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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of Menexenus, by Plato
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: Menexenus
+
+Author: Plato
+
+Translator: Benjamin Jowett
+
+Posting Date: October 23, 2008 [EBook #1682]
+Release Date: March, 1999
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MENEXENUS ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Sue Asscher
+
+
+
+
+
+MENEXENUS
+
+by Plato
+
+(see Appendix I)
+
+
+Translated by Benjamin Jowett
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX I.
+
+It seems impossible to separate by any exact line the genuine writings
+of Plato from the spurious. The only external evidence to them which is
+of much value is that of Aristotle; for the Alexandrian catalogues of
+a century later include manifest forgeries. Even the value of the
+Aristotelian authority is a good deal impaired by the uncertainty
+concerning the date and authorship of the writings which are ascribed to
+him. And several of the citations of Aristotle omit the name of Plato,
+and some of them omit the name of the dialogue from which they are
+taken. Prior, however, to the enquiry about the writings of a particular
+author, general considerations which equally affect all evidence to the
+genuineness of ancient writings are the following: Shorter works are
+more likely to have been forged, or to have received an erroneous
+designation, than longer ones; and some kinds of composition, such as
+epistles or panegyrical orations, are more liable to suspicion than
+others; those, again, which have a taste of sophistry in them, or the
+ring of a later age, or the slighter character of a rhetorical exercise,
+or in which a motive or some affinity to spurious writings can be
+detected, or which seem to have originated in a name or statement really
+occurring in some classical author, are also of doubtful credit; while
+there is no instance of any ancient writing proved to be a forgery,
+which combines excellence with length. A really great and original
+writer would have no object in fathering his works on Plato; and to the
+forger or imitator, the 'literary hack' of Alexandria and Athens, the
+Gods did not grant originality or genius. Further, in attempting to
+balance the evidence for and against a Platonic dialogue, we must not
+forget that the form of the Platonic writing was common to several of
+his contemporaries. Aeschines, Euclid, Phaedo, Antisthenes, and in the
+next generation Aristotle, are all said to have composed dialogues; and
+mistakes of names are very likely to have occurred. Greek literature in
+the third century before Christ was almost as voluminous as our own, and
+without the safeguards of regular publication, or printing, or binding,
+or even of distinct titles. An unknown writing was naturally attributed
+to a known writer whose works bore the same character; and the name once
+appended easily obtained authority. A tendency may also be observed to
+blend the works and opinions of the master with those of his scholars.
+To a later Platonist, the difference between Plato and his imitators was
+not so perceptible as to ourselves. The Memorabilia of Xenophon and the
+Dialogues of Plato are but a part of a considerable Socratic literature
+which has passed away. And we must consider how we should regard the
+question of the genuineness of a particular writing, if this lost
+literature had been preserved to us.
+
+These considerations lead us to adopt the following criteria of
+genuineness: (1) That is most certainly Plato's which Aristotle
+attributes to him by name, which (2) is of considerable length, of (3)
+great excellence, and also (4) in harmony with the general spirit of
+the Platonic writings. But the testimony of Aristotle cannot always
+be distinguished from that of a later age (see above); and has various
+degrees of importance. Those writings which he cites without mentioning
+Plato, under their own names, e.g. the Hippias, the Funeral Oration, the
+Phaedo, etc., have an inferior degree of evidence in their favour. They
+may have been supposed by him to be the writings of another, although in
+the case of really great works, e.g. the Phaedo, this is not credible;
+those again which are quoted but not named, are still more defective
+in their external credentials. There may be also a possibility that
+Aristotle was mistaken, or may have confused the master and his scholars
+in the case of a short writing; but this is inconceivable about a more
+important work, e.g. the Laws, especially when we remember that he was
+living at Athens, and a frequenter of the groves of the Academy, during
+the last twenty years of Plato's life. Nor must we forget that in all
+his numerous citations from the Platonic writings he never attributes
+any passage found in the extant dialogues to any one but Plato. And
+lastly, we may remark that one or two great writings, such as the
+Parmenides and the Politicus, which are wholly devoid of Aristotelian
+(1) credentials may be fairly attributed to Plato, on the ground of (2)
+length, (3) excellence, and (4) accordance with the general spirit
+of his writings. Indeed the greater part of the evidence for the
+genuineness of ancient Greek authors may be summed up under two heads
+only: (1) excellence; and (2) uniformity of tradition--a kind of
+evidence, which though in many cases sufficient, is of inferior value.
+
+Proceeding upon these principles we appear to arrive at the conclusion
+that nineteen-twentieths of all the writings which have ever been
+ascribed to Plato, are undoubtedly genuine. There is another portion of
+them, including the Epistles, the Epinomis, the dialogues rejected by
+the ancients themselves, namely, the Axiochus, De justo, De virtute,
+Demodocus, Sisyphus, Eryxias, which on grounds, both of internal and
+external evidence, we are able with equal certainty to reject. But there
+still remains a small portion of which we are unable to affirm either
+that they are genuine or spurious. They may have been written in youth,
+or possibly like the works of some painters, may be partly or wholly
+the compositions of pupils; or they may have been the writings of some
+contemporary transferred by accident to the more celebrated name of
+Plato, or of some Platonist in the next generation who aspired to
+imitate his master. Not that on grounds either of language or philosophy
+we should lightly reject them. Some difference of style, or inferiority
+of execution, or inconsistency of thought, can hardly be considered
+decisive of their spurious character. For who always does justice to
+himself, or who writes with equal care at all times? Certainly not
+Plato, who exhibits the greatest differences in dramatic power, in the
+formation of sentences, and in the use of words, if his earlier writings
+are compared with his later ones, say the Protagoras or Phaedrus with
+the Laws. Or who can be expected to think in the same manner during
+a period of authorship extending over above fifty years, in an age
+of great intellectual activity, as well as of political and literary
+transition? Certainly not Plato, whose earlier writings are separated
+from his later ones by as wide an interval of philosophical speculation
+as that which separates his later writings from Aristotle.
