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Libby—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - - <style type="text/css"> - -/* DACSoft styles */ - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - -/* General headers */ -h1 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - -/* Chapter and section headers */ -h2 { - text-align: center; - font-weight: bold; - margin: .75em 0; -} - -h3 { - text-align: center; - font-weight: bold; - margin-top: 1.5em; - margin-bottom: .75em; -} - -div.chapter { - page-break-before: always; -} - -.nobreak { - page-break-before: avoid; -} - -/* Indented paragraph */ -p { - margin-top: .51em; - margin-bottom: .49em; - text-align: justify; - text-indent: 1em; -} - -/* Unindented paragraph */ -.noi {text-indent: 0em;} - -/* Centered unindented paragraph */ -.noic { - text-indent: 0em; - text-align: center; -} - -/* Non-standard paragraph margins */ -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} -.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} - -.pad1 { - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; -} - -.pad4 { - margin-top: 4em; - margin-bottom: 4em; -} - -/* Horizontal rules */ -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.chap { - width: 65%; - margin-left: 17.5%; - margin-right: 17.5%; -} - -hr.r30 { - width: 30%; - margin-left: 35%; - margin-right: 35%; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; -} - -/* Physical book page and line numbers */ -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - right: 3%; -/* left: 92%; */ - font-size: x-small; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - text-align: right; - color: gray; -} /* page numbers */ - -/* Text appearance */ -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -/* Images */ -img { - max-width: 100%; /* no image to be wider than screen or containing div */ - height:auto; /* keep height in proportion to width */ -} - -.illowe4 {width: 4em;} -.illowe6 {width: 6em;} - -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; - page-break-inside: avoid; - max-width: 90%; /* div no wider than screen, even when screen is narrow */ -} - -/* Title page borders and content. */ -.author { - font-size: 1.25em; - text-align: center; - clear: both; -} - -.works { - font-size: .75em; - text-align: center; - clear: both; -} - -/* Advertisement formatting. */ -.adauthor { - font-size: 1.25em; - text-align: center; - clear: both; -} - - </style> - </head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of What Price Peace?, by Frederick J. Libby</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: What Price Peace?</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Frederick J. Libby</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 31, 2022 [eBook #67294]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WHAT PRICE PEACE? ***</div> - - -<div class="figcenter" id="cover"> - <img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" title="cover" /> -</div> - - - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h1 class="nobreak">WHAT PRICE<br /> -PEACE?</h1> - -<p class="noi author"><span class="smcap">Frederick J. Libby</span></p> - -<div class="pad4"> -<div class="figcenter" id="tp_deco"> - <img class="illowe6" src="images/tp_deco.jpg" - alt="tp_decoration" title="tp_decoration" /> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noic">ONE CENT A COPY<br /> -ONE DOLLAR A HUNDRED<br /> -<span class="works">POSTAGE EXTRA</span></p> - -<hr class="r30" /> - -<p class="p2 noic">Additional copies of this pamphlet may be obtained from the<br /> -<span class="adauthor">National Council for Prevention of War</span><br /> -532 Seventeenth Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.</p> - -<p class="noi works"><i>Issued January, 1925</i></p> -</div> - - - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="SUMMARY">SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT</h2> -</div> - - -<p>Potential causes of war confront us on every hand. -Peace has not come. Our military men tell us that getting -ready for war is the way to peace. It is their duty to -prepare the nation for war. This method, however, will -not bring peace. It will only hasten another world war, -and that would fatally weaken our white civilization.</p> - -<p>To possess peace with justice and security, we must -build machinery adequate to settle all international -disputes that might cause war, and we must create behind -the machinery a world opinion so strong that no nation -will defy it. Small national armed forces theoretically can -supplement world opinion, but the reliance must be on -world opinion. Competitive armaments, the result of -fear or ambition, must be progressively abolished by -international agreement. International understanding and -goodwill must be consistently cultivated beginning in the -schools. The road to peace is a long uphill road.</p> - -<p>For machinery we shall require a court for our legal -disputes and a town meeting of the world for the rest. -I favor immediate adherence to the existing World Court -with the Hughes reservations. For the world town meeting, -I believe that we should join the existing League of -Nations with reservations on Articles X and XVI in order -that we may avoid both legal and moral commitments -to use either military or economic force. These seem to me -to be the first two steps towards peace.