps discover the name of Simena as that +of the ancient town which stood here.</p> + +<p id="note8"><a href="#anchor8">(8)</a> The Stadiasmus describes the places between Attaleia +and Cape Hiera as follows:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀτταλείας ἐπὶ χωρίον Τένεδον σταδ. κ. (20.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Τενέδου εἰς Λύρναντα χωρίον σταδ. ξ. (60.) ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως +ὄρος μέγα ὑπέρκειται Φασίλις ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ. (<i>deest</i>.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Κωρύκου ἐπὶ τὸν Φοινικοῦντα σταδ. λ. (30.) ὑπὲρ μέγα ὄρος +ὑψηλὸν κεῖται Ὄλυμπος καλούμενον. Ἐκ δὲ Φασιλίδος ἐπ’ εὐθείας εἰς +Κράμβουσαν σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Κραμβούσης ἐπὶ χώρας Ποσιδαρισοῦντος σταδ. λ. (30.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ποσιδαρισοῦντος ἐπὶ Μωρὸν ὕδωρ καλούμενον σταδ. λ. (30.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Μωροῦ ὕδατος ἐπὶ ἄκραν Ἱερὰν καὶ νῆσον Χελιδονίαν σταδ. ν. +(50.)</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[189]</span></p> + +<p>Captain Beaufort discovered the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash, +and those of Phaselis at Tékrova; the inscriptions at either +place leaving no doubt of the identity. The ὄρος μέγα, in the +second paragraph of the above passage of the Stadiasmus, is +Mount Solyma, which extends 70 miles to the northward, but +the highest part of which, now called Taghtalu, is immediately +above the ruins of Phaselis. From the third paragraph of the +preceding passage of the Stadiasmus compared with Strabo, it +appears that the names Phœnicus and Olympus were applied +indifferently, both to the city which stood at Deliktash and to +the mountain above it. In the inscriptions, however, and in +the coins of this city, Olympus only occurs. In several of the +inscriptions found at Deliktash, the name of the people is +written ΟΛΥΝΠΗΝΟΙ, in others, as well as on the existing +coins, it is ΟΛΥΜΠΗΝΟΙ, and thus also we find the name in +the ancient authors. Scylax, in the place of Olympus, names +the cape and harbour of Siderus⁠<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>⁠; and it cannot be doubted +that he meant the bay of Deliktash or Olympus; for he adds +that in the mountain above there was a temple of Vulcan, at +which there was a perpetual fire issuing from the earth, exactly +as Captain Beaufort discovered it, at a short distance above the +ruins of Olympus.</p> + +<p id="note9"><a href="#anchor9">(9)</a> Crambusa is an island still known by its ancient name, +slightly corrupted. It is probably the same as the Dionysia of +Scylax and Pliny.</p> + +<p id="note10"><a href="#anchor10">(10)</a> Strabo in a subsequent passage (p. 671) remarks, that +all Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia, were visible from Mount +Olympus; and that upon it was the fortress of a celebrated pirate +named Zenicetus.</p> + +<p id="note11"><a href="#anchor11">(11)</a> The Corycus of the Stadiasmus corresponds exactly in +situation with that which Strabo describes as a coast (Κώρυκος +αἰγαλός) between Olympus and Phaselis; and Lyrnas is evidently +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[190]</span>the representative of Lyrnessus; which Homer mentions +together with Thebe. According to Strabo, Thebe and Lyrnessus +were supposed to have been between Phaselis and Attaleia.</p> + +<p id="note12"><a href="#anchor12">(12)</a> Arrian (l. 1. c. 26.) relates the same occurrence in the +following manner: “Alexander moving from Phaselis, sent +part of his army through the mountain to Perge, the Thracians +pointing out the road, which was difficult, but not long. Those +attached to his person, were led by himself along the sea-side. +This road cannot be used, except when the wind is northerly; +when the south wind blows, it is impracticable. When Alexander +arrived there, a north wind succeeding to violent south winds, +rendered the passage short and easy; an accident which, by +Alexander and his court, was considered as having happened +by the interposition of some deity.”</p> + +<p>The incident is well illustrated by the actual geography; for +the whole coast, from the ruins of Phaselis to the western corner +of the plain of Attaleia, consists of a lofty mountain, rising +abruptly from the shore. Arrian, in saying that the passage +was not long through the mountains from Phaselis into the +plains where Perge was situated, shows that there was a pass +in Mount Solyma not far from Attaleia; for Alexander was not +yet in possession of Termessus, which commanded the principal +pass of Mount Solyma, and the detour that way instead +of being short would have been very long.</p> + +<p id="note13"><a href="#anchor13">(13)</a> The position of Olbia is still uncertain; but as Strabo +and Ptolemy agree in placing it at the beginning of Pamphylia, +between Attaleia and the Lycian frontier, I am inclined to think +that its remains may still be found (especially if Strabo has +truly described it as a great fortress) in some part of the plain +which extends for seven miles from the modern Adália to the +foot of Mount Solyma. Stephanus, who states that the name +is properly Olba, not Olbia, adds that it did not belong to +Pamphylia, but to the country of the Solymi—a strong presumption +that it stood upon or at the foot of Mount Solyma. +As the Stadiasmus was a Periplus, the omission of Olbia is at +once explained, if we suppose it to have been situated at some +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[191]</span>distance from the coast: and as Captain Beaufort’s survey was +equally a Periplus, the same circumstance would account for +the site of Olbia having eluded his researches. The following +is the description of the coast between Coracesium and Attaleia +in the Stadiasmus:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Κορακησίου εἰς Αὔνησιν ἐπὶ χωρίον Ἀνάξιον σταδ. π. (80.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀναξίων εἰς χωρίον καλούμενον Αὐγὰς σταδ. ο. (70.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Αὐγῶν ἐπὶ ἀκρωτήριον Λευκόθειον σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Λευκοθείου εἰς Κύβερναν σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Κυβέρνης ἐπὶ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀρτεμίδος ναοῦ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν πλωτὸν Μέλανον σταδ. θ. (9.)</p> + +<p class="center">Λοιπὸν Παμφυλία.</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ εἰς Σίδην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Σίδης εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. π. (80.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Σελευκείας εἰς ποταμὸν πλωτὸν καλούμενον Εὐρυμέδοντα σταδ. +ρ. (100.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Κυνοσθρίου ἐπὶ ποταμὸν καλούμενον Κεστρόν σταδ. ξ. (60.) +ἀναπλεύσαντι τὸν ποταμὸν πόλις ἐστὶ Πέργη τοῦ Κέστρου ἐπὶ Ῥουσκόποδα.</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ῥουσκόποδος ἐπὶ Μάσουραν καὶ τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας σταδ. ν. +(50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Μασούρας εἰς Μυγδάλην σταδ. ο. (70.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Μυγδάλων εἰς Ἀττάλειαν σταδ. ι. (10.)</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p id="note14"><a href="#anchor14">(14)</a> Pomponius Mela gives a similar description of the +Catarrhactes:—“Deinde duo validissimi fluvii, Cestros et Catarrhactes: +Cestros navigari facilis, hic quia se præcipitat ita +dictus. Inter eos, Perga est oppidum.” The Stadiasmus affords +a still more accurate allusion to its present state, by using +the plural τοὺς Καταῤῥάκτας, the Cataracts. The river on approaching +the coast divides itself into several branches, which +in falling over the cliffs that border the coast from Laara to +Adália, form upon their upper part a mass of calcareous deposition, +projecting considerably beyond the perpendicular line of +the cliffs. Through the calcareous crust, the water makes its +way to the sea; and being thus separated into several streams +by a natural process, which has been rapidly increasing in its +operation in the course of time, the river has now no determinate +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[192]</span>mouth (as it may perhaps have had in former ages), unless +it be after heavy rains, when, as I saw it in passing along the +coast, it precipitates itself copiously over the cliffs near the +most projecting point of the coast a little to the west of Laara. +Besides this natural peculiarity which divides the Catarrhactes +into many branches, its main stream is further diminished by +the derivations which turn the mills and supply water to the +gardens and town of Adália.</p> + +<p id="note15"><a href="#anchor15">(15)</a> I am aware that this passage has been differently interpreted. +The words of Strabo are these: Εἶτα πόλις Ἀττάλεια, +ἐπώνυμος τοῦ κτίσαντος Φιλαδέλφου καὶ οἰκίσαντος εἰς +Κώρυκον πολίχνιον ἄλλην κατοικίαν ὅμορον καὶ μικρὸν περίβολον +περιθέντος. That the meaning of the geographer was that which +I have given, seems confirmed by Demetrius, as quoted by Stephanus +in the following words, in which, however, he has misnamed +Cilicia for Pamphylia: Ἀττάλεια ... οἱ δὲ τὴν +Κιλικίας Κώρυκον οὕτω φασὶ λέγεσθαι, ὡς Δημήτριος· ἀπὸ +Ἀττάλου Φιλαδέλφου κτίσαντος αὐτήν. It seems, therefore, +that Attalus sent a colony to occupy the shore of the harbour +of Adália, near a small town then called Corycus; that Corycus +also received a part of the colony, and that he inclosed that town +and his new settlement within the same walls. The passage of +Strabo is further illustrated by Suidas, (in Κωρυκαῖος,) who says +that Corycus was a cape of Pamphylia, where Attaleia was built: +Κώρυκος γὰρ τῆς Φαμφυλίας ἀκρωτήριον παρ’ ᾧ πόλις Ἀττάλεια.</p> + +<p>Captain Beaufort expresses his conviction that the modern +Adália stands on the site of Olbia; and he places Attaleia at +some ancient ruins, which he discovered at Laara, to the eastward +of the Catarrhactes. D’Anville, as well as M. Gosselin +(See the new French translation of Strabo, l. 14. c. 4.), are of a +similar opinion. This opinion is founded entirely upon the +order of names in Strabo, though he is contradicted by the +evidence of Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>⁠, of the Stadiasmus, and of the modern +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[193]</span>name of Adália. To me it appears that the ruins at Laara, +whose position possesses no advantages adapted to the seat of +a colony, are too inconsiderable for those of a city, the importance +of which may be traced from the time of its Pergamenian +founder, through the history of the Greeks, Romans, Crusaders, +and Byzantines, down to the Turkish conquest of Constantinople, +without any indication or probability of a change of +situation. Adália possesses all the natural advantages likely +to have made it the chief settlement of the adjacent country, +when the power of Asia became embodied under the successors +of Alexander. The walls and other fortifications—the magnificent +gate or triumphal arch, bearing an inscription in honour +of Hadrian—the aqueduct—the numerous fragments of sculpture +and architecture—the inscribed marbles found in many +parts of the town—the Episcopal church, now converted into a +mosque—the European coats of arms seen upon this church +and upon the city walls—and lastly, the bishopric of Attaleia +(τῆς Ἀτταλείας), of which Adália is still the see—appear to +me incontrovertible evidences of identity⁠<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a>⁠. In regard to the +names Adália and Satalía applied to the place by the Turks and +Italians respectively, it may not be unworthy of observation +that they are both taken immediately from the Greek; the +former from the nominative or accusative case (ἡ Ἀττάλεια, or +στὴν Ἀττάλειαν), which were the forms most frequently used +by the Greeks in speaking of the town itself; the latter from +the genitive case (τῆς Ἀτταλείας), this being perhaps the case +which the Italian navigators are chiefly in the habit of hearing +the Greeks employ in speaking of the gulf or port (of the κόρφος +or πόρτος τῆς Ἀτταλείας). The great difference of sound +in the two modern words has been the necessary consequence +of the difference between the accent of the gen. case of the +Greek word, and that of the nom. or acc. The Turkish name +Adália is precisely the Greek, except that the Turks have hardened +the tt into d.</p> + +<p>The vestiges of an ancient town and port, which Captain +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[194]</span>Beaufort observed at Laara, answer to the Magydus of Ptolemy, +a place which flourished under the Byzantine Empire, and was +a bishopric of the province of Pamphylia⁠<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>⁠. The Masura of +the Stadiasmus, and the Μάσηδος of Scylax, appear to be the +same place as Magydus.</p> + +<p id="note16"><a href="#anchor16">(16)</a> Although the ancient geography of the coast of Pamphylia +cannot be thoroughly illustrated until the position of its +chief towns is examined and ascertained, there seems little +doubt that the four rivers mentioned by Strabo,—namely the +Cestrus, the Eurymedon, a third river not named with islands +before it, and the Melas,—are accurately fixed by the survey of +Captain Beaufort and the route of General Koehler, confronted +with Strabo, the Stadiasmus, Zosimus⁠<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a>⁠, + and Pomponius Mela⁠<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>⁠. +The Cestrus is that which General Koehler crossed at two hours +to the west of Stavros, and the ruins which he had on his left +hand in crossing it seem to be those of Perge. The Eurymedon +is called Kápri-su, a name derived from the ancient city of +Capria, which, as well as can be understood from the imperfect +text of Strabo, stood at the distance of about two miles from +the sea, upon the banks of a lake of the same name, which occupies +a part of the maritime region between the Eurymedon +and Cestrus. The name of Kápri has, by a process not uncommon, +been transferred from the lake or city to the neighbouring +river Eurymedon. The remains of Aspendus ought to +be found at six or eight miles from the mouth of the Eurymedon, +on a lofty precipitous height on the banks of the river⁠<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>⁠. Higher +up was Pednelissus. But the most interesting discovery in this +part of the country would be Selge, a colony from Laconia, +situate on the frontiers of Pisidia and Pamphylia, in a very fertile +district, difficult of approach, in the upper regions of Mount +Taurus, near the sources of the Cestrus and Eurymedon⁠<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[195]</span></p> + +<p id="note17"><a href="#anchor17">(17)</a> There can be little doubt that the river without a name +here mentioned, is that which is marked on the map between +Side and the Eurymedon, although instead of any islands before +it, nothing is now seen but some rocks below or even with +the water’s surface. In proceeding by sea from Alaya to Castel +Rosso, I remained for two or three days in the mouth of this +river, in a two-masted vessel of Alaya of about 50 tons. It is +the only river which affords shelter, or even entrance to a boat; +the Cestrus and Eurymedon, although much larger streams, +being now closed by <i>bars</i>. It is very probable that the remains +of Sylleium would be found upon the banks of this river, for +which we have no name either ancient or modern; for Sylleium +appears both from Scylax and Arrian⁠<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> to have been situate +between Side and the Eurymedon; and as it continued to be a +place of importance under the Byzantine empire, and became +the principal bishopric of the province of Pamphylia upon the +decline of Perge, and superior even in rank to Attaleia⁠<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a>⁠, I have +little doubt that its site might be ascertained. According to +the Stadiasmus, there stood also between Side and the Eurymedon +one of the numerous places named Seleuceia. This +may perhaps have been the port of Sylleium. The relative +distances of the Stadiasmus, which are tolerably correct on this +part of the coast, would place Seleuceia in the bay to the eastward +of the nameless river. At the mouth of that river I did +not observe any remains of antiquity.</p> + +<p id="note18"><a href="#anchor18">(18)</a> The fine ruins of Side have been described by Captain +Beaufort. Its site is decisively fixed by the inscriptions found +there. The extensive moles and artificial harbours, of which +the remains still exist, illustrate the remark of Strabo, that +Side was the chief port and place of construction of the piratic +fleets; and its magnificent theatre, 400 feet in diameter, indicates +that under the more civilised government of the Romans +it still continued to be the chief city of this coast. Though the +Turks are so ignorant as to give it the name of Eski Adália +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[196]</span>(Old Attaleia), the name of Side was not unknown to their +geographers 150 years ago, being mentioned by Hadji Khalfa. +The Greeks give the name of Παλαιὰ Ἀττάλεια to the ruins of +Perge.</p> + +<p id="note19"><a href="#anchor19">(19)</a> There can be no doubt that the Melas is the river now +called Menavgát-su, for Zosimus and Mela⁠<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> agree in showing +its proximity to Side. Strabo, Mela, and the Stadiasmus, all +place it to the eastward of Side; and the distance of 50 stades +in the Stadiasmus between the Melas and Side, is precisely that +which occurs between the ruins of Side and the mouth of the +river of Menavgát.</p> + +<p>Cape Karáburnu being the most remarkable projection upon +this coast, seems to be the promontory Leucotheius of the +Stadiasmus, although the modern name implies <i>black</i> and the +ancient <i>white</i>. The situation of Karáburnu relatively to Coracesium +and the Melas, agrees also with that of Leucotheius +with regard to the same places in the Stadiasmus. It is probably +the same as the Cape Leucolla of Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>If the Κύβερνα of the Stadiasmus is the same as the Little +Cibyra of Strabo, as we can hardly doubt, there is a manifest +disagreement between the two authorities in regard to the position +of its territory. It is probable that the text of Strabo is +in fault, and that in the order of names the coast of Lesser Cibyra +should follow instead of preceding the Melas; for it is +difficult to believe that any other territory should have been +interposed between that of so large a city as Side and a river +which was only four miles distant from it. The vestiges of +Cibyra are probably those observed by Captain Beaufort upon +a height which rises from the right bank of a considerable river +about 8 miles to the eastward of the Melas, about 4 miles to +the westward of Cape Karáburnu, and nearly 2 miles from the +shore. Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> places Cibyra among the inland towns of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[197]</span>Cilicia Tracheia; Scylax names it as a city of Pamphylia, near +Coracesium.</p> + +<p>The 200 stades of the Stadiasmus between Coracesium and +Leucotheius, accord tolerably well with the 16 G. M. of the map +between Alaya Coracesium and Karáburna: and although the +relative distances of the two ancient ruins which occur in this +interval do not very accurately agree with the two places mentioned +in that Periplus, I am inclined to consider the easternmost +of the ruins as Anaxia, and the westernmost (which is on +a cape) as Augæ. The meaning of the Stadiasmus seems to +be, that Anaxia was not on the coast, and that it had a port +called Aunesis,—circumstances which exactly agree with the +ruins nearest to Alaya. I greatly suspect also that the Anaxia of +the Periplus is the Hamaxia of Strabo, and that the geographer +has erroneously placed that town to the eastward of Coracesium.</p> + +<p id="note20"><a href="#anchor20">(20)</a> As no other author makes mention of this Ptolemais, +and as its name is not found in the Stadiasmus, it may be conjectured +that Ptolemais did not stand upon the coast, but occupied, +perhaps, the situation of the modern town of A´lara, where +is a river, and upon its banks a steep hill crowned with a +Turkish castle.</p> + +<p id="note21"><a href="#anchor21">(21)</a> The testimonies of Strabo, Ptolemy, Scylax, and the +Stadiasmus, concur in placing Coracesium at Alaya, the extraordinary +situation of which town upon a rocky promontory, +precipitous on one side and on the other extremely steep, is +well suited to that fortress, which alone held out against Antiochus +the Great, when all the other places on the coast of +Cilicia had submitted to his arms⁠<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a>⁠. Coracesium was one of +the positions which particularly assisted in supporting the spirit +of piracy upon this coast; and it was the last at which the pirates +ventured to make any united resistance to the fleet of Pompey, +before they separated and retired to their strong holds in Mount +Taurus. For the history of the pirates the reader may consult +Strabo, the Mithridatic war of Appian, (who gives an account +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[198]</span>of their reduction by Pompey,) and Plutarch’s life of the same +Roman commander. Their long success was owing to the +commodious ports and strong positions of the coast, to the +strength of Mount Taurus behind, and to the frequent disputes +of the kings of Cyprus, Egypt, and Syria, among one another +and with the Romans; which made it occasionally the interest +of every party to support the Cilician cities in piracy and independence. +Thus, like the Barbary states in the present day, +the opportunity was afforded them of collecting plunder and +captives from every vessel and shore that was unable to resist +them. The sacred island of Delus became the entrepôt of their +trade; and the increasing luxury of the Romans gave encouragement +to their commerce in slaves.</p> + +<p id="note22"><a href="#anchor22">(22)</a> Lucan⁠<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> calls Syedra a port. Floras describes it as a +desertum Ciliciæ scopulum; yet its copper-coins are not uncommon⁠<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a>⁠; +it probably shared with Coracesium a fertile plain +which here borders the coast, and stretches for ten miles to the +eastward of the latter place.</p> + +<p id="note23"><a href="#anchor23">(23)</a> I have already observed that I am inclined to prefer the +testimony of the Stadiasmus, as to the site of Hamaxia, to that +which Strabo has here given: for notwithstanding the frequent +interruptions, false spellings, and false distances in the Periplus, +the order of names in a work of that description is more to be +depended upon than in Strabo. Unfortunately, Hamaxia is +not mentioned by any other author.</p> + +<p id="note24"><a href="#anchor24">(24)</a> The following is the description in the Stadiasmus of +the coast between Anemurium and Coracesium.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Ἀνεμουρίου εἰς Πλατανοῦντα σταδ. τν. (350). Error.</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Πλατανοῦντος εἰς χωρίον Χάραδρον σταδ. τν. (350). Error.</p> + +<p>Ὑπὲρ δὲ Χαράδρου κεῖται ὄρος μέγα Ἄνδροκος καλούμενος ἀπὸ +σταδ. λ. (30.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Χαράδρου ἐπὶ χωρίον Κράγον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100).</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[199]</span></p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κράγου ἐπὶ χωριὸν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης, Ζεφελίους (lege Νεφέλεως) +σταδ. κε. (25).</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφελίου ἐπὶ ἄκραν Νησιαζούσης σταδ. π. (80).</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Νησιαζούσης ἄκρας εἰς Σελινοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100).</p> + +<hr class="tb"> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Λαερτοῦ εἰς Κορακήσιον σταδ. ρ. (100).</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>The distance between Selinus and Laertes is wanting; which, +as it deprives us also of the whole number of stades between +Anemurium and Coracesium, deducts very largely from the information +contained in this passage of the Stadiasmus, where, +moreover, there are great errors in some of the separate distances. +Neither Syedra nor Hamaxia are mentioned; but the other names +are the same as in Strabo and in the same order, with the addition +of Cape Nesiazusa, which is not mentioned by any other +author, and of Cape Nephelis, which according to Livy⁠<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> was +the station of the fleet of Antiochus the Great, when having +reduced the cities of Cilicia as far as Selinus inclusive, he was +employed in the siege of Coracesium, and where he received +the ambassadors of the Rhodii.</p> + +<p>The preservation of the ancient names of Selinus, Charadrus, +and Anemurium, renders it easy to fix the principal places on +the line of coast between Alaya and Anamúr. If we allow any +weight to the evidence of the distances in the preceding passage +of the Stadiasmus, the site of Laertes was at some ruins +on a hill near the shore, 9 G. M. direct from Alaya, and 13½ +from the ruins of Selinus, or Trajanopolis, at Selinti. Cragus, +the Antiocheia super Crago of Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 8.), who places +it next to Selinus eastward, is found about half way between +Selinus and Charadrus on a steep hill rising from the shore, +which exactly corresponds with the description of Cragus by +Strabo. Nephelis appears from the distance in the Stadiasmus +to have been the promontory two or three miles to the westward +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[200]</span>of the same place. But in this case Ptolemy has improperly +inserted Nephelis between Antiocheia and Anemurium. +It seems not improbable that Antiocheia was founded or named +by Antiochus, when he chose the bay of Nephelis for the station +of his fleet in his operations against the Cilician fortresses. +According to Appian (Mithrid. c. 96.) there was a fortress of +Anticragus, as well as of Cragus. In regard to Platanus, Captain +Beaufort remarks, that “between the plain of Selinti and +the promontory of Anamúr, a distance of 30 miles, the ridge of +bare rocky hills forming the coast is interrupted but twice by +narrow valleys which conduct the mountain torrents to the sea. +The first of these is Kháradra; the other is half way between +that place and Anamúr.” The latter seems therefore to be the +Platanus of the Stadiasmus: in comparing which authority with +Strabo and with the map, it would appear that Platanus gave +the name of Platanistus to the whole coast between Charadrus +and Anemurium, and that the distance of Platanus from either +place in stades should be ρν (150) instead of τν (350).</p> + +<p id="note25"><a href="#anchor25">(25)</a> These two numbers, namely, 820 stades from Coracesium +to Anemurium, and 500 stades from Anemurium to Soli, +are obviously incorrect; nor would they be very accurate if they +were to change places, the distance from Coracesium to Anemurium +being about 50 geographical miles in direct distance, +and that from Anemurium to Soli near 100.</p> + +<p id="note26"><a href="#anchor26">(26)</a> Nagidus, a colony of the Samii⁠<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>⁠, appears from its +silver coins⁠<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> to have been anciently one of the chief cities upon +this coast: it probably declined in proportion as the neighbouring +position of Anemurium (which was better adapted to be one +of the fortresses and ports of the pirates) rose into importance. +The two theatres, the aqueduct, and other ruins at Anemurium, +all show that it chiefly flourished under the Romans. The site +of Nagidus appears to have been on the hill above the castle of +Anamúr.</p> + +<p>The river Arymagdus, placed by Ptolemy between Anemurium +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[201]</span>and Arsinoe, seems to be the same as the Lalassis, which, +according to Pliny, flowed from Isauria into the sea of Anemurium⁠<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>⁠. +The name of Lalassis was applied also to the +country on the banks of this river. Ptolemy mentions Nineia, +as the only town which it contained. The river is now called +the Direk-Ondasi; it joins the coast at the castle of Anamúr, +five miles north-eastward of Cape Anamúr.</p> + +<p>The following are the places between Celenderis and Anemurium +according to the Stadiasmus:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100).</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπ’ ἀκρωτήριον Ποσείδιον καλούμενον σταδ. ζ. (7).</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Μανδάνης ἐπὶ τὰς Διονυσιοφάνους σταδ. λ. (30).</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Διονυσιοφάνους εἰς Ρυγμάνους (qu. Ἀρυμάγδους?) σταδ. +ν. (50).</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ρυγμανῶν εἰς Ἀνεμούριον σταδ. ν. (50).</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p>Notwithstanding the distortion of names in this passage, +yet as the two extreme places preserve their ancient appellations, +and the amount of distance 237 stades corresponds with +the 26 G. M. of the map, we may place some confidence in the +intermediate positions. The fifty stades of the Stadiasmus between +Rhygmana and Anemurium accord with the real distance +between the cape of Anamúr and the castle of Anamúr, which +stands at the mouth of the Arymagdus: it is probable therefore +that Ρύγμανα is an error for Ἀρύμαγδος. Nor can it well be +doubted that the promontory Poseidium is the cape now called +Kizlimán, this being the only remarkable headland between +Anemurium and Celenderis, and the distances in the Stadiasmus +according very accurately with the reality. According to +an emendation of Saumaise, who was not acquainted with this +corroborating passage of the Stadiasmus, Scylax also makes +mention of the promontory of Poseidium.</p> + +<p id="note27"><a href="#anchor27">(27)</a> The Arsinoe here mentioned by Strabo is the only +place in Ptolemy between the mouth of the Arymagdus and +Celenderis: it is named also by Pliny, Stephanus, and the +geographer of Ravenna, the last of whom in giving the names +in this order, Anemurium, Arsinoe, Sicæ, Celenderis, corroborates +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[202]</span>Strabo and Ptolemy, and justifies us in placing Arsinoe +at or near the ruined modern castle called Sokhta Kálesi, below +which is a port such as Strabo describes at Arsinoe, and a peninsula +on the east side of the harbour covered with ruins. The +relative distances in the Stadiasmus place Dionysiophanæ at the +same spot. Possibly this may have been the name of the harbour +or peninsula, and Arsinoe may have stood upon the hill +of Sokhta Kálesi. The name of Syce or Sycea, the Sicæ of the +geographer of Ravenna, is found as a Cilician town in Athenæus⁠<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> +and Stephanus of Byzantium; and if the emendation of +Scylax by Gronovius may be followed, it was very near the promontory +Poseidium.—Perhaps it possessed the fertile valley lying +on the east side of the hills which end in Cape Kizliman.</p> + +<p>One cannot but suspect at first sight that the Mandane of +the Stadiasmus is the same place as the Melania of Strabo. +The seven stades however of the Stadiasmus place Mandane +very near Poseidium to the eastward. On the other hand there +is a small bay only two or three miles to the westward of +Kelénderi, where Captain Beaufort remarked some vestiges of +antiquity: it remains doubtful therefore whether the distance in +the Stadiasmus is correct, and whether Melania and Mandane +were the same, or different places.</p> + +<p id="note28"><a href="#anchor28">(28)</a> As the Stadiasmus does not mention any distance between +the Gulf of Berenice and Celenderis, there is reason to +think that Berenice was the name of the <i>bay</i> to the eastward of +the little <i>port</i> of Kelénderi. The following are the names and +distances of the places in the Stadiasmus between the mouth of +the Calycadnus and the Gulf of Berenice:</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ (scil. Καλυκάδνου) ἐπὶ ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν Σαρπεδονίαν +καλουμένην. σταδ. π. (80.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπ’ αὐτῆς ἀνατεινὸν τὰ βραχέα ὡς ἀπὸ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας σταδ. κ. +(20.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἔγγιστα πρὸς τὴν Κύπρον εἰς πόλιν Καρπασίου νεωτάτου +σταδ. υʹ. (400.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Σελεύκειαν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) ὁμοίως καὶ +εἰς Σώλους (leg. Ὁρμοὺς sive Ὁλμοὺς) σταδ. ρκ. (120.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[203]</span></p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν Ὁρμῶν ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ κώμην καλουμένην Μύλας σταδ. μ. +(40.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ λιμένα Νησούλιον καὶ ἄκραν ἐπινήσιαν σταδ. ξ. +(60.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἐπὶ χωρίον Φιλαίαν σταδ. κ. (20.) Οἱ πάντες ἀπὸ +Μυλαίων τὸν ἐπίτομον, σταδ. φ. (500.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Φιλαίας ἐπὶ νῆσον Πιτυοῦσαν σταδ. ρλ. (130.) Ἀπέχει ἡ +Πιτυοῦσα ἀπὸ Χεῤῥονήσου τῇ πρὸς τὴν Μύλη σταδ. κ. (20.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων τῆς Πιτυούσης πρὸς τὴν Ἀφροδισιάδην σταδ. μεʹ. (45.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐκ τῶν εὐωνύμων ὑμῶν εχον’ τὴν Πιτυοῦσαν ἐπὶ +πύργον κείμενον πρὸς ἄκραν ἡ προσονομάζεται Ζεφύριον σταδ. μ. (40.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ζεφυρίου ἐπ’ ἄκραν καὶ πόλιν Ἀφροδισιάδα σταδ. μ. (40.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς Σαρπεδονίας ἄκρας εἰς Ἀφροδισιάδα ὁ πλοῦς ἐπὶ τὴν +κα ... δέθιν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) Ἡ δὲ Ἀφροδισιὰς κεῖται ἔγγιστα τῆς +Κύπρου πρὸς τὴν Αὐλιῶνα ἄκτην κατὰ πρύμναν ἔχουσα πρὸς τὰ μέρη +τῆς ἄρκτου σταδ. φ. (500.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ χωρίον καλούμενον Κίφισον σταδ. λεʹ. (35.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Μέλανος ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ ἄκραν Κραύνους σταδ. μ. (40.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Κραύνων ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια εὐώνυμα ἔχοντα τὴν Κράμβουσαν +σταδ. με. (45.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀφροδισιάδος ἐπὶ τὰ Πισούργια σταδ. ρκ. (120.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Πισουργίων εἰς κόλπον Βερνίκην (leg. Βερενίκην) σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Κελενδέρεως εἰς Μανδάνην σταδ. ρ. (100.) &c.</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p id="note29"><a href="#anchor29">(29)</a> Although there is not much to be learnt from the preceding +passage of the Stadiasmus, one very important point is +settled by it. The long sandy promontory of Lissan El Kahpeh +is so accurately described by the words ἄκραν ἀμμώδη στενὴν, as +to leave no doubt of its identity with Sarpedonia, celebrated as +being the place beyond which the ships of Antiochus the Great +were forbidden to sail by his treaty with the Romans⁠<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>⁠. Strabo +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[204]</span>has therefore justly described the mouth of the Calycadnus +as occurring after turning Cape Sarpedon to the eastward; +and the same relative situation of the places is indicated as +well by the Stadiasmus, as by Ptolemy, whose names are in +the following order: Celenderis, Aphrodisias, Sarpedon, the +mouth of the Calycadnus, Zephyrium, Corycus. Although +Ptolemy here describes the mouth of the Calycadnus and Zephyrium +as separate places, I believe them to have been the +same, and that Cape Zephyrium was nothing more than the remarkable +projection of the sandy coast at the mouth of that river; +for Polybius, Livy, and Appian, all speak of Calycadnus as +a cape, and the two latter as a cape different from Sarpedon: +it can hardly be doubted therefore that the projection at the +mouth of the river was meant by them. In corroboration of this +opinion, it is to be observed that the Stadiasmus does not notice +any Zephyrium on this part of the coast, but names only the +mouth of the Calycadnus at 80 stades to the east of Sarpedonia, +which is nearly the distance of the mouth of the Ghiuk Su from +Lissan El Kahpeh. Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> in like manner omits Cape Zephyrium, +stating the order of names (from E. to W.) as follows: +“Corycus eodem nomine oppidum et portus et specus; mox +flumen Calycadnus, promontorium Sarpedon, oppida Holme, +Myle promontorium et oppidum Veneris, a quo proxime Cyprus +insula.”</p> + +<p>The Aphrodisias or city of Venus which Ptolemy here names, +although unnoticed by Strabo, is mentioned by Stephanus, by +Diodorus⁠<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>⁠, and by Livy⁠<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>⁠; + from the last of whom it appears +to have ranked in the time of Antiochus the Great among the +chief towns of the coast. Its position, as indicated by Pliny, +agrees with that ascribed to it by Ptolemy and the Stadiasmus; +and it appears from their joint authority to have been situated +between Celenderis and Sarpedon, on or very near a promontory, +also called Aphrodisias, which lay about north of Cape +Aulion the north-eastern extremity of Cyprus. These data, however +precise, are not sufficiently so to decide the question between +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[205]</span>two adjacent capes on the coast westward of Sarpedon; +and the confused account of the places in the Stadiasmus does +not inspire much confidence in that authority. We perceive, +however, that the Stadiasmus accords with Strabo and Pliny in +naming Holmi as the first place to the westward of Cape Sarpedon, +and Pliny confirms the Stadiasmus in placing Mylæ +between Holmi and Aphrodisias. Mylæ in the Stadiasmus is +called a Cape and Chersonese, a description precisely applicable +to Cape Cavaliere, which is a peninsula connected with +the continent by a very narrow isthmus. I am inclined to +think, therefore, that cape Cavaliere was Mylæ, that the cape +near the Papadúla rocks was the promontory of Venus, and +that some vestiges of the town of Aphrodisias would be found +near the harbour behind the cape. Captain Beaufort informs +us that he did not observe many remains of Grecian antiquity +on this part of the coast; they were probably converted into +new buildings by the Crusaders, many marks of whose residence +are found here, and among others the names of Cavaliere +and Provençal attached to the most remarkable cape and +island⁠<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>⁠. The island of Provençal, called by the Turks Menavát, +is probably the Pityussa of the Stadiasmus; for the Papadúla +islands, consisting of several small rocks, would hardly +have been described by a Greek word in the singular. Holmi, +the ancient residence of the people of Seleuceia before the +time of its foundation by Seleucus Nicator⁠<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>⁠, was probably at +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[206]</span>Aghalimán, the modern port of Seléfke. The observation of +the Stadiasmus, that the distances were equal between Cape +Sarpedonia and Seleuceia, and between the same promontory +and Holmi, will be found accurate when applied to Aghalimán +and Seléfke, relatively to the extreme point of the +sandhills above the low sandy cape of Lissan el Kahpeh: for +it may easily be credited that the point of the sandhills was +the extreme cape at the date of the Stadiasmus; at which time +the long low spit may have been the shoals which that authority +notices as extending twenty stades beyond Sarpedonia. +The distance, however, of 120 stades from Sarpedon to Seleuceia +and to Holmi will be found too great, when measured from +the point of the sandhills to Seléfke and Aghaliman.</p> + +<p>The river which joins the sea at the bottom of the Bay of +Papadúla, being the largest stream on the part of the coast +under consideration, seems to be the Melas of the Stadiasmus; +and the cape which lies midway between that stream and Celenderis +may possibly be the Crauni of the same authority. The +other places mentioned in the Stadiasmus, I shall not pretend +to determine, but proceed to extract from it the names of the +places on the whole extent of the coast of Cilicia Campestris, +with their respective distances. As this authority proceeds in +a contrary direction to Strabo, it will be found more convenient +to examine the entire passage relating to the coast +of Cilicia before we continue the immediate reference to +the text of Strabo, followed in the numbers attached to these +Notes.</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀλεξανδρείας εἰς τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας σταδ. σ. (200.) ὁμοῦ οἱ +πάντες ἀπὸ Πάλτου ἕως τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν σταδ. β͵φ. (2500.)</p> + +<p class="center">Λοιπὸν Κιλικία.</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Κιλικίων πυλῶν εἰς τὸ Ἱερὸν σταδ. ρκ. (120.) τοῦτο ἐστὶν +ὑπερβῆναι εἰς τὸν τόπον εἰς πόλιν.</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἱεροῦ εἰς πόλιν Ἀμινσὸν σταδ. ψ. (700.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀμινσοῦ εἰς τὰς Ἀμμωνιακὰς (leg. Ἀμανικὰς) πύλας ἐντ’ κοιλοτάτου +τοῦ κόλπου σταδ. ϛ. (6.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν πυλῶν εἰς κώμην Ἄλλην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου οὐριοδρομοῦντος σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Ἄλλων εἰς πόλιν Αἰγαίας σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[207]</span></p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Μυριάνδρου εἰς Αἰγαίας εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ νότου +σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Αἰγαίων ὁ παράπλους Κρημύωδος ἐπὶ κώμην Σερετίλην σταδ. ρν. +(150.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Ῥωσοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι ἐπὶ τὴν Σερετίλην ἐπὶ τοῦ πολοῦ νότου +σταδ. σν. (250.) κατὰ δὴ τὴν Σερετίλην κώμη ἐπάνω Πύραμος καλεῖται· +καὶ ὑπεράνω αὐτοῦ ὄρος καλούμενον Πάριον ἀπὸ σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Σερετίλλεως εἰς κώμην ἐπ’ ἄκραν Ἰανουαρίαν σταδ. α͵. (1000.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰανουαρίας ἄκρας ἐπὶ τὰς Διδύμους νήσους σταδ. λ. (30.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῶν Διδύμων νήσων εἰς πόλιν καλουμένην Μάλλον σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Μάλλου εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἐπὶ Πύραμον ποταμὸν σταδ. ρν. (150.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν, ἣν νῦν Κέφαλον καλοῦσι σταδ. +ο. (70.) παρὰ τὸ ἀκρωτήριον ποταμός ἐστι πλωτὸς Πύραμος καλεῖται.</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Σκοπέλου (scil. Ῥωσσικοῦ⁠<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>⁠) δὲ μὴ κατακολπίζοντι, ἀλλ’ ἐπ’ +εὐθείας πλέοντι εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν· ἔπειτα πρὸς ἀνατολὴν τῆς Ἠπείρου +νότῳ τὰ εὐώνυμα μάκρον διαφάλλω σταδ. τν. (350.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ εὐθυδρομοῦντι εἰς Σώλους ἐπὶ τὰ πρὸς +ἑσπέραν μέρη τῆς ἄρκτου νότῳ μίκρᾳ παρέλκας σταδ. φ. (500.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Πυράμου ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Ἄρειον σταδ. ρκ. +(120.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ἀρείου ποταμοῦ ἐπὶ στόματος λίμνης, ὃ καλεῖται Ῥηγμοὶ σταδ. +ο. (70.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Ῥηγμῶν εἰς Τάρσον σταδ. οʹ. (70.) ῥέει δὲ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ποταμὸς +Κύδνος.</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Τάρσου ἐπὶ χωρίον Ζεφύριον σταδ. ρκ. (120.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων ἐπὶ κώμην Καλάνθιαν σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Καλανθίας κώμης εἰς Ἐλαιοῦντα σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ Σεψαούσης (qu. Σεβάστης?) εἰς κώμην καλουμένην Κώρυκον σταδ. +κ. (20.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ δὲ Σόλων εἰς Κώρυκον σταδ. σπ. (280.) ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀπέχον ἐστὶν +ἀκρωτήριον Κωρύκιον καλούμενον σταδ. ρ. (100.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κωρυκίου ἐπὶ λιμένα καλούμενον καλὸν Κορακήσιον σταδ. +ρκε. (125.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Κορακησίου ἐπὶ τὴν Ποικίλην Πέτραν, ἥτις ἔχει κλίμακα δι’ +ἧς ἐστιν ὁδὸς εἰς Σελεύκειαν τὴν ἐπὶ Λύκου σταδ. οʹ. (70.) (lege Καλυκάδνου +sive Καλύδνου⁠<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a>⁠).</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τῆς κλίμακος ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν Καλύδιον (lege Καλυδνον) σταδ. +μ. (40.)</p> + +</blockquote> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[208]</span></p> + +<p>The reader will think, perhaps, that this long passage was +hardly worth transcribing. Some of the distances indeed between +the known points give us not much confidence in its +authority: the number of stades, for instance, from Paltus on +the coast of Syria to the Cilician pylæ is more than double, +and that across the Gulf of Issus from Myriandrus to Ægæ +is less than half the true distance. Nor will the shorter lines +along the coast bear much examination. I have thought it +worth while, however, to complete the comparison of this Periplus +with the survey of Capt. Beaufort, because its minute +description can be illustrated only by a delineation so detailed +and accurate as that of Capt. B. In the part of the Gulf of +Issus which has not yet been surveyed, the names and their +order may be of use to future investigators of the comparative +geography of these countries: and the Periplus may throw +some light upon ancient topography, when it has itself received +illustration from a correct delineation.</p> + +<p>There are two points at the head of the Gulf of Issus besides +Alexandreia, which have preserved the ancient name. These +are Baiæ and Ægæ, both which words are still used in the +<i>Romaic</i> form (the accusative case), in which they were received +by the Turks from the Byzantine Greeks. Βαιαί is now called +Bayás, and Αἰγαί or Αἰγαῖαι, Ayás. The former stands in a +small plain at the foot of Mount Amanus, which rises from the +extremity of the Gulf; the latter occupies a point on the north +side of the gulf, at the entrance of a bay, which is formed on +the opposite or western side by a low cape, at the mouth of +the Djihún, or Ghihún—the ancient Pyramus.</p> + +<p>Strabo, Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>⁠, and the Stadiasmus agree in naming two +pylæ, or passes, fortified with a wall and gate at the head of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[209]</span>the gulf; namely, the gate of Amanus, which was in Cilicia, +and the Cilician gate, which formed the division between Syria +and Cilicia. The position of both these pylæ has been +ascertained⁠<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>⁠; the northern or Amanic, between Ayás and +Bayás, at the northern or innermost extremity of the gulf, +ἐν τῷ κοιλοτάτῳ τοῦ κόλπου, as the Stadiasmus has well described +it,——the southern or Cilician, between Bayás and +Iskenderún, not far from, if not exactly at the place, where +Pococke and other modern travellers observed some ruins vulgarly +known by the name of the Pillars of Jonas. The pass +of Beilan, leading from Iskenderún over the mountain into the +plain of Antioch, was a third pylæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>⁠, which has been well distinguished +by Ptolemy from the other two, and was justly +called the Gate of Syria.</p> + +<p>It will follow from the foregoing remarks, that I cannot agree +with the author of the Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus, +in thinking that Strabo, by the words Ἀμανίδες Πύλαι, and αἱ +Πύλαι λεγόμεναι, ὅριον Κιλίκων τε καὶ Σύρων⁠<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>⁠, meant one +and the same pass; or that by either of these pylæ he meant +the pass of Beilan. For it is to be observed, that his words +Ἀμανίδες πύλαι occur in enumerating the places in their order, +thus: Mallus, Ægæ, Amanides Pylæ, Issus. At Issus, after +observing that the gulf took its name from that city, he suddenly +breaks off from his former order, mentions several cities in the +neighbourhood of the Gulf, and ends with naming the gate +which formed the boundary of Syria and Cilicia; which, it is +to be observed, could not have been the Pass of Beilan, because +in that case Alexandria would have been included in Cilicia: +whereas we know that Issus was the last town of that province. +Nor is the meaning which Major Rennell gives to these words +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[210]</span>of Strabo supported by the other passage which he cites +(from p. 751); the words of which are ... αἱ Πάγραι τῆς +Ἀντιοχίδος, χωρίον ἐρυμνὸν κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τοῦ Ἀμανοῦ τὴν +ἐκ τῶν Ἀμανίδων πυλῶν εἰς τὴν Συρίαν κείμενον. Ὑποπίπτει μὲν +οὖν ταῖς Πάγραις τὸ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πεδίον. The ruins of +Pagræ are found under their ancient name, in the usual modern +form of the accusative case (Pagras), on the southern slope of +Mount Amanus eight or nine miles below Beilan on the road +to Antioch. Had Beilan been the Amanic gate meant by +Strabo, he would surely have described Pagræ simply as being +on the descent from the gates of Amanus into the plain of Antioch, +not as on the <i>passage over</i> Mount Amanus, which leads +from the Pylæ Amanides into Syria; for thus the passage should +be translated, and not as Dr. Gillies has given it, “situate upon +the <i>ascent</i> of Mount Amanus leading from the gates of Amanus +into Syria.” Beilan certainly was, as I have just observed, <i>a +Pylæ</i>, and it was upon Mount Amanus, or rather exactly at the +point which separated Mount Amanus from Mount Pieria; but +it was not the Pylæ Amanides of Strabo, the position of which, +as already described, is exactly confirmed by the Stadiasmus, as +well as by Ptolemy. There was a fourth pass, as Major Rennell +has justly observed, which crossing Mount Amanus from the +eastward, descended upon the centre of the head of the gulf, +near Issus. By this pass it was that Dareius marched from +Sochus, and took up his position on the banks of the Pinarus; +by which movement Alexander, who had just before marched +from Mallus to Myriandrus, through the two maritime pylæ, +was placed between the Persians and Syria. Cicero also alludes +to this pass when he observes, that “nothing is stronger +than Cilicia on the side of Syria, there being only two narrow +entrances into it over the Amanus, the ridge of which +mountain divides the two provinces: “qui Syriam a Cilicia +aquarum divortio dividit⁠<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a>⁠.” The other pass to which he alludes +was that of Beilan.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[211]</span></p> + +<p>With regard to the military operations of Alexander and of +Cyrus on this celebrated scene of action, I must be satisfied, +until we have a more detailed and accurate map, with referring +the reader to Major Rennell, who has ably confronted the various +evidences upon the subject in his illustrations of the Expedition +of Cyrus. The chief movements and the general situation +of the places are sufficiently clear, and I fully subscribe +to Major Rennell’s opinions, with the sole exception which I +have just stated.</p> + +<p>Having ascertained the eastern extremity of the line of coast +comprehended between the mouth of the Calycadnus and the +head of the gulf of Issus, I shall now return to the western +extremity, and, proceeding according to the order of names in +the extract from Strabo, examine how far the text of the Geographer +can be illustrated by other authorities, particularly the +Stadiasmus. The modern names of Kórgos, Lámas, and Tersús, +which would probably be still nearer the original Corycus, Latmus, +and Tarsus, when written by a Greek, are the principal +landmarks, and together with the ruins of Pompeiopolis at Mezetlu, +they render it not difficult, with the assistance of Captain +Beaufort’s survey, to fix most of the intermediate places.</p> + +<p id="note30"><a href="#anchor30">(30)</a> Here it will be observed that the Stadiasmus exactly +confirms Strabo’s description of the rock Pœcile, with its steps +leading to Seleuceia. Its distance of 40 stades from the Calycadnus, +if correct, will place it about Pershendi, at the north-eastern +angle of the sandy plain of the Calycadnus, where +a sheltered bight between the sandy beach and a projection of +the mountains which constitute the coast from thence as far +as the Lámas, serves as the harbour of Selefke towards the east, +as Aghalimán is to the west. Instead of any steps in the rocks, +Captain Beaufort here found the “extensive ruins of a walled +town, with temples, arcades, aqueducts, and tombs built round +a small level, which had some appearance of having once been +a harbour, with a narrow opening to the sea.” An inscription +copied by Captain Beaufort from a tablet over the eastern gate +of the ruins, accounts for the omission of any notice of this <i>town</i> +by Strabo; for the inscription states it to have been entirely +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[212]</span>built by Fluranius, archon of the Eparchia of Isauria, in the +reign of the Augusti Valentinian, Valens, and Gratianus⁠<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a>⁠. It +seems probable that it is the same place called Pœcile Petra by +Strabo; and that being the eastern port of Seleuceia, it acquired +under the Roman emperors a share of the importance to which +Seleuceia then attained, and probably some new name, perhaps +Zephyrium. As the Stadiasmus speaks of the place in the same +terms as Strabo, it may be inferred that this Periplus is older +than the ruins at Pershendi, or older than the 4th century.</p> + +<p id="note31"><a href="#anchor31">(31)</a> Between Pœcile Petra and Corycus, Strabo places Cape +Anemurium and the island Crambusa; the Stadiasmus names +only port Coracesium. Κώρυκος still preserves its name; but +instead of being a promontory as described by Strabo, it is an +island, upon which stands a castle similar in structure to another +larger castle on the neighbouring shore of the continent. The +castle on the island appears from the inscriptions which it preserves, +to have been of the time of the Armenians, who possessed +this country in the beginning of the 13th century. In 1432 +Korgos belonged to the king of Cyprus⁠<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a>⁠. In 1471 it was taken +from the Turks of Mahomet the Second by the Venetians, who +gave it up to the prince of Karaman⁠<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>⁠. The castle on the shore +stands on the site of a Greek town, the ancient Corycus⁠<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>⁠, +which Strabo has not noticed. There does not appear to be +any cape on the four miles of coast between this point and +Pershendi that will readily identify itself with his cape Anemurium, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[213]</span>nor any harbour that will agree with the Coracesium +of the Stadiasmus; and the distances in the last authority are +quite absurd. On the summit of the mountain, above the ruins +of Corycus, ought to be found the Corycian cave, of which +Strabo, Mela, and Solinus have related such wonders, that with +regard to the greatest part of them we may use the words +applied by Solinus himself to one of the circumstances reported +of the cave—Qui volunt, credunt.</p> + +<p id="note32"><a href="#anchor32">(32)</a> Elæussa is no longer an island; and it is remarkable +that Stephanus, though in one place⁠<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> he calls it an island +near Corycus, in another⁠<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a> describes it as a Chersonese. A +sandy plain now connects Elæussa with the coast, and with the +ruins of the city which derived its importance and its name of +Sebaste from having been the residence of Archelaus king of +Cappadocia⁠<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>⁠. These ruins consist of a temple, theatre, numerous +sepulchres, and three aqueducts, one of which is derived +from the river Lamus, six miles distant. The distance +of Elæussa as well as of Soli from Corycus is tolerably exact +in the Stadiasmus; consequently there must be some error +either in the distance between Soli and Calanthia, or in that +between Calanthia and Elæussa: and hence, as there are no +conspicuous ruins upon this part of the coast, it becomes impossible +to fix Calanthia.</p> + +<p id="note33"><a href="#anchor33">(33)</a> Soli, which like Aspendus and Rhodus was a colony +from Argus, was at one time the chief city on the coast of +Cilicia; but it had fallen into decay, chiefly by the ill treatment +of Tigranes, when Pompey, having reduced Cilicia, rebuilt it and +named it Pompeiopolis⁠<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>⁠. Captain Beaufort has published a +plan of its ruins. The elliptical mole and artificial port seem +to have been a magnificent structure, and may perhaps be +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[214]</span>only a repair of an ancient Greek work. The other remains, +the walls, aqueduct, theatre, temples, and the long colonnade +on either side of the main street, were probably erected by +Pompey, as they resemble the skeletons of Roman cities seen +at Antinoe in Egypt, at Gerasa in Syria, and less perfectly in +many other places.</p> + +<p id="note34"><a href="#anchor34">(34)</a> The most projecting point between the ruins of Soli +and the mouth of the Tersús-tshai, or Cydnus, is the sandy +cape at the mouth of the river of Mersín. This cape, therefore, +is probably the ancient Zephyrium, though its distance from +Tarsus is somewhat greater than that which the Stadiasmus +gives between these two places, namely 120 stades. The Stadiasmus +agrees with Hierocles in showing that there was a +town as well as a cape of Zephyrium.