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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #67294 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/67294)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of What Price Peace?, by Frederick J.
-Libby
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: What Price Peace?
-
-Author: Frederick J. Libby
-
-Release Date: January 31, 2022 [eBook #67294]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading
-             Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
-             images generously made available by The Internet
-             Archive/American Libraries.)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WHAT PRICE PEACE? ***
-
-
-
-
-
-                              WHAT PRICE
-                                PEACE?
-
-                          FREDERICK J. LIBBY
-
-
-                            [Illustration]
-
-
-                            ONE CENT A COPY
-                         ONE DOLLAR A HUNDRED
-                             POSTAGE EXTRA
-
-      Additional copies of this pamphlet may be obtained from the
-                National Council for Prevention of War
-           532 Seventeenth Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.
-
-                        _Issued January, 1925_
-
-
-
-
-                          SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT
-
-
-Potential causes of war confront us on every hand. Peace has not come.
-Our military men tell us that getting ready for war is the way to
-peace. It is their duty to prepare the nation for war. This method,
-however, will not bring peace. It will only hasten another world war,
-and that would fatally weaken our white civilization.
-
-To possess peace with justice and security, we must build machinery
-adequate to settle all international disputes that might cause war,
-and we must create behind the machinery a world opinion so strong that
-no nation will defy it. Small national armed forces theoretically
-can supplement world opinion, but the reliance must be on world
-opinion. Competitive armaments, the result of fear or ambition, must
-be progressively abolished by international agreement. International
-understanding and goodwill must be consistently cultivated beginning in
-the schools. The road to peace is a long uphill road.
-
-For machinery we shall require a court for our legal disputes and a
-town meeting of the world for the rest. I favor immediate adherence
-to the existing World Court with the Hughes reservations. For the
-world town meeting, I believe that we should join the existing League
-of Nations with reservations on Articles X and XVI in order that we
-may avoid both legal and moral commitments to use either military or
-economic force. These seem to me to be the first two steps towards
-peace.
-
-The third step is the outlawry of war. Since this will involve
-sacrifice of sovereignty in certain respects for the sake of peace,
-with a voluntary agreement to submit to the proper tribunal all
-disputes that threaten war, it requires a higher development of the
-will to peace than does the creation of the Court and League. It will
-fail if attempted as a political device to perpetuate the _status quo_.
-It can succeed only when the nations, and especially the great powers,
-are willing to be just, have a reasonable appreciation of one another’s
-problems, and are actuated by a fair degree of goodwill.
-
-The Geneva Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of International
-Disputes and Senator Borah’s proposal for the outlawry of war should be
-studied together in the light of the concrete problems to be solved,
-especially the political and human problems. I believe that the
-provision for “sanctions” to be automatically applied is impracticable.
-
-A conference for the reduction and limitation of land, sea, and air
-armaments is imperatively needed in the interest of economy and
-world peace. No one knows how soon such a conference can be held
-with reasonable assurance of even partial success. All nations must
-participate. I believe that a conference of this kind would now be more
-fruitful if held in Geneva than if held in Washington.
-
-The interim policy for the United States should be to avoid increasing
-armaments, holding “defense days,” and the like. Our aggressive and
-growing militarism is bringing us no added security and is engendering
-fear and suspicion at home and abroad. On the other hand, as mighty
-armaments give a sense of security and stability――albeit a mistaken
-sense――I expect no substantial reduction by America alone.
-
-
-
-
-                           WHAT PRICE PEACE?
-
-                         By Frederick J. Libby
-
-
-                “PEACE! PEACE!” WHEN THERE IS NO PEACE
-
-We are farther from peace than we were in 1922. The French occupation
-of the Ruhr and the passage by Congress of the Japanese Exclusion Act
-were blows at the very heart of world peace. Hate has been growing in
-Europe. Militarism has been given a new lease of life in Germany and in
-Japan. The question of race equality has been made a permanently living
-issue to be coupled in future years with the problems raised by white
-domination over peoples that want to be free.
-
-New Alsace Lorraines――such as the Polish Corridor――have been created
-by the Versailles Treaty. Religious and race antagonisms, kept acute
-by the economic imperialism of the white race, stir the awakening
-Mohammedan world.
-
-Militarist and narrow nationalist groups in every country flood the
-press with propaganda breathing fear or hate. A new race in armaments
-has started. Our Monroe Doctrine, in view of the growing importance
-of the immigration question, contains dangerous possibilities insofar
-as it may be regarded as a commitment to go to war for Latin-American
-policies. Taken in conjunction with certain acts of aggression on our
-part and with the utterances of our jingoes, which are reprinted from
-the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, it injects poison constantly into our
-relations with Latin America, so that our military guarantee of two
-continents brings us no gratitude but only suspicion from our grown-up
-and unwilling wards.
-
-The Dawes Plan is a fleeting ray of sunshine in a dark and ominous sky.
-We are not drifting into permanent peace.
-
-
-                NO SALVATION IN INCREASING PREPAREDNESS
-
-Our military men tell us to get ready for war. This is their duty.
-We are surrounded by potential causes of war. In their optimistic or
-disingenuous moments, our militarists talk of “peace by preparedness.”
-“America must be so strong that no nation will dare attack her,” is a
-popular slogan.
-
-Preparedness never has prevented war and it never will. Germany had
-that slogan. Look at her! History shows that preparedness has always
-led to war. It can lead nowhere else.
-
-We build; our rivals build――cruisers, airplanes, gas factories,
-submarines, armies. We build more; they build more. A race in armaments
-starts, and this always ends in war.
-
-General Frederick B. Maurice of the British army says: “I used to
-believe that if you want peace, you must prepare for war; but I have
-come to see that, if you prepare for war thoroughly and efficiently,
-you will get war.”
-
-
-                   ANOTHER WORLD WAR WOULD FINISH US
-
-Militarist theories predicate winning one’s wars. No nation won
-the last war. France is less secure than in 1914; England is less
-prosperous. All the “victor” nations are staggering under taxes and
-armaments; and there are the multitudinous dead.