+
+The dialogues which have been translated in the first Appendix, and
+which appear to have the next claim to genuineness among the Platonic
+writings, are the Lesser Hippias, the Menexenus or Funeral Oration, the
+First Alcibiades. Of these, the Lesser Hippias and the Funeral Oration
+are cited by Aristotle; the first in the Metaphysics, the latter in the
+Rhetoric. Neither of them are expressly attributed to Plato, but in his
+citation of both of them he seems to be referring to passages in the
+extant dialogues. From the mention of 'Hippias' in the singular by
+Aristotle, we may perhaps infer that he was unacquainted with a second
+dialogue bearing the same name. Moreover, the mere existence of a
+Greater and Lesser Hippias, and of a First and Second Alcibiades, does
+to a certain extent throw a doubt upon both of them. Though a very
+clever and ingenious work, the Lesser Hippias does not appear to contain
+anything beyond the power of an imitator, who was also a careful student
+of the earlier Platonic writings, to invent. The motive or leading
+thought of the dialogue may be detected in Xen. Mem., and there is
+no similar instance of a 'motive' which is taken from Xenophon in an
+undoubted dialogue of Plato. On the other hand, the upholders of the
+genuineness of the dialogue will find in the Hippias a true Socratic
+spirit; they will compare the Ion as being akin both in subject and
+treatment; they will urge the authority of Aristotle; and they will
+detect in the treatment of the Sophist, in the satirical reasoning
+upon Homer, in the reductio ad absurdum of the doctrine that vice is
+ignorance, traces of a Platonic authorship. In reference to the last
+point we are doubtful, as in some of the other dialogues, whether the
+author is asserting or overthrowing the paradox of Socrates, or merely
+following the argument 'whither the wind blows.' That no conclusion
+is arrived at is also in accordance with the character of the earlier
+dialogues. The resemblances or imitations of the Gorgias, Protagoras,
+and Euthydemus, which have been observed in the Hippias, cannot with
+certainty be adduced on either side of the argument. On the whole, more
+may be said in favour of the genuineness of the Hippias than against it.
+
+The Menexenus or Funeral Oration is cited by Aristotle, and is
+interesting as supplying an example of the manner in which the orators
+praised 'the Athenians among the Athenians,' falsifying persons and
+dates, and casting a veil over the gloomier events of Athenian history.
+It exhibits an acquaintance with the funeral oration of Thucydides, and
+was, perhaps, intended to rival that great work. If genuine, the
+proper place of the Menexenus would be at the end of the Phaedrus. The
+satirical opening and the concluding words bear a great resemblance to
+the earlier dialogues; the oration itself is professedly a mimetic work,
+like the speeches in the Phaedrus, and cannot therefore be tested by
+a comparison of the other writings of Plato. The funeral oration of
+Pericles is expressly mentioned in the Phaedrus, and this may have
+suggested the subject, in the same manner that the Cleitophon appears to
+be suggested by the slight mention of Cleitophon and his attachment to
+Thrasymachus in the Republic; and the Theages by the mention of Theages
+in the Apology and Republic; or as the Second Alcibiades seems to be
+founded upon the text of Xenophon, Mem. A similar taste for parody
+appears not only in the Phaedrus, but in the Protagoras, in the
+Symposium, and to a certain extent in the Parmenides.
+
+To these two doubtful writings of Plato I have added the First
+Alcibiades, which, of all the disputed dialogues of Plato, has the
+greatest merit, and is somewhat longer than any of them, though not
+verified by the testimony of Aristotle, and in many respects at variance
+with the Symposium in the description of the relations of Socrates
+and Alcibiades. Like the Lesser Hippias and the Menexenus, it is to be
+compared to the earlier writings of Plato. The motive of the piece may,
+perhaps, be found in that passage of the Symposium in which Alcibiades
+describes himself as self-convicted by the words of Socrates. For the
+disparaging manner in which Schleiermacher has spoken of this dialogue
+there seems to be no sufficient foundation. At the same time, the lesson
+imparted is simple, and the irony more transparent than in the undoubted
+dialogues of Plato. We know, too, that Alcibiades was a favourite
+thesis, and that at least five or six dialogues bearing this name passed
+current in antiquity, and are attributed to contemporaries of Socrates
+and Plato. (1) In the entire absence of real external evidence (for
+the catalogues of the Alexandrian librarians cannot be regarded as
+trustworthy); and (2) in the absence of the highest marks either of
+poetical or philosophical excellence; and (3) considering that we have
+express testimony to the existence of contemporary writings bearing
+the name of Alcibiades, we are compelled to suspend our judgment on the
+genuineness of the extant dialogue.
+
+Neither at this point, nor at any other, do we propose to draw an
+absolute line of demarcation between genuine and spurious writings of
+Plato. They fade off imperceptibly from one class to another. There may
+have been degrees of genuineness in the dialogues themselves, as there
+are certainly degrees of evidence by which they are supported. The
+traditions of the oral discourses both of Socrates and Plato may have
+formed the basis of semi-Platonic writings; some of them may be of the
+same mixed character which is apparent in Aristotle and Hippocrates,
+although the form of them is different. But the writings of Plato,
+unlike the writings of Aristotle, seem never to have been confused with
+the writings of his disciples: this was probably due to their definite
+form, and to their inimitable excellence. The three dialogues which
+we have offered in the Appendix to the criticism of the reader may
+be partly spurious and partly genuine; they may be altogether
+spurious;--that is an alternative which must be frankly admitted. Nor
+can we maintain of some other dialogues, such as the Parmenides, and
+the Sophist, and Politicus, that no considerable objection can be urged
+against them, though greatly overbalanced by the weight (chiefly)
+of internal evidence in their favour. Nor, on the other hand, can
+we exclude a bare possibility that some dialogues which are usually
+rejected, such as the Greater Hippias and the Cleitophon, may be
+genuine. The nature and object of these semi-Platonic writings require
+more careful study and more comparison of them with one another, and
+with forged writings in general, than they have yet received, before we
+can finally decide on their character. We do not consider them all as
+genuine until they can be proved to be spurious, as is often maintained
+and still more often implied in this and similar discussions; but
+should say of some of them, that their genuineness is neither proven nor
+disproven until further evidence about them can be adduced. And we are
+as confident that the Epistles are spurious, as that the Republic, the
+Timaeus, and the Laws are genuine.