</p> + +<p id="note35"><a href="#anchor35">(35)</a> We naturally look for Anchiale, the port of Tarsus, at +the nearest part of the coast at which there is shelter for shipping, +or at that from whence the maritime traffic of Tarsus is +now carried on. The shore opposite to Kazalú and Karaduar +is in both these predicaments; and between these two villages +is a river answering to the Anchialeus⁠<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>⁠. Anchiale boasted of +an antiquity equal to that of Tarsus; but as early as the time of +Alexander the Great it retained only the vestiges of its former +importance, in its massy and extensive walls⁠<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>⁠. A large mound, +not far from the Anchialeus, with some other similar tumuli near +the shore to the westward, are the remains, perhaps, of the works +of the Assyrian founders of Anchiale, which probably derived its +temporary importance from being the chief maritime station of +the Assyrian monarchs in these seas.</p> + +<p id="note36"><a href="#anchor36">(36)</a> The Cydnus, instead of flowing through Tarsus, as in +former times⁠<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>⁠, leaves the present city to the westward, and +no longer forms the lake towards its mouth, which once served +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[215]</span>as a naval arsenal to Tarsus. The alluvion of the river itself +has converted this lake into a sandy plain.</p> + +<p>Although Strabo has omitted to mention the Sarus in this +place, there is sufficient proof that it was the modern Sihún, +which enters the sea at a short distance to the S.E. of the +Cydnus; for the town of A´dana, the district of which adjoined +to that of Tarsus, still retains its ancient name and situation on +the western bank of the Sihún⁠<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a>⁠; the course of which river is +traced upwards through mount Taurus into the plains of Cappadocia, +exactly as Strabo describes the Sarus⁠<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p id="note37"><a href="#anchor37">(37)</a> It is equally evident that the Ghihún is the Pyramus, +whose origin, like the Sarus⁠<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>⁠, was in Cappadocia, from whence +it flowed through the Taurus; for the Pyramus was the next +river eastward of the Sarus⁠<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a>⁠; and at Mensís, the Ghihún flows +within 20 miles of the Sihún at Adana, without any intermediate +river of magnitude between them; from thence it winds +to the east, and joins the sea in the middle of the Issic gulf. +The Ghihún is larger than any other river in Cilicia, as Strabo +describes the Pyramus, and it has deposited a large tract of +alluvial land at its mouth, which, however, has not increased so +rapidly as the ancients had predicted.</p> + +<p id="note38"><a href="#anchor38">(38)</a> The great plain situated between the lower course of +these two rivers and the sea was called Aleium. The only hill +which it contains rises from the shore of the gulf of Iskenderun, +and forms at its southern extremity the northern cape of that gulf +under the name of Karadash. Here Captain Beaufort observed +the vestiges of an ancient town. This I believe to have been +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[216]</span>Megarsus, and that Mallus was situated on another hill which +rises from the eastern bank of the Pyramus near its mouth; +for these two situations accord perfectly with the evidence which +the ancients have left respecting the position of Megarsus and +Mallus. 1. Megarsus was a sea-beaten hill in the neighbourhood +of Mallus and the mouth of the Pyramus⁠<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a>⁠, and Karadash +is the only hill near the Aleian plain which borders the sea-coast. +2. Mallus was upon a height near the Pyramus, as +Euphorion⁠<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a>⁠, Scylax⁠<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>⁠, + Strabo, Stephanus⁠<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>⁠, + and Mela⁠<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>⁠, all +indicate, and not far from the sea-coast, as appears from its +being noticed in the Periplus of Scylax, as well as in the Stadiasmus. +3. Strabo and Ptolemy agree in naming the Pyramus +before Mallus in proceeding from west to east. 4. This +position of Megarsus, the Pyramus, and Mallus, agrees perfectly +with the proceedings of Alexander, as related by Strabo, +Arrian, and Curtius⁠<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>⁠. Alexander having sent his horse under +Philotas from Tarsus across the Aleian plain to the Pyramus, +marched the infantry from Soli along the sea-coast to Megarsus; +from whence, after having sacrificed to Minerva Megarsis, +he proceeded to Mallus, which it appears that his army did not +enter until they had thrown a bridge across the Pyramus.</p> + +<p>It is further remarkable, in reference to the site of Mallus, +that the sailing distance in the Stadiasmus from Mallus to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[217]</span>Soli, accords precisely with that of Artemidorus⁠<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> from the +Pyramus to Soli, namely 500 stades, which is very near the +truth; and that the description which the Stadiasmus gives of +the navigation is exactly confirmed by the form of the intermediate +coast, namely, that it trended first to the southward, +and then to the north-westward.</p> + +<p id="note39"><a href="#anchor39">(39)</a> Mopsuestia is represented to have stood on the Pyramus⁠<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a>⁠. +Its name under the Byzantine empire was corrupted to +Mampsysta, or Mamista, or Mansista⁠<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a>⁠; of which names the +modern Mensís appears to be a further corruption. This town +stands on the Ghihún, on the road from Baiás to A´dana, nearly +at the distance from each at which the Jerusalem Itinerary +places Mansista. The Peutinger Table, also, places Mopsuesta +at 19 M. P. from A´dana. We cannot doubt, therefore, that +Mensis occupies nearly, if not exactly, the site of the ancient +city of Mopsus.</p> + +<p>Above this place, on the same river, stood Anazarba, or +Cæsareia at Mount Anazarbus, which has probably preserved +some remains of antiquity, as it was the capital of the second +or eastern Cilicia about the fifth century, Tarsus being at that +time the metropolis of the western⁠<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>To the north-eastward of Ægæ was Epiphaneia⁠<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a>⁠, one day’s +march from Mount Amanus⁠<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a>⁠, on the road from Alexandria +to Anazarbus⁠<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a>⁠, which probably branched from the road to +Mopsuestia, not far from the Amanic gates. In the mountains +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[218]</span>above Epiphania and Anazarbus towards Cappadocia were Pindenissus +and Tibara, two strong towns of the Eleuthero-Cilices +which were taken by Cicero⁠<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>⁠. Castabalum, placed by the +Itineraries about 16 M. P. from Baiæ, and about 26 from Ægæ, +appears from Curtius to have been very near the Pylæ Amanides, +on the northern side⁠<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>⁠. According to the Table, Issus +was 5 M. P. to the southward of Castabalum.</p> + +<p>Below Mopsuestia, between that place and Mallus, there appears +to have been a town upon the Pyramus called Antiocheia; +for besides the evidence which the Stadiasmus affords of this +fact, we find it exactly confirmed by Stephanus, who mentions +it as one of ten cities of that name⁠<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The Seretila, which the Stadiasmus places between Mallus +and Ægæ, is probably an error for Serrepolis, which name is +inserted by Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> in the same situation; and this conjecture +is in some measure confirmed by the genitive Σερετίλλεως, +in which form the Stadiasmus afterwards mentions the same +name, and which nearly approaches to Σεῤῥεπόλεως.</p> + +<p>I shall not pretend to explain the Stadiasmus any further, +or to justify its distances, some of which may, however, be +found accurate, when a better knowledge of the real geography +and of the ancient sites shall have illustrated its meaning. +With such a multitude of verbal and literal errors, we cannot +be surprised at finding many of the numbers also inaccurate. +It may be observed, however, that of the three distances which +the author has drawn across the gulf of Issus,—namely, from +Myriandrus to Ægæ, from Rhosus to Serrepolis, and from the +Rhosic rock (now cape Hanzír) to Antiocheia on the Pyramus,—the +two latter seem to be tolerably near the truth.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[219]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.<br> +<span class="smaller">SOME REMARKS ON THE COMPARATIVE GEOGRAPHY +OF THE WESTERN AND NORTHERN PARTS OF ASIA MINOR.</span></h2> + +<p><i>Principal places in Peræa Rhodia—in Doris—in Caria—in the +valley of the Mæander—in the valley of the Caystrus—on the +coast of Ionia—in the valleys of the Hermus and Caicus, and +in the adjacent country—in Troas—in Bithynia—in Paphlagonia.</i></p> + +</div> + +<p>It remains to submit to the reader some observations +in justification of the ancient names in the +western and northern parts of the map which accompanies +the present volume. It will not be necessary +to enter into this part of the subject so +fully as into those which have already been under +consideration. The western provinces, in consequence +of their celebrity and greater advantages of +climate, soil, and situation, have been more fully +described, both by ancient and modern writers; so +that, in conducting the reader to the results recorded +on the map, a general reference on the one +hand to the travellers whose routes are there marked, +and on the other to the ancient historians, geographers, +and itineraries, will be sufficient. In +those instances only, it may be necessary to be +more particular, where the ancient positions are +determined by less obvious authorities or by unpublished +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[220]</span>documents, or where the question is rendered +doubtful by deficient or conflicting evidence. +As to the north-eastern part of the peninsula, we +must be contented with a brief notice of its geography, +for a reason the reverse of that which induces +me to abridge the geographical notice of the provinces +bordering on the Ægæan sea. The distance +of Paphlagonia and Eastern Bithynia from the centre +of Grecian civilization, and the little attention +which those countries have received from ancient +history, have hardly tempted a single traveller to +trust himself among their barbarous tribes, or to +explore their mountains and forests; and hence the +evidences of the geography of that country, both +ancient and modern, are extremely imperfect.</p> + +<p>I shall begin from the western extremity of Captain +Beaufort’s Survey, and shall proceed to the westward +and northward from the same point at which the remarks +of the preceding chapter set out in the opposite +direction. It so happens that Dædala is precisely +the point at which Strabo also changes the course of +his observations; and from which, after describing +the coast of Caria with the adjacent islands and continent +in a western direction, he proceeds, as we +have seen in the translated extract at the beginning +of the last chapter, to direct his description of +Lycia, Pamphylia, and Cilicia, from west to east.</p> + +<p>Captain Beaufort not having surveyed any part +of the coast between Telmissus and Halicarnassus, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[221]</span>excepting that near Cnidus; and no traveller having +pretended to publish a delineation of it, except +M. de Choiseul Gouffier, whose map is too obviously +incorrect, both in construction and in detail, +to merit much attention; this part of the coast-line +of Asia is more subject to a suspicion of inaccuracy +than any other. The important positions of Rhodus, +Cnidus, Cos, and Halicarnassus, are indeed ascertained +by the observations of Captain Beaufort, +and I have derived some assistance from a few +measurements taken with the compass and sextant +from the same places, by Sir William Gell; +but no reliance can yet be placed on the outline of +the gulfs of Syme and Kos: even the extent of those +magnificent bays is very uncertain, and nothing is +known of the situation of the numerous towns and +islands placed in them by the ancient authors, especially +by Pliny: in short, the exploring of these two +gulfs with that of the coast in the vicinity of Caunus, +is now one of the most interesting desiderata +in the geography of Asia Minor.</p> + +<p>Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> describes Peræa as beginning at the +fort and mountain Dædala, near Telmissus, and as +ending at mount Phœnix, both places included. +“Next to the gulf Glaucus occurs the cape and temple +Artemisium, and then the grove of Latona; +above which, 60 stades inland, is the city Calynda, +then Caunus, a city with docks and a closed port; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[222]</span>and near it the Calbis, navigable by boats. Between +Caunus and the Calbis is Pisilis; and on a +height above Caunus is a fort named Imbrus. The +next place on the coast to Caunus is Physcus, a +small city which has a harbour and a grove of Latona; +then the rugged coast of Loryma, the highest +mountain above which is named Phœnix, and +has a castle of the same name on its summit. Before +this coast lies Elæussa, 4 stades from the sea, +8 stades in circumference, and 120 stades distant +from Rhodus. Beyond Loryma is the cape Cynossema +and the island Syme.”</p> + +<p>As it appears from another passage in Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a>⁠, +where he cites Artemidorus, that the common road +from this coast to the northward, was from Physcus +by Alabanda and Tralles, there seems little doubt +that Physcus was at Mármara, which is still the +usual place of debarkation from Ródos to those +going towards Ghiuzel-hissár and Smyrna.</p> + +<p>The distances of Elæussa and port Cressa from +Rhodus, as given by Strabo and Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a>⁠, are sufficiently +accurate to identify those two places. The +excellent harbour of Cressa is now called Aplothíka +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[223]</span>by the Greeks, and Porto Cavaliere by the Italians, +and on its western shore are the ruins of a Hellenic +fortress and town, which are undoubtedly those of +Loryma; for Loryma is called a city by Seneca⁠<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> +and Stephanus, although not so designated by Strabo +or by Pliny; and port Loryma is described by Livy +as being opposite to Rhodus⁠<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>⁠, at a little more +than the distance⁠<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> which Pliny assigns to Cressa. +The order of names on this coast in Ptolemy⁠<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> is in +exact agreement with the other authorities which +I have cited in proof of their position, as marked +on the map, if we suppose his cape Onugnatus to +be the same as the Cynosema of Strabo.</p> + +<p>Although Choiseul Gouffier must have nearly +crossed the sites of Dædala and Calynda, he did +not ascertain the position of either of them: nor +has that of Caunus, the chief city of Peræa, yet +been explored. The promontory called by Strabo +Artemisium, from the temple of Diana which +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[224]</span>stood upon it, appears to have been the same as +the Pedalium of Pliny and the Stadiasmus, and to +be the cape now called Bokomadhi.</p> + +<p>The Clydæ, which the Stadiasmus⁠<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a> names between +Pedalium and Crua (Crya) is evidently the +same as the Chydæ, which Ptolemy places a little +to the westward of Crya, and Crya is undoubtedly +the Cryassus of Stephanus and Plutarch⁠<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a>⁠. We +are not surprised at finding in the modern town +of Ródos an inscription⁠<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a>⁠, in which Cryassus and +Chalce (the island still called Khalki) are alluded +to, both these places having been dependencies of +the Rhodian republic. The islands off the coast +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[225]</span>of Dædala and Crya are noticed by Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>⁠, who +says there were two belonging to the Dædalenses; +and three, two of which are by Stephanus⁠<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> named +Alina and Carysis, belonging to the Cryenses.</p> + +<p>In consequence of our ignorance of the actual +topography of the gulfs of Doris and Ceramus, I +have not attempted to place any of their towns, +even conjecturally, except Euthenæ, which is stated +by Mela⁠<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> to have been in a bay between Cnidus +and the Ceramic gulf: Bargasa and Ceramus are +described by Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> as being near the sea, between +Cnidus and Halicarnassus; and Passala, an +island in the same gulf, was the port of the Mylassenses⁠<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>⁠. +The modern name Kéramo, which, if +it exists, identifies the site of Ceramus, rests, I believe, +solely upon the authority of D’Anville.</p> + +<p>The Dorian colonies from the Peloponnesus, +which settled in Halicarnassus, Cnidus, Cos, and +in the three cities of Rhodus, introduced the use +of Doric architecture, and of the Doric dialect, into +this angle of Caria. Remains of Doric buildings +are found at Lindus, Cnidus, and Halicarnassus⁠<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a>⁠; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[226]</span>and inscriptions in the Doric dialect have been found +in most of the cities of the Hexapolis. It appears +that they had not neglected the latter mark of their +origin in the early ages of the Roman empire⁠<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[227]</span></p> + +<p>The conversion into a peninsula of the island +on which Strabo and Stephanus represent Jasus +(now Asýn Kale) to have stood, is probably a remote +effect of the encroachments of the Mæander +upon the sea. We find another instance of the +same kind at Caryanda: for there can be little +doubt that the large <i>peninsula</i>, towards the western +end of which is the fine harbour called by the +Turks Pasha Limáni, is the ancient <i>island</i> of +Caryanda, now joined to the main by a narrow +sandy isthmus. Pasha Limáni (the port of the +Pasha) is the <i>harbour</i> of Caryanda, noticed by +Strabo, Scylax, and Stephanus; its position according +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[228]</span>with that of the other places along this +coast, as described by Strabo. “Next to Halicarnassus,” +he says, “is Termerium, a cape of the +Myndii, opposite to cape Scandaria of Cos.... +Proceeding towards Myndus are the capes Astypalsæa +and Zephyrium; and immediately beyond the latter, +the city Myndus, with a harbour; then Bargylia, +also a city, between which and Myndus is the harbour +and the island of Caryanda⁠<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a>⁠. Near Bargylia is +the temple of Diana Cindyas. Next occurs Iasus.”</p> + +<p>We can hardly doubt that Myndus stood in the +small sheltered port of Gumishlú, where Captain +Beaufort remarked the remains of an ancient pier +at the entrance of the port, and some ruins at the +head of the bay. The cape to the southward of +this port will consequently be Zephyrium; and it +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[229]</span>is not improbable that the ruins which the same +traveller observed at Kadí Kálesi, in a bay on the +south side of that cape, are those of a small ancient +town of the same name, which has not been noticed +by the ancient authors.</p> + +<p>Such having been the situation of Myndus and +of Caryanda, Bargylia (called Andanus⁠<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> in the +Carian language) should be sought for on the coast +between Pasha Limáni and Asýn Kálesi: this position, +it may be added, agrees with that which +Mela⁠<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> ascribes to Bargylia, as well as with the +fact that the gulf of Iasus was often called the +gulf of Bargylia⁠<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Of the interior cities of Caria, Stratoniceia is +shown to have been at Eski-hissár, by the important +ruins which have given rise to the modern name, +in conjunction with an inscription⁠<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> found there, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[230]</span>which relates to Jupiter Chrysaoreus, the deity particularly +worshipped at Stratoniceia.</p> + +<p>The names of Lagina and Mylasa still subsist, +slightly corrupted. Of the latter city there are +many remains; but that which constituted its most +remarkable antiquity in the time of Pococke, the +temple of Rome and Augustus, was destroyed about +the middle of the last century by the Turks, who +built a new mosque with the materials⁠<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The situation of Alabanda is still doubtful; and +the ancient testimony on that of Labranda is so +much connected with it, that the same uncertainty +prevails as to the site of the latter. The following +is the substance of what Strabo says of these +places:</p> + +<p>Labranda was a dependency of Mylasa, distant +from thence 68 stades, and situated in the mountain +over which lay the route from Mylasa to Alabanda. +As far as Labranda there was a paved road, +which, as leading to the temple of Jupiter Stratius, +(otherwise named Labrandenus,) was called the Sacred +Way⁠<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a>⁠. Alabanda stood at the foot of a hill with +a double summit, which resembled an ass bearing +a pack-saddle. It was situated near a very winding +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[231]</span>river, and its territory was separated by a ridge of +hills from that of Mylasa⁠<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Pococke and Chandler supposed Alabanda to +have been at Karpúsli, where they found sepulchres +and the remains of public buildings, of a theatre, +and of town walls; and Chandler was the first to +describe the ruins (at Iakli, not far to the southward +of Kizeljik or Mendeliat,) of a small fortified town +containing a theatre, and a ruined temple of the +Corinthian order, of which 16 columns of 2½ feet +in diameter, with a part of the entablature, were +standing in the year 1776. This, Chandler supposed +to have been the temple of Jupiter of Labranda⁠<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a>⁠. +M. de Choiseul Gouffier⁠<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> and M. Barbié +du Bocage⁠<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> were of a different opinion. Without +pretending to determine the position of Alabanda, +they agreed in thinking that the ruins at +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[232]</span>Iakli are those of Euromus, which we know from +Polybius and Livy⁠<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> to have been one of the most +important places in this part of the country, at the +time of the Roman wars; and from Strabo, to have +been situated, as the ruins at Iakli are, near the +eastern extremity of Mount Grium⁠<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a>⁠. It appears, +moreover, from a coin of the emperor Caracalla⁠<a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a>⁠, +that the Jupiter of Euromus had considerable celebrity; +to him, therefore, the existing temple may +have been sacred, and not to Jupiter of Labranda: +in favour of which opinion, it may be added that +the temple of Labranda was noted for its antiquity, +whereas the architecture at Iakli is of Roman +times.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, it may be remarked that the +distance of Iakli from Mylasa agrees tolerably with +the 68 or 70 stades between that place and Labranda; +that supposing Alabanda to have been at Karpúsli, +the direction of Iakli from Mylasa is not much +to the left of a line drawn from thence to Karpúsli: +and that the deviation is a natural consequence of +the projection westward of the range of hills, a part +of which overhangs the temple at Iakli.</p> + +<p>There are some reasons, however, for thinking +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[233]</span>that Alabanda was not at Karpúsli, but at Arabissár. +1. Pococke describes the ancient remains +at Arabissár as consisting of town-walls, a theatre, +and a large oblong Roman building with windows, +which appeared to him to have been intended for +public assemblies: he adds that the city occupied +the slope and foot of two hills. Now the two hills +accord with Strabo’s description of Alabanda; and +the oblong building may have belonged to the +Roman conventus of which Alabanda was the chief +town⁠<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a>⁠. 2. The river Tshina, near Arabissár, accords +extremely well with the river upon which +Alabanda was situated; as do the mountains which +separate its valley from the plain of Mylasa, with +the geographer’s words, ἡ μεταξὺ ὀρεινὴ, relating to +the mountain between Mylasa and Alabanda.—3. +The other words of Strabo, descriptive of the +situation of the temple, ἐν τῷ ὄρει, and of the road +which led to Labranda from Mylasa, tend to show +that the temple was on a mountain, and that +the road thither did not lead through a plain like +that from Mylasa to Iakli. It may be added, 4. that +the ancient gate at Mylasa, upon which Chandler +observed the figure of a hatchet, the symbol of +Jupiter Labrandenus, and from which he inferred +that it was the gate leading to Labranda, does not +open towards Iakli, but faces the east towards the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[234]</span>mountain and Arabissár⁠<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a>⁠. Upon the whole, therefore, +I am inclined to think that Alabanda was at +Arabissár, and Euromus at Iakli; and that the vestiges +of Labranda will hereafter be found on the +mountain to the north-eastward of Mylasa. The +ancient remains at Karpúsli are perhaps those of +Orthosia. This was a place of some importance; +and we know that it was situated in the country to +the southward of the Mæander, opposite to Tralles +and Nysa; that it was not far from Coscinia⁠<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a>⁠, and +that Coscinia was upon the same river as Alabanda⁠<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>If Alabanda was at Arabissár, Tshina, where +Pococke⁠<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> found considerable remains, may be the +site of Coscinia, and its modern name may possibly +be a corruption of the ancient.</p> + +<p>M. Barbié du Bocage⁠<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> has with great reason +supposed that the river of Tshina was the branch +of the Mæander called Marsyas by Herodotus⁠<a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a>⁠. +The historian describes the Marsyas as flowing +from the country of Idrias into the Mæander; and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[235]</span>he relates that the Persians under Daurises having +met the revolted Carians not far from the junction +of the two streams, the Carians were defeated, and +retired to Labranda, where they took up a position +in the sacred grove, and were joined by the Milesii +and others of their allies. They were defeated a +second time, and the Persians continued to advance +into Caria, until the Carians, attacking the invaders +by night on the road to Pedasus, were in their turn +victorious, and slew Daurises and several others of +the Persian leaders. It is evident that the Marsyas +of which the historian here speaks was a Carian +river, totally different from the stream or fountain +of the same name at Celænæ, the course of which +was not longer than that city itself⁠<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a>⁠. Idrias was one +of the earlier names of the city, which under the Macedonians +assumed the name of Stratoniceia, and +its territory included Lagina, celebrated for a temple +of Hecate⁠<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a>⁠. The latter place still preserves its ancient +name, and not far from it are the sources of +the Tshina. It may be further observed, in confirmation +of the identity of this river with the Marsyas +of Herodotus, that the retreat of the Carians +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[236]</span>from its valley into the hills to the westward was a +very natural movement, and perfectly conformable +with the other circumstances of these transactions.</p> + +<p>In opposition to the placing of Alabanda at Arabissár +will perhaps be adduced the distances on the +road which led from Physcus by Tralles to Smyrna, +as stated by Artemidorus, and preserved by Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a>⁠. +These distances are from Physcus to Lagina 850 +stades, to Alabanda 250, to the Mæander, which +was the boundary of Caria, 80, to Tralles 80, to +Magnesia 140, to Ephesus 120, to Smyrna 320,—total +from Physcus to Tralles 1260, from Tralles +to Smyrna 580. The numbers from Tralles to +Smyrna agree tolerably well with the reality: but +it is sufficient to refer for a moment to the map, to +perceive how totally unworthy of credit those on the +road from Physcus to Tralles must be, both in the +aggregate and in detail. The 1260 stades are +represented on the map by only 60 geographical +miles in direct distance, making more than 20 stades +to a mile. Instead of 850 stades from Physcus +to Lagina, there could not have been with all the +windings of the road more than 300; nor are there +more than 50, instead of 80, from the Mæander to +the ruins of Tralles. The evidence of position derived +from this passage may therefore be rejected, +except inasmuch as it shows that Alabanda lay in +the road from Physcus to Tralles.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[237]</span></p> + +<p>The second-rate places of Caria, dependent upon +the chief cities of the coast, or upon the three great +towns of the interior, were Euromus, Chalcetor, +Heracleia, and Amyzon⁠<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>As Mount Grium extended from the Milesia +eastward to Chalcetor and Euromus⁠<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a>⁠, Chalcetor +would perhaps be found, supposing Euromus to +have been at Iakli, at the foot of the mountain +which lies between that place and Asýn Kálesi.</p> + +<p>The Heracleia mentioned by Strabo among the +four smaller towns of the interior of Caria, is not +the same as the Heracleia under Mount Latmus +which he describes elsewhere, for this was a maritime +town. It must therefore be the same which +Ptolemy distinguishes from Heracleia of Latmus +(πρὸς Λάτμῳ) by the name of Heracleia of Albanum +(πρὸς Ἀλβάνῳ). Whether Albanum was the name +of a river or mountain it is difficult to say;—but +the traveller might perhaps seek for the site of this +Heracleia, with some prospect of success, in the +situation in which it stands in the enumeration of +the towns of this country by Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a>⁠, namely, between +Euromus and Amyzon.</p> + +<p>The ruins of the citadel and town-walls of Amyzon +are to be seen on the eastern side of Mount +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[238]</span>Latmus on the road from Bafi to Tchisme, one hour +short of the latter, and a little above some villages +called Kafaslár. Mr. Hamilton here copied an +inscription in a very defective state of preservation, +of which however some of the expressions are distinguishable. +Towards the beginning I observe +ΑΜΥΤΟΝΕΩΝ and ΧΑΙΡΕΙΝ. When the letters of +the inscription were perfect, the former word was +undoubtedly <img class="inline" src="images/amyzoneon.jpg" alt="ΑΜΥΖΟΝΕΩΝ, +but the Ζ resembles a sideways Η; if you lost the bottom stroke, it would +become a Τ">, and it proves that these +remains belonged to Amyzon⁠<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a>⁠. Mixed with Hellenic +ruins, there are others at this place, of the +date of the Byzantine empire,—a circumstance +which agrees with the mention made of Amyzon +among the places of Caria in Hierocles, and in the +list of Greek bishoprics.</p> + +<p>The city of Latmus or Heracleia at Mount +Latmus has preserved considerable remains of its +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[239]</span>walls, together with many sepulchres and a small +temple. These ruins are found at the foot of a +rocky mountain, the ancient Latmus, on the shore +of a lake, which takes its name from the village +of Báfi near the eastern extremity. This lake is +the Latmic Gulf described by Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a>⁠, but which +since his time has been separated from the sea +by the new plain formed at the mouth of the Mæander. +Chandler, not adverting to this remarkable +change, mistook the lake of Báfi for that of +Myus, and consequently the ruins of Heracleia +for those of Myus—an error which was corrected +by M. de Choiseul Gouffier. With this adjustment, +and the undoubted landmarks afforded by +the fine ruins of Priene at Samsún⁠<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a>⁠, and by the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[240]</span>theatre of Miletus at Palátia, we have accurate +data for judging of the progress of the encroachments +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[241]</span>of the Mæander upon the sea, as well as for +determining the sites of the two towns of Pyrrha and +Myus, the situation of which relatively to Miletus +is accurately described by Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The reader has perceived that in the question +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[242]</span>concerning the site of Alabanda, that of Tralles +has been assumed to have been at Ghiuzel-hissár. +It is now time to show that Smith, as well as Pococke +and Chandler, who too blindly followed the +opinion of Smith, were wrong in supposing that +town to stand on the site of Magnesia—an error +which infallibly led to others of equal importance. +M. Barbié du Bocage in the notes to his translation +of Chandler gave convincing reasons for thinking +that Ghiuzel-hissár occupied the position of Tralles: +but it was not until Mr. Hamilton explored the ruins +of Magnesia at Inekbazar⁠<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a>⁠, and discovered the ruins +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[243]</span>of the celebrated temple of Diana Leucophryene, +(which has since been measured and drawn by the +Mission of the Society of Dilettanti,) that the question +could be considered as satisfactorily determined. +The decisive reasons in proof of the positions of +Magnesia, Tralles and Nysa, as marked on the map +at Inekbazar, Ghiuzel-hissár and Sultan-hissár, +respectively, shall here be stated as briefly as possible.</p> + +<p>1. Magnesia was according to Pliny 15 miles⁠<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a>⁠, +and according to Artemidorus 120 stades⁠<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> from +Ephesus. This is about the real distance of Inekbazar, +and not half that of Ghiuzel-hissár, from the +ruins of Ephesus at Aiasolúk.</p> + +<p>2. Tralles was on the road from Physcus to +Ephesus⁠<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a>⁠. But had Magnesia been at Ghiuzel-hissár, +Tralles, which was 18 miles according to +one author⁠<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a>⁠, + or 140 stades according to another⁠<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a>⁠, +to the eastward of Magnesia, must have been about +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[244]</span>Atshá, which is very much out of the direction from +Mármara to Ephesus.</p> + +<p>3. We are told by Strabo, that to the traveller +going from Magnesia to Tralles, with Mount Messogis +on his left hand, the plain on his right belonged +to the Magnetes, and to the people of Myus +and Miletus⁠<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a>⁠. But the two last places were too +distant to have possessed any part of the plain +opposite to Ghiuzel-hissár and Atshá.</p> + +<p>4. Strabo describes Magnesia as situated in a +plain at the foot of a mountain called Thorax, not +far from the Mæander, but nearer the Lethæus a +stream flowing from Pactyas a mountain of the +Ephesii⁠<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a>⁠. This description agrees precisely with +Inekbazar, in face of which are two insulated hills, +which, when all the plain of the Mæander below +Inekbazar was sea, were two islands called Derasidæ +and Sophonia⁠<a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>⁠. Besides the town-walls, theatre, +stadium⁠<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a>⁠, and other indications of the site of a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[245]</span>great city, are the vast prostrate fragments of an octastyle +Ionic temple, the peristyle of which was near +200 feet in length, and was formed of columns more +than 4 feet and a half in diameter. It agrees perfectly +with the description given of the temple of Diana +at Magnesia by Vitruvius⁠<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> and Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>⁠; + the former +of whom informs us that this building was a pseudodipterous +octastyle of the Ionic order, and the latter +that it was larger than any temple in Asia except +those of Diana Ephesia and of Apollo Didymeus, +and that it surpassed even the Ephesian temple in +harmony and in the construction of the cell (τῇ εὐρυθμίᾳ +καὶ τῇ τέχνῃ τῇ περὶ τὴν κατασκευὴν τοῦ σηκοῦ +πολὺ διαφέρει). Among the ruins are seen inscribed +pedestals which formerly supported statues of Nerva +and Marcus Aurelius; one of these is dedicated by +a high priest and scribe of the Magnetes; and on +another fragment were found the names of some +priestesses of Artemis Leucophryene⁠<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[246]</span></p> + +<p>5. The ruins of Tralles are found above the +modern town of Ghiuzel-hissár, in a situation such +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[247]</span>as Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> has described—a table summit strong +by nature (ἵδρυται ἐπὶ τραπεζίου τινὸς, ἄκραν ἔχοντος +ἐρυμνήν). The only ruin well defined is that of the +theatre and stadium, which formed one building. +The Ionic temple of Æsculapius built by Argelius, +which Vitruvius mentions⁠<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a>⁠, as well as the other +works of the purer times of Grecian art, seem to +have been buried by earthquakes beneath the ruins +of later buildings; among which are many remains +of the architecture of the Lower Empire, vestiges +of the restoration of Tralles by Andronicus Palæologus⁠<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a>⁠. +Pococke copied a Latin inscription at Ghiuzel-hissár +in which the name of Tralles occurs, but +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[248]</span>without having observed it. It is found also in two +inscriptions copied at Ghiuzel-hissár by Sherard. +The site of Tralles is traversed by a torrent answering +to the ancient Eudon.</p> + +<p>6. At Sultán-hissár, not far to the westward of +Nasli, are the remains of a large city, corresponding +with the description which Strabo has given of Nysa. +Nysa was situated for the greater part on the slope +of Mount Messogis, and was divided by a torrent +so as to appear like two separate towns—a bridge +traversed this torrent in one place, and in another +the valley was occupied by an amphitheatre, beneath +which flowed the torrent⁠<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a>⁠. Chandler’s account of +the ruins at Sultan-hissár is exactly conformable +with this description of Nysa,—so perfectly in regard +to the remark of Strabo on the appearance of +a double city, that Chandler supposed the western +division to be Tralles, and the eastern Nysa. Pococke +has reported an inscription found at Nasli, +which contains the words ΝΥΣΑΕΙΣ and ΜΑΣΤΑΥΡΕΙΤΟΥ. +Possibly Nasli may have been the site of +Mastaura.</p> + +<p>The situation of the other dependencies of Nysa,—namely +Briula, Aromata, celebrated for its vines, +and Acharaca where was a Plutonium and cavern,—have +not yet been discovered. The latter was not +far from Nysa on the road to Tralles⁠<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>It may be inferred from Strabo that Hydrela +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">[249]</span>also was in this part of the valley; and notwithstanding +his remark⁠<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a>⁠—that when the three towns +founded by Hydrelus and his two brothers fell into +decay, their united population formed the single +one of Nysa,—Hydrela appears to have flourished +at the time of the Roman wars in Asia⁠<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>To the eastward of the Marsyas, or river of +Tshina, several other smaller streams join the Mæander +on its southern bank. That which is nearly +opposite to Nasli may perhaps be the Harpasus, +which flowed near the town of Harpasa⁠<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a>⁠; for we +learn from Pococke⁠<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a>⁠, that some ruins in this situation +are called Arpás-Kálesi. Not far to the eastward +of this stream is another, which descends +from Gheira and Karajasu. On the eastern side of +its junction with the Mæander are the remains of +an ancient city. This was probably Antiocheia, +which stood at the junction of the Mosynus with +the Mæander; having a bridge over the latter river, +and a fertile territory on either bank⁠<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a>⁠. At this +bridge it appears that the great eastern road from +Ephesus to Mazaca—which passed through Magnesia, +Tralles, and Nysa—crossed the river, leading +afterwards from Antiocheia along the left bank +to Carura and Laodiceia⁠<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">[250]</span></p> + +<p>Other ancient sites were observed in this region +by Sherard⁠<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> and Pococke: but all the ancient geography +of the country to the southward of the Mæander +is still involved in great uncertainty, there +being no points absolutely certain except Laodiceia +ad Lycum, Aphrodisias, and Mount Cadmus, now +called Baba-dagh.</p> + +<p>Aphrodisias is proved to have been at Gheira, +by the numerous remains of antiquity still to be +seen at that place. Among these are several inscriptions +containing the name of the people; and +ruins still exist of the temple of Venus⁠<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a>⁠, from +whose worship was derived the name by which the +city was most commonly known⁠<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>There can be little doubt that the hot springs +observed by Pococke⁠<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> and Chandler⁠<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> + on the south +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">[251]</span>bank of the Mæander, about 12 miles west of Denizlú, +mark the site of Carura, which was celebrated for +its hot baths in the time of Strabo, and was then +the boundary of Caria and Phrygia. It was the same +place, probably, as the Cydrara of Herodotus; for +either here, or at no great distance, must have been +the meeting of the three great roads which the historian +mentions⁠<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>⁠, one leading into Lydia through +the opening of Mount Messogis by Tripolis to +Philadelphia; a second down the valley of the Mæander +into Caria; and the third into Phrygia by the +valley of the Lycus and Celænæ. Cydrara, in the +time of Herodotus, was near the frontier of the +three provinces.</p> + +<p>Smith, in his Journey to the Seven Churches in +1671, was the first to describe the sites of Laodiceia, +Hierapolis, Tripolis, and Colossæ. In all these +places, except Tripolis, he has been followed by Pococke, +or by Chandler; and at Hierapolis, recently, +by Mr. Cockerell: the general topography and the +antiquities which exist in these places are therefore +known, although they have not yet been described +to the public with sufficient accuracy or detail⁠<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Laodiceia⁠<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> preserves great remains of its importance +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[252]</span>as the residence of the Roman governors of +Asia under the emperors; namely, a stadium in uncommon +preservation, three theatres, one of which +is 450 feet in diameter, and the ruins of several +other buildings⁠<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>There are few ancient sites more likely than Laodiceia +to preserve many curious remains of antiquity +beneath the surface of the soil: its opulence, and +the earthquakes to which it was subject⁠<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a>⁠, rendering +it probable that valuable works of art were often +there buried, beneath the ruins of the public and +private edifices⁠<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a>⁠. And a similar remark, though +in a smaller degree perhaps, will apply to the other +cities of the vale of the Mæander, as well as to some +of those situated to the north of Mount Tmolus: +for Strabo informs us that Philadelphia, Sardes, and +Magnesia of Sipylus were not less than Laodiceia +and the cities of the Mæander, as far as Apameia at +the sources of that river, subject to the same dreadful +calamity⁠<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Hierapolis, now called Tabúk-Kale or Pambúk-Kale, +owed its celebrity, and probably the sanctity +indicated by its name, to its very remarkable sources +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[253]</span>of mineral water, the singular effects of which, +caused by the rapid accumulation of its deposit, are +shown by the narratives of Pococke and Chandler⁠<a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> +to have been accurately described by Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a>⁠. A +great number and variety of sepulchres are found +on the different approaches to the site, which is a +commanding hill overlooking the valleys of the Lycus +and Mæander, and terminating on that side in +a precipice. The town-walls are seen on the other +sides, and the main street is traced in its whole +length, bordered by three Christian churches, one of +which is upwards of 300 feet long. About the middle +of the street, just above the mineral sources, Pococke, +in 1740, thought that he distinguished some +remains of the temple of Apollo, which according +to Damascius, quoted by Photius, was in this situation⁠<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a>⁠. +Chandler distinguished the area of a +stadium in a recess of the mountain. But the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[254]</span>principal ruins are a theatre and gymnasium, both +in a state of uncommon preservation; the former +346 feet in diameter, the latter nearly filling a +square space of 400 feet the side.</p> + +<p>Of Tripolis we have a very imperfect description +by Smith. Chandler saw at a distance the theatre +which Smith mentions. Lucas, the only other traveller +who has visited the site, was incompetent to +give a description of its antiquities; and all that can +be understood from his narrative is, that he really +did pass by Tripolis, though he writes Kosh-Yenije, +a village near the ruins of Tripolis, Kashashead, +and Pambúk-Kálesi, Bambour-quezer.</p> + +<p>The remains of Colossæ were found by Smith +and Pococke below the modern Khónas; which +name serves to identify the site, as we learn from +Constantine Porphyrogennetus⁠<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> that Colossæ was +in his time called Chonæ (Χῶναι). Herodotus⁠<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> +mentions a subterraneous course of the Lycus for +about half a mile near this place; but no traveller +has yet verified this observation of the historian, or +has ascertained the existence of the salt lake of +Anava between Colossæ and Apameia⁠<a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">[255]</span>translation of Chandler’s Travels, has justly remarked +that Chandler very improperly blames Pococke +for having misunderstood the geography of +this part of the country. It was Chandler himself +who erred, in mistaking the river Caprus for the +Lycus, and the Lycus for the Mæander. But although +Pococke was right, he did no more than +follow Smith, who clearly saw that the river which +he crossed between Kosh-Yenije and Tabúk-Kálesi +is the Mæander; that the stream between Tabúk-Kálesi +and Eski-hissár (Laodiceia) is the Lycus; +and that the small rivers which meet at the site of +Laodiceia are the Caprus and the Asopus.</p> + +<hr class="tb"> + +<p>The valleys of four parallel rivers with the interjacent +ridges of mountains, form the leading +features of that beautiful and fertile country in the +middle part of the western extremity of Asia Minor, +which comprehended the ancient provinces of +Ionia, Lydia, and Mysia.</p> + +<p>The Mæander and Hermus, which (in proceeding +from south to north) are the first and third of +those rivers, are nearly equal as well in magnitude as +in the length of their course, which is between two +and three hundred miles. The fourth or northernmost +river, the Caicus, although not so celebrated +as the Caystrus, which is the second in the above-mentioned +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[256]</span>order, is much more considerable in size. +Deriving its origin from the same mass of Olympene +mountains which give rise to the Hermus and +the Rhyndacus, it is formed of two large branches, +either of which is as long in its course as the Caystrus. +But the latter, although little more than +70 miles in length, collects all the waters from the +adjacent slopes of the great mountains Tmolus +and Messogis; and thus becomes a stream of considerable +magnitude at Ephesus, where it joins +the sea.</p> + +<p>There is very little certainty as to the names and +positions of the ancient cities which occupied the +valley of the Caystrus. The evidences of ancient +history are so scanty with regard to them, that it +is only from the discovery of their ruins, and of +ancient inscriptions, that we can hope to ascertain +either their situations or their names.</p> + +<p>The remains of antiquity at Beréki, on the southern +side of Tmolus, seem from Strabo and Ovid +to have belonged to Hypæpa⁠<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a>⁠; and it is not improbable +that, in the fertile and delightful region +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[257]</span>on the summit of the mountain between Beréki +and Sart (Sardes), a part of which is occupied by +a large lake, there might be found some remains +of the city Tmolus; which, together with many of +the surrounding places, was destroyed by an earthquake +in the fifth year of the reign of Tiberius⁠<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>From the many remains of antiquity at Tyre, it +appears that this large and advantageously-situated +modern town is the successor of the chief Grecian +city of that part of the country. It is known from +Strabo and Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a>⁠, that the valley of the Caystrus +was divided into that of Ephesus towards the sea; +the plain properly called Caystrian; and the Cilbian +plain: above the last were the Cilbian mountains, +in which the Caystrus had its sources. We +find that the Caystriani, the lower Cilbiani, and the +upper Cilbiani, coined each their own money, with +the name of the people inscribed⁠<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>⁠; and they had +undoubtedly each a chief town in which the coinage +took place. As Tyre stands in the central part of +the Caystrian valley, it probably occupies the site of +the city of the Caystriani: whether this place had any +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[258]</span>other name cannot be discovered in ancient history. +Larissa Ephesia, which possessed a temple of Apollo +Larissenus, and was supposed to have been anciently +a city of much greater importance than it was in +the time of Strabo, stood in another part of the +Caystrian plain, 180 stades from Ephesus, towards +Mount Tmolus⁠<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>⁠. There was another Larissa, 30 +stades distant from Tralles, on the road leading +from thence across the Messogis into the plain of +Caystrus, from whence the worship of Jupiter Larissius +at Tralles had its origin⁠<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Although the remains of Ephesus are still very +considerable and of easy access, they have hardly +yet been sufficiently explored, or at least they have +not yet been described to the public with the accuracy +and detail which they merit. The temple of +Diana Ephesia, the largest and most celebrated of +the Asiatic Greek buildings, is the only one of the +great examples of the Ionic order, of which we do +not now possess particulars more or less satisfactory. +The temples at Samus, Branchidæ, Priene, +Magnesia, and Sardes, have been measured and +drawn by experienced architects;—but not a stone +has yet been discovered that can with certainty be +ascribed to the Ephesian temple, although very +little doubt remains as to its exact situation⁠<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[259]</span></p> + +<p>There has been some difference of opinion with +regard to the ancient maritime sites between +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">[260]</span>Ephesus and Cape Trogilium, which was the extreme +point of Mount Mycale. Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> describes +this coast in the following terms: “Beyond the +strait formed by Samus and Mycale, in sailing +towards Ephesus, a part of the coast on the right +hand belongs to the Ephesii and a part to the +Samii;—the first place is Panionium, situated three +stades above the sea. Here is held the common +festival of the Ionians, who sacrifice to Neptune +Heliconius; the priesthood belongs to the people of +Priene. Next occurs Neapolis, which the Ephesii +exchanged with the Samii for Marathesium, the +latter being nearer to them; then Pygela, a small +city; then the port Panormus, and the temple of +Diana Ephesia.”</p> + +<p>The uninhabitable aspect of the rocks and forests +of Mycale from Cape Trogilium to the modern +Tshanglí, is such as make it impossible to fix +upon any spot, either on the face or at the foot of +that mountain, at which Panionium can well be +supposed to have stood. Tshanglí, on the other +hand, situated in a delightful and well watered valley +between two projecting points of the mountain, +was admirably suited to the Panionian festival: +and here Sir William Gell found, in a church +on the sea-shore, an inscription in which he distinguished +the name of Panionium twice. I conceive, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[261]</span>therefore, that there can be little doubt of +Tshanglí being on the site of Panionium.</p> + +<p>Several travellers in passing from Ephesus to +Skalanóva have remarked the ruins of a small town +near the sea, at about one-third of the distance +from the former place to the latter. These are +probably the remains of Pygela; though I am not +aware how far the neighbouring coast will answer +to Livy’s description of Pygela as a harbour⁠<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a>⁠. +Between this spot and Tshanglí there are only +two places which we can suppose to have been anciently +occupied by towns: one is Skalanóva; the +other is half-way between Skalanóva and Tshanglí; +where, in a valley watered by a stream, is a source +of hot water, near the ruins of a fortress, which, +although it appears to have been a work of the +Lower Greek Empire, contains some remains of +an earlier age. This latter I take to be the site of +Neapolis, which the Ephesii built, and afterwards +exchanged with the Samii; and Skalanóva stands +probably on the ancient Marathesium.</p> + +<p>The survey by Captain Beaufort of the coast between +Skalanóva and the canal of Khio, illustrates +ancient history in the most satisfactory manner. +There still exist on this coast some remains of two +celebrated buildings—the Ionic temple of Bacchus +at Teos, and the temple of Jupiter Clarius at Notium, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[262]</span>the port of Colophon⁠<a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a>⁠. The chief written +evidence is supplied by Livy and Strabo; and upon +this the map will be found a sufficient commentary.