-
-Herbert Hoover at Los Angeles on Armistice Day declared that another
-great war would be the “cemetery of civilization.” Winston Churchill
-describes it as the “general doom.” His article entitled “Shall We
-Commit Suicide?” should be widely read.
-
-A war of airplanes, poison gas, and hate――a baby killers’ war――the
-women conscripted and exterminated with the men――a city wiped out
-at a time――America’s cities almost as vulnerable as Europe’s, now
-that airships and submarines carry planes――such a war would surely
-be the twilight of the white civilization. We should perish as other
-civilizations in the brief span of human history have perished before
-us.
-
-Consequently, while war is threatening from every quarter, preparedness
-for war offers no hope to any nation――not even the hope of victory.
-Increasing preparedness can only hasten the “general doom.” Our sole
-hope of survival lies in preparing adequately and intelligently for
-peace.
-
-
-                HISTORY HAS SHOWN A SUCCESSFUL WAY OUT
-
-The way out of the perilous chaos into which godless and stupid
-policies have brought the world is a way that has proved uniformly
-successful. It has been tried so far in cities, states, and nations. It
-worked in the Maine township where I grew up, and it works equally well
-on a national scale in every civilized land on which the sun shines. It
-is now universally practised――except between nations.
-
-
-                     MACHINERY PLUS PUBLIC OPINION
-
-We call it, roughly speaking, the substitution of law for war. To
-express it more accurately, our present task is to build machinery
-adequate to settle all disputes that might cause war, and to build
-behind that machinery a sound world opinion capable of bearing very
-heavy strains.
-
-Machinery unsupported by public opinion is dead. On the other hand,
-public opinion without machinery through which to function is helpless.
-
-These are the two main tasks. At the same time, armaments must be
-reduced by international conferences, war must be outlawed, and
-goodwill must be cultivated. The development of goodwill should be
-begun in the schools.
-
-
-                        THE MACHINERY ESSENTIAL
-
-In Maine we had both a court and a town meeting to keep us out of war.
-The court dealt with our legal disputes and the town meeting with the
-rest. Both were supported by public opinion. The strength of this
-opinion made the work of our one policeman light. The system worked.
-
-In California in ’49, men relied on pistols for justice and security.
-It did not work. Thugs could shoot as straight as honest men. So in
-California they shifted from the war system to the law system and were
-able before long to forbid the carrying of pistols. Obviously, this
-change of method was wrought without changing human nature.
-
-The progress of civilization has been characterized by just such an
-extension of the reign of law. One step remains to be taken. Since it
-works everywhere else, we should enthrone law between nations. As I
-see it, the essential institutions necessary are those with which New
-Englanders are familiar――a court for the world’s legal disputes and a
-town meeting for the rest.
-
-
-                            THE WORLD COURT
-
-A court of justice has long been recognized by American statesmen as
-the cornerstone of world peace. It is clear to anyone who thinks that
-some provision must be made for the settlement of legal disputes. The
-Hague Tribunal is not a court of law, but a court of arbitration, and
-therefore cannot perform the tasks now under our consideration.
-
-The Permanent Court of International Justice, popularly called the
-World Court, is the kind of court required. It has been accepted by
-47 nations. It, too, meets at The Hague. It is largely the creation
-of American genius. Elihu Root is its father. It is the practically
-universal judgment of the peace forces of America that our first step
-towards peace should be to join the existing World Court and with
-the Hughes reservations. The Hughes reservations protect us from
-inadvertently joining the League before we are ready. We accept this
-limitation. We will proceed one step at a time.
-
-No substitute plan receives any support whatever, and for excellent
-reasons. This specific proposal has the endorsement of President
-Coolidge and of both the Republican and Democratic platforms. I
-regard joining the World Court with the Hughes reservations as this
-winter’s job (1924–1925). The Senate has had the measure before it in
-committee nearly two years. Meanwhile the world drifts towards war. It
-is reasonable to demand speedy action. We must all work to secure it
-through our Senators.
-
-
-                THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS WITH RESERVATIONS
-
-As a court can deal only with legal disputes, and as the most dangerous
-disputes named above are political and economic rather than legal, it
-is clear that the World Court alone will not end war. A town meeting
-of the world under some name is as necessary as the court. This fact
-is generally recognized and the idea of a League of Nations is nearly
-everywhere accepted.
-
-The existing League of Nations I used to oppose on the ground that it
-seemed to me to be so tied up with the Versailles Treaty that it was
-more likely to cause war than to prevent it. I believe still that its
-coercive features are impracticable. I have come to the conviction,
-however, that America should now consider joining the League of Nations
-with such reservations on Articles X and XVI as will relieve us from
-every legal and moral obligation to go to war or to undertake any
-coercive economic measures that might lead to war. We should also be
-protected by reservation from any possible construction of obligation
-under the Versailles Treaty. I may add that my observation is that
-the genuine opposition to the League in this country is in reality
-opposition to the commitments indicated in these reservations.
-
-Although the League is still in its formative period, it is, I believe,
-firmly established. Fifty-five out of 64 eligible nations belong to it.
-Turkey and Germany will probably join within twelve months. Then only
-Russia, the United States, Mexico and four small nations of those now
-eligible will remain outside.
-
-Important decisions are being made by the League. America should have
-a part in making all such decisions, because they inevitably affect our
-future. The world is now a community, and the welfare of each nation is
-closely wrapped up with the decisions of the rest.
-
-The League fortunately was not made a political issue of the recent
-presidential campaign. Secretary Hughes for one took pains to say that
-he regarded our foreign relations as not an issue. Party politics
-should stop at the 3-mile limit. Secretary Hughes was also careful to
-say with reference to the League that it was against the “commitments”
-of the Covenant that he believed America had declared herself. I
-believe that we should join the League of Nations on the conditions
-stated and that we should do so during the present Administration. It
-is surely becoming increasingly difficult for us to stay outside.
-
-
-                          THE OUTLAWRY OF WAR
-
-With court and town meeting established, I believe that the effective
-outlawry of war is possible. War cannot be outlawed if this is proposed
-as a device to preserve the present division of territory in Europe.
