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diff --git a/old/12849-8.txt b/old/12849-8.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dd7ec5d --- /dev/null +++ b/old/12849-8.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11287 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tinguian, by Fay-Cooper Cole + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Tinguian + Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe + +Author: Fay-Cooper Cole + +Release Date: July 8, 2004 [EBook #12849] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TINGUIAN *** + + + + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team + + + + + + + + +The Tinguian +Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe + + + +By +Fay-Cooper Cole +Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology + + + +1922 + + + + + + +CONTENTS + + + + List of Illustrations + Introduction + I. Geographical Relations and History + II. Physical Type and Relationships + III. The Cycle of Life + + Birth + Childhood + Engagement and Marriage + Death and Burial + The Layog + + IV. Religion and Magic + V. The Ceremonies + + 1. The Minor Ceremonies + 2. The Great Ceremonies + 3. Special Ceremonies + + VI. Social Organization. Government. The Village + VII. Warfare, Hunting, and Fishing +VIII. Economic Life + + Rice Culture + Cultivated Plants and Trees + Wild Plants and Trees + Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease + Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants + Domestic Animals + + IX. Products of Industry + + Iron-Working + Spinning and Weaving + Manufacture of Rope and String + Bark Cloth + Basket Making + Mats + Dyes + Net Making + Manufacture of Pottery + Pipe Making + Method of Drying Hides + + X. Decorative Art + XI. Personal Adornment, Dances, and Musical Instruments + XII. Music, By Albert Gale + Conclusions + + + + + +LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS + + +Text-Figures + + 1. Child's Cradle and Jumper + 2. Diagram of a Game + 3. Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves + 4. Ceremonial Paraphernalia + 5. Household Objects + 6. Spoons and Ladles + 7. Types of Knives + 8. Head-axes + 9. Spears +10. Shields +11. Chicken Snare +12. Bird Snares +13. Fishing Devices +14. Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter +15. Agricultural Implements +16. Devices Used in Spinning and Weaving +17. Rope-Making Appliances +18. Bark Beater +19. Basket Weaves +20. Net Needle and Mesh Stick +21. Tobacco-Pipes +22. Designs on Pipes and Pottery +23. Decorative Designs +24. Patterns Used in Weaving +25. Blanket Designs +26. Musical Instruments + + + +PLATES + + +Frontispiece: Map of Northwestern Luzon. +I. The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range. +II. Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera + Central. +III. Manabo Man. +IV. Man of Ba-ak. +V. Manabo Woman. +VI. Woman of Patok. +VII. A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan. +VIII. A Young Man from Likuan. +IX. Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw (Photograph from + Philippine Bureau of Science). +X. A Woman from Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau + of Science). +XI. A Typical Small Boy (Photograph from Philippine Bureau + of Science). +XII. The Baby Tender. +XIII. A Betrothed Maiden. +XIV. The Wedding. +XV. Mothers and Babies. +XVI. Funeral of Malakay. +XVII. The Whipping at a Funeral. +XVIII. Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits. +XIX. The Medium's Outfit. +XX. Ceremonial Houses. +XXI. Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures. +XXII. Spirit Houses in a Garden. +XXIII. The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance. +XXIV. The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are + Placed. Ceremonies. +XXV. The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. +XXVI. Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River. +XXVII. The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure. +XXVIII. Gateway at Likuan. +XXIX. Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice. +XXX. A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones. +XXXI. Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice. +XXXII. Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield. +XXXIII. Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony. +XXXIV. Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits. +XXXV. The Sayang Ceremony. +XXXVI. Potters at Work. +XXXVII. A Family of Laba-an. +XXXVIII. The Village of Sallapadin. +XXXIX. Typical Houses. +XL. House Building. +XLI. Roofing a House. +XLII. Water Carriers (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). +XLIII. A Tinguian Housewife (Photograph from Philippine Bureau + of Science). +XLIV. A Warrior. +XLV. Hunter Fitted for the Trail. +XLVI. Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey. +XLVII. Shooting the Blowgun. +XLVIII. Highland Field and Terraces at Patok. +XLIX. The Rice Terraces near Likuan. +L. Plowing in the Lower Terraces. +LI. Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds. +LII. Transplanting the Rice. +LIII. Bird Scarers in the Fields. +LIV. Harvesting the Rice. +LV. The Rice Granary. +LVI. Pounding Rice (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). +LVII. Winnowing and Sifting (Photograph from Philippine Bureau + of Science). +LVIII. Drying Corn. +LIX. Breaking the Corn between Two Stones. +LX. Preparing Tobacco. +LXI. Feeding the Pigs. +LXII. A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers. +LXIII. Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread. +LXIV. Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide. +LXV. Spinning (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). +LXVI. Weaving a Blanket. +LXVII. Basket Making. +LXVIII. Basket Types. +LXIX. Basket Types. +LXX. The Net Maker. +LXXI. Ceremonial Blanket. +LXXII. Blankets Showing Designs. +LXXIII. Blankets Showing Designs. +LXXIV. Woven Belts and Clouts. +LXXV. Men of Sallapadin. +LXXVI. Typical Dress of the Man. +LXXVII. Women in Full Dress. +LXXVIII. Customary Dress of the Woman. +LXXIX. Women's Arm Beads. +LXXX. Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout (Photograph from Philippine + Bureau of Science). +LXXXI, 1. Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony. +LXXXI, 2. Beating the Copper Gongs. +LXXXII. The Nose Flute. +LXXXIII. Playing on Bamboo Guitars. + + + + + + +THE TINGUIAN + + +INTRODUCTION + +It seems desirable, at the outset, to set forth certain general +conclusions regarding the Tinguian and their neighbors. Probably no +pagan tribe of the Philippines has received more frequent notice in +literature, or has been the subject of more theories regarding its +origin, despite the fact that information concerning it has been +exceedingly scanty, and careful observations on the language and +physical types have been totally lacking. + +According to various writers, these people are descended from Chinese, +Japanese, or Arabs; are typical Malay; are identical with the Igorot; +are pacific, hospitable, and industrious; are inveterate head-hunters, +inhospitable, lazy, and dirty. The detailed discussion of these +assertions will follow later in the volume, but at this point I wish +to state briefly the racial and cultural situation, as I believe it +to exist in northwestern Luzon. + +I am under the impression that at one time this whole region was +inhabited by pygmy blacks, known as Aeta or Negrito, small groups of +whom still retain their identity. With the coming of an alien people +they were pressed back from the coasts to the less hospitable regions +of the interior, where they were, for the most part, exterminated, +but they intermarried with the invaders to such an extent that to-day +there is no tribe or group in northwestern Luzon but shows evidence +of intermixture with them. I believe that the newcomers were drawn +from the so-called primitive Malay peoples of southeastern Asia; that +in their movement eastward and northward they met with and absorbed +remnants of an earlier migration made up of a people closely related +to the Polynesians, and that the results of this intermixture are +still evident, not only in Luzon, but in every part of the Archipelago. + +In northern Luzon, I hold, we find evidences of at least two series +of waves and periods of migration, the members of which are similar +physical type and language. It appears, however, that they came +from somewhat different localities of southeastern Asia and had, in +their old homes, developed social organizations and other elements +of culture radically different from one another--institutions and +groupings which they brought with them to the Philippines, and which +they have maintained up to the present time. + +To the first series belong the Igorot [1] with their institutions of +trial marriage; division of their settlements into social and political +units known as _ato_; separate dormitories for unmarried men and women; +government by the federated divisions of a village as represented by +the old men; and a peculiar and characteristic type of dwelling. + +In the second wave series we find the Apayo, the western division at +least of the people known as Kalinga, the Tinguian, and Ilocano. [2] In +none of these groups do we find the institutions just mentioned. Trial +unions are unknown, and marriage restrictions are based solely on +blood relationship; government is through the headman aided by the +elders of his village, or is a pure democracy. Considerable variation +exists between the dwellings of these four peoples, yet they conform +to a general type which is radically different from that of the Igorot. + +The Apayao and Kalinga divisions of this second wave series, by reason +of their environment, their more isolated localities and consequent +lack of frequent communication with the coast, have a simpler culture +than that of the Tinguian; yet they have, during many generations, +developed certain traits and institutions now apparently peculiar +to them. The Tinguian and Ilocano, on the other hand, have had the +advantages of outside communication of extensive trade, and the +admixture of a certain amount of foreign blood. + +These last two groups evidently left their ancient home as a unit, +at a time prior to the Hindu domination of Java and Sumatra, but +probably not until the influence of that civilization had begun to +make itself felt. Traces of Indian culture are still to be found in +the language, folklore, religion, and economic life of this people, +while the native script which the Spanish found in use among the +Ilocano seems, without doubt, to owe its origin to that source. + +After reaching Luzon, this people slowly broke up into groups which +spread out over the provinces of Ilocos Sur and Norte, Union and +Abra. The partial isolation of some of these divisions, local feuds, +the universal custom of head-hunting, and the need of human victims to +accompany the spirits of the dead, all doubtless aided in separating +the tribe into a number of dialect groups,--groups which nevertheless +retained the old culture to a surprising degree. + +Long before the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese and Japanese +traders were visiting the Ilocos coasts. We are also informed that +merchants from Macao and India went there from time to time, while +trade relations with Pangasinan and the Tagalog provinces were well +developed. + +The leavening influence of trade and contact with other peoples +resulted in such advancement that this people was early mentioned as +one of the six "civilized" tribes of the Philippines. + +Upon the arrival of Salcedo, the greater portion of the coast people +accepted the rule of Spain and the Christian religion, while the +more conservative element retired to the interior, and there became +merged with the mountain people. To the Spaniards, the Christianized +natives became known as Ilocano, while the people of the mountain +valleys were called Tinguian, or mountain dwellers. + +If the foregoing sketch is correct, as I believe the data which follow +prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a people living +much the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced +groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them +early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer. + +This second and concluding section of Volume XIV gives the greater part +of the results of an investigation carried on by me with the assistance +of Mrs. Cole among the Tinguian, from January, 1907, to June, 1908; +the funds for which were furnished Field Museum of Natural History by +the late Robert F. Cummings. The further generosity of Mrs. Cummings, +in contributing a fund toward the printing of this publication is +also gratefully acknowledged. + +A collection of texts and a study of the language are contemplated +for a separate volume, as is also the detailed treatment of the +anthropometric data. + +For the transcription of the phonograph records and the chapter on +Music, I am indebted to Mr. Albert Gale. His painstaking analysis +establishes beyond question the value of the phonograph as an aid in +ethnographic research. + +The photographs, unless otherwise noted, were taken by the author in +the field. + + + +CHAPTER I + +GEOGRAPHICAL RELATIONS AND HISTORY + +The Tinguian are a pagan Philippine people who inhabit chiefly the +mountain province of Abra in northwestern Luzon. From this center +their settlements radiate in all directions. To the north and west, +they extend into Ilocos Sur and Norte as far as Kabittaoran. Manabo, +on the south, is their last settlement; but Barit, Amtuagan, +Gayaman, and Luluno are Tinguian mixed with Igorot from Agawa +and Sagada. Villaviciosa is an Igorot settlement from Sagada, but +Bulilising, still farther south, is predominantly Tinguian. Sigay in +Amburayan is said to be made up of emigrants from Abra, while a few +rancherias in Lepanto are likewise much influenced. The non-Christian +population of Ilocos Sur, south of Vigan, is commonly called Tinguian, +but only seven villages are properly so classed; [3] four others +are inhabited by a mixed population, while the balance are Igorot +colonies from Titipan, Sagada, and Fidilisan. Along the Cordillera +Central, from the head-waters of the Saltan (Malokbot) river as far +south as Balatok, is found a population of mixed Tinguian, Kalinga, +and Igorot blood. Kalinga predominates north of Balbalasang and +along the Gobang river, while the Igorot is dominant in Guina-an, +Lubuagan, and Balatok. Tinguian intermarriage has not extended far +beyond Balbalasang, but their culture and dress have affected the +whole region. [4] From this belt there have been extensive migrations +into Abra, the newcomers for the most part marrying with the Tinguian, +but in the Ikmin river valley emigrants from Balatok formed the towns +of Danok, Amti, and Doa-angan, which have remained quite isolated up +to the present time. Agsimao and other towns of the Tineg group, in +the extreme northern end of Abra, are made up chiefly of Apayao mixed +with Kalinga, while all the villages on the headwaters of the Binongan +have received emigrants from the Kagayan side. The population of the +towns properly classed as Tinguian is approximately twenty thousand +individuals. [5] + +From the foregoing it is seen that, with the exception of a few +villages of mixed descent, all their territory lies on the western +side of the Cordillera Central, [6] the great mountain range which +runs from north to south through northern Luzon. + +As one emerges from the jungle, which covers the eastern slopes of +these mountains, and looks down over the province of Abra, he sees +an exceedingly broken land (Plates I and II), the subordinate ranges +succeeding one another like the waves of the sea. The first impression +is one of barrenness. The forest vanishes, and in its place are long +grassy slopes, broken here and there by scattered pines and lower +down by dense growths of the graceful, feathery bamboo. But this lack +of trees is more fancied than real, for as one proceeds down any of +the valleys he meets with side canyons, where the tropical jungle +still holds sway, while many a mountain side is covered with a dense +undergrowth of shrubs, plants, and vines. It seems probable that the +forest once covered the western slopes of the mountains, but accident +and intention on the part of man has cleared broad sections. As soon +as the shade is removed, the land is invaded by a coarse grass (the +_cogon_), and this is burned over each year in order to provide feed +for the stock and to make good hunting grounds. The young trees are +killed off and reforesting prevented. + +Numerous streams plunge from the high mountains toward the coast. In +places they rush through deep gorges between high mountains, again +they pass peacefully through mountain valleys. Everywhere they are +fed by minor streams and waterfalls until at last, as they emerge +into the broader valleys of the Abra and its tributaries, they are +rivers of respectable size. + +The great central valley of Abra is far from being a level plain. In +places, as about Manabo, Bukay, and Bangued, there are stretches +of level land; but, for the most part, the country is rough and +broken. This valley is cut off from the sea by the Coast Range of +mountains which forms the provincial line between Abra and Ilocos +Sur, while another heavy spur forms the northern limits of Abra from +Ilocos Sur to the Cordillera Central. Two small and rather difficult +passes afford entrance from the coastal plain into the valley, but +the chief avenue of communication is the cut through which the Abra +river reaches the sea. So narrow is this entrance that, at high water, +the river completely covers the floor and often raises its waters +ten or fifteen feet up the canyon side. In recent years a road has +been cut in the rocks above the flood waters, but even to-day most +of the traffic between Abra and the coast is carried on by means of +rafts which are poled up the river. [7] + +The rainfall averages about one hundred inches, and most of this +precipitation takes place between May and the end of September. This, +coupled with the lack of forest, causes the rivers to become rushing +torrents during the rainy season, while during the balance of the year +most of them are mere rivulets. Under these conditions there has been +no development of navigation by the mountaineers. On occasion they may +construct a bamboo raft, but they possess no boats of any description. + +The great fluctuation of the streams makes fishing an uncertain +occupation; yet at least a dozen varieties of fish are known, and +enough are taken to add materially to the food supply. + +Deer and pig are fairly abundant, and a considerable number is killed +each year; wild carabao roam the mountain sides and uninhabited +valleys, but they are dangerous animals, and can seldom be taken with +the primitive weapons of the natives. Wild chickens are plentiful, +and many are snared, together with smaller birds. In fact, there +is sufficient game and fish to support a considerable population, +if the people would turn seriously to their capture, so that the +oft repeated statement that the mountaineers of Abra were forced to +agriculture is not entirely accurate. It seems much more probable that, +at the time of their entrance into the interior valleys, the Tinguian +were already acquainted with terraced hillside fields, and that they +developed them as needed. + +The soil is fairly fertile, the rainfall abundant during the growing +season, and the climate warm enough to insure good crops. The +thermometer ranges between 80° and 85° during the day, but there is +generally a land or sea breeze, so that actual discomfort from the +heat is unusual. The nights are somewhat cooler, but a drop of a few +degrees is felt so keenly that a person may be uncomfortarble at 70°. + +Fogs and cold rains are not uncommon during the wet season, while one +or more typhoons can be expected each year. Earthquakes are likewise +of occasional occurrence, but the construction of the houses is such +that storms and earthquakes do much less damage than along the coast. + +There is no doubt that the natural ruggedness of the country and the +long rainy season have had a strong influence on the people, but this +has been chiefly in isolating them in small groups. The high mountains +separating the narrow valleys, the lack of water transportation, the +difficulty of maintaining trails, have all tended to keep the people +in small communities, while the practice of head-hunting has likewise +raised a barrier to free communication. Thus, the settlements within +a limited area have become self-sustaining groups; a condition which +has existed long enough to allow for the development of five dialects. + +The traditions of the Tinguian furnish us with no stories of an earlier +home than Luzon, but there are many accounts of migrations from the +coast back into the mountains, after the arrival of the Spaniards +and the Christianization of the Ilocano. The fact that there is an +historical background for these tales is amply proven by fragments +of pottery and the like, which the writer has recovered from the +reported sites of ancient settlements. + +The part played by this people in Philippine history is small indeed, +and most of the references to them have been of an incidental nature. + +Apparently, they first came in contact with the Spanish in 1572 when +Salcedo was entrusted with the task of subduing that part of Luzon +now known as the Ilocano provinces. The people he encountered are +described as being more barbarous than the Tagalog, not so light +complexioned, nor so well clad, but husbandmen who possessed large +fields, and whose land abounded in rice and cotton. + +Their villages were of considerable size, and each was ruled over by a +local headman who owed allegiance to no central authority, There was +a uniform, well recognized code of law or custom, and a considerable +part of the population could read and write in a native script similar +to that of the Tagalog. They also possessed gold, which was reported +to have come from rich mines in the interior, and on primitive forges +were turning out excellent steel weapons, but the use of fire-arms +was unknown. According to _Reyes_, their weapons consisted of lances, +bows and arrows, bolos, great shields which protected them from head +to foot, blow guns and poisoned arrows. The newcomers also found a +flourishing trade being carried on with Manila and the settlements +in Pangasinan, as well as with the Chinese. This trade was of such +importance that, as early as 1580 pirate fleets from Japan frequently +scoured the coast in search of Chinese vessels and goods, while from +time to time Japanese traders visited the Ilocos ports. + +Apparently trade relations were not interrupted for a considerable +time after the arrival of the Spaniards, for in 1629 Medina states +that ships from China, Macao, and India "are accustomed to anchor in +these ports--and all to the advantage of this district." [8] + +That pre-Spanish trade was not restricted to the Ilocos provinces, +but was active along the whole northern coast of Luzon has been amply +proved by many writers. In fact, the inhabitants of Pangasinan not +only had trade relations with Borneo, Japan, and China, [9] but it +now seems probable that they can be identified as the Ping-ka-shi-lan +who, as early as 1406, sent an embassy to China with gifts of horses, +silver, and other objects for the emperor Yung-lo. [10] + +Trade relations of an even earlier date are evident throughout all +this area, in the presence far in the interior of Chinese pottery of +the fourteenth century and possibly of the tenth. [11] + +With friendly relations so long established, it is to be expected +that many evidences of Chinese material culture would be found in all +the northern provinces; and it is not unlikely that a considerable +amount of Chinese blood may have been introduced into the population +in ancient times, as it has been during the historic period. It does +not seem probable, however that either the influence of Chinese blood +or culture need have been stronger in the Ilocos provinces than in +the other regions which they visited. + +When Salcedo attempted a landing at Vigan, he was at first opposed; but +the superior weapons of the Spaniards quickly overcame all resistance, +and the invaders took possession of the city, which they rechristened +Fernandino. From this center they carried on an energetic campaign +of reduction and Christianization. As fast as the natives accepted +the rule of Spain, they were baptized and taken into the church, and +so rapid was the process that by 1587 the Ilocano were reported to be +Christianized. [12] In fact, force played such a part that Fray Martin +de Herrada, who wrote from Ilocos in June, 1574, protested that the +reduction was accomplished through fear, for if the people remained +in their villages and received the rule of Spain and the Church, they +were accepted as friends and forthwith compelled to pay tribute; but +if they resisted and fled to other settlements, the troops followed +and pillaged and laid waste their new dwellings. [13] + +Paralleling the coast, a few miles inland, is a range of mountains on +the far side of which lie the broad valleys of the Abra river and its +tributaries. The more conservative elements of the population retreated +to the mountain valleys, and from these secure retreats bade defiance +to the newcomers and their religion. To these mountaineers was applied +the name Tinguianes--a term at first used to designate the mountain +dwellers throughout the Islands, but later usually restricted to his +tribe. [14] The Tinguian themselves do not use or know the appellation, +but call themselves Itneg, a name which should be used for them but +for the fact that they are already established in literature under +the former term. + +Although they were in constant feuds among themselves, the mountain +people do not appear to have given the newcomers much trouble until +toward the end of the sixteenth century, when hostile raids against the +coast settlements became rather frequent. To protect the Christianized +natives, as well as to aid in the conversion of these heathens, the +Spanish, in 1598, entered the valley of the Abra and established a +garrison at the village of Bangued. [15] + +As before, the natives abandoned their homes and retreated several +miles farther up the river, where they established the settlement +of Lagangilang. + +From Bangued as a center, the Augustinian friars worked tirelessly to +convert the pagans, but with so little success that _San Antonio_, +[16] writing in 1738, says of the Tinguian, that little fruit was +obtained, despite extensive missions, and that although he had made +extraordinary efforts, he had even failed to learn their number. + +In the mountains of Ilocos Sur, the missionaries met with somewhat +better success, and in 1704 _Olarte_ states that in the two preceding +years one hundred and fifty-six "infidel Tinguianes" had been converted +and baptized. Again, in 1760, four hundred and fifty-four converts are +reported to have been formed into the villages of Santiago, Magsingal, +and Batak. [17] About this time the work in Abra also took on a more +favorable aspect; by 1753 three Tinguian villages, with a combined +population of more than one thousand, had been established near +Bangued, and in the next century five more settlements were added to +this list. [18] + +In general the relations between the pagan and Christianized natives +were not cordial, and oftentimes they were openly hostile; but +despite mutual distrust the coast people have on several occasions +enlisted the aid of the mountaineers against outside enemies. In +1660 a serious revolt occurred in Pangasinan and Zambales, and +the rebels, after gaining control of these provinces, started on a +looting expedition in the northern districts. In the face of strong +resistance they proceeded as far north as Badok, in Ilocos Sur, +burning and pillaging many villages including the capital city of +Vigan (Fernandino). The Tinguian came to the aid of the hard-pressed +Ilocano, and their combined forces fell upon the enemy just outside +the village of Narbacan. The tribesmen had previously made the road +almost impassable by planting it thickly with sharpened sticks; and, +while the invaders were endeavoring to remove these obstacles, they set +upon them with great fury and, it is said, succeeded in killing more +than four hundred of the Zambal, a part of whom they beheaded. [19] + +As Spanish rule was extended into the Tinguian territory, Ilocano +settlers pressed in and acquired holdings of land. This led to many +bitter disputes which were consistently settled in favor of the +converts; but at the same time many inducements were offered the +pagans to get them into the Christianized village. All converts were +to be exempted from paying tribute, while their villages received +many favors withheld from the pagan settlements. This failing to +bring the desired results, all the nearby villages of the Tinguian +were incorporated with the civilized pueblos, and thereafter they had +to furnish the major part of all taxes and most of the forced labor. + +Following the appointment of Gov. Esteban de Penñarubia in 1868, +the tribesmen suffered still greater hardships. Under his orders all +those who refused baptism were to be expelled from the organized +communities, an edict which meant virtual banishment from their +old homes and confiscation of their property. Further, no Tinguian +in native dress was to be allowed to enter the towns. "Conversions" +increased with amazing rapidity, but when it was learned that many of +the new converts still practiced their old customs, the governor had +the apostates seized and imprisoned. The hostile attitude of Penñarubia +encouraged adventurers from the coast in the seizure of lands and +the exploitation of the pagans, and thus a deep resentment was added +to the dislike the Tinguian already held for "the Christians." Yet, +despite the many causes for hostility, steady trade relations have been +maintained between the two groups, and the influence of the Ilocano +has been increasingly strong. A little more than a half century ago +head-hunting was still common even in the valley of Abra, where it is +now practically unknown. As a matter of dire necessity the mountain +people made raids of reprisal against the hostile Igorot villages +on the eastern side of the great mountain range, and it is still the +proud boast of many a man in the vicinity of Manabo that he took part +in the raid which netted that village a score of heads from the towns +of Balatok and Lubuagan. But, as will be seen later, head-hunting +was by no means limited to forays against other tribes; local feuds, +funeral observances, and the desire for renown, all encouraged the +warriors to seek heads even from nearby settlements. Those incentives +have not been entirely removed, and an occasional head is still taken +in the mountain districts, but the influence of the Ilocano, backed +by Spanish and American authority, is rapidly making this sport a +thing of the past. + +The rule of Governor Penñarubia had so embittered the Tinguian against +the "white man" that a considerable number joined the insurrecto +troops to fight against the Spaniards and Americans. These warriors, +armed with spears, shields, and head-axes, made their way to Malolos, +where they joined the Filipino troops the day of the first American +bombardment. The booming of cannon and the bursting of shells was +too much for the warriors, and, as they express it, "the first gun +was the beginning of their going home." + +Friendly relations with the insurgents were early destroyed by bands +of armed robbers who, posing as Filipino troops, looted a number of +Tinguian villages. In several localities the tribesmen retaliated by +levying tribute on the Christianized villages, and in some instances +took a toll of heads to square accounts. At this juncture the Americans +appeared in Abra, and the considerate treatment of the pagans by the +soldiers soon won for them a friendly reception. Later, as the result +of the efforts of Commissioner Worcester, the Tinguian villages were +made independent of Ilocano control, and the people were given the +full right to conduct their own affairs, so long as they did not +disturb the peace and welfare of the province. + +Under American rule the Tinguian have proved themselves to be +quiet, peaceable citizens; a few minor disturbances have occurred, +but none of sufficient importance to necessitate the presence of +troops in their district. They have received less attention from the +Government than most of the pagan tribes, but, even so, a measure of +progress is discernible. They still stoutly resist the advances of +the missionaries, but the few schools which have been opened for their +children have always been crowded to overflowing; trade relations are +much freer and more friendly than a decade ago; and with the removal +of unequal taxes and labor requirements, the feelings of hostility +towards "the Christians" are rapidly vanishing. It now seems probable +that within one or two generations the Tinguian will again merge with +the Ilocano. + + + +CHAPTER II + +PHYSICAL TYPE AND RELATIONSHIPS + +From the time of the Spanish invasion up to the present, nearly every +author who has mentioned the people of northern Luzon has described the +Tinguian as being different from other Philippine tribes. The majority +of these writers has pictured them as being of larger stature than +their neighbors; as lighter in color, possessing aquiline features +and mongoloid eyes; as being tranquil and pacific in character, and +having a great aptitude for agriculture. From these characteristics +they have concluded that they are probably descended from early Chinese +traders, emigrants, or castaways, or are derived from the remnants of +the pirate band of the Chinese corsair Limahon (Lin-fung), which fled +into the mountains of Pangasinan after his defeat by Salcedo in 1574. + +These conjectures are strengthened by the reported discovery, +in early times, of graves in northwestern Luzon, which contained +bodies of men of large stature accompanied by Chinese and Japanese +jewels. The undisputed fact that hundreds of ancient Chinese jars and +dishes are still among the cherished possessions of the Tinguian is +also cited as a further proof of a close relationship between these +peoples. Finally it is said that the head-bands, jackets, and wide +trousers of the men resemble closely those of the fishermen of Fukien, +one of the nearest of the Chinese provinces. [20] + +Two writers, [21] basing their observations on color, physical +resemblances, and the fact that the Tinguian blacken their teeth +and tattoo their bodies, are convinced that they are the descendants +of Japanese castaways; while _Moya_ [22] states that the features, +dress, and customs of this people indicate their migration from the +region of the Red Sea in pre-Mohammedan times. + +Finally, _Quatrefages_ and _Hamy_ are quoted as regarding the Tinguian +as modern examples of "the Indonesian, an allophylic branch of the +pure white race, non-Aryan, therefore, who went forth from India +about 500 B.C." [23] + +_Dr. Barrows_ [24] classes all the pagan tribes of northern Luzon--the +pygmies excepted--with the Igorot, a position assailed by _Worcester_, +[25] particularly in regard to the Tinguian; but the latter writer +is convinced that the Apayao and Tinguian are divisions of the same +people, who have been separated only a comparatively short time. + +In the introduction to the present volume (p. 236) I have expressed +the opinion that the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical, and that +they form one of the waves of a series which brought the Apayao and +western Kalinga to northern Luzon, a wave which reached the Islands +at a later period than that represented by the Igorot, and which +originated in a somewhat different region of southeastern Asia. [26] + +In order to come to a definite decision concerning these various +theories, we shall inquire into the cultural, linguistic, and physical +types of the people concerned. + +The most striking cultural differences between the Igorot and the +Tinguian, indicated in the introduction, will be brought out in more +detail in the following pages, as will also the evidence of Chinese +influence in this region. Here it needs only to be restated, that +there are radical differences in social organization, government, +house-building, and the like, between the Igorot-Ifugao groups, +and the Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga divisions. + +All the tribes of northwestern Luzon belong to the same linguistic +stock which, in turn, is closely related to the other Philippine +languages. There are local differences sufficiently great to make it +impossible for people to communicate when first brought together, +but the vocabularies are sufficiently alike, and the morphology of +the dialects is so similar that it is the task of only a short time +for a person conversant with one idiom to acquire a speaking and +understanding knowledge of any other in this region. It is important +to note that these dialects belong to the Philippine group, and there +seems to be very little evidence of Chinese influence [27] either in +structure or vocabulary. [28] + +The various descriptions of the physical types have been of such +a conflicting nature that it seems best at this point to present +rather detailed descriptions of the Tinguian, Ilocano, and Apayao, +and to compare these with the principal measurements of the other +tribes and peoples under discussion. + +For purposes of comparison, the Tinguian have been divided into a +valley and mountain group; for, as already indicated, there has been a +considerable movement of the mixed Kalinga-Igorot people of the upper +Saltan (Malokbot) river, of Guinaan Lubuagan and Balatok, into the +mountain districts of Abra, and these immigrants becoming merged into +the population have modified the physical type to a certain extent. + +In the detailed description of the Ilocano, all the subjects have +been drawn from the cities of Bangued in Abra, and Vigan in Ilocos +Sur, in order to eliminate, so far as possible, the results of recent +intermixture with the Tinguian,--a process which is continually taking +place in all the border towns. The more general tabulation includes +Ilocano from all the northern provinces. + +Aged and immature individuals have been eliminated from all the +descriptions here presented. [29] + + +_Ilocano_ + + +Observations on 19 Males from Vigan and Bangued + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.510 to 1.714 1.607 +Length of head " .164 to .191 .1787 +Breadth of head " .146 to .158 .1522 +Height of head " .120 to .144 .1316 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1373 +Length of nose " .043 to .054 .0485 +Breadth of nose " .034 to .046 .0382 + +Cephalic index 85.1 +Length-Height index 73.0 +Breadth-Height index 86.2 +Nasal index 78.7 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin scale. + +_Hair_--Often black, but usually brown-black. 50 per cent straight +and about 50 per cent slightly wavy. One case closely curled. + +_Forehead_--Usually high, broad, and moderately retreating, but +sometimes vaulted. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases flat. + +_Face_--Moderately high; broad and oval. Three cases angular. + +_Eye-slit_--Generally slightly oblique, moderately open, almond +shape. Mongolian fold present in 45 per cent. + +_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high. +Bridge:--Inclined to be concave, but often straight. +Wings:--Middle thick and slightly arched or swelled. + +_Lips_:--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly). + +_Ears_:--Outstanding. Lobes generally small and close growing, but +are sometimes free. + + + +_Ilocano_ [30] + +_Observations Made By Folkmar_ (_See Album of Philippine Types, +Manila_, 1904) + + +37 Males of Ilocos Norte + + Average +Height, standing meters 1.593 +Length of head " .180 +Breadth of head " .151 +Length of nose " .055 +Breadth of nose " .040 + +Cephalic index 84.39 +Nasal index 73.12 + + + +59 Males of Ilocos Sur + + Average +Height, standing meters 1.596 +Length of head " .177 +Breadth of head " .150 +Length of nose " .053 +Breadth of nose " .039 + +Cephalic index 85.06 +Nasal index 72.95 + + +31 Males of Union Province + + Average +Height, standing meters 1.590 +Length of head " .176 +Breadth of head " .151 +Length of nose " .050 +Breadth of nose " .039 + +Cephalic index 85.72 +Nasal index 78.63 + + +193 Males from All Provinces + + Average +Height, standing meters 1.602 +Length of head " .178 +Breadth of head " .151 +Length of nose " .052 +Breadth of nose " .040 + +Cephalic index 84.81 +Nasal index 75.44 + + +_Valley Tinguian_ + + + +Observations on 83 Males (See Plates III, IV) + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.572 +Length of head " 1.65 to .195 .1811 +Breadth of head " .140 to .164 .1507 +Height of head, 39 cases " .116 to .144 .1337 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1387 +Length of nose " .042 to .060 .0499 +Breadth of nose " .030 to .043 .0384 + +Cephalic index 83.2 +Length-Height index 72.5 +Breadth-Height index 86.5 +Nasal index 76.9 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table. + +_Hair_--Varies from black to brownish black. Usually wavy, but straight +in about one third. + +_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; slightly retreating, but +sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in three +cases. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening. + +_Face_--Moderately high and broad; cheek bones sufficiently outstanding +to give face angular appearance, tapering from above, but oval faces +are common. + +_Eye-slit_--Straight or slightly oblique; moderately wide open and +inclined to be almond shaped; Mongolian fold slightly developed in +about 20 per cent. + +_Nose_--Root:--middle broad and high, seldom small or flat. +Bridge:--middle broad and usually straight, but 25 per cent are +slightly concave, while two cases are convex. +Wings:--In most cases are thin, but are commonly thick; both are +slightly arched. + +_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly). + +_Ears_--Outstanding, with small close-growing lobes. + +_Valley Tinguian_ + + +Observations on 35 Females (See Plates V, VI) + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.42 to 1.58 1.474 +Length of head " .161 to .186 .1743 +Breadth of head " .136 to .155 .1460 +Height of head (22 cases) " .119 to .138 .1301 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .123 to .139 .1304 +Length of nose " .039 to .056 .046 +Breadth of nose " .030 to .042 .0354 + +Cephalic index 83.7 +Length-Height index 74.6 +Breadth-Height index 88.6 +Nasal index 76.9 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table. + +_Hair_--Usually brown black, but black is common. Sometimes straight, +but generally slightly wavy. + +_Forehead_--Considerable variation. Usually moderately high, broad, +and vaulted, but is sometimes low and moderately retreating. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening. + +_Face_--Moderately high and oval. In a few cases angular, tapering +from above. + +_Eye-slit_--Generally oblique, moderately open and almond shape. Is +sometimes straight and narrowly open. Mongolian fold slightly developed +in about 25 per cent. + +_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and either flat or slightly elevated. +Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly concave. In five cases is straight +and in two is convex. +Wings:--Equally divided between thick and thin. Slightly arched. + +_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly). + +_Ears_--Outstanding, with small, close growing lobes. + +_Mountain Tinguian_ + + +Observations on 62 Males (See Plates VII-VIII) + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.45 to 1.71 1.57 +Length of head " .171 to .203 .1856 +Breadth of head " .140 to .161 .1493 +Height of head (59 cases) " .115 to .154 .1316 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .149 .1385 +Length of nose (60 cases) " .043 to .059 .0512 +Breadth of nose (60 cases) " .033 to .046 .0399 + +Cephalic index 80.4 +Length-Height index 70.9 +Breadth-Height index 87.4 +Nasal index 77.9 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table. + +_Hair_--Brown black, and slightly wavy. + +_Forehead_--Middle high to high, moderately broad, moderately +retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly +developed in five cases. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle or strongly arched. + +_Face_--Moderately high. Cheek bones moderately outstanding giving face +angular appearance, tapering from above. In seven cases face is oval. + +_Eye-slit_--Sometimes straight, but usually slightly oblique, +moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in five cases. + +_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high, but sometimes high. +Bridge:--Middle broad and straight. Seven cases concave and three +convex. +Wings:--Middle thick and arched. + +_Lips_--Middle thick, sometimes thin; double bowed. + +_Ears_--Outstanding; lobes generally small and close growing. + +_Mountain Tinguian_ + + +Observations on 16 Females (See Plates IX-X) + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.38 to 1.53 1.482 +Length of head " .163 to .188 .1782 +Breadth of head " .137 to .155 .1452 +Height of head " .119 to .137 .1303 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .125 to .138 .1327 +Length of nose " .039 to .054 .0461 +Breadth of nose " .034 to .042 .0368 + +Cephalic index 80.1 +Length-Height index 73.1 +Breadth-Height index 90.0 +Nasal index 79.8 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table. + +_Hair_--Brown-black and slightly wavy. + +_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; moderately retreating. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. + +_Face_--Moderately high and generally oval; sometimes angular tapering +from above. + +_Eye-slit_--About equally divided between straight and oblique; +moderately open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in one third +of cases. + +_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and nearly flat, but sometimes +moderately high. +Bridge:--Middle broad and inclined to be concave. Straight noses occur. +Wings:--Usually thin and inclined to be swelled. + +_Lips_--Middle thick and inclined to be double bowed. + +_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing. + +_Apayao_ + + +Observations on 32 Males + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.587 +Length of head " .175 to .199 .1877 +Breadth of head " .137 to .158 .1492 +Height of head " .119 to .155 .1331 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .130 to .149 .1418 +Length of nose " .040 to .054 .0466 +Breadth of nose " .035 to .044 .0390 + +Cephalic index 79.5 +Length-Height index 70.9 +Breadth-Height index 89.2 +Nasal index 83.6 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 1 to 4 in Martin table. + +_Hair_--Brown black and wavy. + +_Forehead_--High and generally moderately retreating, but in about one +third is vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in six cases. + +_Crown and back of head_--Rather strongly arched. Six cases (all from +one village) showed slight flattening of occipital region. + +_Face_--Usually high. The cheek bones are moderately outstanding +giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In eight cases +face tapers from below, and in nine is oval. + +_Eye-slit_--Usually oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian +fold in about 50 per cent. + +_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and flat or slightly elevated. +Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly or strongly concave. Seven instances +of straight noses occur. +Wings:--Middle thick, arched or swelled. + +_Lips_--Middle thick and slightly double bowed. + +_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing. + +_Bontoc Igorot_ [31] + +_Observations By Jenks_ (_See The Bontoc Igorot, Manila_, 1905) + + +32 males Average Range +Height, standing meters 1.6028 +Length of head " .1921 +Breadth of head " .1520 +Length of nose " .0525 +Breadth of nose " .0462 + +Cephalic index 79.13 67.48 to 91.48 +Nasal index 79.19 58.18 to 104.54 + +In this group 9 are brachycephalic + 20 are mesaticephalic + 3 are dolichocephalic + + +_Color_--Ranges from light brown, with strong saffron undertone, +to very dark brown or bronze. + +_Eyes_--Black to hazel brown. "Malayan" fold in large majority. + +_Hair_--Coarse, straight and black. A few individuals possess curly +or wavy hair. + +_Nose_--Jenks gives no statement, but his photos show the root of the +nose to be rather high; the bridge appears to be broad and straight, +although in some individuals it tends toward concave. + + +29 females Average Range +Height, standing meters 1.4580 +Length of head " .1859 +Breadth of head " .1470 +Length of nose " .0458 +Breadth of nose " .0360 + +Cephalic index 79.09 64.89 to 87.64 +Nasal index 78.74 58.53 to 97.56 + +In this group 12 are brachycephalic + 12 are mesaticephalic + 5 are dolichocephalic + + +Very different results were obtained by _Kroeber_ [32] from the group +of Igorot exhibited in San Francisco in 1906. His figures may possibly +be accounted for by the fact that about one third of the party came +from Alap near the southern end of the Bontoc area, also, as he has +suggested, by the preponderance of very young men. The figures for +this group are as follows: + + +Observations on 18 Males + +Average height 1.550 Range 1.46 to 1.630 " + length of head .186 .176 to .194 " + breadth of head .146 .138 to .153 " + bizygomatic width .135 .129 to .142 " + length of nose .041 .031 to .046 " + breadth of nose .040 .036 to .046 " + + cephalic index 78.43 + nasal index 99.8 + + +Observations on 7 Females + +Average height 1.486 Range 1.440 to 1.530 " + length of head .182 .171 to .191 " + breadth of head .143 .136 to .150 " + bizygomatic width .131 .127 to .136 " + length of nose .037 .033 to .042 " + width of nose .037 .036 to .038 " + + cephalic index 78.59 + nasal index 99.7 + + +From these descriptive sheets it is obvious that each tribe is made +up of very heterogeneous elements, and each overlaps the other to a +considerable extent; however, the number of individuals measured is +sufficiently great for us to draw certain general conclusions from +the averages of each group. + +It is at once evident that the differences between the Ilocano and the +Valley Tinguian are very slight, in fact are less than those between +the valley and mountain people of the latter tribe. The Ilocano +appear to be slightly taller, the length of head a little less, and +the breadth a bit more; yet there is an average difference of only +two points in the cephalic indices of the two groups. The only other +points of divergence are: the greater percentage among the Ilocano of +eyes showing the Mongolian fold, and the occurrence of straight hair +in about half the individuals measured. However, this latter feature +may be more apparent than real; for the Ilocano cut the hair short, +and a slight degree of waviness might readily pass unobserved. + +As we pass from the Valley to the Mountain Tinguian, and from them +to the Apayao, we find the average stature almost constant, but the +head becomes longer; there is a greater tendency for the cheekbones +to protrude and the face to be angular, and there is a more frequent +development of the supra-orbital ridges. The root of the nose is +often flat and the bridge concave; while wavy hair becomes the rule +in the mountains. There is a slight decrease, in the Tinguian groups, +of eyes showing the Mongolian fold, but in the Apayao the percentage +again equals that of the Ilocano. + +The Apayao present no radical differences to the Mountain Tinguian; +yet, as already noted, the length and height of the head are +slightly greater; the zygomatic arches more strongly developed; +the face more angular; and the nose is broader as compared with its +length. Evidences of former extensive intermixture are here apparent, +while at the present time there is rather free marriage with the +neighboring Kalinga and Negrito. + +Comparing these four groups with the Igorot, we find that the latter +averages slightly taller than all but the Ilocano. The breadth of the +head is about the same as the Ilocano; but the length is much greater, +and there is, in consequence, a considerable difference in the cephalic +index. Reference to our tables will show the Ilocano and both Tinguian +divisions to be brachycephalic, while the Igorot is mesaticephalic. The +average index of the Apayao also falls in the latter classification; +but the variation from Igorot is greater than is indicated, for the +Apayao skull is actually considerably shorter and narrower. In the +length and breadth of the nose, the Igorot exceeds any of the groups +studied, while the Malayan (Mongolian?) fold of the eye is reported +in the great majority of cases. The bodily appearance of the Tinguian +and Bontoc Igorot differs little, although the latter are generally of +a slightly heavier build. Both are lithe and well proportioned, their +full rounded muscles giving them the appearance of trained athletes; +neither is as stocky or heavy set as are the Igorot of Amburayan, +Lepanto, and Benguet. + +There is great variation in color among the members of all these +tribes, the tones varying from a light olive brown to a dark reddish +brown; but in general the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian are of a lighter +hue than the mountain people. + +Observations on the Southern Chinese and the South Perak Malay are +given below, not with the intention of connecting them with any one +of the tribes of Luzon, but in order to test, by comparison, the +theory of the Chinese origin of the Tinguian, and also to secure, +if possible, some clue as to the relationships of both peoples. + +_The Southern Chinese_ + +_Dr. Girard_, [33] as a result of his studies on the Chinese of +Kwang-si, a province of southern China, expresses the belief that +the population is greatly mixed, but all considered they appear more +like Indo-Chinese than like the Chinese proper (that is, Northern +Chinese). _Deniker_ [34] comes to a similar conclusion from a study +of the results obtained by many observers. + +_Girard_ gives the following measurements for 25 males of Kwang-si: + + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.528 to 1.748 1.616 +Length of head " .1815 +Breadth of head " .1435 +Height of head " .1270 +Length of nose " .04648 +Breadth of nose " .03876 + +Cephalic index 73. to 85. 79.52 +Length-Height index 69.9 +Breadth-Height index 88.5 +Nasal index 67. to 95. 