</p> + +<p>Although the ancient names to the westward of +Teos are not so certainly fixed as those to the eastward +of that place, one can hardly doubt that the +harbour of Sykiá, on the west side of Cape Corycus, +now Kóraka, was the port called Corycus; for Livy +describes Corycus both as a promontory of the Teii +and as a harbour. In the war between Antiochus +and the Romans, in the year <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 193⁠<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a>⁠, Polyxenidas, +commander of the fleet of Antiochus, hearing +that the Roman fleet was approaching from Delus, +and being desirous of coming to an engagement +with them before they should be joined by Eumenes +and the Rhodii, sailed from Phocæa with a +hundred vessels of a small class, of which seventy +were covered. Having passed through the channel +of Chius, he anchored in Cyssus, a port of the Erythræi. +The Romans sailed from Delus to Phanæ +in Chius, and from thence, after taking in provision +at the city of Chius, they proceeded to Phocæa; +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">[263]</span>where they were joined by Eumenes from Elæa, the +port of Pergamum, with twenty-four covered, and +many open vessels. The combined fleet, amounting +to 200 ships, (a fourth of which were uncovered,) +then sailed along the shore, with the view +of passing into port Corycus, which was beyond +Cyssus. Polyxenidas, when he saw the enemy approach, +advanced against them, and was defeated. +Cyssus, from this transaction, seems to have been +the harbour now called Latzáta, the largest on this +part of the coast; and it is probably the same which +Strabo calls Casystes⁠<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a>⁠. Tshisme, noted for more +than one Turkish disaster, seems to be the port +Phœnicus of the Erythræi, in which the Romans +anchored after the action, on their way to the city +of Chius. The remains of Erythræ are found considerably +to the northward of Tshisme, in a port +sheltered by the islands, anciently called Hippi⁠<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>As Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> states the entrance into the canal +of Chius on this side, between Cape Argennum +of the main land and Cape Poseidium of Chius, to +have been sixty stades in breadth, these two capes +could be no others than the promontories marked +with those names in the map; the real distance +agreeing exactly with the ancient number.</p> + +<p>The next place to Poseidium, in coasting the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">[264]</span>island with the shore on the light hand, was Phanæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a>⁠, +which is described by Livy as a harbour +turned toward the Ægæan (portum Chiorum in +Ægeum mare versum), and in another place as a +promontory (promontorium Chiorum). We have +already seen that it was the place at which the Roman +fleet touched in proceeding from the isle of +Delus to the Pergamenian coast; on another occasion +they assembled at Phanæ, previously to their +sailing to the same island⁠<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a>⁠: it seems therefore to +have been in the bay on the western side of the +southernmost cape of Chius.</p> + +<p>The other ancient names of this island have been +placed on the map, as well as the information afforded +by the ancient authors⁠<a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> compared with the +blind accounts of the modern travellers Pococke +and Heyman would admit.</p> + +<hr class="tb"> + +<p>The rivers Hermus and Caicus, each of which is +formed by the union of two branches meeting at +thirty or forty miles above the mouth, water two +extensive valleys equal in natural advantages to +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">[265]</span>those of the Mæander and Caystrus, and not exceeded +in beauty and fertility by any in the world. +Sardes was the chief city of the valley of the Hermus, +and Pergamum in that of the Caicus. Both +have retained the ancient name a little corrupted +by the Turks: but while Pergamum continues to +be the capital of the surrounding country, Sardes +has yielded to Magnesia of Mount Sipylus, and has +dwindled to a small village. This village however +and its vicinity have to boast of two of the most +interesting remains of antiquity in Asia; the colossal +tumulus of Alyattes near the lake Gygæa⁠<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a>⁠, and the +vast Ionic temple of Cybebe⁠<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> or the Earth, on the +bank of the Pactolus⁠<a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a>⁠. Here is also a theatre connected +with a stadium, and the ruins of a large +church, perhaps the only one of the Seven Churches +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">[266]</span>of Asia of which there are any distinguishable remains.</p> + +<p>Pergamum retained under the Romans that superiority +over all the cities of Asia which it had +acquired under the successors of Philetærus: and +it still preserves many vestiges of its ancient magnificence. +Remains of the Asclepium and of some +other temples; of the theatre, stadium, amphitheatre, +and several other buildings, are still to be seen⁠<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>There is a confusion of names in regard to the +two branches of the Hermus, similar to that which +I have already had occasion to notice in the instances +of the Sangarius and Mæander. It seems +clear from Homer⁠<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> and from Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a>⁠, + that the +branch of the Hermus which waters the plain of +Ak-hissár, and which joins the main stream not far +from Magnesia, is the ancient Hyllus, which in the +time of Strabo was called Phrygius; for we find no +mention in ancient history of any other tributary +stream of the Hermus, with the exception of the +Cogamus near Philadelphia, that of Sardes the +famed Pactolus, and a third the Cryus, obscurely +named by Pliny, and which was probably of no +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">[267]</span>greater magnitude than the other two just mentioned. +Nor in fact is there any stream of importance +joining the main river now called Kodus or +Ghedis, in the lower part of its course, except the +river of Ak-hissár. The course of the main stream, +moreover, agrees exactly with the description which +Strabo has given of the Hermus. “It rises,” he +says, “in the sacred mountain Dindymene, flows +through the Catacecaumene into the district of Sardes, +and from thence through the subjacent plains +into the sea⁠<a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a>⁠.”</p> + +<p>From Livy however, in his narrative of the transactions +which preceded the decisive victory gained +by the Romans over Antiochus at Magnesia, it seems +evident that Phrygius was the name by which the +southern or main branch of the Hermus was better +known to the Romans. Antiochus had collected +his forces at Thyateira, when his opponent the +Consul Lucius Cornelius Scipio crossed the Hellespont, +and moved in six days from Ilium to the +sources of the Caicus. Here he was joined by +Eumenes from Elæa; and from hence, on the supposition +that the king was still near Thyateira, he +marched to meet him, and moved in five days into +the Hyrcanian plain. But Antiochus in the mean +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">[268]</span>time had quitted Thyateira, and after having <i>crossed +the river Phrygius</i>, had entrenched himself at +Magnesia. The Consul followed on the opposite +side of the river, until he arrived in the enemy’s +presence. When the armies had remained in this +position, with the river between them, for two days, +the Romans crossed it and took up a position with +their left to the stream, consequently to the westward +of the position of Antiochus, which was probably +done for the sake of securing a communication +with the fleet at Elæa, and a retreat in that direction +in case of necessity. After his defeat Antiochus +fled to Sardes and Apameia.</p> + +<p>From these transactions it cannot well be doubted +that Livy applies the name of Phrygius to the +southern or main branch of the Hermus, in contradiction +to Strabo, who identifies it with the +northern. And in this the historian agrees with +Pliny⁠<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a>⁠, who by distinguishing the Phryx from the +Hyllus, and by observing that the Phryx gave name +to Phrygia, and that it separated that province from +Caria, shews clearly that he applied the name Phryx +to the largest, and at the same time to the southernmost +branch. This instance serves, like that of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">[269]</span>Sangarius, to prove how easily a confusion of names +occurs in regard to the branches of a river.</p> + +<p>From the direction of Scipio’s route from Troy +to the Hyrcanian plain, and from the proportion of +his marches, it may be inferred that the north-eastern +branch of the river of Bergma, which flows +by Menduria and Balikesri, is that which was anciently +called Caicus;—of the name of the southern +branch I have not found any trace in ancient history.</p> + +<p>Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> informs us that the Caicus was joined +by the Mysius flowing from Temnum; and that +this mountain separated the valley of the Caicus +from the plain of Apia, which bordered on Thebe +and Adramyttium. Such is our ignorance of the +real structure of this part of the country, that it is +only from the ancient geographer that we have any +knowledge either of the mountain or the river.</p> + +<p>Notwithstanding the facilities which were so long +given to the researches of travellers by the favourable +disposition of the ruling Turkish family of Kara-Osmán-Oglu, +added to the influence of the European +factories at Smyrna, even the most accessible +parts of the valleys of the Hermus and Caicus +and of their interjacent ridges are still very insufficiently +explored. It seems strange to say, that of +a coast so near to Smyrna as that between the +mouths of the Hermus and Caicus, we possess no +delineation that can be relied on; and consequently +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">[270]</span>no satisfactory information upon the very interesting +positions of Leucæ, Phocæa, Cyme, Ægæ, Neontichus, +Myrina, and Grynium; the latter noted for a +magnificent temple of Apollo, of white marble⁠<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>In short, with the exception of Temnus, which +appears from the Peutinger Table to have been at +Menimen; and of Nacrasa, which an inscription +mentioned by Chishull⁠<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> shews to have been at +Bakír,—we have no accurate information on the +sites of any of the second-rate towns of this part of +Asia Minor—and all to the east and north of Philadelphia, +Thyateira and Pergamum, as far as the +Thymbres, Mount Olympus, and the coast of the +Propontis, is little better than an unknown land, in +which there are very few ancient names that I have +been able to place with any degree of certainty.</p> + +<p>The site of Cyzicus has been visited and imperfectly +described by Pococke and Sestini, and Miletopolis +appears from Chishull’s description of the neighbouring +lake to have been at Miniás⁠<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a>⁠. And hence +we have two lines in the Table of which the extremities +are known—namely, that leading from Pergamum +to Miletopolis, and that leading from Pergamum +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">[271]</span>to Cyzicus. On the former was Hadrianotheræ⁠<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a>⁠, +for such undoubtedly is the correction that +should be made of the corrupted name in the Table, +though the distance there assigned to it of 8 M. P. +from Pergamum cannot be implicitly relied on, as +the 41 M. P. which forms the whole interval between +Pergamum and Miletopolis is not half the +reality. On the road from Pergamum to Cyzicus +we find two names in the Table, which do not +occur elsewhere in ancient history—Phemeneo—Argesis. +The distance of Phemenium from Cyzicus +is omitted in the Table: but if the other two +distances on this line are correct, the mines of Ergasteria +mentioned by Galen were between Phemenium +and Argesæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The name of Kesri or Balikesri seems to be a +corruption of Cæsareia⁠<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a>⁠. It is the chief town of +the Turkish district of Karasi, and is situated on +the Caicus, near the great road from Smyrna to +Constantinople: it is probably the site of one of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">[272]</span>the numerous places which under the Romans +changed their more ancient name to Cæsareia.</p> + +<p>In some part of Mount Olympus, to the westward +of Brusa, we find mention made by the Turkish +geographer Abubekr, of a town called Edrenús. +There can be little doubt that this is the ancient +Hadriani ad Olympum or in Olympo, of which +coins inscribed with this local distinction are still +in existence⁠<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a>⁠. Edrenús is no other than Ἀδριανούς, +a slight corruption of Hadriani in the usual modern +Greek form of the accusative, like Kodus for Cadi.</p> + +<hr class="tb"> + +<p>The geography of the western side of the Idæan +range, which slopes to the Ægæan sea and the Hellespont, +is in a very different state from that of the +country to the eastward of that mountain. The +natural beauties of the Troas, its accessibility by +sea, but above all its celebrity as the scene of the +Ilias, have attracted a greater number of travellers +to it, than to any other part of Asia Minor⁠<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a>⁠.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp63" id="illus03" style="max-width: 53.125em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus03.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>The <span class="smcap">Troas</span> from + <i><span class="smcap">Rhœteium</span> and <span class="smcap">Alexandreia</span> + to the + <span class="smcap">Summits of Mᵗ. Ida</span></i>.</p> + <p><i>W.M.L. del. Published Febʸ. 1824 by John Murray Albemarle Street London. + J. Walker Sculpt.</i></p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp52" id="illus04" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus04.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p><i><span class="smcap">Sketch</span> to explain the supposed alteration in + the</i> coast <i>and in the</i> rivers <i>of TROY since the time of the</i> + Trojan War.</p> + <p><i>The strong lines represent the supposed state of the rivers and + coast in the time of the War. The dotted lines shew the course of the + rivers and line of coast at the present day.</i></p> + <p><i>W.M.L. delᵗ. Published Febʸ. 1824 by John Murray Albemarle Street London. + J. Walker sculpᵗ.</i></p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">[273]</span></p> + +<p>The most remarkable places in the Troas were +Assus, Lectum, Hamaxitus, Larissa, Colonæ, Alexandreia, +Cebrene, Neandria, Cenchreæ, Scamandria, +Sigeium, and New Ilium.</p> + +<p>The two most important, and to which the +greater part of the population of the others was +drawn as early as the time of the successors of +Alexander, were Alexandria and New Ilium; and +these continued to be the chief towns under the +Roman emperors. Alexandria has preserved considerable +remains to this day. Of New Ilium only +the foundations of the walls with a few other +fragments are to be seen.</p> + +<p>As Hamaxitus, Larissa, and Colonæ, were from +their proximity to Alexandria absorbed by that city +at the time of its foundation⁠<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a>⁠, we are not surprised +that no remains of them have been remarked by +travellers. Some circumstances, however, mentioned +by Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a>⁠, are sufficient very nearly to fix +their positions. Hamaxitus in particular is determined +by the salt-works of Tragasæ, which are still +in a state of operation on the sea-coast near the +mouth of the river of Tuzla. This river (perhaps +the ancient Satnioeis) does not, however, take its +name, which means <i>salt</i>, from the maritime salt-works +alone: there are other salt-works at some +very copious sources of hot salt water, at a considerable +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">[274]</span>distance from the sea, on the northern +side of the valley, where is a village called Tuzla, +and where the neighbouring hills are composed +of rock salt. This curious fact accounts for the +name Halesium, anciently applied to the district⁠<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>As it appears from Strabo that Cebrenia bordered +on the territories of Antandrus, Hamaxitus, +Neandria, New Ilium, and Scepsis⁠<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a>⁠, and that the +Scepsia was on the Æsepus⁠<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a>⁠, consequently on the +eastern side of the summit of Ida,—Cebrenia seems +to have occupied the higher region of Ida on the +western side, and its city very probably stood at +Kushunlú Tepe, not far from Bairamitsh, where +Dr. E. D. Clarke, proceeding from the latter place +towards the sources of the Mendere and the summit +of Ida, found very considerable remains of antiquity. +The fine valley which extends from thence +to the modern town of Ene, seems to answer in its +upper part to the level country of Cebrenia, mentioned +by Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a>⁠; and in its lower or western +to the plain called Samonium, which belonged to +Neandria⁠<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a>⁠: for Neandria being described by the +geographer as inland from Hamaxitus towards New +Ilium, and as 130 stades distant from the latter⁠<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a>⁠, +corresponds exactly in position with Ene.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">[275]</span></p> + +<p>In the plain of Troy, or region watered by the +lower course of the Mendere and its branches, the +only positions proved to be ancient sites, by remains +of buildings existing in their original places, are—</p> + +<p>1. That of New Ilium on a hill which rises to +the eastward of the villages of Kum-Kiúi and Kalafátli, +about 5 miles to the S.E. of Kum-Kalé +or the lower castle of the Dardanells, and three +miles from the nearest shore. The vestiges of the +walls of the citadel are to be traced on the summit +of the height; and some of the buildings of the +town, on the western slope and at the foot of the +hill: but very little now remains in its place, the +site being resorted to (as it probably has been ever +since its abandonment), as to a stone-quarry, for +the materials of modern constructions—whence we +find all the villages, farms, and particularly the +Turkish cemeteries of the surrounding country, full +of the inscribed or decorated marbles of New Ilium. +2. Paleó Aktshi Kiúi. This, by its direction and distance +from New Ilium, corresponds exactly with the +Ἰλιέων κώμη, or village of the Ilienses, described by +Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> as being 30 stades eastward of New Ilium +towards Ida and Dardania. 3. Paleó-Kastro, near +the Turkish village of It-ghelmés, on a height overlooking +the Bosphorus. This is probably the site of +the town Rhœteium, on a part of the sea-shore of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">[276]</span>which was the Æanteium or tomb of Ajax⁠<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a>⁠, still +existing. 4. Yenishehr, the ancient Sigeium. +5. Another Paleó-Kastro, near the mouth of the +small river which receives the canal derived from +the river of Bunárbashi. This has been supposed, +with great probability, to have been a small town +and port called Agameia⁠<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a>⁠. 6. The hill which +rises above the less or lower Bunárbashi to the +S.E., and which is bounded in the same direction +by the deep valley of the Mendere. This, it is not +improbable, was the site of Scamandria; for it may +be presumed that Scamandria being named by Pliny +together with New Ilium⁠<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>⁠, was in some part of the +lower plain of the Scamander, near that river; and +there is no site on the Mendere so remarkable as +that of Bunárbashi. Pliny describes Scamandria +as a <i>small</i> town: but it seems from an extant inscription +to have been of sufficient importance to +make a recorded treaty with New Ilium concerning +the sale of corn⁠<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The same heights are by many persons supposed +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">[277]</span>to have been in an earlier age the position of the +renowned capital of Ilus and his successors: indeed, +so many of the most intelligent <i>travellers</i>⁠<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> in the +Troas are agreed in placing the Homeric Ilium at +Bunárbashi, that I should have been satisfied on +the present occasion with stating my concurrence +with their opinion, and with referring to the arguments +of such of them as have supported it by +their publications, had not some adverse systems +been recently maintained with great learning and +ingenuity; though chiefly, it must be admitted, by +those who have considered the question in the closet +only. I shall here offer, therefore, a few observations +on this subject; first stating what appear to +me to be the strongest grounds for thinking that +Bunárbashi was the site of Troy, and then the +principal objections that have been made to that +opinion, together with the arguments which occur +in reply to them⁠<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>As even the identity of the country on the Asiatic +side of the entrance of the Hellespontine strait +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">[278]</span>with the scene of the Ilias has been doubted, it +may not be useless to premise, that if the war of +Troy was a real event, having reference to a real topography +(and to doubt it would shake the whole +fabric of profane history), no district has yet been +shown that will combine even a few of the requisite +features of the plain of Troy, except that between +Kum-Kalé and Bunárbashi: whereas in that district, +and in the surrounding country by land and by +water, we find the seas and mountains and islands +in the positions which the poet indicates, and many +of them with the same or nearly the same names. +The features which do not accord so well with his +description are those which are the most liable to +change in the lapse of ages,—the course and size of +the rivers, and the extent and direction of the low +coast where these waters join the sea. Instead of a +river with two large branches, which Homer seems +to describe, we find on one side of the plain a broad +torrent, reduced in the dry season to a slender brook, +and a few stagnant pools; and on the other side a +small perennial stream, which instead of joining the +former is diverted into an artificial channel, and is +thus carried to a different part of the coast. But the +diminutive size of some of the most celebrated rivers +of antiquity is well known to those who have travelled +in Greece; and it must be considered that a +poet writing of a real scene is obliged to magnify +those features, which without exaggeration would +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">[279]</span>be beneath the dignity of his verse. In regard to +the course of the streams, it seems sufficient still +to find, at the end of three thousand years, two rivers +which, if they do not now unite, evidently did +so at a former period of time: and for the sources +of that stream which Homer describes as rising +under the walls of Troy, to find some very remarkable +springs, not very different in their peculiarities +from the poet’s description, and rising at the foot of +a commanding height on the edge of the plain.</p> + +<p>For poetry this coincidence appears sufficient: +and in regard to the position of Troy itself, it seems +enough to find a hill rising above the sources just +mentioned, not only agreeing in all particulars with +the kind of position which the Greeks⁠<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> usually +chose for their towns, but the only situation in this +region which will combine all the requisites they +sought for; namely, a height overlooking a fertile +maritime plain,—situated at a sufficient distance +from the sea to be secure from the attacks of pirates, +and furnished with a copious and perennial supply +of water,—presenting a very strong and healthy +position for the city; and for the citadel a hill beyond +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">[280]</span>the reach of bowshot from the neighbouring +heights, defended at the back by steep rocks and +precipices, surrounded by a deep valley and broad +torrent, and backed beyond the river by mountains +which supplied timber and fuel. That it was precisely +such a situation as the inhabitants of Greece +and Asia in remote ages preferred, might be shown +by a great variety of examples: and it can hardly be +doubted that a person totally unacquainted with the +Ilias, but accustomed to observe the positions of ancient +Greek towns, would fix on Bunárbashi for the +site of the chief place of the surrounding country.</p> + +<p>It is a necessary consequence of placing Troy +on the heights to the S.E. of Bunárbashi, that the +river flowing from the sources which give that village +its name (meaning Spring-head), is the Scamander +of Homer: that the large torrent which +flows through a deep ravine on the eastern side of +the heights, is the Simoeis: and that notwithstanding +the much greater magnitude of the bed of the +latter and occasionally of that stream itself, the united +river after the junction in the plain was called by +the name of the former, Scamander. In support +of this opinion, it has been justly observed by Lechevalier, +that Homer’s description, allowance being +made for poetical exaggeration, is correct, both as +to the springs themselves, and as to the very different +character of the two rivers: nor can it be +denied that the two hills, that of Bunárbashi and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">[281]</span>the higher eminence behind it, correspond to the +mention by Homer of Ilium and its citadel Pergamus. +The termination of the slope towards +the springs accords also with the idea which we +receive from the poet of the extent of the city on +that side, and of the position of the gate Scææ or +Dardaniæ, which was near the sources of the Scamander, +and was the principal outlet towards the +plain⁠<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a>⁠. But if these assumptions are not unreasonable, +it cannot be denied on the other hand that in +attempting to identify such objects as the tombs of +Ilus, Myrinna, and Æsyetes, Lechevalier has exposed +himself to reasonable objections from his opponents, +and has rather injured than strengthened +his cause. For it is not certain that all the monuments +mentioned by Homer were tumuli; and it is +very possible that if they were, several of them have +been obliterated by time. Nothing can be more +likely than that the real history of the monuments +should have been forgotten in the interval between +the destruction of Troy and the foundation of New +Ilium, and that names should have been ascribed +to them by the inhabitants of the latter place, suited +to their own system of Trojan topography, and favourable +to the pretensions which they held, that +their city stood upon the ancient site. With regard +to the existing barrows, it seems incontrovertible +only that those which stand in conspicuous situations +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">[282]</span>on either side of the mouth of the Scamander, +are the tumuli, supposed in the time of the Romans, +and probably with reason, to have been the sepulchres +of Ajax, Achilles, and some other chieftains; +and these monuments are so far important, as they +prove the identity of the plain of the Mendere with +the scene of the Ilias⁠<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>It is objected to the springs of Bunárbashi, that +instead of being only two,—one hot and the other +cold, as described by Homer⁠<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a>⁠,—they are in one place +so numerous as to have received from the Turks the +name of Kirk-Ghiuz, (the Forty Fountains), and +that they are all of the same temperature.</p> + +<p>But viewing them as the springs of a river, they +may in poetical language, or even in common speech, +be considered as two, since they arise in two places, +distant from each other about 200 yards: in one +the water appears in a deep basin, which is noted +among the natives for being often covered with a +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">[283]</span>thick vapour like smoke: in the other place, there +are numerous rills issuing from the rocks, into a +broad shallow piece of water, terminating in a +stream which is joined by that from the smoking +spring. As to the temperature of the water, the +observations of travellers give various results. Some +have observed a difference: according to others, it +would appear that being all deep-seated springs, their +temperature is the same at all seasons, or about 60° +of Fahrenheit at their eruption from the ground; +consequently that they will feel cold when the air is +at 70° or 80°, and warm when it is at 40° or 50°⁠<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a>⁠. +But even in this case it is obvious that there will +be a real difference between the heat of the shallow +recipient of the springs called the Forty Fountains, +and that of the single deep pool. It seems sufficient +to justify Homer’s expression, that a difference of +temperature was believed, and that an occasional +appearance of vapour over one source was often observed +by the natives: for the poet would probably +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">[284]</span>flatter the local prejudices, even if he had examined +the fountains so attentively as to be convinced that +the warmth of all the sources was the same.</p> + +<p>Another and a more weighty objection to the +placing of Troy on the heights of Bunárbashi, is +that the much greater magnitude of the river, which +flows on the east side of those heights, concurs +with its modern name Mendere in showing it to +be the Scamander of Homer; and that such was +evidently the opinion of several authors of antiquity, +particularly of Demetrius, a native of Scepsis in the +Troas, from whom Strabo principally derived his +information on the geography of this district. In +fact there can be no doubt, that in the time of +Demetrius, who wrote in the second century before +Christ⁠<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a>⁠, the Mendere from its source in Mount +Kazdagh to its junction with the sea was called +Scamander. But was it so in the time of the Trojan +war? In this inquiry we have nothing to do +with any authority but that of the Ilias itself: for +it is evident from the remarks of Demetrius and +Strabo, that the topography of the poem and the site +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">[285]</span>of Troy were as much a subject of doubt and dispute +in their time as they are at present. Nor is this +surprising. The result of the Trojan war was the +subversion of Ilium and the extinction (with the +exception of a single branch of the royal family) of +the colony which had settled in this part of Phrygia⁠<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a>⁠. +Strabo repeatedly remarks that the revolutions +following the Trojan war were the great +cause of the difficulty which he experienced in adjusting +the Homeric chorography. The barbarous +people of Thrace, called Treres, who then established +themselves in the Troas, could not have taken much +interest in any thing relating to the former colony, +to whose language they were strangers, and +whose history was recorded only in the songs of an +Ionian stranger. It was not till long afterwards that +the Æolian Greeks of Lesbus extended their settlements +into the Troas. It was not even by them that +New Ilium was founded, but by a Lydian, and consequently +a semibarbarous colony⁠<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a>⁠, about the eighth +century before Christ; and it was not till a taste for +the poems of Homer having begun to prevail in +European Greece, and the Athenians having taken +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">[286]</span>possession of Sigeium⁠<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> and a part of the Chersonesus, +that their enlightened sovereigns Pisistratus and his +sons⁠<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a>⁠, if they were not the first to collect, arrange, +and edit the Ilias,—were at least the first to bring it +into notice among the most lettered of the European +Greeks⁠<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a>⁠. We cannot wonder that the Homeric +topography should at that time have become +subject to the same kind of uncertainty now found +to prevail in regard to such places as Athens, Rome, +Jerusalem, Alexandria of Egypt, and even many cities +much more modern.</p> + +<p>For the New Ilium founded by the Lydians, colonized +afterwards by the Æolians, and augmented +and first fortified with a circuit of forty stades by +Lysimachus⁠<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a>⁠, a situation was chosen which, being +nearer to the sea than that of the ancient city, was +better adapted to the more advanced state of commerce +and civilization⁠<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a>⁠. It was very natural that +its inhabitants the Ilienses⁠<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> should pretend that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">[287]</span>their town stood on the site of the ancient city⁠<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a>⁠; +and no less so, that a historian of a neighbouring +and kindred race should flatter them by concurring +in their opinion⁠<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a>⁠. That the conquerors of Asia +likewise, and so many other illustrious visitors of +Ilium from Xerxes to the Cæsars, when they found +it useful to their purposes or grateful to their vanity +to sacrifice to Minerva Ilias, should have willingly +followed the guidance of the priests to the +temple in New Ilium, and should have admitted +without inquiry that it stood on the site of the Pergamus +of Priam—is nothing more than we should +expect under such circumstances. But we know +that the claim of the Ilienses was strongly contested +during the whole period in which their city flourished. +Demetrius of Scepsis and Hestiæa of Alexandria +Troas opposed it about the time of the Antiochian +war, and Strabo subscribed to their opinion +in the Augustan age⁠<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Although Demetrius found it impossible to +assent to the claim of the Ilienses in this respect, +and seems to have been far from implicitly believing +in the identity of all the Homeric places pointed +out by them⁠<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a>⁠; he appears never to have suspected +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">[288]</span>that the Scamander was any other than the large +torrent, to which he found that name then applied +from its mouth in the Hellespont to its distant source +in the summit of Ida called Cotylus⁠<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a>⁠. It was a +necessary consequence (as all those who have concurred +in the same belief have experienced) to identify +the Simoeis with one of the branches of the +Mendere flowing from the eastward. The Ghiumbrek-su, +the most important of the Trojan streams +after the Mendere and Bunárbashi river, seems to +have been that which Strabo (probably following +Demetrius⁠<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a>⁠) supposed to be the Simoeis, as may +be inferred from his observation that the site of +Troy, which he places at the Pagus Iliensium (Paleó +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">[289]</span>Aktshi), was near the river Thymbrius; and that the +temple of Apollo Thymbræus at the junction of this +river with the Scamander, was 50 stades from New +Ilium⁠<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a>⁠; for these data concur in showing that the +Kamára-su⁠<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> was the Thymbrius, and consequently +that the Ghiumbrek-su was the Simoeis of the geographer.</p> + +<p>But although a site had been found for Troy +at Pagus by those who did not subscribe to the +claims of the Ilienses in favour of their own site, +neither Demetrius nor Strabo was able to discover +any springs corresponding to the Scamandrian +sources of Homer. Demetrius, having observed +how utterly irreconcileable the single source of the +Scamander in the distant summit of Mount Ida +is with Homer’s description of the Scamandrian +springs, was under the awkward necessity of imagining +that those fountains, wherever they might be, +were called the springs of Scamander, not as being +in reality the sources, but only because they were +near the Scamander, or because they afforded a +stream which joined that river⁠<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a>⁠. And as the valley +and river of Ghiumbrek do not unite with the plain +and river of the Mendere till very near the sea, Demetrius +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">[290]</span>distinguishes the Simoeisian from the Scamandrian +plain⁠<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a>⁠—a distinction, it may be observed, +which no where occurs in Homer, and is in fact +inconsistent with his topography.</p> + +<p>There seems no other mode of obviating these +difficulties, inevitably attendant upon taking the +Mendere in its whole course for the Homeric Scamander, +but to suppose that the river of Bunárbashi +was the <i>ancient</i> Scamander, that it gave name +to the united stream, and that the part of the Mendere +above the junction was the Simoeis. The +latter name appears to have become obsolete during +the ages in which the events of the war of Troy +had been almost forgotten on the scene itself, and +in the time of Demetrius and Strabo to have been +known only to antiquaries inquiring into the topography +of the Ilias. The name of Scamander on the +other hand, being the more illustrious of the two, +and a name apparently of familiar import in Asia +Minor⁠<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a>⁠, was retained in use: but as the river of Bunárbashi +had lost much of its local importance, and +had now become of inferior consideration, the name +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">[291]</span>of Scamander before attached to the united stream +and to the Bunárbashi-su, was after the revival of +New Ilium by Lysimachus (and perhaps long before +that time) applied to the united stream and to the +whole course of the Mendere.</p> + +<p>In some of the preceding pages we have had +occasion to remark in the instances of the Sangarius, +Mæander, and Hermus, how easily the names +of two branches of a river are confounded with +one another or with the united stream, and how +readily they are transferred from the one to the +other. In addition to these examples, it may be observed +that a similar transmutation of name in two +branches of the same river, under circumstances +which cannot so easily be accounted for as in the +Trojan rivers, is to be found in Thessaly, where the +river called by Herodotus and Thucydides Apidanus, +is undoubtedly the same as the Enipeus of +later writers, whose Apidanus is at twelve miles +distance, and joins the other branch not far from the +confluence of the united stream with the Peneus.</p> + +<p>The principal causes of the obscurity into which +the Homeric Scamander (or river of Bunárbashi) +had fallen at the time of Demetrius, are sufficiently +manifest. When Troy stood at Bunárbashi, it was +natural that the river which had its sources under +the walls should be one of the <i>deified</i> rivers of the +district. In the climate of Greece a perennial fountain, +however small, was held in at least equal honour +with a large torrent affording only water that +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">[292]</span>was either turbid or stagnant: and we find many +proofs in ancient history, and upon ancient monuments, +especially coins, of the importance often attached +to streams, however diminutive, which flow +near the sites of large cities. It is not surprising, +therefore, that the river, which from the position of +its sources and from its utility was more peculiarly +the river of Troy, should, while Troy flourished, have +had a preference over the broad torrent in giving +name to the united stream; or that its local importance +should have ceased when the capital of the +district was removed to a situation nearer the sea.</p> + +<p>But besides these accidental causes, there were +others arising from physical changes which tended +to destroy the importance of the river of Bunárbashi. +The Mendere and its tributary streams, which +flow from Aktshi-Kiúi, from the Kamára valley, +from Tshiblak and from Ghiumbrek, being all torrents +descending from lofty mountains, bring down +with them a great quantity of stones, earth, and +other matter: while the Bunárbashi stream, deriving +all its water from pure deep-seated veins, has +little or no deposit. Hence during the ages which +have elapsed since the Trojan war, the eastern side +of the plain has been gradually rising; the course +of the Mendere has been gradually receding from +that side⁠<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a>⁠, and the western side has become more +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">[293]</span>and more marshy; until at length the Bunárbashi, +instead of uniting with the Mendere about the +middle of the plain, as in the time of the Trojan +war, is now forced to find its way through the +marshes on the western side, and from those marshes +into the Mendere by two exits not far from Kum-Kale, +or towards the ancient Sigeium. Its waters +in the plain have been still further diminished by +a canal, which carries off a large portion of them +into another stream, which joins not the Hellespont, +but the Ægæan, at a part of the coast situated +not less than seven miles from the ancient +mouth of the Scamander. Whether this canal +is the remains of an ancient work made for the +purpose of draining the plain, when it became +marshy by the operation of the causes above stated, +or whether it was formed by the Turks merely for +its present use, of turning some mills, may be +doubtful: its effect has been to cut off in summer +all communication between the Bunárbashi springs +and the marshy ground on the western side of the +plain; so that it is only in rainy seasons that the +old bed of the river, which is still very traceable, +is now filled with water. I shall here take occasion +to remark, that the manner in which the alluvion +collects in this plain, as already described, will account +for an apparent difficulty in regard to those +passages of the Ilias which shew that the Scamander +(the united stream) flowed on the left of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">[294]</span>Grecian encampment, or toward Rhœteium⁠<a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a>⁠, instead +of towards Sigeium, as might be inferred from +Strabo⁠<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> and present appearances: for it is evident +from the causes mentioned, that the altered course +of the river would be to the westward of the former +course; and consequently that when there was a +bay at the mouth of the Scamander, the river probably +issued into that bay, not towards its western, +but towards its eastern side⁠<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>⁠. No appearance of +a bay indeed is now visible; but its former existence +is undoubted, as well from the testimony of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">[295]</span>Homer as from the physical structure of the land. +Instead of two promontories with a beach between +them, as described by the poet, there is now only +one low point of land, which has been formed between +the two ancient capes by the soil brought down +from the upper country by the river, and deposited +at its mouth in the course of ages. The rate at +which the new land has accumulated may be inferred +from Strabo and Pliny, from whom it appears +that in their time New Ilium was distant about a +Roman mile and a half from the nearest shore⁠<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a>⁠. +Now it appears from the existing vestiges of New +Ilium, by those of its citadel on the summit of the +hill of Paleó Kastro, which rises behind Kalafatli, +and Kum Kiui, and by other remains on the +western slope of that hill,—that the lower part +of the town reached nearly to the position of +Kum Kiui, which is three miles from the shore, +or more than double the distance assigned by +Strabo. Allowing therefore the same rate of accumulation +between the Trojan war and the Augustan +age, as since that period, it becomes probable that +in the former age the sea reached to about half a +mile below the position of Kum Kiui: and consequently +that Hestiæa of Alexandria was nearly correct +in supposing that all the plain below the hill +of New Ilium had been gained from the sea since +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">[296]</span>the time of the Trojan war⁠<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a>⁠,—the sandy ground at +the extremity of the slope of that hill, which gives +name to Kum Kiui (Sand-village), marks perhaps +what was at one period the sea beach. To those +who may think this formation of new land over-rated⁠<a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a>⁠, +it is to be observed, that in every instance +in which the history of Greece has left us the +means of comparison, the same phenomenon has +occurred in the maritime plains; and that in the +instances of the Spercheius and Mæander, but particularly +of the latter, the soil has been formed in +the same period of time with a much greater rapidity.</p> + +<p>From all these considerations, therefore, it seems +highly probable that the mouth of the Scamander +in the time of the Trojan war was not far from +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">[297]</span>the situation now occupied by the village of Kum +Kiui, and that the river of Bunárbashi or Scamander, +instead of then creeping along the foot +of the southern and western heights, crossed the +plain from near Erkessi in the direction of Kum +Kiui, and that it joined the Mendere or Simoeis +towards the middle of the plain, perhaps not far +from the present village of Kalafatli. The passages +of the Ilias in which the πόρος, or ford of the Scamander +is mentioned, tend to show that such must +have been the course of the river, if Troy stood at +Bunárbashi; and we have seen that the nature of +the plain, and the manner in which the alluvion has +been accumulated, render such a state of the river +in ancient times highly probable.</p> + +<p>A third objection to Bunárbashi as the site of +Troy is, that its distance from the Grecian station +at the mouth of the Scamander is so great as to +render impossible some of the events of the Ilias. +In considering this distance, however, we must first +deduct from the actual distance of Bunárbashi +from the nearest shore, the new land formed +since the Trojan war, together with the <i>depth</i> of +the Grecian encampment, which in <i>length</i> extended +from the foot of the hill of Achilleium on +the right, to the mouth of the Scamander on the +left. The new land we have already seen to have +been nearly all that which now lies below Kum +Kiui. The following are the only circumstances +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">[298]</span>upon which we may build a judgement as to the +extent of the Grecian encampment.</p> + +<p>According to the poet, the bay was too narrow +to contain the whole fleet, which was therefore arranged +in several lines⁠<a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a>⁠. Although nothing but +necessity could have made the Greeks submit to +having any of their vessels at a distance from the +sea, and that we may therefore suppose the number +of lines to have been as few as possible, the poet’s +expression will hardly allow the supposition that +there were fewer than four or five lines. And this +number agrees very well with the dimensions of the +ground: for if we allow 25 feet for the breadth of +each ship, added to the interval between it and the +next, we shall find that about one-fifth of 1200, +which is the amount of Homer’s enumeration⁠<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a>⁠, +would have been sufficient to occupy the space of +one mile and a quarter, to which the rear of the +Greek encampment was confined by the hill of +Achilleium on the right, and by the river on the left, +supposing its mouth to have been near Kum Kiui⁠<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">[299]</span></p> + +<p>For the breadth or depth of the encampment it +would not be necessary to assign more than three +or four hundred yards, if it were measured only by +the length of the ships, added to the necessary +interval between the rows: but it is obvious that +a large space must, either in the length or depth +of the encampment, have been required for the +tents of the leaders, for the chariots and horses, +for the market, and for the places to contain the +cattle and other commodities which the Greeks +collected for provisions, or to be exchanged for +wine⁠<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a>⁠. In short, for a permanent encampment of +between 50,000 and 100,000 men⁠<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a>⁠, with a front +of a mile and a quarter, a depth of not less than +half a mile would be necessary. Such a space +would not be greater than was required by the Romans +for their encampments⁠<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a>⁠; in which, although +there was ample accommodation for the several departments +of the army, there was no necessity for +the space required in the camp before Troy, for the +ships, and for some of the other incumbrances incidental +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">[300]</span>to its permanence. On the one hand we +can hardly restrict the Greek camp to a smaller +space than I have mentioned, because it would have +been insufficient to contain the ships and tents: +on the other, a much larger can hardly be assigned; +because the inconvenience of having any of the +ships at a distance from the sea-shore would be a +powerful motive for contracting the space towards +the plain, and because the poet expressly states that +the army was crowded⁠<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>In considering, therefore, the transactions of the +Ilias, the present distance of Bunárbashi from the +mouth of the Scamander must be diminished about +three miles and a half, in order to give the distance +between Troy and the Grecian rampart, which will +thus be reduced to about six miles.</p> + +<p>The events which have been considered most inconsistent +with the distance of Bunárbashi from the +Hellespont, are those occurring on the days called +by Pope the 23d and 28th; the former day occupies +the 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, and the greater part +of the 7th books of the poem; the 28th day extends +from the beginning of the 11th to the middle of +the 18th book.</p> + +<p>On the 23d day the Greeks are drawn out, after +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">[301]</span>their forenoon’s repast, in the plain lying between +the rampart and the Scamander; and from thence +they advance to the city, where, after the duel between +Menelaus and Paris, the armies join battle +with alternate success. At one time the Trojans +have so far prevailed as to have approached the +Greek camp⁠<a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a>⁠; and at another, the Greeks are +again near the city⁠<a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a>⁠. Hector then rallies his army; +a duel ensues between him and Ajax, which is put +an end to by the approach of night⁠<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a>⁠, and the +Greeks retire to their encampment. It does not +seem necessary to suppose that the ground passed +over by the Greeks on this day is more than 20 +or 22 miles; six of which were performed after the +close of day.</p> + +<p>On the 28th day the two armies drawn out in +the plain before the Greek encampment, fought +only with the light troops until the hour of the +woodman’s meal⁠<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a>⁠, which, to judge by modern +customs, was about 9 or 10 o’clock in the forenoon. +The charioteers of the two armies having +then come to action, the Greeks had the superiority, +and beat back the Trojans quite to the walls +of Troy⁠<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a>⁠, where Agamemnon being wounded, +Hector in turn leads the victorious Trojans to the +Grecian rampart, forces it, and fights at the ships. +Patroclus then advances to battle in the armour of +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">[302]</span>Achilles, and drives the Trojans back to the city. +Here he is slain, and the Trojans again advance +near to the Greek camp before the day closes⁠<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a>⁠. +As the movements on this day carry the parties +quite up to the hostile fortifications, the distance +passed over is in so much, but no more, greater +than on the 23d day; and 24 miles seems to be +the utmost distance that we are obliged to suppose +the Greeks to have passed over on this day.</p> + +<p>In considering the probability of these exploits, +we must take into consideration that whatever may +have been the proportion of the infantry to the +chariots, the extreme distances appear to have been +performed only by the latter; for Homer, in all +the great movements from the Greek camp to +Troy, and from Troy to the Greek camp, as well +as in all the principal actions, notices the chariots +only. Even in the assault of the wall, in the beginning +of the 12th book, Hector descends from +his chariot; and all the other Trojans, adds the +poet, follow his example.</p> + +<p>Not much argument, however, seems necessary +against objections which, when allowed in their fullest +force, are founded only on the exaggerations of a +poet, to whom, however accurate as a geographer +and historian when it was his object to be so, we +cannot refuse the usual poetical liberties in some of +the most animated descriptions which his work +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">[303]</span>contains. If the labours of the Trojan and Grecian +heroes in the two days the events of which are +thought to disprove the position of Troy at Bunárbashi, +were too great for ordinary men; they were +not beyond the power of heroes who could hurl +such rocks as two men in the time of the poet +were unable even to lift⁠<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a>⁠; who could make their +voices heard from the centre to either extremity⁠<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a>⁠, +or even from the one end to the other⁠<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> of an encampment +of sixty or eighty thousand men; and +who could see so clearly, that Helen is able from +the walls of Troy to point out and minutely describe +all the leaders of the Grecian host, when the whole +Trojan army lay between⁠<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a>⁠. It is evident that these +are fictions which the Muse allows and encourages; +and instances of them are so frequent throughout +the poem, that it cannot be necessary to make any +more particular reference to them. At one time +the poet found it convenient to magnify beyond probability, +or even beyond possibility, the common occurrences +of war; at another, to bring together the +actions of an extensive field, in order to present +them to view in one continued scene.</p> + +<p>A fourth objection which has been made against +the site of Bunárbashi is, that in this position it +would have been impossible for Achilles to have pursued +Hector three times round the walls of Troy, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">[304]</span>as Homer relates. But does Homer really so relate? +It cannot be denied that many interpreters, ancient +and modern, have understood the poet in this sense; +and it is perhaps the most obvious meaning to a cursory +reader, who does not particularly consider the +fact described, or who has not, by a view of the site +of Troy, been convinced of its extreme improbability. +Virgil, however, who in the latter part of the +12th book of the Æneis, has very closely imitated +every part of Homer’s description of the encounter +between Achilles and Hector, seems to have understood +his prototype very differently. He does not +represent Turnus as pursued by his adversary <i>round</i> +the walls of Laurentum, but as forming a circle in +a plain which was bounded by those walls, by a +marsh, and by the Trojan army. In like manner +the pursuit of Hector by Achilles occurred in sight +of the Trojans, collected on the ramparts on one +side, and of the Grecian army drawn out in the +plain on the other. And the poet, in describing +the action, mentions no objects passed by Hector +and Achilles, except the Scæan or Dardanian gate, +the carriage-way under the walls, the Erineus, and +the source of the Scamander⁠<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a>⁠; all places which we +know to have been on the side of the city towards +the plain. Can it be supposed that Homer intended +to describe the heroes as following such a track as +must have concealed them entirely from the view of +both armies, except in a small portion of the circle?</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">[305]</span></p> + +<p>It has justly been observed by Lechevalier and +Choiseul Gouffier that the word περὶ, which has +given rise to the erroneous interpretation of this +passage, means, in other passages⁠<a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> perfectly similar, +<i>near</i> or <i>before</i> the city, and not <i>around</i> it. +To this I may add, that no supposed situation +of the city, which is not entirely in the plain, +will suit the idea of a course round the entire +circuit of the walls; and that such a situation +would be totally unadapted to the description +which Homer has given of Troy, as windy⁠<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a>⁠, + lofty⁠<a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a>⁠, +and as surmounted with a citadel bordered +by precipices⁠<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a>⁠. Strabo in fact, following Demetrius, +makes use of this very argument to prove +that the ancient city did not stand at New Ilium; +round which, he remarks, it would have been impossible +for Achilles to have pursued Hector⁠<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a>⁠. It +would seem, therefore, that the poet, as a keen observer +of nature, intended to describe that circular +course, which a person invariably takes when he +runs from another, and finds no shelter or advantageous +position for defending himself. The track +of the two heroes was from the Scæan gate, along +the road under the walls, by the Erineus, and by +the fountains of the Scamander back again to the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">[306]</span>Scæan gate. Ὣς οἳ τρὶς Πριάμοιο πόλιν περὶ δινηθήτην⁠<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a>⁠.