-War cannot be outlawed for the protection of injustice or oppression
-anywhere. Such political chicanery in the outlawry of war would in the
-end meet with a fearful punishment.
-
-The outlawry of war can succeed permanently, I think, only when
-accompanied by a general willingness on the part of nations to be
-just and by such an appreciation of others’ problems as will lead to
-a friendly spirit of “give and take.” Such jealous nationalism as
-has historically ruled our Senate is incompatible with it. “Vital
-interests” and “the national honor” cannot be made exceptions for
-private treatment, neither can “domestic” questions that are not
-exclusively domestic, as the American delegation justly urged at the
-recent opium convention.
-
-The honest outlawry of war demands a higher development of the will
-to peace and justice than has been observed among great nations in
-the past. This is why it is the third rather than the first step to
-be taken. Yet, until aggressive war has been branded as a crime, and
-until the aggressor has been defined, the prevention of war will be
-haphazard, and the growth of an effective world opinion against war
-will be slow and uncertain.
-
-The Geneva Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of International
-Disputes has been ratified by 16 nations including France. It deserves
-study side by side with the Borah Resolution. Personally I believe
-that “sanctions” which are to become effective automatically are
-impracticable. I cannot imagine England seizing our property or
-blockading us because our Senate refused to accept a League decision.
-
-Wise men make no threats, knowing that they may not want to carry them
-out and that perhaps to do so would be injustice and folly. Events have
-justified the founders of our Republic in giving the Supreme Court no
-force but public opinion to support its decisions as between states.
-The system has limped at times, but it has always worked better than
-attempted coercion would have done.
-
-
-                   DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW
-
-International Law is in its infancy. It is mainly concerned with
-procedure in war――a procedure no longer observed. It needs to be
-extended and codified. I believe that this can best be done by a
-commission of the League of Nations, which shall report from time to
-time to the League of Nations Assembly. Late news from Rome indicates
-that this is being provided for by the Council of the League.
-
-
-                 CONFERENCE ON REDUCTION OF ARMAMENTS
-
-Both the League of Nations and President Coolidge have given expression
-to the universal desire to reduce the burden of armaments in the
-interest of economy and world peace. Armaments, speaking generally,
-express a nation’s fears or the ambitions of its controlling classes.
-Reduction of armaments will follow increasing world security and
-still more extensively an increasing sense of security, which is a
-very different matter. We are used to our armaments as we are used to
-locking our doors at night. Neither actually gives security, although
-we have been brought up to think both do. I have shown above that
-armaments cannot give security from another world war, and that is the
-only security that would be worth having.
-
-Increase of armaments increases the general sense of insecurity.
-Therefore, while waiting for another conference on the limitation of
-armaments, we should not hold “defense days” nor competitively multiply
-our cruisers, submarines, and other arms. President Coolidge is right
-in “standing pat” on the vast sum of $550,000,000 as enough for war
-preparation for the year 1926.
-
-On the other hand, drastic reduction of armaments, except by
-international agreement, is psychologically impracticable for us in the
-present state of things. Hence another conference for the reduction and
-limitation of land, sea, and air forces is necessary. To be fruitful,
-it must include all nations. France cannot disarm unless Russia does.
-Although it might seem that Washington would in some respects offer
-the best atmosphere for such a conference, it must be remembered that
-France has not yet ratified some of the important treaties adopted here
-three years ago (1921). Delegates achieve nothing permanent if they go
-beyond public sentiment at home. Consequently, as the League of Nations
-is considering such a conference, I believe it might be well for it to
-meet in Geneva. There would, perhaps, be greater probability that its
-decisions would be accepted by the powers represented.
-
-
-                       NO SALVATION IN MACHINERY
-
-Machinery will not save the world. It is dead by itself. When
-legislation gets too far ahead of public opinion, we have trouble in
-enforcing our laws. Similarly the weakness of the League of Nations
-has been mainly the weakness of the public opinion behind the League.
-It will be remembered that the League was set up at a time when to a
-considerable degree the world was skeptical of its practicability.
-
-Press opinion in France scoffed at “Wilson’s ideology.” Lloyd George
-exacted payment for his support. Our Senate rejected the League through
-the efforts of a determined minority of doubters. Puny and unwelcome,
-it lived by the faith of a few men until Italy last year, by defying
-it, proved to the small nations its vital worth.
-
-Now the terrors of the future have made the League the cornerstone of
-the foreign policy of several states including France. It is flouted
-still by the nationalists of every country when it stands in their way;
-but even they do not dare try to destroy it. Without it no one sees any
-hope ahead――nothing but universal warfare and wholesale extermination
-until the end.
-
-
-                 GROWING PUBLIC OPINION BEHIND LEAGUE
-
-The change, be it noted, has been in public opinion. The small nations
-saw in the attack on Greece the fact that their existence rests with
-the League. French liberals perceived that they could reduce the burden
-of armaments and achieve security only through the League. Statesmen,
-leaders of thought everywhere, discovered that they were leaning upon
-it more and more heavily as they looked ahead into the dark.
-
-Winston Churchill, sincere imperialist though he be, writes: “It
-is through the League of Nations alone that the path to safety and
-salvation can be found. To sustain and aid the League of Nations
-is the duty of all.” His government failed to live up to his wise
-admonition in the recent crisis in Egypt, but it is something that he
-should have recognized the obligation in principle. The League will
-progressively destroy imperialism, one may hope.
-
-
-                        BUILDING WORLD OPINION
-
-We have only to read our morning paper thoughtfully to become aware
-that the sound world opinion required to make the new machinery of
-justice effective will not come of itself. It must be built by the
-conscious and purposeful cooperation of governments and of all good
-citizens.
-
-
-                           ENGLAND AND EGYPT
-
-England’s conservative government has just thrown away a precious
-opportunity of this kind in refusing to submit to the League her
-quarrel with Egypt and resorting to the coercive policy of the old
-diplomacy, seizing the opportunity of a murder to advance the interests
-of the empire.