82.98 + + +_Deniker_ (p. 578) gives the average height of 15,582 males, mostly +Hakka of Kwang-tung, as 1.622. The cephalic index of 61 living subjects +and 84 crania, principally from Canton, he finds to be--Living 81.2; +crania 78.2. + +_Martin_ [35] presents the following data: Average height of +males--1.614; average height of females--1.498. Cephalic index +(49 males)--81.8. Length-Height index (49 males)--66.5. Nasal index +(49 males)--77.7. [36] + +_South Perak Malay_ [37] + +_Observations by Annandale and Robinson_ (_Fasciculi Malayenses, +Pt_. I, pp. 105 _et seq_., _London_, 1903). + + +37 males Range +Average +Height, standing meters 1.488 to 1.763 1.594 +Length of head " .173 to .198 .182 +Breadth of head " .141 to .162 .149 +Height of head (tragus to vertex) " .119 to .146 .135 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .120 to .150 .139 +Length of nose " .0413 to .0525 .0477 +Breadth of nose " .0337 to .0437 .0358 + +Cephalic index 82.3 +Length-Height index 73.9 +Nasal index 81.2 + + +_Color_--Varies from dark olive to red; less commonly olive or +yellowish +white. + +_Eyes_--Black, sometimes reddish brown. + +_Hair_--Appears to be straight in most cases, but being cut short a +slight waviness might not be noticed. Black. + +A comparison of these figures with those of our Luzon groups brings out +several interesting points. It shows that the Tinguian are not related +to the Chinese, "because of their tall stature;" for they are, as a +matter of fact, shorter than either the Chinese or Igorot. It is also +evident that they resemble the southern Chinese no more than do the +people of Bontoc. Further it is seen that both the Tinguian-Ilocano +and the Chinese show greater likeness to the Perak Malay than they +do to each other. As a matter of fact, we find no radical differences +between any of the peoples discussed; despite evident minor variations, +the tribes of northwestern Luzon approach a common type, and this type +appears not to be far removed from the dominant element in southern +China, Indo-China, and Malaysia generally, a fact which probably can +be attributed to a common ancestry in times far past. [38] + +With this data before us, we might readily dismiss most of the theories +of early writers as interesting speculations based on superficial +observation; but the statement that the Tinguian are derived from +the pirate band of Limahon has received such wide currency that it +deserves further notice. It should be borne in mind that the scene +of the Chinese disaster was in Pangasinan, a march of three days +to the south of the Tinguian territory. It is unlikely that a force +sufficiently large to impress its type on the local population could +have made its way into Abra, without having been reported to Salcedo, +who then had his headquarters at Vigan. + +As early as 1598 the Tinguian were so powerful and aggressive that +active steps had to be taken to protect the coast people from their +raids. Had they been recognized as being essentially Chinese--a +foreign, hostile population--some mention of that fact must certainly +have crept into the Spanish records of that period. Such data are +entirely wanting, while the exceedingly rich traditions of the Tinguian +[39] likewise fail to give any evidence of such an invasion. + +The presence of large quantities of ancient Chinese pottery in Abra +must be ascribed to trade, for it is inconceivable that a fugitive band +of warriors would have carried with them the hundreds of jars--many +of large size--which are now found in the interior. + +The reputed similarity of the garments of the men to those of Fukien +fishermen is likewise without value, for at the time of the Spanish +invasion both Ilocano and Tinguian were innocent of trousers. It +was not until the order of Gov. Penñarubia, in 1868, barring all +unclad pagans from the Christianized towns, that the latter donned +such garments. To-day many of the men possess full suits, but the +ordinary dress is still the head-band, breech-cloth, and belt. + +Finally, it seems curious that the Tinguian should be of "a pacific +character" because of the fact that they are descended from a band +of Chinese pirates. + +Summarizing our material, we can say of the Tinguian, that they are a +rather short, well-built people with moderately high, brachycephalic +heads, fairly high noses, and angular faces. Their hair is brown black +and inclined to be wavy, while the skin varies from a light olive +brown to a dark reddish brown. A study of our tables shows that within +this group there are great extremes in stature, head and nasal form, +color, and the like, indicating very heterogeneous elements in its +make-up. We also find that physically the Tinguian conform closely to +the Ilocano, while they merge without a sharp break into the Apayao +of the eastern mountain slopes. When compared to the Igorot, greater +differences are manifest; but even here, the similarities are so many +that we cannot classify the two tribes as members of different races. + +We have seen that this people approaches the southern Chinese in +many respects, but this is likewise true of all the other tribes +under discussion and, hence, we are not justified, on anatomic +grounds, in considering the Tinguian as distinct, because of Chinese +origin. The testimony of historical data and language leads us to the +same conclusions. Chinese influence, through trade, has been active +for many centuries along the north and west coast of Luzon, but it +has not been of a sufficiently intimate nature to introduce such +common articles of convenience and necessity as the composite bow, +the potter's wheel, wheeled vehicles, and the like. + +The anatomical data likewise prevent us from setting this tribe apart +from the others, because of Japanese or Indonesian origin. + + + +CHAPTER III + +THE CYCLE OF LIFE + +_Birth_.--The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian, +but coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship +to the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are +frequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted as true by +the mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility +of the husband and wife by magical acts, performed in connection with +the marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be +affected if she eats peculiar articles of food, [40] and unappeased +desires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the +expectant mother and the child. [41] The close relationship which +exists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out +by various facts; for instance, the husband of a pregnant woman is +never whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result +in injury to the child. + +The fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not +agree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the Tinguian. It is +doubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to +his attention, he would explain it by reference to the tales of former +times, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized +society, he seldom rationalizes about the well-known facts--religious +or otherwise--generally held by his group to be true. + +It is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, an _anito_ +woman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same +time. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not seem to be +closely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow +the same procedure for a time after delivery (cf. p. 268). + +According to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed +at times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which under their +care developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy a prominent +place in the tribal mythology. [42] In the tales we are told that a +frog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up +the spittle of Aponitolau, [43] a maid conceived when the head-band +of her lover rested on her skirt, [44] while the customary delivery +of children during the mythical period seems to have been from between +the fingers of the expectant mother. [45] _Anitos_ and, in a few cases, +the shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women, [46] +but children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a +miscarriage is thought to be the result of union with the inhabitants +of the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to +become angry or sorrowful lest her "blood become strong and the child +be born." Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried +women; but such instances are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much +desired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in +no way injured by the possession of an illegitimate child. [47] + +Except for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any +offerings or to cause any changes in the daily life of the pregnant +woman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a +family gathering is held about a month before the anticipated event, +at which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look +on. After completing this meal, she places two bundles of grass, some +bark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The +significance of the act is not clear to the people, but it is "an +old custom, and is pleasing to the spirits." + +Shortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are +summoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of the room, +they place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts [48] for all +the spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars +covered with _alin_ leaves are distributed about the house and yard; +one sits on a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the +dwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with +a bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance +is placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are later used +to hold the cooked rice which is offered to the _Inginlaod_, spirits +of the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and +to it is attached a long narrow cloth of many colors. Last of all, a +bound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east. + +When all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on the _tong-a-tong_ +(cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its +side with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriate _diams_ +(cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their +bodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure the health +and happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear, +that "as it shakes out the water, so may the evil spirits be thrown out +of the place." [49] Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal +and, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart, +which he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the +expectant woman, "so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection +against harm," and also touches the other members of the family. [50] +She next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it +is possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307). + +While the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends +and relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which is now +served. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are +placed in a wooden dish and set among other gifts intended for the +superior beings. + +Following the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until +late afternoon when the ceremony known as _Gipas_--the dividing--is +held. [51] The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit, +covers her shoulder with a sacred blanket, [52] and in company with +the oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of +the room, where a bound pig lies with a narrow cloth extending along +its body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the +exact center of the animal, and then with her left hand each seizes a +leg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which +they hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. In this way the +mortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth +they have no claims to it. The spirit and the old man drink _basi_, +to cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end. + +The small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the +sacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they remain until +the child is born, "so that all the spirits may know that _Gipas_ +has been held." A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small +present are given to the mediums, who then depart. + +In San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid +betel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided with +the head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains +for her own use the share given to the spirits. + +In the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is +generally a small section in one corner, where the flooring is of +bamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the +ordinary dwellings there is no specified location. + +The patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a +rope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter about the height +of her shoulders. [53] She draws on this, while one or more old women, +skilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on +the abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with +a bamboo knife, [54] and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery +be hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and +flesh offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid. + +If the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese +dish close to its ear, and strikes against it several times with a +lead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped +in a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the house. There is no belief +here, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the +spirits of unborn or still-born children form the chief recruits for +the army of evil spirits. + +The after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves, +"so that the child will grow like that lusty plant," and is then +intrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the +greatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while the jar is in +his possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired +that the infant shall become a great hunter, the jar is hung in the +jungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman, +it is placed in the river; but ill fortune is in store for the baby +if the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree +or to ascend a mountain. + +These close ties between the infant and the after-birth are +easily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close +relationship between a person and any object recently handled by him +(cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth soon +disappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the +folk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of spirits, known +as _alan_, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real +child, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals. [55] + +Immediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo +framework (_baitken_), [56] which he fills with ashes, and places in +the room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly +for twenty-nine days [57] For this fire he must carefully prepare each +stick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would +have lumps on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire; +firstly, "to keep the mother warm;" secondly, as a protection against +evil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and +dominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits are wont to frequent +a house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always +kept burning below the house or beside the ladder at such a time. [58] + +When the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted +rice-winnower, and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to +bear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the +woman asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it, +pronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised and +dropped, with the injunction, "When your mother sends you, you go," +or "You must not be lazy." If it is a boy, it may be instructed, +"When your father sends you to plow, you go." + +Among the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person +who is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the winnower, +meanwhile saying, if to a boy, "Here is your light when you go to +fight. Here is your light when you go to other towns." If the child +is a girl, she says, "Here is your light when you go to sell things." + +In the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for +"the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear to +the spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child +hard and sturdy." Just before the naming, the rice winnower is circled +above the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying, +"Come and take this child, or I shall take it." Then, as the infant +still remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name. [59] + +A Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often +it receives two names--one for a relative in the father's family, +and one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some +event, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently added. [60] +Certain names, such as Abacas ("worthless"), Inaknam ("taken up"), +and Dolso ("rice-chaff") are common. If the infant is ailing, or if +the family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is +named in the regular way, then is placed on an old rice winnower, +and is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing +this will think that the child is dead, and will pay no more heed +to it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child +up and carry it back to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such +a case it is probable that the new name will recall the event. [61] + +If a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive +its name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few days. In this +manner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor +for which it was named; yet the newborn is not forced to bear a title +which is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness +may also result in the giving of a new name. [62] In such a case a +small plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which +have caused the illness. + +According to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and +the medium says, "Your name is ----;" at the same time she strikes the +tree with a knife. If the tree "sweats," the name is satisfactory; +otherwise, other names are mentioned until a favorable sign is +obtained. [63] The writer found no trace of such procedure in any +part of the Tinguian belt. + +For a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict +set of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in which certain herbs +and leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled. [64] Beginning +with the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each +day, at least one of which is in cold water. From the tenth to the +twenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then +to the end of the month she continues the one hot bath. Until these +are completed, the family must keep a strip of _ayabong_ bark burning +beneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As +an additional defence, a miniature bow and arrow, and a bamboo shield, +with a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (Fig. 4, No. 1). + +On the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks, +and a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders is an old +blanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which "helps her +in her weakness, and protects her from evil beings." She carries a +coconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped +she goes to the village spring. Arriving there, she cleans the dishes +"as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care +for herself;" then she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it +burning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When +she returns to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are +placed above the spot, where she and the baby sleep. + +On the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame +is fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's mat, +"so that all can see that the family has followed the custom." As +the frame is carried out, the mother calls to the _anito_ mother +(cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire. + +In the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits +are besought to look to the child's welfare is held about the third +day after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken +or a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered up. At +the conclusion a small _saloko_ [65] containing an egg is attached +to one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day +event attended by all the friends and relatives of the family. Here, +in place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the +roof, for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits +what the people are doing. + +In the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just +related, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman is one +of those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have +been wont to describe as giving birth to her children without bodily +discomfort. _Reyes_ [66] tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord, +after which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing +soiled during the birth. _Lerena_ likewise credits her with delivering +herself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then, +without further ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as +before. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child; +or, if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and +then gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao. [67] + +Throughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing +further of importance takes place for about two years, providing +the child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium +will be summoned to conduct the _Ibal_ ceremony. [68] For this a pig +or rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the +medium squats before it and, stroking its side with oiled fingers, +she chants the following _diam_. + +"Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After +they arrive, those who live in the same town, 'We go and dance with +the heads,' said the people, who live in the same town, 'because they +make a celebration, those who went to kill.' 'When the sun goes down, +you come to join us,' said the mother and baby (to her husband who +goes to the celebration). After that the sun truly went down; she +went truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there), +the mother and the baby (i.e., when the father arrived where they +had agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there). + +"He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the +mother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed +them. 'Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I +get them?' When he raises the mother and the baby, they go (back) +into the ground. After that Kaboniyan above, looking down (said), +'What can you do? The spirits of Ibal in Daem are the cause of their +trouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law, +and you go and prepare the things needed in Ibal,' said Kaboniyan. + +"They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things) +to the gate. After that the mother and child came out of the +ground. 'After this when there is a happening like this, of which you +Ipogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., make the Ibal ceremony); +and I alone, Kaboniyan am the one you summon,' said Kaboniyan. + +"After that they got well because they came up, the mother and +the baby." + +When the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is +prepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions +of Kaboniyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village; +after which it is possible that this powerful spirit will visit the +gathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions +for the care of the infant. + +In the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this +ceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the pregnancy +is not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into +the form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, was placed on the +mat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature +shield and bow and arrow which hung above the baby, and attempted to +shoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the +image, and after a sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They +then secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure, +which was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained +that, in the first place, the figure represented the child, and +had the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died; +later, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when that being +saw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the +village. Several other spirits then entered the body of the medium, +and after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice. + +When the child is about two years old, a ceremony known as _Olog_ +[69] is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat, +[70] and at once begin to recite _diams_ over the body of a bound +pig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is +rubbed against the breast of each member of the family. The medium +then resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit +who takes charge of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is +rubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, "so +that it will not cry any more;" next, he orders that the intestines +of the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be carried +to the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot, +the mediums make a "stove" by driving three sticks into the ground, +so as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle +of rice-straw. Beside the "stove" is placed a branch, each leaf of +which is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is +brought up to the fire, and is crowned with the intestines; while one +of the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick, [71] +to attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster, +and with this in one hand and a spear in the other, she marches five +times around the fire meanwhile reciting a _diam_. At the conclusion of +this performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice, +is scattered on the ground. At the same time the medium calls to +all the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the +child to become ill. The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered, +but after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people. + +At the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for +the intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes the +ceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their +home, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile calling +out eight times, "You are in a heavy storm." The significance of +this sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, and is +evidently very ancient. + +In the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat +takes the child to a nearby _saloko_. As he returns, he is sprinkled +by a medium, who says, "You are wet from the rain; in what place +did you get wet?" He replies, "Yes, we are wet from the rain; we +were wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);" then placing two small +baskets in the _saloko_, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon +the father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child; +suddenly spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the +house, saying, "Here are the mother and the child." + +The following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts, +ready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk with many +branches. This is then planted beside the spring, "so that the child +will grow and be strong like the bamboo." The sight of all these +good things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be +inclined to grant to the child many favors. + +When the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut +shell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's face +"to keep it from crying, and to keep it well." This done, they tie +a knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign that no person +may enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day. [72] + +A ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when +evil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and the child, +when the delivery is long overdue, or when an _anito_ child [73] +has been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm +themselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the dwelling, +where they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this, +together with nine coconut shells filled with _basi_, is placed beneath +the house for the _anitos_ to eat. While the spirits are busy with +this repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out +a window and taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting, +and at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts +with their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept +from noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven to a +distance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which +they return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon as they reach the +top of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes "to blind the eyes +of the _anitos_, so that they cannot see to come up." [74] She likewise +breaks a number of small jars, "which look like heads," as a threat of +the treatment which awaits them if they attempt to return to the house. + +Within the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits, +and all who have participated in the _anito_ driving are feasted. + +Next morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evil +_anito_, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon, +bamboo, and _atis_ leaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice +straw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected +against any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying +events of the previous night. + +_Childhood_.--When outside the house, small babies are always carried +by their mothers or older sisters (Plate XV). The little one either +sits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back, +and is held in place by her arm or by a blanket which passes over one +shoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that +it can nurse whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for +feeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children +continue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by +newcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such as rice, +while very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and +sweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see a mother take the pipe +from her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus +acquire the habit of using tobacco at a very early age, and continue +it through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is +accomplished by rubbing the breasts with powdered chile peppers, +or plants with sour flavor. + +A crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and +this is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which is +suspended across one corner of the room (Fig. 1, No. 2). The pole +bends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to +sleep. Another device in which small children are kept is known as +_galong-galong_. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip +of split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips +are vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an +open box-like frame (Fig. 1, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child +is put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is +suspended from a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either +as a swing or walker, as desired. + +When the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, she +carries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the +cold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, and +frequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the +water. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal any more than +European youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon +overcome, and they go to the streams to paddle and play, and quickly +become excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide +beneath large rocks; and oftentimes a whole troop of naked youngsters +may be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones, +and occasionally shouting with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn +out with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps, +and their catch often adds variety to the family meal. + +Children are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real +affection for the youngsters, and find time to devote to them. A +man is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress +the babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a similar sign of +affection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the +breath in suddenly. A mother is often heard singing to her babes, +but the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a +single sentence repeated over and over. Aside from the daily bath, +the child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years +of its life. It has no birthdays, its hair is never cut, unless it be +that it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing +only on very special occasions. The children are by no means innocent +in sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed +all curiosity and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes +are no freer than in civilized communities. + +When garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the +elders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing without +any sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance, +the fording of a stream, or when a number of both sexes happen to be +bathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to +immodesty or lewdness, and a person who is careless about the acts, +which are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of +scorn quite as much as he would be in a more advanced community. + +The first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by +sticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A more elaborate +plaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened +together with cords at top, center, and bottom. When this is held near +the middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as +if alive. + +Stilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes +used by the older children, but the more popular local variety is +made by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The +youth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells with the lines +passing between the first two toes, and then walks. + +Flat boards with cords attached become "carabao sleds," and in +these immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. A +similar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a +"plough" or "horse," as is desired. Imitation carabao yokes are much +prized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals +or drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting a thin piece of bamboo +on a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise, +and is excellent to use in frightening stray horses. Blow-guns, made +out of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with +a pop-gun of similar construction. A wad of leaves is driven through +with a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled. + +Tops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun, +or are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those of other +players, with the intention of splitting or marking them. + +Quite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which +they industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their mothers. + +While still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives +made of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years of +age, they are permitted to carry long _bolos_, and before puberty +they are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (Plate XI). In +the mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for +groups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark shields, +to carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and +oftentimes they return to the village with a good catch of small birds. + +Full grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies, +small chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao make excellent +playfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth, +the young carabao is taken possession of by the children, who will +fondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head +or tail. Soon they gain confidence, and find similar amusements with +the full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious, +especially around white men, but they recognize their masters in the +little brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the +greater part of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys. + +When not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it +is probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked little +savages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming +hole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which sleeping pigs can be +easily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess +a tin can, secured from some visiting traveller, they quickly convert +it into a drum or _gansa_, and forthwith start a celebration. All can +dance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps. + +In addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs, +which are heard whenever the children are at play. They make a swing +by tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then, +as they swing, they sing: + + +"Pull swing. My swing is a snake. +Do not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake. +Do not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard. +Do not tremble or shake." + + +When a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice +chaff, they chant: + + +"Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman. +Make a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar. +Pop, pop, like the coconut shell dish. +Sagai, sagai, [75] make a noise like the big jar." + + +When the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing +over and over: + + +"Deep water here; high land there." + + +A favorite game is played by a number of children. Part stand on the +edge of a bank, part below. Those above sing, "Jump down, where the +big stone is, the big stone which swallows people. Big stone, which +swallows people, where are you?" To this the children below reply, +"I am here. I am the big rock which swallows men. Come down here." As +those on the bank jump down, they are piled upon, and a free-for-all +tussel ensues. In the midst of this, one of the players suddenly sings +out, "I am a deer in--, I am very fat." With this he starts off on a +run, and the rest of the party, now suddenly transformed into dogs, +take up the chase, yelping and barking. When the deer becomes tired, +he makes for the water, where he is considered safe; but if he is +caught, he is rolled and bitten by the dogs. + +Another game played by both boys and girls is known as _maysansani_, +and is much like hide-and-go-seek. One boy holds out an open hand, +and the others lay their fingers in his palm, while the leader counts, +_maysansani_, _duan-nani_, _mataltali_, [76] _ocop_. As _ocop_ ("four" +or "ready") is pronounced, the boy quickly closes his hand in order to +catch a finger. If he succeeds, the prisoner puts his hands over his +eyes, and the leader holds him, while the others run and hide. When +all are ready, he is released, and then must find all the players; +or he is beaten on the forearm with the first and second fingers of +all the participants, or they may pick him up by his head and feet, +and whirl him about. + +Like European children, they have a set of small sayings or acts for +use on appropriate occasions. A youngster may come up to another who +is eating a luscious mango; when requested for a bite, he is apt to +draw down the lower lid of his eye and coolly answer, "I will make a +sound like swallowing for you," and then go on with the feast. He may +even hold out the tempting fruit, as if to comply with the request, +then suddenly jerk it back and shout "kilat." [77] This is often the +signal for a scuffle. + +As the children grow older, they begin more and more to take their +place in the village life. The little girl becomes the chief guardian +of a new arrival in the family; and with the little one strapped on +her back, she romps and plays, while the baby enjoys it all or sleeps +serenely (Plate XII). The boy also assists his father and mother in +the fields, but still he finds some time for games of a more definite +character than those just described. Probably the most popular of +these is known as _agbita_ or _lipi_. + +This is played with the large disk-shaped seeds of the _lipi_ plant +(Ilocano _lipai_). Each player puts two disks in line, then all go +to a distance and shoot toward them. The shooter is held between the +thumb and first finger of the left hand, and is propelled forward by +the index finger of the right. The one whose seed goes the farthest +gets first shot, and the others follow in order. All seeds knocked +down belong to the player, and if any are still in line after each +has had his turn, the leader shoots again. When each boy has had two +shots, or when all the disks are down, a new line is made; and he +whose seed lies at the greatest distance shoots first. + +Another common game is _patpatinglad_, which has certain resemblances +to cricket. A small cylinder-shaped missel, called _papa-anak_ +("little duck"), about four inches long, is set in a shallow groove, +so that one end stands free; it is then struck and batted with a bamboo +stock--_papa-ina_ ("mother duck"). The lad who has driven his missel +the farthest is the winner, and hence has the privilege of batting +away the _papa-anak_ of the other players, so that they will have to +chase them. If he likes, he may take hold of the feet of a looser +and compel him to walk on his hands to secure this missel. A loser +is sometimes taken by the head and feet, and is swung in a circle, + +A game frequently seen in the lowland valleys is also common to the +Ilocano children, who call it San Pedro. Lines are drawn on the ground +to enclose a space about thirty feet square (see diagram Fig. 2). The +boys at d try to run between the lines, and at the same time evade +the guards a, b, and c. Guard a can run along line 1, or 4 as far +as 2. Guard b must stay on line 2; and c must keep on 3. When the +runners are captured, they become the guards. + +From the preceding paragraphs it may be surmized that the youth is +quite untrained and untaught. It is true that he spends no time in a +class-room; he passes through no initiation at the time of puberty, +neither are there ceremonies or observances of any kind which reveal +to him the secret knowledge of the tribe, yet he quickly learns his +place in society, and at an early age begins to absorb its customs and +beliefs. He sits about the village fires in the evenings, and listens +to the tales of long ago, or hears the elders discuss the problems +of their daily life. During the hot midday hours, he lounges in the +field-houses, while his parents relate the fate of lazy children; +or tell of punishments sent by the spirits on those who fail to +follow the customs of the ancestors, or give heed to the omens. He +attends the ceremonies, where he not only learns the details of these +important events, but with his own eyes sees the bodies of the mediums +possessed by superior beings, and thus the close relationship of the +spirit world to his people is forcibly brought to his notice. He is +never debarred from the dances or other activities; in fact, he is +encouraged to take part in them or to imitate his elders. Soon custom +gathers him into its net, and unless he is the exceptional individual, +or comes in intimate contact with outsiders, he never escapes. + +It has already been seen that he begins very early to take an active +part in the village life, but it is many years before he assumes a +position of importance in the group. It is only when age and experience +have gained for him the respect of his fellows that he begins to have +a voice in the more weighty affairs of Tinguian life. + +_Engagement and Marriage_.--Since there are no clans or other +groupings to limit the number of families in which unions may be +contracted, the only impediments are former marriage ties or blood +relationship. Cousins may not marry, neither is a man allowed to wed +his step-sister, his wife's sister, or her mother. + +Engagement takes place while the children are very young, sometimes +while they are still babes-in-arms; but usually the contract is made +when they are six or eight years of age. + +The boy's parents take the initiative, and having selected a suitable +girl, they broach the subject to her family. This is not done directly, +but through an intermediary, generally a relative, "who can talk much +and well." He carries with him three beads--one red, one yellow, +and one agate, [78] which he offers "as an evidence of affection," +and then proceeds to relate the many desirable qualities of the +groom and his family, as well as the advantages to be gained by the +union. If the suit is favored, the beads are attached to the girl's +wrist as a sign of her engagement, and a day is set for the _pakálon_ +[79] or price fixing. + +On the appointed day, friends and relatives gather at the girl's +home and, after several hours of feasting and drinking, settle down +to the real business on hand. A large pig is slaughtered, and its +liver is carefully examined; for, should the omens be unfavorable, +it would be useless to continue the negotiations further at that time +(cf. p. 307). If the signs are good, the happy crowd forms a circle, +and then begins a long and noisy discussion of the price which the girl +should bring. Theoretically, the payment is made in horses, carabao, +jars, blankets, and rice, but as each article is considered as having +a value of five pesos ($2.50), the money is frequently substituted, +especially by people in poor circumstances. + +A portion of the agreed price is paid at once, and is distributed +between the girl's parents and her relatives, who thus become vitally +interested in the successful termination of the match; for should +it fail of consummation, they must return the gifts received. The +balance of the payment is often delayed for a considerable time, +and it not infrequently happens that there is still a balance due +when the man dies. In such a case no division of his property can be +made until the marriage agreement is settled in full. + +The completion of the list is the signal for great rejoicing; liquor +circulates freely, the men sing _daleng_ (cf. p. 440), and _tadek_ +(cf. p. 440) is danced far into the night. + +In the yard where the dancing takes place, three inverted rice-mortars +are placed one above the other, "to serve as a table for the spirits +who always attend." A dish of liquor is placed on it, while at its +side is a spear decorated with a man's belt. + +These engagement-parties are the great social affairs of the year, +and friends will journey long distances to be present, but the +betrothed couple is seldom in evidence, and in many instances the +groom is absent. + +Following their engagement the children live with their parents until +such a time as they are considered old enough to maintain their own +home. If the lad comes from a well-to-do family, it is probable that +the final ceremony will take place before either of the couple reaches +puberty; but, if the groom must earn a living, the marriage may be +delayed until he is eighteen or nineteen years old (Plate XIII). + +When the time for the fulfillment of the agreement arrives, the boy +goes, in company, at night to the girl's house. He has a headaxe +hanging from his belt, but he is the only one so armed. An earlier +writer [80] has described a feigned attack on the house of the bride +as a part of the marriage ceremony, but the present writer did not +witness anything of the sort, nor could he learn of any such action. + +The groom carries with him a small part of the marriage payment and a +valuable jar; these he presents to his parents-in-law, and from that +time on he may never call them or their near relatives by name. Should +he do so, "he will have boils and the first child will be insane." + +The bride's people have provided a coconut shell filled with water +and a wooden dish [81] containing cooked rice. These are placed +between the couple, as they sit in the center of the room (Plate +XIV). The boy's mother drops two beads into the shell cup, and bids +them drink; for, "as the two beads always go together at the bottom, +so you will go together and will not part. The cool water will keep +you from becoming angry." + +Great care must be exercised in handling the cup; for should the +contents be shaken the couple will become dizzy, and in old age +their heads and hands will shake. After they have drunk, each takes +a handful of rice, and squeezes it into a ball. The girl drops hers +through the slits in the bamboo floor as an offering to the spirits, +but the boy tosses his into the air. If it breaks or rolls, it is a +bad sign, and the couple is apt to part, or their children die. In +such a circumstance, the marriage is usually deferred, and tried +again at a later date; but repeated scattering of the rice generally +results in the annulling of the agreement. [82] Should anything in the +dwelling fall or be broken during the ceremony, it is halted at once; +to proceed further that night would be to court misfortune. However, +it may be undertaken again a few days later. + +The guests depart immediately after the rice ceremony. No food or +drink is offered to them, nor is there any kind of celebration. [83] + +That night the couple sleep with a pillow between them, [84] and +under the groom's pillow is a head-axe. Early in the morning, the +girl's mother or some other elderly female of her family awakens +them, and leads the way to the village spring. Arriving there, she +pours water in a coconut shell, which contains a cigar from which the +couple have drawn smoke; [85] she adds leaves of bamboo and _agiwas_, +and washes their faces with the liquid, "to show that they now have +all in common; that the tobacco may keep them and their children from +becoming insane; that the _agiwas_ will keep them in health; and the +bamboo will make them strong and insure many children, the same as it +has many sprouts." On their way home, the boy cuts a _dangla_ shrub +(_Vitex negundo_ L.) with his head-axe, and later attaches it to the +door of their home, "so that they may have many children." + +Throughout that day the doors and windows are kept tightly closed; +for should the young people see birds or chickens having intercourse, +they are apt to become insane, and their first born have sore or +crossed eyes. + +The next morning is known as _sipsipot_ ("the watching"). Accompanied +by the girl's parents, the couple goes to the father's fields. On +the way they carefully observe any signs which animals, birds, or +nature, may give them. When they reach the fields, the boy shows his +respect for his elders by cutting the grass along the borders with +his head-axe. This service also counteracts any bad sign which they +may have received that morning. He next takes a little of the soil on +his axe, and both he and his bride taste of it, "so that the ground +will yield good harvests" for them, and they will become rich. [86] + +Nowadays the couple goes to the home, prepared by the groom and his +parents, as soon as it is ready, but the tales indicate [87] that in +former times they lived for a time with the boy's parents. They are +accompanied by the groom's mother, and go very early in the morning, +as they are then less apt to receive bad signs from the birds. The girl +carries her sleeping mat and two pillows; but before she has deposited +these in her new dwelling, she seats herself on the bamboo floor with +her legs stretched out in front. It then becomes necessary for the +groom to present her with a string of agate beads equal in length to +the combined width of the bamboo slats which she covers. Before she +can eat of her husband's rice, he must give her a string of beads, +or she will become ill; she may not open his granary until a like +present has been given, or the resident spirit will make her blind; +neither may she take food from the pots or water from the jars, +until other beads have been presented to her. + +If the girl comes from another village, it is customary to make a +payment to her parents for each stream crossed on the journey to the +new home; another is demanded before she goes up the house ladder, +and still others when she enters the house, and her belongings are +brought in. [88] + +A common occurrence in Ba-ak and the San Juan district is for the +parents of the girl to spread rows of baskets, Chinese plates or jars +on the floor and to offer them to the groom. Before he can accept +them, he must make a return gift of money, beads, and the like for +each one. It is explained by the elders that, when the young people +see all the gifts spread out on the floor, they will appreciate the +expense involved, and will be less likely to separate. + +If at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the +husband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering known +as _nagkakaló-nan_. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets +on the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other +gifts for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued +love. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate; +and should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess +the whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the +gifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the price of +the pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets +and dishes. + +Divorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that +just described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is made, but if that +fails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of +the gathering to that one. If blame attaches to the husband, he must +complete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is +guilty, her parents and relatives must return the gifts distributed at +the time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty +or laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman. + +Small children are generally left with the mother, but when they are +old enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. However, +the father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share +in his property when he dies. Either party to a divorce may remarry +at any time. + +The Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many +concubines (_pota_), as he can secure. The _pota_ lives in a house +of her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman, +and is seldom seen in the social gatherings or in other homes. Her +children belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to +the old men, except in cases of cruelty. Men with concubines do not +suffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever +to have won two or three women. + +The _pota_ is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is +almost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or +wife, or even a _pota_ is almost certain to cause serious trouble, +and is likely to end in a murder. + +The early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit +sexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes happens +that an unbetrothed girl, not a _pota_, is found to be pregnant. In +such a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred +pesos to the girl's people, and he must support the child when finally +it comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses +standing in the community unless the father should fail to redeem +the child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule +in the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome +of such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the _pota_ of her +child's father. + +_Death and Burial_.--Sickness and death are usually caused by +unfriendly spirits; [89] sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes +those who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought +about by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves as +punishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized +as coming from human agency. + +The methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and +thwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. pp. 295 +_et seq_.