</p> - -<p>The third step is the outlawry of war. Since this will -involve sacrifice of sovereignty in certain respects for the -sake of peace, with a voluntary agreement to submit to -the proper tribunal all disputes that threaten war, it -requires a higher development of the will to peace than -does the creation of the Court and League. It will fail -if attempted as a political device to perpetuate the <i>status -quo</i>. It can succeed only when the nations, and especially -the great powers, are willing to be just, have a reasonable -appreciation of one another’s problems, and are actuated -by a fair degree of goodwill.</p> - -<p>The Geneva Protocol for the Pacific Settlement of -International Disputes and Senator Borah’s proposal for -the outlawry of war should be studied together in the light -of the concrete problems to be solved, especially the -political and human problems. I believe that the provision -for “sanctions” to be automatically applied is -impracticable.</p> - -<p>A conference for the reduction and limitation of land, -sea, and air armaments is imperatively needed in the -interest of economy and world peace. No one knows how -soon such a conference can be held with reasonable assurance -of even partial success. All nations must participate. -I believe that a conference of this kind would now be more -fruitful if held in Geneva than if held in Washington.</p> - -<p>The interim policy for the United States should be to -avoid increasing armaments, holding “defense days,” -and the like. Our aggressive and growing militarism is -bringing us no added security and is engendering fear and -suspicion at home and abroad. On the other hand, as -mighty armaments give a sense of security and stability—albeit -a mistaken sense—I expect no substantial reduction -by America alone.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="WPP">WHAT PRICE PEACE?<br /> -<small>By Frederick J. Libby</small></h2> -</div> - -<hr class="r30" /> - -<h3>“PEACE! PEACE!” WHEN THERE IS -NO PEACE</h3> - -<p>We are farther from peace than we were in 1922. -The French occupation of the Ruhr and the passage -by Congress of the Japanese Exclusion Act were -blows at the very heart of world peace. Hate has -been growing in Europe. Militarism has been -given a new lease of life in Germany and in Japan. -The question of race equality has been made a -permanently living issue to be coupled in future -years with the problems raised by white domination -over peoples that want to be free.</p> - -<p>New Alsace Lorraines—such as the Polish -Corridor—have been created by the Versailles -Treaty. Religious and race antagonisms, kept -acute by the economic imperialism of the white -race, stir the awakening Mohammedan world.</p> - -<p>Militarist and narrow nationalist groups in -every country flood the press with propaganda -breathing fear or hate. A new race in armaments -has started. Our Monroe Doctrine, in view of the -growing importance of the immigration question, -contains dangerous possibilities insofar as it may -be regarded as a commitment to go to war for -Latin-American policies. Taken in conjunction -with certain acts of aggression on our part and with -the utterances of our jingoes, which are reprinted -from the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, it injects -poison constantly into our relations with Latin -America, so that our military guarantee of two -continents brings us no gratitude but only suspicion -from our grown-up and unwilling wards.</p> - -<p>The Dawes Plan is a fleeting ray of sunshine in a -dark and ominous sky. We are not drifting into -permanent peace.</p> - - -<h3>NO SALVATION IN INCREASING -PREPAREDNESS</h3> - -<p>Our military men tell us to get ready for war. -This is their duty. We are surrounded by potential -causes of war. In their optimistic or disingenuous -moments, our militarists talk of “peace -by preparedness.” “America must be so strong -that no nation will dare attack her,” is a popular -slogan.</p> - -<p>Preparedness never has prevented war and it -never will. Germany had that slogan. Look at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -her! History shows that preparedness has always -led to war. It can lead nowhere else.</p> - -<p>We build; our rivals build—cruisers, airplanes, -gas factories, submarines, armies. We build -more; they build more. A race in armaments -starts, and this always ends in war.</p> - -<p>General Frederick B. Maurice of the British -army says: “I used to believe that if you want -peace, you must prepare for war; but I have come -to see that, if you prepare for war thoroughly and -efficiently, you will get war.”</p> - - -<h3>ANOTHER WORLD WAR WOULD FINISH US</h3> - -<p>Militarist theories predicate winning one’s wars. -No nation won the last war. France is less secure -than in 1914; England is less prosperous. All the -“victor” nations are staggering under taxes and -armaments; and there are the multitudinous dead.</p> - -<p>Herbert Hoover at Los Angeles on Armistice Day -declared that another great war would be the -“cemetery of civilization.” Winston Churchill -describes it as the “general doom.” His article -entitled “Shall We Commit Suicide?” should be -widely read.