+
+On the whole, not a twentieth part of the writings which pass under
+the name of Plato, if we exclude the works rejected by the ancients
+themselves and two or three other plausible inventions, can be fairly
+doubted by those who are willing to allow that a considerable change
+and growth may have taken place in his philosophy (see above). That
+twentieth debatable portion scarcely in any degree affects our judgment
+of Plato, either as a thinker or a writer, and though suggesting some
+interesting questions to the scholar and critic, is of little importance
+to the general reader.
+
+
+
+
+MENEXENUS
+
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+The Menexenus has more the character of a rhetorical exercise than any
+other of the Platonic works. The writer seems to have wished to emulate
+Thucydides, and the far slighter work of Lysias. In his rivalry with the
+latter, to whom in the Phaedrus Plato shows a strong antipathy, he is
+entirely successful, but he is not equal to Thucydides. The Menexenus,
+though not without real Hellenic interest, falls very far short of
+the rugged grandeur and political insight of the great historian. The
+fiction of the speech having been invented by Aspasia is well sustained,
+and is in the manner of Plato, notwithstanding the anachronism which
+puts into her mouth an allusion to the peace of Antalcidas, an event
+occurring forty years after the date of the supposed oration. But
+Plato, like Shakespeare, is careless of such anachronisms, which are not
+supposed to strike the mind of the reader. The effect produced by these
+grandiloquent orations on Socrates, who does not recover after having
+heard one of them for three days and more, is truly Platonic.
+
+Such discourses, if we may form a judgment from the three which are
+extant (for the so-called Funeral Oration of Demosthenes is a bad and
+spurious imitation of Thucydides and Lysias), conformed to a regular
+type. They began with Gods and ancestors, and the legendary history of
+Athens, to which succeeded an almost equally fictitious account of later
+times. The Persian war usually formed the centre of the narrative; in
+the age of Isocrates and Demosthenes the Athenians were still living on
+the glories of Marathon and Salamis. The Menexenus veils in panegyric
+the weak places of Athenian history. The war of Athens and Boeotia is
+a war of liberation; the Athenians gave back the Spartans taken at
+Sphacteria out of kindness--indeed, the only fault of the city was too
+great kindness to their enemies, who were more honoured than the friends
+of others (compare Thucyd., which seems to contain the germ of the
+idea); we democrats are the aristocracy of virtue, and the like. These
+are the platitudes and falsehoods in which history is disguised. The
+taking of Athens is hardly mentioned.
+
+The author of the Menexenus, whether Plato or not, is evidently
+intending to ridicule the practice, and at the same time to show that he
+can beat the rhetoricians in their own line, as in the Phaedrus he may
+be supposed to offer an example of what Lysias might have said, and of
+how much better he might have written in his own style. The orators had
+recourse to their favourite loci communes, one of which, as we find in
+Lysias, was the shortness of the time allowed them for preparation. But
+Socrates points out that they had them always ready for delivery, and
+that there was no difficulty in improvising any number of such orations.
+To praise the Athenians among the Athenians was easy,--to praise them
+among the Lacedaemonians would have been a much more difficult task.
+Socrates himself has turned rhetorician, having learned of a woman,
+Aspasia, the mistress of Pericles; and any one whose teachers had been
+far inferior to his own--say, one who had learned from Antiphon
+the Rhamnusian--would be quite equal to the task of praising men to
+themselves. When we remember that Antiphon is described by Thucydides as
+the best pleader of his day, the satire on him and on the whole tribe of
+rhetoricians is transparent.
+
+The ironical assumption of Socrates, that he must be a good orator
+because he had learnt of Aspasia, is not coarse, as Schleiermacher
+supposes, but is rather to be regarded as fanciful. Nor can we say that
+the offer of Socrates to dance naked out of love for Menexenus, is any
+more un-Platonic than the threat of physical force which Phaedrus uses
+towards Socrates. Nor is there any real vulgarity in the fear which
+Socrates expresses that he will get a beating from his mistress,
+Aspasia: this is the natural exaggeration of what might be expected from
+an imperious woman. Socrates is not to be taken seriously in all that
+he says, and Plato, both in the Symposium and elsewhere, is not slow to
+admit a sort of Aristophanic humour. How a great original genius like
+Plato might or might not have written, what was his conception of
+humour, or what limits he would have prescribed to himself, if any,
+in drawing the picture of the Silenus Socrates, are problems which no
+critical instinct can determine.
+
+On the other hand, the dialogue has several Platonic traits, whether
+original or imitated may be uncertain. Socrates, when he departs from
+his character of a 'know nothing' and delivers a speech, generally
+pretends that what he is speaking is not his own composition. Thus in
+the Cratylus he is run away with; in the Phaedrus he has heard somebody
+say something--is inspired by the genius loci; in the Symposium he
+derives his wisdom from Diotima of Mantinea, and the like. But he does
+not impose on Menexenus by his dissimulation. Without violating the
+character of Socrates, Plato, who knows so well how to give a hint, or
+some one writing in his name, intimates clearly enough that the speech
+in the Menexenus like that in the Phaedrus is to be attributed to
+Socrates. The address of the dead to the living at the end of the
+oration may also be compared to the numerous addresses of the same kind
+which occur in Plato, in whom the dramatic element is always tending to
+prevail over the rhetorical. The remark has been often made, that in the
+Funeral Oration of Thucydides there is no allusion to the existence of
+the dead. But in the Menexenus a future state is clearly, although not
+strongly, asserted.
+
+Whether the Menexenus is a genuine writing of Plato, or an imitation
+only, remains uncertain. In either case, the thoughts are partly
+borrowed from the Funeral Oration of Thucydides; and the fact that
+they are so, is not in favour of the genuineness of the work. Internal
+evidence seems to leave the question of authorship in doubt. There are
+merits and there are defects which might lead to either conclusion. The
+form of the greater part of the work makes the enquiry difficult; the
+introduction and the finale certainly wear the look either of Plato or
+of an extremely skilful imitator. The excellence of the forgery may be
+fairly adduced as an argument that it is not a forgery at all. In this
+uncertainty the express testimony of Aristotle, who quotes, in the
+Rhetoric, the well-known words, 'It is easy to praise the Athenians
+among the Athenians,' from the Funeral Oration, may perhaps turn the
+balance in its favour. It must be remembered also that the work was
+famous in antiquity, and is included in the Alexandrian catalogues of
+Platonic writings.