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and +relatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning, +while friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse. + +A funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed, +"so that his spirit [90] may be clean," and is placed in a bamboo seat +at the end of the house. This seat, which is known as _sangádel_, +is constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall +and resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height of about +three feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the +floor in front. + +The corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire +surround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable blankets, +belts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take +with him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his future home. A live chicken +is placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral +it becomes the property of the friend, who removes the poles from +the house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits, +while the intestines are hung just outside the door, until the body +is buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an +inverted rice-mortar on which is a dish of _basi_,--an offering to the +spirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry. + +The needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members +of the family. It is their duty to place two small jars of liquor +near to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating. + +Up to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with +friendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian realize +that there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be +compelled to leave the body unharmed. The first of these evil beings +to be guarded against is Kadongáyan, [91] who in former times used +to attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the +corpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly +instruction of Kaboniyan it was learned that, if a live chicken, with +its mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the +house, its suffering would be noticed by the evil spirit, who, fearing +similar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling. [92] + +The spirit Ibwa is also much feared. [93] Long ago he used to +mingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but +the thoughtless act of a mourner started him on the evil course +he has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was +kept in the dwelling seven days; and, as the body decomposed, the +liquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the +grave. On the occasion referred to, he was handed a cup of the "lard" +to drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting +dish, and frequently even devoured the body as well. Since he fears +iron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is +also necessary to guard the grave against him and the spirit Selday, +who demands blood or the corpse. + +Akop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and +legs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, awaiting an +opportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the +living feel his cold embrace, death is sure to follow. So a barricade +of pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the +wife is compelled to remain during the three days the body is kept in +the house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in +the meshes of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become +entangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse +fanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close +watch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body or the widow +(Plate XVI). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse, +and wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart. [94] +According to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put +on old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over her head +a large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial. [95] +Likewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all +work. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. Corn is their +only food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing +their arms as they walk. They are prohibited from mounting a horse, +and under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village +or join in merry-making. Failure to obey these rules is followed by +swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead. [96] +Except for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and +oil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but the widow continues +in mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year. + +According to many informants among the older men, it was formerly +necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men to put on +white head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was +impossible to hold the ceremony which released the relatives from the +taboo. [97] During the first two days that the body is in the house, +the friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to partake +of the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time; +but there is neither music, singing, or dancing. [98] + +On the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the +yard, and after drinking _basi_ they select one of their number +and proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod +(Plate XVII). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is +split at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping is +not severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh +to swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes the rod and +then proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes [99] to each man +present, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one +of the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. The +avowed purpose of this whipping is "to make all the people feel as +sorry as the relatives of the dead man." + +Burial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, "as it is +much easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and the grave +is also protected against the rain." In Manabo and many mountain +villages, however, burial is in the yard. It is customary to open a +grave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased. + +Toward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the +bamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove the dirt. + +The grave is generally of one of the forms indicated in Fig. 3, +and when a depth of about three feet has been reached, the workers +encounter stone slabs which protect a lower chamber. [100] When +these are reached, the diggers make an opening and thrusting in +burning pine-sticks, they call to the dead within, "You must light +your pipes with these." As soon as the slabs are raised, the oldest +female relative of the deceased goes into the grave, gathers up +the bones of the last person interred, ties them into a bundle, +and reburies them in one corner. There is at present no such type +of burial chamber, as is described by _La Gironière_, [101] nor is +there a memory or tradition of such an arrangement. As his visit took +place less than a century ago, it is unlikely that all trace of it +would have been lost. The heavy rainfall in this district would make +the construction and maintenance of such a chamber almost impossible, +while the dread of leaving the corpses thus exposed to hostile spirits +and the raids of enemies in search of heads would also argue against +such a practice. His description of the mummifying or drying of the +corpse by means of fires built around it [102] is likewise denied by +the old men of Manabo, who insist that they never had such a custom. It +certainly does not exist to-day. In a culture, in which the influence +of custom is as strong as it is here, it would seem that the care of +the corpse, which is intimately related to the condition of the spirit +in its final abode, would be one of the last things to change, while +the proceedings following a death are to-day so uniform throughout +the Tinguian belt, that they argue for a considerable antiquity. + +When the grave is ready, the fact is announced in the dwelling, and is +the signal for renewed lamentation. The wife and near relatives throw +themselves on the corpse, caressing it and crying wildly. Whatever +there may have been of duty or respect in the wailing of the first two +days, this parting burst of sorrow is genuine. Tears stand in the eyes +of many, while others cease their wailing and sob convulsively. After +a time an old woman brings in some _oldot_ seeds, each strung on a +thread, and fastens one on the wrist of each person, as a protection +against the evil spirit Akop, who, having been defeated in his designs +against the widow, may seek to vent his anger on others. + +When this has been done, a medium seats herself in front of the +body; and, covering her face with her hands, begins to chant and +wail, bidding the spirit to enter her body. Suddenly she falls back +in a faint, while suppressed excitement is manifested by all the +onlookers. After a moment or two, fire and water are placed at her +head and feet, "in order to frighten the spirit away," and then the +medium gives the last message of the dead man to his family. This is, +except for very rare exceptions, the only time that the spirits of the +deceased communicate with mortals; and it is, so far as the writer has +been able to learn, the only occasion when the medium repeats messages +given to her. At other times she is possessed by natural spirits, +[103] who then talk directly with mortals. + +As a last preparation for the grave, a small hole is burned in each +garment worn by the dead person, for otherwise the spirit Ibwa will +envy him his clothing and attempt to steal them. The corpse is then +wrapped in a mat, and is carried from the house. [104] The bearers +go directly to the _balaua,_ [105] and rest the body in it for a +moment. Unless this is done, the spirit will be poor in its future +life and unable to build _balaua_. + +The body is deposited full length in the grave, the stone slabs are +relaid, the chinks between them filled in with damp clay, and the +grave is refilled. [106] As the last earth is pushed in, a small pig +is killed, and its blood is sprinkled on the loose soil. Meanwhile +Selday is besought to respect the grave and leave it untouched. The +animal is cut up, and a small piece is given to each guest, who will +stop on the way to his home, and place the meat on the ground as an +offering, meanwhile repeating a _diam_. Should he fail to do this, +sickness or death is certain to visit his home or village. + +As a further protection against evily disposed spirits, especially +Ibwa, an iron plough-point is placed over the grave, "for most evil +spirits fear iron;" and during this night and the nine succeeding, +a fire is kept burning at the grave and at the foot of the +house-ladder. [107] + +That night the men spend about an hour in the house of mourning, +singing _sang-sangit_, a song in which they praise the dead man, +encourage the widow, and bespeak the welfare of the family. The wailers +still remain in the dwelling to protect the widow, and a male relative +is detailed to see that the fire at the foot of the ladder is kept +burning brightly. + +Early the next morning, the widow, closely guarded by the wailers, +goes to the river, throws her headband into the water, and then goes +in herself. As she sinks in the water, an old man throws a bundle +of burning rice-straw on her. "The water will wash away some of +the sorrow, and the fire will make her thoughts clear." Upon her +return to the village, the grave is enclosed with a bamboo fence, +and above it is hung a shallow box-like frame, known as _patay_, in +which are placed the articles needed by the spirit. [108] Within the +house the mat and pillow of the dead are laid ready for use, and at +meal time food is placed beside it. The length of time that the mat +is left spread out differs somewhat between towns and families. In +some cases it is taken up at the end of the period of taboo, while in +others it is not rolled up; nor are the windows of the house opened +until after the celebration of the _Layog_ ceremony, a year later. + +The taboo is usually strictly observed through ten days; but should +there be some urgent reason, such as planting or reaping, it may +be raised somewhat earlier. It is concluded by the blood and oil +ceremony. The _lakay_, the other old men of the settlement, and all +the relatives, gather in the house of mourning, while the mediums +prepare for the ceremony. They kill a small pig and collect its blood +in a dish; in another receptacle they place oil. A brush has been +made out of a variety of leaves, and this the medium dips into the +blood and oil, then draws it over the wrists or ankles of each person +present, meanwhile saying, "Let the _lew-lew_ (_Fiscus hauili_ Blanco) +leaves take the sickness and death to another town; let the _kawayan_ +("bamboo") make them grow fast and be strong as it is, and have many +branches; let the _atilwag_ (_Breynia acuminata_ Nuell. Arg.) turn +the sickness to other towns." A little oil is rubbed on the head +of each person present; and all, except the widow, are then freed +from restrictions. She must still refrain from wearing her beads, +ornaments, or good clothing; and she is barred from taking part in +any merry-making until after the _Layog_ ceremony. [109] + +At the conclusion of the anointing, the old men discuss the disposal +of the property and other matters of importance in connection with +the death. + +_The Layog_. [110]--Several months after the burial (generally after +the lapse of a year), the friends and relatives are summoned in the +_Layog_,--a ceremony held with the avowed intention "to show respect +for the dead and to cause the family to forget their sorrow." Friends +come from near and far; and rice, pigs, cows or carabaos are prepared +for food, while _basi_ flows freely. It is said that the liquor +served at this time is "like tears for the dead." A medium goes to +the guardian stones of the village, and there offers rice mixed with +blood; she oils the stones, places new yellow headbands on each one, +and after dancing _tadek_, returns to the gathering. Often she is +accompanied by a number of men, who shout on their return trip "to +frighten away evil spirits." + +Near the house a chair is made ready for the deceased, and in it are +placed clothing and food. In the yard four crossed spears form the +frame-work on which a shield rests (Plate XVIII) [111] and on this +are beads, food, and garments--offerings for the spirits; while near +the house ladder is the spirits' table made of inverted rice mortars. + +The duration of this ceremony depends largely on the wealth of the +family, for the relatives must furnish everything needed at this +time. Games are played, and there is much drinking and singing; but +before the members of the family may take part, they are dressed in +good garments, and the blood and oil ceremony is repeated on them. At +the conclusion of the dancing, they go into the house, roll up the mat +used by the dead, open the doors and windows, and all are again free +to do as they wish. Should they fail to roll up the mat at this time, +it must remain until another _Layog_ is held; and during the interval +all the former restrictions are in force. [112] + +About twenty years ago, a great number of people in Patok died +of cholera; and since then the people of that village have held a +_Layog_ in their honor each November, to the expense of which all +contribute. As this is just before the rice-harvest, a time when all +the people wear their best garments, it is customary for the old men +to allow bereaved families to participate in this ceremony and then +release them from mourning. + +_Beliefs Concerning the Spirit of the Dead_.--Direct questioning brings +out some differences of opinion, in the various districts, concerning +the spirit of the dead. In Manabo, a town influenced both by the +Igorot of the Upit River valley and the Christianized Ilocano of San +Jose, the spirit is said to go at once to the great spirit Kadaklan, +and then to continue on "to the town where it lives." "It is like a +person, but is so light that it can be carried along by the wind when +it blows." [113] The people of Ba-ay, a mountain village partially +made up of immigrants from the eastern side of the Cordillera Central, +claim that the spirits of the dead go to a mountain called Singet, +where they have a great town. Here, it is also stated, the good are +rewarded with fine houses, while the bad have to be content with +hovels. The general belief, however, is that the spirit (_kalading_) +has a body like that of the living person, but is usually invisible, +although spirits have appeared, and have even sought to injure living +beings. Immediately following death, the spirit stays near to its +old home, ready to take vengeance on any relative, who fails to show +his body proper respect. After the blood and oil ceremony, he goes to +his future home, Maglawa, carrying with him gifts for the ancestors, +which the people have placed about his corpse. In Maglawa he finds +conditions much the same as on earth; people are rich and poor; +they need houses; they plant and reap; and they conduct ceremonies +for the superior beings, just as they had done during their life +on earth. Beyond this, the people do not pretend to be posted, "for +Kaboniyan did not tell." With the exception of the people of Ba-ay +and a few individuals influenced by Christianity, the Tinguian has no +idea of reward or punishment in the future life, but he does believe +that the position of the spirit in its new home can be affected by the +acts of the living (cf. p. 289). No trace of a belief in re-incarnation +was found in any district inhabited by this tribe. + +_Life and Death_.--The foregoing details concerning birth, childhood, +sickness, and death, seem to give us an insight into the Tinguian +conception of life and death. For him life and death do not +appear to be but incidents in an endless cycle of birth, death, +and re-incarnation ad infinitum, such as pictured by _Lévy-Bruhl_; +[114] yet, in many instances, his acts and beliefs fit in closely +with the theory outlined by that author. In this society, there is +only a weak line of demarcation between the living and the dead, and +the dead for a time at least participate more or less in the life of +the living. This is equally true of the unborn child, whose future +condition, physical and mental, may be largely moulded by the acts of +others. According to _Lévy-Bruhl_, this would indicate that the child +at delivery is not fully born, is not as yet a member of the group; +and the succeeding ceremonies are necessary to its full participation +in life. Death is likewise of long duration. Following the last breath, +the spirit remains near by until the magic power of the funeral severs, +to an extent, his participation with society. The purpose of the final +ceremony is to complete the rupture between the living and the dead. + +To the writer, the facts of Tinguian life and beliefs suggest a +somewhat different explanation. We have seen how strong individuals +may be affected by magical practices. The close connection between an +individual, his garments, or even his name, must be considered to apply +with quite as much force to the helpless infant and the afterbirth. So +strong is this bond, that even unintentional acts may injure the +babe. Evil spirits are always near; and, unless great precautions are +taken, they will injure adults if they can get them at a disadvantage, +particularly when they are asleep. The child is not able to protect +itself from these beings; therefore the adults perform such acts, as +they think will secure the good will and help of friendly spirits, +while they bribe or buy up those who might otherwise be hostile; +and lastly they make use of such magical objects and ceremonies, +as will compel the evil spirits to leave the infant alone. As the +child grows in size and strength, he is less in need of protection; +and at an early age he is treated like the other younger members of +the community. Naming follows almost immediately after birth, while +puberty and initiation ceremonies are entirely lacking. Apparently +then, a child is considered as being fully alive at birth, and at no +time does he undergo any rites or ceremonies which make him more a +part of the community than he was on the first day he saw the light. + +When death occurs, the spirit remains near to the corpse until after +the funeral, and even then is close by until the ten days of taboo are +over. He still finds need of nourishment, and hence food is placed +near to his mat. As at birth, he is not in a position to protect +his body from the designs of evil spirits, and if his relatives +fail to give the corpse proper care, it is certain to be mutilated; +likewise certain acts of the living towards the corpse can affect the +position of the spirit in Maglawa. Hence it is of supreme importance +that the former owner guards against any possible neglect or injury +to the body, and it seems plausible that the presence of the spirit +near its old haunts may be for the purpose of seeing that its body +is carefully attended to. The folktales tell of several instances, +in which the spirits took vengeance on relatives who neglected their +bodies, or violated the period of taboo. [115] + +When the danger period is past, the spirit at once leaves its old home, +and returns again only at the time of the _Layog_. From that time on, +he continues his existence in the upper world, neither troubling, +nor being troubled by mortals on earth. [116] Ancestor worship does +not occur here, nor are offerings made to the dead, other than those +described above. + + + +CHAPTER IV + +RELIGION AND MAGIC + +The Tinguian has been taught by his elders that he is surrounded by +a great body of spirits, some good, some malevolent. The folk-tales +handed down from ancient times add their authority to the teachings of +older generations, while the individual himself has seen the bodies +of the mediums possessed by the superior beings; he has communicated +with them direct, has seen them cure the sick and predict coming +events. At many a funeral, he has seen the medium squat before the +corpse, chanting a weird song, and then suddenly become possessed by +the spirit of the deceased; and, finally, he or some of his friends +or townspeople are confident that they have seen and talked to ghosts +of the recently departed. All these beings are real to him; he is so +certain of their existence that he seldom speculates about them or +their acts. + +Some of these spirits are always near; and a part of them, at least, +take more than an ordinary interest in human affairs. Thanks to the +teachings of the elders, the Tinguian knows how to propitiate them; +and, if necessary, he may even compel friendly action on the part +of many. Toward the less powerful of the evily disposed beings, he +shows indifference or insolence; he may make fun of, or lie to, and +cheat them during the day, but he is careful to guard himself at night +against their machinations. To the more powerful he shows the utmost +respect; he offers them gifts of food, drink, and material objects; +and conducts ceremonies in the manner demanded by them. Having done +these things, he feels that he is a party to a bargain; and the spirits +must, on their part, repay by granting the benefits desired. Not +entirely content with these precautions, he performs certain magical +acts which prevent evil spirits from doing harm to an individual +or a community, and by the same means he is able to control storms, +the rise of streams, and the growth of crops. It is doubtful if the +Tinguian has ever speculated in regard to this magical force, yet he +clearly separates it from the power resident in the spirit world. It +appears to be a great undifferentiated force to which spirits, nature, +and men are subject alike. + +If a troublesome question arises, or an evident inconsistency in +his beliefs is called to his attention, he disposes of it by the +simple statement that it is _kadauyan_ ("custom"), "was taught by +the ancestors," and hence is not subject to question. + +His religion holds forth no threat of punishment in a future world, +neither are there rewards in that existence to urge men to better +deeds. The chief teaching is that the customs of ancient times must be +faithfully followed; to change is to show disrespect for the dead, for +the spirits who are responsible for the customs, which are synonymous +with law. + +Custom and religion have become so closely interwoven in this society +that it is well-nigh impossible to separate them. The building of a +house, the planting, harvesting and care of the rice, the procedure at +a birth, wedding, or funeral, in short, all the events of the social +and economic life, are so governed by custom and religious beliefs, +that it is safe to say that nearly every act in the life of the +Tinguian is directed or affected by these forces. + +Two classes of spirits are recognized; first, those who have existed +through all time, whom we shall call natural spirits; second, the +spirits of deceased mortals. The latter reside forever in Maglawa, +a place midway between earth and sky; but a small number of them have +joined the company of the natural spirits. Except for these few, they +are not worshiped, and no offerings are made to them, after the period +of mourning is past. The members of the first class cover a wide range, +from Kadaklan, the great spirit who resides above, to Kaboniyan, +the teacher and helper, to those resident in the guardian stones, +to the half human, half bird-like _alan_, to the low, mean spirits +who delight to annoy mortals. These beings are usually invisible, +but at times of ceremonies they enter the bodies of the mediums, +possess them, and thus communicate with the people. On rare occasions +they are visible in their own forms, as when Kaboniyan appeared as +the antagonist and later as the friend of Sayen. [117] + +These beings are addressed, first through certain semi-magical +formulas, know as _diams_. These are seldom prayers or supplications, +but are a part of a definite ritual, the whole of which is expected +to gain definite favors. + +At the beginning, and during the course of all ceremonies, animals are +killed. A part of the flesh and the blood is mixed with rice, and is +offered to the spirits; but the bulk of the offering is eaten by the +participants. Liquor is consumed in great quantities at such a time, +but a small amount is always poured out for the use of the superior +beings. Finally, the mediums summon the spirits into their bodies; +and, when possessed, they are no longer considered as persons, +but are the spirits themselves. The beings who appear in this way +talk directly with the people; they offer advice, give information +concerning affairs in the spirit world, and oftentimes they mingle +with the people on equal terms, joining in their dances and taking +a lively interest in their daily affairs. + +The people seldom pray to or supplicate the invisible spirits; but when +they are present in the bodies of the mediums, they make requests, and +ask advice, as they would from any friend or acquaintance. With many, +the Tinguian is on amicable terms, while toward Kaboniyan he exhibits +a degree of respect and gratitude which is close to affection. He +realizes that there are many unfriendly spirits, but he has means of +controlling or thwarting their evil designs; and hence he does not +live in that state of perpetual fear which is so often pictured as +the condition of the savage. + +_The Spirits_.--A great host of unnamed spirits are known to exist; +they often attend the ceremonies and sometimes enter the bodies of +the mediums, and in this way new figures appear from time to time. In +addition to these, there are certain superior beings who are well +known, and who, as already indicated, exercise a potent influence on +the daily life of the people. The following list will serve to give +some idea of these spirits and their attributes; while the names +of the less important will be found in connection with the detailed +description of the ceremonies. + +Kadaklan ("the greatest"), a powerful male spirit, who lives in the +sky, created the earth, sun, moon, and stars. The stars are only +stones, but the sun and moon are lights. At times Kadaklan enters +the body of a favored medium, and talks directly with the people; +but more frequently he takes other means of communication. Oftentimes +he sends his dog Kimat, the lightening, to bite a tree or strike a +field or house, and in this way makes known his wish that the owner +celebrate the _Padiam_ ceremony (cf. p. 401). All other beings are +in a measure subservient to him, and his wishes are frequently made +known through them. Thunder is his drum with which he amuses himself +during stormy weather, but sometimes he plays on it even on clear days. + +Agemem is the wife of Kadaklan. She lives in the ground. Little is +known of her except that she has given birth to two sons, [118] whose +chief duty is to see that the commands of their father are obeyed. + +Adám and Baliyen are the sons of Kadaklan. The name of the first boy +is suggestive of Christian influence, but there are no traditions or +further details to link him with the Biblical character. + +Kaboniyan is the friend and helper of the people, and by many is +classed above or identified with Kadaklan. At times he lives in the +sky; again in a great cave near Patok. [119] From this cave came the +jars which could talk and move, here were found the copper gongs used +in the dances, and here too grew the wonderful tree which bore the +agate beads so prized by the women. This spirit gave the Tinguian +rice and sugar-cane, taught them how to plant and reap, how to foil +the designs of ill-disposed spirits, the words of the _diams_ and the +details of many ceremonies. Further to bind himself to the people, +it is said, he married "in the first times" a woman from Manabo. He +is summoned in nearly every ceremony, and there are several accounts +of his having appeared in his own form. According to one of these, +he is of immense proportions; his spear is as large as a tree, and +his head-axe the size of the end of the house. [120] + +Apdel is the spirit who resides in the guardian stones (_pinaing_) +at the gate of the town. During a ceremony, or when the men are away +for a fight, it becomes his special duty to protect the village from +sickness and enemies. He has been known to appear as a red rooster +or as a white dog. + +Idadaya, who lives in the east (_daya_), is a powerful spirit who +attends the _Pala-an_ ceremony. He rides a horse, which he ties to +the little structure built during the rite. Ten grand-children reside +with him, and they all wear in their hair the _igam_ (notched feathers +attached to a stick). When these feathers lose their lustre, they can +only be restored by the celebration of _Pala-an_(cf. p. 328). Hence the +owners cause some mortal, who has the right to conduct the ceremony, +to become ill, and then inform him through the mediums as to the cause +of his affliction. The names of the grand-children are as follows: +Pensipenondosan, Logosen, Bakoden, Bing-gasan, Bakdañgan, Giligen, +Idomalo, Agkabkabayo, Ebloyan, and Agtabtabokal. + +Kaiba-an is the spirit who lives in the little house or _saloko_ +in the rice-fields, and who protects the growing crops. Offerings +are made to him, when a new field is constructed, when the rice is +transplanted, and at harvest time. "The ground which grows" (that is +the nest of the white ant) is said to be made by him. + +Makaboteng, also called Sanadan, is the guardian of the deer and wild +hogs. His good will is necessary if the dogs are to be successful in +the chase; consequently he is summoned to many ceremonies, where he +receives the most courteous treatment. In one ceremony he declared, +"I can become the sunset sky." + +Sabian or Isabian is the guardian of the dogs. + +Bisangolan ("the place of opening or tearing") is a gigantic spirit, +who lives near the river, and who in time of floods uses his head-axe +and walking-stick to keep the logs and refuse from jamming. "He is +very old, like the world, and he pulls out his beard with his finger +nails and his knife. His seat is a wooden plate." He appears in the +_Dawak_, _Tangpap_, and _Sayang_ ceremonies, holding a rooster and a +bundle of rice. In Ba-ak he is called Ibalinsogóan, and is the first +spirit summoned in _Dawak_. + +Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, is the one who makes friends, and +who learns the source of troubles. When summoned at the beginning of +a ceremony, he tells what needs to be done, in order to insure the +results desired. + +Sasagangen, sometimes called Ingalit, are spirits whose business +it is to take heads and put them on the _saga_ or in the _saloko_ +(cf. p. 310). Headache is caused by them. + +Abat are numerous spirits who cause sore feet and headache. _Salono_ +and _bawi_ are built for them (cf. pp. 309-310). The spirits of Ibal, +who live in Daem, are responsible for most sickness among children, +but they are easily appeased with blood and rice. The Ibal ceremony +is held for them. + +Maganáwan, who lives in Nagbotobotan ("the place near which the rivers +empty into the hole, where all streams go") is one of the spirits, +called in the _Sangásang_ ceremony, and for whom the blood of the +rooster mixed with rice is put into the _saloko_, which stands in +the yard. + +Ináwen is a pregnant female spirit, who lives in the sea, and +who demands the blood of a chicken mixed with rice to satisfy her +capricious appetite. She also attends the _Sangásang_. + +Kideng is a tall, fat spirit with nine heads. He is the servant of +Ináwen, and carries the gifts of mortals to his mistress. + +Ibwa is an evil spirit, who once mingled with the people in human +form. Due to the thoughtless act of a mourner at a funeral, he became +so addicted to the taste of human flesh, that it has since then been +necessary to protect the corpse from him. He fears iron, and hence +a piece of that metal is always laid on the grave. Holes are burned +in each garment placed on the body to keep him from stealing them. + +Akop is likewise evil. He has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no +body. He always frequents the place of death, and seeks to embrace the +spouse of the deceased. Should he succeed, death follows quickly. To +defeat his plans, the widow is closely guarded by the wailers; she +also sleeps under a fish net as an additional protection against his +long fingers, and she wears seeds which are disliked by this being. + +Kadongáyan indulges in the malicious sport of slitting the mouth of +the corpse back to the ears. In order to frighten him away, a live +chicken, with its mouth split to its throat, is placed by the door, +during the time the body is in the house. When he sees the sufferings +of the bird, he fears to enter the dwelling lest the people treat +him in the same manner. + +Selday is an ill-disposed being. He causes people to have sore feet, +and only relieves them, when offerings are made to him in the _saloko_ +or _bawi_. He lives in the wooded hill, but quickly learns of a +death, and appears at the open grave. Unless he is bought off with an +offering, the blood of a small pig, he is almost certain to make away +with the body, or cause a great sickness to visit the village. As +the mourners return home, after the burial, they place bits of the +slaughtered animal by the trail, so that he will not make them ill. + +Bayon is a male spirit, who dwells in the sky, and who comes to +earth as a fresh breeze. He once stole a girl from Layógan, changed +her two breasts into one, placed this in the center of her chest, +and married her. + +Lokadáya is the human wife of Bayon. She now appears to have joined +the company of the natural spirits and to be immortal. At times, +both she and her husband enter the bodies of the mediums. + +Agonán is the spirit who knows many dialects. He lives in Dingolowan. + +Gilen attends many ceremonies, and occupies an important place in +_Tangpap_; yet little is known of him. + +Inginlaod are spirits who live in the west. + +Ginobáyan is a female spirit, always present in the _Tangpap_ ceremony. + +Sangalo is a spirit who gives good and bad signs. + +Dapeg, Balingen-ngen, Benisalsal, and Kikiba-an, are all disturbers +and mischief-makers. They cause illness, sore feet, headache, and bad +dreams. They are important only because of the frequency with which +they appear. + +Al-lot attends festivals and prevents quarrels. + +Liblibayan, Banbanayo, and Banbantay, are lesser spirits, who formerly +aided "the people of the first times." + +The term "Alan" comprises a large body of spirits with half human, +half bird-like forms. They have wings and can fly; their toes are +at the back of their feet, and their fingers attach to the wrists +and point backward. Often they hang from the branches of trees, +like bats, but they are also pictured as having fine houses and great +riches. They are sometimes hostile or mischievous, but more frequently +are friendly. They play a very important part in the mythology, +but not in the cult. [121] + +Komau is a giant spirit, who, according to tradition, was killed +by the hero Sayen. Among the Ilocano and some of the Tinguian, the +Komau is known as a great invisible bird, which steals people and +their possessions. He does not visit the people through the bodies +of the mediums. + +Anito is a general term used to designate members of the spirit world. + +A survey of the foregoing list brings out a noticeable lack of +nature-spirits; of trees, rocks, and natural formations considered as +animate; and of guardian spirits of families and industries. There is +a strong suggestion, however, in the folk-tales to the effect that +this has not always been the case; and even to-day there are some +conflicts regarding the status of certain spirits. In the village of +Manabo, thunder is known as Kidol; in Likuan and Bakaok, as Kido-ol; +and in each place he is recognized as a powerful spirit. In Ba-ay, +two types of lightning are known to be spirits. The flash from the sky +is Salit, that "from the ground" is Kilawit. Here thunder is Kadaklan, +but the sun is the all powerful being. He is male, and is "so powerful +that he does not need or desire ceremonies or houses." The moon is +likewise a powerful spirit, but female. + +In the discussion of the tales [122] it was suggested that these and +other ideas, which differ from those held by the majority of the tribe, +may represent older conceptions, which have been swamped, or may have +been introduced into Abra by emigrants from the north and east. + +_The Mediums_.--The superior beings talk with mortals through the aid +of mediums, known individually and collectively as _alopogan_ ("she who +covers her face"). [123] These are generally women past middle life, +though men are not barred from the profession, who, when chosen, are +made aware of the fact by having trembling fits when they are not cold, +by warnings in dreams, or by being informed by other mediums that they +are desired by the spirits. A woman may live the greater part of her +life without any idea of becoming a medium, and then because of such a +notification will undertake to qualify. She goes to one already versed, +and from her learns the details of the various ceremonies, the gifts +suitable for each spirit, and the chants or _diams_ which must be used +at certain times. This is a considerable task, for the _diams_ must be +learned word for word; and, likewise, each ceremony must be conducted, +just as it was taught by the spirits to the "people of the first +times." The training occupies several months; and when all is ready, +the candidate secures her _piling_. This is a collection of large +sea-shells attached to cords, which is kept in a small basket together +with a Chinese plate and a hundred fathoms of thread (Plate XIX). New +shells may be used, but it is preferable to secure, if possible, the +_piling_ of a dead medium. Being thus supplied, the novice seeks the +approval of the spirits and acceptance as a medium. The wishes of the +higher beings are learned by means of a ceremony, in the course of +which a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is scattered +on the ground. The liver of the animal is eagerly examined; for, +if certain marks appear on it, the candidate is rejected, or must +continue her period of probation for several months, before another +trial can be made. During this time she may aid in ceremonies, but +she is not possessed by the spirits. When finally accepted, she may +begin to summon the spirits into her body. She places offerings on a +mat, seats herself in front of them, and calls the attention of the +spirits by striking her _piling_, or a bit of lead, against a plate; +then covering her face with her hands, she begins to chant. Suddenly +she is possessed; and then, no longer as a human, but as the spirit +itself, she talks with the people, asking and answering questions, +or giving directions, as to what shall be done to avert sickness and +trouble, or to bring good fortune. + +Certain mediums are visited only by low, mean spirits; others, by both +good and bad; while still others may be possessed even by Kadaklan, the +greatest of all. It is customary for the spirit of a deceased mortal to +enter the body of a medium, just before the corpse is to be buried, to +give messages to the family; but he seldom comes again in this manner. + +The pay of a medium is small, usually a portion of a sacrificed +animal, a few bundles of rice, and some beads; but this payment is +more than offset by the restrictions placed on her. At no time may +she eat of carabao, wild pig, wild chicken, or shrimp; nor may she +touch peppers--all prized articles of food. + +The inducements for a person to enter this vocation are so few that a +candidate begins her training with reluctance; but, once accepted by +the spirits, the medium yields herself fully and sincerely to their +wishes. When possessed by a spirit, her own personality is submerged, +and she does many things of which she is apparently ignorant, when +she emerges from the spell. Oftentimes, as she squats by the mat, +summoning the spirits, her eyes take on a far-away stare; the veins +of her face and neck stand out prominently, while the muscles of +her arms and legs are tense; then, as she is possessed, she assumes +the character and habits of the superior being. If it is a spirit +supposed to dwell in Igorot or Kalinga land, she speaks in a dialect +unfamiliar to her hearers, orders them to dance in Igorot fashion, +and then instructs them in dances, which she or her townspeople could +never have seen. [124] At times she carries on sleight-of-hand tricks, +as when she places beads in a dish of oil, and dances with it high +above her head, until the beads vanish. A day or two later she will +recover them from the hair of some participant in the ceremony. Most +of her acts are in accordance with a set procedure; yet at times she +goes further, and does things which seem quite inexplainable. + +One evening, in the village of Manabo, we were attending a +ceremony. Spirit after spirit had appeared, and at their order dances +and other acts had taken place. About ten o'clock a brilliant flash +of lightning occurred, although it was not a stormy evening. The body +of the medium was at that time possessed by Amangau, a head-hunting +spirit. He at once stopped his dance, and announced that he had +just taken the head of a boy from Luluno, and that the people of +his village were even then dancing about the skull. Earlier in the +evening we had noticed this lad (evidently a consumptive) among +the spectators. When the spirit made this claim, we looked for him, +but he had vanished. A little later we learned that he had died of +a hemorrhage at about the time of the flash. + +Such occurrences make a deep impression on the mind of the people, +and strengthen their belief in the spirit world; but, so far as could +be observed, the prestige of the medium was in nowise enhanced. + +Since most of the ceremonies are held to keep the family or individual +in good health, the medium takes the place of a physician. She often +makes use of simple herbs and medicinal plants, but always with the +idea that the treatment is distasteful to the being, who has caused +the trouble, and not with any idea of its curative properties. Since +magic and religion are practically the same in this society, the +medium is the one who usually conducts or orders the magic rites; +and for the same reason she, better than all others, can read the +signs and omens sent by members of the spirit world. + +_Magic and Omens_.--The folk-tales are filled with accounts of magical +acts, performed by "the people of the first times." They annihilated +time and space, commanded inanimate objects to do their will, created +human beings from pieces of betel-nut, and caused the magical increase +of food and drink. Those days have passed, yet magical acts still +pervade all the ceremonies; nature is overcome, while the power to +work evil by other than human means is a recognized fact of daily +life. In the detailed accounts of the ceremonies will be found many +examples of these magical acts, but the few here mentioned will give +a good idea of all. + +In one ceremony, a blanket is placed over the family, and on their +heads a coconut is cut in two, and the halves are allowed to fall; +for, "as they drop to the ground, so does sickness and evil fall away +from the people." A bound pig is placed in the center of the floor, +and water is poured into its ear that, "as it shakes out the water, +so may evil spirits and sickness be thrown out of the place." At one +point in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, a boy takes the sacrificial blood +and rice from a large dish, and puts it in a number of smaller ones, +then returns it again to the first; for, "when the spirits make a +man sick, they take a part of his life. When they make him well, they +put it back, just as the boy takes away a part of the food, gives it +to the spirits, and then replaces it," The same idea appears in the +dance which follows. The boy and the medium take hold of a winnower, +raise it in the air, and dance half way around a rice-mortar; then +return, as they came, and replace it, "just as the spirits took away +a part of the patient's life, but now will put it back." + +The whole life of a child can be determined, or at least largely +influenced, by the treatment given the afterbirth, while the use +of bamboo and other prolific plants, at this time and at a wedding, +promote growth and fertility. + +A piece of charcoal attached to a certain type of notched stick is +placed in the rice-seed beds, and thus the new leaves are compelled +to turn the dark green color of sturdy plants. + +If a river is overflowing its banks, it can be controlled by cutting +off a pig's head and throwing it into the waters. An even more certain +method is to have a woman, who was born on the other side of the river, +take her weaving baton and plant it on the bank. The water will not +rise past this barrier. + +Blackening of the teeth is a semi-magical procedure. A mixture of +tan-bark and iron salts is twice applied to the teeth, and is allowed +to remain several hours; but, in order to obtain the desired result, +it is necessary to use the mixture after nightfall and to remove it, +before the cocks begin to crow, in the morning. If the fowls are heard, +while the teeth are being treated, they will remain white; likewise +they will refuse to take the color, should their owner approach a +corpse or grave. + +On well-travelled trails one often sees, at the tops of high hills, +piles of stones, which have been built up during many years. As he +ascends a steep slope, each traveller picks up a small stone, and +carries it to the top, where he places it on the pile. As he does so, +he leaves his weariness behind him, and continues his journey fresh +and strong. + +The use of love-charms is widespread: certain roots and leaves, when +oiled or dampened with saliva, give forth a pleasant odor, which +compels the affection of a woman, even in spite of her wishes. [125] + +Evil magic, known as _gamot_ ("poison") is also extensively used. A +little dust taken from the footprint of a foe, a bit of clothing, +or an article recently handled by him, is placed in a dish of water, +and is stirred violently. Soon the victim begins to feel the effect +of this treatment, and within a few hours becomes insane. To make him +lame, it is only necessary to place poison on articles recently touched +by his feet. Death or impotency can be produced by placing poison on +his garments. A fly is named after a person, and is placed in a bamboo +tube. This is set near the fire, and in a short time the victim of the +plot is seized with fever. Likewise magical chants and dances, carried +on beneath a house, may bring death to all the people of the dwelling. + +A combination of true poisoning and magical practice is also found. To +cause consumption or some wasting disease, a snake is killed, and +its head cut off; then the body is hung up, and the liquor coming +from the decomposing flesh is caught in a shell cup. This fluid +is introduced into the victim's food, or some of his belongings are +treated with it. If the subject dies, his relatives may get revenge on +the poisoner. This is accomplished by taking out the heart of a pig +and inserting it in the mouth or stomach of the victim. This must be +done under the cover of darkness, and the corpse be buried at once. A +high bamboo fence is then built around the grave, so that no one can +reach it. The person responsible for the death will fall ill at once, +and will die unless he is able to secure one of the victim's garments +or dirt from the grave. + +The actual introduction of poison in food and drink is thought to be +very common. The writer attended one ceremony following which a large +number of the guests fell sick. The illness was ascribed to magic +poisoning, yet it was evident that the cause was over-indulgence in +fresh pork by people, who for months had eaten little if any meat. + +_Omens_.--The ability to foretell future events by the flight or calls +of birds, actions of animals, by the condition of the liver and gall +of sacrificed pigs, or by the movements of certain articles under +the questioning of a medium, is an undoubted fact in this society. + +A small bird known as _labeg_, is the messenger of the spirits, +who control the _Bakid_ and _Sangásang_ ceremonies. When this bird +enters the house, it is caught at once, its feathers are oiled; beads +are attached to its feet, and it is released with the promise that +the ceremony will be celebrated at once. This bird accompanies the +warriors, and warns or encourages them with its calls. If it flies +across their path from right to left, all is well; but if it comes +from the left, they must return home, or trouble will befall the party. + +The spirits of _Sangásang_ make use of other birds and animals to +warn the builders of a house, if the location selected does not please +them. All the Tinguian know that the arrival of snakes, big lizards, +deer, or wild hogs at the site of a new house is a bad sign. + +If a party or an individual is starting on a journey, and the +kingfisher _(salaksak)_ flies from in front toward the place just +left, it is a command to return at once; else illness in the village +or family will compel a later return. [126] Should the _koling_ cry +_awit, awit_ ("to carry, to carry"), an immediate return is necessary, +or a member of the party will die, and will be carried home. When a +snake crawls across the trail, and goes into a hole, it is a certain +warning that, unless the trip is given up, some of the party will die, +and be buried in the ground. + +The falling of a tree across the trail, when the groom is on his +way to the home of his bride, threatens death for the couple, while +the breaking or falling of an object during the marriage ceremony +presages misfortune. + +Not all the signs are evil; for, if a man is starting to hunt, +or trade, and he sees a hawk fly in front of him and catch a bird +or chicken, he may on that day secure all the game he can carry, +or can trade on his own terms. + +All the foregoing are important, but the most constantly employed +method of foretelling the future is to examine the gall and liver +of slain pigs. These animals are killed in all great ceremonies, +at the conclusion of a medium's probation period, at birth, death, +and funeral observances, and for other important events. If a +head-hunt is to be attempted, the gall sack is removed, and is +carefully examined, for if it is large and full, and the liquor in +it is bitter, the enemy will be powerless; but if the sack is small, +and only partially filled with a weak liquor, it will fare ill with +the warriors who go into battle. For all other events, the liver +itself gives the signs. When it is full and smooth, the omens are +favorable; but if it is pitted, has black specks on it, is wrinkled, +or has cross lines on it, the spirits are ill-disposed, and the +project should be delayed. If, however, the matter is very urgent, +another pig or a fowl may be offered in the hope that the attitude +of the spirits may be changed. If the liver of the new sacrifice is +good, the ceremony or raid may continue. The blood of these animals +is always mixed with rice, and is scattered about for the superior +beings, but the flesh is cooked, and is consumed by the mortals. [127] + +To recover stolen and misplaced articles or animals, one of three +methods is employed. The first is to attach a cord to a jar-cover or +the shells used by a medium. This is suspended so that it hangs freely, +and questions are put to it. If the answer is "yes," it will swing to +and fro. The second method is to place a bamboo stick horizontally on +the ground and then to stand an egg on it. As the question is asked, +the egg is released. If it falls, the answer is in the negative; +if it stands, it replies "yes." The third and more common way is to +place a head-axe on the ground, then to blow on the end of a spear +and put it point down on the blade of the axe. If it balances, the +answer is "yes." + +_Ceremonial Structures and Paraphernalia_.