</p> - -<p>A war of airplanes, poison gas, and hate—a baby -killers’ war—the women conscripted and exterminated -with the men—a city wiped out at a time—America’s -cities almost as vulnerable as Europe’s, -now that airships and submarines carry planes—such -a war would surely be the twilight of the white -civilization. We should perish as other civilizations -in the brief span of human history have perished -before us.</p> - -<p>Consequently, while war is threatening from -every quarter, preparedness for war offers no hope -to any nation—not even the hope of victory. -Increasing preparedness can only hasten the -“general doom.” Our sole hope of survival lies -in preparing adequately and intelligently for peace.</p> - - -<h3>HISTORY HAS SHOWN A SUCCESSFUL -WAY OUT</h3> - -<p>The way out of the perilous chaos into which -godless and stupid policies have brought the world -is a way that has proved uniformly successful. -It has been tried so far in cities, states, and nations. -It worked in the Maine township where I grew up, -and it works equally well on a national scale in -every civilized land on which the sun shines. -It is now universally practised—except between -nations.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span></p> - - -<h3>MACHINERY PLUS PUBLIC OPINION</h3> - -<p>We call it, roughly speaking, the substitution of -law for war. To express it more accurately, our -present task is to build machinery adequate to -settle all disputes that might cause war, and to -build behind that machinery a sound world opinion -capable of bearing very heavy strains.</p> - -<p>Machinery unsupported by public opinion is -dead. On the other hand, public opinion without -machinery through which to function is helpless.</p> - -<p>These are the two main tasks. At the same time, -armaments must be reduced by international conferences, -war must be outlawed, and goodwill -must be cultivated. The development of goodwill -should be begun in the schools.</p> - - -<h3>THE MACHINERY ESSENTIAL</h3> - -<p>In Maine we had both a court and a town meeting -to keep us out of war. The court dealt with our -legal disputes and the town meeting with the rest. -Both were supported by public opinion. The -strength of this opinion made the work of our one -policeman light. The system worked.</p> - -<p>In California in ’49, men relied on pistols for -justice and security. It did not work. Thugs -could shoot as straight as honest men. So in -California they shifted from the war system to the -law system and were able before long to forbid the -carrying of pistols. Obviously, this change of -method was wrought without changing human -nature.</p> - -<p>The progress of civilization has been characterized -by just such an extension of the reign of -law. One step remains to be taken. Since it -works everywhere else, we should enthrone law -between nations. As I see it, the essential institutions -necessary are those with which New -Englanders are familiar—a court for the world’s -legal disputes and a town meeting for the rest.</p> - - -<h3>THE WORLD COURT</h3> - -<p>A court of justice has long been recognized by -American statesmen as the cornerstone of world -peace. It is clear to anyone who thinks that some -provision must be made for the settlement of -legal disputes. The Hague Tribunal is not a court -of law, but a court of arbitration, and therefore -cannot perform the tasks now under our consideration.</p> - -<p>The Permanent Court of International Justice, -popularly called the World Court, is the kind of -court required. It has been accepted by 47 -nations. It, too, meets at The Hague. It is -largely the creation of American genius. Elihu<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -Root is its father. It is the practically universal -judgment of the peace forces of America that our -first step towards peace should be to join the -existing World Court and with the Hughes reservations. -The Hughes reservations protect us from -inadvertently joining the League before we are -ready. We accept this limitation. We will proceed -one step at a time.</p> - -<p>No substitute plan receives any support whatever, -and for excellent reasons. This specific -proposal has the endorsement of President Coolidge -and of both the Republican and Democratic platforms. -I regard joining the World Court with -the Hughes reservations as this winter’s job -(1924–1925). The Senate has had the measure -before it in committee nearly two years. Meanwhile -the world drifts towards war. It is reasonable -to demand speedy action. We must all work -to secure it through our Senators.</p> - - -<h3>THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS WITH -RESERVATIONS</h3> - -<p>As a court can deal only with legal disputes, and -as the most dangerous disputes named above are -political and economic rather than legal, it is clear -that the World Court alone will not end war. A -town meeting of the world under some name is as -necessary as the court. This fact is generally -recognized and the idea of a League of Nations is -nearly everywhere accepted.