+
+
+
+
+PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE: Socrates and Menexenus.
+
+
+SOCRATES: Whence come you, Menexenus? Are you from the Agora?
+
+MENEXENUS: Yes, Socrates; I have been at the Council.
+
+SOCRATES: And what might you be doing at the Council? And yet I need
+hardly ask, for I see that you, believing yourself to have arrived at
+the end of education and of philosophy, and to have had enough of them,
+are mounting upwards to things higher still, and, though rather young
+for the post, are intending to govern us elder men, like the rest of
+your family, which has always provided some one who kindly took care of
+us.
+
+MENEXENUS: Yes, Socrates, I shall be ready to hold office, if you allow
+and advise that I should, but not if you think otherwise. I went to the
+council chamber because I heard that the Council was about to choose
+some one who was to speak over the dead. For you know that there is to
+be a public funeral?
+
+SOCRATES: Yes, I know. And whom did they choose?
+
+MENEXENUS: No one; they delayed the election until tomorrow, but I
+believe that either Archinus or Dion will be chosen.
+
+SOCRATES: O Menexenus! Death in battle is certainly in many respects a
+noble thing. The dead man gets a fine and costly funeral, although he
+may have been poor, and an elaborate speech is made over him by a wise
+man who has long ago prepared what he has to say, although he who is
+praised may not have been good for much. The speakers praise him for
+what he has done and for what he has not done--that is the beauty of
+them--and they steal away our souls with their embellished words; in
+every conceivable form they praise the city; and they praise those who
+died in war, and all our ancestors who went before us; and they praise
+ourselves also who are still alive, until I feel quite elevated by their
+laudations, and I stand listening to their words, Menexenus, and become
+enchanted by them, and all in a moment I imagine myself to have become
+a greater and nobler and finer man than I was before. And if, as often
+happens, there are any foreigners who accompany me to the speech, I
+become suddenly conscious of having a sort of triumph over them, and
+they seem to experience a corresponding feeling of admiration at me, and
+at the greatness of the city, which appears to them, when they are
+under the influence of the speaker, more wonderful than ever. This
+consciousness of dignity lasts me more than three days, and not until
+the fourth or fifth day do I come to my senses and know where I am; in
+the meantime I have been living in the Islands of the Blest. Such is
+the art of our rhetoricians, and in such manner does the sound of their
+words keep ringing in my ears.
+
+MENEXENUS: You are always making fun of the rhetoricians, Socrates; this
+time, however, I am inclined to think that the speaker who is chosen
+will not have much to say, for he has been called upon to speak at a
+moment's notice, and he will be compelled almost to improvise.
+
+SOCRATES: But why, my friend, should he not have plenty to say? Every
+rhetorician has speeches ready made; nor is there any difficulty in
+improvising that sort of stuff. Had the orator to praise Athenians among
+Peloponnesians, or Peloponnesians among Athenians, he must be a
+good rhetorician who could succeed and gain credit. But there is no
+difficulty in a man's winning applause when he is contending for fame
+among the persons whom he is praising.
+
+MENEXENUS: Do you think not, Socrates?
+
+SOCRATES: Certainly 'not.'
+
+MENEXENUS: Do you think that you could speak yourself if there should be
+a necessity, and if the Council were to choose you?
+
+SOCRATES: That I should be able to speak is no great wonder,
+Menexenus, considering that I have an excellent mistress in the art of
+rhetoric,--she who has made so many good speakers, and one who was the
+best among all the Hellenes--Pericles, the son of Xanthippus.
+
+MENEXENUS: And who is she? I suppose that you mean Aspasia.
+
+SOCRATES: Yes, I do; and besides her I had Connus, the son of Metrobius,
+as a master, and he was my master in music, as she was in rhetoric.
+No wonder that a man who has received such an education should be a
+finished speaker; even the pupil of very inferior masters, say, for
+example, one who had learned music of Lamprus, and rhetoric of Antiphon
+the Rhamnusian, might make a figure if he were to praise the Athenians
+among the Athenians.
+
+MENEXENUS: And what would you be able to say if you had to speak?
+
+SOCRATES: Of my own wit, most likely nothing; but yesterday I heard
+Aspasia composing a funeral oration about these very dead. For she had
+been told, as you were saying, that the Athenians were going to choose
+a speaker, and she repeated to me the sort of speech which he should
+deliver, partly improvising and partly from previous thought, putting
+together fragments of the funeral oration which Pericles spoke, but
+which, as I believe, she composed.
+
+MENEXENUS: And can you remember what Aspasia said?
+
+SOCRATES: I ought to be able, for she taught me, and she was ready to
+strike me because I was always forgetting.
+
+MENEXENUS: Then why will you not rehearse what she said?
+
+SOCRATES: Because I am afraid that my mistress may be angry with me if I
+publish her speech.
+
+MENEXENUS: Nay, Socrates, let us have the speech, whether Aspasia's or
+any one else's, no matter. I hope that you will oblige me.
+
+SOCRATES: But I am afraid that you will laugh at me if I continue the
+games of youth in old age.
+
+MENEXENUS: Far otherwise, Socrates; let us by all means have the speech.
+
+SOCRATES: Truly I have such a disposition to oblige you, that if you bid
+me dance naked I should not like to refuse, since we are alone. Listen
+then: If I remember rightly, she began as follows, with the mention of
+the dead:--(Thucyd.)
+
+There is a tribute of deeds and of words. The departed have already had
+the first, when going forth on their destined journey they were attended
+on their way by the state and by their friends; the tribute of words
+remains to be given to them, as is meet and by law ordained. For noble
+words are a memorial and a crown of noble actions, which are given
+to the doers of them by the hearers. A word is needed which will duly
+praise the dead and gently admonish the living, exhorting the brethren
+and descendants of the departed to imitate their virtue, and consoling
+their fathers and mothers and the survivors, if any, who may chance to
+be alive of the previous generation. What sort of a word will this be,
+and how shall we rightly begin the praises of these brave men? In their
+life they rejoiced their own friends with their valour, and their death
+they gave in exchange for the salvation of the living. And I think that
+we should praise them in the order in which nature made them good, for
+they were good because they were sprung from good fathers. Wherefore
+let us first of all praise the goodness of their birth; secondly, their
+nurture and education; and then let us set forth how noble their actions
+were, and how worthy of the education which they had received.