--As has been indicated, +the Tinguian holds many ceremonies in honor of the superior beings; +and, in connection with these, builds numerous small structures, +and employs various paraphernalia, most of which bear definite names, +and have well established uses. Since a knowledge of these structures +and devices is necessary to a full understanding of the ceremonies, +an alphabetical list is here furnished, before proceeding to the +detailed discussion of the rites. + +_Alalot_: Two arches of bamboo, which support a grass roof. A small jar +of _basi_ stands in this structure for the use of visiting spirits. Is +generally constructed during the _Sayang_ ceremony, but in Bakaok +it is built alone to cure sickness or to change a bad disposition +(Plate XX, No. 4). + +_Aligang_: A four-pronged fork of a branch in which a jar of _basi_ +and other offerings are placed for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg +(Salegseg). It is placed at the corner of the house during _Sayang_. + +_Ansisilit_: The framework placed beside the guardian stones on the +sixteenth morning of _Sayang_. It closely resembles the _Inapapáyag_. + +_Balabago_ (known in Manabo as Talagan): A long bamboo bench with a +roofing of betel leaves. It is intended as a seat for guests, both +spirit and human, during important ceremonies. + +_Balag_: A seat of wood or bamboo, placed close to the house-ladder +during the _Sayang_ ceremony. Above and beside it are _alangtin_ +leaves, branches of the _lanoti_ tree, sugar-cane, and a leafy branch +of bamboo. Here also are found a net equipped with lead sinkers, a +top-shaped device, and short sections of bamboo filled with liquor. In +some towns this is the seat of the honored guest, who dips _basi_ +for the dancers. In San Juan this seat is called _Patogaú_. + +_Balaua_: This, the largest and most important of the spirit +structures, is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony. The roofing is +of plaited bamboo, covered with cogon grass. This is supported by +eight uprights, which likewise furnish attachment for the bamboo +flooring. There are no sides to the building, but it is so sturdily +constructed that it lasts through several seasons. Except for the +times of ceremony, it is used as a lounging place for the men, or +as a loom-room by the women. Quite commonly poles are run lengthwise +of the structure, at the lower level of the roof; and this "attic," +as well as the space beneath the floor, is used for the storage of +farming implements, bundles of rattan and thatching (Plate XXI). + +_Balitang_: A large seat like the _Balabago_, but with a grass +roofing. It is used as a seat for visitors during great ceremonies +and festivals. This name is applied, in Manabo, to a little house, +built among the bananas for the spirit Imalbi. + +_Bani-it_ or _Bunot_: Consists of a coconut husk suspended from a +pole. The feathers of a rooster are stuck into the sides. It is made +as a cure for sick-headache, also for lameness. + +_Bangbangsal_: Four long bamboo poles are set in the ground, and are +roofed over to make a shelter for the spirits of Sayaw, who come in +the _Tangpap_ ceremony. + +_Bátog_: An unhusked coconut, resting on three bamboo sticks, goes +by this name. It always appears in the _Sayang_ ceremony, close to +the _Balag_, but its use and meaning are not clear. + +_Bawi_, also called _Babawi, Abarong_, and _Sinaba-an_: A name applied +to any one of the small houses, built in the fields or gardens as +a home for the spirits Kaiba-an, Abat, Selday, and some others of +lesser importance (Plate XXII). + +_Idasan_: A seat or bench which stands near the house-ladder during +the _Sayang_. A roof of cogon grass protects ten bundles of unthreshed +rice, which lie on it. This rice is later used as seed. In the San Juan +district, the place of the Idasan seems to be taken by three +bamboo poles, placed in tripod fashion, so as to support a basket of +rice. This is known as _Pinalasang_. + +_Inapapáyag_: Two-forked saplings or four reeds are arranged so as to +support a shield or a cloth "roof" (Plate XVIII). During _Sayang_ and +some other ceremonies, it stands in the yard, or near to the town gate; +and on it food and drink are placed for visiting spirits. During the +celebration of _Layog_ (cf. p. 290), it is built near to the dancing +space, and contains offerings for the spirit of the dead. A spear +with a colored clout is stuck into the ground close by; and usually +an inverted rice mortar also stands here, and supports a dish of +_basi_. In the mountain village of Likuan it is built alone as a cure +for sickness. A pig is killed and the mediums summon the spirits as +in _Dawak_ (cf. p. 316). + +_Kalang_: A wooden box, the sides of which are cut to resemble the +head and horns of a carabao. The spirits are not thought to reside +here, but do come to partake of the food and drink placed in it. It is +attached to the roof of the dwelling or in the _balaua_ or _kalangan._ +New offerings are placed in the _kalang_, before the men go to fight, +or when the _Sayang_ ceremony is held. It also holds the head-bands +worn by the mediums, when making _Dawak_ (Fig. 4, No. 2). + +_Kalangan_: the place of the _kalang_. This is similar to the _balaua_, +but is smaller and, as a rule, has only four supporting timbers +(Plate XXIII). + +_Pala-an_: Four long poles, usually three of bamboo, and one of a +resinous tree known as _anteng_ (_Canarium villosum_ Bl.) are set +in a square and support, near the top, a platform of bamboo (Plate +XXIV). Offerings are made both on and below the _Pala-an_ during the +ceremony of that name, and in the more important rites. + +_Pangkew_: Three bamboo poles are planted in the ground in a triangle, +but they lean away from each other at such an angle, as to admit of +a small platform midway of their length. A roofing of cogon grass +completes the structure. It is built during _Sayang_, and contains a +small jar of _basi_. The roof is always adorned with coconut blossoms +(Plate XX). + +_Sagang_: Sharpened bamboo poles about eight feet in length on which +the skulls of enemies were formerly exhibited. The pointed end was +pushed through the _foramen magnum_, and the pole was then planted +near the gate of the town. + +_Saloko_, also called _Salokang_ and _Sabut_: This is a bamboo pole +about ten feet long, one end of which is split into several strips; +these are forced apart, and are interwoven with other strips, thus +forming a sort of basket. When such a pole is erected near to a house, +or at the gate of the town, it is generally in connection with a +ceremony made to cure headache. It is also used in the fields as a +dwelling place for the spirit Kaiba-an (Plate XXV). + +The _Saloko_ ceremony and the _diam_, which accompanies it, seem to +indicate that this pole originated in connection with head-hunting; +and its presence in the fields gives a hint that in former times a +head-hunt may have been a necessary preliminary to the rice-planting. + +_Sogáyob_: A covered porch, which is built along one side of the house +during the _Sayang_ ceremony. In it hang the vines and other articles, +used by the female dancers in one part of the rite. A portion of one +of the slaughtered pigs is placed here for the spirits of Bangued. In +Lumaba the _Sogáyob_ is built alone as a part of a one-day ceremony; +while in Sallapadan it follows _Kalangan_ after an interval of about +three months. + +_Taltalabong_: Following many ceremonies a small bamboo raft with +arched covering is constructed. In it offerings are placed for spirits, +who have been unable to attend the rite. In Manabo it is said that the +raft is intended particularly for the sons of Kadaklan (Plate XXVI). + +_Tangpap_: Two types of structure appear under this name. When it is +built as a part of the _Tangpap_ ceremony, it is a small house with a +slanting roof resting on four poles. About three feet above the ground, +an interwoven bamboo floor is lashed to the uprights (Plate XXVII). In +the _Sayang_ ceremony, there are two structures which go by this name +(Plate XX, Nos. 2 and 3). The larger has two floors, the smaller only +one. On each floor is a small pot of _basi_, daubed with white. + +_Taboo Gateway_: At the gate of a town, one sometimes finds a defensive +wall of bamboo, between the uprights of which are thrust bamboo spears +in order to catch evil spirits, while on the gate proper are vines +and leaves pleasing to the good spirits. Likewise in the _saloko_, +which stands close by, are food and drink or betel-nut. All this +generally appears when an epidemic is in a nearby village, in order +to frighten the bearers of the sickness away, and at the same time +gain the aid of well-disposed spirits. At such a time many of the +people wear wristlets and anklets of bamboo, interwoven with roots +and vines which are displeasing to the evil beings (Plate XXVIII). + +_Ceremonial Paraphernalia_.--_Akosan_ (Fig. 4, No. 4): A prized +shell, with top and bottom cut off, is slipped over a belt-like +cloth. Above it are a series of wooden rings and a wooden imitation +of the shell. This, when hung beside the dead, is both pleasing to +the spirit of the deceased, and a protection to the corpse against +evil beings. + +_Aneb_ (Fig. 4, No. 1): The name usually given to a protective +necklace placed about the neck of a young child to keep evil spirits +at a distance. The same name is also given to a miniature shield, +bow and arrow, which hang above the infant. + +_Dakidak_ (Fig. 4, Nos. 3-3a): Long poles, one a reed, the other +bamboo, split at one end so they will rattle. The medium strikes +them on the ground to attract the spirits to the food served on +the _talapitap_. + +_Igam_: Notched feathers, often with colored yarn at the ends, attached +to sticks. These are worn in the hair during the _Pala~an_ and _Sayang_ +ceremonies, to please the spirits of the east, called Idadaya. + +_Inálson_: A sacred blanket made of white cotton. A blue or blue +and red design is formed, where the breadths join, and also along +the borders. It is worn over the shoulders of the medium during the +_Gipas_ ceremony (cf. p. 263). + +_Lab-labón_: Also called _Adug_. In Buneg and nearby towns, whose +inhabitants are of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood, small incised +pottery houses are found among the rice jars, and are said to be the +residences of the spirits, who multiply the rice. They are sometimes +replaced with incised jars decorated with vines. The idea seems to +be an intrusion into the Tinguian belt. The name is probably derived +from _lábon_, "plenty" or "abundance" (Plate XXIX). + +_Piling_ (Plate XIX): A collection of large sea-shells attached to +cords. They are kept in a small basket together with one hundred +fathoms of thread and a Chinese plate, usually of ancient make. The +whole makes up the medium's outfit, used when she is summoning the +spirits. + +_Pinapa_: A large silk blanket with yellow strips running +lengthwise. Such blankets are worn by certain women when dancing +_da-eng_, and they are also placed over the feet of a corpse. + +_Sado_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): The shallow clay dishes in which the spirits +are fed on the _talapitap_. + +_Salogeygey_: The outside bark of a reed is cut at two points, from +opposite directions, so that a double fringe of narrow strips stands +out. One end is split, _saklag_ leaves are inserted, and the whole +is dipped or sprinkled in sacrificial blood, and placed in each house +during the _Sagobay_ ceremony. The same name is applied to the magical +sticks, which are placed in the rice seed-beds to insure lusty plants +(cf. p. 399). + +_Sangádel_: The bamboo frame on which a corpse is placed during +the funeral. + +_Tabing_: A large white blanket with which one corner of the room +is screened off during the _Sayang_ and other ceremonies. In this +"room" food and other offerings are made for the black, deformed, +and timid spirits who wish to attend the ceremony unobserved. + +_Takal_: Armlets made of boar's tusks, which are worn during certain +dances in _Sayang_. + +_Talapitap_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): A roughly plaited bamboo frame on which +the spirits are fed during the more important rites. Used in connection +with the _dakidak_ and clay dishes _(sado)._ + +_Tongátong_ (Fig. 4, No. 5): The musical instrument, which appears +in many ceremonials. It consists of six or more bamboo tubes of +various lengths. The players hold a tube in each hand, and strike +their ends on a stone, which lies between them, the varying lengths +of the cylinders giving out different notes. + + + +CHAPTER V + +THE CEREMONIES + +A visitor, who enters the Tinguian territory in the period following +the rice-harvest, quickly gains the impression that the ceremonial +life of this people is dominant. In nearly every village, he finds one +or more ceremonies in progress, while work is almost forgotten. This +condition exists until the coming of the rains in May, when all is +changed. Men and women go to the fields before daybreak, and return +only when darkness forces them to cease their toil. During the +period when the fields are in preparation, or the rice is growing, +few ceremonials are held, except those intended to promote the growth +of the crops, to cure sickness, or to ward off impending misfortune. + +Aside from the rites, which attend birth, marriage, and similar events, +the ceremonies may be placed in two divisions: first, those which +may be celebrated by all people; second, those restricted to certain +families. The first class we shall designate as the minor ceremonies. + + +SECTION 1 + +The Minor Ceremonies + +_Dawak_ (also called Boni and Alopag).--The name _Dawak_ is applied +to that part of important ceremonies in which the spirits enter +the bodies of the mediums. It is also given as a separate ceremony, +usually to cure sickness, but in some settlements it follows a birth. + +According to tradition, it was taught, together with the _Sayang_ +ceremony, by the spirit Kaboniyan to a woman Dayapan; and she, in turn, +taught it to others, who were then able to cure sickness. + +It is probable that the name comes from _dáwat_ (a "request" or +"petition"); yet there is little in it which corresponds to prayer +or entreaty. + +As there was considerable variation in each _Dawak_ witnessed by +the writer, the complete ceremony is given for the village of Ba-ak, +together with striking variations from other towns. + +In this instance, the rite was held to effect the cure of a sick woman +and to learn the desires of the spirits. Two mediums, assisted by +several men and women, spent the first afternoon preparing the things +to be used. First, a short cane was fashioned out of black wood, +rattan rings were slipped over this, and all were placed inside a +Chinese jar. A dish of cooked rice was put over the top, as a cover, +and a blanket spread over the whole. This was brought close to the +patient, the medium recited a _dam_ over it, [128] and then ordered +that it remain there throughout the ceremony. On a large mat in the +center of the room were placed betel-nuts, coconuts, and leaves, two +jars--one empty, the other filled with _basi_--, a large and small +head-axe, two spears, and some shells. An empty jar had a string +of beads tied around its neck, and inside it was placed a switch, +care being taken that a portion of it hung outside. Beside the jar +was a basket containing five bundles of unthreshed rice, on which was +a skein of thread supporting a new jar. All this was covered with a +woman's skirt. Finally a bound pig was laid just inside the door. + +When all was complete, three men played on the _tongátong_ +(cf. p. 314), until one of the mediums took her place beside the +mat. Raising a plate above her head, she struck it repeatedly with +a small head-axe, to call attention of the spirits. [129] Then she +began to chant and wail calling the spirits to enter her body. After +two or three moments of song, she was possessed by a spirit, who +announced that his name was Ibalinsogwan. He placed a rooster at one +end of a spear, and a bundle of rice at the other, did a short dance, +and departed. The mediums then seated themselves on opposite sides +of the jar of _basi_; each drank of the liquor, and the chant began +again. Spirit after spirit took possession of one of the mediums, +who then conversed with the other, asked questions concerning the +patient, or other matters, and occasionally offered advice. Before +his departure, each spirit would drink of the _basi_. + +The members of the family were present during most of the day; friends +came, and went as they pleased, stopped to listen to or talk with +the spirits, drank _basi_, and then went about their work. + +Early the second morning, the mediums went to a bound pig in the house, +and after placing betel-nut on its back, they poured water into its +ear. This caused the animal to shake its head; and, as the water was +thrown out, one of the mediums caught it in her hand, and applied it to +the sick woman, at the same time chanting, "Go away sickness, be thrown +out like this water; let this person be well, for she is now following +the custom." As soon as she had finished, two men carried the animal to +the river bank, where they killed and singed it. Upon their return to +the house, they removed and carefully examined its liver; for, by the +markings on it, the people were assured that the spirits were pleased +with the manner in which the ceremony was being conducted, and hence +the prospects for the patient's recovery were very bright. _Gipas_, +the dividing, followed. An old man divided the pig with the medium, +but by sly manipulation managed to get a little more than she did. A +betel-nut, beeswax, and a lead net-sinker were tied together with +a string, and were divided, but again the old man received a little +more than his share. Betel-nut was offered to the pair. Apparently +each piece was the same, but only one was supplied with lime, and +the mortal secured that. He then challenged the medium to see whose +spittle was the reddest. Both expectorated on the head-axe, but since +the spittle of the medium was not mixed with lime, it was uncolored. In +all instances the human being came out victor over the spirit, who +sought to take the woman's life. Hence her recovery was assured. + +A new spirit possessed the medium, and under her directions the +family was placed beneath a blanket, and a coconut was cut in two over +their heads. In addition to the fluid of the nut, water was emptied +over them, "so that the sickness would be washed away." As soon as +the family emerged from the blanket, they went to their _balaua_, +[130] and offered food, after which the medium again summoned several +spirits. From this time until well into the evening, the guests danced +_tadek_, stopping only to be served with food and drink. + +The morning of the third and last day was spent in preparing food and +other offerings, which were placed on a mat and left, for a time, to be +used by the immortals. Later the offerings were consumed by the guests, +and the medium summoned the spirit Agkabkabayo. This being directed +four men to carry the blanket on which the medium was seated to the +_balaua_, when they were met by another medium, possessed by the spirit +Balien. For a time they busied themselves making repairs to the spirit +structure, then decorated it by tying strips of shredded coconut leaves +to the slats of the floor. They also attached leaves to the _kalang_ +(cf. p. 310), and inserted betel-nut and leaf. The final act of the +ceremony was to prepare four _soloko_ (cf. p. 310). In the first was +placed a half coconut; in the second was rice mixed with blood; in +the third cooked flesh of a fowl; and in the last were four stalks +of rice, and some pine-sticks. One was placed at each gate of the +town as an offering, and the people returned to their homes. + +As payment for their services, the mediums received a small portion +of the pig, some rice, beads, a little money, and cloth. + +The acts and conversation of the spirits when summoned in _Dawak_ +are well illustrated by the following. + +A woman of Lagangilang was ill with dysentery; and a medium, in this +instance, a man, was instructed to make _Dawak_. He began summoning +the spirits by striking a dish with his head-axe. Soon he covered +his face with his hands, began to sway to and fro, and to chant +unintelligible words. Suddenly he stopped and announced that he was +the spirit Labotan, and that it was his wish that blood and rice +be placed on a head-axe, and be laid on the woman's abdomen. Next +he ordered that they should feed some rice to the small pig which +lay bound on the floor. "If he eats, this is the right ceremony, +and you will get well," he said. The pig refused the food, and, after +expressing regret that he was unable to help, the spirit departed, to +be succeeded by Binoñgon. He at once directed that the pig be killed, +and the palpitating heart be put on the woman's stomach, and then +be pressed against each person in the room, as a protection against +illness. At first he refused to drink the liquor which was offered to +him, for it was new and raw; but when he learned that no other could be +obtained, he drank, and then addressed the patient. "You ate something +forbidden. It is easy to cure you if the spirits have made you ill; +but if some one is practising magic, perhaps you will die." With +this cheering message the spirit departed, and Ayaonwán appeared. He +directed an old woman to feed rice and water to the patient, and +then, without further advice, he said, "The other spirits do not +like me very well, so I cannot go to their places. I went to their +places, but they said many bad words to me. I offered them _basi_, +but they did not wish to take; so I asked the way, and they showed +me to the other spirits' place. I was poor, and had nothing to eat +for noon or night. When I was in the road, I met many long snakes, +and I had to push them apart so I could walk. And I met many eels, +and asked of them the road; but the eels bit me, and took me into +their stomachs, and carried me to Luluaganan to the well there; then +I died. The people, who go to the well, say, 'Why is Ayaonwán dead? We +have a bad odor now;' and the eels say, 'Whose son is this?' and they +rubbed my dead spirit, and I received life again. Then I took blood +and rice with me to the sky to the other eels to make _Sayang_. The +eels gave me gold for my wrists; the monkeys gave me gold for my teeth +and hair; the wild pig gave me bracelets. There is much more I can +tell you, but now I must go." The spirit departed, and a new one was +summoned. This spirit took the spear in his hand, and after chanting +about the illness of the woman, he drank _basi_ out of a dish, sitting +on the head-axe. Then singing again he dipped the spear in the oil, +and allowed it to fall drop by drop on the stomach of the sick woman; +later he touched the heads of all present with the spear, saying, +"You will not be sick any more," and departed. + +_Pináing_ or _Pináding_ (Plate XXX).--At the gate or entrance of +nearly every village will be found a number of peculiarly shaped, +water-worn stones, either beneath a small shelter, or nestling among +the roots of some great tree. These are the "guardian stones," and +in them lives Apdel ("the spirit who guards the town"). Many stories +cluster about these _pináing_, [131] but all agree that, if proper +offerings are made to them at the beginning of a great ceremony; +when the men are about to undertake a raid; or, when sickness is in a +nearby village, the resident spirit will protect the people under his +care. Thus it happens that several times each year a group of people +may be seen early in the morning, gathered at the stones. They anoint +the head of each one with oil, put new bark bands on their "necks," +after which they kill a small pig. The medium mixes the blood of +the slain animal with rice, and scatters it on the ground while she +recites the story of their origin. Then she bids the spirits from +near and far to come and eat, and to be kindly disposed. + +In Bakaok and some other villages it is customary for the medium +to summon several spirits at this time, and this is followed by the +dancing of _tadek_. The people of Luluno always hold a ceremony at +the _pináing_ before the planting of the rice and after the harvest. + +Following this ceremony in the village of San Juan, a miniature raft +(_taltalabong_) was loaded with food and other presents, and was +set afloat, to carry provisions to any spirit, who might have been +prevented from enjoying the feast. + +These stones are of particular interest, in that they present one +of the few instances in which the Tinguian associates supernatural +beings with natural objects. + +_Saloko_ (Plate XXV).--Besides the houses, in the fields, and at +the gate of many villages, one often sees long bamboo poles with +one end converted into a basket-like receptacle. Offerings of food +and betel-nut are now found in them; but, according to some of the +older men, these were, until recently, used to hold the heads of +slain enemies, as is still the case among the neighboring Apayao. + +The ritual of the _Saloko_ ceremony seems, in part, to bear out this +claim; yet the folk-tales and equally good informants assure us that +the heads were placed on sharpened bamboo poles, which passed through +the _foramen magnum_. It is probable that both methods of exhibiting +skulls were employed in the Tinguian belt. + +Nowadays the _saloko_ found near to the villages are usually erected, +during a short ceremony of the same name, as a cure for headache. A +medium is summoned; and, after securing a chicken, she strokes it, +as she chants: + + +"You spirits of the _sagang_, [132] who live above. +"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live on the level ground. +"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the east. +"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the west. +"You Lalaman [133] above. +"You Lalaman on the wooded hill. +"You Lalaman in the west. +"If you took the head of the sick man, +"You must now grant him health, as you please." + + +The fowl is killed; and its blood, together with rice and some other +gift, is placed in the _saloko_, and is planted near the house or +gate. Oftentimes a string of feathers runs from the pole to the +dwelling, or to the opposite side of the gate. The family cooks and +eats the chicken, and the affected member is expected to recover at +once. Should the trouble persist, a more elaborate ceremony, probably +_Dawak_, will follow. + +In some instances betel-nut prepared for chewing takes the place of +the fowl; rice-stalks hang from the sides of the basket, and bits of +pine are added "to make bright and clear." All of this is rubbed on +the patient's head, while the medium recites the _diam_. + +_Bawi_, also called _Sinaba-an_ and _Ababong_.--This name is often +applied to the small houses built in the rice-fields for the spirit +Kaiba-an, but more commonly it refers to the little structures of +bamboo and grass, which nestle among the banana plantings near the +village (Plate XXII). When such a structure is built or repaired, +it is accompanied by a ceremony of the same name. The usual purpose +of this event is to cure sore feet, but in Patok and other valley +towns it is celebrated before the rice harvest and the pressing of the +sugar-cane, so that the spirits will keep the workers in good health, +and save them from injury. + +One of the most common ailments is sore or cracked feet caused, +no doubt, by standing for long periods in the mud and water of the +rice-fields, and then tramping over the rough, hot trails to the +village. The Tinguian, however, know that the spirits, called Abat and +Selday bring about this affliction, unless they are kept in good humor, +and have something to occupy their time other than disturbing human +beings; hence these houses are built for them, suitable offerings are +placed inside, and finally a few banana suckers are planted close by, +so that the spirits will be kept busy caring for them. + +The origin of the ceremony is ascribed to a woman of ancient +times, named Bagutayka, who, lacking certain organs, appears as an +outcast. She at first caused passers-by to have trouble with their +feet and limbs, but later taught them how to effect a cure by building +the _bawi_ and performing the ceremony. [134] + +To-day, when a person is afflicted, he summons a medium, the +spirit-house is built, and then the following _diam_ is recited over +a rooster: + + +"You abat above, +"You abat in the ground, +"You abat in the corner of the house, +"You abat in the center pole, +"You abat below the stair, +"You abat in the door, +"You Selday in the wooded hill, +"You Selday above, +"Make the sick person well, if you please!" [135] + + +When the recital is finished, the fowl is killed, and its blood +mixed with rice is placed in nine dishes and one polished coconut +shell. From these it is transferred to nine other dishes and one +bamboo basket. These are placed in a row, and nine dishes and one +unpolished shell are filled with water, and placed opposite. In the +center of this double line is a dish, containing the cooked flesh +of the rooster, also some rice, and one hundred fathoms of thread, +while between the dishes are laid ten half betel-nuts, prepared for +chewing. Later, all these things are returned to a single receptacle, +except those in the shell cups and basket, which are placed in the +spirit-house. The underlying idea in this procedure seems to be that +frequently found in other ceremonies, namely, that food and water +symbolizes the life of the patient, which is partially taken away by +the spirits; but when they are returned to one place, the life must +be replaced in a like manner. + +In Manabo a piece of banana bark is taken from one of the plantings +beside a _bawi_; and, after being washed in the water, is applied to +the affected limb. + +The final act is to take a coconut husk, stick feathers in its sides, +and hang it beside the _bawi_ as a sign to all that the ceremony has +been held. + +No spirits are summoned at this time, neither is there singing +or dancing. + +_Bakid_. [136]--This ceremony is held to celebrate the completion +of a new dwelling, or to remove any bad sign, which may have been +received during the building operations. + +The medium and her assistants fasten a bamboo pole or rattan cord +across one portion of the room, and on it place numerous pieces of +cloth-skirts, blankets, belts, a fish-net, and a quantity of false +hair. This serves first as an offering to the spirits, but it is also +explained that, if the immortals are unable to count all the gifts, +they will be powerless to injure the occupants of the dwelling. Should +an evilly disposed being desire to make trouble for the owner, he +must count every hair in the switches, as well as every hole in the +fish-net. Failing in this, he will be compelled by the other spirits +to celebrate the _Bakid_ ceremony five times at his own expense. + +Beneath the line of offerings, a bound pig is laid; and, as she strokes +the side of the animal, with oiled fingers, the medium repeats a _diam_ +[137] in which she tells of misfortunes of a family, which failed to +observe the signs sent by Kaboniyan, and of his instructions as to how +best to overcome their troubles. The family listens respectfully until +the story is finished, then they lift a door from its socket, place +it in the middle of the floor, and proceed to sacrifice the pig upon +it. Some of the blood is immediately sprinkled on the house timbers, +particularly those which may have given the builders trouble, either +in transportation, or during the erection of the structure. The greater +part of the blood is mixed with rice, and is dropped through the slits +in the floor, or scattered about for the spirits; while for an hour +or more a portion of the meat, the heart, and the head, are placed +below the offerings on the cord or on the house-beams. Later, these +portions will be cooked and served to the guests. Immediately after +the killing, the liver is removed, and is examined for a sign. Should +the omens be unfavorable, another animal will be killed, or the +family will celebrate _Sangasang_ within a few days. If the signs +are satisfactory, the host begins to distribute _basi_, and soon good +fellowship reigns. One after another of the guests sings the _daleng_, +in which they bespeak for the owner a long and prosperous life in his +new home. The _Bakid_ always ends with a feast, in which the flesh of +slaughtered animals plays the important part. Upon its completion, the +medium is given a portion of the meat, some unthreshed rice, and other +small gifts, as payment for her services. The guests return to their +homes, and for two or three days following are barred from entering +the new dwelling. During this period the family must remain indoors. + +_Sangásang_.--_Sangásang_ is often so similar to the _Bakid_, that +one description might cover both. This is particularly true, if it +is held to remove a bad sign. Should a large lizard or a bird enter +a new building, it is considered as a messenger of Kaboniyan; and the +foregoing ceremony is carried out, the only variation being that the +bird or lizard is caught, if possible, is anointed with oil, a bead +is attached to a leg, and it is then released to go back to its master. + +Continued misfortunes to the members of a household would also be an +excuse for the ceremony. In this instance, the only variation from the +procedure just given would be in the _diams_. The first to be recited +tells how the spirit Maganáwan sent many snakes and birds to the gate +of a town to demand the blood of a rooster mixed with rice. The people +celebrated _Sangásang_, and sent blood and rice to Maganáwan, who, +in turn, spat it out on the ground. As he did so, the sickness and +misfortunes of the mortals vanished. The second _diam_ [138] relates +a quarrel between the various parts of the house, each insisting on +its own importance. At last they recognize their mutual dependence, +and the people of the dwelling are again in good health. [139] + +In Lumaba and nearby villages, unpleasant dreams, or a bad disposition +are overcome by a ceremony called _Sangásang_; but, as this varies +somewhat from the others, it is given in detail. + +The medium, who is summoned for this event, calls for oil and a +rooster with long spurs. When these are brought, she strokes the fowl +with the oil, and chants the following _diam_. "There is a very old +woman in the sea, and she says to her spirits, who are Dapeg (a spirit +which kills people), Balingenngen (a spirit which causes bad dreams), +and Benisalsal (a spirit which throws things and is unpleasant), 'Go +beyond the sea and spread your sickness,' The spirits are going. They +arrive and begin their work, and if the people do not make _Sangásang_, +many will die. Now it is morning, and the spirits are going to the +river to see what the people have offered to the old woman, who is +Ináwen. If they do not find anything, they will say, 'All the people +in this town shall die,' and then they will go on to another place." + +"Ináwen, who is waiting, sends Kideng (a servant) to search for +the spirits, who are killing people, to tell them to return. Dapeg +leaves the first town. He goes to another, and the dogs bark so that +the people cannot sleep. A man opens the door, to learn the cause of +the barking, and he sees a man, fat and tall, with nine heads, and +he carries many kinds of cakes. The man says, 'Now take these cakes, +and if you do not make _Sangásang_ for my mistress, at the river, +you shall die. You must find a rooster with long tail and spurs; you +must mix its blood with rice, and put it in the river at dawn when no +one can see you,' The man makes _Sangásang_ the next night, and puts +the blood, mixed with rice, in a well dug by the river, so that the +spirits may take it to their mistress. Kideng also arrives and says, +'you must come with me now, for she awaits you who are bearing this +offering.' They go and arrive. Their mistress eats and says, 'I did +not think that the blood of people tasted so badly, now I shall not +send you again, for you have already killed many people.'" + +When this chant is completed, the chicken is killed, as directed +in the song; and at night the blood and rice are offered beside the +stream. [140] The chicken is eaten by the family, and its feathers +are tied to a string, stretched across the room. Leaves are attached +to the house-ladder as a warning that all visitors are barred, and +for three days the family remains quietly indoors. + +_Sagobay_. [141]--This is one of the most widespread of the ceremonies, +for it not only covers the entire Tinguian belt, but extends into the +Igorot villages of the Upit river region and Ilocos Sur, as well as +into the Kalinga villages of the Malokbot valley. + +Its occurrence in connection with the rice-culture is fully, described +elsewhere (cf. p. 400), so that at this place only its second function, +that of keeping illness from the town, is described. + +When an epidemic appears in a nearby settlement, the _lakay_ summons +the old men in council, and they decide on the number of pigs, and +the amount of rice, _basi_, and other articles required, after which +the necessary funds are secured by levying a tax on all the people +of the village. + +To keep the evil spirits, who bear the sickness, out of the town, +a cord of bamboo or rattan is stretched around the whole settlement, +while at the gate a high fence is erected. Through the uprights of +this fence are stuck bamboo spikes with the sharpened ends facing +outward, so as to catch or pierce the intruders (Plate XXVIII); +while in the _saloko_ and along the gateway are placed leaves, roots, +and other offerings acceptable to the friendly spirits. Similar cords +and leaves are also strung around the entrances to the houses. + +The cord and gateway form an adequate protection, and no human +being or spirit will violate this taboo. Should a human do so, the +least penalty would be a tax sufficient to pay all the expense of +the ceremony; but should the sickness afterwards invade the town, +it is quite possible that more serious punishment might be exacted +by the families of the victims. + +When all is prepared, the men and boys arm themselves, and with shouts +and hostile demonstrations drive the sickness toward the town whence it +is thought to come. [142] Returning to the center of the village, the +people dance _tadek_, and the mediums may summon several spirits. Next, +the pigs are killed, and their livers are examined for a sign. Should +the omens be unfavorable, one or more fowls will be sacrificed, +until it seems certain that the help of the spirits is assured, +after which the flesh is cooked and eaten. Then a small covered raft +_(taltalabong)_ is constructed, and a portion of the food is placed +inside. Late in the afternoon, this is carried through the village, +while one or more drummers keep up a din to frighten evil spirits +away. Just as the sun is sinking, the raft is carried to the river, +and is set afloat, in order that any interested spirits, who may have +been prevented from attending the ceremony, may still receive their +share of the offering. In Likuan a different explanation is offered +for the _taltalabong_. Here they say that the offerings are placed +on the raft, so as to induce any hostile spirits who may be near to +enter, and then they are carried out and away from the town. + +The blood of the slaughtered animals has been saved, and upon their +return from the river the people dip leaves into it, and attach these +near to the doors of their dwellings. For at least one day following, +no work is done, and all visitors are barred. During this time the +people only converse in low tones, and take special precautions against +even animals making a noise. The beaks of roosters are tied, or they +are placed in small baskets, so that they cannot stand up to crow. + +In Lakub a new house or protection is placed above the guardian stones, +and offerings are made to them at the time of the _Sagobay_, while +in Likuan the participants wear neck and ankle bands of bamboo as a +further protection from the sickness. + +_Ngorong-or_.--Lumaba and the Tinguian villages of Ilokos Sur hold +this ceremony, whenever a person is seriously ill with stomach +trouble. As the rite does not extend far into the Tinguian belt, +but is found in the Igorot villages farther south, it seems likely +that it is an importation from that region. + +The members of the family gather in the afternoon, and kill a small +pig by cutting off its head. A part of the blood is saved, and the +balance is sprinkled against the house posts and ladder. The pig +itself is hung from one round of the ladder, so that its blood will +drip to the ground. The medium has been standing quietly to one side +watching, but now she calls upon the spirits, "You (calling one or +more by name), come out; be vomited up, for now you are being fed." She +allows them a few minutes for their repast, then cuts open the carcass +and removes the liver. A bit is cut from the top, then she splits open +the animal's skull, and removes a little of the brain. This she places +on a banana leaf; and, after adding a small piece of gold, wraps it up +and buries it beside the center post of the dwelling. The animal is +now cooked and served to the guests, but liberal portions are placed +on the house rafters and other places convenient for the spirits. + +Next morning a piece is cut from a dog's ear, is smeared with blood, +and is placed in a small split bamboo, together with two stalks of +rice. A clout is tied to a spear, and all are rubbed on the body of +the patient, while the medium explains that this is the betel-nut +of the spirits, and that, when she takes it from the village, they +will go also, and the recovery be assured. The family follows her to +the gate of the town, and watches closely, as she thrusts the spear +and pole into the ground; for if they are firmly set in the ground, +yet lean away from the village, it is certain that the spirits have +departed, and the sick will recover. + +Following the ceremony, members of the family may not work for +five days, neither may they lead a horse or carabao, or eat of wild +meat. Should they do any of the things forbidden, they will be struck +by lightning. + +_Sapatá the Oath_.--If a theft has been committed, and it has been +impossible to detect the guilty person, the following procedure +takes place. A rice-mortar is placed in the yard, and on it a dish of +_basi_. All the people are summoned to gather, and one by one they +drink of the liquor, meanwhile calling on the snakes to bite them, +the lightning to strike them, or their abdomens to swell up and burst +if they are guilty. Soon the people will know the culprit, for one +of these disasters will befall him. When that occurs, his family +will be compelled to make good the theft, as well as the expense of +this gathering. + + + +SECTION 2 + +The Great Ceremonies + +In addition to the ceremonies and rites which may be celebrated by +all the people there are a number of more elaborate observances, +which can only be given by those who have the hereditary right, +or who have gained the privilege by a certain definite procedure. + +In general these ceremonies are restricted to the villages in or +close to the valley of the Abra, the lower reaches of the Tineg, +Malanas, and Sinalong rivers. As one proceeds up the tributary +streams into such settlements as Baay, Likuan, and Lakub, it is +noticeable that the typical spirit houses become fewer in number, +while the participants in the accompanying ceremonies are limited to +recent emigrants from the lower valleys. The same thing is found to +be true on the western side of the coast range of mountains, as one +goes north or south from the Abra river, although there is evidence +here that some of the settlements formerly had these rites, but have +allowed them to fall into disuse, as a result of Ilocano influence. + +This distribution of the great ceremonies seems to give a hint that +they are intrusive; that they probably were at one time restricted +to the families of emigrants and even to-day are barred from a part +of the people. They have not yet extended far into the interior, +despite the fact that in the lower valleys they almost completely +dominate the life of the people during a portion of the year. + +In all the valley towns one sees little houses and platforms, +apparently of no practical value, yet occupying important places, +while in the period following the rice-harvest elaborate festivals are +carried on about them. Soon it develops that each of these structures +has a definite name, is associated with a particular ceremony, and +is built and kept in repair in honor of certain powerful spirits. + +The culmination of these rites is the great _Sayang_ ceremony which +extends over seventeen days and nights. When this is held, it includes +all the minor events of this class, and the smaller spirit structures +are then built or repaired. This supreme event can only be celebrated +by a few families, but all the townpeople are welcome guests, and all, +regardless of age and sex, may witness or take part in the proceedings. + +Since all the great events occur after the harvest, a time of leisure +and plenty, they become the great social events of the year. A person +who does not have the hereditary right to the ceremonies may gain the +liberty if he be warned in a dream or be notified by the spirits that +it is their wish. Since all the expenses of such a gathering fall on +the giver, it is imperative that he be well-to-do. Such a one gives +the ceremonies, in order, during a term of years, and eventually +obtains the right to the _Sayang_, the greatest social and religious +event in Tinguian life. + +Adoption entitles an individual to all the privileges of the family, +and as the writer and his wife were adopted into a family possessing +the right to all the ceremonies, they became at once participants in +all the events which are here described. In this way it was possible +to obtain information and instruction on many points which observation +alone could scarcely afford. + +The _Pala-an_ ceremony is the first round on the social and religious +ladder. It is here given in some detail, and is then followed by +others, in the order of their importance. + +_Pala-an_.--The _Pala-an_ is held when some member of the family is +ill, or when the structure of that name needs repair. Many spirits +visit the people during this rite, but the one chiefly interested is +Idadaya, the spirit of the east. He and his ten grandchildren wear in +their hair the notched tail-feathers of a rooster, which are known +as _igam._ From time to time these lose their luster, and they can +only be refreshed by having some mortal celebrate _Pala-an_. + +When it appears that these ornaments need attention, the Idadaya will +notify some family, either through a medium or by sending illness +to them. + +A family having received such a notification summons a medium, +and she at once begins to gather _saklag_ (_Justicia gendarussa_ +L.) and _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ sp. near _scandens_) and a grass known +as _bildis_, while the men secure the bamboo and other materials used +in building the spirit structure. One corner of the living room is +screened off with a large white blanket called _tabing_, and behind +it the medium places unthreshed rice and jars which she has decked +with vines and leaves. + +While she is thus engaged, the men are busy building the _pala-an_ +(Plate XXIV). This consists of four long poles--three of bamboo and +one of a resinous tree, _anteng_, [143] set in a square and supporting, +near the top, a platform of bamboo. + +A number of women have been invited to assist the family, and they +now proceed to beat out sufficient rice to serve the guests. When +the pounding is finished, a rice-mortar is set out in the open, and +a little rice is placed in it. The women, armed with long pestles, +gather around and, keeping time to the music of copper gongs, they +circle the mortar contra-clockwise, striking its edge three times +in regular beats of 1, 2, 3; on the next beat the leader strikes the +bottom of her pestle against that of her neighbor, on the first and +second beats, but on the third she pounds the rice in the mortar. This +is repeated by the woman on her right and so on around the circle. Then +the leader strikes the top of her pestle against the top of the one +held by the women next her on two beats and on the third pounds rice, +and this is repeated by all. The music now becomes much faster, and, +keeping time with it, the leader strikes first into the rice, then +whirls clear around and strikes the pestle of the woman on her left; +again she turns and strikes that of the woman on her right. Each +follows her in turn, and soon all are in motion about the mortar, +alternately pounding the rice and clashing pestles. This is known as +_kitong_, and is the method prescribed by the great spirit Kaboniyan +for the breaking of a part of the rice to be used in this and other +ceremonies (Plate XXXI). + +As soon as the pounding is finished, the medium places some of +the newly broken rice in a bamboo dish, and places this on a rice +winnower. She also adds a skirt, five pieces of betel-nut, two piper +leaves, and a little dish of oil, and carries the collection below +the _pala-an_, where a bound pig lies. The betel-nut and leaf are +placed on the animal, then the medium dips her fingers in the oil, +and strokes its side while she recites the following _diam_:-- + +"The spirit who lives in Dadaya lies in bed; he looks at his _igam_, +and they are dull. He looks again, 'Why are my _igam_ dull? Ala, +let us go to Sudipán, where the Tinguian live, and let us take our +_igam_, so that some one may make them bright again.' After that they +laid them (the _igam_) on the house of the Ipogau, and they are all +sick who live in that house. Kaboniyan looked down on them. 'Ala, +I shall go down to the Ipogau,' He truly went down to them, 'What is +the matter with you?' 'We are all sick who live in the same place,' +said those sick ones. 'That is true, and the cause of your sickness +is that they (the spirits) laid down their _igam_ on you. It is best +that you make _Pala-an_, since you have received their _igam_, for +that is the cause of your illness,' After that they made _Pala-an_, +and they recovered from their sickness, those who lived in the same +place. (Here the medium calls the spirits of Dadaya by name and then +continues.) 'Now those who live in the same place make bright again +those _igam_ which you left in their house. Make them well again, +if you please'." + +As soon as she finishes her recital, the pig is stabbed in the throat, +its blood is collected, and is mixed with cooked rice. The carcass is +singed at once. Five men then carry it to the top of the _pala-an_, +where it is cut up. The suet and the hind legs are handed to the +medium, who places them behind the screen in the room, and the family +may then rest assured that the spirits thus remembered will free them +from headache and sore eyes. After the flesh has been cut into small +pieces, most of it is carried into the dwelling to be cooked for +the guests, but a portion is placed in a bamboo tube, and is cooked +beneath the _pala-an_. When it is ready to serve, the five men again +go to the top of the structure and eat it, together with cooked rice, +then they take the bamboo cooking tube, tie some of the sacred vines +from behind the curtain about it, and fasten it to one pole of the +_pala-an_. The men in the house are free to eat, and when they are +finished, the women dine. + +In the cool of the afternoon, the people begin to assemble in the +yard, where they are soon joined by the medium carrying a spear in +one hand, a rooster in the other, and with a rice winnower atop her +head. She places the latter on a rice-mortar close to the _pala-an_, +and uncovering it reveals a small head-axe, notched chicken feathers, +her shells, five pieces of betel-nut and two leaves, a jar cover, +a dish of oil, and a coconut shell filled with rice and blood. + +At the command of the medium, four or five men begin to play on +copper gongs, while the wife of the host comes forward and receives +the spear and rooster in one hand. The medium takes the head-axe, +and then the two women take hold of the winnower with their free +hands. Keeping time to the music, they lift it from the mortar, +take one step, then stop, strike the spear and head-axe together, +then step and stop again. At each halt the medium takes a little of +the rice and blood from the winnower and sprinkles it on the ground +for the spirits to eat. [144] When they have made half the circuit +of the mortar, they change places and retrace their steps; for "as +they take the gifts partly away and then replace them, in the same +manner the spirits will return that part of the patient's life which +they had removed, and he will become well and strong again." + +The blood and rice which remain after this dance is placed on nine +pieces of banana bark. Five of these are carried to the _pala-an_; +one to the east and one to the west gate of the town; one is put on +the _talagan_, a miniature seat erected near by for the convenience of +visiting spirits, and one in a little spirit house known as _tangpap_ +(cf.p.311). For an hour or more, the medium makes _dawak_, and summons +many spirits into her body. When the last of superior beings has made +his call, the medium goes to her home, carrying her payment for the +day's work, [145] but the townspeople remain to drink _basi_ and to +sing _da-eng_ until well into the night. + +Early the next morning, the medium goes to the house, and removing +the jars and the bundle of decorated rice from the _tabing_, carries +them to the family's rice granary, and places them in the center of +that structure, covering them with six bundles of rice. This is an +offering to the spirit residing there, and for the next five days +the granary must not be opened. + +Nothing more of importance takes place during the morning, but late +in the afternoon the people assemble in the dwelling to drink _basi_, +while one or more mediums summon the spirits. After a time a sterile +female pig is brought in and placed in the center of the room. Two +men armed with long knives slice the animal open along the length of +its stomach. An old man quickly slips in his hand, draws out the still +palpitating heart, and hands it to a medium, who in turn strokes the +stomachs of members of the family, thus protecting them from intestinal +troubles. She also touches the guests and the articles which have +been used during the day. For this second day this medium receives, +as pay, the head and two legs of the pig, a hundred fathoms of thread, +a dish of broken rice, and five bundles of unthreshed rice. She also +is given a small present in exchange for each bead she received when +the spirits entered her body. + +Following the ceremony, the members of the family are barred from work, +usually for one moon, and during this period they may not eat of wild +pig or carabao, of lobsters or eels. An infraction of this rule would +incur, the wrath of the spirits and result in sickness and disaster. + +_Tangpap_.