</p> - -<p>The existing League of Nations I used to oppose -on the ground that it seemed to me to be so tied -up with the Versailles Treaty that it was more -likely to cause war than to prevent it. I believe still -that its coercive features are impracticable. I -have come to the conviction, however, that America -should now consider joining the League of -Nations with such reservations on Articles X and -XVI as will relieve us from every legal and moral -obligation to go to war or to undertake any coercive -economic measures that might lead to war. We -should also be protected by reservation from any -possible construction of obligation under the -Versailles Treaty. I may add that my observation -is that the genuine opposition to the League in -this country is in reality opposition to the commitments -indicated in these reservations.</p> - -<p>Although the League is still in its formative -period, it is, I believe, firmly established. Fifty-five -out of 64 eligible nations belong to it. Turkey -and Germany will probably join within twelve -months. Then only Russia, the United States, -Mexico and four small nations of those now eligible -will remain outside.</p> - -<p>Important decisions are being made by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -League. America should have a part in making all -such decisions, because they inevitably affect our -future. The world is now a community, and the -welfare of each nation is closely wrapped up with -the decisions of the rest.</p> - -<p>The League fortunately was not made a political -issue of the recent presidential campaign. Secretary -Hughes for one took pains to say that he regarded -our foreign relations as not an issue. Party -politics should stop at the 3-mile limit. Secretary -Hughes was also careful to say with reference to -the League that it was against the “commitments” -of the Covenant that he believed America had -declared herself. I believe that we should join -the League of Nations on the conditions stated and -that we should do so during the present Administration. -It is surely becoming increasingly difficult -for us to stay outside.</p> - - -<h3>THE OUTLAWRY OF WAR</h3> - -<p>With court and town meeting established, I -believe that the effective outlawry of war is possible. -War cannot be outlawed if this is proposed as a -device to preserve the present division of territory -in Europe. War cannot be outlawed for the protection -of injustice or oppression anywhere. -Such political chicanery in the outlawry of war -would in the end meet with a fearful punishment.</p> - -<p>The outlawry of war can succeed permanently, -I think, only when accompanied by a general -willingness on the part of nations to be just and -by such an appreciation of others’ problems as -will lead to a friendly spirit of “give and take.” -Such jealous nationalism as has historically ruled -our Senate is incompatible with it. “Vital interests” -and “the national honor” cannot be made -exceptions for private treatment, neither can -“domestic” questions that are not exclusively -domestic, as the American delegation justly urged -at the recent opium convention.</p> - -<p>The honest outlawry of war demands a higher -development of the will to peace and justice than -has been observed among great nations in the past. -This is why it is the third rather than the first step -to be taken. Yet, until aggressive war has been -branded as a crime, and until the aggressor has -been defined, the prevention of war will be haphazard, -and the growth of an effective world opinion -against war will be slow and uncertain.</p> - -<p>The Geneva Protocol for the Pacific Settlement -of International Disputes has been ratified by 16 -nations including France. It deserves study side -by side with the Borah Resolution. Personally -I believe that “sanctions” which are to become -effective automatically are impracticable. I cannot<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -imagine England seizing our property or -blockading us because our Senate refused to accept -a League decision.</p> - -<p>Wise men make no threats, knowing that they -may not want to carry them out and that perhaps -to do so would be injustice and folly. Events -have justified the founders of our Republic in -giving the Supreme Court no force but public -opinion to support its decisions as between states. -The system has limped at times, but it has always -worked better than attempted coercion would -have done.</p> - - -<h3>DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW</h3> - -<p>International Law is in its infancy. It is mainly -concerned with procedure in war—a procedure no -longer observed. It needs to be extended and -codified. I believe that this can best be done by a -commission of the League of Nations, which shall -report from time to time to the League of Nations -Assembly. Late news from Rome indicates that -this is being provided for by the Council of the -League.</p> - - -<h3>CONFERENCE ON REDUCTION -OF ARMAMENTS</h3> - -<p>Both the League of Nations and President -Coolidge have given expression to the universal -desire to reduce the burden of armaments in the -interest of economy and world peace. Armaments, -speaking generally, express a nation’s fears or the -ambitions of its controlling classes. Reduction of -armaments will follow increasing world security and -still more extensively an increasing sense of security, -which is a very different matter. We are used to -our armaments as we are used to locking our doors -at night. Neither actually gives security, although -we have been brought up to think both do. I have -shown above that armaments cannot give security -from another world war, and that is the only -security that would be worth having.