-
-The thirst for liberty that is stirring North Africa, the Near East,
-and India cannot be quenched by repression. “Only a few agitators
-are to blame for this unrest,” say the old-school imperialists. That
-is what they said with some justice of the American Colonies once.
-England would have been wiser to strengthen the League now against the
-difficult days that everyone can see ahead of the British Empire.
-
-It is by such voluntary submission of important matters to the Court
-and League by governments strong enough to evade doing so that in the
-last instance our world opinion must be built.
-
-
-                     A TASK FOR ALL GOOD CITIZENS
-
-Despite two glaring instances of Congressional insularity that are
-at present in our minds――passage of the Japanese Exclusion Act and
-two years’ delay in taking up the World Court――in the long run and
-haltingly a democratic government obeys the people’s will. If we want
-international law and order in place of war and chaos, we must say so
-and keep saying so.
-
-How is public opinion created? How was Mr. Coolidge elected president?
-Talk, talk, talk and talk, talk, talk. Not, as it happens in this
-instance, by Mr. Coolidge but by those who wanted him for president.
-It was talk in the press and talk from the soapbox and talk in the
-circles in which one moved, talk with convincing earnestness, talk with
-arguments that reached down to the motives on which men really act.
-
-Similarly in furthering the only policy that can save our country
-and our civilization from being ruined by another war, we must talk,
-talk, talk and talk, talk, talk――in the press, from the pulpit, in
-the schoolroom, in books, from the billboards, in public meetings,
-and through the programs of club and lodge and grange. We must work
-as men in haste, remembering that we are sure only of this “period of
-exhaustion,” in which to build machinery and world opinion, both strong
-enough to bear incredible strain. It will be only as by the skin of our
-teeth that the world will get by some of the danger corners that we all
-can see must be passed.
-
-Why America particularly? Because what is whispered in America today
-echoes and re-echoes around the world.
-
-
-                       MUST BEGIN IN THE SCHOOLS
-
-All movements that succeed start in the schools. It is in the schools
-of the world that the peace movement will succeed or fail. If the old
-style militant nationalism continues to be taught there――the arrogance,
-the hate of past days――there is no hope.
-
-Hate is being taught now in the schools of every land and sometimes it
-is called patriotism. For myself, I learned to love France and to hate
-England as a schoolboy, through the lessons of the Revolutionary War.
-These lessons could have been taught without breeding hate, I think;
-but they weren’t.
-
-South and North have not yet agreed on a history of the United States.
-Both are handing down from generation to generation the animosities
-of the Civil War by using different textbooks with utterly different
-viewpoints. They call this loyalty. It is loyalty to the past but not
-to the future. The future demands that the glorification of war with
-its hatreds shall cease.
-
-
-                     CULTIVATE AND TEACH GOODWILL
-
-Secretary Hughes, in the course of his famous speech, May 15, which,
-whether intentionally or not, cut the ground from under “Defense Day,”
-said, “There is only one avenue to peace. That is in the settlement of
-actual differences and the removal of ill will. All else is talk, form,
-and pretense.”
-
-After speaking of the settlement of differences through “institutions
-of justice,” he went on as follows: “Between friends any difficulty can
-be settled. There is no substitute for goodwill. There is no mechanism
-of intercourse that can dispense with it.”
-
-I am convinced of the correctness of Secretary Hughes’ conclusion. We
-must be better men if our race is to survive. A civilization shot
-through with hate cannot continue long after it is fully equipped with
-poison gas and airplanes. Even for self-preservation we must cultivate
-goodwill――goodwill between classes and religions and nations and races.
-
-We must subdue in our own hearts the swiftly rising prejudice by
-nursing, often by an effort of the will, the kindly thought that
-follows tardily. We must seek to know and understand those we hate;
-for then, as Charles Lamb discovered, we cannot hate them. Cooperation
-must replace isolation; progressive world organization must replace
-international anarchy; and, above all, the spirit of the team must
-replace “grandstand playing” and national egotism.
-
-
-                             IT WILL WORK
-
-The success of our national experiments in “audacious
-friendliness”――returning the Boxer indemnity to China, feeding the
-children of Europe, aiding stricken Japan; the success of Ramsay
-MacDonald’s pursuit of the same policy, which changed the atmosphere of
-Europe markedly for the better in six months; the success of Herriot
-in his policy of “rapprochement” with Germany, following Poincare’s
-ghastly failure with coercion――all this goes to show that international
-relations are but human problems and that the spirit that “removes”
-our personal “mountains” will be similarly triumphant between nations.
-Our realists are going to discover some day to their astonishment that
-the “practical” policy they are seeking, the policy that will bring
-security with justice and peace, is this very policy of audacious
-friendliness functioning through appropriate machinery. We can climb up
-to peace in no other way.
-
-
-                  Model Printing Company, Washington
-
-                            [Illustration]
-
-
-
-
- Transcriber’s Note:
-
- ――Text in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).
-
-*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WHAT PRICE PEACE? ***
-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of What Price Peace?, by Frederick J. Libby</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
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-
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: What Price Peace?</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Frederick J. Libby</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 31, 2022 [eBook #67294]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WHAT PRICE PEACE? ***</div>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter" id="cover">
-  <img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" title="cover" />
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<h1 class="nobreak">WHAT PRICE<br />
-PEACE?</h1>
-
-<p class="noi author"><span class="smcap">Frederick J. Libby</span></p>
-
-<div class="pad4">
-<div class="figcenter" id="tp_deco">
-  <img class="illowe6" src="images/tp_deco.jpg"
-       alt="tp_decoration" title="tp_decoration" />
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-
-<p class="noic">ONE CENT A COPY<br />
-ONE DOLLAR A HUNDRED<br />
-<span class="works">POSTAGE EXTRA</span></p>
-
-<hr class="r30" />
-
-<p class="p2 noic">Additional copies of this pamphlet may be obtained from the<br />
-<span class="adauthor">National Council for Prevention of War</span><br />
-532 Seventeenth Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.</p>
-
-<p class="noi works"><i>Issued January, 1925</i></p>
-</div>
-
-
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="SUMMARY">SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT</h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<p>Potential causes of war confront us on every hand.