--In many of the valley towns Tangpap is only a part +of _Sayang_ (cf.p.345), and is never given alone, but in Manabo, +Lagangilang, and nearby settlements it is recognized as one of the +ceremonies which must be celebrated before a family acquires the +right to _Sayang_. In these villages it follows _Pala-an_ after a +lapse of two or three years. It was during the progress of this +ceremony in the village of Manabo, in 1908, that the writer and +his wife were made members of the tribe, and since the mediums were +particularly anxious that we know all the details, the information +in this instance is unusually complete. It is here given in full, +as an excellent example of how all are conducted. + +A Manabo woman, the wife of Sagasag, was seized with an illness which +deprived her of the use of her limbs, and when other means of relief +failed, was told by the spirits to give the _Tangpap_ ceremony, to +which she already had a hereditary right. A medium was summoned, +and she, with two assistants, began to prepare many presents for +the spirits who were expected to attend the ceremony. From previous +experience it was known the sort of gift each would appreciate, and +by the end of the second day the following things were in readiness. + +For the spirits Bakod and Olak, [146] a rice winnower was loaded with +a shield, a clay dish, a coconut shell filled with _basi_, a string of +beads, a small basket, two bundles of rice, and leaves of the _atilwag_ +(_Breynia acuminata_), later the half of a slain pig was also added. + +Cords were attached at each corner of the living room, and beneath +the points where they crossed was a mat on which the mediums were to +sit when summoning the spirits. On the cords were leaves, grasses, +and vines, the whole forming a decoration pleasing to the superior +beings, I-anáyan and I-angáwan. + +For Gapas they provided two small baskets of rice, a shell called +_gosipeng_, and a rattan-like vine, _tanobong_, betel-nuts and +piper-leaf. + +Bogewan received a basket of rice, some white thread, sections of +_posel_--a variety of bamboo--, _atilwag_ leaves, and some beads. For +Bognitan, a jar was partly filled with _tanobong_, and for Gilin, a +jar of _basi_. Cooked rice was moulded into the form of an alligator, +and was spotted with red, betel saliva. This, when placed on a basket +of rice, was intended for Bolandan. + +Soyan was provided with a basket which contained the medium's +shells and a cloth, while Ibaka received a jar cover filled with +salt. Dandawila had to be content with a stem of young betel-nuts, +and Bakoki with two fish baskets filled with pounded rice, also a +spear. A large white blanket was folded into a neat square, and on +it was laid a lead sinker for the use of Mamonglo. + +As a rule, three spirits named Mabeyan attended this ceremony. For +the first, a bamboo frame was constructed, and on it was placed a +female pig, runo (a reed), and prepared betel nut. For the second, +a shield, fish net, rice and a rice winnower, and a bit of string; +while for the third, a rice winnower was set with eight coconut shells, +a small dish, and a gourd dipper. + +During a considerable portion of the time that these articles +were being prepared, several men sat in the yard and played on +the _tongátong_, but when the mediums finally gave the signal that +everything was in readiness, they moved their instrument up on the +porch of the dwelling, where they continued playing softly. + +One of the mediums took her place in the mat in the middle of the room, +and raising a Chinese plate above her head, began to strike against +it with her shells, in order to notify the spirits that the ceremony +was about to begin. Next she placed two dishes on the mat in front +of her, and as she sang a monotonous chant, she touched each one with +a small stick. The host was then ordered to shuffle his feet between +the lines of dishes and to step over each one. As soon as he did so, +the medium pulled the mat from beneath them, rolled it up, and used +it as a whip with which she struck the head of each member of the +family. The spirit who had caused the woman's illness was supposed to +be near by, and after he witnessed this whipping, he would be afraid +to remain longer. As a promise of future reward to the well-disposed +immortals, a bound pig was then placed beside the door of the dwelling. + +Going to the hearth, the medium withdrew burning sticks, and placed +them in a jar, and held this over the head of the sick woman, for +"a spirit has made her sick, but the fire will frighten him away, +and she will get well." After she had made the circuit of the family, +she held a bundle of rice above the flames, and with it again went +to each person in the room; then she did the same thing with broken +rice and with the _atilwag_ vine. + +Two mediums then seated themselves on the mat, and covering their +faces with their hands, began to chant and wail, beseeching the +spirits to enter their bodies. One after another the spirits came +and possesed the mediums, so that they were no longer regarded as +human beings, but as the spirits themselves. First came Kakalonan, +also known as Boboyonan, a friendly being whose chief duty it is +to find the cause of troubles. Addressing the sick woman, he said, +"Now you make this ceremony, and I come to make friends and to tell +you the cause of your trouble. I do not think it was necessary for you +to hold this ceremony now, for you built your _balaua_ only two years +ago; yet it is best that you do so, for you can do nothing else. You +are not like the spirits. If we die, we come to life again; if you +die, you do not." At this point an old man interrupted, and offered +him a drink of _basi_. At first Kakalonan refused, saying he did not +want to accept any payment; but finally he yielded and drained the +coconut shell of liquor. After assuring the family that all would be +well with them when the ceremony was complete, he took his departure. + +The next spirit to come was Sagangan [147] of Anayan. He appeared to +be in a rage, because the proper present had not been prepared for his +coming, and was expressing himself vigorously when a passing woman +happened to touch him, and he at once departed. The medium chanted +for a long time, urging him to return, and finally he did so. At once +he demanded that two bundles of rice have wax heads moulded on them, +and that black beads be inserted for eyes. These, he assured them, +would serve him as well as the woman's life, so he would make the +exchange, and she would get well. + +When the dolls were prepared, he addressed the husband, "My other +name is Ingalit, and I live in the sky. What is the matter with the +woman?" "I do not know," replied the man. "We ask you." "You ask me, +what is the matter with this woman, and I will tell you. How does +it happen that Americans are attending the ceremony?" The husband +replied that the Americans wished to learn the Tinguian customs, and +this finally seemed to satisfy the superior being. Turning toward the +door where the men were still softly playing on the _tongátong_, he +called out peevishly, "Tell the people not to play on the _tongátong_, +for the spirits who wish to hear it are not present, and we are ashamed +to have the Americans hear it. You make this ceremony now because you +are sick and do not wish to die, but you could have waited two years." + +While this spirit was talking, another, who said he lived in +Langbosan, and had been sent by Gilen, came to the body of the +second medium. Paying no attention to the other spirit, he began +to give instructions for the conduct of the ceremony. The _tangpap_ +was to be build the next morning, also two _balags_ (p.308), and for +them they were to prepare one pig. "Do not fail to prepare this pig, +but you may use it for both _tangpap_ and _balag_. You will also make +a _taltalabong_ (p.311). For this you must prepare a different pig, +for this is for the sons and servants of Kadaklan." + +After the departure of these beings, ten other spirits came in quick +succession. Two of the latter claimed to be Igorot spirits, and both +talked with the peculiar stacatto accent of the people who live along +the Kalinga-Igorot border. [148] + +After the departure of the Igorot spirits, both mediums were possessed, +one by Sanadan, a male spirit, and the other by the female spirit +of Pangpangdan. At their request the men began again to play on the +_tongátong_, and the spirits danced. Soon Sanadan began to fondle the +woman, to rub her face with his, to feel of her body and at last of +her privates. Other spirits, who stayed only long enough to drink, +followed them, and then Gonay appeared. The spectators had been +openly bored by the last few visitors, but the name of Gonay quickly +revived their interest. She began to sing a wailing song in which she +told of her sad plight. Time after time she repeated the sentence, +"Gongay has no husband, for her mother put a stone in her vagina, +yet she loves all young men." From time to time she would pause, and +make ludicrous attempts to fondle the young boys, and then when they +resisted her, she again took up her plaint. At last she succeeded in +getting one young fellow to exchange cigars and headbands with her, +and began to rub her hands on his body, urging him not to leave +her. Just when she seemed on the verge of success in winning him, +another spirit Baliwaga came to the medium, and the fun-maker had +to depart. The newcomer placed an agate bead in a dish, and held it +high above his head while he danced. Finally he called out that the +bead had vanished, but when he lowered the plate, it was still there, +and he left in chagrin. He was succeeded by a dumb female spirit named +Damolan, who undertook to do the trick in which her predecessor had +failed. Holding the plate high above her head, she danced furiously, +and from time to time struck against the side of the dish with the +medium's shells. Twice when she lowered the dish, the bead was there, +but on the third attempt it had vanished. The trick was so cleverly +done that, although we were beside her and watching closely, we did +not detect the final movement. With much satisfaction, the medium +assured us that the bead would be found in the hair of the man who +broke the first ground for the _tangpap_, a boast which was made good +the following morning. + +Adadog came next, and not finding the chicken which should have been +placed on the mat for him, he broke out in a great fury and tried to +seize a man in its place. He was restrained from doing injury to his +victim, and soon left, still highly indignant. Seven other spirits +stopped only for a drink, and then Daliwaya appeared. Upon her arrival, +one of the headmen gravely informed her that the people wished to adopt +four Americans, but that only one was then present. The spirit bade the +writer to arise from the mat, where he was lying, and after stroking +his head for a time, said, "You wish to make this American an _Itneg_, +[149] but before you can do anything, the spirits must approve and +give him a name. I will give him a name now, and then to-morrow all +the people must say if they wish to give him another name and make him +Ipogau. [150] His name shall be Agonan, for that is the name of the +spirit who knows many languages." Again she stroked the writer's head, +and then taking a large porcelain platter, she filled it with _basi_, +and together we drank the liquor, alternately, a swallow at a time. + +After her departure, an Alzado [151] came and danced with high knee +action, meantime saying, she was there to make some one ill, and that +she would do so unless the American gave her a cloth for her clout +when she returned the following day. + +The next visitor was Sanadan, the spirit who owns and guards the deer +and wild pig. Up to this time the people had been mildly interested in +the arrivals, but when this important being appeared, the men at once +became alert; they told him of their troubles in the hunts, of the +scarcity of deer, and urged him to send more of them to Mt. Posoey, +where they were accustomed to hunt. He offered much good advice +concerning the methods of hunting, but refused to take any action +regarding the game on the nearby mountain, for, he said, the spirit +Dapwanay who owns Posoey was watching the game there. Just before he +departed, he called to the headmen, "I am very rich and very bold. I am +not afraid to go anywhere. I can become the sunset sky. I am going to +Asbinan in Kalaskígan to have him make me a shoe of gold. To-morrow +you must not use any of the things you have had out-of-doors, but +you may make use of them when you build the _taltalabong_." + +The last spirit to come that night was Ablalansa who keeps guard +over the sons of Kadaklan. He paused only for a drink and to tell the +people that America was very near to the place, where the big birds +live who eat people. + +It was midnight when the medium informed us that no more spirits +would come that evening, and we went to rest. + +About six o'clock the next morning, the women began the ceremonial +pounding of the rice known as _kitong_ (cf. p. 329) in the yard, while +one of the mediums went to the bound pig lying in the dwelling and +recited a _diam_ as she stroked its side; she also poured a little +_basi_ through the slits in the floor for the use of any visiting +spirits. While the women were thus engaged, the men were busy +constructing spirit houses in the yard. Of greatest importance was +the _tangpap_ (Plate XXVII), a small bamboo structure with a slanting +roof, resting on four poles, and an interwoven bamboo floor fastened +about three feet above the ground. [152] Near one of the house poles +a funnel-shaped basket was tied, and in it was set a forked stick, +within the crotch of which was a little floor and roof, the whole +forming a resting place for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg. The +_pala-an_ needed a few repairs, and two of the old men looked after +these, while others made two long covered bamboo benches which might +be used either by visiting men or spirits. [153] Four long bamboo +poles were set in the ground, and a roof placed over them to form +the _bang-bangsal_, a shelter always provided for the spirits of Soyau. + +By ten o'clock all was in readiness, and the people then gathered +in the dwelling, where the mediums began summoning the spirits. The +first to arrive was Omgbawan, a female spirit whose conversation +ran as follows: "I come now because you people ought to make this +ceremony. I did not come last night, for there were many spirits here, +and I was busy. You people who build _tangpap_ must provide all the +necessary things, even though they are costly. It is good that the +Americans are here. I never talked with one before." + +Manaldek [154] was the next arrival, and as he was one of the spirits +who was supposed to have caused the patient's illness, his visit was +of considerable importance. He was presented with a spear and prepared +betel-nut. The latter was attached to the point of the weapon, and +this was pressed against the body of the pig, then the spirit touched +each member of the family in order to drive the sickness from them. + +Mamonglo ordered the family under a white blanket, and then touched +the head of each person with a lead sinker, while his companion +spirit waved a bundle of rice and a firebrand over them, "To take +away the sickness which they had sent." Six other spirits came +long enough to drink, then Bisangolan occupied the attention of +all for a time. He is an old man, a giant who lives near the river, +and with his head-axe keeps the trees and driftwood from jamming, +and thus prevents floods. For quite a time he chatted about himself, +then finally blew smoke over the people, at the same time assuring +them that the sickness would now vanish like the smoke. Just before +departing he informed the family that a spirit named Imalbi had caused +the trouble in the patient's eyes, and that on the next morning they +must build a little house, called _balitang_, among the banana trees, +and place in it a live chicken. + +Gayangayan, a female spirit from Lagayan, followed, rubbed the head +of each person, blew smoke over them, and then announced thus: "The +people of Layogan [155] must not close their doors when it rains, +or it will stop." + +The attitude of the people toward the weaker and less important spirits +was well shown when Ambayau, a wild female spirit, arrived. She +demanded to know where she could secure heads, and immediately the +people began to tell her all sorts of impossible places, and made jests +about her and her family. Finally they told her to take the head of +a certain Christianized native; but she refused, since she had short +hair, and it would be hard for her to carry the skull. While she +was still talking, the men started to carry the pig from the room, +but she detained them, to explain that the people cut the meat into +too large pieces, for "we spirits eat only so much," indicating a +pinch. The spirit Soyau came for a drink, and then all the people +went out to the _tangpap_, where the pig was killed, singed, and cut +up. A small pig was laid beside the _pala-an_, and for a time was +guarded by the son of the sick woman, who for this event had placed +the notched chicken-feathers in his hair, and had put on bracelets +of boar's tusks. As soon as she had finished at the _tangpap_, the +medium came to the _pala-an_, and having recited the proper _diam_ +over the pig lying there, ordered it killed in the manner already +described for this structure (cf. p. 329). Both animals were then +cooked, and soon all the guests were eating, drinking and jesting. + +Late in the afternoon, the spirit mat was spread in the yard near to +the _tangpap_, and the mediums began summoning the spirits. The first +to come was Mamabeyan, an Igorot spirit for whom the people showed +the utmost contempt. They guyed him, threw dirty water on his body, +and in other ways insulted him, until in his fury he tried to climb the +house posts to punish a group of girls, the worst offenders, but men +and women rushed up with sticks and clubs, and drove him back. After +a time he calmed down, and going to a bound pig, he addressed it as +"a pretty lady," and tried to caress it. + +While this clown spirit was amusing the crowd, a second medium +brought out ten coconut shells, one of which was filled with blood +and rice. These she placed on a winnower, which in turn was set on a +rice-mortar. Soon the spirit Ilongbósan entered her body, and commanded +the son of the patient to take some of the blood and rice from the +one dish, place it in all the others, and then put it back again, +"for when the spirits make a man sick, they take part of his life, +and when they make him well, they put it back. So the boy takes a part +of the blood and rice away, and gives it to the spirits, then puts +it back." The spirit was followed, by Gilen, who bade the lad take +hold of one side of the winnower, while he held the other. Raising +it in the air, they danced half way round the mortar, then retraced +their steps. "This is because the spirits only partially took the +life away. Now they put it back." As they finished dancing, Gilen +struck his spear against the boy's head-axe and departed. + +The medium, now with her own personality, leaned a shield against the +rice-mortar, and in the [Lambda] thus formed she hung a small bundle +of rice and a burning cord, while over the whole she spread a fish +net. Scarcely had she completed this task, when she was possessed +by the spirit of Kibáyen, this being walked round and round the +net, seeking for an opening, but without success. Later the medium +explained, "The rice and fire represent the woman's life, which the +spirit wishes to take; but she cannot, since she is unable to pass +through the fish net." + +The next visitor was Yangayang, who began to boast of his power to make +persons ill. Suddenly the medium fell to the ground in convulsions, +and then stretched out in a dead faint. The writer examined her +closely, but could not detect her breathing. After a moment, the +second medium seized a rooster and waved it over the prostrate form, +while an old man gave a sharp stroke on a gong close to her head. The +medium awoke from her faint and thus "the death was frightened away." + +Mamonglo, who had been present during the morning, returned for a +moment to again rub the family and guests with his lead sinker. While +he was thus engaged, the second medium was possessed by Baniyat, +a female who made a bit of fun by trying to steal the beads of the +young girls, "so the men would love her." Several times she tried +to scale the house ladder, but was always repulsed, and each failure +was greeted with jeers and ridicule. + +Gomogopos, who causes stomach troubles, came, and after dancing +before the rice-mortar, demanded that a small pig be laid before the +_tangpap_. Scarcely had the animal been deposited, when the spirit +seized a head-axe and cut it in two at one blow. Then he dipped the +weapon in its blood and applied it to the stomach of each member +of the family. "The pig is his pay, and now he takes away his kind +of sickness." + +The second medium secured a live rooster, and using its wings as a +brush, she took up the blood and the two halves of the pig, and put +them in the _tangpap_. "The rooster is the spirits' brush, and when +the dirt In front of the _tangpap_ is cleaned up, then the people will +be clean and well inside their bodies." At the command of the medium, +the husband of the patient went to the opposite side of the _tangpap_; +then she threw a bundle of rice over the structure to him. He caught +it, and immediately threw it back. This was repeated six times, but +on the seventh the bundle lighted on the roof, where it was allowed +to remain. "The spirit threw away the lives of the people, but the +man returned them. The bundle is now on the _tangpap_, so now the +people's lives will remain safe." + +An unnamed spirit was next to appear, and at his command the fore part +of the pig was stood upright in the winnower, and a stick was placed in +each nostril. These were seized by the spirit, who pumped them up and +down, then withdrew them, and stroked each member of the family, while +he chanted, "I did this to your lives, so now I must do it to you." + +Saking, a lame spirit, called for one of the pig's legs, and with +it rubbed the limbs of each member of the family, "so that they will +not become ill in their legs." + +One of the mediums now became possessed by Mangamian, who carried +a feather which he used as a fighting knife. The onlookers seized +similar weapons and defended themselves, or drove the spirit away +by threatening him with a small dog. A fire had been built near +the _tangpap_, and from time to time the spirit would rush up to +this, thrust his feather into the flames, and then put it into his +mouth. Later it was explained, "He is an evil spirit who tries to +kill people. The feather is his bolo. He is like a blacksmith, and +when his knife gets dull, he puts it in the fire, then puts it in his +mouth to wet it, so as to make it ring." Three spirits now appeared in +quick succession, and discussed with the old men the advisability of +adopting the Americans [156] as Ipogau. Finally the leader Ilabdangan +called them to the mat before him and told them their names, and also +recited a list of their relations. Then, filling a coconut shell with +_basi_, he drank half and presented the shell to each candidate, who +had to drain it to the last drop. A circle was formed, and for the +balance of the afternoon the new members of the tribe had to dance +_tadek_ with their relations. + +Just before dusk, the Igorot spirit Daliwáya, who had been present the +night before, appeared and demanded that the American give her cloth +for her clout. When she received this, she sang and then instructed +the men how to dance in Igorot fashion. When finally they were doing +her bidding, she danced beside them with outstretched arms in the +manner of the Igorot women. Later, when the medium was again herself, +we questioned her concerning her knowledge of this dance, but she +professed absolute ignorance. + +That evening the people danced _tadek_, for a short time, near to the +_pala-an_, then a fire was built beside the _tangpap_, and by its light +the visitors danced _da-eng_ until far into the night (cf.p. 440). + +Early the next morning, the men went to some banana trees near +to a rice granary, and there constructed a little spirit house, +which resembled the _pala-an_, except that it was only about four +feet high. This was called _balitang_, and was made in fulfilment of +the orders given by the spirit Imalbi on the previous evening. When +it was finished, the medium placed a dish of broken rice on it, and +then tied a rooster with a belt close enough, so that the fowl could +eat of the rice. Returning to the dwelling, she took down a small +shield which was attached to the wall, placed new leaves and a dish +of oil on it. Then as she stirred the oil, she sang the _Talatal_ +(Plate XXXII). The significance of this song, which consists only +of mentioning the names of prominent men of various villages, seems +to be lost. The _kalang_, or spirit box, was then redecorated, food +was dropped through the slits in the floor for visiting spirits, +and finally the medium held the shield over the heads of the family, +beat upon it with a head-axe, while in a loud voice she asked the +spirits that, since the family was now celebrating _tangpap_, they +would please make them well again. The shield was fastened to the +wall, new offerings of _basi_ were placed in the _kalang_, and after +it had been swung over the head of the patient, it was again fastened +above the house beam near to the roof. + +For the next hour the mediums summoned spirits to them. The first five +had little of interest to offer, except that each demanded that his +liquor be served to him on a head-axe. When the spirit Amangau arrived, +he spent the time boasting of his head-hunting exploits; he told of how +he had gone to one village, and had killed all the people, except one +pregnant woman, and of the dance which followed. Finally he claimed +the credit of having killed a man who had recently died in Manabo, +and assured the people that his friends were then dancing about the +head. The spirit Banbanyalan, who followed, disclaimed any part in the +killing just mentioned, but verified the statement of his predecessor. + +Tomakdeg came, and after filling his mouth with rice, blew it out +over the people, in the same way that the sickness was to be spit +out. Meanwhile Bebeka-an, armed with a wooden spoon, tried to dig +up the floor and the people on it, "for that is the way she digs +up sickness." Awa-an, a spirit of the water, came to inform the +people that the spirit of a man recently drowned was just passing the +house. Everything else was abandoned for a few moments, while _basi_ +was poured out of the window, so that the dead might receive drink. + +Two female spirits, Dalimayawan and Ginlawan, came at the same +time and danced together, while they informed the people of their +beauty and their expertness in dancing. Suddenly they stopped, +and said that Andayau, the mother of Lakgangan, was near by; then +they instructed the host that he should wrap a gourd in a cloth and +tell Andayau that it was her son's head, and that he had been killed, +because he had stolen carabao. Scarcely had the two visitors departed, +when the mother appeared, and being informed of her son's death, she +began to wail, "He is lost. No one works the fields, where we planted +calabasa. Lakgangan is lost, he who has been killed. Why did you go +to steal carabao? We have put Lakgangan in a hammock; we take him to +Tomakdang. The _basi_ put out for Lakgangan is good. He is lost whom +they went to kill. Lakgangan is lost. We take him to Tomakdang." + +The song was interrupted by a head-hunting spirit, who demanded the +heads of two visiting girls from Patok, but she finally went away +satisfied with a piece of cloth which they gave her. Blood and oil +were sprinkled liberally over the ground and the gathering broken up +for the morning. + +All the forenoon, a small group of men and women, had been constructing +a small covered bamboo raft, and had placed in it a sack of rice, +which had been contributed by all the people. [157] + +By four o'clock a large number of people had gathered in the yard near +the house, and soon the spirit mats were spread on an old bedstead, +and the mediums started again to summon the superior beings. The first +two to appear were Esteban from Cagayan and Maria from Spain. They wore +gay handkerchiefs about their shoulders, and when they danced, gave +an imitation of the Spanish dances now seen among the Christianized +natives of the coast. It was quite evident that these foreign spirits +were not popular with the people, and they were distinctly relieved +when Mananáko replaced them. This spirit has the reputation of being +a thief, and the guests had great sport preventing him from stealing +the gifts intended for other spirits. + +In the midst of this revelry, the other medium was suddenly possessed +by Kadaklan--the supreme being. The laughter and jesting ceased, and +breathlessly the people listened, while the most powerful being said, +"I am Kadaklan. Here in this town where I talk, you must do the things +you ought to do. I hear what you say you desire, and I see what you are +able to do. Something ill will befall you unless you quickly celebrate +_Sagobay_ (cf. p. 324), when there are no strangers or Christians in +your town. Where is the _basi_ which should have been in the place +where I first came?" [158] Without awaiting an answer he vanished, +and his wife Agemem took his place and repeated his remarks with +little variation. + +Sopo, a gambler, next appeared and tossed handfuls of coins into a +blanket. He stated that if heads came up, the people won and would +have good health, but if they lost, their lives were his. As soon as +he threw, the people rushed up, and if they saw any tails they were +quickly turned, and the spirit was informed that he had lost. + +Kimat, lightning, came and demanded a drink, which was given. As he is +usually considered as a dog, the writer inquired why he had appeared +as a man, but was rewarded only by a shrug of the shoulders and the +word--_kadauyan_ ("custom"). + +Another spirit, Andeles, quickly replaced lightning, and with Sopo +danced on the spirit raft, while the old men put dishes of water and +coins inside, and fastened a small live chicken to the roof. The people +then tried to induce the spirits to leave, but they refused. Suddenly +they were flung aside, and two strong men seized the raft and started +to run with it. Immediately the two spirits gave chase and fought +viciously all who tried to get in their way, but when, finally, +their opponents were joined by an old woman carrying a bundle of +burning rice straw and an old man beating a drum, they gave up the +chase and vanished. The party proceeded on to the Abra river, where +they waded out into deep water and set the raft afloat (Plate XXVI). + +That evening the guests danced _da-eng_, and the ceremony was over. + +Throughout the three days, the mediums had been constantly drinking +of _basi_, and while under the strain of the ceremony, they had not +appeared intoxicated, but at its conclusion both were hopelessly +drunk. The payment for the service was one half of the largest pig, +unthreshed rice, and about two pesos in money, which was given in +exchange for the beads which different spirits had demanded. + +Kalangan.--In Manabo and the villages of that vicinity a period +of about seven years elapses between the building of _tangpap_ and +the celebration of _Kalangan_, but in most of the valley towns the +latter ceremony follows _Pala-an_ after two or three years. [159] +The ceremony is so similar to the _Tangpap_ just described that only +the barest outline will be given here. The chief difference in the +two is the type of structure built for the spirits. _Kalangan_ has +four supporting timbers to which the flooring is lashed, and from +which kingposts go to ridge poles. A bamboo frame rests on this and, +in turn, supports an overhanging grass roof (Plate XXIII). + +The procedure is as follows: Late in the afternoon, all the necessary +articles are brought to the house, then the mediums dance for a time to +the music of the _tongátong_. _Basi_ is served to the guests, and for +an hour or more the spirits are summoned. Next morning the _kalangan_ +is built, and two pigs are sacrificed beside it. Their blood mixed with +oil is offered to the spirits, and many acts, such as distributing the +rice into ten dishes and then replacing it in the original container, +the churning of sticks in the nose of a slaughtered animal and the +like, are performed. Spirits are summoned in the afternoon, and in +the evening _da-eng_ is danced. On the third day new offerings are +placed on the spirit shield and hanger; offerings are made at the +new structure, numerous spirits appear, talk to and amuse the people, +and finally _da-eng_ is danced until late evening. + +Following the ceremony, all members of the family are barred from work +for about one month. They may not eat the meat of the wild carabao, +wild hog, beef, eels, nor may they use peppers in their food. Wild +fowl are barred for a period of one year. + +_Kalangan_ is much more widespread than either _Tangpap_ or the +_Sayang_ ceremony, and this spirit structure is often found in +villages, where the other great ceremonies are lacking. + +_Sayang_.--The greatest of all the ceremonies is the _Sayang_, +the ability to celebrate which proclaims the family as one of +wealth and importance. In most cases the right is hereditary, but, +as already indicated, a person may gain the privilege by giving, +in order, and through a term of years, all the minor ceremonies. In +such circumstances _Sayang_ follows _Kalangan_ after a lapse of from +four to eight years. Otherwise the ceremony will be held about once +in seven years, or when the spirit structure known as _balaua_ is in +need of repairs. + +Originally this appears to have been a seventeen-day ceremony, as +it still is in Manabo, Patok, Lagangilang, and neighboring villages, +but in San Juan, Lagayan, Danglas, and some other settlements it now +lasts only five or seven days. However, even in those towns where it +occupies full time, the first twelve days are preliminary in nature. + +On the first day, the mediums go to the family dwelling and take +great pains to see that all forbidden articles are removed, for wild +ginger, peppers, shrimps, carabao flesh, and wild pork are tabooed, +both during the ceremony and for the month following. The next duty +is to construct a woven bamboo frame known as _talapitap_ on which +the spirits are fed, and to prepare two sticks known as _dakidak_, +one being a thin slender bamboo called _bolo_, the other a reed. These +are split at one end, so they will rattle when struck on the ground, +and thus call the attention of the spirit for whom food is placed on +the rack. + +That evening a fire is built in the yard, and beside it the mediums +dance _da-eng_ alone. Meanwhile a number of women gather in the yard +and pound rice out of the straw. This pounding of rice continues +each evening of the first five days. The first night they beat out +ten bundles, the second, twenty, and so on, until they clean fifty +on the fifth day. + +Little occurs during the second and third days, but on these evenings +the young men and girls join the mediums and dance _da-eng_ by the +fire in the yard. The fourth and fifth nights are known as _ginitbet_ +("dark"), for then no fires are lighted, and the mediums dance +alone. It is supposed that the black spirits, those who are deformed, +or who are too shy to appear before the people, will come out at this +time and enjoy the ceremony. + +Beginning with the sixth day the women pound rice in the early +morning. Starting with ten bundles, they increase the number by +ten each day until on the thirteenth morning they pound out eighty +bundles. A fire is lighted in the yard on the sixth day, and is kept +burning continuously through the eighth, but the ninth and tenth are +nights of darkness. When the fire is burning, it is a sign for all who +wish, to come and dance, and each evening finds a jolly party of young +people gathered in the yard, where they take part in the festivities, +or watch the mediums, as they offer rice to the superior beings. + +On the eleventh day, a long white blanket (_tabing_) is stretched +across one corner of the room, making a private compartment for the use +of visiting spirits. That evening, as it grows dark, a jar of _basi_ +is carried up into the house. All lights are extinguished both in +the yard and the dwelling, so that the guests have to grope their way +about. After the liquor is consumed, they go down into the yard, where, +in darkness, they join the medium in dancing _da-eng._ The twelfth day +is known as _Pasa-ad_--"the building." During the preliminary days, +the men have been bringing materials for use in constructing the great +spirit-house called _balaua_, and on this morning the actual work is +started. In form the _balaua_ resembles the _kalangan_, but it is large +enough to accommodate a dozen or more people, and the supporting posts +are trunks of small trees (Plate XXI). After the framework is complete, +one side of the roof is covered with cogon grass, but the other is +left incomplete. Meanwhile the women gather near by and pound rice in +the ceremonial manner described in the _Pala-an_ ceremony (cf. p. 329). + +As soon as the building is over for the day, a jar of _basi_ is +carried into the structure, a little of the liquor is poured into +bamboo tubes and tied to each of the corner poles. The balance of the +liquor is then served to the men who sit in the _balaua_ and play +on copper gongs. Next, a bound pig is brought in, and is tied to a +post decorated with leaves and vines. Soon the medium appears, and +after placing prepared betel-nut and lime on the animal, she squats +beside it, dips her fingers into coconut oil, and strokes its side, +then later dips a miniature head-axe into the oil, and again strokes +the animal, while she repeats a _diam_. This is a recital of how in +ancient times Kadaklan and Agemen instructed the Tinguian as to the +proper method of celebrating the _Sayang_ ceremony. [160] A little +later the pig is removed from the _balaua_, and its throat is cut, +first with a metal blade, but the deep, mortal thrust is made with a +bamboo spike. The animal is then singed, but its blood is carefully +saved for future use (Plate XXXIII). While all this is taking place, +the men in the _balaua_ drink _basi_ and sing _dalengs_ in which they +praise the liberality of their hosts, tell of the importance of the +family, and express hope for their continued prosperity. As they sing, +the chief medium goes from one to another of the guests, and after +dipping a piece of lead in coconut oil, holds it to their nostrils +as a protection against evil. When finally the pig has been singed +and scraped, it is again brought into the _balaua_, and its body is +opened by a transverse cut at the throat and two slits lengthwise of +its abdomen. The intestines are removed and placed in a tray, but the +liver is carefully examined for an omen. If the signs are favorable, +the liver is cooked and is cut up, a part is eaten by the old men, and +the balance is attached to the corner pole of the spirit structure. The +head, one thigh, and two legs are laid on a crossbeam for the spirits, +after which the balance of the meat is cooked and served with rice +to the guests. That evening many friends gather in the yard to dance +_da-eng_, to drink _basi_, or to sing _daleng_. According to tradition, +it was formerly the custom to send golden betel-nuts to invite guests +whom they wished especially to honor. [161] Nowadays one or more +leading men from other villages may be especially invited by being +presented with a bit of gold, a golden earring or bead. When such +a one arrives at the edge of the yard, he is placed in a chair, is +covered with a blanket, and is carried to the center of the dancing +space by a number of women singing _diwas_ (cf. p. 452). At frequent +intervals the merry-making is interrupted by one of the mediums who +places the _talapitap_ on the ground, puts rice and water on it, +and then summons the spirits with the split sticks. Once during the +evening, she places eight dishes and two coconut shells of water on +the rack. Reaching into one of the dishes which contains rice, she +takes out a handful and transfers it, a little at a time, into each +of the others, then extracting a few grains from each, she throws +it on the ground and sprinkles it with water from the two cups. The +remaining rice is returned to the original holder, and the act is +repeated eight times. The significance of this seems to be the same +as in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, where the life of the individual is +symbolized by the rice, which is only partially taken away and is again +returned. The next act is always carried out, but its meaning appears +to be lost. The eight dishes are filled with rice, and are placed on +the frame together with sixteen coconut shells of water, and eight men +and eight women seat themselves on opposite sides. First they eat a +little of the food, then taking a small amount in their fingers, they +dip it into the water and place it in the mouth of the person opposite. + +The fourteenth day is known as _Palay-lay_--"the seasoning"--and +during the next twenty-four hours the people remain quietly in the +village while the bamboo used in the _balaua_ "becomes good." + +Next day is one of great activity. The roofing of the _balaua_ is +completed, all necessary repairs are made to the dwelling, for dire +results would follow should any part of the house break through during +the concluding days of the ceremony. The balance of the day is taken +up in dancing and in the construction of the following spirit-houses: +the _Aligang, Balabago, Talagan, Idasan, Balag, Batog, Alalot, Pangkew_ +and _Sogayob_ (cf. pp. 308-311). Also a little bench is built near +the hearth, and on it are placed coconut shell cups and drinks for +the use of the Igorot spirits who usually come this night. + +The evening of this day is known as _Libon_--"plenty" or +"abundance." Toward nightfall the mediums, and their helpers enter the +dwelling and decorate it in a manner already described for the great +ceremonies. Cords cross the room from opposite corners and beneath, +where they meet, the medium's mat is spread. On the cords are hung +grasses, flowers, girdles, and wreaths of young coconut leaves. When +all is ready, a small pig is brought into the room, while the men +play frantically on their gongs and drums. On the medium's mat are +many articles, _alangtin_ leaves, a rooster, a branch filled with +young betel-nuts, cooked rice moulded into the form of an alligator, +but with a wax head and seeds for eyes, a spear, and a bundle of +rice straw. Taking up a dish of water, the medium pours a part of it +into the pig's ear; then, as the animal shakes its head, she again +catches it in the dish. Rolling up a mat, she dips it into the water, +and with it touches the heads of all members of the family, for in +the same manner that the pig has thrown the water out of its ear, +so in a like fashion will illness and misfortune be thrown from +all the family who have been sprinkled with it. This act finished, +the medium dances before the doors and windows, while she waves the +chicken, betel-nuts, or other objects taken from the mat. + +At her invitation, the host and his wife join her, but previously +they have dressed themselves in good garments, and on their heads +and at their waists they wear girdles and wreaths of _alangtin_, +or wild grasses. The host is handed a long knife, and is instructed +to cut the throat of the pig. His wife takes a rice winnower and +a stick, and going to each window strikes the winnower five times, +then drops it to the floor, at the same time crying, "Wa-hui." Next, +she strikes a jar of liquor with the winnower, then shakes a coconut +shell filled with rice against her abdomen; when finished she is +handed a live chicken and again she approaches the jar. Soon she is +joined by her husband, armed with a spear and head-axe. As he passes +the liquor, he stamps on the ground, while his wife waves the fowl, +and all this time the medium continues to sprinkle them with a grass +brush dipped in water. No explanation is given for the individual acts, +but the purpose of the whole is to drive away sickness, "just as the +rooster flaps his wings." Ten dishes are placed on the spirit mat, +and as the medium sings, she touches each one in turn with a split +bamboo; after which she piles the dishes up and has the host come and +squat over them three times. Another sprinkling with water follows +this act, and then the medium swings a bundle of rice and a lighted +torch over the head of each member of the family, while she assures +them that all evil spirits will now depart. + +The guests go down to the yard, where they are served with liquor, +and where they dance _da-eng_ and _tadek_. On all former occasions, +the liquor has been served in shell cups, but on this night a sort +of pan-pipe, made of bamboo tubes, is filled with liquor. The guest +drinks from the lowest of the series, and as he does so, the liquor +falls from one to another, so that he really drinks from all at one +time. Bamboo tubes attached to poles by means of cords are likewise +filled with _basi_ and served to the dancers. + +While the others are enjoying themselves, the mediums and the hosts +are attending strictly to the business in hand. Dressed in their best +garments, the husband and wife go to each one of the spirit houses, +and touch them with their feet, a circuit which has to be repeated +ten times. Each time as they pass the little porch-like addition, +known as _sogayob_, the mediums sprinkle them with water. When they +have completed their task, the mediums spread a mat in front of the +pig, which lies below the _sogayob_, and on it they dance, pausing +now and then to give the animal a vicious kick or to throw broken +rice over it. And so the night is passed without sleep or rest for +any of the principals in the ceremony. + +The sixteenth day is _Kadaklan_,--"the greatest." Soon after daybreak, +the people accompany the medium to the guardian stones near the gate +of the village, and watch her in silence, while she anoints the head +of each stone with oil, and places a new yellow bark band around its +"neck." As soon as she finishes, the musicians begin to play vigorously +on their gongs and drums, while two old men kill a small pig and +collect its blood. The carcass is brought to the medium, who places +it beside four dishes, one filled with _basi_, one with salt, one with +vinegar, and the last with the pig's blood. She drinks of the liquor, +dips her fingers in coconut oil, and strokes the pig's stomach, after +which it is cut up in the usual manner. The liver is studied eagerly, +for by the markings on it the fate of the host can be foretold. Should +the signs be unfavorable, a chicken will be sacrificed in the hope that +the additional offering may induce the spirits to change their verdict; +but if the omens are good, the ceremony proceeds without a halt. The +intestines and some pieces of meat are placed on the _ansi-silit,_--a +small spirit frame or table near the stones. The host, who has been +watching from a distance, is summoned, and is given a piece of the +flesh to take back to his house for food, and then the rest of the +meat is cooked and served to the guests. But before anything is eaten, +the medium places prepared betel-nuts before the stones, mixes blood +with rice, and scatters it broadcast, meanwhile calling the spirits +from near and far to come and eat, and to go with her to the village, +where she is to continue the ceremony. As the company approaches the +_balaua_, the musicians begin to beat on their gongs, while women in +the yard pound rice in ceremonial fashion. When they have finished, +the family goes up into the _balaua_ and dances to the music of the +gongs until the medium bids them stop. + +The pig which has been lying in front of the _sogayob_, and another +from the yard, are killed, and are laid side by side near to the +_balaua_ in a spot indicated by the medium. She places a bamboo tube +of water between them, on their backs she lays several pieces of +prepared betel-nut, then strokes their sides with oiled fingers. Her +next duty is to sprinkle _basi_ from the jar onto the ground with +a small head-axe, at the same time calling the spirits to come and +drink. (Plate XXXIV). A bundle which has been lying beside the animals +is opened, and from it the medium takes a red and yellow headband +with chicken feathers attached, and boar's tusk armlets. These she +places on the host, then hands him a blanket. Holding the latter in +his outstretched arms, as he would do if dancing _tadek_, he squats +repeatedly over a dish of water. As he finishes, the medium takes +the tube of water from between the pigs, and pouring a little of it +on her hand, she applies it to the abdomen of the man's wife and +children. The animals are now cooked in yard, while a quantity of +rice is made ready in the house. During the preparation of the meal, +the musicians play incessantly, but as the food is brought out, +they cease and join the others in the feast. + +It is late in the afternoon before much activity is again manifest. At +first a few gather and begin to dance _tadek_; little by little +others come in until by nightfall the yard is full. _Basi_ is served +to all, and soon, above the noisy laughter of the crowd, is heard the +voice of some leading man singing the _daleng_. The visitors listen +respectfully to the song and to the reply, then resume the music and +dancing. After a time a huge fire is built in the yard, and by the +flickering light two lines of boys and girls or older people will +form to sing and dance the _daeng._ [162] + +On the morning of the seventeenth day, the men kill two pigs, usually +by chasing them through the brush and spearing them to death. They +are prepared in the usual way, and are placed, one in the _balaua_, +the other in the _sogayob_, where they are cut up. A bit of the flesh +is left in each structure, the fore half of one animal is carried +into the yard, but the rest is prepared for food. + +On an inverted rice-mortar, in the yard, is placed a jar of _basi_, +notched chicken feathers, and boar's tusks. The man and his wife are +summoned before this, are decorated as on the day before, and are +instructed to dance three times around the mortar. While this is going +on, a shield and a rice winnower are leaned against each other so as +to form an arch on which lies a sheaf of rice. From the middle hangs +a piece of burning wood, while over all a fish net is thrown. As in a +former ceremony (cf. p. 347), the rice and fire represent the life of +some member of the family, which the evil spirits may desire to seize, +but they are prevented, since they are unable to pass through the +meshes of the net. Going to the half of the pig, which stands upright +in a rice winnower, the medium places a string of beads--agate and +gold--around its neck and attaches bits of gold to its legs. Then +she places a thin stick in each nostril and pumps them alternately +up and down, as a smith would work his forge. After a little she +removes the plungers, and with them strokes the bodies of members of +the family. Near to the pig stands a dish of water in which the heart +is lying. The host goes to this, removes the heart, and placing it on +his head-axe, takes it in front of the animal, where it lies, while +he pumps the nostril-sticks up and down ten times. Meanwhile his wife +is decorated with wreathes of leaves and vines; a leaf containing +the pig's tail and some of the flesh is placed on her head, and a +spear is put in her left hand. As her husband completes his task, +she goes to the mortar, where she finds one dish full of blood and +rice and the empty coconut shells. The rice and blood represent the +lives of the family, and following the instructions of the medium, +she takes these lives and places them little by little on the shells, +but before all is gone, the medium bids her return them to the big +dish. In a like manner the spirits may take a part of the life of the +family, but will return it again. This act is repeated ten times. Next +she takes a piece of woven bamboo, shaped like two triangles set end +on end [163], and goes to the _batog_, where her daughter sits under +a fish-net holding a similar "shield." They press these together, +and the mother returns to the mortar eight times. The mediums who +have gathered beneath the _sogayob_ begin to sing, while one of them +beats time with a split bamboo stick. At the conclusion of the song, +one of them offers _basi_ to the spirits and guests, and then placing +a bundle of green leaves on the ground, she pours water over it, +while the host and his wife are made to tramp in the mud. The man is +now carrying the spear, while the woman holds a cock in one hand, and +an empty dish in the other. As they are stamping on the damp leaves, +old women stand near by showering them with rice and water. + +Since early morning a dog has been tied at the end of the house. It +is now brought up to the bundle of leaves, and is knocked on the head +with a club, its throat is cut, and some of its blood is applied with a +head-axe to the backs of the man and woman. More water is poured on the +bundle, again they tramp in the mud, and again they are showered with +rice and water. The man goes to one side of the _balaua_, and throws +a bundle of rice over it to his wife, who returns it eight times. + +A strange procession now forms and winds its way to the stream. In the +lead is the host armed with spear, shield, and head-axe; next comes +the medium carrying the bamboo rack--_talapitap_--like a shield, +and the split bamboo--_dakidak_--as a spear; next is an old woman +with a coconut shell dish, then another with a bundle of burning +rice straw; behind her is the wife followed by a man who drags the +dead dog. They stop outside of the village, while the medium hides +the rack and split bamboo near the trail. Soon the man with the dog +leaves the line and drags the animal to a distant tree, where he ties +it in the branches. As they arrive at the stream, the people pause, +while the medium holds the shell cup beside the burning straw, and +recites a _diam_. The writer tried on two occasions to get this _diam_, +but it was given so low and indistinctly that its full content was +not secured, neither was it possible to get the medium to repeat it +after the ceremony. From what was heard it seems probable it is the +_dawak diam_, [164] a guess made more probable by the killing of the +dog and the bathing which follows. As soon as the medium finishes, +the whole party disrobes and bathes. + +Upon their return to the village, they are met by a company of men and +boys who assail them by throwing small green nuts. The host secures +the spirit rack which the medium had hidden, and with it attempts to +ward off the missiles. Despite this show of hostility, the company +proceeds to the _sogayob_, where the man and his wife wash their faces +in water containing pieces of coconut leaves. During all the morning +a number of women have been preparing food, and this is now served +to the guests, a considerable company of whom have collected. Late +in the afternoon, all the spirits are remembered in a great offering +of food. A framework is constructed in the yard, [165] and on it +are placed eggs, meat, fish, rice cakes, sugar, betel-nut, tobacco, +_basi_, and rice mixed with blood. After allowing the superior beings +a few moments to finish their repast, the viands are removed, and from +then until sunset all the guests dance _tadek_. As darkness comes, +a great fire is lighted in the yard, and within the circle of its +light the company gathers, while the more important men sing _daleng_. + +In some of the villages men gather the next morning to do any necessary +work on the _balaua_, and then the mediums celebrate the _dawak_, +[166] which always forms a part of this ceremony. In Manabo the _dawak_ +follows after an interval of three days. + +This great and final event is so much like the procedure which makes +up the _Tangpap_ ceremony that it seems necessary to give it only +in skeleton form, adding explanations whenever they appear to be +necessary. In the _balaua_ is spread a mat covered with gifts for +the spirits who are expected. Here also is the spirit shield from +the dwelling, and a great heap of refuse made up of the leaves, +vines and other articles used in the preceding days. + +When all is ready, a medium seats herself by the mat, dips oil from a +shallow dish with a small head-axe, and lets it drip onto the ground; +then she does the same with _basi_, and finally strokes a rooster +which lies beside the jar, all the while reciting the proper _diam_. + +Taking the spirit shield, which belongs in the dwelling, she puts +oil at each corner, and then touches the heads of all the family with +it. Beads and betel-leaf are added, and the shield is carried to the +house, where it is again fastened to the wall, as a testimony to all +passing spirits that the ceremony has been made, and food provided +for them. + +The time has now arrived for the spirits to appear. Seating herself +beside the mat, the medium strikes on a plate with her shells or a +piece of lead, and then starts her song. She rubs her hands together +with a revolving motion, swings her arms, and begins to tremble from +head to foot. Suddenly she is possessed by a spirit, and under his +direction holds oil to the nostrils of the host, and beats him with a +small whip of braided betel-leaf. This done, she drinks for the spirit, +and it departs. Again she sings, and again she is possessed. One +spirit takes the rooster, and with its wings cleans up the rubbish +in the _balaua_ and in the yard, empties it in a tray, and orders it +taken from the village. In the same way all sickness and misfortune +will be removed from the settlement. + +Several spirits follow, and as the morning wears on, the medium becomes +more and more intense. The muscles of her neck and the veins of her +forehead stand out like cords, while perspiration streams from her +bod. Taking a shield and head-axe in her hand, she does a sort of +muscle dance, then goes to each member of the family, and strikes the +weapons together over their heads; from them she goes to the doors +and windows, and strikes at them with the axe. Finally she returns to +the mat, balances a cup of _basi_ on the weapon, and causes the host +to drink. Another attack on the doors follows, and then in exhaustion +she sinks beside the mat. After a short rest, she dips beads in oil, +and with them touches the heads of the family. The musicians strike +up a lively tattoo at this point, and again seizing her weapons, +the medium dances in front of the spirit shield. Going to the rooster +on the mat, she cuts off a part of its comb, and presses the bloody +fowl against the back or leg of each person in the room. The spirit +drinks and disappears. + +The next visitor dances with the host, and then wrestles with him, but +upon getting the worst of the match takes leave. As in the _Tangpap_, +large number of minor beings call for a moment or two and pass on. One +spirit places the family beneath a blanket, cuts a coconut in two +above their heads, and first allows the water to run over them; then +finally the halves are allowed to drop. She waves burning rice-straw +above them, and removes the blanket. It is explained that the water +washes all evil away, and that as the shells fall from the family, +so will sickness leave them. Evil spirits are afraid of the fire, +and leave when the burning rice-straw is waved about the blanket. + +As a final act the members of the family are instructed to hold, +in their hands the head-axe, chicken feathers, agate beads, and +other articles, and then to mount the rice-mortar in the yard. Soon +one or more of the mediums is possessed by spirits, who rush toward +the mortar, and strive to seize the prized objects. Before they can +accomplish their design, they are met by old men and women, who fight +them off. At last they abandon the attempt and, together with the +host and his wife, go to the edge of the town, where they pick sweet +smelling leaves and vines. These they carry back to the village to +give to the guests, and to place in the house and spirit dwellings. + +As a final act _basi_ is served to all, and _tadek_ is danced until +the guests are ready to return to their homes. + +In San Juan they make the spirit raft--_taltalabong_--as in _Tangpap_, +and set it afloat at sunset. + +The mediums are paid off in rice, a portion of the slaughtered animals, +beads, one or two blankets, and perhaps a weapon or piece of money. + +During the succeeding month the family is prevented from doing +any work, from approaching a dead body, or entering the house of +death. Wild carabao, pig, beef, eels, and wild peppers may not be +eaten during this period, and wild chickens are taboo for one year. + + +SECTION 3 + +Special Ceremonies + +The two ceremonies which follow do not have a wide distribution, +neither are they hereditary. They are given at this time because of +their similarity to the great ceremonies just described. + +_Pinasal_.