</p> - -<p>Increase of armaments increases the general -sense of insecurity. Therefore, while waiting for -another conference on the limitation of armaments, -we should not hold “defense days” nor competitively -multiply our cruisers, submarines, and other -arms. President Coolidge is right in “standing -pat” on the vast sum of $550,000,000 as enough -for war preparation for the year 1926.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, drastic reduction of armaments, -except by international agreement, is -psychologically impracticable for us in the present -state of things. Hence another conference for the -reduction and limitation of land, sea, and air -forces is necessary. To be fruitful, it must include<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -all nations. France cannot disarm unless Russia -does. Although it might seem that Washington -would in some respects offer the best atmosphere -for such a conference, it must be remembered that -France has not yet ratified some of the important -treaties adopted here three years ago (1921). -Delegates achieve nothing permanent if they go -beyond public sentiment at home. Consequently, -as the League of Nations is considering such a -conference, I believe it might be well for it to -meet in Geneva. There would, perhaps, be -greater probability that its decisions would be -accepted by the powers represented.</p> - - -<h3>NO SALVATION IN MACHINERY</h3> - -<p>Machinery will not save the world. It is dead -by itself. When legislation gets too far ahead of -public opinion, we have trouble in enforcing our -laws. Similarly the weakness of the League of -Nations has been mainly the weakness of the -public opinion behind the League. It will be remembered -that the League was set up at a time -when to a considerable degree the world was -skeptical of its practicability.</p> - -<p>Press opinion in France scoffed at “Wilson’s -ideology.” Lloyd George exacted payment for -his support. Our Senate rejected the League -through the efforts of a determined minority of -doubters. Puny and unwelcome, it lived by the -faith of a few men until Italy last year, by defying -it, proved to the small nations its vital worth.</p> - -<p>Now the terrors of the future have made the -League the cornerstone of the foreign policy of -several states including France. It is flouted -still by the nationalists of every country when it -stands in their way; but even they do not dare try -to destroy it. Without it no one sees any hope -ahead—nothing but universal warfare and wholesale -extermination until the end.</p> - - -<h3>GROWING PUBLIC OPINION -BEHIND LEAGUE</h3> - -<p>The change, be it noted, has been in public -opinion. The small nations saw in the attack on -Greece the fact that their existence rests with the -League. French liberals perceived that they -could reduce the burden of armaments and achieve -security only through the League. Statesmen, -leaders of thought everywhere, discovered that they -were leaning upon it more and more heavily as they -looked ahead into the dark.</p> - -<p>Winston Churchill, sincere imperialist though he -be, writes: “It is through the League of Nations -alone that the path to safety and salvation can be -found. To sustain and aid the League of Nations is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -the duty of all.” His government failed to live -up to his wise admonition in the recent crisis in -Egypt, but it is something that he should have -recognized the obligation in principle. The League -will progressively destroy imperialism, one may -hope.</p> - - -<h3>BUILDING WORLD OPINION</h3> - -<p>We have only to read our morning paper thoughtfully -to become aware that the sound world -opinion required to make the new machinery of -justice effective will not come of itself. It must -be built by the conscious and purposeful cooperation -of governments and of all good citizens.</p> - - -<h3>ENGLAND AND EGYPT</h3> - -<p>England’s conservative government has just -thrown away a precious opportunity of this kind -in refusing to submit to the League her quarrel -with Egypt and resorting to the coercive policy -of the old diplomacy, seizing the opportunity of a -murder to advance the interests of the empire.</p> - -<p>The thirst for liberty that is stirring North -Africa, the Near East, and India cannot be quenched -by repression. “Only a few agitators are to blame -for this unrest,” say the old-school imperialists. -That is what they said with some justice of the -American Colonies once. England would have -been wiser to strengthen the League now against -the difficult days that everyone can see ahead of -the British Empire.</p> - -<p>It is by such voluntary submission of important -matters to the Court and League by governments -strong enough to evade doing so that in the last -instance our world opinion must be built.</p> - - -<h3>A TASK FOR ALL GOOD CITIZENS</h3> - -<p>Despite two glaring instances of Congressional -insularity that are at present in our minds—passage -of the Japanese Exclusion Act and two -years’ delay in taking up the World Court—in -the long run and haltingly a democratic government -obeys the people’s will. If we want international -law and order in place of war and chaos, -we must say so and keep saying so.