-Peace has not come. Our military men tell us that getting
-ready for war is the way to peace. It is their duty to
-prepare the nation for war. This method, however, will
-not bring peace. It will only hasten another world war,
-and that would fatally weaken our white civilization.</p>
-
-<p>To possess peace with justice and security, we must
-build machinery adequate to settle all international
-disputes that might cause war, and we must create behind
-the machinery a world opinion so strong that no nation
-will defy it. Small national armed forces theoretically can
-supplement world opinion, but the reliance must be on
-world opinion. Competitive armaments, the result of
-fear or ambition, must be progressively abolished by
-international agreement. International understanding and
-goodwill must be consistently cultivated beginning in the
-schools. The road to peace is a long uphill road.</p>
-
-<p>For machinery we shall require a court for our legal
-disputes and a town meeting of the world for the rest.
-I favor immediate adherence to the existing World Court
-with the Hughes reservations. For the world town meeting,
-I believe that we should join the existing League of
-Nations with reservations on Articles X and XVI in order
-that we may avoid both legal and moral commitments
-to use either military or economic force. These seem to me
-to be the first two steps towards peace.</p>
-
-<p>The third step is the outlawry of war. Since this will
-involve sacrifice of sovereignty in certain respects for the
-sake of peace, with a voluntary agreement to submit to
-the proper tribunal all disputes that threaten war, it
-requires a higher development of the will to peace than
-does the creation of the Court and League. It will fail
-if attempted as a political device to perpetuate the <i>status
-quo</i>. It can succeed only when the nations, and especially
-the great powers, are willing to be just, have a reasonable
-appreciation of one another’s problems, and are actuated
-by a fair degree of goodwill.</p>
-
-<p>The Geneva Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of
-International Disputes and Senator Borah’s proposal for
-the outlawry of war should be studied together in the light
-of the concrete problems to be solved, especially the
-political and human problems. I believe that the provision
-for “sanctions” to be automatically applied is
-impracticable.</p>
-
-<p>A conference for the reduction and limitation of land,
-sea, and air armaments is imperatively needed in the
-interest of economy and world peace. No one knows how
-soon such a conference can be held with reasonable assurance
-of even partial success. All nations must participate.
-I believe that a conference of this kind would now be more
-fruitful if held in Geneva than if held in Washington.</p>
-
-<p>The interim policy for the United States should be to
-avoid increasing armaments, holding “defense days,”
-and the like. Our aggressive and growing militarism is
-bringing us no added security and is engendering fear and
-suspicion at home and abroad. On the other hand, as
-mighty armaments give a sense of security and stability—albeit
-a mistaken sense—I expect no substantial reduction
-by America alone.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="WPP">WHAT PRICE PEACE?<br />
-<small>By Frederick J. Libby</small></h2>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="r30" />
-
-<h3>“PEACE! PEACE!” WHEN THERE IS
-NO PEACE</h3>
-
-<p>We are farther from peace than we were in 1922.
-The French occupation of the Ruhr and the passage
-by Congress of the Japanese Exclusion Act were
-blows at the very heart of world peace. Hate has
-been growing in Europe. Militarism has been
-given a new lease of life in Germany and in Japan.
-The question of race equality has been made a
-permanently living issue to be coupled in future
-years with the problems raised by white domination
-over peoples that want to be free.</p>
-
-<p>New Alsace Lorraines—such as the Polish
-Corridor—have been created by the Versailles
-Treaty. Religious and race antagonisms, kept
-acute by the economic imperialism of the white
-race, stir the awakening Mohammedan world.</p>
-
-<p>Militarist and narrow nationalist groups in
-every country flood the press with propaganda
-breathing fear or hate. A new race in armaments
-has started. Our Monroe Doctrine, in view of the
-growing importance of the immigration question,
-contains dangerous possibilities insofar as it may
-be regarded as a commitment to go to war for
-Latin-American policies. Taken in conjunction
-with certain acts of aggression on our part and with
-the utterances of our jingoes, which are reprinted
-from the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, it injects
-poison constantly into our relations with Latin
-America, so that our military guarantee of two
-continents brings us no gratitude but only suspicion
-from our grown-up and unwilling wards.</p>
-
-<p>The Dawes Plan is a fleeting ray of sunshine in a
-dark and ominous sky. We are not drifting into
-permanent peace.</p>
-
-
-<h3>NO SALVATION IN INCREASING
-PREPAREDNESS</h3>
-
-<p>Our military men tell us to get ready for war.
-This is their duty. We are surrounded by potential
-causes of war. In their optimistic or disingenuous
-moments, our militarists talk of “peace
-by preparedness.” “America must be so strong
-that no nation will dare attack her,” is a popular
-slogan.</p>
-
-<p>Preparedness never has prevented war and it
-never will. Germany had that slogan. Look at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
-her! History shows that preparedness has always
-led to war. It can lead nowhere else.</p>
-
-<p>We build; our rivals build—cruisers, airplanes,
-gas factories, submarines, armies. We build
-more; they build more. A race in armaments
-starts, and this always ends in war.</p>
-
-<p>General Frederick B. Maurice of the British
-army says: “I used to believe that if you want
-peace, you must prepare for war; but I have come
-to see that, if you prepare for war thoroughly and
-efficiently, you will get war.”</p>
-
-
-<h3>ANOTHER WORLD WAR WOULD FINISH US</h3>
-
-<p>Militarist theories predicate winning one’s wars.
-No nation won the last war. France is less secure
-than in 1914; England is less prosperous. All the
-“victor” nations are staggering under taxes and
-armaments; and there are the multitudinous dead.</p>
-
-<p>Herbert Hoover at Los Angeles on Armistice Day
-declared that another great war would be the
-“cemetery of civilization.” Winston Churchill
-describes it as the “general doom.” His article
-entitled “Shall We Commit Suicide?” should be
-widely read.</p>
-
-<p>A war of airplanes, poison gas, and hate—a baby
-killers’ war—the women conscripted and exterminated
-with the men—a city wiped out at a time—America’s
-cities almost as vulnerable as Europe’s,
-now that airships and submarines carry planes—such
-a war would surely be the twilight of the white
-civilization. We should perish as other civilizations
-in the brief span of human history have perished
-before us.</p>
-
-<p>Consequently, while war is threatening from
-every quarter, preparedness for war offers no hope
-to any nation—not even the hope of victory.