--This rather elaborate rite seems to be confined to San +Juan and nearby settlements. The right to it is not hereditary, and +any one who can afford the expense involved may celebrate it. However, +it usually follows the _Sayang_, if some member of the family is ill, +and is not benefited by that ceremony, for "all the spirits are not +present at each ceremony, and so it may be necessary to give others, +until the one who caused the sickness is found." + +On the first day the house is decorated as in _Tangpap_ and _Sayang;_ +a bound pig is placed beside the door, and over it the mediums recite +a _diam_ and later summon several spirits. Liquor is served to the +guests, who dance _tadek_ or sing songs in praise of the family. + +Early the next day, the pig is killed and, after its intestines have +been removed, it is covered with a colored blanket, and is carried +into the dwelling. Here it is met by the mediums who wave rain coats +above the animal, and then wail over the carcass. "The pig and its +covering are in part payment for the life of the sick person. They +cry for the pig, so they will not need to cry for the patient." Later +the pig is cut up and prepared as food, only the head and feet being +left for the spirits. + +_Gipas_, the dividing, follows. A Chinese jar is placed on its side, +and on each end a spear is laid, so that they nearly meet above +the center of the jar. Next a rolled mat is laid on the spears, +and finally four beads and a headband are added. The mat then is +cut through the middle, so as to leave equal parts of the headband +and two beads on each half. "This shows that the spirit is now paid, +and is separated from the house." + +The next act is to stretch a rattan cord across the center of the +room and to place on it many blankets and skirts. A man and a woman, +who represent the good spirits Iwaginán and Gimbagon, are dressed in +fine garments, and hold in their hands pieces of gold, a fine spear, +and other prized articles. They are placed on one side of the cord, +and in front of them stand a number of men with their hands on each +others' shoulders. Now the mediums enter the other end of the room, +spread a mat, and begin to summon the spirits. Soon they are possessed +by evil beings who notice the couple representing the good spirits, +and seizing sticks or other objects, rush toward them endeavoring +to seize their wealth. When they reach the line of men, they strive +to break through, but to no avail. Finally they give this up, but +now attempt to seize the objects hanging on the line. Again they +are thwarted. "If the evil spirits get these things, they will come +often, their children will marry, and they also will harm the family; +but if the good beings keep their wealth, their children will marry, +and will aid the owner of the house." + +Later one of the mediums and an old woman count the colors in a fine +blanket. Usually there are five colors, so "the spirit is powerless +to injure the people for five years." Next the couple gamble, but +the medium always loses. Finally the spirit becomes discouraged +and departs. The decorations are now taken from the room, and +the sick person is carried down to the river by the members of the +family. Arrived at the water's edge, the oldest relative will cut off +a dog's head as final payment for the life of the invalid. Since the +act is carried on beside the river, the spirits will either witness +the act, or see the blood as it floats away, and hence will not need +to visit the town. The rattan cord and vines used in the dwelling +are thrown onto the water for the same reason. + +The whole family is covered with a large blanket, and a medium swings +a coconut over them, then resting the halves on the head of each one +for a moment, she releases them, meanwhile calling to the spirit, +"You see this; this is your share; do not come any more." After +assuring them that the sickness will now fall away from them, she +waves burning _cogon_ grass over their heads while she cries, "Go +away, sickness." The blanket is removed, and the family bathes. While +they are still in the water, the medium takes a spear and shield +in her hands, and going to the edge of the stream, she begins to +summon spirits, but all the while she keeps sharp watch of the +old man who killed the dog, for he is now armed and appears to be +her enemy. However, she is not molested until she starts toward the +village. When quite near to the settlement, she is suddenly attacked by +many people carrying banana stalks which they hurl at her. She succeeds +in warding these off, but while she is thus engaged, an old man runs +in and touches her with a spear. Immediately she falls as if dead, +and it is several moments before she again regains consciousness. This +attack is made to show the spirit how unwelcome it is, and in hopes +that such bad treatment will induce it to stay away. + +After the return of the family to the village, the guests drink +_basi_, sing and dance, and usually several spirits are summoned by +the mediums. + +The next morning two _Pinalásang_ [167] are constructed in the +yard. Each supports a plate containing beads, a string of beads +is suspended from one of the poles, and a jar of _basi_ is placed +beneath. In front of them the mediums call the spirits, then offer the +heart, livers, and intestines, while they call out, "Take me and do not +injure the people." The final act of the ceremony is to construct the +spirit raft _taltalabong_, load it with food, and set it afloat on the +river, "so that all the spirits may see and know what has been done." + +In addition to the regular pay for their services, the mediums divide +the jaw of a pig and carry the portions home with them, as their +protection against lightning, and the spirits whose hostility they +may have incurred. + +_Binikwau_.--This ceremony, like the one just described, seems +to be limited to the San Juan region, and is given under similar +circumstances. + +The room is decorated as usual, and a bound pig is laid in the +center. This is known as "the exchange," since it is given in place +of the patient's life. Two mediums place betel-nut on the animal, +then stroke it with oil, saying, "You make the liver favorable," +i.e., give a good omen. After a time they begin summoning the spirits, +and from then until late evening the guests divide their time between +the mediums and the liquor jars. Soon all are in a jovial mood, and +before long are singing the praises of their hosts, or are greeting +visiting spirits as old time friends. + +The pig is killed early next morning, and its liver is eagerly examined +to learn whether or no the patient is destined to recover. A part of +the flesh is placed on the house rafters, for the use of the spirits, +while the balance is cooked and served. Following the meal, the gongs +and drums are brought up into the house, and the people dance or sing +until the mediums appear, ready to summon the spirits. The first to +come is Sabían, the guardian of the dogs. He demands that eight plates +and a coconut shell be filled with blood and rice; another shell is +to be filled with uncooked rice, in which a silver coin is hidden; and +finally a bamboo dog-trough must be provided. When his demands are met, +he begins to call, "Come, my dogs, come and eat." Later the blood and +rice are placed in the trough, and are carried to the edge of the town, +where they are left. This done, the spirit pierces the pig's liver with +a spear and, placing it on a shield, dances about the room. Finally, +stopping beside the mat, he lays them on the patient's stomach. The +next and final act is to scrape up a little of the liver with a small +head-axe, and to place this, mixed with oil, on the sick person. + +On the third and last day, the medium leads a big dog to the edge of +the village, and then kills it with a club. A piece of the animal's ear +is cut off, is wrapped in a cloth, and is hung around the patient's +neck as a protection against evil, and as a sign to all spirits that +this ceremony has been held. + +Throughout the rest of the day many spirits visit the mediums, and at +such a time Kakalonan is sure to appear to give friendly advice. The +final act is to set the spirit raft afloat on the stream. + + + +CHAPTER VI + +SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. GOVERNMENT. THE VILLAGE + +The village is the social unit within which there are no clans, +no political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar with the +Igorot town, made up of several _ato_ [168] but there is no indication +that they have ever had such an institution. + +The head of the village is known as _lakay_. He is usually a man +past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him +the confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the +village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for +cause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him, +but this is by no means certain. + +The _lakay_ is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the +ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are +brought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon +the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at +issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the +force of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until +he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is +actually very great. Should a _lakay_ deal unjustly with the people, +or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from +office and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are +connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely +through the esteem in which he is held by his people. + +In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to +form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with +the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies +have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to +organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers, +but these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local +self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been +established in many towns. The contest for office and government +recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system +and to concentrate the power in the _presidente_ or mayor. + +It is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of one +or more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so +strong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical +tables, to trace back the family history five or six generations. + +These families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits, +or stories of supernatural origin, but the right to conduct the +more important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through +both the male and female lines, and inheritance is likewise through +both sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the +father's or mother's side, nor are there other traces of matriarchal +institutions. + +Families of means attain a social standing above that of their +less fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification of +the community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue +along many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish conquest, +neither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The +wealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact usury of about fifty +per cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting +and harvesting, so that the labor problem is, to a large extent, +solved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the +workers in the fields and take their share in all kinds of labor. + +The concubines, known as _pota_ (cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain +rights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women, +but they are in no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their +children may become leaders in Tinguian society. + +The only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed +of the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the ceremonial +periods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other +members of the community. + +On three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women, +doing women's work, and spending their time with members of that +sex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by +accident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent to talk about +them. In Plate XXXVI is shown a man in woman's dress, who has become +an expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is +that he donned women's clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road +work, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory +and unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned. + +It should be noted that similar individuals have been described from +Zambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from Borneo. [169] +It has been suggested, with considerable probability, that at least +a part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act +as priests, _Roth_ states that they are unsexed before assuming +their roles. + +_Laws_.--Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the +ancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. The _lakay_ +and his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees +of the past, if that is possible, but when precedent is lacking, +they will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be +taken as typical of the laws or customs which regulate the actions +of the people, within a group, toward one another. + +_Rules governing the family._--A man may have only one wife, but +he may keep concubines. If the wife's relatives suspect that a +mistress is causing the husband's affections to wane, they may hold +the _Nagkakalonan_ or "trial of affection" (cf. p. 282), and if their +charges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount, +and, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is +shown that they are not justified in their suspicions, the expense +falls on the accusers. + +The wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband, +and if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to complete the +marriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on +the part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, justifies the aggrieved in +killing one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied +by having the marriage gift returned to him, together with a fine +and a decree of divorce. + +A man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not a _pota_, must +give the girl's people about one hundred pesos, and must support the +infant. Later the child comes into his keeping, and is recognized as +an heir to his estate. + +Marriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted +sister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with a second cousin +is also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the +village; no one would associate with them, and their children would +be disinherited. + +A widow may remarry after the _Layog_ ceremony (cf. p. 290), but all +the property of her first husband goes to his children. + +If a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may +be compelled to remain under two blankets, while the body is in the +house (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos +to his family. + +Children must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be +no children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative. + +_Inheritance_.--Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian +woman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her +parents, hold it through life, and pass it on to her children. + +Following the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay +up any part of the marriage agreement which may still be due, and +the balance is divided among his children. If there are no children, +it is probable that his personal possessions will go to his father +or mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and +sisters. However, the old men in council may decide that the wife +is entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her +second husband, she cannot give any part of this property to them, +but upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or +reverts to the relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys +and girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the +girls their mother's beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest +child the largest share, "since he has helped his parents longest." + +Whatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their +married life is divided, and the man's portion is disposed of, as +just indicated. Illegitimate children and those of a _pota_ receive a +share of their father's property, but not in the same proportion as +the children of the wife. No part of the estate goes to a concubine +unless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide +for her, because of sickness or infirmity. + +_Transfer and sharing of property._--Land and houses are seldom +transferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or +trade be desired, the parties to the contract will make the bargain +before the _lakay_ and old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast +is given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or +the buyer. The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and +beads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal +property is purely a matter between the parties concerned. + +If a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and +labor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals in the +care of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second +to the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker must skin +it, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from +responsibility, but he is liable for the loss, theft, or injury to +his charges. + +_Murder and Theft._--The relatives of a murdered man may kill his +assailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing, +the guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars, +carabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one hundred +pesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject +to a small fine. + +The practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered +serious crimes, but as they have been treated under Religion and Magic, +they will not be repeated here. + +_Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette._--Falling outside the realm +of law are those things which may be considered right and wrong, +but the infraction of which carries with it no penalty. Lying, for +instance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend, +but falsifying without purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating +is not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that +you are the smarter man. + +It is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to +expose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor with one +leg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing +or dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until it has been offered to +every one present, especially the elders. + +Before eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him, +even though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor should never +eat with the wife of another during his absence. + +Always call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when +the owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. Never +enter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up. +Only dogs enter the houses without bathing. + +_The Village_ (Plate XXXVIII).--A village generally consists of two +or three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority +of a single _lakay_ or headman. There is no plan or set arrangement +for the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house, +spirit structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together, +while at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries and garden +plots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement, +but in recent years these have disappeared, and at the time of our +visit only one town, Abang, was so protected. + +The dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to +two types. The first and most common is a single room with a door +at one end opening off from an uncovered porch (Plate XXXIX). The +second consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which +is a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There is seldom an outer +door to this entry way, but each room has its own door, and oftentimes +windows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have +here two houses joined by the covered porch. In such buildings this +entry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco. + +In one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the +other is the family sleeping-room. + +The construction of the dwelling is shown in Plates XL-XLI. A number +of heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project +upward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or 5 feet above the ground, +crossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while +at the tops are other beams on which the roof rests. Plate XL shows +the skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is +unnecessary. This framework, generally constructed on the ground, is +raised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely +woven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo beaten flat, covers each +side of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles of _cogon_ +grass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid +at the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second row of +thatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering +is provided. + +Another type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles, +removing the sectional divisions and then lashing them to the +framework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs +from the ridge pole to a point a few inches below the framework, so +as to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid +convex side up, the edges resting in the concavity of those below, +thus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof. + +For the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used +(Plate LXXVIII). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a +crude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a +wall affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the +others are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have the side +walls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks +are, or have been until recently, cut out with knives, head-axes, +or adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a +dwelling. When completed, it is less well adapted to the needs of +the people than the structures just described, but its possession is +a source of gratification to the owner, and aids in establishing him +as a man of affairs in his town. + +The floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips +of bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between them. This +assists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is swept through +the openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is +customary to leave one corner to be finished off in the bamboo slits, +and it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This +is not compulsory, but it is custom, and indicates clearly that the +planked floor is a recent introduction. + +Entrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is +raised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are merely square +holes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a +bamboo-covered framework which turns in wooden sockets. + +Such a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches, +or white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes find friendly +shelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes +are encouraged to take up their residence in the cook room, as their +presence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards +are always present, and not infrequently a large lizard makes its +home on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry. + +The ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and +is used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used as a chicken +coop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling, +and above the grave are the boxes in which are placed supplies for +the spirits of the deceased. + +With some modification this description of the Tinguian house and +village would apply to those of the western Kalinga and the Apayao, +[170] and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very +different type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring +Igorot. [171] It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any +trace of tree dwellings, such as were described by _La Gironière_ [172] +at the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses +are placed near to the mountain fields, and it is possible that in +times of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge +in or near to their villages, but the old men emphatically deny that +they were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales +to justify such a belief; on the contrary, the tales-indicate that +the type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times. [173] + +_House Furnishings_.--The average house has only one room. Inside the +door, at the left, one usually finds the stove, three stones sunk in a +box of ashes or dirt, or a similar device of clay (Fig 5, No. 1). Above +the fire is suspended a hanger on which are placed dishes and food, in +order that they may not be disturbed by insects. Along the wall stands +a small caldron, jars for water and rice, and the large Chinese jars, +tke latter as a general rule heirlooms or marriage gifts. These are +sometimes used for _basi_, but more often they contain broken rice, +cotton, or small articles. Above the jars is a rack or hangar on which +dishes or coconut shells are placed. At one end of the room a set of +pegs, deer horns, or a cord supports a variety of clothes, blankets, +a woman's switch, and perhaps a man's belt. The sleeping-mats either +hang here or occupy a rack of their own. Below the cord stand chests +secured in early years through trade with the Chinese. In these are +the family treasures, valuable beads, coins, blankets, ceremonial +objects, and the like. Piled on the boxes is a variety of pillows, +for no Tinguian house is complete without a number of these (Plate +LXVI). The other house furnishings, consisting of a spinning wheel, +loom, coconut rasp, and clothes beater (Fig. 5, No. 10) find space +along the other wall. Behind the door, except in the valley towns, +stand the man's spear and shield; above or near the door will be the +spirit offering in the form of a small hanger or a miniature shield +fastened against the wall. The center of the floor affords a place +for working, eating, and sleeping. If there are small children in +the family a cradle or jumper will be found suspended from a beam or +a bamboo pole placed across one corner of the room (cf. p. 272). + +The type of jars made by the Tinguian is shown in Fig. 5, No. 7, +while those of foreign introduction have been fully described in a +previous publication. [174] + +The native jars are used both for cooking and as water containers. With +them will be found pot rings and lifters. The first is a simple ring of +plaited bamboo, which fits on the head or sets on the floor, and forms +a support for the rounded bottom of the jar. The second (Figure 5, +No. 3) consists of a large rattan loop, which is placed over the neck +of the jar. The hands are drawn apart, and the weight closes the loop, +causing it to grip the jar. Long bamboo tubes with sections removed are +used as water containers, while smaller sections often serve as cups +or dippers. Gourds are also used in this manner (Fig. 5, Nos. 8-9). + +Food is removed from the jars with spoons and ladles (Fig. 6) made of +wood or coconut shells, but they are never put to the mouth. Meat is +cut up into small pieces, and is served in its own juice. The diner +takes a little cooked rice in his fingers, and with this dips or scoops +the meat and broth into his mouth. Greens are eaten in the same manner. + +Halved coconut shells serve both as cups and as dishes (Fig. 5, +No. 6). Wooden dishes are likewise used, but they are employed chiefly +in ceremonies for the feeding of the spirits or to hold the rice from +which a bride and groom receive the augury of the future (Fig. 5, +Nos. 4-5). + +Baskets, varying considerably in material, size and type, are +much used, and are often scattered about the dwelling or, as in +the case of the men's carrying baskets, are hung on pegs set into +the walls. Somewhere about the house will be found a coconut rasp +(Fig. 5, No. 11). When this is used, the operator kneels on the wooden +standard, and draws the half coconut toward her over the teeth of +the blade. The inside of the shell is thus cleaned and prepared for +use as an eating or drinking dish. Torches or bamboo lamps formerly +supplied the dwellings with light. Lamps consisting of a section +of bamboo filled with oil and fitted with a cord wick are still in +use, but for the most part they have been superseded by tin lamps of +Chinese manufacture. Oil for them is extracted from crushed seeds of +the _tau-tau_ (_Jatropha grandulifera_ Roxb.) + +A very necessary article of house furnishing is the fire-making +device. In many instances, the housewife will go to a neighboring +dwelling and borrow a light rather than go to the trouble of building +a fire, but if that is not convenient, a light may be secured by one +or two methods. The first is by flint and steel, a method which is +probably of comparatively recent introduction. The second and older is +one which the Tinguian shares with all the neighboring tribes. Two +notches are cut through a section of bamboo, and tree cotton is +placed below them. A second section of bamboo is cut to a sharp edge, +and this is rubbed rapidly back and forth in the notches until the +friction produces a spark, which when caught on tinder can be blown +into a flame. [175] At the door of the house will be found a foot +wiper (Fig. 5, No. 12) made of rice-straw drawn through an opening +cut in a stick, or it may consist of coconut husks fastened together +to make a crude mat, while near by is the broom made of rice-straw or +grass. Rice-mortars, pestles, and similar objects are found beneath +the dwellings. + +_The Village Spring_.--Each village is situated near to a spring or +on the banks of a stream. In the latter case deep holes are dug in the +sands, and the water that seeps in is used for household purposes. In +the morning, a number of women and girls gather at the springs, +carrying with them the plates and dishes used in the meals, also +garments which need to be laundered. The pots and dishes are thoroughly +scoured with sand and water, applied with a bundle of rice-straw or +grass. The garments to be washed are laid in the water, generally in +a little pool near to the main spring or beside the stream. Ashes from +rice-straw are then mixed with water and, after being strained through +a bunch of grass, are applied to the cloth in place of soap. After +being thoroughly soaked, the cloth is laid on a clean stone, and is +beaten with a stick or wooden paddle. The garment is again rinsed, +and later is hung up on the fence near the dwelling to dry. + +Before returning to her home, the woman fills her pots with water, and +then takes her bath in a pool below the main spring (Plate XLII). All +garments are removed except the girdle and clout, and then water, +dipped up in a coconut shell, is poured on to the face, shoulders, +and body. In some cases sand is applied to the body, and is rubbed in +with the hand or a stone; rinsing water is applied and the garments +are put back on without drying the body. Every one, men, women, +and children, takes a daily bath, and visitors will always stop to +bathe at the spring or river before entering a village. Promiscuous +bathing is common, and is accepted as a matter of course, but there +is no indication of embarrassment or self-consciousness. When she +returns to the village, the woman will often be seen carrying one +or two jars of water on her head, her washing under her arm, while +a child sets astride her hip or lies against her back (Plate XLIII). + + + +CHAPTER VII + +WARFARE, HUNTING, AND FISHING + +Head-hunting and warfare are practically synonymous. To-day both are +suffering a rapid decline, and a head is seldom taken in the valley of +the Abra. In the mountain district old feuds are still maintained, and +sometimes lead to a killing, and here too the ancient funerary rites +are still carried out in their entirety on rare occasions. However, +this peaceful condition is not of long standing. In every village the +older men tell with pride of their youthful exploits, of the raids +they indulged in, the heads they captured; and they are still held +in high esteem as men "who fought in the villages of their enemies." + +During the time of our stay in Abra, the villages of the Buklok +valley were on bad terms with the people of the neighboring Ikmin +valley, and were openly hostile to the Igorot on the eastern side of +the mountain range. Manabo and Abang were likewise hostile to their +Igorot neighbors, and the latter village was surrounded with a double +bamboo stockade, to guard against a surprise attack. Manabo at this +time anticipated trouble with the warriors of Balatok and Besao, as a +result of their having killed six men from those towns. The victims +had ostensibly come down to the Abra river to fish, but, judging by +previous experience, the Tinguian believed them to be in search of +heads, and acted accordingly. This feud is of old standing and appears +to have grown out of a dispute over the hunting grounds on Mt. Posoey, +the great peak which rises only a few miles from Manabo. There have +been many clashes between the rival hunters, the most serious of +which occurred in 1889, when the Tinguian had twenty-nine of their +number killed, and lost twenty-five heads to the Igorot of Besao. + +The people of Agsimo and Balantai suffered defeat in a raid carried on +against Dagara in 1907, and at the time of our visit a number of the +warriors still bore open wounds received in that fight. In the same +year at least three unsuccessful attacks, probably by lone warriors, +were made against individuals of Lagangilang, Likuan, and Lakub. + +Accounts of earlier travelers offer undoubted proof that head-hunting +was rampant a generation ago; while the folk-tales feature the taking +of heads as one of the most important events in Tinguian life. + +The first incentive for head-taking is in connection with funeral +rites. According to ancient custom it was necessary, following +the death of an adult, for the men of the village to go out on a +headhunt, and until they had done so, the relatives of the deceased +were barred from wearing good clothing, from taking part in any +pastimes or festivals, and their food was of the poorest and meanest +quality. To remove this ban, the warriors would don white head-bands, +arm themselves, and sally forth either to attack a hostile village +or to ambush an unsuspecting foe. Neighboring villages were, out +of necessity, usually on good terms, but friendly relations seldom +extended beyond the second or third settlement, a distance of ten or +fifteen miles. Beyond these limits most of the people were considered +enemies and subject to attack. + +While such a raid was both justifiable and necessary to the village +in which a death had occurred, it was considered an unprovoked attack +by the raided settlement; a challenge and an insult which had to be +avenged. Thus feuds were established, some of which ran through many +years, and resulted in considerable loss of life. A town, which had +lost to another a greater number of heads than they had secured, was +in honor bound to even the score, and thus another cause for battle +was furnished. The man who actually succeeded in taking a head was +received with great acclaim upon his return to the village; he was +the hero in the festival which followed, and thereafter was held in +high esteem, and so another motive was furnished. [176] + +There is an indication in the _Saloko_ ceremony that heads may have +been taken to cure headache and similar ills (cf. p. 319); while the +presence of the head-basket, of the same name, in the fields suggests +a possible connection between head-hunting and the rice culture, +such as still exists among the neighboring Kalinga. [177] + +The Tinguian do not now, and apparently never have practised human +sacrifice, but this custom and head-hunting seem to be closely +related, and to have as a primary cause the desire to furnish slaves +or companions for the dead. This idea was found among the ancient +Tagalog, Visayan, and Zambal, and still exists among the Apayao +of Northern Luzon; the Bagobo, Mandaya, Bila-an, and Tagakaola of +Mindanao; as well as in Borneo and the islands to the south. [178] +That it once had a strong hold on the Ilocano of the coast is made +evident by the mysterious cult known as _axibrong_, which at times +terrifies whole communities. In 1907 the region about Bangui, in +Ilocos Norte, was greatly excited over several attempts to kill people +of that settlement, and it was whispered that when a leading man, +who had recently died, was placed in his coffin, his right hand had +suddenly raised up with four fingers extended. This, it was said, was a +demand on the part of the dead for four companions, and the subsequent +attacks on the villagers were thought to be due to the activities of +the bereaved family in complying with the wishes of the deceased. + +The raids following a death were usually carried out as a village +affair, and many warriors participated, but it seems that by far the +greater number of heads were secured by individuals or couples, who +would lie in ambush near to the trails, or to the places, where the +women had to pass in carrying water from the streams to the village. + +While the Tinguian always chose to attack from ambush, yet he did +not hesitate to fight in the open when occasion demanded it. For a +distance of fifteen or twenty feet he depended on his spear, but for +close quarters he relied on his shield and head-axe. An examination of +Plate XLIV will show that the shield has three prongs at the top. These +the warrior seeks to slip between the legs of his enemy to trip him +up, then one stroke downward with the axe, and the opponent is put out +of the fight. The two lower prongs are meant to be slipped about the +neck. One more stroke of the head-axe, and the victor takes his trophy +and starts for home, while the relatives of the dead man seek to secure +the remains to carry them back to their village. As the loss of a head +reflects on the whole party, and in a like manner its acquisition adds +distinction to the victors, a hot fight usually develops over a man +who is stricken down, and only ceases when the enemy is beaten off, +or has been successful in getting away with the trophy. + +If a war party finds it necessary to make a night camp, or if they +are hard pressed by the foe, they plant long, thin strips of bamboo +or _palma brava_ [179] in the grass. The ends of these are cut to +sharp points, and they are so cleverly concealed that pursuers must +use great care, and consequently lose much time, or they will have +their legs and feet pierced with these needle-like blades. + +Upon their return to the village, the warriors were formerly met +at the gate by their relatives, who held two ladders in A shape, +thus forming a pathway over which each had to climb. Once inside +the town, the heads were placed on a bamboo spike known as _sagang_ +(cf. p. 310), or in the _saloko_ (cf. p. 310), and for three days +were exhibited beside the gate. In the meantime messages were sent +to friendly villages to invite the people to the celebration. + +On the morning of the last day, the heads were carried up to the center +of the village, where, amid great rejoicing, the men sang the praises +of the victors or examined the skulls of the victims. Sometime during +the morning, the men who had taken the heads split them open with +their axes and removed the brains. To these they added the lobes of +the ears and joints of the little fingers, and they placed the whole +in the liquor which was afterwards served to the dancers. There seems +to be no idea here of eating the brains of the slain as food. They are +consumed solely to secure a part of their valor, an idea widespread +among the tribes of Mindanao. [180] The writer does not believe that +any people of the Philippines indulges in cannibalism, if that term +is used to signify the eating of human flesh as food. Several, like +the Tinguian, have or still do eat a portion of the brain, the heart +or liver of brave warriors, but always, it appears, with the idea of +gaining the valor, or other desirable qualities of the victims. + +The balance of the head festival consisted in the drinking of sugar +cane rum, of songs of praise by the headmen, and finally all joined +in dancing _da-eng_. Just before the guests were ready to depart, the +skulls were broken into small bits, and the fragments were distributed +to the guests so that they might taken them to their homes, and thus +be reminded of the valor of the takers. [181] This disposition of +the skull agrees with that of many Apayao towns, [182] but it does +not conform with the description of ancient times afforded us in the +tales, [183] nor with the practices of the Kalinga and Igorot people, +both of whom preserve the trophy. + +The weapons of the warriors consists of a spear, head-axe, and shield, +and the small bamboo spikes known as _soga_. They do not make use +of the bow and arrow, although they have been credited as possessing +them. [184] The old men claim it has not been used in their lifetime, +nor is mention made of it in the folk-tales. The only time it appears +is in the crude weapons used in shooting fish in the rice-fields, +and in the miniature bow and arrow, which hang above the heads of a +newborn child. + +Bolos, or long knives, are carried at the side suspended from the belt, +and upon occasion may be used as weapons. However, they are generally +considered as tools (Fig. 7). + +_The Head-Axe_, _aliwa_ or _gaman_ (see Fig. 8).--The axes made by +the Tinguian and Kalinga are identical, probably due to the fact that +the center of distribution, as well as the best iron work of this +region, is found in Balbalasang--a town of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga +blood. The blade is long and slender with a crescent-shape cutting +edge on one end, and a long projecting spine on the other. This +projection is strictly utilitarian. It is driven into the ground +so as to support the blade upright, when it is desired to have both +hands free to draw meat or other articles over the cutting edge. It +is also driven into the soil, and acts as a support when its owner +is climbing steep or slippery banks. + +The blade fits into a long steel ferrule which, in turn, slips onto +a wooden handle. The latter may be straight or plain, but commonly +it has a short projection midway of its length, which serves as a +finger-hold and as a hook for attachment to the belt. Quite frequently +the handle is decorated with thin circles or bands of brass, while +ornamental designs sometimes appear on the blade. + +While the axe is primarily a weapon, its use is by no means confined +to warfare. It is used in house and fence building, in cutting up +game and forest products, and in many other ways. Fig. 8 shows three +types of head-axes, the first two, the Tinguian-Kalinga axe; third, +the Igorot; fourth, the Apayao. There is a noticeable difference +between the slender blades of the first group and the short, thick +blade of the Igorot, yet they are of the same general type. The +Apayao weapon, on the other hand, presents a radical difference in +form. Despite these variations, the axes of these three tribes present +an interesting problem. So far as it known, these are the only tribes +in the Philippines which make use of a head-axe, and it is believed +that no similar weapon is found in the Malayan Islands. However, +blades of striking resemblance do occur among the Naga of Assam. [185] +It is possible that the weapons of these far separated regions may hark +back to a common source, from which they received their instruction +in iron working. + +_The Spear_, _pika_.--The various types of spears used by the Tinguian +are shown in Fig. 9. + +A considerable part of these are made in the villages along the upper +reaches of the Buklok river and in Balbalasang, but many come into +Abra through trade with the Igorot and Kalinga. They are used for +hunting and fighting, and are intended both as thrusting and throwing +weapons. In the lowlands the older type of spear-head is a modified +leaf shape, attached to a ferrule which slips over the shaft. In the +mountains, heads with two or more barbs are set into the handles, +and are held in place by means of wooden wedges and by metal rings +which surround the ends of the shafts. A metal end or shoe covers the +butt end of the weapon, thus converting it into an excellent staff +for mountain climbing. + +Occasionally a hunting spear is fitted with a detachable head, which +will pull out of the socket when an animal is struck. The shaft is +attached to the point by means of a heavy line, and as this drags +through the undergrowth, it becomes entangled and thus delays the +flight of the game. + +_Shields_, _kalásag_.--Mention has already been made of the typical +Tinguian-Kalinga shield (cf. p. 373). While this is the common type +of the region (Fig. 10, Nos. 1-1a), others, which approach those of +the Bontoc Igorot, are frequently used (Fig. 10, No. 2). As a rule, +these come from Balatok, Lubuagan, Guinaan and the villages along +the Malokbot river, all of which are strongly influenced in blood +and culture by the Igorot. In the latter shields we find the prongs +at the top and bottom, but they are no longer of sufficient size and +opening to be of practical value. The clue to their origin is probably +afforded us in their use by the Tinguian. + +Across the top and bottom of each shield, near to the prongs, are two +or three braided bands which appear to be ornamental, or to strengthen +the weapon. Their real use, however, is to hold the _soga_, the pointed +bamboo sticks which are planted in the grass to delay pursuers. A half +dozen or more of these are usually to be found under the braiding at +the back of the shield. + +All shields are of very light wood, and can easily be pierced by +a spear. They are intended to be used in deflecting missels rather +than actually to stop them. To aid in this purpose, there is a hand +grip cut into the center of the back. This is large enough to admit +the first three fingers, while the thumb and little finger are left +outside to tilt the shield to the proper angle. + +_Hunting_ (Plates XLV-XLVI).--Hunting must be considered more in the +nature of a sport than as a necessity, for, while a considerable amount +of game is taken each year, it is not enough to furnish an important +part of the food supply. As we have already noted, a great part of the +country occupied by this tribe is devoid of forests. Dense growths +do occur in some valleys and ravines, and a few of the mountains, +like Posoey, are heavily forested, but for the most part the western +slopes of the Cordillera Central are covered with rank _cogon_ +grass. In the ravines and on the wooded slopes are deer, pig, wild +carabao, and wild chickens, and during the dry season of the year it +is no uncommon thing to see a considerable number of men leaving the +village at daybreak with their dogs, spears, and nets. The customary +method of hunting the larger animals is to stretch long nets across +the runway of the game. A number of the hunters, armed with spears, +conceal themselves near by, while the balance of the party take the +dogs to a distance and then, spreading out fan-shape, will converge +on the net, beating the brush and shouting in order to stir up the +game. The dogs, sullen, half-starved brutes, take little interest +in the chase until an animal is started, then they begin to bay, +and the whole pack is in pursuit. As the quarry rushes into the net, +the concealed hunters fall upon it and spear it to death, at the +same time fighting back the hungry dogs which would quickly devour +it. Sometimes an animal escapes from the net, but if wounded, it is +almost certain to fall a prey to the pack. Many deer are taken by +this method in the course of a year. Sometimes a wild pig is netted, +and on exceedingly rare occasions a carabao. However, the wild carabao +is a dangerous animal, and hunters will not attack it unless it is so +entangled in the nets that it is practically helpless. Still hunting +for deer, near to the feeding grounds, yields a few animals each year, +and during the period when the _lumboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.) are +in fruit, the hunters often hide themselves in the trees at night, +and spear the pigs which come below them to feed. + +Wild hogs are also secured by placing a close fence about a field. One +or two small entrances are left open and inside of these, deep pits +are dug, and are covered with brush. As the animal pushes in, it +steps on the frail covering, and is hurled to the bottom of the pit, +where it is easily dispatched with the spear. + +Among the smaller game, the wild chicken is the most important. These +fowls seldom fly, but seek safety by running through the +underbrush. The Tinguian takes advantage of this trait, and stretches +nets loosely in the probable runway of the birds, and then drives +them toward it in the same manner, as he does the deer. As the fowl +runs full speed into the loose net, it folds about him, and he is +easily taken. + +The most common method of securing wild roosters is by means of a +series of slip nooses attached to a main cord or band (Fig. 11). This +is set up so as to enclose a square or triangular space, and a tame +rooster is put inside. The crowing of this bird attracts the attention +of the wild fowl who comes in to fight. Soon, in the excitement of +the combat, one is caught in a noose, and the harder it pulls, the +more securely it is held. At times the trap is baited with worms or +grain. The snare is carried in a basket-like case, which is often +fitted with a compartment for the decoy rooster. [186] + +Another type of chicken snare consists of a single noose, which +rests on two elevated strips of bamboo. The other end of the cord +is attached to a bent limb, held down by means of a small trigger, +which slips under a cross strip. The game is led onto the trap by +scattering grain. The weight of the bird releases the trigger, the +bent twig flies up, and the noose is drawn tightly. + +Small birds are captured in considerable numbers by the boys who, for +this purpose, make use of three types of snares. The first and most +common is a simple slip noose made of human or horse hair attached to +a stick. Several of these are driven into the ground close together, +and grain is scattered between them. A second type of noose trap +is shown in Fig. 12, No. 1. A Bamboo pole _a_ with sharpened end +has a spring _b_ of the same material attached to its side. A cord +from this passes through a small hole in the top of _a_, and then +forms a slip noose. A small stick or trigger _c_ is forced into the +hole until firm enough to keep the line held taut, and the noose is +spread on it. Bait is placed on the point of _a_ in such a manner +that the bird has to alight on _c_ to secure it. Its weight releases +the trigger, and the noose is drawn tightly around its legs. Another +trap of this nature is illustrated by Fig. 12, No. 2. Here a branch is +bent down and a line is attached. The trigger stick _a_ slips outside +_b_, and the pressure holds the free stick _c_ in place against the +crotch. Bait is so placed on _d_ that a bird coming to secure it must +stand inside the slip noose which is spread on _c_. The weight and +movement of the victim releases the trigger, draws the line taut, +and closes the noose about its legs. + +In the lowland villages, blowguns (_salbalana_) are used to a limited +extent in hunting birds. Two long strips of palm wood are grooved and +fitted together. Over these the intestines of a carabao are drawn, and +the whole is wrapped tightly with cord and covered with beeswax. The +guns vary from 12 to 16 feet in length, and are often excellently made, +yet they are little better than toys, for the missels used are only +clay balls. Poison darts are unknown in this region, and the weapon +is confined to the villages near to the coast. This, together with +the fact that the blowgun does not appear in the lore or ceremonies, +suggests that it of recent introduction (Plate XLVII). + +Locusts are considered excellent food, and when they are flying in +great numbers, are taken by means of small nets. These are attached +to poles, and are swung into the swarm. Sometimes nearly the whole +village will unite in such a hunt, the catch being stored in large +bottle-shaped baskets until needed. + +Bats and rats are not eaten, but the latter are trapped and killed +because of the grain they destroy and the injury they do to the houses +and their contents. The most common trap is made from a section of +bamboo in one side of which a spring is inserted. A line attached +to this leads to a slip noose which fits inside the tube. Bait is +attached to a trigger which, when disturbed, releases the spring and +closes the loop around the intruder. + +_Fishing_.--Mention has already been made of the capture of fish +by the children. Older people likewise devote some time to fishing, +but not to the extent of making it an occupation. Nearly every family +has a collection of traps and lines, and at times quite a number of +fish and eels are secured. + +The common trap is shown in Fig. 13, No. 1. The entrance is made of +sharp bamboo splints, which converge toward a small hole opening into +the trap proper. The device is then placed in the water in such a way +that fish coming downstream will be diverted into the opening. The +current and the natural inclination of the fish to go into a dark +hiding-place causes them to force their way into the trap, and once +in they cannot emerge. The water escapes through the bamboo slits, +but the fish can only be released by opening the small end of the trap. + +Many of the women carry baskets attached to the belt at the hip. The +tops of these baskets have funnel-shaped openings, and are immediately +available for use as traps, if a good catch is in prospect (Fig. 13, +No. 2). These are usually employed for shrimps and minnows. Eels are +caught in long, round traps of rattan and bamboo. A frog is fastened +in the far end of the tube, usually with a fish-hook. This is attached +to a rattan spring, which is connected with the door of the trap. The +eel enters and seizes the frog, but as it starts to back out, it +releases the bent rattan, and the door is pulled shut. + +Small hand nets, spread apart by means of sticks held in the hands, +are used by women in scooping up small fish. Ordinarily, it is scooped +away from the body, but if a fish takes refuge under a rock, the net +is placed under the opposite side, and the stone is turned over with +the foot. + +The most effective fishing-device is a large throw net made +cornucopia shape. The large net is open and weighted with many +sinkers of lead. The man throws the net with a full arm sweeping +motion, so that it spreads to its full extent, and all the sinkers +strike the water at the same time. The splash causes all the fish +inside the circle to dart inward, and as it sinks, the net settles +over them. The fisherman draws in the cord attached to the small end, +causing the sinkers to drag along to the bottom until directly beneath +him, when their weight closes the net. It requires much skill and +practice to throw this net properly, but once the art is mastered, +the fisherman is very successful. + +Blanket fishing similar to that in use by the neighboring Igorot is +found here. A large blanket is weighed down with stones, and is placed +in the river. After one or two hours have elapsed, a number of men form +a wide circle around it. Often they drag between them a rope to which +many corn husks are attached. As they advance toward the blanket, they +turn the larger stones with their feet so that any fish hiding beneath +them will be frightened away. The circle of men and corn husks causes +the fish to go toward the blanket, and finally to take refuge under +the stones piled upon it. When the blanket is reached, the men seize +the corners and lift it out of the water on to the bank, where the +stones are thrown out and the fish secured. A somewhat similar idea +is found in the _lama_. Quantities of leaf branches are sunk into a +still pool, and are left for a few days until the fish have come to +use them as a hiding-place. A number of men make a close fence of +bamboo sticks about them, then go inside, throw out the branches, +and catch the fish with their hands or with the nets. Streams are +often diverted from their course, for a time, and then returned, +leaving the fish in the artificial channels stranded. + +A curious method of fishing was seen in the Ikmin river. A hook was +fastened in the end of a bamboo pole, and close to this a minnow +was attached to a short line, to act as a lure. When the other fish +approached the captive, the pole was jerked sharply, in an attempt +to snag them. On one occasion the writer saw fifty fish taken by this +method in less than an hour. + +Short lines attached to sticks are often baited, and are set along +the embankments of the flooded rice-fields. Small fish spears with +detachable heads are also used in the rice lands, as well as in +the clear pools. The only occasion when the bow and arrow is used +in this region is when the rice fields are flooded. At such times a +short bow and an arrow with fork-shaped head are employed (Fig. 13, +Nos. 3-3a). A fish poison or stupifier is occasionally used. A small +red berry known as _baiyatin_ is crushed, and the powder is thrown +into or just above quiet pools, where fish abound. Some of the fish +become stupified and float on the surface, where they are quickly +speared or scooped up. They are eaten without any ill effects. + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +ECONOMIC LIFE + +_Rice Culture_.