</p> + +<hr class="tb"> + +<p>It remains to offer a few remarks in justification +of the north-eastern portion of the map which accompanies +the present volume. This part of Asia +Minor was called Pontus by the Romans, from its +bordering on the Euxine <i>sea</i>: though it still retained +the divisions of its ancient inhabitants, the Bithyni, +Maryandini, Caucones, and Paphlagones. Here, as +in many other parts of the peninsula, modern travellers +have not yet afforded us sufficient information +to enable us to make the best use of the evidence +of ancient history. The astronomical observations +of M. Beauchamp and Capt. Gauttier have been of +great importance in giving the correct length of the +coast, its general outline, and the exact position of +the principal places: but it requires such a careful +survey as that of the southern coast by Capt. Beaufort, +to illustrate fully the three ancient Periplus of +the Pontic coast⁠<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a>⁠, and to correct the numerical +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">[307]</span>errors which their disagreement with one another +proves to exist in them.</p> + +<p>On the sea-coast all the most important sites of +antiquity are determined by the actual names.—These +sites are <i>Rhebas</i>, now Ríva; <i>Calpe</i>, Kerpe; +the river <i>Sangarius</i>, Sakaría; <i>Heraclia</i>, Erégri; +the river <i>Parthenius</i>, Bartan, in Greek Parthéni; +<i>Amastris</i>, Amásera; <i>Cytorus</i>, Kídros; <i>Thymena</i>, +Temena; <i>Carambis</i>, Kerempe; <i>Abonuteichus</i>, afterward +<i>Ionopolis</i>, Aináboli; <i>Cinolis</i>, Kinóli; <i>Stephane</i>, +Istefán, in Greek Stéfanos; <i>Sinope</i>, Sinub, +in Greek Sinópi; <i>Carusa</i>, Kerze; <i>Amisus</i>, Samsun. +With these data it will not be difficult for +the future traveller to fix the intermediate names +of the three Periplus: especially as existing vestiges +of antiquity, and the rivers which form a large +proportion of the ancient names, will greatly facilitate +the task.</p> + +<p>Although the route along this coast, in the +Peutinger Table, is unworthy of much notice, and +conveys very little information, it is right to point +out the obvious correction of one remarkable error +which it contains. The author, misled by the +similarity of the name of Amastris (written Mastrum +in the Table) with that of Amasia, has substituted +the coast-road from Amastris to Sinope +for that leading from Amasia to Sinope. Of this +the names along the latter route in the Table, although +disfigured, leave no doubt.—Cromen, Cythero, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">[308]</span>Egilan, Carambas, Stefano, Syrtas, are obviously +intended for Cromna, Cytorum, Ægiali, +Carambis, Stephane, Syrias; and the sum of the +distances, 149 M. P., is tolerably correct. It +is probable, therefore, that the two roads should +change places in the Table; although it must be +confessed that no proof of this inference is to be +found in the road of the Table from Mastrum to +Sinope; for the sum of the distances of the three +places on that route is not above half the real road-distance, +and I can find no traces of their names +(Tycæ, Cereæ, and Miletus) in any other ancient +author.</p> + +<p>Another and a more important defect in the routes +of the Table through Paphlagonia, is the omission +of the name of the place which by its <i>two towers</i> is +shown to have been the most remarkable on the road +leading from Nicomedia to Gangra, with a branch +to Amasia. As this route of the Table lies between +the coast road and that leading from Nicæa to +Amasia by Juliopolis, Ancyra, and Tavium, it +seems evidently to have been the same as the modern +road from Nicomedia to Amasia by Boli; for +the structure of the country, and the direction of +its mountains, passes, valleys, and rivers, must naturally +have led the main ancient road in the same +direction as the modern. The position in the Table +of the place with two towers without a name, relatively +to the two ends of the route, shows that it +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">[309]</span>stood on or about the site now occupied by Boli. +Now Boli is evidently an abbreviation of some name +ending in Polis, which in process of time was vulgarly +used in that form, like ἡ πόλις for Constantinople. +In Honorias, which under Constantine +formed a district separate from Paphlagonia proper, +lying between it and Bithynia, there were three +places with the termination of polis—Claudiopolis, +or Bithynium; Flaviopolis, or Cratia; and Hadrianopolis⁠<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a>⁠. +The other towns of Honorias were Tium, +Heraclia Pontica, and Prusias on the Hypius; so +that the district seems to have chiefly comprehended +the country lying between the Sangarius and +the Billæus. Bithynium or Claudiopolis was on the +Sangarius⁠<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a>⁠; and having been originally a colony +from Greece⁠<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a>⁠, was probably not far from the +mouth of that river, Greek colonies having generally +settled in maritime situations, as we see instanced +in several cities on this coast. Flaviopolis +was twenty or thirty miles from Claudiopolis, on the +road leading from that place to Ancyra⁠<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a>⁠; consequently +to the westward of Boli. Boli, therefore, +seems to have been the ancient Hadrianopolis. It +is singular that among the numerous inscriptions +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">[310]</span>which so many travellers agree in having observed +near Boli, not one should yet have been copied, +containing the name of the ancient city.</p> + +<p>The other places on this road in the Table have +been inserted in the Map, in the situations which +I have thought the most probable, trusting less to +the distances in the Table, (which are probably not +more correct in detail than they are in the general +result,) than to the situation of the valleys and fertile +districts. Potamia, a place which Strabo has +noticed as being in this part of the country⁠<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a>⁠, seems +to have stood in the valley of Beinder, where the +branches of the Parthenius first unite into a considerable +stream.</p> + +<p>On another route in the Table, which crosses +the preceding nearly at right angles, the only place +named between Gangra and Sinope is Pompeiopolis. +This place seems to have occupied the site of +Tash Kiupri, as well from the position of that modern +town, as from the considerable remains of antiquity +found there, and which are apparently of the +date when Pompeiopolis may be supposed to have +flourished.</p> + +<p>Of Germanicopolis, or Germanopolis, we know +only that it was one of the principal places of the +interior of Paphlagonia, and that it continued to +be so in the sixth century⁠<a id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a>⁠. It has probably left +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">[311]</span>some remains similar to those of Pompeiopolis, +though they have not yet been discovered by modern +travellers. D’Anville supposed Germanicopolis +to have occupied the site of Kastamúni; but +the words in the Novellæ of Justinian seem to +place it near Gangra⁠<a id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a>⁠.—Kastamúni is the modern +corruption of Castamon, which we find mentioned +in the Byzantine history⁠<a id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a>⁠, and which may +have been a more ancient name, although it is not +found in Ptolemy, nor in any authority earlier +than the 12th century.</p> + +<p>The subordinate districts of Paphlagonia and +Cappadocia Pontica; namely, Timonitis, Bogdomanis, +Zygiani, Marmolitis, Blaene, Domanitis, +Cimiatene, Gazelonitis, Saramene, Phamezonitis, +Diacopene, Babamonitis,—have been inserted in the +map, from the information, as well as it could be +understood, of Strabo and Ptolemy; and some of +the Turkish names from the still obscurer description +of Abubekr Ben Behrem.</p> + +<p>It is much to be regretted that no modern traveller +has visited Tshorúm, which there is the +strongest reason to believe occupies the site of Tavium, +the chief fortress of the Trocmi, and a very +important point in the ancient itineraries.</p> + +<p>Upon comparing the road from Tavium to Cæsareia +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">[312]</span>(Mazaca) in the Table with that in the Antonine +itinerary, we find that none of the names +agree—that the distance in the Table is nearly double +that in the Antonine—and that both of them +give an incorrect rate to the Roman mile. It might +be supposed, in explanation of this difficulty, that +there were two roads from Tavium to Cæsareia; +but I am inclined to think there is some error here +in the Antonine, as it places Soanda on this road, +which we have good authority for believing to have +been in a very different situation, namely, on the +great western road from Cæsareia, between that +city and Garsabora⁠<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a>⁠.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">[313]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="ADDITIONAL_NOTES">ADDITIONAL NOTES.</h2> + +</div> + +<p>I have reserved to this place all observations on the geographical +information contained in the Latin historians of the 12th +century, who have described the first crusade⁠<a id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a>⁠; because, upon +a careful examination of it, I have not found any thing either to +invalidate or materially to confirm that which is deducible from +the ancients or from the Byzantines. At the same time there +are several passages in the Latin historians which may receive +some illustration from the cotemporary Greeks, or from the +ancient geographical authorities.</p> + +<h3 id="Note_1">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</h3> + +<p>The following is the substance, of a short account, by Anna +Comnena, of the military operations in Bithynia in the autumn +of the year 1096, which proved fatal to so many of the followers +of Peter the Hermit. Peter having passed over into Asia, contrary +to the advice which the Emperor Alexius gave him to wait +for the other crusaders who were then on the way, encamped at +Helenopolis, from whence the Normans proceeded to ravage the +country around Nicæa; and having successfully defended themselves +against a body of Turks, which advanced against them, they +carried back their spoil in safety to Helenopolis. In a second expedition +they occupied the fort of Xerigordus, but the sultan Kilidj +Arslan, having sent one of his officers against them, retook +that place, slew many of the Normans, and made many of them +prisoners. He then sent two men to raise a report in the +camp at Helenopolis, that the Normans had taken possession +of Nicæa, and were plundering it; when the other troops, desirous +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">[314]</span>of sharing in the spoil, proceeded in a disorderly manner +towards Nicæ: and thus they fell into an ambuscade which the +Sultan had stationed in a place called Draco, and were cut to +pieces. The number that fell was so great that their bones +formed a mountain. Peter then retired to Helenopolis, where +he was invested by the Turks: but the Emperor, unwilling that +he should be taken, sent his officer Catacalon with some ships +to his succour, upon whose arrival the Turks retired, and Peter +returned with his surviving followers into Europe.</p> + +<p>From the Latins there is great difficulty in extracting any +clear account of these events, which may partly be ascribed +to the want of a good map, partly to the ignorance of the +authors in ancient geography, but chiefly to the circumstance +of none of those writers having been personally engaged +in Peter’ s imprudent expedition. They agree tolerably well +with the Greek Princess in regard to the principal events, but +are at variance both with her and with one another as to many +of the particulars. They relate that the crusaders, having +crossed the Bosphorus, marched to Nicomedia, and from thence +to a place on the sea-side called Civitot or Civito, where they +were amply supplied with provisions by sea. The French +troops, separating from the others, spread themselves over the +country and took possession of an abandoned fortress called +Exerogorgo (the Xerigordus of Anna Comnena), the situation +of which is variously described as four days beyond Nicomedia, +as four days beyond Nicæa, and as three or four miles from the +latter. Here they were soon surrounded by the Turks, who cut +off their supply of water, slew many of them, and at length, by +the treachery of one of the French chieftains named Reynald, +captured many more. Soon after this event there was a general +action in the field, which was fatal to the gallant military commander +of Peter’s army, Gauthier Sansavoir, (Walter the moneyless,) +as well as to several other distinguished leaders. The +exact scene of action it is very difficult to understand, though it +rather appears from a comparison of Anna Comnena with Albert +of Aix-la-Chapelle, and William of Tyre, the two Latin authors +who have given the fullest account of these transactions, to have +been at the northern extremity of the plain of Nicæa, and on the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">[315]</span>adjoining hills. The chief slaughter of the Franks seems to have +occurred in the passes leading from thence to the sea, of which +passes the Turks had made themselves masters during the action, +unknown to the enemy. According to the Latin historians, a +part of their army found its way back to Civitot, where they were +speedily surrounded by the Turks, and where they would have +been in great danger of being all slain or taken, had not the +Turks been induced, by the mediation of Alexis, to retire, and +to leave the crusaders at liberty to return to Constantinople.</p> + +<p>It naturally occurs, on reading these two accounts of the +same events, that Helenopolis, which name is not found in the +Gesta Dei per Francos, was the same place which the authors +of that collection mean by Civitot; but a little further examination +will show this supposition to be inadmissible. In the first +place, the passage of Procopius referred to in page <a href="#Page_8">8</a> of this volume⁠<a id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> +is a convincing proof that Helenopolis was on the shore +of the Gulf of Nicomedia. Procopius, in complaining of the injury +which Justinian had done to the imperial establishment for +the relay of horses on all the great post roads of the empire⁠<a id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a>⁠, remarks +in particular, that the abolition of the post from Chalcedon +to Dacibyza had obliged all persons who were going from Constantinople +to Helenopolis to cross the sea in small boats, which +often exposed them to great danger. It is evident, as well from +this passage of Procopius as from several others in Anna Comnena, +that Helenopolis was the usual place of debarkation for those +going from the capital to Nicæa and the south eastward, as the Dil +or Glossa is at present; and hence Constantine turned his attention +to this important point soon after he had established the +seat of empire at Byzantium, giving to the village of Drepanum⁠<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a>⁠, +which before stood there, the name of Helenopolis in +honour of his mother. From the same sense of its importance, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">[316]</span>Justinian augmented Helenopolis, and constructed there an +aqueduct, a bath, and other buildings⁠<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>Secondly, it cannot be doubted that the barbarous name Civitot +or Civito, which, like many other parts of the narrative, the authors +of the Gesta Dei have copied from one another, is no other than +the Κιβωτὸς (pronounced Kivotó in modern Greek) of Anna Comnena. +In the following year we find that it was the place of debarkation +and maritime supply for the crusaders, especially during +their operations before Nicæa; and it clearly appears, upon a +comparison of the Latin historians with Anna, to have been in the +Gulf of Cius, and not far from that city: for the former state that, +in order to complete the blockade of Nicæa, and to prevent the +Turks in the city from receiving succours by the lake, boats were +collected at Civitot and conveyed from thence overland into the +lake; while from the Greek princess we learn⁠<a id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> that this operation, +which according to her was performed by placing the boats +in chariots, took place on the side of the lake towards Cius. +Here, in fact, the ground was more favourable to it than in any +part of the borders of the lake, and here also the lake approaches +nearest to the sea, the interval being, as Albert of Aix remarks, +about seven miles.</p> + +<p>As to the statement of Anna, that Alexius sent ships to the +assistance of Peter, when invested by the Turks at Helenopolis, +compared with that of the Latin historians, who represent Civitot +to have been the last retreat of the crusaders, the only mode +of reconciling this apparent contradiction is to suppose that the +defeated and dispersed crusaders retreated through the woods +to both those places, that both were invested by the victorious +Turks, but that it was to Helenopolis that Alexius sent his +admiral, whose interference with the Turks liberated the Franks +at Cibotus, as well as those who were shut up in Helenopolis.</p> + +<h3>NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</h3> + +<p>The Latin historians are at variance with one another, and +with Anna Comnena, in many of the circumstances attending +the march of the crusaders, after the capture of Nicæa, to the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">[317]</span>plain of Dorylæum, and relating to the great battle which took +place there. Thus much however may be gathered from them: +that the crusaders moved in a single line in two days from Nicæa +to Leucæ; that at Leucæ they crossed the Gallus by a bridge, +and halted for two days to refresh themselves and their cattle in +that fertile valley. They then divided themselves into two +bodies; that which was accompanied by Godfrey took the road +to the right, (the road probably which now leads through Bozavik,) +while Bohemond and the remainder of the forces pursued +the direct route to Dorylæum. On the fourth day, the +latter corps being then, as it appears, encamped on the banks +of the Thymbres in the plain of Dorylæum not far to the westward +of that town, was attacked by an immense army of Turks +under Kilidj Arslan. They supported the unequal contest from +the 2d to the 8th hour of the day, when Godfrey, who had received +from the messengers of Bohemond intelligence of what +was occurring, arrived, and, making an immediate attack on the +flank and rear of the Sultan’s army, gained a complete victory +over them.</p> + +<h3>NOTE TO PAGES <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</h3> + +<p>The crusaders now marched in a single body and suffered +extreme distress from a want of water in the dry and barren +country which they had to traverse, until they arrived at a river +which appears to have been at no great distance from Antioch +the Less, or Antiocheia of Pisidia. At this city several chieftains +with their followers separated themselves from the main +body and pursued different routes; the remainder moved forward +to Iconium. It must be admitted, that if the evidence as +to the position of Antiocheia of Pisidia contained in this part of +the Gesta Dei is not sufficient to overthrow that of Strabo and +the Peutinger Table,—both which authorities tend to show that +it was not exactly on the modern route from Eski Shehr to +Konia by Bulwudun and Ak Shehr,—it is at least a proof that +Antiocheia lay not far from that line. The river which relieved +the sufferings of the crusaders seems to have been that which +flows through the plain of Karahissár to the lake of Bulwudún.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">[318]</span></p> + +<h3>NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</h3> + +<p>The princess Anna is silent as to all the proceedings of the +crusaders between the battle of Dorylæum and their arrival before +Antioch of Syria. But the Latins agree in stating that, +after marching from Iconium, they arrived at a place which is +variously spelt Erachia, Eraclia, Heraclea, Reclei; and that here +they turned to the right through the mountains to Tarsus. +Some of them add, that on the first day from Iconium they were +obliged to take a provision of water in skins, because none was +met with at the end of that day’s journey; that on the second +day they arrived at a river, and on the third at Heraclea. This +account of the country through which the crusaders marched +after quitting Iconium, is in every respect so accurate a description +of the route from Konia to Tarsus through Erkle, that no +doubt can remain of Erkle having been the place at which they +arrived at the end of the third day’s march from Iconium,—and +hence the authority of their historians may perhaps have been +considered a proof that Erkle is the position of one of the many +Greek cities called Heracleia. I have already remarked, however, +that there does not appear at any period of ancient history to +have been a Heracleia in this quarter of Asia Minor; and I have +stated my reasons for thinking that Erkle is a corruption not +of Ἡράκλεια but of Ἄρχαλλα. It must be recollected that the +Mussulmans had been in possession of that part of the country +400 years before the arrival of the crusaders, and that sufficient +time therefore had elapsed for the Greek name to have assumed +the form of corruption which it now bears: Albert of Aix, who +writes it Reclei, which nearly represents the present sound, furnishes +us with a strong presumption that it really had then assumed +that form.</p> + +<p>It is natural that the historians of the crusade, having a sufficient +degree of learning to write in Latin, but no profound +knowledge of ancient geography, should have had just so much +familiarity with the name of Heraclea as would lead them to suppose +Erkle to be a corruption of Heraclea, and would induce +them to translate it in Latin by that word. It has been seen, +however, that they did not all so convert it. Tudebode, Archbishop +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">[319]</span>Baldric, and the Abbot Guibert, all write it Erachia. +Upon the whole, therefore, I find nothing in the Gesta Dei +which invalidates the conjecture of Erkle being the site of +Archalla.</p> + +<h3 id="Note_2">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</h3> + +<p>In addition to the other proofs which I have given in the +note to this page of the little dependence that can be placed on +Xenophon’s description of the route of Cyrus through Asia +Minor, the following may also be mentioned: Xenophon states +that there were three stations or thirty parasangs between Colossæ +and Celænæ: the distance by the road is not more than +30 miles.</p> + +<h3 id="Note_3">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</h3> + +<p>The following is the description of Cilicia by Ammianus: +“Superatis Tauri montis verticibus, qui ad solis ortum sublimius +attolluntur, Cilicia spatiis porrigitur late distentis, dives +bonis omnibus terra ejusque lateri dextro adnexa Isauria; pari +sorte uberi palmite viret, et frugibus multis; quam mediam +navigabile flumen Calycadnus interscindit. Et hanc quidem, +præter oppida multa, duæ civitates exornant; Seleucia opus +Seleuci regis, et Claudiopolis quam deduxit coloniam Claudius +Cæsar. Isaura ... ægre vestigia claritudinis pristinæ monstrat +admodum pauca.” Ammian. l. 14. c. 25. The situation of +Mout between the two great parallel ridges of Taurus corresponds +exactly with that of Claudiopolis as described by Theophanes: +Κλαυδιοπόλεως ... τῆς μεταξὺ τῶν δύο Ταύρων ἐν πεδίῳ +κειμένης. In the 3rd year of the Emperor Anastasius, Claudiopolis, +which had been recently recovered by Diogenes from the +Isaurians, was again suddenly invested by them and reduced to +the greatest extremity, when it was opportunely relieved by +John Cyrtus and Conon bishop of Apameia, who suddenly +crossing the passes of Taurus (those between Mout and Láranda), +were assisted by a sortie of Diogenes, and thus completely +defeated the Isaurians. The bishop died of a wound +which he received in the action. Theoph. Chronog. p. 119.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">[320]</span></p> + +<p>Strabo (p. 672) describes a very ancient Greek colony of +the name of Olbe, founded by Ajax, son of Teucer, and which +had a temple of Jupiter that preserved its sanctity and importance +through many revolutions. He places Olbe in the mountains +behind Soli and Cyinda, which, although not a very accurate +description of the situation of the valley of Mout, seems +sufficient to identify the Olbe of Strabo with the Olbasa +which Ptolemy places in the Citis or valley of the Calycadnus. +Nothing indeed is more probable than that this spacious, fertile, +and easily defensible valley should have attracted a colony of +Greeks at an early period. Hierocles mentions both Olbe +and Claudiopolis in the province of Isauria, of which in his +time Seleucia was the chief town. It appears also from the +Notitiæ, that they were separate Greek bishoprics.</p> + +<h3 id="Note_4">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</h3> + +<p>The theatre of Telmissus is smaller than that of Patara. According +to Foucherot, (see Choiseul Voyage Pittoresque de la +Grèce, tome 1. pl. 72) the diameter of the theatre of Telmissus +was 238 French feet, equal to 254 English. That of Patara is +265 (not 295 as stated in page 182). At Telmissus the cavea +contained 28 seats divided by a diazoma at the fifteenth seat +from the bottom. The theatre of Patara had about 30 rows of +seats. At Patara are the ruins of a bath, an inscription upon +which shows that it was erected by the Emperor Vespasian. +The theatre was built in the reign of Antoninus Pius.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">[321]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp37" id="illus05" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus05.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>THEATRE OF PATARA.</p> + <p>THEATRE OF MYRA.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">[322]</span></p> + +<h3 id="Note_5">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</h3> + +<p>By the kindness of Mr. Cockerell, I am enabled to submit +to the reader a plan on a small scale of the theatre of Patara, +together with a sketch of the form and dimensions of the +theatre of Myra. Their construction resembles that of the +other theatres of Asia Minor, as exemplified at Side⁠<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a>⁠, Telmissus, +Miletus, Hierapolis, Laodiceia, and in several other +smaller theatres. It differs from that of the theatres of European +Greece in the form of the extremities of the cavea, as far as we +can judge from such of the European Greek theatres as are sufficiently +preserved to show the construction of that part of the +building. In the Asiatic theatres the ends of the cavea diverged +from the orchestra, so as to form an oblique angle to the direction +of the scene. We find, on the contrary, that in the theatres of +Segeste, Tauromenium, Syracuse, Sparta, Epidaurus, Sicyon, +in the theatre of Herodes at Athens, and in that near Ioannina +in Epirus, the extremities of the cavea were parallel to the +scene. In both, the cavea exceeded a semicircle; but in the +Asiatic theatres the excess was formed by producing the same +curve at either extremity of the semicircle, until the cavea occupied +from 200 to 225 degrees of a circle⁠<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a>⁠; whereas at Tauromenium, +Sicyon, Epidaurus, and in the theatre near Ioannina, +the excess above a semicircle is formed by two right lines +drawn from the extremities of the semicircle perpendicular +to its diameter and to the direction of the scene, as in the annexed +figure⁠<a id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a>⁠.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp93" id="illus06" style="max-width: 15.625em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus06.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<p>At Syracuse, the cavea was a semicircle and no more. In +the theatre of Herodes at Athens, the excess above a semicircle +was a curve, and it is therefore an exception to the European +rule. The other theatres of European Greece are too much +ruined to admit of any certainty on this point.</p> + +<p>Vitruvius has not noticed this remarkable difference between +the Greek theatres of Europe and Asia; but he gives the following +precise distinction between the Greek and the Roman +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">[323]</span>theatre: “To construct the Roman theatre,—having described +a circle of the size intended for the lowest part of the theatre, +inscribe in it four equilateral triangles, the angles of which will +divide the circumference into 12 equal parts. Assume the +side of one of the triangles for the position of the scene. A +line drawn parallel to it through the diameter of the circle, will +mark the separation of the pulpitum of the proscenium +from the orchestra. The seven angles of the triangles in the +semicircle of the orchestra determine the position of the scalæ +or steps leading from the orchestra between the cunei into +the first præcinctio. The scalæ leading from these to the +second præcinctio are in the middle of the intervals between +the scalæ of the lower cunei. The five remaining angles of the +triangles determine the divisions of the scene, the length of +which ought to be double the diameter of the orchestra. The construction +of the Greek theatre differs in some respects from that +of the Roman. In the Greek three squares are inscribed in +the circle of the lowest part of the theatre, dividing the circumference +into 12 equal parts as before. Having assumed a side +of one of the squares for the position of the λογεῖον or pulpitum +of the proscenium, a line parallel to it, touching the circumference +of the circle in the point most distant from the cavea, +will determine the line of the scene. Draw a diameter of the +circle parallel to the scene, and from each extremity of the diameter +as a centre describe a curve from the opposite extremity +until it intersects the line of the proscenium. These two curves, +the semicircle and the proscenium, inclose the orchestra.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">[324]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus07" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus07.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>CONSTRUCTION OF THE ROMAN THEATRE, ACCORDING + TO VITRUVIUS.</p> + <ul> + <li>A B C D E F A Cavea.</li> + <li>F D Pulpitum of the Proscenium.</li> + <li>G H Scene.</li> + <li>I Proscenium.</li> + <li>K K Cunei separated by Scalæ.</li> + <li>F E D F Orchestra.</li> + <li>L Postscenium.</li> + </ul> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp83" id="illus08" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus08.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>CONSTRUCTION OF THE ORCHESTRA OF THE GREEK + THEATRE, ACCORDING TO VITRUVIUS.</p> + <ul> + <li>A C Pulpitum of the Proscenium.</li> + <li>A B C A Orchestra.</li> + <li>D D Cunei of the Cavea.</li> + <li>E Proscenium.</li> + <li>F G Scene.</li> + <li>H I K The three centres, from which the curve of the Orchestra is described.</li> + </ul> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>The effect of these two modes of construction was, to give a +more spacious cavea and a more spacious orchestra to the +Greek theatre than to the Roman; a scene further removed +from the middle of the cavea, and a narrower pulpitum to the +proscenium. The intention of their difference is to be found in +the different destinations of the two theatres. Among the +Greeks the tragic and comic actors only performed on the +scene: all other exhibitions took place in the orchestra; and +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">[325]</span>hence their theatrical artists were divided into Scenici and Thymelici—the +latter term being derived from the thymele or altar +of Bacchus; which in process of time was often used as synonymous +with the whole orchestra. The Roman theatres, on the +other hand, being chiefly intended for dramatic representations, +it was desirable to bring the scene as near as possible to the +centre of the cavea; the orchestra was used only for the moveable +seats of privileged spectators, and the cavea seldom exceeded +a semicircle. In Roman theatres the height of the pulpitum +above the orchestra was only five feet, that the spectators +in that part of the theatre might command a good view of the +stage—as in our pit; in the Greek theatres, there being no +spectators in the orchestra, it was ten or twelve feet high⁠<a id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>As no science can less bear to be fettered by rules than architecture, +it will not be surprising to find, as we increase our +collection of ancient examples, that the speculations of Vitruvius +seldom agree with the ancient monuments. His rules, in fact, +are rather to be regarded as his own system, than that which was +followed by the architects of Greece; whose genius is in nothing +more remarkable than in the variety which pervaded their +designs, according to the circumstances of each particular +work; and in the singular felicity with which they harmonized +the several parts of those designs.</p> + +<p>The theatre of Patara may exemplify the rules given by Vitruvius +for the position of the scene in Greek theatres, and for +that of the scalæ, which determine the dimensions of the cunei: +but, like all the other theatres in Asia Minor, it is an exception +to his rule for constructing the curve of the orchestra or +cavea; this curve being in all those theatres a segment of one +and the same circle, instead of being formed from three centres.</p> + +<p>And even in regard to the position of the scene, the theatre +of Patara is subject to the remark, that between the lower seat +of the cavea and the orchestra there is a præcinctio or διάζωμα⁠<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a>⁠, +twelve feet wide, and four feet (not ten or twelve, as he prescribes +in Greek theatres) in height above the level of the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">[326]</span>orchestra; which diazoma must be included within the circle of +the orchestra, in order to make the scene a tangent to that +circle, as the rule of Vitruvius requires. The scene of the theatre +of Myra is still more distant from the cavea.</p> + +<p>It is impossible to determine, without further excavation, +whether in any existing theatre the curve of the <i>orchestra</i> at +the two ends next the proscenium was formed from three centres +as Vitruvius has described; but in no instance that has yet +been remarked are the extremities of the <i>cavea</i> constructed in +this manner; they are either right lines or continuations of the +same circle which forms the middle of the cavea.</p> + +<p>The great theatre of Laodiceia⁠<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> is also an exception to the +rules of Vitruvius, or rather it exemplifies a mixture of his Greek +and Roman theatre; for with a cavea, spacious like that of the +Greek theatre, it has a Roman scene; as not only appears +from the position of the scene <i>within</i> the curve of the orchestra, +but likewise from the great niche in the centre of the scene, +which is found also at Hierapolis, and is remarked at Nicopolis +of Epirus, and in some other theatres of Roman construction⁠<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The advantage of the Asiatic over the European construction +in Greek theatres, consisted only in the increase of capacity +derived from the obliquity of the two ends of the cavea. +As the spectators in the upper seats of the two extremities must +have had a very imperfect view of the scene, the Asiatic construction +may perhaps have been adopted to provide accommodation +for the classes who cared less for the drama than for the +dancing and dumb-show of the orchestra: and these classes +may perhaps have been more numerous in the Asiatic than in +the European cities of Greece.</p> + +<p>In Asia Minor the lower part of the cavea was generally excavated +in a hill, and the upper part was built of masonry +raised upon arches; so that there was a direct access from the +level of the ground at the back of the theatre into the middle +diazoma, either at the two ends of the diazoma, or by arched vomitories +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">[327]</span>in the intermediate parts of the curve, under the upper +division of the cavea. The same mode of construction occurred +also in some of the theatres of European Greece; though in +the more ancient theatres of that country it seems to have been +the common practice to excavate all the middle part of the cavea +and even the seats out of the rock. It seldom happened +that theatres were constructed in plains, as it added so much +to the labour and expense of them: instances, however, exist +at Mantineia and Megalopolis.</p> + +<p>As the scene and every part of the theatre relating to the +spectacle stood on level ground at the lowest part of the building, +it has invariably happened, in all the remaining theatres +of Greece and Asia, that the parts belonging to the scene have +been more or less buried in their own ruins, and in those of the cavea, +which rises above them like a crumbling mountain. It is only +by excavating, therefore, that we can arrive at an exact knowledge +of the construction of that which is the most important part of +the Greek theatre: but when circumstances admit of a complete +examination of the theatres of Hierapolis, Patara, Laodiceia, +Side, of some in Syria, which are in a remarkable state of preservation, +and of two or three in European Greece, great light +may be thrown on many interesting inquiries relating to the ancient +drama.</p> + +<p>I may here take the opportunity of observing, that there are +no remains of Greek architecture more illustrative of the ancient +state of society in Greece than the theatres. Comparing them +with modern works of the same kind, we are astonished at the +opulence required to collect the materials of those immense edifices, +and afterwards to construct them; as well as at the effect +of those customs and institutions, which, in filling the theatre, +could inspire such a multitude of citizens with a single sentiment +of curiosity, amusement, or political feeling. It may be said that +the theatres of Greece are an existing proof of the populousness +of the states of that country, much more convincing than +the arguments of those who have endeavoured to confute the received +opinion on this subject. No Grecian community was complete +without a theatre. In the principal cities they were from +350 to 500 feet in diameter, and capable of containing from eight +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">[328]</span>or ten to twenty thousand spectators. I have already, in +another work⁠<a id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a>⁠, shown some reasons for believing that the +Greeks were indebted for the invention of these buildings to the +same city, to which they owed so large a share of their civilization. +The Dionysiac theatre at Athens, in the form in which +it was constructed at the time that Æschylus brought the drama +to perfection, seems to have been the original model which, with +some slight variations, was adopted throughout the Grecian +states both of Europe and Asia.</p> + +<p>I subjoin the diameters of the principal theatres in existence. +They were all measured by Mr. Cockerell, except those marked +D.; which are from the Missions of the Society of Dilettanti. +All those of Greece Proper I have myself measured; but the +reader will undoubtedly be better satisfied in possessing the +measurements of Mr. Cockerell.</p> + +<table> + <tr> + <th></th> + <th>Exterior<br>Diameter.</th> + <th>Interior<br>Diam.</th> + </tr> + <tr> + <th colspan="3">THEATRES OF ASIA MINOR.</th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ephesus</td> + <td class="tdr">660</td> + <td class="tdr">240</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Tralles⁠<a id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a></td> + <td class="tdr">540</td> + <td class="tdr">150</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Miletus (D)</td> + <td class="tdr">472</td> + <td class="tdr">224</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Stratoniceia (D)</td> + <td class="tdr">390</td> + <td class="tdr">106</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Side</td> + <td class="tdr">390</td> + <td class="tdr">120</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Sardes⁠<a href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a></td> + <td class="tdr">396</td> + <td class="tdr">162</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Laodiceia (D)</td> + <td class="tdr">364</td> + <td class="tdr">136</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Myra</td> + <td class="tdr">360</td> + <td class="tdr">120</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Hierapolis</td> + <td class="tdr">346</td> + <td class="tdr">100</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Patara</td> + <td class="tdr">265</td> + <td class="tdr">96</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Teos⁠<a href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> (Roman construction)</td> + <td class="tdr">285</td> + <td class="tdr">70</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Pompeiopolis⁠<a href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> (Ditto)</td> + <td class="tdr">219</td> + <td class="tdr">138</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Limyra</td> + <td class="tdr">195</td> + <td class="tdr">—</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Anemurium (Roman construction)</td> + <td class="tdr">197</td> + <td class="tdr">—</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Selinus in Cilicia</td> + <td class="tdr">114</td> + <td class="tdr">—</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Cnidus (D) about</td> + <td class="tdr">400</td> + <td class="tdr">—<span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">[329]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <th colspan="3">THEATRES IN EUROPEAN GREECE.</th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Sparta⁠<a id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td> + <td class="tdr">453</td> + <td class="tdr">217</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Near Joannina in Epirus</td> + <td class="tdr">445</td> + <td class="tdr">121</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Argos⁠<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td> + <td class="tdr">435</td> + <td class="tdr">217</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Syracusa</td> + <td class="tdr">342</td> + <td class="tdr">114</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Sicyon⁠<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td> + <td class="tdr">313</td> + <td class="tdr">100</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Mantineia⁠<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td> + <td class="tdr">227</td> + <td class="tdr">—</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Delus⁠<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td> + <td class="tdr">175</td> + <td class="tdr">—</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Epidaurus⁠<a href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></td> + <td class="tdr">—</td> + <td class="tdr">91</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Nicopolis in Epirus (Roman constr.)</td> + <td class="tdr">360</td> + <td class="tdr">120</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <th colspan="3">ODEIA⁠<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a>⁠.</th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Nicopolis</td> + <td class="tdr">139</td> + <td class="tdr">93</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">Messene (of a singular form, being 112 feet long)</td> + <td class="tdr">93</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<h3 id="Note_6">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</h3> + +<p>The reader will perhaps be curious to learn something more +of the Latin inscription of Stratoniceia mentioned in the note +to page 229; which, although it has been more than a century +in England, and the greater part of that time in the British +Museum, has never yet been published. It consists of a decree, +very long and wordy, and written in a style strongly +indicating a declining Latinity, followed by a list of articles +of provision in most common use among the Romans, with +prices annexed to each of them.</p> + +<p>The decree makes some allusion to the damages sustained by +recent incursions of the Barbarians into the Roman empire, and +to its actual pacific state. It contains repeated reflections on +the avarice of forestallers, who frustrate the bounty of nature; +refers to the plenty which generally reigns in Asia; directs that +those engaged in the traffic of provisions shall never exceed +the subjoined prices in time of scarcity; and denounces capital +punishment against such as shall infringe the decree which +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">[330]</span>is promulgated to the whole world—called <i>our</i> world: the decree +being as usual in the first person. There is no mention +however made of the Emperor’s name, but there are some expressions +which seem to indicate that his reign had already been +of some length. For the following reasons I am inclined to think +it was a decree of the Emperor Theodosius. It appears by the +tailor’s work at the end of the catalogue, that silken garments +were in very common use. Now it is known that, as late as +the reign of Aurelian, they were still very rare and expensive; +and that their use was confined almost entirely to women⁠<a id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a>⁠. +The only successors of Aurelian, whose length of reign and stability +of power were suited to the language of the Inscription, +are Diocletian, Constantine, and Theodosius. As Diocletian +arrived at the empire only ten years after the death of Aurelian, +it cannot be supposed that the use of silk had in his time become +so common as the Inscription indicates. Constantine +chiefly triumphed over his Roman rivals; but the victories of +Theodosius over the Goths, who under Valens had overrun all +Thrace, were the peculiar pride and characteristic of the reign +of Theodosius. Ammianus, who wrote his History in that reign, +observes that the use of silken garments, formerly confined to the +nobility, had then become common among the lower classes⁠<a id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a>⁠; +a state of customs which appears to be in exact conformity +with the prices of the tailors’ work in silk in the Inscription, +as well as with the classification of those articles of dress among +the other garments used by the common people of that age—namely, +the rough coat, or birrhus; the caracallis, or hooded +cloke, which soon afterwards became the dress of the monks; +the Gallic breeches, and the socks. The late date of the +Inscription is shown by its barbarous style, and the use +of several words not found in earlier Latin; but that which +declares its age more strongly, perhaps, than any other peculiarity, +is the very reduced value of the drachma or denarius, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">[331]</span>in its exchange for the necessaries of life. It is true that the +prices in the decree are given as a maximum; but the value of +the denarius must have very greatly diminished from that which +it bore in the two first centuries of the Roman Empire, when +butchers’ meat was about 2 denarii the pound, and middling +wheat from 3 to 6 denarii the modius⁠<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a>⁠,—before, under any circumstances +contemplated by the Roman government, it could +have been equivalent to an oyster, or the hundredth part of a +lean goose. It appears from the coins of the early Byzantine +Emperors, that great liberties were at that period taken with the +weight of the denarius, and that it varied greatly between the +time of Constantine and that of the final division of the Empire; +but its diminution of value seems from this inscription to have +been much greater than has hitherto been supposed⁠<a id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The Inscription cannot well be referred to a later time than +that of Theodosius, as under his sons the Empire was again oppressed +by the Barbarians; and after the final separation of the +Empire, which took place in their reign, the use of the Latin +language was gradually laid aside in the acts of government of +the Eastern Empire.</p> + +<p>It would be difficult to deduce any inference as to the date +of the Inscription from the form of the letters; more especially +as the Harleian MS. of Sherard, in which it is preserved, is only +the copy of a copy. The characters seem to have been executed +by a Greek engraver, and to have been left unfinished, so that +the S resembles a Greek gamma, and the A a lambda. The +following is a specimen of the characters, as nearly as they can +be represented by printed types.</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">ETΓEMPERPRɅECEPTORMETUΓIUΓTIΓΓI</div> + <div class="line indent0">MUΓOFFICIORUMΙNUENITUREΓΓEMODE</div> + <div class="line indent0">RATORPLɅCEΤΓIQUIΓCONTRɅFORMAM</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΓTATUTIΗUIUΓCONUIXUΓFUERITɅUDE</div> + <div class="line indent0">NTIɅCɅPITɅLIPERICULOΓUBICIETUR</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">Et semper præceptor metus justissimus invenitur esse moderator. +Placet si quis contra formam statuti hujus convictus fuerit +audentia capitali periculo subjicietur.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">[332]</span></p> + +<p>The following is the list of provisions with their prices. It is +very possible that Mr. W. Bankes may have procured a more +complete copy of the Inscription, and a longer list.</p> + +<p>It should be observed that the denomination of coin, here +expressed by an asterisk, is in the original denoted by the usual +sign of the denarius, namely X with a transverse line, or an +asterisk with six points. The sign of quantity here expressed +by <i>ƒ</i>, which nearly resembles the note in the original, is probably +<i>S</i> for sextarius, with a transverse line; but it may be worthy of +remark, that this note is not commonly found in ancient manuscripts +like the asterisk for drachma or denarius.</p> + +<ul> + <li>Conditi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti quatuor⁠<a id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a>⁠</li> + <li>Apsinthi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti</li> + <li>Rhosati⁠<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti</li> + <li>Item olei</li> + <li>Olei floris⁠<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti quatuor</li> + <li>Olei sequentis ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * viginti qua....</li> + <li>Olei cibari⁠<a id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * duodecim</li> + <li>Olei raphanini⁠<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * octo</li> + <li>Aceti ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * sex</li> + <li>Liquaminis⁠<a id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> primi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * se......</li> + <li>Liquaminis secundi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * decem</li> + <li>Salis F M̊⁠<a id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> unum * centum</li> + <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">[333]</span>Salis conditi⁠<a id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> italicum <i>ƒ</i> unum * o......</li> + <li class="ifrst">Mellis optimi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * cu.......</li> + <li>Mellis secundi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * vig....</li> + <li>Mellis fœnicini⁠<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * octo</li> + <li class="ifrst">Item carnis</li> + <li>Carnis porcinæ ital po⁠<a id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> unum * duodecim</li> + <li>Carnis bubulæ ital po unum * octo</li> + <li>Carnis caprinæ sive vervecinæ ital po unum * ......</li> + <li>Vulvæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> ital po unum * viginti quattuor</li> + <li>Suminis⁠<a id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> ital po unum * viginti</li> + <li>Ficati⁠<a id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> optimi ital po unum * sedecim</li> + <li>Laridi optimi ital po unum * sedecim</li> + <li>Pernæ optimæ petasonis sive Menapicæ vel Ceritanæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> ital po unum * viginti</li> + <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">[334]</span>Marsicæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> ital po unum * viginti</li> + <li>Adipis recentis ital po unum * duodecim</li> + <li>Axungiæ ital po unum * duodecim</li> + <li>Ungellæ—quattuor et Aqualiculum⁠<a id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> pretio quo distrahitur</li> + <li>Isicium⁠<a id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> porcinum unciæ unius * duod....</li> + <li>Isicia bubula ital po unum * decem</li> + <li>Lucanicarum⁠<a id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> ital po unum * sedecem</li> + <li>Lucanicarum bubularum ital po uno * dec..</li> + <li>Fasionus pastus * ducentis quinquaginta</li> + <li>Fasionus agrestis * centum viginti quinque</li> + <li>Fasia pasta po ... * ducentis</li> + <li>Fasiana non pasta * centum</li> + <li>Anser pastus * ducentis</li> + <li>Anser non pastus * centum</li> + <li class="ifrst">Pullo .... * sexaginta</li> + <li>Perdix .... * triginta</li> + <li>Turtur .. * duodecim</li> + <li>Turtur .. * duodecim</li> + <li>Turdorum .. * sexaginta</li> + <li>Palumb .... * viginti</li> + <li>Columb .... * viginti quattuor</li> + <li>Attagen * viginti</li> + <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">[335]</span>Anas * cuadraginta</li> + <li>Lepus * centum quinquaginta</li> + <li>Cunic(ulus) * quadraginta</li> + <li>.. pe .. viginti</li> + <li>........ quadraginta</li> + <li>........ sedecim</li> + <li>Femina..........</li> + <li>Coturnices n * numero ducentis</li> + <li>Sturni decem * viginti</li> + <li>Aprunæ ital po * sedicim</li> + <li>Cervinæ ital po * duodecim</li> + <li>Dorcis sive capræ vel dammæ ital po duodecim</li> + <li>Porcinæ lactantis * sedicim</li> + <li>Agnus M po .... * duodecim</li> + <li>Hædus⁠<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> M po l * duodecim</li> + <li>Sevi ital po l * sex</li> + <li>Butyri ital po l * sedecim</li> + <li class="ifrst">Item pisces</li> + <li>Piscis aspratilis⁠<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> marini ital po l * viginti quattuor</li> + <li>Piscis secundi ital po l * sedecim</li> + <li>Piscis fluvialis opt. po l * duodecim</li> + <li>Piscis secundi fluvialis ital po l * octo</li> + <li>Piscisalsi ital po l * sex</li> + <li>Ostriæ no centum * centum</li> + <li>Echini no centum * quinquaginta</li> + <li>Echini recentis purgati ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * quadraginta</li> + <li>Echini salsi ital <i>ƒ</i> unum * centum</li> + <li>Sphondili⁠<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> marini no centum * quinquaginta</li> + <li>Sagenici⁠<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> ital po l * duodecim</li> + <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">[336]</span>Sardæ sive Sardinæ po l * sedecim</li> + <li class="ifrst">Item Cardus majores no quinque * decem</li> + <li>Sequentes no decem..............</li> + <li>Intibus optima no decem............</li> + <li>Sequentis no decem..............</li> + <li>Malvæ maximæ no VI............</li> + <li>Malvæ sequentis decem..........</li> + <li>Lactucæ optimæ no V............</li> + <li>Sequentes no decem * quattuor</li> + <li>Coliculi optimi no V * quattuor</li> + <li>Sequentes no X * quattuor</li> + <li>Cumæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> optimæ fascem l * quinque</li> + <li>Porri maximi no X * octo</li> + <li>Sequentes no viginti......</li> + <li>Betæ maximæ no V........</li> + <li>Sequentes no X......</li> + <li>Radices maximæ......</li> + <li>Sequentes............</li> + <li>Rapæ maximæ no X......</li> + <li>Sequentes no X..........</li> + <li>Ceparum siccarum........</li> + <li>Cepæ verdes⁠<a id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a>⁠............</li> + <li>Sequentes..............</li> + <li>Capparis..............</li> + <li>Sisinariorum⁠<a id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a> ital........</li> + <li>Cucurbitæ............</li> + <li>Sequentes..............</li> + <li>Melopepones............</li> + <li>Sequentes..............</li> + <li>Pepones..............</li> + <li>Fasiolorum............</li> + <li>Asparagi Hortulani......</li> + <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">[337]</span>Asparagi Agrestes......</li> + <li>Rusci⁠<a id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a>⁠..............</li> + <li>Ciceris................</li> + <li>Fabæ virdes............</li> + <li>Fascioli virdes..........</li> + <li class="ifrst">.... etiam</li> + <li>licitum sit..........</li> + <li>Frumenti K M̊..........</li> + <li>Hordei K M̊ unum *........</li> + <li>Centenum sive sicale⁠<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> K M̊ unum........