+
+And first as to their birth. Their ancestors were not strangers, nor are
+these their descendants sojourners only, whose fathers have come from
+another country; but they are the children of the soil, dwelling and
+living in their own land. And the country which brought them up is not
+like other countries, a stepmother to her children, but their own true
+mother; she bore them and nourished them and received them, and in her
+bosom they now repose. It is meet and right, therefore, that we should
+begin by praising the land which is their mother, and that will be a way
+of praising their noble birth.
+
+The country is worthy to be praised, not only by us, but by all mankind;
+first, and above all, as being dear to the Gods. This is proved by the
+strife and contention of the Gods respecting her. And ought not the
+country which the Gods praise to be praised by all mankind? The second
+praise which may be fairly claimed by her, is that at the time when the
+whole earth was sending forth and creating diverse animals, tame and
+wild, she our mother was free and pure from savage monsters, and out of
+all animals selected and brought forth man, who is superior to the rest
+in understanding, and alone has justice and religion. And a great proof
+that she brought forth the common ancestors of us and of the departed,
+is that she provided the means of support for her offspring. For as a
+woman proves her motherhood by giving milk to her young ones (and she
+who has no fountain of milk is not a mother), so did this our land prove
+that she was the mother of men, for in those days she alone and first of
+all brought forth wheat and barley for human food, which is the best and
+noblest sustenance for man, whom she regarded as her true offspring. And
+these are truer proofs of motherhood in a country than in a woman, for
+the woman in her conception and generation is but the imitation of the
+earth, and not the earth of the woman. And of the fruit of the earth she
+gave a plenteous supply, not only to her own, but to others also; and
+afterwards she made the olive to spring up to be a boon to her children,
+and to help them in their toils. And when she had herself nursed them
+and brought them up to manhood, she gave them Gods to be their rulers
+and teachers, whose names are well known, and need not now be repeated.
+They are the Gods who first ordered our lives, and instructed us in the
+arts for the supply of our daily needs, and taught us the acquisition
+and use of arms for the defence of the country.
+
+Thus born into the world and thus educated, the ancestors of the
+departed lived and made themselves a government, which I ought briefly
+to commemorate. For government is the nurture of man, and the government
+of good men is good, and of bad men bad. And I must show that our
+ancestors were trained under a good government, and for this reason they
+were good, and our contemporaries are also good, among whom our departed
+friends are to be reckoned. Then as now, and indeed always, from that
+time to this, speaking generally, our government was an aristocracy--a
+form of government which receives various names, according to the
+fancies of men, and is sometimes called democracy, but is really an
+aristocracy or government of the best which has the approval of the
+many. For kings we have always had, first hereditary and then elected,
+and authority is mostly in the hands of the people, who dispense offices
+and power to those who appear to be most deserving of them. Neither is
+a man rejected from weakness or poverty or obscurity of origin, nor
+honoured by reason of the opposite, as in other states, but there is one
+principle--he who appears to be wise and good is a governor and ruler.
+The basis of this our government is equality of birth; for other states
+are made up of all sorts and unequal conditions of men, and therefore
+their governments are unequal; there are tyrannies and there are
+oligarchies, in which the one party are slaves and the others masters.
+But we and our citizens are brethren, the children all of one mother,
+and we do not think it right to be one another's masters or servants;
+but the natural equality of birth compels us to seek for legal equality,
+and to recognize no superiority except in the reputation of virtue and
+wisdom.
+
+And so their and our fathers, and these, too, our brethren, being nobly
+born and having been brought up in all freedom, did both in their public
+and private capacity many noble deeds famous over the whole world. They
+were the deeds of men who thought that they ought to fight both against
+Hellenes for the sake of Hellenes on behalf of freedom, and against
+barbarians in the common interest of Hellas. Time would fail me to tell
+of their defence of their country against the invasion of Eumolpus and
+the Amazons, or of their defence of the Argives against the Cadmeians,
+or of the Heracleids against the Argives; besides, the poets have
+already declared in song to all mankind their glory, and therefore any
+commemoration of their deeds in prose which we might attempt would hold
+a second place. They already have their reward, and I say no more of
+them; but there are other worthy deeds of which no poet has worthily
+sung, and which are still wooing the poet's muse. Of these I am bound to
+make honourable mention, and shall invoke others to sing of them also
+in lyric and other strains, in a manner becoming the actors. And first
+I will tell how the Persians, lords of Asia, were enslaving Europe, and
+how the children of this land, who were our fathers, held them back.