--The most important crop raised by the Tinguian is +rice, and to its cultivation he devotes a considerable portion of +his time. Two distinct methods of growing are now found throughout +the district--the mountain or upland fields, in which the rice is +raised without irrigation; and the rice terraces with irrigation [187] +(Plate XLVIII). To prepare the first type of field, a piece of forest +land is chosen if possible, or lacking this, a plot covered with +second growth is selected. The purpose in using timber land is to +escape the cogon grass (_Imperata koenigii_), which quickly invades +all open fields, and flourishes until the trees again shut out the +sunlight. The trees and underbrush are cut down during the dry season, +so that they may be ready for burning before the arrival of the first +rains. Should no timber land be available, an open piece will be +selected, and after the grass is burned, the soil will be partially +cleared of its stubborn roots by means of a large knife or adze-like +instrument known as _pal'lek_ (Fig. 14, No. 2). + +After the clearing, the field is fenced in so as to protect it +from deer, wild pigs, and carabao. The rudest type of protection +consists of a barricade of brush, strengthened with forked sticks, +in the crotches of which poles are laid. The more common method is +to set bamboo tubes, at intervals, around the whole plot and to lash +to them other tubes which have been split in half. A still better +fence is made by cutting three holes, about a foot apart, through +each upright and to insert smaller bamboo through these. + +When the rains begin, the men go to the fields, each with two hardwood +sticks whittled to tapering rounded ends. These are driven alternately +into the soil making shallow holes an inch or so in depth, into each of +which the women drop several seed rice. The whole field is gone over in +this way; soil is pushed into the holes with the feet, and frequently +the task is finished by sowing a few handfuls of seed broadcast and +distributing it by brushing back and forth with a leafy branch. [188] + +In the valley districts the planting sticks are cut as needed, but in +the mountains, where the upland rice is more important, strong bamboo +poles fitted with hardwood points are in general use. These implements, +known as _tepon_ (Fig. 15, No. 1), are invariably carefully decorated +with incised designs, and are preserved from year to year. Commonly, +the divisions between the sections of the bamboo are knocked out and +the tube used as a receptacle for the seed rice. + +As the mountain fields need special protection, it is customary to +build near them little elevated houses in which the workers may rest, +and in which the watchers can live during the time the grain must +be guarded. If the plots are near to a village, such a house seldom +consists of more than a rude framework of poles, which support a grass +roof, and to which a bamboo floor is lashed, two or three feet above +the ground; but if the fields are at a distance, these structures are +provided with sides, and are raised high on strong logs. Such high, +well built houses are necessary, both to protect the occupants from +surprise attacks of enemies, and to afford shelter against driving +winds or rains. It is not an uncommon occurrence for a whole family +to go to one of these isolated mountain dwellings and reside for +a considerable period, particularly when the rice is approaching +maturity. + +These upland fields produce much smaller crops than do the wet lands, +and as they are quickly exhausted, it is not customary to plant +them to rice for more than two seasons. At the end of this time, +they may be used for _camotes_ (_Convolvulus batatas_), sugar-cane, +or cotton, but in the majority of cases they are allowed to lie unused +for several seasons, when the grass or undergrowth is again removed +and the fields replanted. + +The wet fields produce by far the greater part of the rice, and it is +about them that most of the agricultural labors center. In the broad +valleys, low embankments, of sufficient height to maintain the water +at a depth of two or three inches, separate the fields. The lower +plots are often of considerable length and width, some covering as +much as an acre of ground, but as they begin to ascend the slopes, +the walls rise higher, and the fields become narrower until they +may be only a few feet in width. In the rugged mountain districts, +the terraces often begin just above the flood water of the stream. At +this point, a stone wall, four or five feet in height, is erected, +and back of this the mountain side is cut away and filled in until +it forms a step or terrace. Back of this another wall is raised, and +the process is repeated until at last the terraces extend for two or +three hundred feet up the mountain side (Plate XLIX). When the field +is first made, top soil, enriched with vegetable growth, is laid on +the surface, often to a depth of several inches, but from this time +on no fertilizer, other than the decaying straw of the previous crop, +is added, although the field is used continuously for many years. + +Water is conducted to many of the fields by means of ditches, usually +by diverting the flow of some of the numerous springs or streams but in +a few instances, stone dams have been thrown across the rivers and the +water carried for considerable distances by flumes and ditches. The +highest terraces are first inundated to the desired depth, and then +openings are made in the side walls--so as to allow the lower fields +to be flooded. This method of irrigation provides for the maximum +use of the water, and also supplies a constant current which prevents +the formation of stagnant pools. + +Some of the fields are situated too far up the mountain side to +be reached by ditches, and in such cases the growth of the rice is +entirely dependent on the rainfall; however, in normal years, the +precipitation is sufficient to mature the crop. + +At the beginning of the rainy season, some of the seed rice is sprouted +in specially prepared beds in the villages. In such cases a small plot +is surrounded with low dirt walls, the soil is enriched with manure, +water is added, and the whole is worked until it becomes a thin mud, +on which the rice is thickly sown. Around this bed, a bamboo frame +is erected to keep out pigs and chickens, while from time to time +water is poured on the growing shoots. The more common method of +sprouting, however, is to select a piece of land, which will receive +the full benefit of the rainfall and to break this with a plow drawn +by a carabao. + +When the seed beds have been planted, the people go to the fields, +repair the embankments, and admit the water. The straw remaining +from the previous crop is allowed to rot, for a time, and then the +ground is gone over with a bamboo harrow (_pali-id_), [189] as shown +in Fig. 15, No. 3, to remove weeds, branches, and the like. Wherever +it is possible, the soil is broken with a plow, _alado_ (Plate L), +but in fields to which animals cannot be taken, the ground is turned by +means of sharpened sticks, or poles tipped with iron, which are driven +into the soil and forced forward, thus pushing the earth above them +into the water. [190] As will be seen from the accompanying drawing +(Fig. 15, Nos. 2-2a), the plow is constructed entirely of wood except +for the iron share, and conforms closely to that used in Java, Celebes, +Sumatra, Burma, and Annam. [191] + +Within a few days after the plowing, the soil is further broken by +dragging it with a harrow, made by driving wooden pegs into a heavy +board, or into large bamboo tubes (Fig. 15, No. 4). A worker stands +on this, and is dragged about the field, leveling it, and at the same +time pulling out sticks, roots, and any other matter of sufficient +bulk to interfere with the planting. + +Two types of sleds (Fig. 15, Nos. 5-6) are used in connection +with the rice culture, as well as in general transportation. The +first consists of rude wooden runners on which a bamboo flooring is +laid. The second has narrow runners, which are hewn with considerable +care, while sides of flattened bamboo convert the sled into an open +box. The first type (_pasagad_) is used principally during the wet +season for the transportation of plows, harrows, and the like, the +wide runners slipping through the mud without becoming mired. The use +of the latter (_kalison_) is restricted to the dry-season, when it +is of particular advantage in moving the rice. Wheeled vehicles are +not employed in any part of the Tinguian belt, although their use is +now fairly common among the Ilocano. + +It requires a month or six weeks to make ready the fields, and in the +meantime the rice in the seed beds has grown to a height of twelve +or fourteen inches. The shoots are then pulled up by the roots, are +tied into bundles, and the tops are cut off (Plate LI). The bundles +are distributed about the fields at convenient distances, and the +workers then transplant the young rice--three or four together--in the +soft ooze, using the thumb and fore-finger of the right hand for that +purpose (Plate LII). The preparation of the field is looked after by +the men and boys, and oftentimes they aid in transplanting, but the +latter is considered to be women's work, and is generally left to them. + +The rice is set so thickly that when a plot is planted it presents to +the eye a solid mass of green. It is hard to imagine a more beautiful +sight than to look down on these fields, which rise in wave above +wave of brilliant green, until at last they give way to the yellower +billows of _cogon_ grass which cover the mountain slopes. + +After the transplanting, the grain needs constant attention; at +first, to keep it properly weeded and flooded; later, to protect it +from animals and birds. Hence many workers are always in the fields, +but it is, nevertheless, the happy time for the people, and if one +approaches a group of workers unawares, he will hear one or more +singing the _daleng_, a song in which they compliment or chide the +other workers, or relate some incident of the hunt or of village +life. Toward midday little groups will gather in the field shelters +to partake of their lunches, to smoke, or to rest, and usually in +such a gathering will be a good story-teller who amuses with fables, +or tales of adventure. [192] + +When the rice begins to mature, an even stricter watch must be kept, +for, in addition to its other enemies, the rice birds [193] now seek +to feed on the crop and, while they are small in size, they often +appear in such numbers that they work great havoc. + +The usual device employed in frightening both birds and animals is +a bamboo pole cut into strips at the top, so that, as it is shaken, +these strike together, producing a great clatter. Many of these +poles are planted, and then all are connected by means of rattan +lines which finally lead to the little watch house. Here a man or boy +sits and occasionally gives the lines a sudden jerk, which sets up a +clapping over the whole field (Plate LIII). A clever development of +this device was seen by the writer in the Ikmin river valley. Here +the stream flows swiftly and plunges headlong into pools every few +yards. The rattan cord attached to the clappers is fastened to a small +raft which is then set afloat in the pool. After a whirl in the eddy +it is caught by the swift current, and is carried a few feet down +stream, at the same time bending the clappers nearly to the ground; +then as the raft enters calmer water, the tension is released, and it +is thrown violently back into the pool from which it has just drifted; +at the same time the clappers fly back into place with a great noise. + +Another contrivance, used in keeping small birds from the fields, is +a bird-like form cut from the bark of a banana or palm tree. Many of +these are suspended by lines from bamboo poles, and, as the wind blows +them to and fro, they appear like giant birds hovering over the rice. + +A simple protection against deer is made by bending the white inner +bark of bamboo into arches and planting these at intervals along +possible places of entry, for it is said that these animals will not +approach such a contrivance. + +Soon after the water is turned into the fields, shells and fish begin +to appear even in the higher terraces. Doubtless a considerable part +of these come in through the ditches, but the natives insist that most +of the fish bury themselves deep in the mud at the approach of the dry +season and hibernate until water again appears in the fields. [194] +These intruders are prized as food, and to secure them, short baited +lines are placed along the edges of the terraces, while each woman +has, attached to her belt, a small basket into which she places shells +discovered during her work. The men likewise secure fish by means of +hooks and lines, and also pierce them with short spears fitted with +detachable points, but more commonly they shoot them with a small +bow and peculiar arrows, the heads of which resemble flattened spoons +cut into four or five teeth. [195] + +As the grain begins to ripen, the land is allowed to dry, and when +all is ready for the cutting, the people put on their best garments +and go to the fields. Each stalk is cut separately by means of a +crescent-shaped blade (_lakom_ or _lakem_) attached to a small wooden +cylinder (Fig. 14, Nos. 3-3a). This handle is held between the thumb, +first and fifth fingers, while the stalk is caught by the second and +third fingers, and is pulled inward against the steel blade. [196] +Many workers grasp the stalk near the head with the left hand, while +the cutting blade is used with the right. + +Both men and women may engage in cutting the rice, but as the latter +are much the more dexterous workers, this task is generally assigned +to them (Plate LIV). The grain is cut so as to leave stalks about +ten inches in length; these are laid in the free hand until a bunch +of considerable size has accumulated, when they are bound together +with strips of bark. [197] At the end of the day these bundles +are carried to the drying yards, where they remain until the whole +crop is harvested. A drying yard is a plot of ground surrounded by +a bamboo fence of such a height that it is impossible for fowls and +the like to gain entrance. When all the bundles are thoroughly dried, +they are placed in the granary, and from that time on the handling +of the rice is given over to the women. + +The granaries, or store-houses, of the Tinguian and Ilocano are +identical (Plate LV), but, barring the Apayao, are different from any +of the surrounding groups, except when their influence may have spread +this peculiar type to a limited degree. It is worthy of note, however, +that the granaries of some Sumatran groups are of similar design and +construction. Such a store-house is raised high above the ground on +four hard-wood poles; the framework is of bamboo, and the sides flare +sharply from the floor to the grass roof. Within the framework is a +closely woven matting of flattened bamboo, which is nearly water-tight; +but to secure still further protection from moisture, and also to +allow for free circulation of air, a rack is built in such a way that +the rice is kept several inches from the outside walls. Just below +the floor, each post supports a close-fitting pottery jar--without +top or bottom--or a broad disk of wood, which effectually prevents +the entrance of rodents. + +To thrash the grain, the woman places a bundle on a piece of carabao +hide, and, as she rolls it beneath her feet, she pounds it with a long +wooden pestle (_hala_) until all the kernels are beaten loose from +the straw. [198] It is then placed in a wooden mortar (_luson_) +of hourglass form or with straight sides, where it is again beaten +until the outside husks are loosened, and the grain is somewhat broken +(Plate LVI). Winnowing is accomplished by tossing the contents of the +mortar in shallow traps (_igau_), so that the chaff is blown away, +while the grain falls back into the winnower (Plate LVII). + +The rice is now ready for cooking; the chaff is collected, and is +used as food for the pigs and dogs, while the stalks are saved to be +burned, for the ashes are commonly used in lieu of soap. + +Rice has also come to have great importance, both as a standard of +value and as a medium of exchange. A single stalk is known as _sanga +dawa_. When the stalks are equal in size to the leg, just above the +ankle, the bundle is called _sang-abtek_. [199] Ten _sang-abtek_ equal +_sanga-baal_. One hundred _sang-abtek_ make _sanga-oyon_. The measure +of cleaned rice is as follows: Two full hands (one coconut shell +full)--1 _sopa_ (Ilocano _supa_; Spanish 1/8 _ganta_). 8 _sopa_--1 +_salop_ (Spanish _ganta_ or about 2 quarts). 25 _salop_--1 _kaban_. + +It is customary to pay laborers in rice; likewise the value of animals, +beads, and the like are reckoned and paid in this medium. During +the dry season rice is loaned, to be repaid after the harvest with +interest of about fifty per cent. + +According to tradition, the Tinguian were taught to plant and reap +by a girl named Dayapán. This woman, who was an invalid, was one +day bathing in the stream, when the great spirit Kaboniyan entered +her body. He carried with him sugar-cane and unthreshed rice which +he gave to the girl with explicit directions for its use. Likewise +he taught her the details of the _Sayang_, the most important of +the ceremonies. Dayapán followed instructions faithfully, and after +the harvest and conclusion of the ceremony, she found herself to be +completely cured. After that she taught others, and soon the Tinguian +became prosperous farmers. [200] + +In Part I of this volume a reconstruction of the early life of this +people was attempted from their mythology. The results seemed to +indicate that the tales reflect a time before the Tinguian possessed +terraced rice-fields, when domestic work animals were still unknown, +and the horse had not yet been introduced into the land. But it was +also noted that we are not justified in considering these as recent +events. + +At this time, with the more complete data before us, it may be well to +again subject the rice culture to careful scrutiny, in the hope that +it may afford some clue as to the source from which it spread into +this region. It is possible that the Tinguian may have brought it +with them from their early home, which may be supposed to have been +in southeastern Asia; they may have acquired it through contact with +Chinese or Japanese traders, or through commercial relations with +the islands to the south; or again it may have developed locally in +the Tinguian, Igorot, and Ifugao territory. + +It should be noted at the outset that highly developed terrace +cultivation is found in Japan and China to the north; in parts of +Borneo, in the Nias archipelago, in Java, Bali, Lombok, Sumatra, +Burma, and India proper, and it is probable that all within this +broad belt developed from a single origin. + +When we compare the construction of Igorot and Tinguian terraces and +the methods of irrigation, we find them quite similar, although those +of the former are somewhat superior and of much greater extent. The +planting of the seed rice and the breaking of the soil in the high +fields are also much alike, but here the resemblances cease. In +the lower fields, the Tinguian employ the carabao, together with +the plow and harrow; the Igorot do not. The Igorot fertilize their +fields, the Tinguian never. In harvesting, the Tinguian make use of +a peculiar crescent-shaped blade to cut the stalk, the Igorot pull +each head off separately. The Tinguian and Ilocano granaries are +of a distinctive type radically different from the Igorot, while the +methods of thrashing in the two groups are entirely different. Finally, +the ceremonial observances of the Tinguian, so far as the rice is +concerned, are much more extensive and intricate than have been +described for the Igorot. In a like manner there are many striking +differences between the methods of handling the grain by the Tinguian +and those found in Japan and China. On the other hand, when we come +to compare the rice culture of this region with the islands to the +south, the similarities are very striking. The short description +given by _Marsden_ for Sumatra [201] would, with a few modifications, +apply to the situation in Abra. The use of the plow and harrow drawn +by carabao is found in Java and Sumatra; the common reaping knife of +both these islands is identical with the Tinguian, although there is +a slight difference in the way it is utilized; the peculiar type of +granary found in Abra again appears in Sumatra, while the Tinguian +ceremonial acts associated with the cultivation and care of the +rice-recall, in several instances, details of such ceremonies in Java. + +If Tinguian rice culture did come from the south, through trade or +migration, in comparatively recent times we should expect to find +evidences of the same culture distributed along the route by which +it must have traveled. We find, however, that few terraces exist in +Mindanao and northern Borneo; and the former, at least, are of recent +introduction. [202] There is also negative evidence that such fields +were rare along the coasts at the time of the Spanish invasion. In +the early documents we meet with frequent statements that the people +were agriculturists and raised considerable quantities of rice and +vegetables in their clearings; but the writer has discovered only +two instances in which mention is made of terraced fields. [203] Had +extensive terraces existed on the coast, it seems certain that some +notice must have been taken of them. Yet in the mountains of central +and northwestern Luzon, in districts remote from coast influences, +are found some of the most remarkable fields of this type in Malaysia; +terraces representing such an expenditure of labor that they argue +for a long period of construction. + +The proof is not absolute, but, in view of the foregoing, the writer is +inclined to the belief that the Igorot and the Tinguian brought their +rice culture with them from the south, and that the latter received +it from a source common to them and to the people of Java and Sumatra. + +Many writers who have discussed the rice culture of the East Indies +are inclined to credit its introduction to Indian colonists, [204] +but _Campbell_ [205] holds to the belief that it was practised +centuries before the Christian era and prior to the Hindu invasion of +Java. There seems to be no dissent, however, among these writers to +the belief that its introduction antedated the arrival of the European +in the Orient by several centuries. The fact that dry land farming, +carried on with planting sticks and the like, is still found among the +Igorot and Tinguian, and for that matter all over the Philippines, +cannot be advanced as an argument that the irrigated fields are of +recent date, for upland fields and primitive tools are still used in +Java and Sumatra, where, as we have just seen, the wet field culture +is an old possession. + +_Magical Rites and Ceremonies Connected with the Rice_.--The importance +of rice to this people is nowhere better evidenced than in the numerous +and, in some cases, elaborate rites with which its cultivation and +care is attended. Some of these observances appear to be purely +magical, while others are associated with the consulting of omens, +acts of sacrifice, propitiation, and finally of thanksgiving. All +are interwoven with tribal law and custom to such an extent that +neglect, on the part of the individual, amounts to a crime against the +community, and hence is punished with public indignation and ostracism. + +When a new field is to be prepared, or a granary erected, strict watch +must be kept for omens, for should the inhabitants of the spirit world +be unfavorable to the project, they will indicate their feelings by +sending snakes, large lizards, deer, wild hogs, or certain birds to +visit the workers. Should any of these appear, as the task is begun, +the place is generally abandoned at once, but if doubt still exists, or +it is deemed abvisable to try to persuade the spirits to reconsider, a +small pig will be sacrificed. Its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered +about on the ground as an offering, while the medium recites a proper +_diam_. [206] After a suitable time has elapsed for the spirits to +partake, the liver of the animal is removed, and is carefully examined +(cf. p. 307). If the omens are now favorable, the work may be resumed, +but should they still be unpropitious, it is folly to proceed, for +disaster is certain to follow. + +The next anxiety is to secure a lusty growth of plants in the seed +beds, and to accomplish this, sticks known as _salogegey_, are stuck +in each plot. The surface of such a stick has been pared so that +shavings stand out on it in opposite directions, for such a decoration +"is pleasing to the spirits;" while a piece of charcoal, placed in the +notched end, compels the new leaves to turn the dark green of sturdy +plants. The first seeds to be planted must always be sowed by the wife +of the owner, "so that they will be fertile and yield a good crop." + +When a field has been constructed, or when the terraces are ready to +receive the plants, a ceremony known as _Dalau_, [207] is held. The +purpose of this is to secure the good will of the spirits in general, +but more particularly to provide a dwelling place for the powerful +being Kaiba-an, who guards the crops. A medium, accompanied by +the family and any others who may be interested, goes to the field +carrying a large bamboo pole, _bolo_ [208] branches, stalks of _lono +[209] bakoñ_, and _saklak_. [210] The end of the bamboo is split +open, and a _saloko_ [211] is constructed to which are attached the +other leaves and stalks. The _saloko_ is then placed on the dividing +ridge of the field, and all is ready for the ceremony, unless it is +considered wise to also construct a small house (_baubauwi_). If the +field is near the village, the latter is generally dispensed with, +but if it is distant, the house is erected so that the spirit will +accept it as its dwelling, while it is guarding the crop. It is further +explained that the spirit then stays in the small house or _saloko_ +instead of in the rice stalks, and so they are able to grow. + +A female pig is presented to the medium who, after reciting a proper +_diam_ above it, stabs the animal and collects its blood. This is +mixed with rice, and a part is at once deposited in the _saloko_, +while the balance is placed on a head-axe, and is carried about the +field. When the whole plot has been traversed, this rice and blood +is scattered in all directions, while the spirits are besought to +come and eat. A part of the company has meanwhile been cooking the +flesh of the slain animal, but before any of it is served, a skirt +(_kinomayan_) is spread at the foot of the _saloko_, and on it are +placed dishes of oil and of cooked rice. + +After the meal has been eaten, the family gathers up the skirt and +dishes, to return them to the village, but the other offerings remain. + +Rain, like all other things needed, is sent by Kadaklan or +Kaboniyan. If it does not come as desired, or if the crop is not +progressing favorably, a ceremony known as _Komon_ or _Ubaiya_ [212] +is held. Each person of the village is assessed a _sopa_ of rice, +a bundle of _palay_, or a small coin with which pigs, _basi_, and +other things necessary, can be purchased. + +Early in the morning of the appointed day, the mediums, accompanied +by many people, go to the guardian stones, oil the head of each, and +place a bark band around it. Then having recited a proper _diam_ over +a small pig, they slaughter it and scatter its blood mixed with rice +among the stones. Likewise they place a dish of _basi_ among them for +the use of the spirits. A part of the slain animal is then cooked and +eaten, after which all go back to the village. At some appointed place, +rice, eggs, betel-nuts, and a large pig have been assembled, and to +this spot the mediums go to conduct the rite known as _Dawak_. [213] +Before its conclusion a _diam_ is recited over the pig, which is then +killed and prepared for food. Meanwhile the chief medium beseeches the +supreme being Kadaklan to enter her body. He comes, and after telling +the people what must be done to insure the crop, he designates some +one man who must, on the following morning, celebrate _Padiam_. + +After all the visiting spirits have been given food and drink, a small +covered raft (_taltalabong_) is constructed, and in it are placed a +live chick, a cooked rooster, and other articles of food. Four sturdy +men carry this to the river and set it afloat, while the people shout +and beat on gongs to drive away evil spirits who might wish to steal +the raft and its contents. The purpose of this offering is to supply +food to any spirits who may be unable to attend the ceremony. + +Early the next morning, the man who has been designated by Kadaklan +to perform the _Padiam_ makes ready, at his own expense, a large +pig and cooked rice, and carries these to the fields. He must be +dressed in striped garments known as _ginalit_, must carry a headaxe, +and wear on his head the cloth band of the medium, beneath which are +thrust two _igam_, that is, chicken feathers notched or decorated with +bits of colored thread (cf. p. 313). He is accompanied by his wife, +attired in a red jacket (_sinasáya_) and a skirt (_pinápa_), and by a +medium who also wears the _igam_ beneath a headband of _sikag_; [214] +while the townspeople follow behind. Arrived at the field, the medium +squats before the bound pig, and holding a spear, betel-nuts, and oil, +begins to recite a _diam_, meanwhile she strokes the animal from time +to time with oiled fingers. This concluded, she stabs the pig, and +having mixed its blood with rice, scatters it over the field, calling +to the spirits to come and eat, and then to grant a full harvest. The +people eat part of the animal while in the field, but before returning +home, the head of each family receives a small strip of uncooked flesh, +which he fastens above the door as a sign that the ceremony has been +held. [215] The following day, the owner and the medium return to +the field and break a little soil with a spear, and the ceremony is +complete, but for some days these two are barred from eating shrimp, +carabao, or wild pig. The owner must also pay the medium ten bundles +of rice for her assistance in insuring his own crops, as well as those +of the community. Should lightning strike a field or a tree in it, +this ceremony is repeated, with the exception that the strips of +flesh are not distributed, nor is the soil broken with a spear. [216] + +In Lumaba, a town strongly influenced by the Igorot, the _Ubaiya_ +regularly precedes the rice planting, as well as the first use of a +newly constructed field. While conforming, in general, to that already +described, a part of the procedure is somewhat different. On the day +before the ceremony, the men go to the mountains and gather _lono_ +stalks, one for each house and two for the town gate. The two reeds are +placed crosswise of the entrance to the village and serve as a sign +of taboo, and thereafter no one may enter until they are officially +removed. To do so would necessitate the repetition of the ceremony, +and the offender would be obliged to provide all the things necessary +for it. Likewise, no one may wear a hat or prepare food during the +period of taboo. + +The next day is known as _Bignas_, and at dawn all the men arm +themselves with bamboo poles. With these they beat about under the +houses and throughout the town, in order to drive away any evil +spirits who may be lurking about. Having effectively rid the town, +they force the invisible beings ahead of them to the river, where they +deposit the poles. They return to the village singing and shouting, +and are met at the gate by the women, who hold ladders, one on each +side of the entrance, so that they meet at the top and thus form a +path by which the men may enter without breaking the interdict. At +the guardian stones, they pause long enough to sacrifice a pig and a +rooster, and offer blood and rice to the spirits, and then they proceed +to the center of the village, where they dance _tadek_ and _da-eng_ +until dusk. At nightfall a pig is killed, its flesh is divided among +the people, and a _lono_ stalk, after being dipped in the blood, +is given to a member of each family. This is carried home, and is +placed on the outside wall as a sign that the ceremony has been held. + +If the sun is shining the following morning, the _lakay_ will go +outside the town to gather wood. Upon his return the people are again +free to fish and hunt, but work is forbidden until evening. Should +the sun fail to appear, all remain quietly in the village until the +_lakay_ can remove the taboo by his wood gathering. + +In Manabo the ceremony is a mixture of the two types just described, +and is always held at the time of planting and when droughts +occur. [217] + +The procedure at harvest time varies considerably in different +districts, but the usual custom is for a woman, from each family, to +go to the fields and cut alone until she has harvested one hundred +bundles. During this time she may use no salt, but a little sand +is placed in her food as a substitute. No outsider may enter the +dwelling during this preliminary cutting. So strictly is this rule +observed that the writer has been absolutely excluded from homes where, +on other occasions, he was a welcome guest. In Lumaba and vicinity +it is the custom to sacrifice a chicken two days before the harvest +begins, and to cook its neck and intestines without salt. These are +then divided into nine parts, are placed in dishes, and are carried +to the spirit house in the field. At the end of the second day, +the feathers of the fowl are stuck into the sides of the structure, +and the spirits are entreated to grant a good harvest and health for +the workers. The dishes are then returned to the village, and on the +following morning the women may begin cutting. + +When the rice is ready to be stored, the _Palpalaem_ [218] ceremony +is held in honor of the spirit of the granary. Vines and shrubs [219] +are tied to each supporting post of the granary and above the door, +while a bit of _sikag_ is also hidden inside a bundle of rice, which +has been placed at each corner pole. Near one post is a small pig with +its head toward the east, and over it the medium recites a _diam_. As +usual, the animal is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered +to the spirits. A part of the flesh is wrapped in banana leaves, and +a bundle is buried at the foot of each post. The skull is cooked, +and after being cleaned, is hung up inside the roof. The rest of +the meat is cooked, and is served with rice to the little company of +friends who have gathered. Each guest is also given a few stalks of +the rice from the bundles at the corner posts. + +Just before the new rice is placed in the granary, a jar of _basi_ +is placed in the center of the structure, and beside it a dish filled +with oil and the dung of worms. Five bundles of _palay_ are piled +over these, and the whole is presented to the spirit, who will now +allow the rice to multiply until it is as plentiful as the dung. + +In Buneg and nearby villages, all of which are strongly influenced +by immigrants from the Cagayan valley, a small clay house known as +_lablabon_ or _adug_ is placed with the rice, and from time to time +offerings are put in them for the spirit who multiplies the rice +(Plate XXIX). + +Certain restrictions always apply to the granary. It may never be +opened after dark, for evil spirits are certain to enter, and the crop +will vanish quickly. It can be opened only by a member of the family +"whom the spirit knows;" and should another attempt to remove the +grain, sickness or blindness will befall him. So rigorously is this +enforced that a bride never opens her husband's granary until he has +presented her with a string of beads, which she wears about her neck to +identify her. It is further necessary that she receive a similar gift +before she eats of his rice, otherwise she will become ill. However, +this does not apply to others, even strangers being fed without this +gift being made. + +A custom which formerly prevailed, but is now falling into disuse, +was for the bride and groom to visit the family fields, where the +youth cut a little grass along the dividing ridges. He then took up +a bit of earth on his head-axe, and both tasted of it, "so that the +ground would yield them good harvests, and they would become wealthy," + +_Cultivated Plants and Trees_.--Near every settlement will be found +a number of small gardens, in which a variety of vegetables are +grown. Occasionally a considerable planting of bananas will be found, +while many villages are buried beneath the shade of coconut trees, +but in comparison with rice the cultivation of other crops becomes +insignificant. Nevertheless, a considerable amount of food stuff, +as well as of plants and trees used in household industries, are +planted in prepared land; while many of wild growths are utilized. The +following list is doubtless incomplete, but still contains those of +special value to this people. [220] + +Next to rice the _camote_ (_Convolvulus batatas_) is the most +important food product. Occasionally it is raised in the gardens or +rice terraces, but, as a rule, it is planted in hillside clearings from +which one or two crops of rice have been removed. The tuber is cut +into pieces, or runners from old plants are stuck into the ground, +and the planting is complete. The vine soon becomes very sturdy, +its large green leaves so carpeting the ground that it even competes +successfully with the _cogon_ grass. If allowed, the plants multiply +by their runners far beyond the space originally allotted to them. The +tubers, which are about the size of our sweet potatoes, are dug up as +needed, to replace or supplement rice in the daily menu. Both roots +and plants are also cooked and used as food for the pigs and dogs. + +_Aba_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott) is raised, [221] but as it +requires a moist soil, and hence would occupy land adapted to rice, +it is chiefly limited to the gardens. It has large fleshy roots +which are used like those of the _camote_, while the leaves and +young shoots are also cooked and eaten. Other tubers known as _obi_ +(_Dioscorea sp_.), _gakad_ (_Dioscorea divaricata_ Blanco), _annaeg_ +(_Dioscorea fasciculata_), and _kamas_ (_Pachyrhizus angulatus_ +D.C.) are raised to a limited extent in the gardens. + +Corn, _mais, bukel_, and red corn, _gasilan_ (_Zea mays_ L.) seems +to have been introduced into Abra in comparatively late times, for +despite the fact that it is one of the most important crops, it has +neither gathered to itself ceremonial procedure, nor has it acquired a +place in the folk-lore. A considerable amount is raised in the village +gardens, but generally it is planted by dibbling in the high land. When +ripe, the ears are broken from the stalk, the husks are turned back, +and several are tied together. These bunches are then placed over +horizontal poles, raised several feet from the ground (Plate LVIII), +and after being thoroughly dried, are hung from the house rafters. The +common method of grinding is to place the corn on a large stone, +over which a smaller stone is rocked until a fine flour is produced +(Plate LIX). Stone disk grinders, imported from the coast, are also +in use. These consist of grooved stones, the upper of which revolves +on the lower. Grain is fed into an opening at the top as needed. Dried +corn, popped in the embers of a fire, is much relished by the children. + +Several varieties of squash, [222] and beans, as well as peanuts +(_mani_) are among the common products of the garden. The former are +trained to run over a low trellis or frame to prevent injury to the +blossoms from a driving rain. Both blossoms and the mature vegetables +are used as food. + +Among the minor products are ginger, _laya_ (_Zingiber officinale_ +Rosc.) and a small melon, locally known as _melod_, which is used +as a sweetening. Sugar cane, _onas_ (_Saccharum_), is raised in +considerable quantity, and is used in making an intoxicating drink +known as _basi_. It is also eaten raw in place of a sweetmeat, but +is never converted into sugar. Nowadays the juice is extracted by +passing the cane between two cylinders of wood with intermeshing +teeth. Motive power is furnished by a carabao attached to a long +sweep. This is doubtless a recent introduction, but it has entirely +superseded any older method. + +The cane is raised from cuttings which are set in mud-beds until +ready to be transferred to the mountain-side clearings. These lands +are prepared in the same manner as the upland rice fields already +described. The men dig shallow holes and set each plant upright, +while the women follow, filling the hole with water and then pressing +earth in with fingers or toes. + +In addition to these food crops, considerable plantings of cotton or +_kapas_ (_Gossypium_ sp.) and tobacco or _tabá-o_ (_Nicotiana tabacum_) +are raised in the clearings. The former is planted on the hillsides, +where it matures in three or four months. The plant seldom reaches +a height of two feet, and the bolls are small, doubtless due to lack +of care and suitable fertilization. [223] + +Tobacco seeds are sprouted in beds similar to those used for the rice, +and the same magical device is used to insure a lusty growth. The young +plants are carefully watered and shaded until they reach a height of +five or six inches. They are then transplanted to hillside clearings, +or to unused rice fields, where they are set out about three to a +foot. This transfer generally takes place near the beginning of +the dry season, so that the crop will be sure to mature without +the damaging effect of water on the leaves. The plants while lusty +do not attain the size of those grown in the valley regions of the +interior. As soon as the leaves begin to turn a dark yellow, they are +cut off and are strung on slender bamboo sticks (Plate LX), which are +then hung up in the house. When nearly dry, they are laid in piles, +and are occasionally turned to prevent rust or mildew from forming. + +A small amount of indigo, _tayum_ (_Indigofera tinctoria_) is raised, +generally in open spots near the villages. The plants receive little +or no attention, yet still attain a height of about three feet. The +leaves and branches are placed in water for a few days, and are then +boiled, together with a little lime, the resultant liquor being used +as a dye for cotton thread. + +No product receives more attention in the lore of the Tinguian than the +climbing vine known as _lawed_ (_Piper sp_.). [224] It was formerly +in universal use in connection with the chewing of betel-nut. To-day +betel-nut is less common in this region, but this leaf and the +areca-nut still play an important part in all ceremonies. According +to tradition, it was possible in the old times to tell the fate of +an absent friend by noting the condition of a _lawed_ vine planted +by him prior to his departure. [225] The vine is now trained on poles +and trellises, near to many houses. + +Among the larger cultivated plants and trees, the banana (_Musa +paradisiaca_), coconut (_Cocos nucifera_), and bamboo (_Bambusa +sp_.) are the most important. + +At least twenty varieties of bananas are raised in Abra. The fruit +of some of these is scarcely larger than the forefinger, while +others are quite large. The common type bears a rather small, yellow +fruit locally known as _saba_. In Manabo and several other villages, +plantings covering three or four acres are to be found, but the usual +plot is small, and is situated near to the house of the owner. + +Suckers, which sprout from the roots of mature plants, are set out as +needed, either to make new groves or to replace the old stalks, which +are cut down after bearing. Both bud and fruit are eaten. The latter +are cut on the stem while still green, and are hung in the house to +ripen, in order to protect them from bats and fruit-feeding birds. + +The coconut (_niog_) is not raised in groves, as in the Christianized +districts, but in many villages every house has two or three trees +towering above it. Even the interior mountain settlements, like Lingey, +Ba-ay, and Likuan, are hidden beneath these trees, thus incidentally +disposing of the fable that "the coconut tree will not grow out of +sight of the sea." Young trees have to be protected by fences during +the first two or three years of growth, or they will be uprooted by the +pigs, but from that time on they require little or no care. They are +not tapped for sap, as is customary in most parts of the Philippines, +but notches are cut in the tree trunks in order to supply foothold for +the fruit gatherer. The nuts are cut off with a knife as soon as ripe, +else they may fall and cause death or injury to people below. + +No other fruit serves the people in so many ways. The juice is relished +as a drink, the meat as a food, the oil as a food and hair dressing; +the shells serve as dishes and cups, or are carved into ladles, +while the fibrous covering of the nut is converted into foot wipers, +thread brushes, and the like. + +The betel-nut, _bwa_ (_Areca catechu_ L.), is also found in some +villages, particularly in the mountains. It is a tall, slender palm +which yields the nut so prized throughout the Islands for chewing. + +Mango-treees, _mangga_ (_Mangifera indica_ L.) appear here and there +in valleys and on mountain sides, where the seeds have doubtless been +carried by birds or travelers, but considerable groves are found in +many districts. The fruit is picked before it is ripe, and is eaten +as it becomes mellow. + +Other trees and shrubs which are occasionally planted are: _Atis_ +(_Anona squamosa_ L., an American plant) prized both for its fruit +and bark--the latter being used in rope-making. + +_Atatawa_ (_Jathropha multifida_ L.). Also found in a wild state. The +fruit is used as a purgative. The _Jathropha curcas_ L. is also used. + +_Daligan_ (_Averrhoa carambola_ L.) or Coromandel gooseberry. The +fruit is eaten without cooking. + +_Lanka_ (_Artocarpus integrifola_ L.). Jackfruit. + +_Maling-kapas_ or _kapas to insit_ (_Ceiba pantadra_ Gaertn.), also +known by the Ilocano as _kapas sanglay_. This so-called "Chinese +cotton" is a small tree with few, but perfectly straight, branches, +which radiate from the trunk in horizontal lines. It produces +elliptical pods which burst open when ripe, exposing a silky white +cotton. The fiber is too short for spinning, but is used as tinder +and as stuffing for pillows. + +Orange (_lokban_) and lime (_lolokisen_) trees are greatly prized, +but appear only occasionally. They receive no care, and consequently +yield only inferior fruit. + +The _pias_ (_Averrhoa bilimbi_ L.) is a garden tree which produces +an acid fruit used in cooking. + +_Santol_ (_Sandoricum indicum_ Cav.) trees are raised both for the +fruit and for timber. It is said that house posts of this wood are +not attacked by white ants. + +_Wild Plants and Trees_.--Few of the wild growths have escaped the +attention of this people, and many are used as food and medicine, +as well as for fiber materials and bark cloth. Among those used for +food, the following are the most important:-- + +_Apang_ or _sapang_ (_Bixa orellana_ L.). + +_Alloseup_ (_Antidesma ghesaembilla_ Gaertn.). + +_Bayabas_, or lemon guava (_Psidium guayava_ L.), an American shrub +which now grows wild, and in great abundance, in the mountains. + +_Balatong_ (_Phaseolus mungo_ L.). Only the seeds are used. + +_Damokes_ (_Pithecolobium dulce_ Benth.), an American tree which now +grows spontaneously in northern Luzon. The fruit is eaten, while the +bark is sometimes used for tanning. + +_Ipako_ (_Psophocarpus tetragonolobus_ D.C.), a herbaceous vine +infrequently seen in the gardens. The young pods are used as a +condiment. + +_Kochai_ (_Alliuni tricoccum_) or wild leek. + +_Katodai_ (_Sesbania grandiflora_ P.). Only the flowers are eaten. + +_Kama-al_ (_Allaeanthus luzonicus_ Blanco. Vill.). + +_Kalot_ (_Dioscorea daemona_ Roxb.), a tuber, poisonous if eaten +without special preparation. It is cut into small pieces, and is +placed in running water for several days, after which it is cooked. + +_Kamatis_ (_Lycopersicum esculentum_ Mill.), tiny tomatoes which are +eaten raw or cooked. + +_Labok_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott). + +_Longboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.). + +_Olo_ (_Cissus sp_.), a low climbing herb, the stems and leaves of +which are used in place of vinegar. + +_Palda_ (_Phaseolus lunatus_ L.), civet bean. + +_Sili_ (_Capsicum frutescens_ L.), small red peppers. The American +chile. Used as a condiment. + +Specimens of about twenty other food plants and trees were obtained, +but their identification was impossible. + +The wild growths used as medicines, or in the manufacture of string, +rope, and bark cloth, will be mentioned under those headings. + +_Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease_.--Most sickness +is thought to be caused by spirits, either with evil intent or to +punish some wrong-doing or oversight on the part of the people. To +placate or bribe these superior beings, elaborate ceremonies are held, +but in addition to these a number of simple remedies are made use +of. The efficacy of some of these medicines is explained by the fact +that certain leaves or infusions are distasteful to the spirits of +disease, which, consequently, take their departure. Again, a trouble +such as a tooth-ache is caused by a small worm which is gnawing at +the tooth. To overcome this, the bark and leaves of the _alem_ tree +are thoroughly beaten, and are applied to the face. The worm smells +the crushed leaves, and straightway enters the poultice which is then +burned. The spirits which bring the cholera can be driven away by +burning the leaves of _sobosob_ (_Blumea balsamifera_), _bangbangsit_ +(_Hyptis suavolens_ Poir.) and _dala_ (?) beneath the house; likewise, +the bark of the _bani_ (?) keeps the bearers of constipation at a +distance. _Bangbangsit_ is also considered as a cure for stomachache, +diarrhoea, and is an aid in bringing on menstruation. When used +for these purposes, the root is boiled, and the liquor is drunk. The +fresh leaves will also relieve a pain in the stomach if applied to it, +while the fruit is eaten to cure diarrhoea. If the patient is already +affected with cholera or dysentery, the leaves of the _sobosob_ +are placed in a jar of water at the mouth of which a clay ball is +suspended, and the whole is then completely covered with banana +leaves. The pot it placed over a fire, and the steam being unable +to escape is absorbed by the clay. Later this is crushed, is mixed +with water, and is swallowed by the patient. Lard burned to a crisp +is likewise mixed with water, and is drunk to relieve diarrhoea. + +Fever is a frequent ailment, and several medicines are employed +against it. The most common is to crush the leaves of the _dangla_ +(_Vitex negundo_ L.) in vinegar made from _basi_, and to add to +this a fourth part of urine. The patient drinks a shell cup of the +liquor, is washed in cold water, and then is briskly rubbed with fine +salt. Young banana leaves are applied to the flesh, and over these +blankets are placed. This is repeated twice daily until the fever +is broken. Wild tomato leaves, pounded and applied to the abdomen, +are also considered valuable in causing the patient to sweat. If the +trouble is unusually severe, a hot bath is prepared by boiling the +leaves of the lemon, _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.), and _toltolang_ +(?) trees in water. After the patient has been bathed in this, he is +wrapped in blankets. The same remedy is used to cure fits. + +Snake bite is treated by chewing the bark of the _alonen_ (_Streblus_ +_asper_ Lour.), or _kasabong_ (_Argemone mexicana_ L.), or the root +of the _talabatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.), all of which cause +vomiting. + +The fruit of the _soloyot_ (_Corchorus olitorius_ L.), when baked +and ground to a powder, likewise produces vomiting, and is used for +any kind of poisoning. + +To relieve the itch, the juice of the _kabatiti_ (_Luffa acutangula_ +Roxb.), _Bayabas_ (_Psidium guajava_ L.) or _lew-lew_ (_Ficus haulili_ +Blanco) is mixed with vinegar and soot, and is applied to the skin. The +milky exudation of the _kalinbwaya_ (_Euphorbia nerüfolia_ L.) is +also placed on the affected parts. + +During the rainy season the people are greatly troubled with small +blisters which form between the toes and quickly break down, leaving +open sores. To "harden" the feet, they hold them over burning straw. + +Certain other aids against disease are also employed. Cracked +feet are treated with carabao dung; the nest of a small cave bird +(_nido_) is crushed in water, and is drunk as a cure for coughs; +while the flesh of the shell fish (_kool_) is applied to boils. A +further cure for the itch is made by pounding a coconut shell into +a fine powder. This is placed in a jar, over a hot fire, and a piece +of iron is laid over the top. The "sweat" which collects on the iron +is said to give instant relief. + +An infected ("bad") finger or limb is tightly bound "to keep the +sickness from going up." + +_Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants_.--A study of the tales and +ceremonies makes it evident that the betel-nut (_bwa_) was at one time +extensively used. To-day it occupies an exceedingly important place +in the religious rites, but is seldom chewed. When it is offered +to the spirits, it is still prepared in the way that is universal +throughout Malaysia. The nut of the areca palm (_Areca catechu_ +L.) is split into four pieces, fresh lime is spread on a piper leaf +(_Piper betel_ L.), this is wrapped about the piece of nut, and is +ready for chewing. The areca palm grows well in this territory, and +quite an extensive grove is to be found near the village of Bakaok, +yet this is the only place where any number of the people are addicted +to its use. Tobacco (_tabáo_), on the other hand, is in universal +use, although it certainly was introduced after the arrival of the +Spaniards. The leaf is dried, and is rolled into thin cigars which +are placed in tiny pipes (Fig. 21). The cigar itself is never held in +the lips, nor is the leaf chewed. Young and old of both sexes smoke +frequently, but not a great deal at a time. After taking a few puffs, +the pipe is stuck into the hair, or under the inner band of the hat, +until again needed. + +The only intoxicating drink made and used by this people is the +fermented juice of the sugar-cane, known as _basi_. The juice when +extracted from the cane is boiled with water for four or five hours. It +is placed in a large jar together with cinnamon bark, and is tightly +covered over with leaves. Fermentation begins almost at once, but for +a month the drink is raw and little prized. In three or four months, +it becomes quite mellow and pleasant to the taste. Jars are sometimes +stored away to be opened only for some important event, such as a +marriage festival or the celebration of a great ceremony. At such a +time a very definite procedure is followed. The most honored guest +is invited to do the serving. He removes the covering, dips into the +liquor, pours a little on the sides of the jar, and then a few drops +on the ground as an offering to the spirits. A coconut shell cup +is then dipped out, and is carried to the _lakay_ or some other old +man. Before he drinks, he raises the cup to the level of his face, and, +beginning at his right, offers it to each person in the circle. The +one saluted makes a gesture away from his body with his right hand, +the palm upturned. When all have refused the cup, the man drinks, +often he stops to sing the _daleng_, an improvised song in which he +compliments his host, bespeaks the welfare of his family, or praises +the other members of the gathering. One after another the guests are +served, but always according to age and importance, the women and +young people being left to the last. The liquor is quite intoxicating, +two or three drinks being sufficient to put the company in a jovial +mood. It often happens that one or more will become gloriously drunk, +but, as a rule, they are not quarrelsome, and there seems to be no +unpleasant after-effects. [226] + +_Domestic Animals_.