</li> + <li>Milipisti K M̊ unum * centum</li> + <li>Militegri⁠<a id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> K M̊ * quinquaginta</li> + <li>Panicii⁠<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> K M̊ * quinquaginta</li> + <li>Speltæ .... K M̊ * centum</li> + <li>Scandulæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> sive speltæ K M̊ * triginta</li> + <li>Fabæ fressæ ..... * centum</li> + <li>Fabæ non fressæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> * sexanta....</li> + <li>Lenticlæ ..... * centum</li> + <li>Herviliæ .... * octocenta</li> + <li>Pisæ fractæ ..... * centum</li> + <li>Pisæ non fractæ .... * sexacinta</li> + <li>Ciceris .... * centum</li> + <li>Hervi .... * centum</li> + <li>Avenæ .... * triginta</li> + <li><span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">[338]</span>Fœnigræci .... * centum</li> + <li class="ifrst">.......... scripturæ versuum no centum........</li> + <li>Tabellanioni in scriptura livelli bel tabulæ versibus no centum..................</li> + <li>Bracario pro excisura et urnatura</li> + <li>Pro birro qualitatis primæ * se............</li> + <li>Pro birro qualitatis secundæ * quadra......</li> + <li>Pro Caracalli majori * viginti</li> + <li>Pro Caracalli minori * viginti</li> + <li>Pro Vracibus * viginti</li> + <li>Pro Udonibus * quattuor</li> + <li>Sarcinatori in beste soubtili replicatoriæ * sex......</li> + <li>Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura sit olosericæ * quinquaginta</li> + <li>Eidem aperturæ cum subsutura subsericæ⁠<a id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> * triginta</li> + <li>Subsuturæ in beste grossiori * quattuor</li> +</ul> + +<h3 id="Note_7">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</h3> + +<p>Sherard copied the following curious inscription in two places +at Mylasa:—</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΥΣΣΩΛΟΣΕΚΑΤΟΜΝΩΤΟΜΒΩΜΟΝΑΝΕΘΗΚΕΝ</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>Mausolus, who here erects an altar to Hecatomnus, was his +eldest son, and his successor in the kingdom of Caria. Mausolus +married his eldest sister Artemisia, who on his death +built the celebrated sepulchre at Halicarnassus called Mausoleum. +According to Pliny, Mausolus died in the second year +of the 106th Olympiad, or before Christ 355.⁠<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a> He was succeeded +in the regal authority by Artemisia, according to a custom +which Arrian observes to have been not uncommon in +Asia⁠<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a>⁠. Artemisia died before the monument of Mausolus was +finished, and was succeeded by Hydrieus the second son of +Hecatomnus, and he by his widow and sister Ada. Ada was +expelled from Halicarnassus by her brother Pixodarus, the third +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">[339]</span>son of Hecatomnus; who submitted to the Persians, and was +succeeded by the Persian satrap Orontobates, who had married +his daughter. It was from this Persian that Alexander took +Halicarnassus, after an obstinate defence, in the year <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 334, +when he restored the kingdom of Caria to Ada; who, on being +expelled from the sovereignty by her brother, had remained in +possession of Alinda⁠<a id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>The reduplication of the sigma in Μαύσσωλος is found also +in other proper names of this period of time. The conversion +of N before B into M, was in conformity with a pronunciation +which has continued to the present day. Other conversions of a +similar kind are often found in inscriptions: see some examples +in the Inscriptiones Antiquæ of Chishull and of Chandler.</p> + +<h3 id="Note_8">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</h3> + +<p>The following are the two inscriptions mentioned in the text +as containing the name of Tralles, and as having been copied +by Sherard at Ghiuzél Hissár.</p> + +<p class="center">I.</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">... ΣΤΗΜΑ ΤΗΣ ΓΕΡΟΥ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΣΙΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΦΙΛΟΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΝΕΟΙ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΕΝ ΤΡΑΛΛΕΣΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΡΩΜΑΙΟΙ ΕΤΕΙΜΗΣΑΝ ΤΙΒ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΚΛ ΠΑΝΥΧΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΟΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΚΟΙΒΙΛΟΝ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΤΑ ΤΗΝ ΝΥΚΤΕΡΙΝΗΝ ΣΤΡΑ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΤΗΓΙΑΝ ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΤΑ ΑΡΓΥΡΟΤΑΜΙΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΕΚΔΑΝΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΟΥΡΑΤΟ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΡΕΙΣΑΝΤΑ ΤΩΝ ΡΩΜΑΙΩΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΑΠΟ ΑΙΓΥ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΠΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΕΡΓΟΝ ΠΟΙΗΣΑΝ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΤΑ ΕΙΣ ΤΟΝ ΣΕΙΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΔΟΝΤΑ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΕΙΣ ΤΟ ΔΗΜΟΣΙΟΝ ΧΒΦΚΖ ΝΕ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΟΠΟΙΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΤΑ ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΦΙΛΟ-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">[340]</span></div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΑΝΑΘΕΝΤΑ ΔΕ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΙΔΙΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΤΑΣ ΕΝ ΤΗ ΟΨΑΡΙΟ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΠΩΛΕΙ ΜΑΡΜΑΡΙΝΑΣ ΤΡΑΠΕ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΖΑ. ΙΒ Σ.. ΤΑΙΣ ΒΑΣΕΣΙΝ Β</div> + <div class="line indent0">Π. ΤΙΤΙΟΣ ΜΗΟΥΒΙΑΝΟΣ Κ.</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΛΩΝ ΤΟΝ ΕΑΥΤΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΝ</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="center">II.</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΡΚΟΝ ΝΩΝΙΟΝ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝ ΑΞΙΟΛΟΓΩΤΑΤΟΝ</div> + <div class="line indent6">ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΑ</div> + <div class="line indent6">ΒΟΥΛΗΣ ΔΗΜΟΥ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΣΕΙΤΩΝΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΕΙΡΗΝΑΡΧΗ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΣΑΝΤΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΗΣΑΝΤΑ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΔΕΚΑΠΡΩΤΕΥΣΑΝΤΑ ΚΑΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΔΙ ΟΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΤΟΥΣ ΠΡΩΤΟΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΚΑΙ ΜΟΝΟΝ ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΑΓΟΡΑΝΟΜΗΣΑΝΤΑ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΚΑΙ ΘΕΝΤΑ ΕΛΑΙΟΥ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΗΜΕΡΑΣ ΠΕΝΤΕ</div> + <div class="line indent0">Η ΛΑΜΠΡΟΤΑΤΗ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΕΩΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΡΑΛΛΙΑΝΩΝ ΠΟΛΙΣ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΟΔΩΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΠΡΟΝΟΗΣΑΜΕΝΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΝΑΣΤΑ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΣΕΩΣ ΤΗΣ ΤΙΜΗΣ Μ ΑΥΡ ΛΗΤΟΙΔΟΥ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΙΟΥΛΙΑΝΟΥ ΧΡΥΣΟΦΟΡΟΥ ΚΑΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">Μ ΑΥΡ ΤΡΟΦΙΜΟΥ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΕΩΣ.</div> + </div> +</div> + +<h3 id="Note_9">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</h3> + +<p>In the annexed plate are plans, on a small scale, of the theatre +and palæstra of Hierapolis, from the drawings of Mr. Cockerell. +I know of only two other palæstræ, or gymnasia⁠<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a>⁠, +in a state of preservation sufficient to give any useful information +on the subject of these buildings, whose spacious chambers +and massy walls show the importance which was attached to +them by the ancients.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">[341]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp45" id="illus09" style="max-width: 37.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus09.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>THE THEATRE OF HIERAPOLIS.</p> + <p>THE PALÆSTRA OF HIERAPOLIS.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">[342]</span></p> + +<p>Near the mineral sources which rise in the centre of the site +of Hierapolis, Mr. Cockerell observed the Plutonium or mephitic +cavern, which eluded the search of Pococke and of Chandler. +Dio accurately remarks that it was situated below the +theatre, Strabo says that it was fatal to oxen placed within its +influence, and both he and Dio assert that they exposed birds to +it, which fell dead immediately. Mr. C. found several small birds +lying dead near the grotto; and though he tried its effects on a +fowl for a whole day without any result, he was assured by the +inhabitants that it was sometimes fatal to their sheep and oxen, +but that it was not always equally dangerous. The ancient authors +who have mentioned this Plutonium are Strabo (p. 629.), +Pliny (l. 2. c. 95.), Dion Cassius (l. 68. c. 27.), Apuleius (de +Mundo), Ammianus (l. 23. c. 6.), and Damascius (ap. Photii Bibl. +p. 1054.)</p> + +<h3>NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</h3> + +<p>Pliny (l. 36. c. 21.) says, the temple of Ephesus was built +“in solo palustri ne terræ motus sentiret aut hiatus timeret.”</p> + +<h3 id="Note_10">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</h3> + +<p>Mr. Cockerell has been so kind as to furnish me with the +following note on the antiquities of Sardes:—</p> + +<blockquote> + +<p>“Sardes was magnificently situated on one of the roots of +Mount Tmolus, which commands an extensive view to the +northward over the valley of the Hermus, and the country beyond +it. To the south of the city, in a small plain watered by +the Pactolus, stood the temple, built of coarse whitish marble. +The western front was on the bank of the river; the eastern +under the impending heights of the Acropolis.</p> + +<p>“Two columns of the exterior order of the east front, and +one column of the portico of the pronaus, are still standing, +with their capitals: the two former still support the stone of +the architrave, which stretched from the centre of one column +to the centre of the other. The columns are buried nearly +to half their height in the soil, which has accumulated in the +valley since their erection; chiefly, it is probable, by the destruction +of the hill of the Acropolis, which is continually +crumbling, and which presents a most rugged and fantastic +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">[343]</span>outline. On the edges of its summit the remains of the ancient +walls are still observable in many places. I was told that, +four years ago, three other columns of the temple were still +standing, and that they were thrown down by the Turks, for +the sake of the gold which they expected to find in the joints⁠<a id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p>“Besides the three standing columns which I have mentioned, +there are truncated portions of four others belonging to +the eastern front, and of one belonging to the portico of the +pronaus; together with a part of the wall of the cella. When it +is considered that these remains are 25 feet above the pavement, +it cannot be doubted that an excavation would expose the greater +part of the building: even now, however, there is sufficient +above the soil to give an idea of the dimensions of the temple, +and to show that it was one of the most magnificent in +Greece; for though in extent it was inferior to the temples of +Juno at Samus, and of Apollo at Branchidæ, the proportions of +the order are at least equal to those of the former, and exceed +those of the latter. The following plan and elevation will illustrate +what I have just stated: the shading expresses those +parts which still remain in their places above the soil.</p> + +<p>“The dimensions are as follow:—</p> + +<table> + <tr> + <th></th> + <th>F.</th> + <th>In.</th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Diameter of the exterior columns, at about 35 feet below the capital</td> + <td class="tdr">6</td> + <td>4½</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Diameter of the exterior columns under the capital</td> + <td class="tdr">5</td> + <td>6¼</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Diameter of interior columns under the capital</td> + <td class="tdr">6</td> + <td>0¾</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Diameter of the same under the caps</td> + <td class="tdr">5</td> + <td>3</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p>“The height of the entire column has been assumed from the +proportions of those at Branchidæ, Miletus, &c. The stone A +must have weighed 25 tons, and that above the centre intercolumnium +was still larger.</p> + +<p>“The capital, appeared to me to surpass any specimen of +the Ionic I had seen in perfection of design and execution. I +suppose the temple to have been an octastyle dipterus, with +seventeen columns in the flanks; though in regard to the number +in the flanks, I am more guided by the proportion of the other +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">[344]</span>dipteral temples of the Ionic order than by any proof that can +be derived from the ruins in their present state. The gradual +diminution of the intercolumnia from the centre of the front to +the angles, is remarkable, and, I believe, without any other example. +The larger intercolumnium in the centre is indeed +found in the temple of Diana at Magnesia; and is recommended +by Vitruvius lib. iii. c. 11: the contraction of the intercolumnia, +in the flanks, is exemplified in the temple of Samus. The +smaller diameter of the interior columns is not uncommon in +Greek temples: the capitals resembled those of the exterior order. +The flutings are not continued in any of the columns below +the capital; which I conceive to be a proof that this temple, +like that of Apollo Didymeus, was never finished.</p> + +<p>“The great height of the architrave, the peculiar style of the +design and workmanship, and the difference of intercolumnia +in the faces and in the flanks of the peristyle, I cannot but regard +as tokens of high antiquity; and perhaps we may consider +as no less so the vast size of the stones employed in the architrave; +and the circumstance of their being single stones, whereas +in the temple of Didyma and in the Parthenon there were two +blocks in the same situation⁠<a id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a>⁠. In subsequent times the durability +ensured by this massive mode of construction was sacrificed +for appearances, and for a more easy result.</p> + +<p>“The merit of the very ancient architects in overcoming such +a difficulty, and the great expense incurred by it, may be illustrated +by the practical observation, that the price of the cubic +foot of stone is doubled and trebled, according to size, as well in +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">[345]</span>the quarrying as in the carriage and setting. Modern architecture +has indeed succeeded in producing buildings of immense bulk, +but they cannot be kept together without continued repair; and +the triumph is little more than that of balancing a skeleton on its +legs. In some late works only, such as the recent artificial +docks and basins, have we imitated the solidity of the ancients.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">[346]</span></p> + +<p>“On the north side of the Acropolis of Sardes, overlooking the +valley of the Hermus, is a theatre, attached to a stadium: in +the manner of which we find several examples in Asia Minor. +The stadium is near 1000 feet in length, the theatre near 400 +in diameter.”</p> + +</blockquote> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp61" id="illus10" style="max-width: 35.9375em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus10.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>THE TEMPLE OF CYBEBE AT SARDES.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p id="Note_11">The subjoined plate is intended to show the relative proportions +of the principal temples of Asia Minor, as well with each +other as with the four most celebrated temples of European +Greece. All these plans, except the first, are formed from +observations made by skilful architects, on the existing ruins of +the buildings.</p> + +<p>1. <i>Temple of Diana at Ephesus.</i>—Vitruvius mentions this +building as an example of the class of temples which he calls +dipterus; and one of the characters of which, according to him, +is, that of having eight columns in front. His words, however, +are ambiguous, and I am disposed to think that he alludes, not +to the temple which existed in his time, but to the original work +of Chersiphron of Cnossus, and his son Metagenes, who were +cotemporaries of Theodorus and Rhœcus, the architects of the +Heræum of Samus; and whose building, after having been enlarged +by another architect, was destroyed by fire in the year +<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 356: for it was not until then that the edifice was begun, +which, after 220 years employed in its construction, was in +perfection in the time of the Roman empire; when it was noticed +by Strabo, Pliny, and Vitruvius⁠<a id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a>⁠. In any case, as the expression +of Vitruvius forms part of his absurd classification of +temples⁠<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a>⁠, it deserves not much weight in contradiction to the +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">[347]</span>description of the building by Pliny, whose principal data will be +found (on the supposition that the temple was decastyle) to agree +in a remarkable manner with each other, as well as with some +other great examples of the Ionic order. Pliny relates that the +temple was 220 feet in front, and 425 long, and that the diameter +of the columns was one eighth of the height, which was +60 feet. The columns, therefore, were 7½ feet in diameter; +and the intercolumnia of the front, supposing them to have +been all equal, were 16 feet, or only 9 inches less than the eustyle +proportion of Vitruvius; which is 2¼ times the diameter +of the column.</p> + +<p>It has been thought that the side of this temple, having been +less than double the front, the number of columns on the sides +must also have been less than double the number in the fronts. +But this is by no means a necessary consequence; on the contrary, +we find that in the temples of Samus and Branchidæ, both +of which had one column more in the flank than in the front, +the side is less than double the front; and that the breadth exceeds +half the length, even in a greater proportion than it did, +according to the numbers of Pliny, in the temple of Ephesus. +There is no reason, therefore, why the Ephesian temple, like +the temples of the same order, which most nearly approached +it in magnitude, namely those of Samus and Branchidæ, should +not have had 21 columns in the sides. In regard to its total +number of columns, which in our copies of Pliny is 127, there +is evidently some error, as the number could not have been +uneven. It is very possible that the early copiers of Pliny +made the common oversight of omitting an unit, writing cxxvii. +instead of cxxviii.; for such would have been the number if we +suppose that there was a triple row of columns before the vestibule +of the cell in front, as in the temples of Samus and Sardes, +and also at the opposite end, as in the Olympium of Athens; +together with four columns between the Antæ at either end of +the cella, as the general construction of Greek temples renders +highly probable.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">[348]</span></p> + +<p>As it cannot be certain whether Pliny refers to the Greek or +Roman foot in this example, I have drawn the little plan in the +plate by the same scale of English feet used for the other figures. +The English foot being somewhat greater than the +Roman, and smaller than the Greek, the error must be very +trifling, whether Pliny used the Greek or Roman.</p> + +<p>2. <i>Temple of Juno at Samus.</i>—Herodotus has prepared us +for the magnificence of this building. He names it, together with +the temple of Ephesus, as the most admirable of all the works +of the Grecians; and in another place he calls it the largest +temple of which he has any knowledge⁠<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a>⁠. Hence it appears +that the Heræum of Samus was larger than the Artemisium of +Ephesus as the latter existed in the time of Herodotus.</p> + +<p>Although only one column of the Heræum deprived of its capital +is now standing, its plan was ascertained by Mr. Bedford, +one of the architects who accompanied Sir William Gell +in the second Asiatic Mission of the Dilettanti. The length +was 346 feet, the breadth 189. It was a decastylus dipterus, +had 10 columns in front, 21 on the sides, a triple row in the +pronaus, and a double row of four columns between the antæ +at the entrance of the cella in front. The columns were about +7 feet in diameter at the bottom of the shaft, and about 60 feet +high. The intercolumniation in the two fronts was 14 feet, +in the flank only 10½ feet, and in the flank of the pronaus +something still less. There was no appearance of fluting in +the columns. The material was the white and blueish-gray +marble of the island.</p> + +<p>3. <i>Temple of Apollo Didymeus at Branchidæ in the Milesia.</i>—Of +this building there remain two columns with the architrave, +still standing: the remainder is an immense mass of ruin. +The proportions of the order are more slender than those of +Samus and Sardes, their height being 63 feet, with a diameter +of 6½ feet, at the base of the shaft. The architrave is lower, +and the building much less ancient than those two temples. It +was a decastylus dipterus, with 21 columns in the flanks, and +4 between the antæ of the pronaus: in all 112. The fluting +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">[349]</span>of the columns is finished only in the exterior order; in the +interior it exists only under the capital⁠<a id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a>⁠. The material of +the temple is white marble—in some parts blueish.</p> + +<p>4. <i>Temple of Cybebe at Sardes.</i>—Of this the foregoing note +of Mr. Cockerell, the only person who has measured it with +care, has furnished the reader with all that is known. The plan +is constructed on the supposition, not yet sufficiently proved, +that it had 17 columns on the sides, and not more than a double +row at the back of the cella. Of the other particulars Mr. +C.’s measurements leave no doubt.</p> + +<p>5. <i>The Temple of Artemis Leucophryene</i>—which is now a +mere heap of ruins, among other remains of the city of Magnesia +on the Mæander. Its material is white marble, not of the +purest kind. The length is 198 feet, the breadth 106; measured, +as usual, on the upper step of the stylobate. There were +8 columns in the fronts and 15 in the sides, measuring 4 feet 8 +inches in diameter at the bottom of the shaft. The number of +columns was only 56; this temple being the example which +Vitruvius has given of the pseudodipterus, a mode of construction +by which 38 columns were saved, and a larger space +was left for the reception of the people in the peristyle. The +central intercolumnium of the temple of Magnesia is found to +be three-fourths of a diameter greater than the other intercolumnia; +and we are informed by Vitruvius that such was exactly +the proportion of the central intercolumnium to the others in +the eustylus, a disposition so called as being the most harmonious +mode of proportioning the diameters to the intercolumnia. +The other intercolumnia, however, of the temple of Magnesia +do not bear so large a proportion to the diameter of the +column, as the eustylus required.—Vitruvius informs us that +Hermogenes of Alabanda, the architect of the temple of Magnesia, +<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">[350]</span>was the inventor both of the Pseudodipterus and Eustylus; +but in regard to the former at least, his merit seems not +to have been very great, as we now find from the observations +of two architects, Messrs. Harris and Angell, who have lately +resided six months at Selinus in Sicily for the purpose of examining +the magnificent ruins at that place, which are much +more ancient than the time of Hermogenes, that the great temple +of Jupiter as well as one of the hexastyles was constructed +on the principles of the pseudodipterus.</p> + +<p>6. <i>The Temple of Bacchus at Teos.</i>—The ruins of this building +afford only the diameter of the column (about 3 feet 8 +inches at the base), with a few less important details of the other +parts of the construction. But we have some means of judging +of the dimensions of the temple, from its being the example +of the eustylus given by Vitruvius, who informs us also that +it was a hexastylus monopterus⁠<a id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a>⁠. The columns therefore being +3.8 in diameter, and the intercolumniation of the eustylus +being 3 diameters in the centre with 2¼ in the four other intercolumnia, +the total length of the front must have been about +64 feet on the upper step, which is very nearly the breadth of +another Ionic hexastyle, namely the temple of Minerva at +Priene. If we suppose the number of columns in the sides at +Teos to have been the same as at Priene, namely 11, these +two temples must have been nearly equal in length as well as +in breadth. It seems highly probable that such was the number +of columns in the sides at Teos, because Vitruvius, who +chiefly extracted his theoretical system from the commentaries +of the great architects of the Asiatic temples, prescribes the +number of columns in the hexastyle to be not more than 11. +One of those Asiatic writers, we know, was Hermogenes the architect +of the temple at Teos; and he also was the inventor +of the eustylus or beautiful proportion, of which this temple +was an example⁠<a id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a>⁠.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">[351]</span></p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp45" id="illus11" style="max-width: 37.5em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus11.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>PLANS OF TEMPLES AT</p> + <ul> + <li>1. <span class="smcap">Ephesus</span>, Ionic. 425 feet long, 220 broad.</li> + <li>2. <span class="smcap">Samus</span>, Ionic. 346 × 189.</li> + <li>3. <span class="smcap">Branchidæ</span>, Ionic. 304 × 65.</li> + <li>4. <span class="smcap">Sardes</span>, Ionic. 251 × 144.</li> + <li>5. <span class="smcap">Magnesia</span>, Ionic. 198 × 105.</li> + <li>6. <span class="smcap">Teos</span>, Ionic. 122 × 64.</li> + <li>7. <span class="smcap">Priene</span>, Ionic. 122 × 63.</li> + <li>1. <span class="smcap">Agrigentum</span>, Doric. 358 × 172.</li> + <li>2. <span class="smcap">Selinus</span>, Doric. 358 × 164.</li> + <li>3. <span class="smcap">Athens</span> (Olympium), Corinthian. 354 × 171.</li> + <li>4. <span class="smcap">Athens</span> (Parthenon), Doric.</li> + </ul> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">[352]</span></p> + +<p>7. Although the temple of Minerva at Priene seems to have +closely resembled that of Bacchus at Teos in the length and +breadth, its other proportions were different, the intercolumnia +being smaller in proportion to the diameter of the column, +which measures four feet and a quarter at the bottom of the +shaft. The shaft was 38 feet high and fluted. The material of +the temple, as well as of the other buildings of the city, was +the stone of the mountain on which it stands—a blue and white +marble, not of a very compact texture.</p> + +<p>Vitruvius has not spoken of the temple of Sardes, probably +because it was already in ruins in his time. The other six just +enumerated are the great examples of the Ionic order to which +he has particularly alluded, and which happen also to be the +temples of Asiatic Greece of which the existing ruins furnish +us with the most satisfactory details. There were other temples +of great celebrity in that country; particularly those of Apollo +at Grynium and at Clarus, of Hercules at Erythræ, and of +Minerva at Phocæa, to which we may add that of Cyzicus destroyed +by an earthquake in the reign of Antoninus Pius⁠<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a>⁠; but +no remains of these edifices, except that of Clarus, which is +stated by Captain Beaufort to have been of the Doric order, +have yet been discovered.</p> + +<h3 id="Note_12">NOTE TO PAGE <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</h3> + +<p>To the testimony of Livy as to the Phrygius might have +been added that of Appian; but it is evident that in the description +of the battle of Magnesia both the historians have drawn +from the same source, namely Polybius, and Appian is less particular +than Livy as to the topography of the position.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</h2> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> These remarks were written before the insurrection +broke out in Greece—an event which will greatly increase +the difficulties of travelling in Asia Minor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> The coast between Cape Carambis and Sinope was +not seen by Captain Gauttier, who has therefore borrowed +that part from the Russian charts.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> An unfortunate fire destroyed the engravings prepared +for Niebuhr’s third volume, and put a stop to its +publication. I believe Major Rennell is in possession of +a copy of the map of Niebuhr’s route through Asia Minor, +struck from the plate before the fire.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> See the appendix to Mr. Kinneir’s Travels.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> In the latter part of the last century, Griffiths and +Capper published their routes across the peninsula, from +S.E. to N.W., but without adding much to geography.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> This is probably an error for Kílissa-Hissár, which, +according to Hadji Khalfa, is the name of a castle near +Bor; for the bearing and distance of Mr. Kinneir’s Ketch-Hissar +from Nigde are sufficient to prove that it must +have been very near the Bor of Hadji Khalfa and Paul +Lucas.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Mr. Kinneir calls this place Costambol; but the +Turkish geographers give it the name in the text, which +in fact is nothing more than a slight corruption of Castamon, +its Greek name under the Byzantine empire. See +Anna Comnena, l. 7. p. 206.—Nicet. in Joan. Comnen.—Chalcocond. +l. 9. p. 259.—Leuncl. Annal. Turc.—It +is to be regretted that Mr. Kinneir was not more careful +in his orthography of places, which often requires +correction from Hadji Khalfa, or modern travellers. Like +Pococke he has omitted, in giving us his computation of +miles, to add the actual <i>measure</i> by the watch, which is +generally the more useful of the two.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> The following are among some of the observations of +the latitude of places on the road from Smyrna to Constantinople, +made by Mr. Browne. They are taken from +his manuscript papers.</p> + +<table> + <tr> + <th></th> + <th colspan="3">Latitude.</th> + <th colspan="3">Longitude.</th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Smyrna</td> + <td class="tdr">38°</td> + <td class="tdr">28′</td> + <td class="tdr">7″</td> + <td class="tdr">27°</td> + <td class="tdr">6′</td> + <td class="tdr">48″</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Magnesia</td> + <td class="tdr">38°</td> + <td class="tdr">41′</td> + <td class="tdr">30″</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Demir Kapu</td> + <td class="tdr">39°</td> + <td class="tdr">49′</td> + <td class="tdr">0″</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Balikesr</td> + <td class="tdr">39°</td> + <td class="tdr">32′</td> + <td class="tdr">0″</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ulubad</td> + <td class="tdr">40°</td> + <td class="tdr">9′</td> + <td class="tdr">30″</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Mikhalitza</td> + <td class="tdr">40°</td> + <td class="tdr">16′</td> + <td class="tdr">30″</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Brusa</td> + <td class="tdr">40°</td> + <td class="tdr">9′</td> + <td class="tdr">30″</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Yenishehr</td> + <td class="tdr">40°</td> + <td class="tdr">12′</td> + <td class="tdr">0″</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Kizdervent</td> + <td class="tdr">40°</td> + <td class="tdr">32′</td> + <td class="tdr">0″</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Nicæa</td> + <td class="tdr">40°</td> + <td class="tdr">21′</td> + <td class="tdr">30″</td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdr"></td> + </tr> +</table> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> It is almost unnecessary to remark that the latitudes +and longitudes of Ptolemy are of very little use, though +they may be sometimes employed as a concurrent testimony +in proof of the vicinity of places.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> The routes of these three itineraries are described +upon the map by a double line; and thus the part of the +Peutinger Table relating to Asia Minor is (I believe for +the first time) placed upon the real projection. This part +of the Table has at the same time been engraved on the +same plate with the Map, for the greater convenience of +reference and comparison.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Ante Christum, 401.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> A. C. 333.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> A. C. 189.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> An inquiry into the situation of the sees of the Greek +bishoprics of the Lower Empire may sometimes assist the +traveller in the discovery of the ancient <i>Pagan</i> sites. In +regard to the smaller places, this method may not often +be successful, Turkish conquest and Christian depopulation +having gradually obliterated the greater part of them; +but it is difficult to suppose that the metropolitan, and +some others of the more important sees, which are at the +same time desiderata of ancient geography,—such as Synnada, +Antiocheia of Pisidia, Perge, Philomelium, Pessinus, +Amorium,—should be unknown to the Christians of +Asia Minor, although their names may be no longer in +common use.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> An Arabic word, meaning <i>master</i>, <i>ruler</i>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> This name has been supposed to prove that Kutaya, +the capital of Kermian, stands on the site of the Κεραμῶν +ἄγορα of Xenophon; but there is no doubt that Kermian +is a Turkish name, and foreign to ancient Asia Minor. +The mosque of Sultan Kermian still exists at Kutaya.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> The rule which I have observed in writing Turkish names, +requires the reader to pronounce the vowels as in Italian, +and the consonants as in English. Gh, Dh, and Kh, are intended +to express the aspirated forms of G, D, K. The accent +is marked in all words, the sound of which might be +doubtful without it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> A kind of pipe in which the smoke is made to pass through +water: used in every part of the East.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> The initial K, P, T, in names of places have generally +among the modern Greeks the sound of G, B, D: this arises +from their practice of using those names in the accusative case +preceded by στὴν; for ν before κ, π, τ, gives the harder kindred +sound to the vowel which follows. Before π the ν becomes converted +into m: as, στὴν πόλιν—Constantinople, pronounced +stim bólin. Whence the Turkish Stambol.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Ὀρχάνης ... ἦλθε πρὸς τοῦ Βυζαντίου τὴν Περαίαν, ὃ +Σκουτάριον ἐρχωρίως ὀνομάζεται.—Cantacuz. l. 4. c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> Antonin. Itin. ed. Wessel. p. 139. Hierosol. It. p. 572.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Ἐν δὲ Βιθυνίᾳ τόπος ἐστὶ θινώδης ἀπὸ θαλάσσης καὶ πρὸς +αὐτῷ κώμη τις οὐ μεγάλη Λίβυσσα καλεῖται—Plutarch. in Flam.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Zonaras, l. 13. c. 16. Socrates, l. 4. c. 16. Sozomen, l. 6. +c. 14. Cedrenus, p. 311. Theophanes, p. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2. Hist. Arcan. c. 30. Anna Comn. +l. 10. p. 287.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Διαβαίνειν αὐτὸν πλεῖον ἢ εἰκοσάκις ἐστὶ τοῖς τῇδε ἰοῦσι. +Proc. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Anna Comnena, l. 10. p. 286. ed. Paris.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> A similar confusion as to the Gallus and Sangarius seems +to have prevailed in ancient times. Herodian places the city +Pessinus on the Gallus; although we know from Polybius, +Livy, and Strabo, that it stood on the banks of the Sangarius, +not far from the sources of that river. Strabo, in describing +the Gallus as the branch which joins the main river 300 stades +from Nicomedia, has identified it with the river of Lefke.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Mr. M. Kinneir found some antique remains, and copied +some Christian Greek inscriptions here. Paul Lucas found some +ruins, and transcribed some incomplete inscriptions at an Armenian +village an hour and a half from Eski-shehr.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Ann. Comn. l. 11. p. 317—l. 15. p. 469.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> Athen. l. 2, c. 5. ed. Casaub. Cinnam. l. 6. c. 74.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Tab. Peutinger. Segm. vi. Anton. Itin. p. 202.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> Nacoleia was the chief fortress of this country in the reign +of Arcadius, whose officer, Count Tribigild, with a garrison of +Ostrogoths, rebelled against the Emperor, and reduced all the +neighbouring country. Philostorg. l. 11. c. 8. For an account of +the rebellion of Gainas and Tribigild, which illustrates several +points of Asiatic geography, see Gibbon, c. 32, and the authors +to whom he refers.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a></p> + +<p class="hanging">I. Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Total +77 M. P. to Pessinus: the distance on the map is +about 55 G. M. d.</p> + +<p class="hanging">II. Iter a Dorilao:—Arcelaio M. P. 30, Germa M. P. 20. +Total 50 M. P.: the distance on the map is 57 G. +M. d.</p> + +<p class="hanging">III. Dorileo Docymeo 32 Synnada 32 Jullæ 35 Philomelo +28 Laudicia Catacecaumeno. Total 127 M. P. <i>plus</i> +the distance from Dorylæum to Docimia. The distance +upon the map is about 130 G. M. d.</p> + +<p class="hanging">IV. Dorileo 20 Necolea 40 Conni 32 Eucarpia 30 Eumenia +Pella 12 ad vicum 14 Apamea Ciboton. Total +148 M. P. The distance upon the map is about 100 +G. M. d.</p> + +<p class="hanging">V. Dorileo, 30 Cocleo (lege Cotyæo) 35 Agmonia 25 +Aludda 30 Clanudda 35 Philadelfia. Total 155 M. P. +The distance upon the map is about 120 G. M. d. The +second of these roads is from the Antonine itinerary, +the other four from the Peutinger Table.</p> + +<p>The proportion between the real distances, and the amount +of the several computed distances in Roman miles, shows that +the distance, in the itineraries, from one place to another, cannot +be relied on to within ten or twelve miles. In many instances, +the errors of the Table are still greater.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Herodot. l. 1. c. 142. l. 5. c. 59.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> Some fragments of these are to be seen in the British +Museum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Strabo, p. 373.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> See Lanzi, Saggio di Lingua Etrusca. There is nothing, +however, very surprising in this peculiarity of the Etruscan. +The Greek alphabet, like its oriental prototype, was at first +written from right to left, then indifferently either way, then +alternately, in the manner called boustrophedon; and lastly, +from left to right. It was imported into Etruria at a period +when it was written in the earliest manner; and the Etruscans, +by a practice often observable in colonies, seem to have adhered +to the custom after it had been altered in the mother +country.</p> + +<p>It can no longer be doubted, from a comparison of the military +architecture and other arts of the Etruscans with those of the +Greeks, as well as from that of their language and writing, so +ably investigated by Lanzi, that the two people had a common +origin, or a common source of civilization. This source, in the +opinion of the Greeks, was a people called Pelasgi, the last +seat of whose prosperity was the country adjacent to the Thessalian +Olympus. Driven away from thence about the fifteenth +century before the Christian æra, they migrated to Asia, Crete, +Epirus, and a part of them to Etruria; where they are said to have +been joined, about two centuries afterwards, by a colony from +Lydia. We find an evidence of the skill of the Pelasgi in military +architecture, in the circumstance of the Athenians having +employed some of those who were settled in Attica to fortify the +Acropolis: and it is probable that the peculiar style of building +exhibited in the walls of many ancient cities, as well in Greece +as in Etruria and Italy, and which is the same in all, had its +origin in the Pelasgic school. Hellanicus of Lesbus, and Dionysius +of Halicarnassus, denied that the Etruscans had ever been +colonized from Lydia: but in this they were opposed to the +general opinion of antiquity, as shown by Herodotus, Strabo, +Paterculus, Pliny, Seneca, Plutarch, Appian, Justin, and Tacitus. +At the time of the War of Troy, the Pelasgi possessed +the fertile plains on the south-eastern side of Mount Ida, and +had given the name of the Thessalian Larissa to their chief +town. Hom. Il. β. 840. Several other communities in the surrounding +parts of Asia Minor were of Pelasgic origin, and Lydia +is said to have received one of their colonies. (Plutarch in +Romulo, Raoul Rochette Hist. des Colonies Grecques.) Etruria, +therefore, in its manners, arts, language, and writing, could +not have been very much altered by the addition of a Lydian +colony, if any such event ever took place. Among the numerous +instances of resemblance between the Etruscan and Æolic +Greek adduced by Lanzi, I shall mention one only, as it is illustrated +by a discovery of my own. 𐌀𐌐𐌋𐌖 Aplu, we find, by +some of the monuments of Etruria, to have been the Etruscan +name for Apollo; and Plato, in a passage of the Cratylus referred +to by Lanzi, observes that Ἀπλοῦν or Ἀπλὸς was the +name of the Thessalian Apollo. Between Larissa and Mount +Olympus, in the part of Thessaly which, as late as the time of +the Roman empire, was called Pelasgiotis, I found two marbles +inscribed with dedications to this deity, ΑΠΛΟΥΝΙ. See Lanzi +Saggio di Lingua Etrusca, tomo 2. p. 200, 224; Walpole’s Collection +of Travels in Turkey, vol. 2. p. 506; Classical Journal, +No. 52.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Strabo, p. 568, 576.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> Attic. c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Strabo, p. 571. Paus. <i>ib.</i></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> Herod. l. 1. c. 14. Eusebius places the beginning of the +reign of the first Midas in the fourth year of the tenth Olympiad, +or 737 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span></p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Herod. l. 1. c. 35.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> The first letter of this word appears to be the old gamma, +<img class="inline" src="images/gamma.jpg" alt="old-style Γ; resembles the +right half of an upwards-pointing arrow">, +as written on several ancient monuments. The sixth letter +was perhaps a Τ, of which a part of the upper line has been +effaced. Upon this supposition, the name in Greek was +ΓΑϜΑΤΤΑΗΣ, which bears a resemblance to the royal Lydian +names, Sadyattes, Alyattes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Arrian. ap. Eustath. in Il. ε. p. 429.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> An inscription found by Pococke, at Nysa in the valley of +the Mæander, qualifies one Artemidorus as Παπὰς τῶν τῆς πόλεως +στρατηγῶν, and as Παπὰς ἄρχων. Pococke Inscr. Ant. +p. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> Lanzi, tom. 2. p. 144.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Strabo, p. 577.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Paus. Att. c. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Strabo, however, informs us that anciently these plains +bore olives: he describes the plain of Synnada as an ἐλαιόφυτον +πεδίον.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Of pasture there appears from Cicero to have been a great +abundance in Asia Minor, even when the country was still famous +for the exuberance of its agricultural productions. Asia +tam opima est et fertilis ut et ubertate agrorum et diversitate +fructuum et magnitudine pastionis, et multitudine earum rerum +quæ exportantur, facile omnibus terris antecellat. (Cicero +pro lege Manil.) But probably even as early as the time of +Cicero, Asia had suffered from the wars and military despotism +of the Romans.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Lib. 11. p. 323. Lib. 15. p. 471.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> It was a bishoprick under the metropolitan of Synnada, in +whose province were also Nacoleia and Dorylæum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> Procop. Hist. Ar. c. 18. Anna Com. ib. A bishop of Polybotum +sat in the second Nicene Council, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 787.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> Cicero ad Att. l. 5. ep. 20. ad Divers. l. 3. ep. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> Cic. ib. et ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Σύνναδα δ’ ἔστιν οὐ μεγάλη πόλις· πρόκειται δ’ αὐτῆς ἐλαιόφυτον +πεδίον ὅσον ἑξήκοντα σταδίων· ἐπέκεινα δ’ ἐστὶ Δοκιμία κώμη +καὶ τὸ λατόμιον τοῦ Συνναδικοῦ λίθου· οὕτω μὲν γὰρ Ῥωμαῖοι +καλοῦσιν οἱ δ’ ἐπιχώριοι Δοκιμίτιν καὶ Δοκιμαῖον, &c. Strabo, +p. 577.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Apamiam ... ante adpellatam Celænas, dein Ciboton. +Sita est in radice montis Signiæ, circumfusa Marsya, Obrima, +Orga fluminibus, in Mæandrum cadentibus. Plin. Hist. Nat. +l. 5. c. 29.</p> + +<p>Inde in agrum Sagalassenum.... Progressus inde ad +Obrimæ fontes ad vicum, quem Aporidis Comen vocant, posuit +castra ... profectus eo die in Metropolitanum campum, +postero die Dinias Phrygiæ processit. Inde Synnada venit, +metu omnibus circa oppidis desertis, quorum jam præda grave +agmen vix quinque millium die toto itinere perfecto, ad Beudos +quod vetus appellant pervenit. Ad Anabura inde, &c. Liv. Hist. +l. 38. c. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> Ἐπεὶ δὲ κοινή τις ὁδὸς τέτριπται ἅπασι τοῖς ἐπὶ τὰς ἀνατολὰς +ὁδοιποροῦσιν ἐξ Ἐφέσου καὶ ταύτην ἔπεισιν. Ἐπὶ μὲν τὰ Κάρουρα +τῆς Καρίας ὅριον πρὸς τὴν Φρυγίαν διὰ Μαγνησίας καὶ Τραλλέων, +Νύσης, Ἀντιοχείας, ὁδὸς 740 σταδίων. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἡ Φρυγία διὰ +Λαοδικείας καὶ Ἀπαμείας καὶ Μητροπόλεως καὶ Χελιδονίων· ἐπὶ +μὲν οὖν τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Παρωρείου τοὺς Ὅλμους στάδιοι περὶ 920 +ἐκ τῶν Καρούρων· ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ πρὸς τῇ Λυκαονίᾳ πέρας τῆς Παρωρείου +τὸ Τυριάϊον διὰ Φιλομηλίου μικρῷ πλείους τῶν 500. Εἶθ’ ἡ +Λυκαονία μέχρι Κοροπασσοῦ διὰ Λαοδικείας τῆς Κατακεκαυμένης +840· ἐκ δὲ Κοροπασσοῦ τῆς Λυκαονίας εἰς Γαρσάουρα, πολίχνιον τῆς +Καππαδοκίας, ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων αὐτῆς ἱδρυμένον, 120· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ εἰς +Μάζακα, τὴν μητρόπολιν τῶν Καππαδόκων διὰ Σοάνδου καὶ +Σαδακόρων 680· ἐντεῦθεν δ’ ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην μέχρι Τομισῶν, +χωρίου τῆς Σοφηνῆς διὰ Ἡρφῶν πολίχνης 1440. Artemidorus +ap. Strab. p. 663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Ἡ μὲν οὖν Παρώρεια ὀρεινήν τινα ἔχει ῥάχιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς +ἐκτεινομένην ἐπὶ δύσιν· ταύτῃ δ’ ἑκατέρωθεν ὑποπέπτωκέ τι πεδίον +μέγα καὶ πόλεις πλησίον αὐτῆς, πρὸς ἄρκτον μὲν Φιλομήλιον, ἐκ +θατέρου δὲ μέρους Ἀντιόχεια, ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καλουμένη, ἡ μὲν ἐν +πεδίῳ κειμένη πᾶσα, ἡ δ’ ἐπὶ λόφου, ἔχουσα ἀποικίαν Ῥωμαίων. +Strabo, p. 577. It is evident from this passage how greatly +the discovery of Antioch of Pisidia would assist the comparative +geography of all the adjacent country.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> Lib. 15. p. 473.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> Lib. 5. c. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> The following was the route of Cyrus, according to Xenophon:—</p> + +<table> + <tr> + <th></th> + <th>Stathmi.</th> + <th></th> + <th>Parasangs.</th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>From Celænæ, afterwards Apameia Cibotus, to Peltæ,</td> + <td class="tdr">2</td> + <td class="center">or</td> + <td>10</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Ceramorum Agora, at the end of Mysia,</td> + <td class="tdr">2</td> + <td class="center">—</td> + <td>12</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Caystri Campus (a city),</td> + <td class="tdr">3</td> + <td class="center">—</td> + <td>30</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Thymbrium, where was the fountain of Midas,</td> + <td class="tdr">2</td> + <td class="center">—</td> + <td>10</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Tyriaium,</td> + <td class="tdr">2</td> + <td class="center">—</td> + <td>10</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Iconium,</td> + <td class="tdr">3</td> + <td class="center">—</td> + <td>20</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Through Lycaonia,</td> + <td class="tdr">5</td> + <td class="center">—</td> + <td>30</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Through Cappadocia to Dana (Tyana),</td> + <td class="tdr">4</td> + <td class="center">—</td> + <td>25</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">Total</td> + <td class="tdr bt">23</td> + <td class="center bt"></td> + <td class="bt">92</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p>In Major Rennell’s work on the Retreat of the Ten Thousand, +the reader will see the extreme difficulty of fixing the places on +this route. Indeed there seems no mode of reconciling Xenophon +with other geographical authorities than by supposing +great errors in his numbers; for it is difficult to believe that +his Καΰστρου πεδίον is not the same as that which Strabo +(p. 629.) describes as watered by the Caystrus and situated on +the south side of Mount Tmolus. In like manner there is the +greatest reason to think that Thymbrium and the fountain of +Midas were on the branch of the Sangarius called Thymbres +in the country which formed the kingdom of Midas, and not in +the plains between Ak-shehr and Ilgún, where we must place +Thymbrium, if we follow the evidence of Xenophon’s numbers. +Upon the whole, I am inclined to think that this itinerary of +Xenophon is so incorrect that very little reliance can be placed +on its authority. We have a strong proof of its inaccuracy in the +positive assertion of Xenophon, that after he had crossed Mount +Taurus, he marched twenty-five parasangs (or about seventy-five +miles) in four days through the plain of Tarsus to the city, +though Tarsus is only ten miles from the foot of that mountain. +Xenophon probably meant four days from the halting-place of +Cyrus, afterwards called the plain of Cyrus, on the north side +of Taurus, but his words express the former meaning without +the smallest ambiguity. Again, he places ten parasangs between +Tarsus and the river Sarus, and only five between the Sarus +and the Pyramus, although the real distances are nearly equal.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Strabo, p. 534, 537, et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> In a rude delineation of the country between Kesaría and +Ak-shehr by a bishop of Iconium, published at Vienna in 1812, +Bor is written πόρος, which suggests the origin of the word Bor—namely, +that it is a Turkish corruption of the Greek πόρος, and +that Porus was a suburb of Tyana, so called as being situated at +the πόρος, or passage of the river, which now runs through Nigde +and Bor into a lake near Erkle. Kílisa also is undoubtedly +a Greek name (Κίλισσα, the feminine of Κίλιξ), derived +from that of the neighbouring Cappadocian præfecture. The +substitution of local names for provincial, and of provincial +for local, was a kind of change common among the lower +Greeks.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> Of course this distance must not be measured horizontally, +the road from Mazaca to Tyana being plain, and that from +Tyana to the Pylæ very mountainous.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Strabo, ibid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> D’Anville placed Cybistra at Bustere, which he supposed +a corruption of the Greek word; but according to Hadjy Khalfa +the name is Kostere not Bustere.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> See particularly the letter to Marcus Cato. Ep. ad Diversos, +l. 15. ep. 4.—and that to Atticus, l. 5. ep. 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> Ἡ Καππαδοκία ... οἱ δ’ οὖν ὁμόγλωττοι μαλιστά εἰσιν οἱ +ἀφοριζόμενοι πρὸς νότον μὲν τῷ Κιλικίῳ λεγομένῳ Ταύρῳ, πρὸς ἕω +δὲ τῇ Ἀρμενίᾳ. Strab. p. 533. Ἡ Καταονία ... Περίκειται δ’ ὄρη +ἄλλα τε καὶ ὁ Ἄμανος ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς νότον μέρους, ἀπόσπασμα ὂν +τοῦ Κιλικίου Ταύρου, καὶ ὁ Ἀντίταυρος εἰς τἀναντία ἀπεῤῥωγώς. +Strab. p. 535. Ptolemy (l. 5. c. 6.) describes Antitaurus as +the mountain which extends from Taurus to the Euphrates.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Strabo, p. 534.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Ptolem. ibid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> ... duci inde exercitus per Axylon quam vocant terram +cœptus; ab re nomen habet: non ligni modo quidquam, sed ne +spinas quidem, aut ullum aliud alimentum fert ignis. Fimo +bubulo pro lignis utuntur. Pococke observes, “They are very +much distressed in these parts for fuel, and commonly make +use of dried cow-dung.” His remark on the abundance of fine +fish in the Sangarius had not escaped the notice of the Latin +historian: Sangarius ... non tam magnitudine memorabilis +quam quod piscium adcolis ingentem vim præbet. Liv. Hist. +l. 38. c. 18.</p> + +<p>The merit of this accuracy, however, is not due to Livy, but +to Polybius, from whom the Latin compiler copied this part of +his history.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Ἥτε δὴ Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν, +καὶ τὰ τῶν Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια, ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ καὶ ὀναγρόβοτα, +ὑδάτων δὲ σπάνις πολλὴ· ὅπου δὲ καὶ εὑρεῖν δυνατὸν βαθύτατα +φρέατα τῶν πάντων, καθάπερ ἐν Σοάτροις, ὅπου καὶ πιπράσκεται +τὸ ὕδωρ· ἔστι δὲ κωμόπολις Γαρσαούρων πλησίον· ὅμως δὲ καίπερ +ἄνυδρος οὖσα ἡ χώρα πρόβατα ἐκτρέφει θαυμαστῶς, τραχείας +δὲ ἐρέας· καί τινες ἐξ αὐτῶν τούτων μεγίστους πλούτους +ἐκτήσαντο. Ἀμύντας δ’ ὑπὲρ 300 ἔσχε ποίμνας ἐν τοῖς τόποις +τούτοις. Εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ λίμναι Κώραλις μὲν ἡ μείζων, ἡ δὲ ἐλάττων +Τρογῖτις. Ἐνταῦθα δέ που καὶ τὸ Ἰκόνιόν ἐστι, πολίχνιον εὖ συνῳκισμένον +καὶ χώραν εὐτυχεστέραν ἔχον τῆς λεχθείσης ὀναγροβότου· +τοῦτο δ’ εἴχε Πολέμων. Πλησιάζει δ’ ἤδη τούτοις τοῖς τόποις +ὁ Ταῦρος, ὁ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ὁρίζων καὶ τὴν Λυκαονίαν +πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερκείμενους Κίλικας τοὺς Τραχειώτας. Λυκαόνων δὲ +καὶ Καππαδόκων ὅριόν ἐστι τὸ μεταξὺ Κοροπασσοῦ κώμης Λυκαόνων +καὶ Γαρσαούρων πολιχνίου Καππαδόκων. Ἔστι δὲ τὸ +μεταξὺ διάστημα τῶν φρουρίων τούτων 120 που στάδιοι. Strabo, p. 568.</p> + +<p>For the extract from Artemidorus, relating to the same subject, +see page <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Hadji Khalfa lived in the middle of the 17th century. +Whether any wild asses or wild sheep are still found on the +Lycaonian hills, I have never been able to learn; but it is certain +that the ὄναγρος, or wild ass, is still hunted on similar hills +in many parts of Persia. Naturalists have often confounded +this animal with the zebra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Tab. Peutinger. segm. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Compare Hierocles and the Acts of the Councils of Ephesus, +Chalcedon, and Constantinople, with the Notitiæ Græcorum +Episcopatuum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Livy (l. 38. c. 15.) mentions a Caralitis palus; but it +seems to have been situated further westward than Karajeli, +and near the Cibyratis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Pococke, in mentioning this inscription in the Narrative +of his Travels (vol. 2. part 2. ch. 15.), makes a blunder similar +to that which I have noticed relating to another inscription at +Afióm Karahissár. He observes, that the inscription at Alekiam +contains the word “Amorianorum:” no such word occurs, but +“Orcistanorum” is found twice; and the inscription, which is +long and curious, and (what is very uncommon with Pococke) +tolerably correct, clearly shows that Alekiam is the site of +Orcistus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Notitiæ Episcopatuum Græcorum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> In the Jerusalem Itinerary the places are distinguished by the +words Civitas, city; Mutatio, changing-place; Mansio, konák.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> These four distances occur again in the Antonine (ed. +Wessel, p. 205.), in the road from Ancyra to Cæsareia, or +Mazaca, as follows—24, 18, 20, 22; but I have rejected them, +because those given in the text from the Antonine are confirmed +by the Jerusalem as far as Aspona. On the other hand, +the 24 M. P. from Aspona to Parnassus, in the Antonine, is so +far confirmed by the 22 of the same itinerary in the road to +Cæsareia, as to make it probable that the 35 of the Jerusalem +is erroneous.