+Of these I will speak first, and praise their valour, as is meet and
+fitting. He who would rightly estimate them should place himself in
+thought at that time, when the whole of Asia was subject to the third
+king of Persia. The first king, Cyrus, by his valour freed the Persians,
+who were his countrymen, and subjected the Medes, who were their lords,
+and he ruled over the rest of Asia, as far as Egypt; and after him came
+his son, who ruled all the accessible part of Egypt and Libya; the
+third king was Darius, who extended the land boundaries of the empire to
+Scythia, and with his fleet held the sea and the islands. None presumed
+to be his equal; the minds of all men were enthralled by him--so many
+and mighty and warlike nations had the power of Persia subdued. Now
+Darius had a quarrel against us and the Eretrians, because, as he said,
+we had conspired against Sardis, and he sent 500,000 men in transports
+and vessels of war, and 300 ships, and Datis as commander, telling him
+to bring the Eretrians and Athenians to the king, if he wished to keep
+his head on his shoulders. He sailed against the Eretrians, who were
+reputed to be amongst the noblest and most warlike of the Hellenes of
+that day, and they were numerous, but he conquered them all in three
+days; and when he had conquered them, in order that no one might escape,
+he searched the whole country after this manner: his soldiers, coming to
+the borders of Eretria and spreading from sea to sea, joined hands and
+passed through the whole country, in order that they might be able to
+tell the king that no one had escaped them. And from Eretria they went
+to Marathon with a like intention, expecting to bind the Athenians in
+the same yoke of necessity in which they had bound the Eretrians. Having
+effected one-half of their purpose, they were in the act of attempting
+the other, and none of the Hellenes dared to assist either the Eretrians
+or the Athenians, except the Lacedaemonians, and they arrived a day too
+late for the battle; but the rest were panic-stricken and kept quiet,
+too happy in having escaped for a time. He who has present to his mind
+that conflict will know what manner of men they were who received the
+onset of the barbarians at Marathon, and chastened the pride of the
+whole of Asia, and by the victory which they gained over the barbarians
+first taught other men that the power of the Persians was not
+invincible, but that hosts of men and the multitude of riches alike
+yield to valour. And I assert that those men are the fathers not only of
+ourselves, but of our liberties and of the liberties of all who are on
+the continent, for that was the action to which the Hellenes looked back
+when they ventured to fight for their own safety in the battles
+which ensued: they became disciples of the men of Marathon. To them,
+therefore, I assign in my speech the first place, and the second
+to those who fought and conquered in the sea fights at Salamis and
+Artemisium; for of them, too, one might have many things to say--of the
+assaults which they endured by sea and land, and how they repelled them.
+I will mention only that act of theirs which appears to me to be the
+noblest, and which followed that of Marathon and came nearest to it;
+for the men of Marathon only showed the Hellenes that it was possible to
+ward off the barbarians by land, the many by the few; but there was
+no proof that they could be defeated by ships, and at sea the Persians
+retained the reputation of being invincible in numbers and wealth and
+skill and strength. This is the glory of the men who fought at sea,
+that they dispelled the second terror which had hitherto possessed the
+Hellenes, and so made the fear of numbers, whether of ships or men, to
+cease among them. And so the soldiers of Marathon and the sailors
+of Salamis became the schoolmasters of Hellas; the one teaching and
+habituating the Hellenes not to fear the barbarians at sea, and the
+others not to fear them by land. Third in order, for the number and
+valour of the combatants, and third in the salvation of Hellas, I
+place the battle of Plataea. And now the Lacedaemonians as well as
+the Athenians took part in the struggle; they were all united in this
+greatest and most terrible conflict of all; wherefore their virtues will
+be celebrated in times to come, as they are now celebrated by us. But
+at a later period many Hellenic tribes were still on the side of the
+barbarians, and there was a report that the great king was going to make
+a new attempt upon the Hellenes, and therefore justice requires that we
+should also make mention of those who crowned the previous work of our
+salvation, and drove and purged away all barbarians from the sea. These
+were the men who fought by sea at the river Eurymedon, and who went
+on the expedition to Cyprus, and who sailed to Egypt and divers other
+places; and they should be gratefully remembered by us, because they
+compelled the king in fear for himself to look to his own safety instead
+of plotting the destruction of Hellas.
+
+And so the war against the barbarians was fought out to the end by the
+whole city on their own behalf, and on behalf of their countrymen. There
+was peace, and our city was held in honour; and then, as prosperity
+makes men jealous, there succeeded a jealousy of her, and jealousy
+begat envy, and so she became engaged against her will in a war with
+the Hellenes. On the breaking out of war, our citizens met the
+Lacedaemonians at Tanagra, and fought for the freedom of the Boeotians;
+the issue was doubtful, and was decided by the engagement which
+followed. For when the Lacedaemonians had gone on their way, leaving the
+Boeotians, whom they were aiding, on the third day after the battle of
+Tanagra, our countrymen conquered at Oenophyta, and righteously restored
+those who had been unrighteously exiled. And they were the first after
+the Persian war who fought on behalf of liberty in aid of Hellenes
+against Hellenes; they were brave men, and freed those whom they aided,
+and were the first too who were honourably interred in this sepulchre by
+the state. Afterwards there was a mighty war, in which all the Hellenes
+joined, and devastated our country, which was very ungrateful of them;
+and our countrymen, after defeating them in a naval engagement and
+taking their leaders, the Spartans, at Sphagia, when they might have
+destroyed them, spared their lives, and gave them back, and made peace,
+considering that they should war with the fellow-countrymen only until
+they gained a victory over them, and not because of the private anger
+of the state destroy the common interest of Hellas; but that with
+barbarians they should war to the death. Worthy of praise are they also
+who waged this war, and are here interred; for they proved, if any one
+doubted the superior prowess of the Athenians in the former war with
+the barbarians, that their doubts had no foundation--showing by their
+victory in the civil war with Hellas, in which they subdued the other
+chief state of the Hellenes, that they could conquer single-handed those
+with whom they had been allied in the war against the barbarians.
+After the peace there followed a third war, which was of a terrible and
+desperate nature, and in this many brave men who are here interred lost
+their lives--many of them had won victories in Sicily, whither they had
+gone over the seas to fight for the liberties of the Leontines, to
+whom they were bound by oaths; but, owing to the distance, the city was
+unable to help them, and they lost heart and came to misfortune, their
+very enemies and opponents winning more renown for valour and temperance
+than the friends of others. Many also fell in naval engagements at the
+Hellespont, after having in one day taken all the ships of the enemy,
+and defeated them in other naval engagements. And what I call the
+terrible and desperate nature of the war, is that the other Hellenes,
+in their extreme animosity towards the city, should have entered into
+negotiations with their bitterest enemy, the king of Persia, whom they,
+together with us, had expelled;--him, without us, they again brought
+back, barbarian against Hellenes, and all the hosts, both of Hellenes
+and barbarians, were united against Athens. And then shone forth the
+power and valour of our city. Her enemies had supposed that she was
+exhausted by the war, and our ships were blockaded at Mitylene. But the
+citizens themselves embarked, and came to the rescue with sixty other
+ships, and their valour was confessed of all men, for they conquered
+their enemies and delivered their friends. And yet by some evil fortune
+they were left to perish at sea, and therefore are not interred here.