-Increasing preparedness can only hasten the
-“general doom.” Our sole hope of survival lies
-in preparing adequately and intelligently for peace.</p>
-
-
-<h3>HISTORY HAS SHOWN A SUCCESSFUL
-WAY OUT</h3>
-
-<p>The way out of the perilous chaos into which
-godless and stupid policies have brought the world
-is a way that has proved uniformly successful.
-It has been tried so far in cities, states, and nations.
-It worked in the Maine township where I grew up,
-and it works equally well on a national scale in
-every civilized land on which the sun shines.
-It is now universally practised—except between
-nations.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span></p>
-
-
-<h3>MACHINERY PLUS PUBLIC OPINION</h3>
-
-<p>We call it, roughly speaking, the substitution of
-law for war. To express it more accurately, our
-present task is to build machinery adequate to
-settle all disputes that might cause war, and to
-build behind that machinery a sound world opinion
-capable of bearing very heavy strains.</p>
-
-<p>Machinery unsupported by public opinion is
-dead. On the other hand, public opinion without
-machinery through which to function is helpless.</p>
-
-<p>These are the two main tasks. At the same time,
-armaments must be reduced by international conferences,
-war must be outlawed, and goodwill
-must be cultivated. The development of goodwill
-should be begun in the schools.</p>
-
-
-<h3>THE MACHINERY ESSENTIAL</h3>
-
-<p>In Maine we had both a court and a town meeting
-to keep us out of war. The court dealt with our
-legal disputes and the town meeting with the rest.
-Both were supported by public opinion. The
-strength of this opinion made the work of our one
-policeman light. The system worked.</p>
-
-<p>In California in ’49, men relied on pistols for
-justice and security. It did not work. Thugs
-could shoot as straight as honest men. So in
-California they shifted from the war system to the
-law system and were able before long to forbid the
-carrying of pistols. Obviously, this change of
-method was wrought without changing human
-nature.</p>
-
-<p>The progress of civilization has been characterized
-by just such an extension of the reign of
-law. One step remains to be taken. Since it
-works everywhere else, we should enthrone law
-between nations. As I see it, the essential institutions
-necessary are those with which New
-Englanders are familiar—a court for the world’s
-legal disputes and a town meeting for the rest.</p>
-
-
-<h3>THE WORLD COURT</h3>
-
-<p>A court of justice has long been recognized by
-American statesmen as the cornerstone of world
-peace. It is clear to anyone who thinks that some
-provision must be made for the settlement of
-legal disputes. The Hague Tribunal is not a court
-of law, but a court of arbitration, and therefore
-cannot perform the tasks now under our consideration.</p>
-
-<p>The Permanent Court of International Justice,
-popularly called the World Court, is the kind of
-court required. It has been accepted by 47
-nations. It, too, meets at The Hague. It is
-largely the creation of American genius. Elihu<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
-Root is its father. It is the practically universal
-judgment of the peace forces of America that our
-first step towards peace should be to join the
-existing World Court and with the Hughes reservations.
-The Hughes reservations protect us from
-inadvertently joining the League before we are
-ready. We accept this limitation. We will proceed
-one step at a time.</p>
-
-<p>No substitute plan receives any support whatever,
-and for excellent reasons. This specific
-proposal has the endorsement of President Coolidge
-and of both the Republican and Democratic platforms.
-I regard joining the World Court with
-the Hughes reservations as this winter’s job
-(1924–1925). The Senate has had the measure
-before it in committee nearly two years. Meanwhile
-the world drifts towards war. It is reasonable
-to demand speedy action. We must all work
-to secure it through our Senators.</p>
-
-
-<h3>THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS WITH
-RESERVATIONS</h3>
-
-<p>As a court can deal only with legal disputes, and
-as the most dangerous disputes named above are
-political and economic rather than legal, it is clear
-that the World Court alone will not end war. A
-town meeting of the world under some name is as
-necessary as the court. This fact is generally
-recognized and the idea of a League of Nations is
-nearly everywhere accepted.</p>
-
-<p>The existing League of Nations I used to oppose
-on the ground that it seemed to me to be so tied
-up with the Versailles Treaty that it was more
-likely to cause war than to prevent it. I believe still
-that its coercive features are impracticable. I
-have come to the conviction, however, that America
-should now consider joining the League of
-Nations with such reservations on Articles X and
-XVI as will relieve us from every legal and moral
-obligation to go to war or to undertake any coercive
-economic measures that might lead to war. We
-should also be protected by reservation from any
-possible construction of obligation under the
-Versailles Treaty. I may add that my observation
-is that the genuine opposition to the League in
-this country is in reality opposition to the commitments
-indicated in these reservations.</p>
-
-<p>Although the League is still in its formative
-period, it is, I believe, firmly established. Fifty-five
-out of 64 eligible nations belong to it. Turkey
-and Germany will probably join within twelve
-months. Then only Russia, the United States,
-Mexico and four small nations of those now eligible
-will remain outside.</p>
-
-<p>Important decisions are being made by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
-League. America should have a part in making all
-such decisions, because they inevitably affect our
-future. The world is now a community, and the
-welfare of each nation is closely wrapped up with
-the decisions of the rest.</p>
-
-<p>The League fortunately was not made a political
-issue of the recent presidential campaign. Secretary
-Hughes for one took pains to say that he regarded
-our foreign relations as not an issue. Party
-politics should stop at the 3-mile limit. Secretary
-Hughes was also careful to say with reference to
-the League that it was against the “commitments”
-of the Covenant that he believed America had
-declared herself. I believe that we should join
-the League of Nations on the conditions stated and
-that we should do so during the present Administration.