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> This part of the route in the Table is very incorrect. Nitazus +seems to stand in the place of Corbeus, and <i>vice versa</i>; +and the <i>names</i> of Ancyra and Archelais are omitted.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> This distance is taken from the road from Tyana to Mazaca.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> By a route which must have been different from that of +the other two itineraries; none of the names being alike.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> By assuming (from the Antonine) 16 M. P. for the last +stage to Tyana.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Mopsucrene was 12 M. P. short of Tarsus, and was noted +for the death of the Emperor Constantius. The name is disfigured +in both the Itineraries. For the correction see the +authorities quoted in Cellarius, l. 3. c. 7. § 122.; but particularly +Ammianus, l. 21. c. 15., compared with Theophanes +Chronog. p. 39. The Antonine seems to have confounded +Mopsucrene with Mopsuestia; and hence to have omitted the +distance between these two places.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> Xenoph. Anab. l. 1. c. 2. Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. +l. 3. c. 4. Strabo, p. 539.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> According to this authority, the post-station of the Pylæ +(mutatio Pylæ) was 24 M. P. from Tarsus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> It should then be read thus,—Tyana ... Aquis Calidis 12 +Podando 22 Coriopio 12 in Monte 12 Tarso Ciliciæ. We know +from modern travellers, that there are about 12 miles from the +foot of the mountain to Tarsus. Coriopium here stands at the +same distance from Tarsus as Pylæ in the Jerusalem, and is +probably the same place.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> I read it thus. Iconium 20 fines Ciliciæ 25 in Monte +Tauro 30 Tarso Ciliciæ: thus connecting the extremity, as in +the former instance, with the words Tarso Ciliciæ. The number +20 (xx.) ought perhaps to be 120 (cxx).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> Tetrapyrgia and Crunæ are named together by the geographer +of Ravenna.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> The only two that have any appearance of reality are 24 +M. P. from Taspa to Isaura, and 33 M. P. from Crunæ to Seleuceia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Πλησίον δὲ καὶ ὁ Σαγγάριος ποταμὸς ποιεῖται τὴν ῥύσιν· +ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ τὰ παλαιὰ τῶν Φρυγῶν οἰκητήρια Μίδου καὶ ἔτι +πρότερον Γορδίου καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν, οὐδ’ ἴχνη σώζονται πόλεων +ἀλλὰ κῶμαι μικρῷ μείζους τῶν ἄλλων· οἷόν ἐστι τὸ Γόρδιον.... +Strabo, p. 568.</p> + +<p>Τὸ δὲ Γόρδιον ἐστὶ μὲν τῆς Φρυγίας τῆς ἐφ’ Ἑλλησπόντου, +κεῖται δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Σαγγαρίου ποταμοῦ. Arrian, lib. 1. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> Strabo, p. 574.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> Eckhel. Doct. Num. vet. Bithynia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> Ἔστι δὲ ποταμὸς ἐν Γαλάταις, ὅνπερ καλοῦσιν οἱ ἐπιχώριοι +Σίβεριν, τῶν μὲν καλουμένων Συκέων ἄγγιστα, πόλεως δὲ +Ἰουλιοπόλεως ἀπὸ σημείων μάλιστα δέκα ἐς τὰ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα +ἥλιον. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> De cætero intus in Bithynia colonia Apamena, Agrippenses, +Juliopolitæ, Bithynion; flumina, Syrius, Lapsias, Pharmicas, +Alces, Crynis, Lilæus, Scopius, Hiera, qui Bithyniam et +Galatiam disterminat. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 32.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> Civitas Juliopolis 13 M. P. Mutatio Hieron potamon 11 +M. P. Agannia (Laganeus) Itin. Hierosol. p. 574. Wessel.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Justinian built a bridge and dyke to preserve the high road +from the ravages of the Siberis. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Plin. ubi supr. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> Ammian. l. 25. sub fin. Socrat. l. 3. sub fin. Sozomen, +l. 6. c. 6. Theodoret, l. 4. c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> Procop. De Ædif. l. 5. c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> Postero die ad Gordium pervenit. Id haud magnum quidem +oppidum est, sed plus quam mediterraneum celebre et +frequens emporium: tria maria pari ferme distantia intervallo +habet, Hellespontum, ad Sinopen, et alterius oræ litora, qua +Cilices maritimi colunt: multarum magnarumque præterea gentium +fines contingit, quarum commercium in eum maxime locum +mutui usus contraxere. Liv. l. 38. c. 18.</p> + +<p>Phrygia tunc habebat quondam nobilem Midæ regiam; Gordium +nomen est urbi, quam Sangarius amnis interfluit pari intervallo +Pontico et Cilicio mari distantem. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.</p> + +<p>These observations of Livy and Curtius may be taken as examples +of the extreme negligence and inaccuracy often shown +by the Latin authors in matters of fact relating to foreign countries. +It could hardly have been unknown at Rome in their +time, that Gordium was not half so distant from the Propontis +or Euxine as from the Ægæan or Cilician sea.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a></p> + +<table> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">Iter a Pesinunte Ancyram</td> + <td class="tdr bb">99</td> + <td class="bb">M. P.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Sic</td> + <td>Germa</td> + <td class="tdr">16</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td>Vindia</td> + <td class="tdr">24</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td>Papira</td> + <td class="tdr">32</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td>Ancyra</td> + <td class="tdr">27</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">Iter a Dorylao Ancyra</td> + <td class="tdr bb bt">141</td> + <td class="bb bt">M. P.</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Sic</td> + <td>Arcelaio</td> + <td class="tdr">30</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td>Germa</td> + <td class="tdr">20</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td>Vindia</td> + <td class="tdr">32</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td>Papira</td> + <td class="tdr">32</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td>Ancyra</td> + <td class="tdr">27</td> + <td></td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p class="noindent">The 32 to Vindia is an error for 24, as appears by the numbers +in the former list agreeing with the total: 32 seems by a mistake +of the copier to have been written twice.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Polyb. l. 22. c. 20. Liv. l. 38. c. 18. Strabo, p. 567. Herodian +(in the Life of Commodus) says that Pessinus was on +the Gallus: but we know from Strabo that the Gallus was +that branch of the Sakaría which waters the valley of Léfke. +The mistake of Herodian is easily accounted for:—The Gallus +being a very important branch of the Sangarius, the united +stream was often known by the former name; as we observe in +Ammianus,—who in coupling the Gallus with the lake Sophon, +which we know from some passages in the Byzantine history +to have been the lake of Sabanja,—evidently means by the +Gallus the lower part of the Sangarius. In process of time +the name Gallus became applied to the whole course of the +Sangarius as far as its sources. The same thing happened +to the Scamander at Troy, the name of which between the +time of Homer and that of Antiochus the Great had become +attached not only to the part below the junction of the two +rivers, but to that also above it, as far even as the sources +of the Homeric Simoeis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> Dorileo 28 Mideo 28 Tricomia 21 Pessinunte. Tab. +Peutinger, seg. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Strabo, p. 567.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Liv. l. 38 c. 18.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Ammian. l. 22. c. 9.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Strabo, p. 567.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Notit. Episc. Græc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Pococke, however, observes, that the river was “small” +where he crossed it, “being near the sources.”</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> Zonar. Ann. l. 15. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> Geogr. Nubiens. (Clim. 5. pars 5.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια +καὶ Κοτιάειον, καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις.... Ὑπὲρ δὲ +τῆς Ἐπικτήτου πρὸς νότον ἐστὶν ἡ μεγάλη Φρυγία λείπουσα ἐν +ἀριστερᾷ τὴν Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Λυκαονίαν, +ἐν δεξιᾷ δὲ Μαίονας καὶ Λύδους καὶ Κᾶρας· ἐν ᾗ ἐστιν ἥτε +Παρώρειος λεγομένη Φρυγία καὶ ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ἀμόριον +καὶ Εὐμένειαν καὶ Σύνναδα. Strabo, p. 576.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> Anna Comn. l. 15. p. 470.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> Τεκτόσαγες δὲ τὰ πρὸς τῇ μεγάλῃ Φρυγίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Πεσσινοῦντα +καὶ Ὀρκαορυκούς. Strabo, p. 567.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Γαλατίαν πρὸς νότον ἥτε λίμνη ἐστὶν ἡ Τάττα, +παρακειμένη τῇ μεγάλῃ Καππαδοκίᾳ τῇ κατὰ τοὺς Μοριμηνοὺς, +μέρος δ’ οὖσα τῆς μεγάλης Φρυγίας· καὶ ἡ συνεχὴς ταύτῃ μέχρι +τοῦ Ταύρου, ἧς τὴν πλείστην Ἀμύντας εἶχεν.... Ἥτε δὴ +Τάττα ἐστὶ καὶ τὰ περὶ Ὀρκαορυκοὺς καὶ Πιτνισὸν καὶ τὰ τῶν +Λυκαόνων ὀροπέδια ψυχρὰ καὶ ψιλὰ, &c. Strabo, p. 568.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> Stephan. in Πίτνισσα.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Liv. l. 38. c. 15 et seq.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> The <i>chief</i> town of the Tolistobogii, however, in the time +of Strabo, was not Tolistochora, but Pessinus. Ancyra, according +to the arrangement of Augustus, was the chief town of +the Tectosages, who occupied the central part of Galatia, and +Tavium was that of Trocmi, who possessed the eastern part of +the province. Strabo, p. 567.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> A bishop of Perta sat in the Second Nicene Council, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> +787.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> By the description of Mr. Kinneir it appears that Argæus +is not less than 8 or 9000 feet above the sea; for it was covered +with snow to a great distance below the summit in October: +Strabo’s expression, therefore, of ὅρος πάντων ὑψηλότατος may, +perhaps, apply to it with truth, if we confine his observation to +the countries between the Caucasus and the Alps.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> Karasi, Sarukhan, Aidin, Kermian. See Niceph. Greg. +l. 7. c. 1. Chalcocond. l. 1. p. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> Act. Apost. c. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> Cicero speaks of him with more respect: “Cum Antipatro +Derbete mihi non solum hospitium, verum etiam summa +familiaritas intercedit.”—Ep. ad Div. l. 13. ep. 73.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Strabo, p. 534, 567.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> Τῆς δὲ Ἰσαυρικῆς ἐστιν ἐν πλευραῖς, ἡ Δέρβη, μάλιστα ἐν +Καππαδοκίᾳ ἐπιπεφυκὸς, τὸ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τυραννεῖον τοῦ Δερβήτου· +τούτου δ’ ἦν καὶ τὰ Λάρανδα. Strabo, p. 569.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Stephan. in Δέρβη.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> There is a similar keep at Launceston in Cornwall.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> Apollodorus, l. 3. c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> Strabo, p. 668.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> Basil of Seleucia, in the Life of Thecla.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> Claudiopolis, quam dedux coloniam Claudius Cæsar. +Ammian. l. 15. c. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> It was founded by Hugh Lusignan the Third: for a description +of it see the work of Mariti, who visited Cyprus in 1762.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> See Mariti, Drummond, and Pococke.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> This is the Mount Andriclus which Strabo places above +Charadrus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> In some parts of the modern wall are remains of Hellenic +masonry, of the kind often called Cyclopian.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> Josaphat Barbaro, who was sent by the Venetian government +into Persia, and who published a description of his journey, +assisted at the capture of Corycus and Seleuceia by a +squadron under Pietro Mocenigo. The work of Barbaro was +printed at the Aldine press in 1543.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> The following words are distinguished upon one of the +architraves.... ΙΕΡΕΥΣ ΤΟΥ ΔΙΟΣ ... ΚΑΙΣΑΡΙ ΣΕΒΑΣΤΩΙ. +On another architrave is recorded the name of a person +who had bequeathed land for restoring the city, and from +the profits of which the temple had been rebuilt. Ἐκ τῆς +προσόδου τῶν ἀγρῶν, ὧν ἀπέλιπεν εἰς ἐπισκευὴν τῆς πόλεως +Κλεόστρατος υἱὸς πόλεως, φύσει δὲ Τελλικόντος, ἐπεσκευάσθη.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> Mount Solyma, then distant about sixty miles.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> In passing by sea from Aláya to Castel Rosso, I was obliged +to follow the coast of the gulf of Adália, the sailors being +afraid, in this season, of crossing directly to Cape Khelidóni. +This practice has been common among the Greek seamen of +every age, and was anciently expressed by the word κατακολπίζω. +After having been detained three days in the mouth +of a river, to the westward of Menavgát, I passed within sight +of the mouth of the river Dudén, not far to the eastward of +Adália, and I observed that it discharged itself into the sea by +a perpendicular fall over a high cliff. This singularity accounts +for the name Catarrhactes, anciently given to it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> This is evident upon comparing it with the fragments of the +22d book of Polybius, as well as from the confession of Livy +himself in several places.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> Τῆς δ’ Ἐπικτήτου Φρυγίας Ἀζανοί τε εἰσι καὶ Νακόλεια +καί Κοτιάειον καὶ Μιδάειον καὶ Δορύλαιον πόλεις καὶ Κάδοι· τοὺς +δὲ Κάδους ἔνιοι τῆς Μυσίας φασίν. Strabo, p. 576.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 31. c. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> Arrian ubi supra.</p> + +<p>Μιλύας δ’ ἐστὶν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Τερμησσὸν στενῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς +τὸ ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου ὑπερθέσεως δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Σίνδα, παρατείνουσα +ὀρεινὴ μέχρι Σαγαλασσοῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀπαμέων χώρας. Strabo, +p. 631.</p> + +<p>Ὑπέρκειται δ’ αὐτῆς (scil. Phaselidis) τὰ Σόλυμα ὄρος καὶ +Τερμησσὸς, Πισιδικὴ πόλις, ἐπικειμένη τοῖς στενοῖς, δι’ ὧν ὑπέρβασίς +ἐστιν εἰς τὴν Μιλυάδα. Strabo, p. 666.</p> + +<p>In Arrian the names are Salagassus and Telmissus, but improperly, +as the coins of the two cities show. Stephanus says +there was a greater and lesser Termissus in Pisidia, which is +confirmed by the coins with the legend, Τερμησσέων τῶν μειζόνων. +(Eckhel and Mionnet in Pisidia.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> Strabo, p. 573, 630.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> ... τὰ μέχρι Καρούρων εἴρηται. Τὰ δ’ ἐξῆς ἐστὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς +δύσιν, ἡ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων πόλις τῶν ἐπὶ Μαιάνδρῳ, τῆς Καρίας ἤδη· +τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον ἡ Κίβυρά ἐστιν ἡ μεγάλη, καὶ ἡ Σίνδα καὶ ἡ Καβαλὶς, +μεχρὶ τοῦ Ταύρου καὶ τῆς Λυκίας. Strabo, p. 630.</p> + +<p>... τῆς Νυσαΐδος, ἥ ἐστι χώρα κατὰ τὰ τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πέραν +μέχρι τῆς Κιβυράτιδος καὶ τῆς Καβαλίδος. Strabo, p. 629.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> Strabo, p. 631. Liv. l. 38. c. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> Compare the preceding passages of Strabo, pp. 629, 630, +with those of pp. 651, 665, where he says that a branch of Taurus +occupied all Lycia, from the Cibyratis to Peræa of the Rhodii, and +that Tlos a Lycian city stood near the pass leading to Cibyra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> Strabo, p. 631.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> Hierocl. Synecd.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> Polyb. l. 5. c. 72.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> In the year before Christ 219.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Strabo, p. 667.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> ... οἱ Σελγεῖς οἵπερ εἰσὶν ἀξιολογώτατοι τῶν Πισιδῶν. Τὸ +μὲν οὖν πλέον αὐτῶν μέρος τὰς ἀκρωρείας τοῦ Ταύρου κατέχει· τινὲς +δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ Σίδης καὶ Ἀσπένδου, Παμφυλικῶν πόλεων, κατέχουσι +γεώλοφα χωρία, ἐλαιόφυτα πάντα· τὰ δ’ ὑπὲρ τούτων ὀρεινὰ ἤδη, +Κατεννεῖς, ὅμοροι Σελγεῦσι καὶ Ὁμοναδεῦσι· Σαγαλασσεῖς δ’ ἐπὶ +τὰ ἐντὸς τὰ πρὸς τῇ Μιλυάδι. Strabo, p. 569.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> Notit. Episc. Græc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Τοῖς δ’ ἔπι Πισιδέων λιπαρὸν πέδον, ἧχι πόληες</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Τερμισσὸς Λύρβη τε καὶ ἣ ἐπολίσσατο λαὸς</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Πρίν ποτ’ Ἀμυκλαίων, μεγαλώνυμος ἐν χθονὶ Σέλγη.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse right">Dionys. Perieg. v. 858.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> Strabo, p. 569.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 570. Liv. l. 38. c. 15. Arrian, +l. 1. c. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> Arrian, l. 1. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> See Note <a href="#Footnote_163">163</a>, p. 149.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> See Note <a href="#Footnote_153">153</a>, p. 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> Ἀμύντας ... πολλὰ χωρία ἐξεῖλεν ἀπόρθητα πρότερον +ὄντα, ὧν καὶ Κρήμνα. τὸ δὲ Σανδάλιον οὐδ’ ἐνεχείρησε βίᾳ προσάγεσθαι, +μεταξὺ κείμενον τῆς τε Κρήμνης καὶ Σαγαλασσοῦ. Τὴν +μὲν οὖν Κρήμναν ἄποικοι Ῥωμαίων ἔχουσι. Σαγαλασσὸς δ’ ἐστὶν +ὑπὸ τῷ αὐτῷ ἡγεμόνι τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὑφ’ ᾧ καὶ ἡ Ἀμύντου βασιλεία +πᾶσα· διέχει δ’ Ἀπαμείας ἡμέρας ὁδὸν, κατάβασιν ἔχουσα +σχεδόν τι καὶ τριάκοντα σταδίων ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐρύματος· καλοῦσι δ’ +αὐτὴν καὶ Σέλγησσον. Strabo, p. 569.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> Κρήμναν ... ἐν ἀποκρήμνῳ τε κειμένην καὶ κατὰ +μέρος χαράδραις βαθυτάταις ὀχυρωμένην. Zosim. l. 1. c. 69.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> “A Cibyra per agros Sindensium exercitus ductus, transgressusque +Caularem amnem, posuit castra. Postero die est +præter Caralitin paludem agmen ductum; ad Mandropolim +manserunt; inde progredientibus ad Lagon, proximam urbem +metu incolæ fugerunt; inde ab Lysis fluminis fonte, postero die +ad Cobulatum (ap. Polyb. Κολοβάτον) amnem progressi. Termessenses +eo tempore Isiondensium arcem, urbe capta, oppugnabant.... +Volenti consuli causa in Pamphyliam divertendi +oblata est; adveniens obsidione Isiondenses exemit. Termesso +pacem dedit, 50 talentis argenti acceptis: item Aspendiis cæterisque +Pamphyliæ populis. Ex Pamphylia rediens ad fluvium +Taurum primo die, postero ad Xylinen comen posuit castra. +Profectus inde continentibus itineribus ad Cormasa (ap. Polyb. +Κύρμασα) urbem pervenit. Darsa proxima urbs erat; eam ... +desertam ... invenit. Progredienti præter paludes (ap. Polyb. +τὴν λίμνην) legati ab Lysinoe dedentes urbem venerunt. Deinde +in agrum Sagalassenum, uberem fertilemque omni genere frugum, +ventum est. Colunt Pisidæ, longe optimi bello regionis +hujus: quum ea res animos facit, tum agri fœcunditas, et multitudo +hominum, et situs inter paucas munitæ urbis.... +Progressus inde ad Obrimæ fontes, ad vicum, quem Aporidos +comen vocant, posuit castra. Eo Seleucus ab Apamea postero +die venit. Ægros inde et inutilia impedimenta quum Apameam +dimisisset, ducibus itinerum ab Seleuco acceptis, profectus eo +die in Metropolitanum campum, postero die Dinias Phrygiæ +processit. Inde Synnada,” &c. Liv. l. 38. c. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> Compare <a href="#Footnote_173">the preceding Note</a> with those in pp. <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, +<a href="#Page_158">158</a>. Artemidorus (ap. Strabon. p. 570) includes Sinda among +the cities of Pisidia. Stephanus calls it a city of Lycia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> Strabo, p. 570.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> Strabo, p. 576.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> Strabo, p. 627.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> “Inde (ab Antiochia ad Mæandrum) ad Gordiutichos, +quod vocant, processum est; ex eo loco ad Tabas tertiis castris +perventum: in finibus Pisidarum posita est urbs, in ea parte, +quæ vergit ad Pamphylium mare.” Liv. l. 38. c. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> See the Note page <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Strabo, p. 576. See Note <a href="#Footnote_187">187</a>, + p. 158.—Ptolemy places it +in the same part of the country with Cibyra, Hierapolis and +Apameia. By Hierocles it is named among the towns of Phrygia +Pacatiana, together with Laodiceia, Colossæ and Hierapolis.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> See Note, p. <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> Strabo, p. 577.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 2. c. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> I have somewhat enlarged Pococke’s computation of miles, +as I find, in the sequel of his route to A´ngura, that (contrary +to the common error of travellers) it is generally below the +truth. He computes about 100 English miles from Karahissár +to A´ngura; whereas the distance is little less than 120 G. M. +in direct distance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> The beginning of this inscription is imperfect: it ends in a +form common upon sepulchral monuments, by subjecting the +violator of the tomb to a fine, payable to the treasury of the +city, and another sum to the Council.</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">......................</div> + <div class="line indent0">......................</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΦΙΣΚΟΝ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ ΔΙΣΧΕΙΛΙΑ ΚΑΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΗ ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ ΒΟΥΛΗ ΔΗΝΑΡΙΑ Β. Φ</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">Pococke copied the third letter of the lower line Σ instead of Ε, +which was probably the cause of his failing to discover the +ancient name of Ishekle. Εὐμενεύς is the ethnic adjective of +Eumeneia in Stephanus, and ΕΥΜΕΝΕΩΝ is the legend on +the coins of that city. Another inscription at Ishekle supported +a statue of Marcus Aurelius, τὸν ἴδιον θεὸν εὐεργέτην. And a +third attests the worship at that place, among other deities, of +the <i>dæmon Angdistis</i>, ΑΝΓΔΙΣΤΕΩΣ ΔΑΙΜΟΝΟΣ, under +which name the <i>mother</i> of the gods was adored at Pessinus. +Her worship in the country adjacent to the Mæander may be +inferred from Pliny, who alludes to her epithet of Berecynthia +in the passage in which he speaks of Eumenia: “Est Eumenia +Cludro flumini apposita, Glaucus amnis. Lysias oppidum et +Orthosia, Berecynthius tractus, Nysa, Tralles,” &c. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Phrygia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> P. 576. “To the south of Phrygia Epictetus,” he says, +“is Great Phrygia, which has Pessinus and Lycaonia on the +right, the Mæones, Lydians and Carians on the left: it contains +Phrygia Paroreius and the part towards Pisidia, and the +country about Amorium, and Synnada and Eumeneia, Apameia +surnamed Cibotus, and Laodiceia, which are the two greatest +of the Phrygian cities, and around which are other smaller towns, +Aphrodisias, Colossæ, Themisonium, Sanaus, Metropolis, Apollonias; +and still further off Peltæ, Tabæ, Eucarpia, Lysias:” +the “still further off” (ἔτι δὲ ἀπωτέρω τούτων) is however not +geographically accurate in regard to all the places mentioned.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> Κελαινὰς.... Ἐνταῦθα Κύρῳ βασίλεια ἦν καὶ παράδεισος +μέγας.... Διὰ μέσου δὲ τοῦ παραδείσου ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος ποταμός· +αἱ δὲ πηγαὶ αὐτοῦ εἰσιν ἐκ τῶν βασιλείων· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ διὰ τῆς Κελαινῶν +πόλεως. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ μεγάλου βασιλέως βασίλεια ἐν +Κελαιναῖς ἐρυμνὰ, ἐπὶ ταῖς πηγαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ ὑπὸ τῇ +ἀκροπόλει· ῥεῖ δὲ καὶ οὗτος διὰ τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐμβάλλει εἰς τὸν +Μαίανδρον. Xenoph. Cyri Exp. l. 1. c. 2.</p> + +<p>Xenophon adds that Celænæ was a large and flourishing city; +that the palace and acropolis were built by Xerxes on his return +from Greece; that the park was full of wild beasts which +Cyrus hunted for the exercise of himself and his horses; that +the Marsyas rose in a cavern, where Apollo hung up the skin of +Marsyas; and that the breadth of the Marsyas was 25 feet.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> Ἀλέξανδρος ... ἀφικνεῖται ἐς Κελαινὰς πεμπταῖος. Ἐν δὲ +ταῖς Κελαιναῖς ἄκρα ἦν πάντη ἀπότομος. Alexander gladly came +to terms with the people on account of the strength of the +citadel. (ἄπορον πάντη προσφέρεσθαι τὴν ἄκραν.) Arrian, l. 1. +c. 29.</p> + +<p>Alexander ... ad urbem Celænas exercitum admovit. Mediam +illa tempestate interfluebat Marsyas amnis.... Fons +ejus ex summo montis cacumine excurrens in subjectam petram +magno strepitu aquarum cadit.... Alexander ... arcem +oppugnare adortus caduceatorem præmisit ... illi caduceatorem +in turrim et situ et opere multum editam perductum, +quanta esset altitudo intueri jubent, &c. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> ... ἐς Κελαινάς· ἵνα πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ, +καὶ ἑτέρου οὐκ ἐλάσσονος ἢ Μαιάνδρου, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει +ἐὸν Καταῤῥήκτης, ὃς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγορῆς τῆς Κελαινέων +ἀνατέλλων, ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῖ. Herod. l. 7. c. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> Ἵδρυται δὲ ἡ Ἀπάμεια ἐπὶ ταῖς ἐκβολαῖς τοῦ Μαρσύου ποταμοῦ· +καὶ ῥεῖ διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ὁ ποταμὸς, τὰς ἄρχας ἀπὸ +τῆς (παλαιᾶς) πόλεως ἔχων· κατενεχθεὶς δ’ ἐπὶ τὸ προάστειον +σφοδρῷ καὶ κατωφερεῖ τῷ ῥεύματι, συμβάλλει πρὸς τὸν Μαίανδρον, +προσειληφότα καὶ ἄλλον ποταμὸν Ὀργᾶν, δι’ ὁμαλοῦ +φερόμενον πρᾷον καὶ μαλακόν·.... Ἄρχεται δὲ (ὁ Μαίανδρος) +ἀπὸ Κελαινῶν, λόφου τινὸς ἐν ᾧ πόλις ἦν ὁμώνυμος τῷ λόφῳ. +Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ ἀναστήσας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁ Σωτὴρ Ἀντίοχος εἰς +τὴν νῦν Ἀπάμειαν, &c.——Ὑπέρκειται δὲ καὶ λίμνη φύουσα +κάλαμον, τὸν εἰς τὰς γλώττας τῶν αὐλῶν ἐπιτήδειον, ἐξ ἧς ἀπολείβεσθαί +φασι τὰς πηγὰς ἀμφοτέρας, τήν τε τοῦ Μαρσύου καὶ +τὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου. Strabo, p. 578.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> Consul (Cn. Manlius) ... ad Antiochiam super Mæandrum +amnem posuit castra. Hujus amnis fontes Celænis oriuntur. +Celænæ urbs caput quondam Phrygiæ fuit: migratum inde +haud procul veteribus Celænis, novæque urbi Apameæ nomen +inditum.... Et Marsyas amnis, haud procul a Mæandri +fontibus oriens, in Mæandrum cadit. Famaque ita tenet +Celænis Marsyam cum Apolline tibiarum cantu certasse. Mæander, +ex arce summa Celænarum ortus, media urbe decurrens, +per Caras primum, deinde Ionas, in sinum maris editur, +qui inter Prienen et Miletum est. Liv. l. 38. c 38.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> Tertius (Asiæ Conventus) Apamiam vadit, ante appellatam +Celænas, dein Ciboton. Sita est in radice Montis Signiæ, +circumfusis Marsya, Obrima, Orga fluminibus in Mæandrum +cadentibus. Marsyas ibi redditur ortus ac paullo mox conditus; +ubi certavit tibiarum cantu cum Apolline, Aulocrenis +ita vocatur, convallis decem millia passuum ab Apamia Phrygiam +petentibus.... Amnis Mæander ortus e lacu in +monte Aulocrene.... Apamenam primum pervagatur regionem +mox Eumeniticam, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> Φρύγες οἱ περί Κελαινάς νεμόμενοι τιμῶσι ποταμοὺς δύο, +Μαρσύαν καὶ Μαίανδρον. εἶδον τοὺς ποταμούς. ἀφίησιν αὐτοὺς +πηγὴ μία, ἣ προελθοῦσα ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος ἀφανίζεται κατὰ νώτου τῆς +πόλεως κᾳὖθις ἐκδιδοῖ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, διελοῦσα τοῖς ποταμοῖς καὶ +τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα. ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ Λυδίας ῥεῖ ὁ Μαίανδρος, ὁ δὲ +αὐτοῦ περὶ τὰ πεδία ἀναλίσκεται. Max. Tyr. Dissert. 8. c. 8.</p> + +<p>He then proceeds to relate a tale resembling that which +Strabo has told us of the Alpheius and Eurotas, and which +shews that the sources of the Mæander and Marsyas were +exactly circumstanced as those of the two Peloponnesian rivers, +described by Pausanias (Arcad. c. 43.) and Strabo (p. 343), +and the accuracy of whose description I have myself ascertained. +Those celebrated streams issue from separate sources +at the foot of a mountain, behind which, in the elevated plain +of Asea, is a rivulet, which, after crossing that plain, runs +through a small lake into the mountain. This rivulet was +anciently reputed to be the common origin of the two rivers; +and it was believed (but apparently not by Strabo himself), +that if offerings to the two river-gods were thrown into this +stream, each offering would re-appear at the source of the river +for the god of which it was destined by the sacrificer. Maximus +Tyrius improves upon the similar story relating to the +Mæander, by adding, that if a joint offering was thrown in for +both the gods, it was divided in its passage through the mountain, +and a portion appeared at each of the lower sources.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> See Eckhel and Mionnet in Phrygia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> Strabo, p. 579.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> M. Barbié du Bocage, in his notes to the French translation +of Chandler, thinks that the words of Pliny cited above, warrant +the supposition that Apameia was ten miles distant from the site +of Celænæ. I cannot perceive any such meaning in them: on +the contrary, I think it clearly appears from Strabo, that both +the rivers ran through Celænæ, and that they united in the +suburb, which afterwards became the new city Apameia. The +removal of Grecian cities, from the strong positions of the ancient +independent republics, to neighbouring situations more +commodious but less defensible, was a common occurrence on +the decline of the republican system in Greece, and on the prevalence +of monarchy; and it was a natural consequence of that +change of system. The removal was generally attended with +a change of name, which flattered the Macedonian or Roman +prince under whom the removal took place. It often occurred, +also, that a new name was given upon the mere occasion of a +repair, when there was no change of situation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> See Rennell’s Illustrations of the Expedition of Cyrus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> Stephan. in Ἀπολλωνία.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> Τὴν γὰρ Ἀντιόχειαν ἔχων τὴν πρὸς τῇ Πισιδίᾳ μέχρι Ἀπολλωνιάδος, +τῆς πρὸς Ἀπαμείᾳ τῇ Κιβωτῷ &c. Strabo, p. 569.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> Strabo, ibid.—Tacit. Ann. l. 3. c. 48.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29. Similar assemblies were held +at Cibyra, Synnada, Laodiceia ad Lycum, Alabanda, Ephesus, +Smyrna, Sardes, Adramyttium, and Pergamum.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> Between Eumenia and the number which marks the miles +from thence to <i>ad vicum</i>, which seems to have been a small place +between Eumenia and Apameia,—occurs the word Pella. I am +quite unable to explain what this means. I thought at first it was +a mistake for Peltæ, an important town situated in this part of +Phrygia; but it is impossible to find room for Peltæ and the +great Peltene plain between Ishékle and Dinglar.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> Ptolemy, l. 5. c. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> Notit. Episc. Græc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> Stephan. de Urb. in Εὐκαρπία.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> Cicero pro Flacco, c. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> It was also called Hellespontine Phrygia, although totally +divided from the Hellespont by Mysia. Hence it would seem +that the part of Mysia lying between mount Olympus and the +Caicus was included at one time in the district of Hellespontus; +which at that time extended from the Hellespont to the +Thymbres.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Strabo, p. 576.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> Strabo ibid. See Note, p. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.—Ptolemy ascribes Cadi +and two other towns to the Erizeli, a people of Mæonia, on the +borders of Mysia, Lydia and Phrygia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> Strabo, p. 629.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> The survey having been reduced to a tenth of Captain +Beaufort’s scale in the map which accompanies the present +volume, the latter may in some instances, perhaps, be found +inadequate to illustrate the geographical remarks in the following +chapter; which were constantly made with a reference to +the survey itself. In all such difficulties, which it is hoped will +not be found numerous, the reader is necessarily referred to +the original authority.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> Strabo, p. 664.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> Strabo here means to allude to the mention of these two +places by Homer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> See Strabo, p. 533 et seq. and page <a href="#Page_64">64</a> of this volume.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> ... Τλῶν, κατὰ τὴν ὑπέρθεσιν τὴν εἰς Κίβυραν κειμένην. Artemid. +ap. Strab. p. 665.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> Arrian. de Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 24.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> Appian. Bel. Civ. l. 4. c. 82.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> Panegyr. §. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> Ptol. l. 5. c. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> Stephan. in Δολιχίστη et Μεγίστη.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> With a little correction it was as follows; but the beginning of +the third line still wants explanation:</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">ΣΩΣΙΚΛΗΣ ΝΙΚΑΡΟΤΑ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΣΑΜΙΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΤΑΤΗΣΑΣ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΕΝΤΕΚΑΣΤΑΒΙ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΥ ΠΥΡΓΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΕΝ ΜΕ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΓΙΣΤΑΙ ΕΡΜΑΙ ΠΡΟΠΥ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">-ΛΑΙΩΙ ΧΑΡΙΣΤΗΡΙΟΝ</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">The Doric dialect may be accounted for by Megiste being in possession, +and probably a colony, of the Rhodii. I found the ruins of a +Hellenic tower here, at the end of a small plain: perhaps the tower +mentioned in the inscription.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 22, 24, 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> Stephan. Byzant. with the Notes of Holstein.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> Oppidum Olympus ubi fuit, nunc sunt montana: Gage, Corydalla, +Rhodiopolis. Juxta mare Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus +influit, et Mons Massycites, Andriaca, civitas Myra. Oppida +Apyre, Antiphellus, quæ quondam Habessus (<i>al.</i> Edebessus) atque in +recessu Phellus. Deinde Pyrrha itemque Xanthus a main xv. M. P. +flumenque eodem nomine. Deinde Patara, &c. Plin. Hist. Nat. +l. 5. c. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> The following fragment in honour of a person who had received +the rites of citizenship in Rhodiopolis, Myra, and Phaselis, was found +by Mr. Cockerell in the ruins of Olympus at Deliktash.</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">ΟΠΡΑΜΟΑΝ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΟΥ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΔΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΚΑΛΛΙΑΔΟΥ ΡΟΔΙΟ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΠΟΛΕΙΤΗΝ ΚΑΙ ΜΥΡΕΑ (καὶ)</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΦΑΣΗΛΕΙΤΗΝ ...</div> + <div class="line indent0">....</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> The following are the names in their order:—Corydalla, Sagalassus, +Rhodia, Trebenda (<i>al.</i> Arendæ), Phellus, Myra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> Limyra cum amne, in quem Arycandus influit. Plin. Hist. Nat. +l. 5. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> ... ἐν Λυκίᾳ δέ ἐστιν πόλις Ἀρύκανδα καλουμένη, ἧς πλησίον ἱερόν +τι χωρίον, ὃ πρότερον μὲν Ἔμβολος ἐκαλεῖτο διὰ τὴν θέσιν τοῦ χωρίου. +Schol. in Pindar. Olymp. Od. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a></p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">Μ’ ΑΥΡ’ ΤΟΑΛΙΣ ΔΙΣ ΟΛΥΜ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΠΗΝΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΡΥΚΑΝΔΕΥΣ</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> Stephanus of Byzantium describes Σιδαροῦς as a city and harbour, +but he omits to add in what country it was situated.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> The order of names in Ptolemy on this coast is, Phaselis, Olbia, +Attalia, the mouth of the Catarrhactes, Magydis, the mouth of the +Cestrus, the mouth of the Eurymedon, Side. Ptol. l. 5. c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> Voyage au Levant, par C. Lebruyn, c. 74. Voyage en Grèce, +&c. par Paul Lucas, tom. 1. c. 33. Beaufort’s Karamania, c. 6. +Itinéraire de l’Asie Mineure, par Corancez, l. 4. c. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> Hierocl. Synecd.—Notit. Episc. Græc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> lib. 5. c. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> lib. 1. c. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 14. Arrian. Exp. Alex. l. 1. c. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> Strabo, p. 570. Polyb. l. 5. c. 72. Dionys. Perieg. v. 858. +Arrian. lib. 1. c. 28. Zosim. l. 5. c. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> Scylax Perip. Pamphylia. Arrian, l. 1. c. 26.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> Hierocl. Synecd.—Constantin. Porph. de Them.—Notit. Episcop.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> τοῦ Μέλανος καὶ τοῦ Εὐρυμέδοντος ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐπέκεινα διαβαίνει +τῆς Σίδης· ὁ δὲ διαῤῥεῖ τῇ Ἀσπένδῳ. Zosim. l. 5. c. 16.—Pomp. Mel. +l. 1. c. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> Geograph. lib. 5. c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> Liv. l. 33. c. 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Pharsal. lib. 8. v. 259.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> Eckhel, Doct. Num. Vet. Cilicia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> Livy (l. 33. c. 20.) says: “Nephelida promontorium Ciliciæ, inclitum +fœdere antiquo Atheniensium.” What treaty this was it is +difficult to discover—not the treaty of Cimon with the Persians; +for according to that, the Chelidonian promontory was the point +beyond which the Persians were forbidden to sail.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> Pompon. Mel. lib. 1. c. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> See Eckhel, Hunter, &c.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 5. cap. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> Athen. l. 3. c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> In the copy of the treaty in Polybius (l. 22. c. 26.) Cape Calycadnus +is mentioned as the point. Μηδὲ πλείτωσαν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Καλυκάδνου +ἀκρωτηρίου, εἰ μὴ φόρους ἢ πρέσβεις ἢ ὁμήρους ἄγοιεν. In the +Latin copy of the treaty in Livy (l. 38. c. 38.) both capes are mentioned. +“Neve navigatio citra Calycadnum neve Sarpedonem promontoria” +&c. Appian, who has given the substance only of the treaty, names +also both the capes: Ὅρον μὲν Ἀντιόχῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς εἶναι δύο ἄκρας +Καλύκαδνόν τε καὶ Σαρπηδόνιον. Appian Syr. c. 39.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> Diodor. Sic. l. 19. c. 61.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> Liv. Hist. Nat. l. 33. c. 20.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> Among other places on this coast taken possession of by the +Knights of St. John were three fortresses, consigned to their care +about the year 1200 by Pope Innocent III., who had received them +from Leo king of Armenia, on the occasion of his coronation and +acknowledgment of the Latin church. The ancient Armenian inscriptions +still existing at Korgos and Selefke, render it probable +that these were two of the fortresses. See Beaufort’s Karamania, +pp. 220, 245.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> Stephanus (in Σελεύκεια) says that this Seleuceia was formerly +called Olbia: which appears to be a mistake, arising from the similarity +of the names Olbia; and Holmi. Strabo is confirmed by Pliny +(l. 5. c. 27.), who says, “Seleucia supra amnem Calycadnum, Trachiotis +cognomine, a mare relata, ubi vocabatur Hormia” (Holmia).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> Ptolemy calls the southern cape at the entrance of the Issic gulf +(now Cape Hanzir) by this name, Ῥωσσικὸς σκόπελος.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> Stephanus (in Ὑρία) says, the Calycadnus was sometimes called +Calydnus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> Τῆς ἴδιως Κιλικίας μεσόγειοι ... Μοψυεστία, Καστάβαλα, +Νικόπολις, Ἐπιφάνεια, καὶ αἱ Ἀμανικαὶ πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. +c. 8.</p> + +<p>Ἡ Συρία περιορίζεται ἀπὸ μὲν ἄρκτων τῇ τὲ Κιλικίᾳ, &c. ... +Μετὰ τὸν Ἰσσὸν καὶ τὰς Κιλικίας πύλας Ἀλεξάνδρεια ἡ κατὰ Ἰσσὸν, +Μυρίανδρος, &c.... Πιερίας δὲ πόλεις αἵδε. Πίναρα, +Πάγραι καὶ αἱ Συρίαι πύλαι. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 15.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> Pococke’s Travels, vol. 2. part 1. c. 20. M. Kinneir’s Journey in +Asia Minor, p. 135. Niebuhr’s Map in the Voyage en Arabie, tom. 2. +pl. 52. Drummond’s Travels, letter 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> I saw the foundation of the wall which once fortified this pass. +Perhaps Beilan is only a corruption of Πύλην, or Pyla in the accusative.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> Strabo, p. 676. See the translation in p. <a href="#Page_180">180</a> of this volume.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4. ad Attic. l. 5. ep. 20. Cicero, in clearing +Mount Amanus of the Parthians, took Erana, the chief town, and +several smaller places.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> We find in Hierocles that Seleuceia was the metropolis of Isauria +at the time when Cilicia, divided into two ἐπαρχίαι, extended +no further westward than Corycus inclusive. The chief magistrate, +however, is stated by Hierocles to have been intitled ἡγεμών, not +ἄρχων: but Hierocles probably wrote long after the date of this +inscription, and in the interval some change may have taken place +in the mode of government.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> Travels of Bertrandon de la Brocquière in the years 1432, 1433, +translated by Johnes, pp. 174, 190.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> Josaphat Barbaro—Viaggio in Persia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> Liv. l. 33. c. 20. Plin. l. 5. c. 27. Pomp. Mela, l. 1. c. 13. +Stephan. in Κώρυκος.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> In Ἐλαιοῦσσα.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> In Σεβάστη.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> Joseph. Antiq. Jud. l. 16. c. 4. Strabo, p. 671.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> Xenoph. Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Arrian, l. 2. c. 5. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7. +Dio. Cass. l. 36. c. 20. Liv. l. 33. c. 20.—l. 37. c. 56. Pompon. +Mel. l. 1. c. 13. Ptol. l. 5. c. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> Stephan. in Ἀγχιάλη. Eustath. in Dionys. Perieg.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Arrian, l. 2. c. 4. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 5. Dionys. Perieg. v. 868.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> Dio. Cass. l. 47. c. 31. Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5. Stephan. in +Ἄδανα.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> Διὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς πόλεως ταύτης (scil. Comana) ὁ Σάρος ῥεῖ ποταμὸς +καὶ διὰ τῶν συναγκειῶν τοῦ Ταύρου διεκπεραιοῦται πρὸς τὰ τῶν +Κιλίκων πεδία καὶ τὸ ὑποκείμενον πέλαγος. p. 536. Comana is the +modern Bostán.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> Strabo, ibid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> Xenoph. de Exp. Cyr. l. 1. c. 4. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Procop. +de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> Stephan. in Μάγαρσος.</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">... Πυράμου πρὸς ἐκβολαῖς</div> + <div class="verse indent0">...</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Αἰπὺς δ’ ἀλιβρὸς ὄχμος ἐν μεταιχμίῳ</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Μέγαρσος.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse right">Lycophr. v. 439.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>ἡ δὲ Μέγαρσος πόλις κεῖται πρὸς ταῖς ἐκχύσεσι τοῦ Πυράμου ποταμοῦ. +Tzetzes in Schol. ibid.</p> + +<p>περὶ Μάγαρσα τοῦ Πυράμου πλησίον. Strabo, p. 676. See the +translated extract.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> Ap. Tzetz. in Lycoph. ubi sup.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> ποταμὸς Πύραμος καὶ πόλις Μαλλὸς, εἰς ἣν ἀνάπλους κατὰ τὸν +ποταμόν. Scylax in Cilicia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> Steph. in Μάλλος.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> Arrian, l. 2. c. 5.—... castris motis, et Pyramo amne ponte +juncto, Mallon pervenit. Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> Ap. Strabon. p. 675. See the translated extract.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Stephan. in Μόψου ἑστία. Procop. +de Ædif. l. 5. c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> Cod. Theodos.</p> + +<p>ἡ Μάμιστα ἡ καὶ Μόψου ἑστία λεγομένη. M. Glycæ Annal. p. 306. +Paris.</p> + +<p>Civitas Adana, 18 M. P. Civitas Mansista 48 M. P. Mansio Baiæ.—Itin. +Hierosol.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> Hierocl. Synecd.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> Appian Mithridat. c. 96.—Epiphania quæ anteà Eniandus. Plin. +Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8. Hierocl. Synecd.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> Cicero ad Div. l. 15. ep. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> Tab. Peutinger, seg. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> Cicer. ubi supra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> Q. Curt. l. 3. c. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> Ἀντιόχεια ... ἕκτη Κιλικίας ἐπὶ τοῦ Πυράμου. +Stephan. in Ἀντιόχεια.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> Μάλλος, Σεῤῥέπολις, Αἴγαι, Ἰσσός. Ptolem. l. 5. c. 8.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> Strabo, p. 651, 655, 664, 665.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> Strabo, p. 663. Strabo has committed a great error in +stating that Physcus was the nearest point of the coast to Mylasa. +The gulf of Kos is not one-third of the distance of Marmara +from Mylasa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> Caria mediæ Doridi circumfunditur ad mare utroque latere +ambiens: in ea promontorium Pedalium, amnis Glaucus +deferens Telmissum; oppida Dædala, Crya fugitivorum: flumen +Axon: oppidum Calydna ... oppidum Caunos liberum; deinde +Pyrnos, portus Cressa a quo Rhodus insula xx M.; locus Loryma. +Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 27.</p> + +<p>Here Pyrnus occupies the place of Physcus, which ought +perhaps to be substituted for the former word.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> Senec. Qu. Nat. l. 3. c. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> viginti paullo amplius millia. Liv. l. 45. c. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> Κνίδος πόλις καὶ ἄκρα, Ὀνουγνάθος ἄκρα· Λώρυμα, Κρῆσσα +λιμὴν, Φοίνιξ, Φοῦσκα, Κάλβιος ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαὶ, Καῦνος, Κάλινδα, +Χύδαι, Καρύα, Δαίδαλα τόπος, Τέλμησσος. Ptol. l. 5. +c. 2. 3.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> Λοιπὸν Καρία.</p> + +<p>Ἐκ Τελμενσοῦ εἰς Δαίδαλα σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἐκ Δαιδάλων εἰς Καλλιμάχην σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἐκ Καλλιμάχης εἰς Κρούαν σταδ. ξ. (60.)</p> + +<p>Ἐκ Κρούων εἰς τὸν Κοχλίαν σταδ. ν. (50.)</p> + +<p>Ἐκ Κλυδῶν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηδάλιον ἀκρωτήριον σταδ. λ. (30.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Πηδαλίου ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀγκῶνα τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ Γλαυκοῦ σταδ. +π. (80.)</p> + +<p>Ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἀγκῶνος ἐπὶ τῶν Κουνίων (lege Καυνίων) Πάνορμον +σταδ. ρκ. (120.)</p> + +<p>200 stades from Pedalium to Panormus of the Caunii is nearly +the real distance from cape Bokomádhi to port Karagatsh, and +renders it probable that the latter was the ancient Panormus, +a name which well applies to that fine basin. Its having been +a part of the territory of the Caunii, may perhaps account for +other authorities having omitted to mention it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> Plutarch. de Virt. Mul.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a></p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΛΥΣΑΝΔΡΟΥ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΧΑΛΚΗΤΑ ΚΑΙ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΟΣ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΚΛΕΑΙΝΙΔΟΣ ΚΑΛΛΙΚΡΑΤΙΔΑ</div> + <div class="line indent6">ΚΡΥΑΣΣΙΔΟΣ.</div> + </div> +</div> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> Plin. l. 5. c. 31.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> Stephan. in Κρύα.—Stephanus has distinguished Crya from +Cryassus, ascribing the former to Lycia and the latter to Caria, +copying Artemidorus for the former, and Plutarch for the latter. +The distinction is probably an error; unless Crya was the old site, +and that the other was the new Cryassus mentioned by Plutarch.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Strabo, p. 656.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31. Stephanus in Πάσσαλα.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> At Lindus are the ruins of a dodecastyle Doric portico +in front of a cavern, at Cnidus there is a Doric stoa, and at +Halicarnassus are the ruins of a large Doric temple, supposed +by Choiseul Gouffier, who has published a design of it, to +have been the temple of Mars mentioned by Vitruvius.</p> + +<p>It is not to be supposed that the people of the Hexapolis +confined themselves to Doric architecture, being so near the +country where the Ionic originated and was brought to perfection. +At all the three places just mentioned, but particularly +at Cnidus, we find examples of the other orders.</p> + +<p>Cnidus formed one of the most important objects of the late +mission of the Society of Dilettanti. There is hardly any ruined +Greek city in existence which contains examples of Greek +architecture in so many different branches. There are still to +be seen remains of the city walls, of two closed ports, of several +temples, of stoæ, of artificial terraces for the public and private +buildings, of three theatres, one of which is 400 feet in diameter, +and of a great number of sepulchral monuments. Designs +of the most important of these curious remains are about +to be published by the Society of Dilettanti.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> The following is an inscription at Cnidus:</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">Α ΒΟΥΛΑ ΚΑΙ Ο ΔΑΜΟΣ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΑΥΡΗΛΙΑΝ ΕΙΡΗΝΗΝ ΘΥΓΑΤΕΡΑ ΜΕΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΝΕΙΚΑΔΑ ΓΥΝΑΙΚΑ ΔΕ ΤΟΥ ΠΑΝΤΑ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΑΡΙΣΤΟΥ. ΜΑΡ. ΑΥΡ. ΕΥΔΟΞΟΥ ΔΙΣ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΙΕΡΕΩΣ ΔΙΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΕΓΙΣΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΕΝ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΦΑΝΕΣΤΑΤΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ ΗΛΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΔΑΜΙ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΟΥΡΓΟΥ, ΑΡΕΤΑ ΒΙΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΣΩΦΡΟΣΥΝΑ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΚΕΚΟΣΜΑΙΜΕΝΑΝ, ΠΑΝΗΓΥΡΙΑΡΧΗΣΑΣΑΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΦΙΛΟΤΕΙΜΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΠΙΦΑΝΩΣ, ΤΑΝ ΤΕΙ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΝ ΑΝΑΣΤΑΝΤΟΣ ΕΚ ΤΩΝ ΙΔΙΩΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΥ ΑΝΔΡΟΣ ΑΥΤΑΣ ΚΑΘ Α ΤΑ ΠΑΤΡΙΔΙ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΥΠΕΣΧΕΤΟ</div> + <div class="line indent14">ΘΕΟΙΣ.</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>In a fragment of another Doric inscription at Cnidus, mention +is again made of the officer called δαμιουργὸς, also of +a γυμνικὸς ἀγὼν πενταετηρικὸς held at Cnidus. It was, probably, +for these quinquennial celebrations, common, no doubt, +to all the surrounding country, that the great theatre at Cnidus +was principally intended.</p> + +<p>In an inscription copied by Chandler (Ins. Ant. p. 19), at +Iasus (Asýn Kale), we find a decree of the Calymnii cited at +length. This decree is in the Doric dialect, whereas that of the +Iasenses which contains it is in common Hellenic. We are +informed by Herodotus (l. 7. c. 99.) that the islands Calydniæ, +of which Calymna was the chief, were colonized from Epidaurus; +they were consequently included (as was Nisyrus likewise) +among the Dorians of the Hexapolis.</p> + +<p>In Mitylene I found several inscriptions, shewing that the +use of the Æolic dialect was preserved to a late period in that +island, which was colonized from Thessaly: the most remarkable +form is ΒΟΛΛΑ for ΒΟΥΛΗ, and ΒΟΛΛΕΥΤΑΣ for ΒΟΥΛΕΥΤΗΣ.</p> + +<p>Pococke has given copies (very inaccurately as usual) of +some of these inscriptions (Inscr. Antiq. p. 45); and one is to +be seen in Gruter, p. 1091.</p> + +<p>In reference to the use of the Doric dialect by the colonies +of that race of Greeks, it may be worthy of remark that the +Greek inscription of the time of Psammetichus king of Egypt, +lately discovered by Mr. W. Bankes on the temple of Ibsambal +in Nubia, appears from the words Ψαματιχο Ἐλεφαντιναν, and +τοι for οἱ, to be in the Doric dialect. Herodotus tells us that +the Greeks in the service of Psammetichus were Ionians and +Carians: those who inscribed the temple of Ibsambal may +therefore have been from the Carian Doris. It was perhaps in +memory of these first Greek settlers in Upper Egypt that the +Greeks of the Thebais often used the Doric dialect as late as +the time of the Roman emperors.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> Pliny also (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 31.) numbers Caryanda +among the islands.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Const. Porph. de Them. l. 1. th. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> ... sinus Iasius et Basilicus. In Iasio est Bargylos. +Pomp. Mel. l. 1. c. 16.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 17. Stephan. in Βάργυλα. Constant. +Porph. ubi supr.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> Chishull, Antiq. Asiat. p. 155.—This inscription was copied +at Eski-hissár in 1709, by the celebrated botanist Sherard, +then British Consul at Smyrna. He also copied at the same +place, a long Latin inscription, containing a list of the prices +of various commodities, as regulated by one of the Roman emperors—which +has recently been excavated and more completely +transcribed by Mr. W. Bankes. Sherard presented to +the Earl of Oxford a volume containing copies of between three +and four hundred inscriptions collected by him in Asia Minor. +This MS. is now in the British Museum. Catal. Harl. Cod. 7509.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 6. Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> Τὰ δὲ Λάβρανδα κώμη ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ ὄρει κατὰ τὴν ἐξ Ἀλαβάνδων +εἰς τὰ Μύλασα, ἄπωθεν τῆς πόλεως· ἐνταῦθα Διός ἐστι +νεὼς ἀρχαῖος καὶ ξόανον Διὸς Στρατίου. τιμᾶται δ’ ὑπὸ τῶν +κύκλῳ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Μυλασέων· ὁδός τε ἔστρωται σχεδόν τι ὀκτὼ +καὶ ἑξήκοντα σταδίων μέχρι τῆς πόλεως ἱερὰ καλουμένη δι’ ἧς +πομποστολεῖται τὰ ἱερά. Strabo, p. 659.</p> + +<p>Ælian (de Nat. Anim. l. 12. c. 30.) says that 70 stades was +the distance between Alabanda and Mylasa.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> Ἀλάβανδα δὲ καὶ αὕτη μὲν ὑπόκειται λόφοις δυσὶ συγκειμένοις +οὕτως, ὥστ’ ὄψιν παρέχεσθαι κανθηλίου κατεστραμμένου +... μεστὴ δ’ ἐστὶ καὶ αὕτη καὶ ἡ τῶν Μυλασέων πόλις τῶν +θηρίων τούτων (σκορπίων) καὶ ἡ μεταξὺ πᾶσα ὀρεινή. Strabo, p. 660.