+Ever to be remembered and honoured are they, for by their valour not
+only that sea-fight was won for us, but the entire war was decided
+by them, and through them the city gained the reputation of being
+invincible, even though attacked by all mankind. And that reputation was
+a true one, for the defeat which came upon us was our own doing. We were
+never conquered by others, and to this day we are still unconquered by
+them; but we were our own conquerors, and received defeat at our own
+hands. Afterwards there was quiet and peace abroad, but there sprang up
+war at home; and, if men are destined to have civil war, no one could
+have desired that his city should take the disorder in a milder form.
+How joyful and natural was the reconciliation of those who came from the
+Piraeus and those who came from the city; with what moderation did they
+order the war against the tyrants in Eleusis, and in a manner how unlike
+what the other Hellenes expected! And the reason of this gentleness was
+the veritable tie of blood, which created among them a friendship as of
+kinsmen, faithful not in word only, but in deed. And we ought also
+to remember those who then fell by one another's hands, and on such
+occasions as these to reconcile them with sacrifices and prayers,
+praying to those who have power over them, that they may be reconciled
+even as we are reconciled. For they did not attack one another out of
+malice or enmity, but they were unfortunate. And that such was the fact
+we ourselves are witnesses, who are of the same race with them, and
+have mutually received and granted forgiveness of what we have done and
+suffered. After this there was perfect peace, and the city had rest;
+and her feeling was that she forgave the barbarians, who had severely
+suffered at her hands and severely retaliated, but that she was
+indignant at the ingratitude of the Hellenes, when she remembered how
+they had received good from her and returned evil, having made common
+cause with the barbarians, depriving her of the ships which had once
+been their salvation, and dismantling our walls, which had preserved
+their own from falling. She thought that she would no longer defend the
+Hellenes, when enslaved either by one another or by the barbarians, and
+did accordingly. This was our feeling, while the Lacedaemonians were
+thinking that we who were the champions of liberty had fallen, and that
+their business was to subject the remaining Hellenes. And why should I
+say more? for the events of which I am speaking happened not long ago
+and we can all of us remember how the chief peoples of Hellas, Argives
+and Boeotians and Corinthians, came to feel the need of us, and, what is
+the greatest miracle of all, the Persian king himself was driven to such
+extremity as to come round to the opinion, that from this city, of which
+he was the destroyer, and from no other, his salvation would proceed.
+
+And if a person desired to bring a deserved accusation against our city,
+he would find only one charge which he could justly urge--that she was
+too compassionate and too favourable to the weaker side. And in this
+instance she was not able to hold out or keep her resolution of refusing
+aid to her injurers when they were being enslaved, but she was softened,
+and did in fact send out aid, and delivered the Hellenes from slavery,
+and they were free until they afterwards enslaved themselves. Whereas,
+to the great king she refused to give the assistance of the state, for
+she could not forget the trophies of Marathon and Salamis and Plataea;
+but she allowed exiles and volunteers to assist him, and they were his
+salvation. And she herself, when she was compelled, entered into the
+war, and built walls and ships, and fought with the Lacedaemonians on
+behalf of the Parians. Now the king fearing this city and wanting to
+stand aloof, when he saw the Lacedaemonians growing weary of the war
+at sea, asked of us, as the price of his alliance with us and the other
+allies, to give up the Hellenes in Asia, whom the Lacedaemonians had
+previously handed over to him, he thinking that we should refuse, and
+that then he might have a pretence for withdrawing from us. About
+the other allies he was mistaken, for the Corinthians and Argives and
+Boeotians, and the other states, were quite willing to let them go, and
+swore and covenanted, that, if he would pay them money, they would make
+over to him the Hellenes of the continent, and we alone refused to give
+them up and swear. Such was the natural nobility of this city, so sound
+and healthy was the spirit of freedom among us, and the instinctive
+dislike of the barbarian, because we are pure Hellenes, having
+no admixture of barbarism in us. For we are not like many others,
+descendants of Pelops or Cadmus or Egyptus or Danaus, who are by nature
+barbarians, and yet pass for Hellenes, and dwell in the midst of us;
+but we are pure Hellenes, uncontaminated by any foreign element, and
+therefore the hatred of the foreigner has passed unadulterated into the
+life-blood of the city. And so, notwithstanding our noble sentiments, we
+were again isolated, because we were unwilling to be guilty of the base
+and unholy act of giving up Hellenes to barbarians. And we were in the
+same case as when we were subdued before; but, by the favour of Heaven,
+we managed better, for we ended the war without the loss of our ships or
+walls or colonies; the enemy was only too glad to be quit of us. Yet in
+this war we lost many brave men, such as were those who fell owing to
+the ruggedness of the ground at the battle of Corinth, or by treason at
+Lechaeum. Brave men, too, were those who delivered the Persian king,
+and drove the Lacedaemonians from the sea. I remind you of them, and you
+must celebrate them together with me, and do honour to their memories.
+
+Such were the actions of the men who are here interred, and of others
+who have died on behalf of their country; many and glorious things
+I have spoken of them, and there are yet many more and more glorious
+things remaining to be told--many days and nights would not suffice to
+tell of them. Let them not be forgotten, and let every man remind their
+descendants that they also are soldiers who must not desert the ranks
+of their ancestors, or from cowardice fall behind. Even as I exhort you
+this day, and in all future time, whenever I meet with any of you, shall
+continue to remind and exhort you, O ye sons of heroes, that you strive
+to be the bravest of men. And I think that I ought now to repeat what
+your fathers desired to have said to you who are their survivors, when
+they went out to battle, in case anything happened to them. I will tell
+you what I heard them say, and what, if they had only speech, they would
+fain be saying, judging from what they then said. And you must imagine
+that you hear them saying what I now repeat to you:--
+
+'Sons, the event proves that your fathers were brave men; for we might
+have lived dishonourably, but have preferred to die honourably rather
+than bring you and your children into disgrace, and rather than
+dishonour our own fathers and forefathers; considering that life is
+not life to one who is a dishonour to his race, and that to such a one
+neither men nor Gods are friendly, either while he is on the earth or
+after death in the world below. Remember our words, then, and whatever
+is your aim let virtue be the condition of the attainment of your
+aim, and know that without this all possessions and pursuits are
+dishonourable and evil. For neither does wealth bring honour to the
+owner, if he be a coward; of such a one the wealth belongs to another,
+and not to himself. Nor does beauty and strength of body, when dwelling
+in a base and cowardly man, appear comely, but the reverse of comely,
+making the possessor more conspicuous, and manifesting forth his
+cowardice. And all knowledge, when separated from justice and virtue,
+is seen to be cunning and not wisdom; wherefore make this your first
+and last and constant and all-absorbing aim, to exceed, if possible, not
+only us but all your ancestors in virtue; and know that to excel you in
+virtue only brings us shame, but that to be excelled by you is a source
+of happiness to us. And we shall most likely be defeated, and you will
+most likely be victors in the contest, if you learn so to order your
+lives as not to abuse or waste the reputation of your ancestors, knowing
+that to a man who has any self-respect, nothing is more dishonourable
+than to be honoured, not for his own sake, but on account of the
+reputation of his ancestors. The honour of parents is a fair and noble
+treasure to their posterity, but to have the use of a treasure of wealth
+and honour, and to leave none to your successors, because you
+have neither money nor reputation of your own, is alike base and
+dishonourable. And if you follow our precepts you will be received by
+us as friends, when the hour of destiny brings you hither; but if you
+neglect our words and are disgraced in your lives, no one will welcome
+or receive you. This is the message which is to be delivered to our
+children.