-It is surely becoming increasingly difficult
-for us to stay outside.</p>
-
-
-<h3>THE OUTLAWRY OF WAR</h3>
-
-<p>With court and town meeting established, I
-believe that the effective outlawry of war is possible.
-War cannot be outlawed if this is proposed as a
-device to preserve the present division of territory
-in Europe. War cannot be outlawed for the protection
-of injustice or oppression anywhere.
-Such political chicanery in the outlawry of war
-would in the end meet with a fearful punishment.</p>
-
-<p>The outlawry of war can succeed permanently,
-I think, only when accompanied by a general
-willingness on the part of nations to be just and
-by such an appreciation of others’ problems as
-will lead to a friendly spirit of “give and take.”
-Such jealous nationalism as has historically ruled
-our Senate is incompatible with it. “Vital interests”
-and “the national honor” cannot be made
-exceptions for private treatment, neither can
-“domestic” questions that are not exclusively
-domestic, as the American delegation justly urged
-at the recent opium convention.</p>
-
-<p>The honest outlawry of war demands a higher
-development of the will to peace and justice than
-has been observed among great nations in the past.
-This is why it is the third rather than the first step
-to be taken. Yet, until aggressive war has been
-branded as a crime, and until the aggressor has
-been defined, the prevention of war will be haphazard,
-and the growth of an effective world opinion
-against war will be slow and uncertain.</p>
-
-<p>The Geneva Protocol for the Pacific Settlement
-of International Disputes has been ratified by 16
-nations including France. It deserves study side
-by side with the Borah Resolution. Personally
-I believe that “sanctions” which are to become
-effective automatically are impracticable. I cannot<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
-imagine England seizing our property or
-blockading us because our Senate refused to accept
-a League decision.</p>
-
-<p>Wise men make no threats, knowing that they
-may not want to carry them out and that perhaps
-to do so would be injustice and folly. Events
-have justified the founders of our Republic in
-giving the Supreme Court no force but public
-opinion to support its decisions as between states.
-The system has limped at times, but it has always
-worked better than attempted coercion would
-have done.</p>
-
-
-<h3>DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW</h3>
-
-<p>International Law is in its infancy. It is mainly
-concerned with procedure in war—a procedure no
-longer observed. It needs to be extended and
-codified. I believe that this can best be done by a
-commission of the League of Nations, which shall
-report from time to time to the League of Nations
-Assembly. Late news from Rome indicates that
-this is being provided for by the Council of the
-League.</p>
-
-
-<h3>CONFERENCE ON REDUCTION
-OF ARMAMENTS</h3>
-
-<p>Both the League of Nations and President
-Coolidge have given expression to the universal
-desire to reduce the burden of armaments in the
-interest of economy and world peace. Armaments,
-speaking generally, express a nation’s fears or the
-ambitions of its controlling classes. Reduction of
-armaments will follow increasing world security and
-still more extensively an increasing sense of security,
-which is a very different matter. We are used to
-our armaments as we are used to locking our doors
-at night. Neither actually gives security, although
-we have been brought up to think both do. I have
-shown above that armaments cannot give security
-from another world war, and that is the only
-security that would be worth having.</p>
-
-<p>Increase of armaments increases the general
-sense of insecurity. Therefore, while waiting for
-another conference on the limitation of armaments,
-we should not hold “defense days” nor competitively
-multiply our cruisers, submarines, and other
-arms. President Coolidge is right in “standing
-pat” on the vast sum of $550,000,000 as enough
-for war preparation for the year 1926.</p>
-
-<p>On the other hand, drastic reduction of armaments,
-except by international agreement, is
-psychologically impracticable for us in the present
-state of things. Hence another conference for the
-reduction and limitation of land, sea, and air
-forces is necessary. To be fruitful, it must include<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
-all nations. France cannot disarm unless Russia
-does. Although it might seem that Washington
-would in some respects offer the best atmosphere
-for such a conference, it must be remembered that
-France has not yet ratified some of the important
-treaties adopted here three years ago (1921).
-Delegates achieve nothing permanent if they go
-beyond public sentiment at home. Consequently,
-as the League of Nations is considering such a
-conference, I believe it might be well for it to
-meet in Geneva. There would, perhaps, be
-greater probability that its decisions would be
-accepted by the powers represented.</p>
-
-
-<h3>NO SALVATION IN MACHINERY</h3>
-
-<p>Machinery will not save the world. It is dead
-by itself. When legislation gets too far ahead of
-public opinion, we have trouble in enforcing our
-laws. Similarly the weakness of the League of
-Nations has been mainly the weakness of the
-public opinion behind the League. It will be remembered
-that the League was set up at a time
-when to a considerable degree the world was
-skeptical of its practicability.</p>
-
-<p>Press opinion in France scoffed at “Wilson’s
-ideology.” Lloyd George exacted payment for
-his support. Our Senate rejected the League
-through the efforts of a determined minority of
-doubters. Puny and unwelcome, it lived by the
-faith of a few men until Italy last year, by defying
-it, proved to the small nations its vital worth.</p>
-
-<p>Now the terrors of the future have made the
-League the cornerstone of the foreign policy of
-several states including France. It is flouted
-still by the nationalists of every country when it
-stands in their way; but even they do not dare try
-to destroy it. Without it no one sees any hope
-ahead—nothing but universal warfare and wholesale
-extermination until the end.</p>
-
-
-<h3>GROWING PUBLIC OPINION
-BEHIND LEAGUE</h3>
-
-<p>The change, be it noted, has been in public
-opinion. The small nations saw in the attack on
-Greece the fact that their existence rests with the
-League. French liberals perceived that they
-could reduce the burden of armaments and achieve
-security only through the League. Statesmen,
-leaders of thought everywhere, discovered that they
-were leaning upon it more and more heavily as they
-looked ahead into the dark.</p>
-
-<p>Winston Churchill, sincere imperialist though he
-be, writes: “It is through the League of Nations
-alone that the path to safety and salvation can be
-found. To sustain and aid the League of Nations is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
-the duty of all.” His government failed to live
-up to his wise admonition in the recent crisis in
-Egypt, but it is something that he should have
-recognized the obligation in principle. The League
-will progressively destroy imperialism, one may
-hope.</p>
-
-
-<h3>BUILDING WORLD OPINION</h3>
-
-<p>We have only to read our morning paper thoughtfully
-to become aware that the sound world
-opinion required to make the new machinery of
-justice effective will not come of itself. It must
-be built by the conscious and purposeful cooperation
-of governments and of all good citizens.</p>
-
-
-<h3>ENGLAND AND EGYPT</h3>
-
-<p>England’s conservative government has just
-thrown away a precious opportunity of this kind
-in refusing to submit to the League her quarrel
-with Egypt and resorting to the coercive policy
-of the old diplomacy, seizing the opportunity of a
-murder to advance the interests of the empire.</p>
-
-<p>The thirst for liberty that is stirring North
-Africa, the Near East, and India cannot be quenched
-by repression. “Only a few agitators are to blame
-for this unrest,” say the old-school imperialists.