</p> + +<p>... πολλὰς δὲ (διαβάσεις τῇ αὐτῇ ὁδῷ ἔχει) καὶ (ὁ ποταμὸς) +ὁ ἐκ Κοσκινίων εἰς Ἀλάβανδα. Strabo, p. 587.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> Antiquities of Ionia, part l. c. 4. Chandler, Asia Minor, +c. 58.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, c. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="label">[327]</a> Voyage de Chandler, tom. 2. p. 248.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="label">[328]</a> Polyb. l. 17. c. 2—l. 18. c. 27.—l. 30. c. 5. Liv. l. 33. +c. 30.—l. 45. c. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="label">[329]</a> τὸ Γρίον ... παράλληλον τῷ Λάτμῳ, ἀνῆκον ἀπὸ τῆς +Μιλησίας πρὸς ἕω, διὰ τῆς Καρίας μέχρι Εὐρώμου καὶ Χαλκητόρων. +Strabo, p. 635.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="label">[330]</a> Vaillant Num. Græc. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Caria.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="label">[331]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="label">[332]</a> Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="label">[333]</a> ... περίκεινται δὲ ἀξιόλογοι κατοικίαι πέραν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου, +Κοσκινία καὶ Ὀρθωσία. Strabo, p. 650.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="label">[334]</a> Strabo, p. 587. vide supra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="label">[335]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 9.—It is impossible from Pococke’s +confused narrative to understand either the exact course +of the river Tshina, or the position of the places in its vicinity. +The attempt to describe them on the map must therefore be +considered as a mere approximation.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="label">[336]</a> Voyage de Chandler, tome 2. p. 252.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="label">[337]</a> Herodot. l. 5. c. 118.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="label">[338]</a> See above, chapter 4. p. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="label">[339]</a> Strabo, p. 600. Stephan. in Ἑκατησία, Ἰδριὰς, Χρυσάορις. +All these were ancient names of Stratoniceia. In consequence +of some restorations by Hadrian, it afterwards received that of +Hadrianopolis, but did not long retain the appellation. See +Hierocles Synec. The worship of Hecate is mentioned in the +inscription of Stratoniceia, published by Chishull.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="label">[340]</a> Strabo, p. 663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="label">[341]</a> Strabo, p. 658.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="label">[342]</a> Strabo, p. 635. See p. 232, note <a href="#Footnote_329">329</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="label">[343]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="label">[344]</a> The form of the letters in this inscription seems to show +that its date is about the time of the first wars of the Romans +in Asia. It was an epistle addressed to the Amyzonenses +by some person in power: beginning with the usual +form of salutation, and ending with the no less customary ΕΡΡΩΣΘΕ. +In the Classical Journal, No. 28, the reader will +find an inscription nearly of the same tenor and date, which I +copied at Cyretiæ in Perrhœbia, and which was an epistle addressed +to the people of that place by the Consul Titus Quinctius +Flamininus, when he commanded the Roman army in +Greece against the king of Macedonia, Philip son of Demetrius. +In the inscription of Amyzon, besides the two words already +stated, I distinguish ΤΟ ΙΕΡΟΝ ΑΣΥΛΟΝ—ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΕΥΝΟΙΑΝ—ΚΑΙ +ΜΗΘΕΝΙ ΕΝΟΧΛΕΙΝ ΥΜΑΣ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="label">[345]</a> Having described Miletus and the islands before it, Lade +and the Tragææ, now heights in the plain, he adds: ἐξῆς δ’ ἐστὶν +ὁ Λατμικὸς κόλπος ἐν ᾧ Ἡράκλεια ἡ ὑπὸ Λάτμῳ λεγομένη, πολίχνιον +ὕφορμον ἔχον· ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ πρότερον Λάτμος ὁμωνύμως τῷ +ὑπερκειμένῳ ὄρει. Strabo, p. 635.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="label">[346]</a> A re-examination of the ruins of Priene and Branchidæ +was a principal object of the second Asiatic Mission of the +Society of Dilettanti. Their late publication renders it unnecessary +for me to make any observations on the great monuments +at those two places: but the reader will not be displeased +at my here inserting a curious inscription, in Boustrophedon, +from Branchidæ. It was copied by Sir W. Gell from the chair +of a sitting statue on the Sacred Way, or road leading from the +sea to the temple of Apollo Didymeus. This road—bordered on +either side with statues on chairs of a single block of stone, with +the feet close together and the hands on the knees—is an exact +imitation of the avenues of the temples in Egypt. The inscription +(which is perfect to the right and incomplete to the left) is +as follows:</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus12" style="max-width: 31.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus12.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<p>The name at the beginning was probably Hermesianax. It +appears by ἡμεὰς (Ion. for ἡμὰς <i>us</i>) ἀνέθηκεν, that the inscribed +statue speaks for them all. The word at the beginning of line 3 +may possibly be ΒΡΑΝΚΙΔΕΩ. Of the <i>crasis</i> instanced in ΤΩΠΟΛΛΩΝΙ, +there are several examples in the Sigeian inscription, +in the Eleian tablet, and in other monuments of a time +when the Greeks wrote rather by sound than grammar. It +seems to have been particularly at the end of inscriptions that +the Greek ear required an agreeable cadence and combination +of vowel sounds; and hence their inscriptions sometimes ended +in metre, although the former part was not constructed by any +such rules. Thus the last line of the following Doric inscription +on a helmet lately found at Olympia appears to be the end +of a hexameter verse: a supposition which will account for the +crasis or omission of two of the vowels.</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus13" style="max-width: 43.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus13.jpg" alt=""> + <figcaption> + <p>Ἱέρων ὁ Δεινομένεος καὶ οἱ Συρακουσίοι τῷ Διῒ Τυρρηνὰ ἀπὸ Κύμης.</p> + </figcaption> +</figure> + +<p>The single instead of double liquid in TVRANA, seems to +have been not uncommon in the old Doric—we have ΑΛΑΛΟΙΣ +for ἀλλήλοις in the Eleian tablet.</p> + +<p>This curious inscription relates to a military expedition of +Hiero king of Syracuse, son of Deinomenes, (commonly called +Hiero the First,) in aid of the people of Cyme, who had suffered +severely from the Tyrrhenian fleet. (Diod. l. 11. c. 51.) The triremes +of Hiero gained a brilliant victory and destroyed a great +number of Tyrrhenian ships; and the helmet seems to have been +among the <i>Tyrrhenian spoils</i> which upon this occasion Hiero +and his Syracusans dedicated at Olympia. A few years before +this exploit, the same prince had obtained a victory in the +Olympic games, which the first Ode of Pindar has made +more illustrious than the historian Diodorus has rendered his +triumph over the Tyrrhenians: though the poet alludes also to +the latter victory. (Pyth. l. v. 137.) Pausanias, who has described +(Eliac. post. c. 12. Arcad. c. 42.) the magnificent dedications +of Deinomenes the son of Hiero, in honour of his father’s +three victories in the Olympic games, says nothing of +the offerings of Hiero after his success over the Tyrrhenians: +but so numerous were these martial dedications at Olympia, +that the omission is not surprising. Pausanias had enough to +do to describe the great monuments of art and religion.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="label">[347]</a> ... ἀφ’ Ἡρακλείας ἐπὶ Πύῤῥαν πολίχνην πλοῦς ἑκατόν +που σταδίων. Μικρὸν δὲ πλέον τὸ ἀπὸ Μιλήτου εἰς Ἡράκλειαν +ἐγκολπίζοντι· εὐθυπλοίᾳ δ’ εἰς Πύῤῥαν ἐκ Μιλήτου τριάκοντα· +τοσαύτην ἔχει μακροπορίαν ὁ παρὰ γῆν πλοῦς.... Ἐκ δὲ Πύῤῥας +ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Μαιάνδρου πεντήκοντα.... ἀναπλεύσαντι +δ’ ὑπηρετικοῖς σκάφεσι τριάκοντα σταδίους πόλις Μυοῦς.... Ἔνθεν +ἐν σταδίοις τέσσαρσι κώμη Καρικὴ Θυμβρία παρ’ ἣν Ἄορνόν ἐστι +σπήλαιον ἱερὸν Χαρώνειον λεγόμενον.... Ὑπέρκειται δὲ Μαγνησία +ἡ πρὸς Μαιάνδρῳ.... Μετὰ δὲ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Μαιάνδρου +ὁ κατὰ Πριήνην ἐστὶν αἰγιαλός· ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δ’ ἡ Πριήνη καὶ ἡ +Μυκάλη τὸ ὄρος &c. Strabo, p. 636. I have inserted this passage, +as giving, when compared with the actual topography, +the clearest idea of the situation of the ancient places and the +state of the coast in the time of Strabo. The plain of the Mæander +as it advanced upon the sea, and converted the commercial +shores of the maritime cities into unhealthy marshes, +successively devoted them to desolation. Myus in the time of +Strabo had recently been abandoned by its inhabitants, who had +removed to Miletus; but the accumulations had not yet shut +up the Latmic Gulf. Such having been the causes of the desolation +of the ancient sites near the mouth of the Mæander, they +are never likely to be reoccupied. In the Voyage Pittoresque +of Choiseul Gouffier, vol. 1. pl. 111., will be found plans by +Kauffer and Barbié du Bocage, explanatory of the progressive +increase of the Mæandrian plain and the consequent changes in +the topography.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="label">[348]</a> Inekbazar was visited by Van Egmont and Heyman in +passing from Skalanóva to Ghiuzel-hissár; and one is rather surprised, +that their account of the ruins at that place, although +extremely vague, did not lead geographers to the suspicion +that at Inekbazar would be found remains of Magnesia and of +the temple of Leucophryene. The general dulness and inaccuracy +of Heyman’s book may perhaps account for this neglect +of its authority. I am ignorant of the exact date of the Travels +of the Dutch statesman and of the Oriental scholar of the same +nation who was his companion. The English translation was +published in 1759. We are told in the Preface that the travels +occupied thirteen years.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="label">[349]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="label">[350]</a> Artem. ap. Strab. p. 663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="label">[351]</a> Artem. ibid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="label">[352]</a> Plin. ubi supr.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="label">[353]</a> Artem. ubi supr.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="label">[354]</a> Strabo, p. 648.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="label">[355]</a> Strabo, p. 647.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="label">[356]</a> Plin. ubi supr.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="label">[357]</a> It appears to have been very customary with the Asiatic +Greeks to make their stadia circular at both ends. Examples +exist at Magnesia ad Mæandrum, Tralles, Aphrodisias, Laodiceia +ad Lycum, and Pergamum. At Magnesia, Tralles, Sardes, +and Pergamum, the theatre is placed on one side of the stadium thus,</p> + +<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="illus14" style="max-width: 18.75em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/illus14.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<p>Under the Romans the stadium was sometimes converted into +an amphitheatre, by building a curved wall across its breadth, so +as to form with one of the circular ends a circle or oval. An +inscription at Laodiceia, boasting of such a pitiful conversion +of the stadium at that place, has been published by Chandler: +and Pococke remarked the remains of a similar operation in the +stadium of Ephesus. It appears from Strabo that there was an +amphitheatre at Nysa: and there is one still existing at Pergamum; +the latter is a building separate from the theatro-stadium.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="label">[358]</a> Vitruv. præf. in l. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="label">[359]</a> Strabo, p. 647.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="label">[360]</a></p> + +<p class="center">1.</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">ΑΥΤΟΚΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΑ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝ ΓΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΘΑΛΑΣ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΣΗΣ ΔΕΣΠΟΤΗΝ ΜΑΡ·</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΑΥΡ· ΑΝΤΩΝΕΙΝΟΝ ΕΥ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΣΕΒΗ ΕΥΤΥΧΗ ΣΕ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΒΑΣΤΟΝ Μ· ΑΥΡ· ΣΤΡΑ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΟΝΕΙΚΟΣ Κ. ΣΙΛΙΚΙΟΣ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΙΕΡΟΚΛΗΣ· Κ· Μ· ΑΥΡ·</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΟΦΙΛΗΤΟΣ· Κ· ΑΥΡ.....</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΣ. Κ. ΑΥΡ.....ΤΑΣ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΟΙ ΑΡΧΙΕΡΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΜΑΤΕΙΣ ΑΝΕΣΤ (ησαν)</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΛΟΓΙΣΤΕΥΟΝΤΟΣ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΚΡΙΣΠΟΥ ΑΣΙΑ....</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="center">2.</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">...ΔΕΣΠ.....</div> + <div class="line indent0">...ΡΑΤΟΡΑ ΚΑ....</div> + <div class="line indent0">..Μ. ΑΥΡ. ΑΝΤΩ...-</div> + <div class="line indent0">..ΝΟΝ ΕΥΣΕΒΗ Ε....</div> + <div class="line indent0">...............</div> + <div class="line indent0">...Σ ΔΙΔΙΑΝΟΣ Ο...</div> + <div class="line indent0">...ΕΥΣ ΚΑΙ ΓΡΑΜΜΑ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">...Σ ΤΗΣ ΜΑΓΝΙΤΩΝ</div> + <div class="line indent0">... ΕΩΣ ΚΑΙ..</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="center">3.</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent0">...............</div> + <div class="line indent0">...............</div> + <div class="line indent0">.............ΙΕ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡΤΕ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥΗ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΝΗΣ ΑΦΡΟΔΕΙΣΙΑ Ν</div> + <div class="line indent0">............</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">On the same stone as the preceding:</p> + +<div class="inscription"> + <div class="lines"> + <div class="line indent2">ΑΓΑΘΗ ΤΥΧΗ</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΙΕΡΕΙΑ ΕΓΕΝΕΤΟ ΑΡ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">ΤΕΜΙΔΟΣ ΛΕΥΚΟΦΡΥ-</div> + <div class="line indent0">................</div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>Although Magnesia was an Æolic city founded by Thessalians, +(Strabo, p. 647.) no inscriptions have been found there +in the Æolic dialect.</p> + +<p>Pausanias in enumerating the great temples of Ionia has +omitted that of Magnesia, possibly because he did not consider +its district a part of Ionia. He states the temple of Ephesus +to have been the first both for size and riches; next, the temples +of Apollo at Branchidæ and at Colophon, neither of which +was ever finished; then the temple of Juno at Samus and of +Minerva at Phocæa, both of which had been burnt by the Persians, +but were still objects of admiration: and after them the +temples of Hercules at Erythræ, and of Minerva at Priene; the +former remarkable for its antiquity, the latter for the statue +which it contained. Pausan. Achaic. c. 5. The remark of Pausanias +on the temple of Samus, which in magnitude was second +only to that of Diana Ephesia, may account for the neglect of +it by Strabo and Vitruvius. The latter was so ill-informed as +to call it a Doric building.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="label">[361]</a> Strabo, p. 648.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="label">[362]</a> Præf. in l. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="label">[363]</a> Pachymer. Hist. l. 6. c. 20. Nicephor. Greg. l. 5. c. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="label">[364]</a> Strabo, p. 649.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="label">[365]</a> Id. Ibid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="label">[366]</a> Strabo, p. 650.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="label">[367]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 56.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="label">[368]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="label">[369]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="label">[370]</a> Plin. ibid. Strabo, p. 630.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="label">[371]</a> Artemidorus ap. Strabon. p. 663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="label">[372]</a> Sherard was accompanied in a tour to Aphrodisias in the +year 1705, by Picenini; and in another in the year 1716, by +Lisle. He copied upwards of 100 inscriptions at Aphrodisias, +which are to be found in the MS. volume already mentioned. +From two of the inscriptions of Aphrodisias, selected for publication +by Chishull, it appears that Aphrodisias and Plarassa +formed one community, having a governing council and a temple +of Venus common to both: coins with a legend of both +names are also not very uncommon. Plarassa is designated +as a town of Caria by Stephanus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="label">[373]</a> Mr. Gandy, one of the architects of the Mission of the +Dilettanti, visited Gheira, and made drawings of the ruins.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="label">[374]</a> Its other appellations were Ninoe, Megalopolis, and Lelegopolis. +Steph. in Μεγάλη Πόλις et Νινόη.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="label">[375]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 12.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="label">[376]</a> Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="label">[377]</a> Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="label">[378]</a> The Second Mission of the Dilettanti into Asia did not penetrate +so far as these places.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="label">[379]</a> Laodiceia is now a deserted place, called from the ruins +Eski-hissár, a Turkish word equivalent to the Paleókastro, +which the Greeks so frequently apply to ancient sites.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="label">[380]</a> Antiquities of Ionia, part 2. p. 32.—Chandler, Asia Minor, +c. 67.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="label">[381]</a> Cicero. Epist. ad Am. l. 2. ep. 17. l. 3. ep. 5. l. 5. ep. 20. +Tacit. l. 14. c. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="label">[382]</a> ... Εἰ γάρ τις ἄλλη καὶ ἡ Λαοδίκεια εὔσειστος καὶ τῆς +πλησιοχώρου τὸ πλέον. Strabo, p. 578.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="label">[383]</a> Strabo, p. 579, 628, 630.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="label">[384]</a> Pococke, vol. 2. part 2. c. 13.—Chandler, Asia Minor, +c. 68.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="label">[385]</a> Strabo, p. 629, 630. Chandler found at the theatre the +beginning of an encomium of Hierapolis:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ἀσίδος εὐρείης προφερέστατον οὖδας ἁπάντων</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Χαίροις Χρυσόπολι Ἱεράπολι πότνια νυμφῶν</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Νάμασιν ἀγλαΐησι κεκασμένη....</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">And Smith was the first to copy an inscription mentioning a +company of dyers:</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Τοῦτο τὸ ἥρωον στεφανοῖ ἡ ἐργασία τῶν βαφέων.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p class="noindent">The latter illustrates Strabo, who tells us the waters of Hierapolis +were famous for dyeing.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="label">[386]</a> Phot. Biblioth. p. 1054.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="label">[387]</a> Const. Porphyrog. de Them. l. 1. th. 3. The bishops of +Chonæ subscribed to the second Nicene Council in 787, one +hundred and fifty years before Porphyrogennetus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="label">[388]</a> Herodot. l. 7. c. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="label">[389]</a> Herodot. ibid. Strabo, p. 579.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="label">[390]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">... riget arduus alto</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Tmolus in adscensu: clivoque extentus utroque</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Sardibus hinc, illinc parvis finitur Hypæpis.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse right">Ovid. Metam. l. 11. v. 150.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>Ὕπαιπα δὲ πόλις ἐστὶ καταβαίνουσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ Τμώλου πρὸς +τὸ τοῦ Καΰστρου πεδίον. Strabo, p. 627.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="label">[391]</a> Tacit. Ann. l. 2. c. 47. Euseb. Chron.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="label">[392]</a> Strabo, p. 440, 620, 629. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="label">[393]</a> See Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. vol. 3. p. 96; where several +coins are described, with the legends ΚΑΥΣΤΡΙΑΝΩΝ, ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ +ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΩ and ΚΙΛΒΙΑΝΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΑΝΩ. But +it seems that not only the upper and lower Cilbiani, but that +settlers also in their country, from Nicæa and Pergamum, had +their separate coinage. Eckhel. ibid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="label">[394]</a> Strabo, p. 620.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="label">[395]</a> Strabo, p. 440.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="label">[396]</a> The total disappearance of such a vast edifice as the temple +of Diana Ephesia is to be ascribed to two causes, both arising +from its situation. Its position near the sea has facilitated +the removal of its materials for the use of new buildings during +the long period of Grecian barbarism; while that gradual +rising of the soil of the valley, which has not only obstructed +the port near the temple, but has created a plain of three miles +between it and the sea, has buried all the remains of the temple +that may have escaped removal. Enough of these however, it +is probable, still exists beneath the soil to enable the architect to +obtain a perfect knowledge of every part of the construction.</p> + +<p>It is remarkable that all the greatest and most costly of the +temples of Asia, except one, are built on low and marshy spots: +those of Samus, Ephesus, Magnesia, and Sardes, are all so +situated. It might be supposed that the Greek architects, having +to guard against earthquakes, as against the most cruel +enemy of their art, and having ample experience in all the concomitant +circumstances of these dreadful convulsions, which are +the peculiar scourge of all the finest parts of Asia Minor, were +of opinion that a marshy situation offered some security against +their effects. But the custom seems rather to be connected with +the character of the Ionic order, which is itself associated with +that of the Asiatic Greeks. While the massy and majestic Doric +was best displayed on a lofty rock, the greater proportional height +of the elegant Ionic required a level, surrounded with hills. So +sensible were the Greeks of this general principle, that the columns +of the Doric temple of Nemea, which is situated in a narrow +plain, have proportions not less slender than some examples +of the Ionic order. In fact, it was situation that determined the +Greeks in all the varieties of their architecture; and, so far +from being the slaves of rule, there are no two examples of the +Doric, much less of the Ionic, that exactly resemble, either in +proportion, construction, or ornament. It must be admitted, +however, that the colonies of Italy and Sicily appear to have been +less refined in taste; and, like all colonies, to have adhered to +ancient models longer than the mother-country.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="label">[397]</a> Strabo, p. 639.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="label">[398]</a> Liv. l. 37. c. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="label">[399]</a> Colophon stood at a distance of two miles from the shore. +Liv. l. 37. c. 26. The temple of Clarus has not yet been sufficiently +examined, although, according to Captain Beaufort, its +remains are not inconsiderable; and, what is curious in this +part of the country, it was of the Doric order. For Teos, see +Antiquities of Ionia, part 1. c. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="label">[400]</a> Liv. l. 36. c. 43.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="label">[401]</a> Strabo, p. 644.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="label">[402]</a> Chandler, Asia Minor, c. 25.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="label">[403]</a> Strabo, ubi sup.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="label">[404]</a> Strabo, p. 645.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="label">[405]</a> Liv. l. 36. c. 43.—l. 44. c. 28.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="label">[406]</a> Particularly Herodot. in vitâ Hom. Thucyd. l. 8. c. 24. +Strabo, ubi sup. There is a manifest error in regard to the +breadth of the island in our copies of Strabo, which assign 60 +stades for the interval between Elæus on the western side, and +the city Chius on the eastern:—the narrowest part of the island +cannot be less than double that distance.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="label">[407]</a> Herodot. l. 1. c. 93.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="label">[408]</a> Herodot. l. 5. c. 102.—Strabo, Chrest. l. 10.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="label">[409]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Ὀρεστέρα παμβῶτι Γᾶ</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Μᾶτερ αὐτοῦ Διὸς</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ἃ τὸν μέγαν Πακτωλὸν εὔχρυσον νέμεις.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse right">Sophocl. Philoct. v. 395.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>From a drawing of the temple by Peyssonel in 1750, it appears +there were then standing three columns with their architraves, +a part of the cella, and three detached columns. Mr. +Cockerell found there in 1812 only three columns standing +with their capitals; but enough remained of the ruins to satisfy +him that it was of the kind called by Vitruvius Octastylus Dipterus—that +the exterior columns of the peristyle were about +7 feet in diameter at the base, and that the peristyle was upwards +of 260 feet in length.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="label">[410]</a> Choiseul Gouffier. Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce, tome 2. +c. 13.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="label">[411]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">... τοι τέμενος πατρώϊόν ἐστιν,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ὕλλῳ ἐπ’ ἰχθυόεντι, καὶ Ἕρμῳ δινήεντι.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse right">Il. Υ. 392.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="label">[412]</a> Strabo, p. 554. ... Ἕρμον εἰς ὃν καὶ ὁ Ὕλλος ἐμβάλλει, +Φρύγιος νῦν καλούμενος. Strabo, p. 626.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="label">[413]</a> Pliny (Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 29.) says that the Hermus rises +near Dorylæum of Phrygia; which although not a very accurate +description, agrees at least with the distant origin of the Kodús +in the mountains adjoining to Olympus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="label">[414]</a> Hermus ... oritur juxta Dorilaium Phrygiæ civitatem +multosque colligit fluvios, inter quos Phrygem, qui nomine +genti dato a Caria eam disterminat, Hyllum et Cryon et ipsos +Phrygiæ, Mysiæ, Lydiæ amnibus repletos. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. +c. 29.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="label">[415]</a> Strabo, p. 616.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="label">[416]</a> Strabo, p. 622.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="label">[417]</a> Antiq. Asiat. p. 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="label">[418]</a> This place was visited by Chishull in the year 1702, in his +way from Smyrna to Adrianople; when leaving the main road +from Smyrna to Brusa to the right at Susugerli, he proceeded +from thence to the Hellespont which he crossed at Gallipoli. It +is from his route alone that I obtain any clear knowledge of the +situation and course of the Æsepus and Granicus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="label">[419]</a> This Hadrianotheræ was a place of sufficient importance +to coin its own money. Eckhel Doct. Num. Vet. Bithynia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="label">[420]</a> Ergasteria was at 440 stades from Pergamum on the road +to Cyzicus. Galen, in proceeding to Ergasteria from Pergamum, +remarked a great quantity of metallic substance, which +he calls molybdæna. Galen. de Medicam. Simp. l. 9. c. 22.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="label">[421]</a> Bala, or Bali, from the Greek Παλαιὰ, is not unfrequently +prefixed to Turkish corruptions of ancient Greek names. Abubekr +Ben Behrem mentions a Baliambóli (Παλαιὰν πόλιν) in +the district of Aidin, and a Balia in that of Karasi. Patræ in +the Peloponnesus is called by the Turks Balabátra.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="label">[422]</a> Eckhel Bithynia.—Sestini, Lett. t. 2. p. 103.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="label">[423]</a> It is to M. de Choiseul Gouffier, and to those who assisted +him, that we are indebted for the best map of this interesting +region, though much still remains to be done in the details of its +topography. In 1819 Choiseul’s map received some corrections +and additions from M. Barbié du Bocage, founded upon the observations +of M. Dubois, who had been sent to the Troas in the +preceding year by M. de Choiseul. See Voyage Pittoresque de +la Grèce, tom. 2. pl. 19.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="label">[424]</a> Strabo, p. 604.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="label">[425]</a> Id. pp. 440, 473, 604, 612, 620.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="label">[426]</a> Strabo, p. 605.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="label">[427]</a> Id. pp. 596, 606.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="label">[428]</a> Id. pp. 552, 603.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="label">[429]</a> Id. p. 596.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="label">[430]</a> Id. p. 472.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="label">[431]</a> Id. p. 606.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="label">[432]</a> Strabo, pp. 593, 597.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="label">[433]</a> Strabo, p. 595.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="label">[434]</a> Stephan. in Ἀγάμεια. Hesych. et Phavorin. in Ἀγαμίας +et Ἄγαμος. Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pitt. de la Grèce, +tom. 2. p. 331.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="label">[435]</a> Est tamen et nunc Scamandria civitas parva, ac M. D. +passus remotum a portu Ilium immune. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. +c. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="label">[436]</a> This inscription is now in the Royal Museum of Paris. +Choiseul Gouffier, tom. 2. p. 288.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="label">[437]</a> I may particularly mention Choiseul Gouffier, Lechevalier, +Morritt, Hawkins, Gell, Hamilton, and Foster.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="label">[438]</a> To those who may consider it idle to inquire for a site +which was unknown 2,000 years ago, it may not be improper +to offer the remark, that not one of the ancient authors who +have written on the Troas, with the exception of Homer, was +so well acquainted with the locality as modern travellers are; +and that not one possessed any delineation of its topography approaching +to the accuracy of that with which we are furnished +and not yet satisfied.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="label">[439]</a> It is almost unnecessary here to remark, that the ruling +family, and hence probably a large portion of the people of +Troy, were of Greek origin, and that they had adopted the +manners and language of Greece. The Dardanidæ were Greeks +settled in Asia, as the Atridæ were Phrygians settled in Europe. +For the history of Ilium the reader may conveniently consult +the work of Chandler, in 4to. 1802.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="label">[440]</a> Lechevalier, Voyage de la Troade, tome 2. c. 5, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="label">[441]</a> A monument of the same kind is seen on the summit of +the hill above the lower European castle of the Dardanells, +and another at the upper European castle. The latter has +been clearly described as the Cynossema or tomb of Hecuba +(Strabo, p. 595); the former as the monument of Protesilaus, +near Elæus. Herodot. l. 9. c. 116. Philostr. Heroic. c. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="label">[442]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Κρουνὼ δ’ ἵκανον καλιῤῥόω, ἔνθα δὲ πηγαὶ</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Δοιαὶ ἀναΐσσουσι Σκαμάνδρου δινήεντος·</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ἡ μὲν γὰρ θ’ ὕδατι λιαρῷ ῥέει, ἀμφὶ δὲ καπνὸς</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Γίγνεται ἐξ αὐτῆς ὡσεὶ πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο·</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ἡ δ’ ἑτέρη θέρεϊ προρέει εἰκυῖα χαλάζῃ</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ἢ χιόνι ψυχρῇ, ἢ ἐξ ὕδατος κρυστάλλῳ.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse right">Il. X. v. 147.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="label">[443]</a> Major Rennell quotes several observations, all of which +make both the sources from 61° to 64° Fahr. Choiseul says +that on the 10th Feb. he found the atmosphere at 10° Reaumur, +the hot source at 22°, the cold source at 8°. Dubois from +the 12th to 16th Jan. found the temperature of the single or +hot source from 2° to 5° Reaumur higher than the air; and +that of the Forty Fountains, from ½° to 1° below the heat of the +air. Although I was several days in the Troas, I could not +make any observations, from an accident which happened to +my thermometer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="label">[444]</a> Strabo, p. 594. Demetrius visited New Ilium about the +time that Antiochus the Great was defeated by the Romans—he +was then a boy. He describes the town of New Ilium as +being in a state of decline, and so poor that the houses were +not covered with earthen tiles—ὥστε μηδὲ κεραμωτάς ἔχειν τὰς +στέγας: meaning probably that they were covered with what +are called in modern Greek πλάκες, generally made of schistose +limestone.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="label">[445]</a> That Troy was totally ruined and abandoned as early as +the time of the poet, is evident from his expressions in many +parts both of the Ilias and Odysseia. That it continued to be +an uninhabited place was the general opinion of all antiquity.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="label">[446]</a> Strabo, p. 601. The Lydians are here called semibarbarous +in the Greek sense—as using a language and writing not +Greek, and yet bearing a great resemblance to it.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="label">[447]</a> Herodot. l. 5. c. 94. Strabo, p. 599.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="label">[448]</a> The Pisistratidæ lived at Sigeium after their exile from +Athens. Herodot. l. 5. c. 65.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="label">[449]</a> Ælian. Var. Hist. l. 13. c. 14.—Pausan. Achaic. c. 26.—Cicero +de Orat. l. 3. c. 34.—Epig. in Anthol. l. 4. c. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="label">[450]</a> Strabo, p. 593.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="label">[451]</a> Thucydides (l. 1. c. 7.) has remarked the effect of the +progress of Grecian society, in moving the settlements of the +Greeks nearer to the sea-coast.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="label">[452]</a> Ἰλιεῖς. This word is never used by Homer, who always +calls the people Trojans, Τρῶες.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="label">[453]</a> Strabo, pp. 593, 600.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="label">[454]</a> Hellanicus of Lesbus. Ἑλλάνικος χαριζόμενος τοῖς Ἰλιεῦσιν, +&c. Strabo, p. 602.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="label">[455]</a> Strabo, p. 599.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="label">[456]</a> He says that the greater part of the actions described by +the poet were fought in the Scamandrian plain (or Trojan properly +so called): and there, he adds, the Ilienses <i>point out</i> +the Erineus, the tomb of Æsyetes, Batieia, and the tomb of +Ilus—τοὺς ὀνομαζομένους τόπους ἐνταῦθα δεικνυμένους ὁρῶμεν, +τὸν Ἐρινεὸν &c. Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="label">[457]</a> Strabo, p. 602. A passage in the 12th book of the Ilias +(v. 20.) has been adduced in favour of the opinion that the +Mendere was the Scamander of Homer; because the description +there given of the origin of the Scamander in Mount Ida, will +better apply to the Mendere than to the Bunárbashi stream, +which rises on the edge of the plain. But the same passage +makes the Granicus and Æsepus concur with the Scamander +and Simoeis in the destruction of the Grecian rampart, though +they flow in an opposite direction and fall into the Propontis,—an +absurdity which must destroy the geographical authority of +the passage, if indeed it be not spurious.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="label">[458]</a> It is not easy to distinguish the opinions and observations +of Strabo from those which he has copied from Demetrius. In +general, however, it may be supposed that Strabo had seen little +of the Troas himself, and that he therefore followed Demetrius, +as a native and a copious writer on the subject. But there +is reason to think that even Demetrius saw little of the Troas +after his early youth.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="label">[459]</a> Strabo, p. 598.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="label">[460]</a> So called from the ruins of an aqueduct upon arches +(καμάρες) which crosses the bed of the river. This aqueduct +probably conveyed water from Mount Ida to New Ilium.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="label">[461]</a> Demet. ap. Strab. p. 602.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="label">[462]</a> Demetr. ap. Strab. p. 597.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="label">[463]</a> Scamander, Mæander and Mendere,—which last is now +applied by the Turks to three of the rivers of Asia Minor,—seem +all to belong to the ancient language of the country, +before the introduction of Greek. Scamander may be Sca-Mæander, +Sca being perhaps a distinctive prefix to the Trojan +Mæander. And the Σκαιαὶ πύλαι may have received its name +from the same word.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="label">[464]</a> A part of the old bed is still to be seen in going from +Bunárbashi to Tshiblak.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="label">[465]</a> This has been admitted by nearly all the writers on the +Trojan question, but has been stated with particular clearness +by Major Rennell (Observations, Sect. IV.). I shall therefore +merely cite the verse of Homer, which furnishes the direct +proof.</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent28">... Ἕκτωρ</div> + <div class="verse indent8">... μάχης ἐπ’ ἀριστερὰ μάρνατο πάσης,</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ὄχθας πὰρ ποταμοῖο Σκαμάνδρου....</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse right">Il. Λ. v. 497.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> + +<p>It is almost unnecessary to add, that the poet here, as elsewhere, +speaks of the left of the Greeks. Hector was opposed +to Ajax, whose station was on the Greek left.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="label">[466]</a> Strabo, p. 597, 598.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="label">[467]</a> In the time of Strabo (or Demetrius) the mouth of the +river was 20 stades distant from New Ilium: it has now moved +still further west, and joins the sea close to Kum-Kale. The +small harbour under Intepe (or the tomb of Ajax) is the modern +representative of the portus Achæorum, which was the port of +New Ilium, and the nearest point of the coast to that city. +Strabo, p. 598. Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 5. c. 30. Pomp. Mel. l. 1. +c. 18. Naustathmum was near the place where the river joined +the sea in the time of the geographer.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="label">[468]</a> Strabo says 12 stadia; Pliny, 1500 Roman paces.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="label">[469]</a> Hestiæa ap. Strab. p. 599.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="label">[470]</a> A late writer on the Trojan question (Mr. Maclaren) particularly +insists on this supposed error, and conceives the sandy +point of Kum Kale to be nearly in the same state as it was in +the Trojan war; founding his opinion chiefly on the rapidity +of the current of the Hellespont, which must, he thinks, have +carried away the soil almost as quickly as it was brought down. +But the cape of new formation which lies between Kum Kale and +Intepe is surely a proof that the current has had no such effect; +and in fact every one who has navigated the Hellespont knows +that there is a strong counter current along the two shores, +the effect of which has probably contributed to form that cape. +Strabo (p. 599.) has collected the passages of Homer which +support his opinion that Troy stood far from the sea; and these +alone seem fatal to the new hypothesis brought forward by the +author just alluded to—that of its position at New Ilium.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="label">[471]</a></p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> + <div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">Οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδ’, εὐρύς περ ἐὼν, ἐδυνήσατο πάσας</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Αἰγιαλὸς νῆας χαδέειν· στείνοντο δὲ λαοί·</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Τῷ ῥὰ προκρόσσας ἔρυσαν, καὶ πλῆσαν ἁπάσης</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Ἠϊόνος στόμα μακρὸν, ὅσον συνεέργαθον ἄκραι.</div> + </div> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse right">Il. Ξ. v. 33.</div> + </div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="label">[472]</a> Thucydides (l. 1. c. 10.) verifies our copies of the catalogue +by remarking that the total number of ships was 1200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="label">[473]</a> In one passage (O. 676) the poet seems to represent +Ajax as striding from ship to ship: but if some of the vessels +were so closely arranged as to have admitted of such an action, +a greater width must have been necessary between the divisions +than if each vessel was isolated: so that in either case the <i>entire</i> +space required will be nearly the same.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="label">[474]</a> Il. Η. v. 467.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="label">[475]</a> About one hundred thousand is the result of the calculation +of Thucydides; and the extent of country from which the +army was collected will hardly allow of a smaller number. We +may admit, however, with the historian, that a large part of +them was always absent collecting plunder and provisions.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="label">[476]</a> Polyb. l. 6. c. 27, &c. See Lipsius de Mil. Rom. l. 5.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="label">[477]</a> στείνοντο δὲ λαοί. These words, however, seem more to +relate to the unusual and somewhat dangerous expedient of +doubling the ranks of ships, in consequence of the narrowness +of the beach, than to the crowded state of the army in general.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="label">[478]</a> Il. Ε. v. 791.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="label">[479]</a> Ζ. v. 256, 435.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="label">[480]</a> Η. v. 282.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="label">[481]</a> Λ. v. 86.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="label">[482]</a> Λ. v. 170.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="label">[483]</a> Σ. v. 239.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="label">[484]</a> Il. Ε. v. 303. Υ. v. 286.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="label">[485]</a> Θ. v. 222.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="label">[486]</a> Π. v. 77.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="label">[487]</a> Γ. v. 178.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="label">[488]</a> Il. Χ. v. 131.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="label">[489]</a> Il. Β. 508. Ζ. 327. Π. 448. Σ. 279.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="label">[490]</a> Il. Γ. 395. Θ. 499. Μ. 115. Ν. 724. Σ. 174. Ψ. 64, 297.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="label">[491]</a> Il. Ν. 625.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="label">[492]</a> Il. Δ. 508. Ζ. 512. Ε. 460. Χ. 411. Ω. 700.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="label">[493]</a> Strabo, p. 599.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="label">[494]</a> Χ. v. 165.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="label">[495]</a> These Periplus are: 1. By Arrian, governor of Cappadocia +under Hadrian. 2. By Marcian of Heraclia Pontica, who is +supposed to have lived about a century later than Arrian. And, +3. By an anonymous author, who has collected his information +from the two former, and from some other sources. He is of +a much later date than the two others, as appears from the +names of his own time, which he has annexed to some of the +ancient names, and by the miles which he has subjoined to the +stades.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="label">[496]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 1. Hierocl. Synecd. p. 694. Notit. Episc. +Græc.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="label">[497]</a> Pausan. Arcad. c. 9. Stephan. in Βιθύνιον.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="label">[498]</a> From Mantineia in Arcadia. Pausan. ibid.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="label">[499]</a> Itin. Anton. p. 200.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="label">[500]</a> Strabo, p. 562.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501" class="label">[501]</a> Ptolem. l. 5. c. 4. Justinian. Novel. 29. c. 1.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502" class="label">[502]</a> See the Note on Σόρα in Hieroc. Synec. p. 695. ed. Wess.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503" class="label">[503]</a> Anna Comn. l. 7. p. 206. Nicet. in Joan. Comn. Chalcocond. +l. 9. p. 259.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504" class="label">[504]</a> Artemid. ap. Strab. p. 663.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505" class="label">[505]</a> Gesta Dei per Francos.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506" class="label">[506]</a> Procop. Hist. Secr. c. 30.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507" class="label">[507]</a> In each interval that might be traversed by a foot passenger in a day, +there were several inns, and at each inn 40 horses and as many grooms,—so +that a courier could perform in one day a distance equal to ten pedestrian +journeys. Justinian substituted asses for horses, and left only one +inn, where before there had been from five to eight.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508" class="label">[508]</a> Nicephor. Callist. l. 7. c. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509" class="label">[509]</a> Procop. de Ædif. l. 5. c. 2.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510" class="label">[510]</a> Ann. Comn. p. 312.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511" class="label">[511]</a> For the details of the theatre of Side, from the drawings of Mr. +Cockerell, see the Karamania of Captain Beaufort.—The theatre of Side +is of the largest size, and is in better preservation than any in Asia Minor.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512" class="label">[512]</a> The reader will perceive from the plan of the theatre of Myra, that +when the segment was very great, the ends of the cavea were directed not +upon the centre of the orchestra, but upon a point nearer to the scene.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513" class="label">[513]</a> The form of the Asiatic Greek theatre is exemplified in the annexed +plans of Patara and Myra, and in that of Hierapolis, given in a succeeding +note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514" class="label">[514]</a> Vitruv. l. 5. c. 6, 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515" class="label">[515]</a> The lower B in the plan and section of the theatre of Patara annexed.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516" class="label">[516]</a> See Ionian Antiquities, vol. 2. pl. 49.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517" class="label">[517]</a> Perhaps the theatre of Laodiceia was accommodated to the Roman +mode of construction, when that city became the seat of the Roman government +in Asia, and when the stadium was converted into an amphitheatre +in the Roman fashion. See page <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518" class="label">[518]</a> Topography of Athens, sect. 4.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519" class="label">[519]</a> Those marked [519] are so much ruined, that it is difficult to procure +an exact measurement.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520" class="label">[520]</a> See note <a href="#Footnote_519">519</a> in the preceding page.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521" class="label">[521]</a> In Asia Minor there still exist Odeia at Laodiceia and Anemurium.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522" class="label">[522]</a> Vopisc. in Aurelian.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523" class="label">[523]</a> Sericum ad usus antehac nobilium nunc etiam inferiorum sine ulla +discretione. Ammian. l. 23. c. 6. Although silken garments were then +so common, Ammianus still describes silk, as Virgil and Pliny had done +three centuries earlier, as a sort of woolly substance (lanugo, canities frondium) +which was <i>combed</i> from a tree in China.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524" class="label">[524]</a> See Arbuthnot on Ancient Weights, &c.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525" class="label">[525]</a> See Romé de l’Isle, Métrologie, &c.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526" class="label">[526]</a> i.e. one Italian sextarius cost 24 denarii. The sextarius or sextarium +was in general use among the Greeks under the Roman Government. The +Greek sextarius contained 15 ounces of oil or 16 of water. Galen de Comp. +Med. l. 1.—L. Pætus ap. Græv. Thes. vol. 11.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527" class="label">[527]</a> Conditum, wine mixed with various ingredients; in the Apsinthium +the prevailing ingredient was wormwood, and in the Rhosatum roses. Apicius, +l. 1, has given us the receipt for making these three mixtures.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528" class="label">[528]</a> (Oleum) quod post molam primum est, flos. Plin. H. N. l. 15. c. 6. ed. +Harduin.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529" class="label">[529]</a> Cibarium, the most ordinary kind of oil used by soldiers, &c., and +made from the refuse of the olives. Columella, l. 12. c. 50.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530" class="label">[530]</a> Raphaninum, oil of coleseed, or rape. Plin. H. N. l. 23. c. 49. Dioscor. +l. 1. c. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531" class="label">[531]</a> Liquamen: this favourite condiment, also called Garum, as having been +originally obtained from the fish garum, was made by throwing salt on the +entrails of fish, exposing the mixture to the sun for some time, and then +separating the liquid part. This liquor was the liquamen: the residue was +called Alec. Geopon. l. 20. c. ult. Plin. H. N. l. 31. c. 43. There were other +kinds of liquamen less commonly used, which are described by Apicius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532" class="label">[532]</a> M̊ was the usual note for modius or modium, the dry measure in most +common use in the time of the Roman Empire, from whence the use of +the word passed into Italy and France and became the moggio and muid. +The sextarius in like manner became the setier. Here appear to be two +modia, that for salt preceded by F, and that for grain preceded by K. I +am unable to discover the meaning of this distinction.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533" class="label">[533]</a> Sal conditum, salt mixed with drugs of several kinds and used for medicinal +purposes. Apic. l. 1. c. 27.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534" class="label">[534]</a> Perhaps mel phœnicinum, the debs or date honey of Egypt and Arabia.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535" class="label">[535]</a> One Italian pound.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536" class="label">[536]</a> Vulva virginis porcellæ. Apicius calls it vulva sterilis, to distinguish +it from the sumen. For the mode of dressing these two famous dainties +see Apicius l. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537" class="label">[537]</a> Sumen—abdomen suis cum ubere. Optimum uno die post partum. +Plin. H. N. l. 11. c. 84.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538" class="label">[538]</a> Ficatum, in Greek συκωτὸν, hog’s liver enlarged by a particular mode +of fatting. The word was originally derived from the fatting of geese with +figs for a similar purpose—ficis pastum jecur anseris albi. Hor. It was said +to have been the invention of the first Apicius, who lived in the time of the +Republic, and whose name was assumed by some other subsequent professors +of the culinary art. Apicius Cœlius, whose work is extant, appears, +from the names and descriptions which he gives to some of the dishes or +sauces, to have lived not long after the reign of Elagabalus. See the preface +to the edition of Apicius, by Dr. Lister, physician to Queen Anne. +From ficatum, συκωτὸν, are derived the Italian and modern Greek words +fegato, συκότι, used for liver in general.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539" class="label">[539]</a> Fumosæ cum pede pernæ, Hor. Petaso and perna appear, from +Athenæus, to have been synonymous, πετασῶνος, ἣν πέρναν καλοῦσι (l. 14. +c. 21.). Perna was perhaps more particularly the ham, and petaso every +part of the hog similarly cured. Laridum or lardum was the fat part of the +bacon. Menapica was the ham of Westphalia, Ceritana that of the Cerdagne +in the Pyrenees, the excellence of which is attested by Strabo (p. 162).</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540" class="label">[540]</a> Marsicæ, sc. pernæ. This being of the same price as the two former +was probably a foreign ham also; not from the Marsi of Italy, but from +the Marsi near the mouth of the Rhine.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541" class="label">[541]</a> Ungellæ—ungulæ suum et pedes, Apic. l. 4. c. 7. Aqualiculum—venter +porcinus; for the mode of dressing it see Apicius, l. 7. c. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542" class="label">[542]</a> Apicius has described the mode of making isicia as well of pork as +of birds, shell-fish, &c. They consisted of the meat minced with a variety +of condiments, and were made either into tessellæ, square cakes, or wrapt +in a bay leaf; and sometimes they were omentata or inclosed in a membrane +like our sausages. It appears from this inscription that their common size +was about an ounce in weight. The Turkish dolma inclosed in a vine leaf +seems to be a lineal descendant of the isicium. From salsum isicium is +derived the Italian salsiccio, and thence saucisse and sausage.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543" class="label">[543]</a> Lucanicæ, sausages of a particular kind, originally from Lucania, which +was famous for its pork. Apicius (l. 2. c. 4.) has described the mode of +making the Lucanicæ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544" class="label">[544]</a> The Roman mode of dressing all the birds, game, &c. in the preceding +list may be seen in Apicius.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545" class="label">[545]</a> Pisces aspratiles, quales sunt merulæ, scaurus.... De piscibus generaliter +quales invenias albos carnes habentes, quod genus sunt aspratiles +... omnem aspratilem piscem, ut sunt lupi, corvi. Plin. Valerian. de Re +Med. l. 5. Fish caught in deep water and near rocky shores. The word +aspratilis is not found in authors of a better time, who use saxatilis with +the same meaning. See Pliny, Columella.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546" class="label">[546]</a> Sphondili. Apic. l. 9. c. 14.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547" class="label">[547]</a> Sagenici, from σαγήνη, whence the English word sein: in Latin it was +called everriculum, and served to catch the small fish eaten only by the +common people, or given as food to the choice fish which some of the rich +Romans kept in piscinæ. See Varro de Re Rust. l. 3. c. 17.