</p> - -<p>How is public opinion created? How was Mr. -Coolidge elected president? Talk, talk, talk and -talk, talk, talk. Not, as it happens in this instance, -by Mr. Coolidge but by those who wanted -him for president. It was talk in the press and -talk from the soapbox and talk in the circles in -which one moved, talk with convincing earnestness, -talk with arguments that reached down to the -motives on which men really act.</p> - -<p>Similarly in furthering the only policy that can<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -save our country and our civilization from being -ruined by another war, we must talk, talk, talk and -talk, talk, talk—in the press, from the pulpit, -in the schoolroom, in books, from the billboards, -in public meetings, and through the programs of -club and lodge and grange. We must work as -men in haste, remembering that we are sure only -of this “period of exhaustion,” in which to build -machinery and world opinion, both strong -enough to bear incredible strain. It will be only -as by the skin of our teeth that the world will get -by some of the danger corners that we all can see -must be passed.</p> - -<p>Why America particularly? Because what is -whispered in America today echoes and re-echoes -around the world.</p> - - -<h3>MUST BEGIN IN THE SCHOOLS</h3> - -<p>All movements that succeed start in the schools. -It is in the schools of the world that the peace -movement will succeed or fail. If the old style -militant nationalism continues to be taught there—the -arrogance, the hate of past days—there is no -hope.</p> - -<p>Hate is being taught now in the schools of every -land and sometimes it is called patriotism. For -myself, I learned to love France and to hate -England as a schoolboy, through the lessons of -the Revolutionary War. These lessons could have -been taught without breeding hate, I think; but -they weren’t.</p> - -<p>South and North have not yet agreed on a history -of the United States. Both are handing down -from generation to generation the animosities of -the Civil War by using different textbooks with -utterly different viewpoints. They call this loyalty. -It is loyalty to the past but not to the -future. The future demands that the glorification -of war with its hatreds shall cease.</p> - - -<h3>CULTIVATE AND TEACH GOODWILL</h3> - -<p>Secretary Hughes, in the course of his famous -speech, May 15, which, whether intentionally or -not, cut the ground from under “Defense Day,” -said, “There is only one avenue to peace. That is -in the settlement of actual differences and the -removal of ill will. All else is talk, form, and -pretense.”</p> - -<p>After speaking of the settlement of differences -through “institutions of justice,” he went on as follows: -“Between friends any difficulty can be settled. -There is no substitute for goodwill. There is no -mechanism of intercourse that can dispense with -it.”</p> - -<p>I am convinced of the correctness of Secretary -Hughes’ conclusion. We must be better men if our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -race is to survive. A civilization shot through -with hate cannot continue long after it is fully -equipped with poison gas and airplanes. Even -for self-preservation we must cultivate goodwill—goodwill -between classes and religions and nations -and races.</p> - -<p>We must subdue in our own hearts the swiftly -rising prejudice by nursing, often by an effort of -the will, the kindly thought that follows tardily. -We must seek to know and understand those we -hate; for then, as Charles Lamb discovered, we -cannot hate them. Cooperation must replace -isolation; progressive world organization must -replace international anarchy; and, above all, -the spirit of the team must replace “grandstand -playing” and national egotism.</p> - - -<h3>IT WILL WORK</h3> - -<p>The success of our national experiments in “audacious -friendliness”—returning the Boxer indemnity -to China, feeding the children of Europe, aiding -stricken Japan; the success of Ramsay MacDonald’s -pursuit of the same policy, which changed -the atmosphere of Europe markedly for the -better in six months; the success of Herriot in his -policy of “rapprochement” with Germany, following -Poincare’s ghastly failure with coercion—all -this goes to show that international relations -are but human problems and that the spirit that -“removes” our personal “mountains” will be -similarly triumphant between nations. Our -realists are going to discover some day to their -astonishment that the “practical” policy they are -seeking, the policy that will bring security with -justice and peace, is this very policy of audacious -friendliness functioning through appropriate machinery. -We can climb up to peace in no other way.</p> - - -<p class="p4 works">Model Printing Company, Washington</p> - -<div class="pad1"> -<div class="figcenter" id="pr_deco"> - <img class="illowe4" src="images/pr_deco.jpg" - alt="pr_decoration" title="pr_decoration" /> -</div> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK WHAT PRICE PEACE? ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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