-That is what they said with some justice of the
-American Colonies once. England would have
-been wiser to strengthen the League now against
-the difficult days that everyone can see ahead of
-the British Empire.</p>
-
-<p>It is by such voluntary submission of important
-matters to the Court and League by governments
-strong enough to evade doing so that in the last
-instance our world opinion must be built.</p>
-
-
-<h3>A TASK FOR ALL GOOD CITIZENS</h3>
-
-<p>Despite two glaring instances of Congressional
-insularity that are at present in our minds—passage
-of the Japanese Exclusion Act and two
-years’ delay in taking up the World Court—in
-the long run and haltingly a democratic government
-obeys the people’s will. If we want international
-law and order in place of war and chaos,
-we must say so and keep saying so.</p>
-
-<p>How is public opinion created? How was Mr.
-Coolidge elected president? Talk, talk, talk and
-talk, talk, talk. Not, as it happens in this instance,
-by Mr. Coolidge but by those who wanted
-him for president. It was talk in the press and
-talk from the soapbox and talk in the circles in
-which one moved, talk with convincing earnestness,
-talk with arguments that reached down to the
-motives on which men really act.</p>
-
-<p>Similarly in furthering the only policy that can<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
-save our country and our civilization from being
-ruined by another war, we must talk, talk, talk and
-talk, talk, talk—in the press, from the pulpit,
-in the schoolroom, in books, from the billboards,
-in public meetings, and through the programs of
-club and lodge and grange. We must work as
-men in haste, remembering that we are sure only
-of this “period of exhaustion,” in which to build
-machinery and world opinion, both strong
-enough to bear incredible strain. It will be only
-as by the skin of our teeth that the world will get
-by some of the danger corners that we all can see
-must be passed.</p>
-
-<p>Why America particularly? Because what is
-whispered in America today echoes and re-echoes
-around the world.</p>
-
-
-<h3>MUST BEGIN IN THE SCHOOLS</h3>
-
-<p>All movements that succeed start in the schools.
-It is in the schools of the world that the peace
-movement will succeed or fail. If the old style
-militant nationalism continues to be taught there—the
-arrogance, the hate of past days—there is no
-hope.</p>
-
-<p>Hate is being taught now in the schools of every
-land and sometimes it is called patriotism. For
-myself, I learned to love France and to hate
-England as a schoolboy, through the lessons of
-the Revolutionary War. These lessons could have
-been taught without breeding hate, I think; but
-they weren’t.</p>
-
-<p>South and North have not yet agreed on a history
-of the United States. Both are handing down
-from generation to generation the animosities of
-the Civil War by using different textbooks with
-utterly different viewpoints. They call this loyalty.
-It is loyalty to the past but not to the
-future. The future demands that the glorification
-of war with its hatreds shall cease.</p>
-
-
-<h3>CULTIVATE AND TEACH GOODWILL</h3>
-
-<p>Secretary Hughes, in the course of his famous
-speech, May 15, which, whether intentionally or
-not, cut the ground from under “Defense Day,”
-said, “There is only one avenue to peace. That is
-in the settlement of actual differences and the
-removal of ill will. All else is talk, form, and
-pretense.”</p>
-
-<p>After speaking of the settlement of differences
-through “institutions of justice,” he went on as follows:
-“Between friends any difficulty can be settled.
-There is no substitute for goodwill. There is no
-mechanism of intercourse that can dispense with
-it.”</p>
-
-<p>I am convinced of the correctness of Secretary
-Hughes’ conclusion. We must be better men if our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
-race is to survive. A civilization shot through
-with hate cannot continue long after it is fully
-equipped with poison gas and airplanes. Even
-for self-preservation we must cultivate goodwill—goodwill
-between classes and religions and nations
-and races.</p>
-
-<p>We must subdue in our own hearts the swiftly
-rising prejudice by nursing, often by an effort of
-the will, the kindly thought that follows tardily.
-We must seek to know and understand those we
-hate; for then, as Charles Lamb discovered, we
-cannot hate them. Cooperation must replace
-isolation; progressive world organization must
-replace international anarchy; and, above all,
-the spirit of the team must replace “grandstand
-playing” and national egotism.</p>
-
-
-<h3>IT WILL WORK</h3>
-
-<p>The success of our national experiments in “audacious
-friendliness”—returning the Boxer indemnity
-to China, feeding the children of Europe, aiding
-stricken Japan; the success of Ramsay MacDonald’s
-pursuit of the same policy, which changed
-the atmosphere of Europe markedly for the
-better in six months; the success of Herriot in his
-policy of “rapprochement” with Germany, following
-Poincare’s ghastly failure with coercion—all
-this goes to show that international relations
-are but human problems and that the spirit that
-“removes” our personal “mountains” will be
-similarly triumphant between nations. Our
-realists are going to discover some day to their
-astonishment that the “practical” policy they are
-seeking, the policy that will bring security with
-justice and peace, is this very policy of audacious
-friendliness functioning through appropriate machinery.
-We can climb up to peace in no other way.</p>
-
-
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