+
+'Some of us have fathers and mothers still living, and we would urge
+them, if, as is likely, we shall die, to bear the calamity as lightly
+as possible, and not to condole with one another; for they have sorrows
+enough, and will not need any one to stir them up. While we gently heal
+their wounds, let us remind them that the Gods have heard the chief part
+of their prayers; for they prayed, not that their children might live
+for ever, but that they might be brave and renowned. And this, which
+is the greatest good, they have attained. A mortal man cannot expect to
+have everything in his own life turning out according to his will; and
+they, if they bear their misfortunes bravely, will be truly deemed brave
+fathers of the brave. But if they give way to their sorrows, either they
+will be suspected of not being our parents, or we of not being such as
+our panegyrists declare. Let not either of the two alternatives happen,
+but rather let them be our chief and true panegyrists, who show in their
+lives that they are true men, and had men for their sons. Of old the
+saying, "Nothing too much," appeared to be, and really was, well said.
+For he whose happiness rests with himself, if possible, wholly, and if
+not, as far as is possible,--who is not hanging in suspense on other
+men, or changing with the vicissitude of their fortune,--has his life
+ordered for the best. He is the temperate and valiant and wise; and when
+his riches come and go, when his children are given and taken away,
+he will remember the proverb--"Neither rejoicing overmuch nor grieving
+overmuch," for he relies upon himself. And such we would have our
+parents to be--that is our word and wish, and as such we now offer
+ourselves, neither lamenting overmuch, nor fearing overmuch, if we are
+to die at this time. And we entreat our fathers and mothers to retain
+these feelings throughout their future life, and to be assured that they
+will not please us by sorrowing and lamenting over us. But, if the dead
+have any knowledge of the living, they will displease us most by making
+themselves miserable and by taking their misfortunes too much to
+heart, and they will please us best if they bear their loss lightly and
+temperately. For our life will have the noblest end which is vouchsafed
+to man, and should be glorified rather than lamented. And if they will
+direct their minds to the care and nurture of our wives and children,
+they will soonest forget their misfortunes, and live in a better and
+nobler way, and be dearer to us.
+
+'This is all that we have to say to our families: and to the state we
+would say--Take care of our parents and of our sons: let her worthily
+cherish the old age of our parents, and bring up our sons in the right
+way. But we know that she will of her own accord take care of them, and
+does not need any exhortation of ours.'
+
+This, O ye children and parents of the dead, is the message which
+they bid us deliver to you, and which I do deliver with the utmost
+seriousness. And in their name I beseech you, the children, to imitate
+your fathers, and you, parents, to be of good cheer about yourselves;
+for we will nourish your age, and take care of you both publicly and
+privately in any place in which one of us may meet one of you who are
+the parents of the dead. And the care of you which the city shows,
+you know yourselves; for she has made provision by law concerning the
+parents and children of those who die in war; the highest authority is
+specially entrusted with the duty of watching over them above all other
+citizens, and they will see that your fathers and mothers have no wrong
+done to them. The city herself shares in the education of the children,
+desiring as far as it is possible that their orphanhood may not be felt
+by them; while they are children she is a parent to them, and when they
+have arrived at man's estate she sends them to their several duties, in
+full armour clad; and bringing freshly to their minds the ways of their
+fathers, she places in their hands the instruments of their fathers'
+virtues; for the sake of the omen, she would have them from the first
+begin to rule over their own houses arrayed in the strength and arms
+of their fathers. And as for the dead, she never ceases honouring them,
+celebrating in common for all rites which become the property of each;
+and in addition to this, holding gymnastic and equestrian contests, and
+musical festivals of every sort. She is to the dead in the place of a
+son and heir, and to their sons in the place of a father, and to their
+parents and elder kindred in the place of a guardian--ever and always
+caring for them. Considering this, you ought to bear your calamity the
+more gently; for thus you will be most endeared to the dead and to the
+living, and your sorrows will heal and be healed. And now do you and
+all, having lamented the dead in common according to the law, go your
+ways.
+
+You have heard, Menexenus, the oration of Aspasia the Milesian.
+
+MENEXENUS: Truly, Socrates, I marvel that Aspasia, who is only a woman,
+should be able to compose such a speech; she must be a rare one.
+
+SOCRATES: Well, if you are incredulous, you may come with me and hear
+her.
+
+MENEXENUS: I have often met Aspasia, Socrates, and know what she is
+like.
+
+SOCRATES: Well, and do you not admire her, and are you not grateful for
+her speech?
+
+MENEXENUS: Yes, Socrates, I am very grateful to her or to him who told
+you, and still more to you who have told me.
+
+SOCRATES: Very good. But you must take care not to tell of me, and then
+at some future time I will repeat to you many other excellent political
+speeches of hers.
+
+MENEXENUS: Fear not, only let me hear them, and I will keep the secret.
+
+SOCRATES: Then I will keep my promise.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Menexenus, by Plato
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