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548" class="label">[548]</a> Cimæ. Apic.—Cymæ. Plin. Columel. The small tender shoots of the +cabbage. See Plin. H. N. l. 19. c. 41.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549" class="label">[549]</a> Here and in two other instances below, we find the beginning of the +change of viridis into the Italian verde.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550" class="label">[550]</a> Sisinarii, perhaps the same as Cinaræ, artichokes.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551" class="label">[551]</a> Ruscus, in English, butcher’s broom; it puts forth many tender +shoots in the spring, which were eaten like asparagus. Dioscor. l. 4. c. 146.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552" class="label">[552]</a> Sicale, in French seigle, rye. The name of this grain, written secale, +by Pliny, is here in the state of transition to the σίκαλις, sigalis, sigalum, &c. +of the middle ages. The synonymous <i>Centenum</i> I have not found in any +author; it seems to have been derived from the prolific nature of the +grain, which was supposed to yield a hundred-fold. Secale ... nascitur +qualicunque solo cum centesimo grano. Plin. H. N. l. 18. c. 40.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553" class="label">[553]</a> Milii pisti and milii integri formed into single words like Piscisalsi +above.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554" class="label">[554]</a> The grain still called panico in Italy.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555" class="label">[555]</a> Scandula. Vegetius, l. 2. c. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556" class="label">[556]</a> Fabæ fressæ and fabæ non fressæ are expressions of low Latinity for +fabæ fractæ and fabæ solidæ, as panicii and lenticlæ are terms of the +same period for panici and lenticulæ.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557" class="label">[557]</a> Oloserica, a cloth entirely silken—subserica, that in which the warp +only was of silk. For the several articles of dress in this list see the writers +de Re Vestiaria in the 6th volume of Grævii Thesaurus.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558" class="label">[558]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 36. c. 4, 6.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559" class="label">[559]</a> In the neighbouring province of Lycia, genealogy was reckoned by +the female side in preference to the male. Herodot. l. 1. c. 173.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560" class="label">[560]</a> Strabo, p. 656. Arrian, l. 1. c. 23.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561" class="label">[561]</a> At Alexandria Troas and Ephesus. For their plans see Antiquities +of Ionia, part 2, pl. 40, 54.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562" class="label">[562]</a> Peyssonel, in a rude drawing of the temple made in the year 1750, +represents six columns and a part of the cell standing. Three of the columns +were surmounted by an entablature.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563" class="label">[563]</a> The reasons which Mr. Cockerell here gives for believing that the +temple of Sardes was a building of very high antiquity, render it probable +that it was the work of one of the kings, or perhaps of several successive +kings, of the Lydian dynasty; which began under Gyges in 715, B.C., and +ended with the capture of Sardes by Cyrus in 545. It was undoubtedly +in the same period, when the power and opulence of Samus were at their +height, that the magnificent temple of Juno in that island was constructed; +and it was probably about the same time that the inhabitants of the +little island of Ægina, which was then sufficiently powerful to rival Samus +and even Athens, constructed the temple of Jupiter Panellenius. The +temple of Sardes was burnt by the Ionians in the year 503. It may have +been repaired, but it is not probable that it was entirely rebuilt after that +misfortune.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564" class="label">[564]</a> Plin. Hist. Nat. l. 16. c. 79. l. 36. c. 21, 56. Strabo, p. 640. Vitruv. +præf. in l. 7.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565" class="label">[565]</a> “Dipteros autem octastylos et pronao et postico, sed circa ædem duplices +habet ordines columnarum sicut est ædes Quirini Dorica, et Ephesiæ +Dianæ Ionica a Chersiphrone constituta.” Vitr. l. 3. c. 2.</p> + +<p>Such is his definition of the dipterus which he confines to octastyle temples; +although we find that all the <i>decastyle</i> temples in existence are dipteral, +that is to say, that they have a double range of columns round the cell. +In like manner he defines the peripteri as having six columns in front, +though all temples with a greater number of columns in front are in fact +peripteral, or having a cell surrounded with columns. Thus also he +defines the hypæthri as temples having ten columns in front, though we +know that the Parthenon and the temple of Delphi, neither of which had +so many columns, were hypæthral, or with a part of the cella open to the +sky. But, in truth, Vitruvius himself often forgets his own definitions, +and uses the Greek terms just mentioned according to their real meaning.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566" class="label">[566]</a> Meaning the largest Greek temple; for in the other passage just alluded +to, he names it for the purpose of adding that it was smaller than +the labyrinth of Mœris in Egypt. Herod. l. 2. c. 148. l. 3. c. 60.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567" class="label">[567]</a> The fluting under the capital forming part of the same block as the +capital, was executed, together with it, before the column was erected—the +remainder of the fluting was the last operation after the columns were +erected; and hence it happens that we so often find the columns of Greek +buildings fluted only under the capitals. The time and labour required +for the fluting finished with that perfection which the Greeks required, +were so great that it was often deferred until political circumstances no longer +admitted of its execution; the temple meantime being complete, with +the exception of this ornament. Almost all the great edifices of antiquity +attest that such immense undertakings are seldom ever finished.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568" class="label">[568]</a> Vitruv. l. 3. c. 3. l. 7. præf. Jocundus, in his edition of Vitruvius, +reads octastylus; but all the best manuscripts have hexastylon or exastylon. +See Schneider’s Note.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569" class="label">[569]</a> It is probable that the observations of Vitruvius on the eustylus and +pseudodipterus contain merely the ideas and names of Hermogenes, made +into a system; and that no other examples of these two classes were +known to Vitruvius than the temples of Teos and Magnesia. Selinus destroyed +by the Carthaginians was perhaps in his time nearly in the same +shapeless state of ruin that it is now.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570" class="label">[570]</a> Plin. H. N. l. 36. c. 22. Dion. Cass. l. 70. ad fin. Dio says the columns +were τετραόργυιοι μεν πάχος, ὕψος δε πεντήκοντα πηχέων, ἕκαστος πέτρας +μιᾶς, a description which, <i>if true</i>, justifies his assertion, that the temple +was the largest in existence.</p></div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">[353]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX.</h2> + +</div> + +<ul> + +<li class="ifrst">Acmonia, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Adália, town and port of, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">The ancient Attaleia, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Geographical remarks on the ancient places on the road from Adalia to Shugut, <a href="#Page_144">144-170</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ægæ, or Ayás, site of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Agameia, town and port of, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Agmonia, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ak-serai, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ak-shehr, the ancient Jullæ or Juliopolis, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alabanda, investigation of the site of, <a href="#Page_230">230-236</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Aladan river, the Scopas of ancient geographers, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alara village, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Fortified hill of, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Probably the ancient Ptolemais, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alaya, town and port, history and present state of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Alara, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Aleium Plain, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alexandria Troas, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Alibey Kiúi, village, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Allah-Shehr, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Altun Tash, village, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Route thence to Kutáya, <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Aludda, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Amanus, Mount, remarks on the passes of, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Amorium, ancient history and site of, <a href="#Page_86">86-88</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Amyzon, ruins of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anaxia, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anazarba, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anchiale, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Historical notice of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ancyra, <a href="#Footnote_123">90 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Various itineraries to and from that place, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Probable site, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Andabilis, site of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Andriace, or Andráki, the port of Myra, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Anemurium, or Anamúr, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Antiocheia of Pisidia, remarks on the Roman road to, from Apameia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Antiocheia in Cilicia, site of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">In Caria, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Antiphellus, notice of the ruins of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Antonine Itinerary, illustrations of, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Most to be depended on, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Corrected, <a href="#Page_82">82</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Apameia Cibotus, summary of ancient evidences for determining the site of, <a href="#Page_156">156-162</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Remarks on the Roman road from Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> + <li class="isub2">—to Synnada, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> + <li class="isub2">and to Dorylæum, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Aperlæ, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Aphrodisias, or the city of Venus, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_250">250</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">[354]</span>Apollonia, probable site of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arabissar, the probable site of Alabanda, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Archalla, site of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Archelaium or Arcelaio, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Archelais, site of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Itineraries to and from thence, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Argæus, Mount, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Argennum, Cape, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arkhut-khan, <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arsinoe, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arycanda, site of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Arycandus river, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ascania, Lake, the modern Burdur, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ascanius, Lake, scenery of, described, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Asia Minor, physico-geographical structure of the <i>central part</i> of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, + <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Illustrations of its ancient political and progressive geography, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53-90</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">On the ancient places on the <i>southern</i> coast of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_170">170-218</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Comparative geography of the <i>western</i> and <i>northern</i> parts of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_219">219-312</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Attaleia, city, notice of, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Remarks on its geographical situation, as stated by Strabo, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Augæ, <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Axylus, region of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> + <li class="isub1">described, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Azanitis, district, <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Baiæ, or Bayás, site of, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bargylia, site of, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Beiad, the ancient Beudos Vetus, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Beriám-Kalesi, ancient ruins at, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bidjikli, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bithynia, notice of the principal places in, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bithynium, site of, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Branchidæ, curious inscription in boustrophedon at, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Footnote_346"><i>notes</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Proportions of the temple of Apollo Didymeus at, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Bulwudún, village, notice of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Ak-shehr, <a href="#Page_37"><i>ibid.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_38">38-40</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Πολυβοτὸν, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Burdur, town and salt lake of, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Road thence to Ketsiburlu described, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">—The lake of Burdur the Ascania of ancient geographers, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Butshuklu, town, notice of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Cabalis, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Caballucome, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cadi, probable site of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cæsareia, site of, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Caicus river, course of, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Notice of principal places in the valley of the Caicus, <a href="#Page_269">269-272</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Calycadnus river, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Valley of the Calycadnus, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cappadocia, one of the prefectures of, why called Cilicia, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Cappadocia Antiochiana, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Carallis or Caralleia, site of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Caramanian mountaineers, condition of, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Caria, notice of the principal places in, <a href="#Page_229">229-254</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Carmylessus, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Carura, city and hot baths of, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">[355]</span>Caryanda, island, now a peninsula, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Castabala, <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Castel Rosso, island, present state of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Inscription found there, <a href="#Footnote_224">184 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Catacombs of Doganlu described, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Remarks on the sculpture thereon, <a href="#Page_26">26-28</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">And inscriptions, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">One of these catacombs the tomb of Midas, <a href="#Page_30">30-33</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Catarrhactes, river, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cavaliere, Cape, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Caystrus, notice of towns in the valley of the, <a href="#Page_256">256-258</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cebrenia, site of, <a href="#Page_274">274</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Celænæ, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Celenderis, remains of, described, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ceryneia, site of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cestrus, river, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chalcetor, site of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Charadrus, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Chelidoniæ Islands, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Christians of Asia Minor, condition of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cibyra, site of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Cibyra minor, vestiges of, noticed, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cibyratis, district of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cilicia and the Cilician Taurus, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Description of by Ammianus, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Towns in the district of Cilicia Tracheia, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Strabo’s description of Cilicia Tracheia (or rugged) and Pedias (or plain), <a href="#Page_176">176-180</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Geographical Illustrations of it, <a href="#Page_197">197-218</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cissides, promontory of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cisthene, island, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Clanudda, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Claudiopolis, site of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Climax, Mount, passage of, by Alexander, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cnidus, ruins and inscription at, <a href="#Footnote_316">226 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Colossæ, site of, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Conni, or Conna, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Probable site of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Coracesium, historical notice of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cormasa, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Corycus, coast of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Promontory, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Now an island, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Port, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Corydalla, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cotyaeium, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cragus, mount, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Crambusa, island, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cressa, harbour, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cretopolis, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Crusaders, march of, illustrated, <a href="#Page_313">313-318</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cuballum, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cyana, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cybebe, plan of the temple of, at Sardes, with observations, <a href="#Page_342">342-346</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cybistra, site of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cydnus, river, course of, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cydrara, probable site of, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cyprus, island, passage to, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Town and port of Tzerina, <a href="#Page_118">ib.</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Lefkosía, <a href="#Page_119">119-121</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">To Lárnaka, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Return to Tzerina, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cyssus, port, site of, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Cyzicus, site of, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Dacibyza, or Δακίβυζα, site of, determined, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dana, the same as the ancient Tyana, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Ruins of this place, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> + +<li class="indx">D’Anville, mistake of, corrected, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dashashéhr, village of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">[356]</span>Dil, ferry of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">This place how formed, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dinglar, the probable site of the ancient Celænæ, <a href="#Page_156">156-158</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Diocæsareia, probable site of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Docimia, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Site and quarries of, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dogan-hissár, district of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Doganlu, valley, catacombs of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Remarks on the sculpture thereof, <a href="#Page_26">26-28</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">And on the inscriptions thereon, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Date of the principal monument, <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dombai, valley and town of, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">The ancient Tabæ, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Route thence to Sandukli described, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Doric Dialect, prevalence of, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Footnote_316"><i>notes</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dorileo, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Dorylæum, plain and river of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Site of this town determined, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Remarks on the Roman road thither, from Apameia Cibotus, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">And from Dorylæum to Philadelpheia, <a href="#Page_167">167-169</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Draco, river, course of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Disasters of the first crusaders among its passes, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Edrenús, site of, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Elæussa, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Present state of this place, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Emír-dagh, mountainous range of, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ephesus, temple of Diana at, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Account of its relative proportions, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Why no remains of it are left, <a href="#Footnote_396">259 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Epiphaneia, city, site of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ergasteria, mines of, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Erkle, the ancient Archalla, <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ermenék, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ermenék-su river, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ersek, <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Eski-hissar, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Eski-shehr, town of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Dorylæum, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Seid-el-Gházi, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Etenna, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Etennenses, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Eucarpia, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_166">166</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Eumeneia, site of, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Inscription found there, <a href="#Footnote_185">157 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Eumenia, or Eumenia Pella, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Euphorbium, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Euromus, site of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Eurymedon, river, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Eusebeia ad Taurum, site of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Ferry of the Dil, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Fortifications, Turkish, notice of, <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Gagæ, port, site of, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Germa, or Yerma, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Germanicopolis, or Germanopolis, probable site of, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ghebse, or Givyza (town), notice of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Description of the road thence to Kizderwént, <a href="#Page_5">5-7</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Dacibyza, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Glaucus, river, <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Gulnar, village, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Ancient ruins there described, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Hadrianopolis, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hamaxia, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hamaxitus, site of, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Harpasa, town, probable site of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Harpasus, river, course of, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">[357]</span>Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, tomb of, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Helenopolis, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Heracleia, site of, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Ruins of, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hermus, river, course of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266-268</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Principal places in the valley of Hermus, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hierapolis, ruins of, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Plan of the theatre and palæstra of, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hierus, river, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Homer’s account of the Grecian encampment against Troy elucidated, <a href="#Page_298">298-302</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">And of the pursuit of Hector by Achilles, <a href="#Page_303">303-305</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Hypæpa, site of, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Ilgún, village, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Philomelium, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its lake, the Trogitis of Strabo, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ilistra, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ilienses, village of, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ilium, new, site of, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Inekbazar, the site of the ancient Magnesia, <a href="#Page_243">243-248</a></li> + +<li class="indx">In-óghi, village, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Shughut, <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Inscription, near Seid-el-Gházi, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">On the sculptured rock of Doganlu, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Ladik, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Karamán, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Eumeneia, <a href="#Footnote_185">157 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Castel Rosso, <a href="#Footnote_224">184 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">In the ruins of Olympus, <a href="#Footnote_229">186 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Ródos, <a href="#Footnote_309">224 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Cnidus, <a href="#Footnote_316">226 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Stratoniceia, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329-331</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Mylasa, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">In boustrophedon at Branchidæ, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Footnote_346"><i>notes</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Olympia, <a href="#Footnote_346">240 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Footnote_346">241 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Magnesia, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Footnote_360"><i>notes</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Nysa, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ionia, notice of the principal places on the coast of, <a href="#Page_260">260-264</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Isaklú, district and village of, described, <a href="#Page_38">38-40</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Isionda, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Isium, tower of, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Isnik, or Nicæa, present state of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Lefke, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Itineraries, ancient, illustrated, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72-74</a>, + <a href="#Page_76">76-78</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154-170</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Jerusalem Itinerary, illustrations of, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Jullæ, or Juliopolis, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its site ascertained, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Origin of its name, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its situation described, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its commercial and political advantages, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its distance from Nicæa, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Distance of Ancyra from Juliopolis, <a href="#Page_72"><i>ibid.</i></a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Kadún Kiúi, or Kanun-haná, village, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kákava, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Karáburnu, cape, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kara-dagh, or the Black Mountain, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Karahissár, the site of the ancient Cybistra, <a href="#Page_63">63</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Karajeli, the ancient Coralis, or Caralis, <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Karamán, mountains of, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Plain of, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">The town of Karamán described, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Karamania, description of, translated from Strabo, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Illustrations of it, <a href="#Page_181">181-218</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kassabá, village, described, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Karamán, <a href="#Page_96">96</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Καστελόρυζον, island, notice of, <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">[358]</span>Kelénderi, ruins of, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ketsiburlu, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">The ancient Apollonia probably situated near this place, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Κίβυζα, notice of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kílisa Hissár, or the Castle of Kílisa, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Tyana, <a href="#Page_61"><i>ibid.</i></a></li> + <li class="isub1">Ancient ruins of it, still in existence, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kirmir, river, the Hierus of ancient geographers, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kiúk-su, or Sky-blue river, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kizderwént, or the pass of the Girls, description of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kháradra, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kodús, river, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Koehler (General), journey of, from Adália to Shugut, <a href="#Page_127">127-143</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Geographical observations on the ancient places occurring in his route, <a href="#Page_144">144-170</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kónia, town, modern state of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Interview of the author with the Pasha of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Description of the place, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Tshumra, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kosru Khan, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Bulwudún, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kutaya, the ancient Cotyaeium, mountain and town of, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to In-óghi, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Labranda, investigation of the site of, <a href="#Page_230">230-234</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ladik-el-Tchaus, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Ruins and antiquities there, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Country around it described, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of Laodiceia Combusta, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Laertes, fortress of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lagina, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lakes of the central part of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of the Forty Martyrs, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Salt lake of Tatta, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Burdur, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Laodiceia ad Lycum, remarks on the Roman road from, to Perge, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Laodiceia Combusta, or Laudicia Catacecaumeno, <a href="#Page_25">25</a> and <a href="#Footnote_33"><i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Remains of, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Laranda, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lárnaka, notice of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Latmic Gulf, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Latmus, ruins of, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lefke, town, described, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lefkosía, or Λευκοσία, description of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Libyssa, site of, determined, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Limyra, site of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Limyrus, river, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Loryma, ruins of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lycaonia, limits of, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Celebrated for its downs, <a href="#Page_67"><i>ibid.</i></a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lyrbe, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lysinoe, probable site of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Lystra, probable site of, <a href="#Page_102">102</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Mæander, river, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Magnesia, site of, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Notice of its ruins, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Proportions of the temple of Artemis Leucophryene at, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Magydus, <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mallus, city, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Site of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Malsum, village, notice of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Stands on the site of the ancient Libyssa, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Manlius, the consul, march of, illustrated, <a href="#Page_56">56-58</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Marathesium, probable site of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Marble, Phrygian, notice of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">And of that of Synnada, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">[359]</span>Marmora, sea of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Marsyas, river, sources of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a> and <a href="#Footnote_194"><i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Why called Catarrhactes, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Another Marsyas. The same as the Tshina of modern times, <a href="#Page_234">234-236</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Megarsus, city, site of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Megiste, island, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Melas, river, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Menavgát, town, notice of, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Méndere, river, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">A branch of the Mæander, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Midaium, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Midas, tomb of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_31">31-33</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Milyas, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mopsucrene, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mopsuestia, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Historical notice of, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mout, town and territory of, described, <a href="#Page_107">107-109</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Ruins in its vicinity, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its cemetery, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Sheikh Amúr, <a href="#Page_110">110-112</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mylæ, cape, <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mylasa, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Copy of an ancient inscription there, <a href="#Page_338">338</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Myndus, site of, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Myra, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Ruins of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Plan of its theatre, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Nagidus, historical notice and probable site of, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nacoleia, site of, determined, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Notice of this place, <a href="#Footnote_32">24 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Neapolis, probable site of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nephelis, promontory, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nicæa, ruins of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Distance thence to Juliopolis, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nysa, site of, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Copies of ancient inscriptions found there, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Obelisk of C. Cassius Philiscus, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Obrimas, river, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Olbasa, site of, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Olbe, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Olbia, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Conjectures on its site, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Olympia, copy of inscription found at, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Footnote_346"><i>notes</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Olympus, site of, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Copy of an inscription found there, <a href="#Footnote_229">186 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Orcaoryci, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Orchestra of the Greek theatre, construction of, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Orcistus, notice of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Orthography, Turkish, remarks on, <a href="#Footnote_17">3 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">And on the modern Greek orthography, <a href="#Footnote_19">4 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Osman, tomb of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Palæstra of Hierapolis, plan of, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pamphylia, scenery of, described, <a href="#Page_131">131-133</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pandíkhi, or Παντίχιον, village, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Panionium, probable site of, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Paphlagonia, notice of the principal places in, <a href="#Page_308">308-312</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Parnassus, distance from Ancyra to, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">And from Parnassus to Archelais, <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pastures of the central part of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Patara, historical notice of, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Theatre of, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Plan of it, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pelasgi, the common source of the Etruscans and Greeks, <a href="#Footnote_37">29 <i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Their architectural skill, <a href="#Page_29"><i>ibid.</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Peræa of the Rhodii, historical notice of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Strabo’s description of it, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Illustrations of it, <a href="#Page_222">222-226</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pergamum, ruins of, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Perge, illustration of the Roman road to, from Laodiceia ad Lycum, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">[360]</span>Pessinus, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Examination of its site, <a href="#Page_82">82-86</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Peutinger Itinerary, or table, illustrations of, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Particularly of its routes across Mount Taurus, <a href="#Page_76">76-78</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">From Laodiceia ad Lycum to Perge, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">From Apameia to Antiocheia of Pisidia, <a href="#Page_156">156-164</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">From Apameia to Synnada, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">From Apameia to Dorylæum, <a href="#Page_165">165-166</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">From Dorylæum to Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_167">167-170</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Phanæ, port, site of, <a href="#Page_264">264</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Phaselis, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Philadelphia, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its probable site, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Philomelium, site of, ascertained, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Philomelo, <a href="#Footnote_33">25 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Phrygia, notices of the ancient history of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Magnificent remains of ancient Phrygian art, described, <a href="#Page_29">29-32</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Topography of Phrygia Epictetus, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pityussa, island, <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pœcile, rock, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Ancient ruins there, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Πολυβοτὸν, site of, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pompeiopolis of Cilicia, historical notice of, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Pompeiopolis of Paphlagonia, its probable site, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Poseidium, cape, <a href="#Page_263">263</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Potamia, site of, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Prices of various commodities, as fixed by one of the Roman Emperors, table of, with illustrative remarks, <a href="#Page_332">332-338</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Priene, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, <a href="#Page_352">352</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Prince’s Islands, description of, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ptolemais, <a href="#Page_176">176</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pydnæ, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pygela, probable site of, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pylæ Ciliciæ, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Pyramus, river, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Course of, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Rhodian Colonies, notice of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rhodiopolis, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rhœteium, probable site of, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rhoge, island, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Rhope, island, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ródos, ancient inscription at, <a href="#Footnote_309">224 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ruins of Nicæa described, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Besh-Kardash, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Ladík, (Laodiceia Combusta), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Kílisa Hissár, (the ancient Tyana), <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">In the vicinity of Kassabá, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of ancient Derbe, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Mout, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Celenderis, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">At Kákava, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Antiphellus, <a href="#Page_127"><i>ibid.</i></a></li> + <li class="isub1">Of Telmissus, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Assus, <a href="#Page_128"><i>ibid.</i></a></li> + <li class="isub1">At Adália, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Between Bidjikli and Karabunár Kiúi, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Patara, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Myra and Andriace, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Elæussa, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Pompeiopolis, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Amyzon, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Latmus, or Heracleia, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Priene and Branchidæ, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Footnote_346"><i>notes</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Magnesia, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Tralles, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Nysa, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Laodiceia, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Hierapolis, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Sardes, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342-346</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Pergamum, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Sagalassus, or Selgessus, probable site of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sakaría, river, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sandukli, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">[361]</span>Samus, proportions of the temple of Juno at, <a href="#Page_348">348</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sangarius, river, celebrated for its fish, <a href="#Footnote_73">66 <i>note</i></a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sardes, ruins of, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Described, <a href="#Page_342">342-346</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Saporda, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sarpedonia, promontory of, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sarus, or Sihún, river, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Scamander, river, probable course of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Scamandria, probable site of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Scopas, river, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Scutarium, site of, determined, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Seid-el-Ghazi, village, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Copy of an ancient inscription in its vicinity, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Description of ancient catacombs near it, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sheikh Amúr, village, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Gulnar, <a href="#Page_113">113-115</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Shugut, town, described, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Eski-Shehr, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Siberis river, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Side, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its present state, <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Siderus, cape and harbour of, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sigeium, site of, <a href="#Page_276">276</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Simena, site of, <a href="#Page_188">188</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sinda, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sitshanli, <a href="#Page_139">139</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Soli, city, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Solyma, Mount, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stadiasmus, or Periplus of Asia Minor, illustrations of, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185-188</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191-201</a>, + <a href="#Page_202">202-218</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stavros, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Strabo’s description of Karamania translated, <a href="#Page_173">173-180</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Geographical illustrations of it, <a href="#Page_181">181-218</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Stratoniceia, site of, <a href="#Page_229">229-230</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Different names of, <a href="#Page_235">235</a> and <a href="#Footnote_339"><i>note</i></a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Ancient inscription of, illustrated, <a href="#Page_329">329-331</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sultán-hissár, the site of the ancient Nysa, <a href="#Page_248">248</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Surigis, or Turkish postillions, costume of, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Syedra, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Synaus, probable site of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Synnada, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Its site ascertained, <a href="#Page_54">54-58</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Remarks on the Roman road to, from Antiocheia of Pisidia, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Tabæ, probable site of, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ταβηνὸν Πεδίον, <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tatta, salt lake of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Taurus, Mount, passage over, into the valley of Calycadnus, <a href="#Page_104">104-106</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tavium, probable site of, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Telmissus, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Theatre of, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Temple of Cybebe, at Sardes, description and plan of, <a href="#Page_342">342-346</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Account of the relative proportions of the principal temples of Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_346">346-350</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Plans of various ancient temples, <a href="#Page_351">351</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Teos, proportions of the temple of Bacchus at, <a href="#Page_350">350</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Termessus, ruins of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Passes of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Theatres of Patara and Myra, plans of, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Points of difference between them and the theatres of European Greece, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Plan and construction of a Roman theatre according to Vitruvius, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Construction of the orchestra of the Greek theatre according to him, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Advantage of the Asiatic over the Greek theatres, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">[362]</span>Diameters of the principal ancient theatres in existence, in Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">And in European Greece, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Plan of the theatre of Hierapolis, <a href="#Page_341">341</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Themisonium, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tolistobogii, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tolistochora, or Tolosocorio, site of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tomb of Midas, <a href="#Page_31">31-34</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Of Hazret Mevlana, a Turkish saint, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tracheiotis, or Cilicia Tracheia, notice of ancient towns in, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tralles, site of, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Notice of its ruins, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Travelling, modern Turkish, described, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tripolis, notice of, <a href="#Page_254">254</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Troas, region of, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Notice of remarkable places in, <a href="#Page_273">273-306</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Troy, examination of the supposed site of, <a href="#Page_279">279-305</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tsháltigtshi, village, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Route thence to Burdur described, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tshina, river, course and sources of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tshumra, village, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Kassabá, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tyre, probably the site of Caystrus, <a href="#Page_257">257</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Tzerina, town and port of, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Vezir Khan, village, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li> + <li class="isub1">Journey thence to Shugut, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Weather, state of, in Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Xenagoras, islands of, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Xenophon’s account of the retreat of the ten thousand Greeks, remarks on the geographical difficulties and discrepancies in, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, + <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Xerigordus, castle of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Yerma, the site of the ancient Germa, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Yorgan-Ladík, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Zephyrium, cape, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a></li> + +</ul> + +<p class="titlepage">FINIS.</p> + +<p class="center smaller">Printed by Richard Taylor,<br> +Shoe-Lane, London.</p> +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78967 ***</div> +</body> +</html> |