--Dogs, pigs, chickens, and carabao appear to +have been long in the possession of this tribe. Horses, goats, and +cattle are now owned by some of the people, but only the former are +of sufficient number to be considered important. + +The dogs _(aso)_are surly, ill-kept creatures of mongrel breed. They +are seldom treated as pets, but are kept for hunting. Well-fed dogs +are considered lazy, and hence they are fed only with a rice gruel, +which seems to be neither fattening nor satisfactory. When in the +village, the miserable creatures wander about under the houses, there +to pick up and fight over morsels which may drop from above, or they +lie in the ashes of the bonfires, the better to protect themselves from +fleas and other enemies. When used in hunting, they are kept in leash +until the game is started. When released, they follow the quarry at +full cry, and if the game has been injured, they will seldom give up +the chase. It is necessary for the hunters to follow the dogs closely +and beat them off a slain animal, otherwise they will quickly devour +it. They are always rewarded with a part of the intestines and some +other portions, so that they may be keen for the next hunt. + +Pigs (_babuy_) run at large throughout the villages or in the +neighboring underbrush. They are fed at night close to the dwellings, +and thus become at least half tame (Plate LXI). Many spend the hot +hours of mid-day beneath the houses, from which they are occasionally +driven by the irate housewives, when their squealing and fighting +become unbearable. The domestic pigs are probably all descended from +the wild stock with which they still constantly mix. Most of the young +pigs are born with yellow stripes like the young of the wild, but +they lose these marks in a short time. Castration of the young males +is usually accomplished when the animals are about two months old. + +Considerable numbers of chickens (_manok_) are raised. Nets or coops +are arranged for them beneath the houses, but they run at large during +the day time. Eggs are an important part of the food supply, but the +fowls themselves are seldom killed or eaten, except in connection with +the ceremonies. The domestic birds closely resemble the wild fowl of +the neighborhood, and probably are descended from them. Except for a +few strongly influenced settlements, cock-fighting has no hold upon +this people. + +The carabao or water buffalo (_nuang_) is the most prized and valuable +animal possessed by this tribe. As a rule, it is handled and petted +by the children from the time of its birth, and hence its taming +and breaking is a matter of little moment. In the mountain region +about Lakub, where most of the animals are allowed to run half wild, +only the strongest are broken. The animal is driven into a A-shaped +pen, and a heavy pole is fastened across its neck just behind the +horns. It is thus prevented from using its strength, and is loaded +or ridden until it becomes accustomed to the treatment. Carabao are +used for drawing the sleds and for ploughing and harrowing in the +lower fields. Should one be seriously injured, it would be killed +and eaten; but strong animals are slaughtered only on very rare +occasions. Wild carabao are fairly abundant in the mountains. They +closely resemble the tame stock, and are generally considered to be +derived from animals which have escaped. + + + +CHAPTER IX + +PRODUCTS OF INDUSTRY + +_Iron-Working_.--Little iron work is now done in the valley of the +Abra for the competition of the Ilocano smiths of Santa and Narvacan, +in Ilocos Sur, and the cheap products brought to the coast, and as +far inland as Bangued, by Chinese traders, have swamped the native +industry. + +Forges are still found in many villages of eastern Abra, particularly +those of the upper Buklok river, but the real center of the industry is +in and around Balbalasang, on the eastern side of the mountain range. + +We have in northern Luzon a situation similar to that found throughout +the archipelago, namely, that the most flourishing smithies are usually +those farthest removed from the coast traders. Where communication +is easy and trade unrestricted, the native industry has vanished, +or is on the wane. To-day the forges of the Bontoc Igorot, of the +Tinguian-Kalinga border villages, and of Apayao, are turning out +superior weapons, but elsewhere in the northwestern districts the pagan +people have either lost the art, or make only very inferior articles. + +It is certain that iron-working has long been known, not only in the +Philippines, but throughout Malaysia, and it is likewise evident that +these regions secured the art from the same source as did the people +of Assam, Burma, and eastern Madagascar, for the description of the +Tinguian forge and iron-working which follows would, with very little +modification, apply equally well to those in use in Southern Mindanao, +Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Assam, Burma, and Madagascar. [227] + +Long before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines, the Chinese +had built up such a lively trade in iron bars and caldrons that it was +no longer necessary for the natives to smelt their own iron ore; if +indeed they ever did so. [228] This trade metal was widely distributed, +and then reworked by the local smiths. Even to-day the people of +Balbalasang make the long journey to Bangued, or even to Vigan, +to secure Chinese iron, which they carry back to their mountain forges. + +There is no positive proof that the Filipinos formerly mined and +smelted iron, but there is a strong probability that they did so, prior +to the introduction of trade metal. It has already been noted that the +Tinguian type of forge and the method of handling and tempering iron +is widespread in Malaysia; and, as will be seen later, this process +is not that in use among the Chinese, so that it is unlikely that the +art was introduced by them. In furnishing iron ready for forging, +they were simply supplying in a convenient form an article already +in use, and for which there was an urgent demand. In the islands to +the south we find that many of the pagan tribes do now, or did until +recently, mine and smelt the ore. _Beccari_ [229] tells us that the +Kayan of Borneo extract iron ore found in their own country. _Hose_ +and _McDougall_ say that thirty years ago nearly all the iron worked +by the tribes of the interior of Borneo was from ore found in the +river beds. At present most of the pagans obtain the metal from the +Chinese and Malay traders, but native ore is still smelted in the far +interior. [230] Foreign iron is now used by the Battak of Sumatra, +but deserted iron-works are known to exist in their country, while the +Menangkabau still possess smelting furnaces. [231] It seems probable +that the whole industry had a common source, and was spread or carried +as a unit, but when trade relations made the arduous work of mining +and smelting unnecessary, it was quickly given up. That native iron +might have supplied the needs of many Philippine tribes, including +the Tinguian, is certain, for important deposits of magnetite and +hematite are found in Abra, in Ilocos Norte, Angat, Bulacan, Albay, +and other parts of the Islands. [232] On several occasions, when +on the trail, the natives have called our attention to boulders, +apparently of hematite, which they recognized as iron. + +The smithies are small structures with grass roofs, but no sides or +floors (Plate LXII). At one end is a raised bamboo bench in front of +which stands the forge. This consists of two upright wooden cylinders, +usually logs hollowed out, known as _po-opan._ In each of these is +a piston or plunger (_doeydoyog_) at the lower end of which is a +wooden ring packed with corn husks and chicken feathers. When this +is pushed downward in the cylinder, it compresses the air and forces +it out of the small opening in the base, but when it is drawn up, +the packing collapses and allows the plunger to be raised without +effort. These pistons are worked so that one is rising, while the +other is falling. The cylinders stand in a wooden block out of which +bamboo tubes (_toloñgon_) conduct the air into a tube of fire clay +(_ibong_), and this in turn carries it into the charcoal fire. There +are no valves, as in the Chinese bellows, but the bamboo tubes fit +loosely, and the fire is not drawn back. Near to the hearth is a stone +anvil (_dalisdisan_), while a heavy stone hammer, a small iron hammer, +and iron pinchers complete the outfit. + +The fire is lighted, and the operator sitting on the bench alternately +raises and lowers the plungers in the cylinders until the fire burns +brightly; then the smith puts metal into the coals and allows it +to remain until it reaches a white heat. It is then removed and +placed on the anvil, where his helper beats it out with the large +hammer. This is a stone weighing twenty or more pounds, fitted inside +the handles so that it can be used with both hands. As a rule, it +is swung between the legs, and is allowed to strike the metal as it +descends, but some of the men raise it above the shoulder and strike +a much more powerful blow. If two pieces of metal are to be welded +together, as is often the case when broken caldrons are used, they +are laid, one overlapping the other, and are held together with damp +fire-clay. In this condition they are placed in the fire and heated, +and are then beaten together. It often takes several firings to bring +about a perfect weld. + +After the initial shaping, the smith completes the work with the small +hammer, and the blade is ready for tempering. A bamboo tube of water +is placed near by, and the blade is again inserted in the fire and +brought to a white heat. Then the smith withdraws it and watches it +intently until the white tone begins to turn to a greenish-yellow, when +he plunges it into the water. The tempered blade is now smoothed down +with sandstone, and is whetted to a keen edge. Head-axes, spear-heads, +adzes, a few knives, and the metal ends for the spear-shafts are the +principal products of the forge. + +The blades are by no means of equal temper or perfection, but the +smiths of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages seldom turn out poor +weapons, and as a result, their spears and head-axes have a wide +distribution over northwestern Luzon. + +In view of the wide distribution of this type of forge and method of +iron-working; of its persistence in isolated communities, while it +has vanished from the coast, or has been superseded by the Chinese +methods of work; as well as of other details here described, the +writer is of the opinion that the art has not been introduced into +the Philippines through trade, but is a possession which many or all +of the tribes brought with them from their ancient home, probably +somewhere in southeastern Asia. The effects of trade, in historic +times, are evident throughout the Christianized regions, in Chinese +and European forges and in foreign types of utensils. Likewise the +influence of the Mohammedanized tribes is very marked in the Sulu +archipelago, the western coasts of Mindanao, and even among many of +the pagan tribes of that island, but the isolated forges throughout +Malaysia and the methods described by early explorers in this field, +are practically identical with those just reviewed. + +_Spinning and Weaving_.--That cotton (_kapas_) was being raised and +the fibre spun into cloth at the time of the Spanish occupation +of the Islands, is amply proved by many references in the early +chronicles. Also there was a considerable trade in cotton, silk, +and the like, carried on by the Chinese and the Brunei Moro. [233] + +The weaving industry seems to have reached its height in the Ilocos +provinces, where the processes of ginning, carding, spinning, and +weaving were, for the most part, identical with those found in Borneo, +Java, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, and a large part of India. [234] +The same methods and utensils are used among the Tinguian, but side by +side with the more complicated devices, such as the ginning machine +and spinning wheel, are found more simple contrivances; so it would +appear that we are here dealing with older and more primitive methods +of work than are found on the coast. [235] + +Every step in the manufacture of cloth is looked after by the women, +who raise a limited amount of cotton in the upland fields, pick and dry +the crop, and prepare it for weaving. The bolls are placed on racks, +and are sun-dried, after which the husks are removed by hand. + +Ginning is accomplished by two methods. The simplest, and doubtless the +older, is to place the cotton on a smooth wooden block and to roll over +it a wooden cylinder which tapers slightly toward each end (Fig. 16, +No. 1). The palm of the hand, at the base of the fingers, is placed on +the roller and the weight of the body applied, as the cylinder is moved +slowly forward, forcing the seeds from the floss. [236] The more common +instrument (_lilidsan_) acts on the principle of a clothes wringer +(Plate LXIII). Two horizontal cylinders of wood are geared together at +one end, and are mounted in a wooden frame in such a manner that they +are quite close together, yet not in contact. A handle is attached to +the lower roller at the end opposite the gears, and as it is turned, +it rotates the cylinders in opposite directions. A piece of cotton +is pressed between the rollers, which seize the fibres and carry them +through, while the seeds are forced back and fall to the ground. + +The cleaned cotton is never bowed or otherwise separated with a +vibrating string, as is the case in Java, India, and China, but the +same result is obtained by placing it on a piece of carabao hide and +beating it with two rattan sticks until it becomes soft and fluffy +(Plate LXIV). + +After the carding, the cotton is spun by placing it in a hollow +cylinder of palm bark attached to a bamboo stick (_tibtibean_). A bit +of thread is twisted from the cotton at the bottom of the cylinder, +and is attached to a spindle, which is rubbed rapidly against the +naked thigh, and is then allowed to turn in shallow basket, or on +a piece of hide. As it spins it twists out new thread and the arm +of the operator rises higher and higher, until at last the spindle +stops. The position of the extended arm is then altered, and the +spindle again set in motion in order to wind up the new thread on +the shaft. While the spinning is progressing, the free hand of the +operator is passed rapidly up and down the thread, keeping the tension +uniform and rubbing out any inequalities (Plate LXV). + +In many sections the spinning wheel used by the coast natives is +beginning to replace the hand outfit (Fig. 16, No. 5). The mass of +fiber is held in the left hand, and a thread from it is attached to +a horizontal spindle, which is turned by a cord passing over a large +wheel. This method is much more rapid than the hand device, but the +thread is less uniform, and it is seldom utilized when a fine fabric +is to be woven. Bamboo bobbins, consisting of small tubes, are also +wound by attaching them to the spindle shaft, so that the thread is +transferred by the revolution of the wheel. + +As soon as the thread is spun, it is placed on a bamboo frame +(_lalabayan_), Fig. 16, No. 2, on which it is measured and made ready +for the combing and sizing. As it is taken from the measuring frame, +a bamboo rod is passed through each end of the loop, and these +are fastened tightly inside the combing device (_agtatagodan_) by +means of rattan bands. The thread is then carefully combed downward +with a coconut husk which is dipped in a size of rice water (Plate +LXIII). After drying it is transferred to the shuttles and bobbins by +means of the wheel described in the previous paragraph or by a more +primitive device, called _ololau_ (Fig. 16, Nos. 4 and 4a). This +consists of four horn hooks attached to bamboo sticks, which pass +through openings in a bamboo tube in such a manner that they slip +on each other, and thus produce a wheel of any size desired. [237] +The tube fits loosely over a wooden peg sustaining the wheel in a +horizontal position, yet turning readily. The loop of threads from +the sizing frame is laid on the hooks, from which it is drawn by +hand onto the bobbins and shuttles. The next step is to prepare the +warp for the loom. The thread is drawn from bobbins on the floor, +and is first fastened to peg No. 1 of the warp winder (_gaganayan_), +as shown in Fig. 16, No. 3. From here it is carried the length of +the board, around 5, thence to 6 and back to 1, after again passing +around 5. The peg A, which later serves as a lease rod in the loom, +is encircled each time by the threads passing between 6 and 5. As +the warp is carried from 1 toward 5, it passes outside 2, 3 and 4, +but when it is returned to 1, it is inside these pegs. These are the +heddle rods of the loom, and loops from them enclose certain of the +threads, thus determining the order in which the warp is to be raised +in opening the shed. [238] + +The loom, while primitive, is far from simple in its operation. The +warp is attached at both ends to sticks or rollers, the far one of +which is fastened to a cross timber of the living room (Plate LXVI). + +The web is kept stretched by means of a strap or belt, which attaches +to the near roller and then passes around the waist of the operator, +who sits on the floor with her feet against a bamboo brace. [239] +The arrangement of the lease rod and heddle sticks has been already +described; in addition to these the threads are further controlled by +a reed board which acts both as warp spacer and beater-in. All being +ready for the weaving, the shed is opened by raising one of the heddle +sticks, and a heavy knife-shaped batten of wood is slipped into the +opening. This is turned sideways to enlarge the shed, and a shuttle +bearing the weft thread is shot through. By raising and lowering the +heddle rods the position of the warp is changed as desired, while +from time to time the weft threads are forced up against the fabric by +means of the reed board, and are beaten in with the batten. Tangling +is prevented by means of several flat sticks which cross the warp at +some distance from the operator; while threads which show signs of +loosening are carefully rubbed with a waxed stick. + +On this loom the woman produces head-bands, belt, and narrow strips of +cloth which are made up into blankets and the like. These fabrics are +often in several colors and exhibit many tasty and intricate designs, +some of which will be described in the chapter on Decorative Art. + +_Manufacture of Rope and String_.--At least eighteen trees, shrubs, +and vines are used in the making of cordage. [240] When small trees +or limbs are used, and the bark does not adhere too tightly to the +wood, sections about an arm's length are cut, and two or four splices +are made at the top. These are loosened with a knife until there is +enough for the hand to grasp, when the bark can be turned back like a +glove. Very large sections are held by two men, while a third peels +off the bark. With some varieties of trees and shrubs it is found +best to place the sections in the sun to dry, then a sharp bend in +the stalk causes the bark to separate from the wood so that it is +easily peeled off. + +When large trees are used, the bark is slit lengthwise every six of +eight inches, and the log is beaten with hard wood sticks. In a short +time the covering loosens from the wood and is pulled off. The outside +layer is worthless, but the remainder is cut into strips about a half +inch in width, and is then split lengthwise into thin layers. + +In rope-making three strips are laid side by side on the thigh or on a +board, but with their ends at unequal distances (Fig. 17, No. 1). These +are twisted together, toward the right, until a few inches have +been turned, then the cord is put over one end of a double forked +stick (_sikwan_), leaving an equal length on either side (Fig. 17, +No. 3). The two halves are twisted together until the end of one strip +of bark is reached; a new piece is laid on top of the others, and as +they are turned, it becomes part of the twist. As other ends are met +with, new strips are added in a like manner until all the bast desired +has been made. It is then wound up on the forked stick until needed. + +The rope machine (_agtatalian_) consists of three wooden whirls, which +constitute the forming device, and a single whirl for the traveler, +while a grooved block serves to keep the strands apart (Fig. 17, +No. 2). Three equal lengths of the prepared bast are measured, and an +end is attached to each of the whirls of the forming machine (Fig. 17, +No. 2a). However, only one cut is made in the bast, for strand 3. All +are attached to the single whirl of the traveler, and the process +begins. The operator at each end turns his whirl, or set of whirls, +rapidly toward the right, the one with the traveler bracing his foot +against the lower end, to keep the twisting bast under tension. A +third operator guides the grooved piece of wood from the traveler +toward the forming machine, as the three strands twist round each +other into rope. The bast is known as _ginisgis_, the rope as _tali_. + +Vines, rattan, and strips of bamboo are likewise twisted together to +form crude, but strong cordage. + +The making of thread is described under spinning and weaving, but +the cords used in snares and the like are prepared in a different +manner. The operator squats on the ground, and taking a strip of +fiber, places it on his thigh; then with open palm he rolls it +toward the knee. The twisted bast is bent at the center; the thumb +and forefinger of the left hand hold the loop, and the two strands +are placed together. These are now rolled toward the knee as before, +the hand giving extra pressure on the ulnar side, and then are rolled +back toward the body with pressure on the radial side. When the end +of a band is reached, a new one is rolled in, and the process is +continued. A tie at the end keeps the cord from untwisting. + +When very long strips of fiber are used, two men will work +together. One holds the end of the loop, while the other twists each +half of the strip in the same direction. Then placing them together on +his thigh, he turns them, under pressure, in the opposite direction, +thus making a cord. + +_Bark Cloth_.--Bark cloth is still in common use for men's headbands +and for clouts. It is secured from the same trees as the rope +material, but wider strips are taken, and it is customary to beat +the bark thoroughly before it is removed from the wood. It is then +split to the desired thickness, after which it is beaten with wooden +or bone mallets (_gikai_), which are generally grooved transversely +(Fig. 18). The cloth produced is soft and pliable, but is not of the +fineness of tapa, and it is always in comparatively narrow pieces. In +no instance was the operator seen to beat two strips together to gain +greater breadth or to repair breaks. + +_Basket Making_.--In most districts the men are the basket weavers, +but in some towns, especially of Ilocos Norte, the women are skilled +in this industry (Plate LXVII). The materials used are rattan, which +may be gathered at any time, or bamboo, which is cut only during the +dry season and under the waning moon. It is firmly believed that +boring insects will not injure bamboo cut at this time, and it is +known that the dry period stalks are the strongest. + +The tools employed are a short knife or a miniature head-axe and an +awl. With the former the operator scrapes the outer surface, and then +splits the tube into strips of the desired width and thickness. A +certain number of these strips, which are to be used for decoration, +are rubbed with oil, and are held in the smoke of burning pine or of +rice-straw until a permanent black is obtained. [241] + +Five weaves are recognized by the Tinguian, but they are really +variations of two--checkerwork and the diagonal or twilled. + +The first and most simple is known as _laga_, the technic of which +is the passing of each element of the weft under one and over one +of the warp elements. Where the warp and weft are of uniform size, +as in mats, it is impossible to distinguish the one from the other, +but in many cases the weft is the smaller. Fish traps and storage +baskets for mangoes and cotton are generally of this type (Fig. 19, +Nos. 1 and 2). + +A variation of the _laga_ known as _minmináta_--"many eyes"--(Fig. 19, +No. 3), is found in certain types of carrying baskets, the woven tops +of hats, and the like. Here the warp is crossed, and the weft passes +through it in regular order so as to produce hexagonal openings. + +Another variant is known as _kaláwat_ [242] (Fig. 19, No. 4). In this +the warp stems are in threes. Starting from A they are bent down, +pass over and under similar sets of three, curve on themselves or +other warp stems so as to leave open spaces between. The rattan +wall-hangers for coconut shell dishes are usually in this weave. + +The greater part of the baskets are in the diagonal or twilled +weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more warp +elements. Variations are numerous, either to produce certain effects +or to accommodate designs. Of these the most common are + + + 1 under 2 over 2 etc. + 2 under 2 over 2 etc. + 2 under 4 over 4 etc. + + +The weaver also frequently constructs the bottom with 2 over 4 under +4; then when the sides are made he changes to 1 over 2 under 2, until +the center is reached; then 1 of the warp passes over 3 of the weft; +for the balance the stitch is 1 over 2 under 2. This variation produces +a chevron-like pattern which, in general, is known as _binakol_; but +when it is desired to designate more closely, this name is applied +to the weaving having an oblique effect (Fig. 19, No. 5), while the +horizontal is known as _dinapálig_ (Fig. 19, No. 6). + +_Types of Baskets_:--Plates LXVIII and LXIX show the most common +types of baskets made and used in this territory. Others of Igorot +and Kalinga origin sometimes appear, but are seldom imitated by the +local basket-makers. + +Baskets 1 and 2 of Plate LXVIII are known as _kaba_, and are used +principally to hold unthreshed rice, corn, and vegetables. Smaller +baskets of the same form are for broken rice and cooked vegetables. The +larger specimens are often made of rattan, while the smaller are +usually of bamboo. Shallow bamboo baskets, _pidasen_ or _alodan_ +(Plate LXIX, No. 2) are used as eating dishes for cooked rice. + +Clothing is put away in covered oval or rectangular baskets, _opigan_ +(Plate LXIX, No. 4), while cotton is stored in long cylindrical +baskets _kolang_ (Plate LXVIII, No. 3). + +The _pasikeng_ or _lagpi_(Plate LXIX, No. 3), commonly called the +"head basket," is the chief basket of the men. It is made of rattan, +and is supported on the back by means of bands which pass over the +shoulders. In it are carried extra garments and all necessities for +the trail. Recently some of the men have joined together two of these +baskets by means of a wide, flat band, and this is fitted over the +back of a horse or carabao,--an evident imitation of the saddle bags +used by Spaniards and Americans. Men also carry small containers for +their pipes and trinkets, or else make use of a traveling basket, +such as is shown in Plate LXIX, No. 5. + +Rice winnowers and sieves (Plate LVII) and the fish-traps shown in +Fig. 13 conclude the list. No coiled baskets are made. + +Aside from the decoration produced by variations in the weave, little +ornamentation is found in the basketry from Abra, but the Tinguian +of Ilocos Norte make and distribute large quantities of baskets with +colored patterns. Colored vines are sometimes woven in, but the common +method is to employ blackened bamboo, both in warp and weft. + +The top of the basket is strengthened by two hoops of rattan or +bamboo. One is placed outside, the other inside; on them is laid +a small strip of the same material, and all three are sewed down +by passing a thin strip of rattan through two holes punched in +margin. This strip doubles on itself, encircles the rim, and after +an interval again passes through two more holes, and so on around the +entire basket. A square base, attached in the same manner as the rim, +generally completes the basket. In the mountain districts near to +Apayao, the bases of the smaller eating dishes are drawn in toward +the center at four points, giving the effect of a four-pointed star. + +_Mats_ (_ikamin_).--Mats are used as beds, never as floor +coverings. They are rectangular in form, usually about six feet long +and three wide, and are undecorated. They are made from strips of +_pandanus_ in the _laga_ weave (cf. p. 423). + +_Dyes_.--In recent years analine dyes have come into favor in some +villages, and a variety of colors appears in the articles made by +their weavers, but the vegetable dyes used by the ancestors are +still employed by most of the women. The commonest colors are blue, +pink--"black red"--, red, and yellow. + +Blue is ordinarily produced by placing the leaves and branches of the +indigo plant, _tayuni (Indigofera tinctoria)_in water for a few days; +then to boil them, together with a little lime. The thread is dipped +in the liquid. + +Pink is secured by crushing _lynga_ (_Sesamum indicum_ L.) seeds and +boiling them in water. Threads are placed in this for five nights, +while during the day they are dried in the sun. The root of the +_apatot_ (_Morinda citrifolia_ or _umbellata_) is next crushed, +and water is added. The threads are now transferred to this liquid, +and for ten days and nights are alternately soaked and sunned. A +copper color results, but this soon changes to pink. It is said that +the _apatot_ alone produces a red dye. It is also claimed that the +seeds of the _apang_ (_Bixa Orellana_ L.) and of a variety of rattan, +when boiled, give a permanent red. [243] + +A yellow dye is produced by boiling the leaves of the _Tamarindus +indica_ L. in water until a strong liquor is obtained. + +Bark head-bands are stained a purplish-red by applying a liquid +secured through boiling _kelyan_ (_Diospyros cunalon_ D.C.?) bark. For +ceremonial purposes they are also colored yellow by applying the juice +of the _konig_ (_Curcuma longa_), but as this has a disagreeable odor, +and the color is not permanent, it is not much used in every-day +garments. Lemon juice is also applied to bark to give it a yellow hue. + +Fish nets are colored brown by dipping them into a dye made by +crushing the _katakot_ vine in water, or by staining with the juice +of the _taotawa_ (_Jatropha curcas_ L,). + +The bamboo strips used in decorating basketry are blackened by +holding them in the smoke of burning rice-straw. Black designs, +such as appear in the ornamentation of lime holders and the like, +are secured by rubbing oil and soot into incised lines, and then +holding the object in the smoke of burning rice-straw. + +_Net Making_.--Nets are used in fishing, in catching wild chickens +and grasshoppers, and in hunting deer and pigs. The first three types +are made of twine, but the fourth is of strong rope. + +All net work is done by the man who, for this purpose, employs a mesh +stick and a needle of bamboo or carabao horn (Fig. 20). The needle +(No. 1) also serves as a shuttle, since it carries a considerable +amount of thread between the tongue and notch. The size of the loop +is determined by the width of the mesh stick or spreader (No. 2). The +operator generally sits on a rice winnower or squats on the ground with +a net suspended above him (Plate LXX). He forms the mesh by running +the needle over and around the spreader, and up and through the loop +above, thus forming a loop on the mesh stick. This is drawn tightly, +the needle is again passed through, but without encircling the stick, +and thus a knot is tied. This is repeated until a row of loops has +been completed, when another series is started. + +_Manufacture of Pottery_.--In nearly every village there are two or +three women who make jars and dishes, but the potters of Abang and +Lakub are the only ones whose wares have a wide distribution. + +The clay is dampened, and is carefully kneaded with the hands to remove +lumps and gravel, and to reduce it to the proper consistency. A handful +is taken from the mass, and is roughly modeled with the fingers to +form the base of the pot. This is set on a wooden plate which, in +turn, is placed in a rice winnower (Plate XXXVI). The plate takes +the place of a potter's wheel, for it is turned with the right hand +while with the left the woman shapes the clay, and smoothes it off +with a dampened cloth. From time to time, she rolls out a coil of clay +between the palms of her hands, lays it along the top of the vessel, +and works and pinches it in. Further shaping and thinning is done with +a wooden paddle and the dampened hand, and then the jar is allowed to +dry slightly. Before the drying has progressed far enough to render +the sides rigid, a smooth stone is placed inside, and the sides are +tapped gently with a paddle until properly thinned and shaped. + +After allowing a couple of days for drying, the potter rubs the jar +inside and out with smooth stones or _lipi_ seeds, so as to give it +an even surface. + +When several jars or dishes have been prepared, they are placed in +carabao dung or other slow burning material and fired. This generally +takes place at night, and the jars are left undisturbed until morning, +when they are ready for service. Occasionally resin is rubbed over a +jar while it is hot, thus giving it a glazed surface; this, however, +is not common, as the resin quickly melts off the cooking utensils, +while porous jars are preferred as water containers, since the seepage +lowers the temperature of the contents. + +Vessels made in Lakub are often decorated with incised patterns +(Fig. 22, No. 8), but otherwise the Tinguian ware is plain. Chinese +jars are found in every village, and are highly prized, but the native +potters do not imitate them in form or decoration. Had Chinese blood +or influence ever been strong in the region, we might expect to find +the potter's wheel and traces of true glazing, but both are lacking. + +_Pipe Making_.--Both men and women smoke pipes, consisting of a short +reed handle and a small bowl. Men are the pipe makers, and often show +considerable skill in the decoration of their product. + +The common pipe-bowl is of clay, which has been carefully shaped +with the fingers and a short bamboo spatula. Designs are incised, +and the raised portions are further embellished by the addition of +small pieces of brass wire (Fig. 21, Nos. 4-5). The bowls are baked +in a slow fire, and the mouthpieces are added. + +A second type of pipe, or cigar holder, is made of bamboo (Fig. 21, +Nos. 1-3). Designs are incised in the sides, oil is applied, and the +pipe is held in the smoke of burning rice-straw until the lines become +permanently blackened (Fig. 22, Nos. 1-3). + +In recent years, Ilocano jewelers have introduced silver pipes, made +from coins. One Tinguian pipe maker has learned the trade, and does a +lively business. He has further beautified his product by attaching +pendants representing fish (Fig. 21, No. 6). Brass pipes of Igorot +origin are sometimes seen, but are not made in this region. + +_Method of Drying Hides_.--Hides of carabao, and sometimes of other +animals, are stretched on bamboo frames and are sun-dried (Plate +LV). Later they are placed in water containing tanbark, and are roughly +cured. Such leather is used in the manufacture of the back straps used +by the weavers, and in making sheathes for knives, but more commonly +it is placed on the ground, and on it rice and cotton are beaten out. + + + +CHAPTER X + +DECORATIVE ART + +In decorative art the Tinguian offers sharp contrast to the Igorot and +Ifugao, both of whom have developed wood carving to a considerable +extent. They also have their bodies tattooed, while the colored +lashings on spear shafts, pipe stems, and other objects show a +nice appreciation for color and design. In all these the Tinguian +is deficient or lacking; he does no wood carving, tattooing is +scanty, while his basket work, except that from two small regions, is +plain. At times he does make some simple designs on canes, on bamboo +rice-planters and weaving sticks, on lime boxes and pipe stems, but +these are exceptions rather than the rule. In the region about Lakub, +he decorates his jars by cutting the ends of sticks to form small +dies which he presses into the newly fashioned clay (Fig. 22, No. 8), +while in Manabo and some other villages the pipe makers cut the bowls +of the clay pipes in floral designs or inlay small pieces of brass to +form scroll patterns (Fig. 22, Nos. 4-7). These last mentioned designs +are so restricted in their manufacture, and are so different from those +found elsewhere in Abra, that they cannot be considered as typical. + +The figures incised in bamboo show some realistic motives, such as +the fish, birds, and flowers in Fig. 23, No. 1; the snake and lizard +in No. 2; the man in No. 5; but the strictly geometrical is dominant +in nearly every case. Probably the most typical of this class of work +is shown in Nos. 3 and 4 and Fig. 22, Nos. 1, 2, and 3. It should be +noted, however, that, where one decorated object is seen, many more +entirely plain will be found. In short, ornamentation is uncommon +and of minor importance. + +The one place where decoration is dominant is in the weaving, and +this is done entirely by the women. Figures 24 and 25 show typical +designs which occur in the blankets. Except for No. 8 in Fig. 24, +they do not appear to be copies from nature, but all have realistic +interpretations. Fig. 24 shows eight designs drawn by native weavers, +which are identified as follows: + + + 1. A fish. + 2. Weaving on a Spanish bed or chair seat. + 3. Pineapple. + 4. A heart. + 5. Fishhooks. + 6. A crab. + 7. Cross section of a pineapple. + 8. A horse. + + +In Fig. 25 are five typical patterns taken from blankets, while +No. 6 is the ornamental stitching which unites two breadths of cloth, +the latter is identified as "fingers and finger nails." No. 1 is the +turtle, No. 2 a crab, No. 3 a rice-mortar, No. 4 the bobbin winder +shown in Fig. 16, No. 4; No. 5 pineapple. + +Plate LXXI is a ceremonial blanket, such as is hung up over the +dead. The figures are identified as _a_ a deer, _b_ horse, _c_ carabao +calf, _d_ man. The textile in Plate LXXII, No. 1 is likewise used +chiefly as a ceremonial piece, the designs representing _a_ man, _b_ +horse, _c_ star. + +A very pleasing blanket is shown in Plate LXXII, No. 2 in which the +designs are identified as a rice cake, and _b_ as a star, while the +whole pattern is known as _kalayan_--the river. The textile in Plate +LXXIII, No. 1 imitates a mat, while No. 2 is known as _kosikos_--the +circle. + +A part of these designs are evidently copies from real objects, +others appear to be merely pattern names, while the weavers do not +hesitate to borrow any likely patterns which strike their fancy. One +quite frequently sees a blanket which shows a "lion," or some other +animal or object, with which the people could only become acquainted +through pictures or descriptions from outside sources. + +In addition to these designs already mentioned, there are certain +common types of decoration effected through weaving or embroidery, +for which no explanations are given. They are said to be only "to +make pretty." Among these are the ends of belts and clouts, as shown +in Plate LXXIV, or the raised diamond pattern shown in No. 2 of the +same Plate, or the plaid effect in colors, which appear in some of +the skirts. + +It has already been noted (cf. p. 416) that the weaving methods of +the Tinguian are similar to those of the Ilocano, and the same is true +of a considerable part of the decorative patterns. The Christianized +natives have less of the realistic, a greater variety of geometrical +designs, and a greater fondness for bright colors, made possible by +the use of analine dyes, than the mountaineers. + +It seems probable that the Tinguian-Ilocano peoples brought the +weaving industry with them into northern Luzon, that the Ilocano branch +has borrowed improved methods of manufacture, as well as decorative +motives from the people with whom they have been in contact through +trade. The Tinguian in turn have borrowed from them, but, in the +main, they still retain the more primitive methods of weaving, and +it is probable their types of ornamentation likewise approximate more +closely those in use in earlier times. + + + +CHAPTER XI + +PERSONAL ADORNMENT, DANCES, AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS + +The dress of the man is the clout (_ba-al_), either of beaten +bark or of cloth, and a woven belt (_balikes_) in which he keeps +small articles (Plates LXXV-LXXVI). On special occasions he wears a +long-sleeved jacket (_bado_), open in front, and in a few instances, +trousers. Both these garments are recent acquisitions, and the latter, +in particular, are not in favor, except where Ilocano influence is very +strong. The man is not inclined to adorn himself with brass and gold, +neither does he use tattooing to any extent, as do his Kalinga and +Igorot neighbors. Some have small patterns on an arm or thigh, but +these are usually property marks with which he brands his animals or +other possessions. Tattooing as an evidence of a successful head-hunt +is not found in this region, nor are there other marks or garments +to identify the warriors. + +The hair is worn long, and is parted straight down the middle; the +two strands are twisted, crossed in the back, then carried to the +forehead, where they are again crossed, and the ends are fastened +by intertwining on each side of the head. A bark band (_ayabong_) +holds the hair in place, but at times it is replaced by a cloth or +a narrow ring of interwoven grass and rattan. Round bamboo hats, +with low dome-shaped tops, are commonly worn (Plate XLV), but these +are sometimes displaced by hats which go to a sharp peak, or by those +made of a gourd or of wood. + +The woman's hair is parted in the middle, and is combed straight down +to the nape of the neck, where it is caught by strings of beads; +these are crossed in the back and encircle the head; the strand of +hair is then twisted and a loop formed which is carried to the left +side, where it is again caught under the beads, near to or above +the ear. Most of the Tinguian have luxuriant heads of hair, but, +nevertheless, switches are commonly used by both sexes. The hair is +often washed with the ashes of rice-straw, or with the bark of the +_gogo_ tree (_Entada purseta_), and is moistened with coconut oil. + +Strings of beads encircle the women's necks, but the typical ornament +consists of strands above strands of beads reaching from the wrist +to the elbow, and if the wealth of the owner permits, even covering +the upper arm as well (Plate LXXIX). The strands are fastened tightly +above the wrist, causing that portion of the arm to swell. Slits of +bamboo are usually placed under the beads, and may be removed if the +pain or annoyance of the constriction is too severe. The upper arm +beads are removed with little difficulty; but those on the forearm are +taken off only once or twice a year, when new threads are substituted, +or when the owner is in mourning. Beneath these ornaments a delicate +fretwork of blue lines is tattooed, so that the woman's arms may not +be white and unsightly when she is without her beads. [244] + +Most of the women have their ears pierced, but in the valley towns +only a small proportion wear earrings. In the mountain sections heavy +ornaments of gold or copper are worn, the weight often drawing the +lobe of the ear far down on the neck. + +When at work, the woman discards all clothing from the upper portion +of her body, but at other times wears a short-sleeved jacket which +reaches to her waist (Plate LXXVII). The waist is cut so low in the +neck that the head can pass through. There is no shoulder seam. A +straight piece set over the shoulder extends down in square, both +front and back, to a line about even with the breast, where it is +sewed to the garment proper. A narrow skirt (_dingwa_), with colored +border, extends from the waist to the knees. It is held in place by +drawing it tightly and then tucking one corner under the upper edge, +or by pressing it beneath the girdle (Plate LXXVIII). + +When a girl becomes a woman, she dons a girdle (_palingtan_) of +braided grass or rattan which fits over the hips, and to which a +clout is attached (Plate LXXX). As a rule, the girdle and clout are +not removed when bathing, as are the other garments. + +The woman seldom wears a hat, except when she is working in the +fields, where sunshades large enough to protect the entire body are +used (Plate LIV). Frequently a cloth or a skirt is twisted about the +head as a protection against the sun. + +On chilly mornings one often sees the people covered from head to +ankles with their sleeping blankets, or a woman may draw a particularly +wide skirt about her body just below the armpits so that she is +protected from her breasts to the knees. + +The teeth of both sexes are blackened with iron salts and tan bark, +[245] but they are not cut or mutilated, as is common with many +Philippine peoples. + +While both sexes are proud of heavy heads of hair, they do not look +with equal favor on face and body hairs. These are plucked out either +by grasping them between a knife blade and the thumb nail, or with a +bamboo device known as _iming_. This consists of a section of bamboo +split into several strips at one end. A hair is placed in one end of +the slits, and the bamboo is bent into a half circle, causing it to +take a firm hold, when it is jerked outwards. + +Prized necklaces (_paliget_) made of small strands of twisted silver +wire, are placed on the neck of a corpse, and on some occasions are +worn by the living. During dances the hair is adorned with notched +chicken feathers attached to sticks, while circlets made of boar's +tusks are placed on the arms. + +_Dances_.--Two dances, one ceremonial, the other suitable for all +occasions, are very popular. + +The ceremonial dance known as _da-eng_ takes place at night, and is +carried on to the accompaniment of a song. [246] An equal number of +men and women take part. The women form a line facing a similar row +of men, about twenty feet distant. Locking arms about one another's +waists and with one foot advanced, they begin to sway their bodies +backwards and forwards. Suddenly they burst into song, at the same +time stepping forward with the left foot. Keeping perfect time to the +music, they take three steps toward the men, then retreat to their +original positions. The men then take up the song and in a similar +manner advance and retreat. This is repeated several times, after +which the two lines join to form a circle. With arms interlocked +behind one another's backs, and singing in unison, they begin to +move contra-clockwise. The left foot is thrown slightly backward +and to the side, and the right is brought quickly up to it, causing +a rising and falling of the body. The step, at first slow, becomes +faster and faster till the dancers have reached the limit of their +vocal and physical powers. + +The _da-eng_ is sacred in character, is danced only at night and +then under the direction of the mediums. It is, however, in great +favor, and often so many of the younger people wish to take part +that double lines, or two or more groups, may be dancing at the same +time. It sometimes happens, when the _basi_ has been flowing freely, +that the participants become so boisterous and the pace so fast +that spectators are run down or the dancers are piled in a heap, +from which they emerge laughing and shouting. + +The common dance, the _tadek_, is a part of nearly all gatherings of +a social and religious nature. The music for this dance usually is +made with three _gansas_ [247] and a drum. The _gansas_ are pressed +against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground. Two of the +coppers are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand, while the +third is played by the hands alone (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 2). The stick +or left hand gives the initial beat which is followed by three rapid +strokes with the right palm. A man and a woman enter the circle, each +holding a cloth about the size of a skirt. The man extends his cloth +toward the woman, and bringing it suddenly down, causes it to snap, +which is the signal to begin. With almost imperceptible movement of +the feet and toes and a bending at the knees, he approaches the woman, +who in a like manner goes toward him. They pass and continue until +at a distance about equal to the start, when they again turn and +pass. Occasionally the man will take a few rapid steps toward the +woman, with exaggerated high knee action and much stamping of feet, +or he will dance backward a few steps. At times the cloth is held +at arm's length in front or at the side; again it is wrapped about +the waist, the woman always following the actions of the man. At +last they meet; the man extends his hand, the woman does likewise, +but instead of taking his, she moves her own in a circle about his, +avoiding contact. Again they dance away, only returning to repeat +the performance. Finally she accepts the proffered hand, the headman +brings _basi_ for the couple to drink, and the dance is over. The +man sometimes ends the dance by the sharp snapping of his cloth, +or by putting it on his extended arms and dancing toward the woman, +who places her cloth upon his (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 1). + +_Musical Instruments, Songs, and Dances_.--The Tinguian is naturally +musical. He sings at his work, he beats time with his head-axe against +his shield as he tramps the mountain trails, he chants the stories of +long ago as the workers gather about the fires each evening of the dry +season, he sings the praises of his host at feasts and festivals, [248] +joins with others in the dirge which follows a burial, and he and many +others will sing together as they dance the _da-eng_. But his music +does not stop with his vocal accomplishments. In the folk-tales the +pan pipe (_dew-dew-as_) occupies a most important place, and to-day +the maidens still play them in the evening hours. It is a simple +device made of reeds of various lengths lashed together (Fig. 26, +No. 1). The player holds the instrument just in front of her lips, +and blows into the reeds, meanwhile moving them to and fro, producing +a series of low notes without tune. + +Another instrument of great importance in the legends is the nose +flute (_kalaleng_). This is a long reed with holes cut in the side, +to be stopped by the fingers in producing the notes. The player closes +one nostril with a bit of cotton, and then forces the air from the +other into a small hole cut in the end of the tube. The instrument +is popular with the men, and often one can hear the plaintive note +of the nose flute far into the night (Plate LXXXII). + +The mouth flute (_tulali_) is similar to that found in civilized lands, +but is constructed from a reed. + +A peculiar device used solely by the women is the _bunkaka_ (Fig. 26, +No. 2). This consists of a bamboo tube with one end cut away so as +to leave only two thin vibrating strips. These, when struck against +the palm of the left hand, give out a note which can be changed by +placing a finger over the opening at x. + +A Jew's harp is constructed like a netting needle, but with a tongue of +bamboo cut so that it will vibrate when struck, or when a cord attached +to the end is jerked sharply (Fig. 26, No. 3). If made of bamboo, +the instrument is known as _kolibau_; if brass, _agiweng_. It is often +mentioned in the tales, and to-day is played by nearly all the men. + +Bamboo guitars (_kuliteng_) are made by cutting narrow strips +throughout the length of a section of bamboo, but not detaching them +at the ends. They are raised and tuned by inserting small wedges of +wood at the ends. Small sections of thin bamboo are sometimes fitted +over two strings, and are beaten with sticks, or the strings can be +fingered like a guitar (Plate LXXXIII). + +Music for dances is furnished by an orchestra consisting of four men, +three with copper gongs (_gangsas_), and one with a drum. The gongs +are tambourine shape, with sides about an inch and a half high. They +are placed against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground, +and are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand or by the hands +alone. [249] They doubtless came into this region through trade, +but at a time so remote that their origin is now credited to the +spirits. The drum (_tambor_) is made of a short section of a tree +hollowed out. The ends are covered with cow's hide or pig's skin. + + + +CHAPTER XII + +MUSIC + +_Introduction_.--That the songs might be delivered as nearly as +possible at the same pitch which the singers used when making +the records, investigation was made as to the usual speed used by +manufacturers while recording. It was found to be 160 revolutions per +minute. Accordingly the phonograph was carefully set at this speed +during transcription. + +In determining the keys in which to transcribe the various songs, the +pitch-pipe used was that of the "International," which was adopted +at the Vienna Congress in Nov. 1887. This congress established c2 = +522 double vibrations per second. All the records proved to be a +shade flat by this standard, but were found to be almost exactly in +accord with an instrument of fixed pitch, which in turn was found to +be approximately eleven beats at variance with the pitch-pipe on c2. + +Assuming that the recording and transcribing speeds of the machines +were the same, this would place the original singing almost exactly in +accord with the old "philosophical standard of pitch" which places c2 +at 512 double vibrations per second. Though the singing was not always +in perfect accord with the notes set down in transcriptions, with the +exception of those very marked departures especially indicated in the +music, the variations were so slight that, so far as true intonation +goes, the performances were fully up to the standard of those of the +average natural singer. + +Special ear tubes were used while transcribing the records, and resort +made to a special device wherewith any order of whole, or even part +measures could be consecutively played. Thus it was possible to +closely compare parts which were similar in either words or music. + +In some of the records two or more voices can be distinguished singing +in unison. Such unisons are shown in the transcription by single +notes. No attempt has been made to indicate the several voices. But +when such single notes are shown accompanied by the word "solo," +it is to be understood that all of the performers have dropped out +but one, probably the leader. When the voices split up into parts, +it is so notated in the music. + +Primitive people display more or less timidity in giving their +songs for scientific purposes. Such timidity is especially apt +to be manifested in their attacks. In the _Da-eng_, Girls' Part +(Record J), the delayed attack at the beginning of each new verse +is very marked. The delay varies considerably from verse to verse, +as indicated by the number of beats rest shown at the ends of the +lines. Similar pauses are found in the Boys' Part of the same ceremony +(see Record A). These beats rest or pauses are not to be taken as +part of the legitimate rhythm, for it is more than likely that if the +singers were giving their songs in their regular ceremonial and the +performers unconscious of observation, these pauses would not occur. + +In transcribing those songs which have several verses on the record, +the notation has been so arranged on the page that the measures line +up vertically, making comparison easy between corresponding measures +of the different verses. + +To indicate peculiar qualities, special signs are used in connection +with the regular musical symbols. The table which follows shows these +signs and also lists the qualities for which they stand. Some of these +qualities could have been represented by regular musical symbols, +but it was thought best to use the special signs to make them stand +out more prominently. The qualities thus indicated as well as those +which are represented by the regular musical notation will be found +listed and defined after the tabulation of qualities. + + + +Words of the Da-Eng + +_Part I_. Sung in line. [250] + + + Ma-li-dom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom + Yom-ma-yom ta yom-ma-yom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom. + Ma-la-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas + Ma-sa-nas ta ma-sa-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas. + Si On-na-i in-no-bi-yan ki-not-ko-tan Na-to-tan + Na-to-tan ta na-to-tan ki-not ko-tan na-to-tan. + Kol-kol-dong si gi-nol-bat nga ag-moli-moli-yat + Mo-li-yat ta mo-li-yat ag-mo-li mo-li-yat. + Ka-lan-tag kal-la-yan-nen ag-ka-idig-na-yan + dig-na-yan ta dig-na-yan ag-ka-i dig-na-yan. + A-na-on si Tak-la-yan na-ís-ti-lo ai bolo + Bin-no-lo ta bin-no-lo na-ís-ti-lo ai bo-lo. + Sok-bot ni ka-bin-bin-an adi ma-sil-si-li-ban + si-li-ban ta si-li-ban adi ma-sil-si-liban + Ba-gai-ba-yem dem-ma-ngen si-nol-bo-dan ni kolat. + ki-no-lat ta ki-no-lat ai ag-ki-no ki-no-lat. + Sabak ni am-mo-ga-wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen + di-kai-wen ta ki-kai wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen. + Sabak ni an-na-a-wen mi-ka-li-ya li-ya-wen. + Li-ya-wen ta li-ya-wen ai ag-li-ya li-ya-wen + + +_Part II_. Sung in line. + + + alin-to-bo ni ni-og ag-lam-pi-yok + lam-pi-yok ta lam-pi-yok ag-lam-pi lam-pi-yok. + al-in-to-bo ni aba ai adi nag-pada + pi-na-da ta pi-na-da ai adi nag-pa-da. + al-in-to-bo ni no-nang ag-ba-li ba-li-yang + ba-li-yang ta ba-li-yang ai ag-ba-li ba-li-yang. + al-in-to-bo ni lamai um-al-ali ma-ya-mai + ma-ya-mai ta ma-ya-mai umal ali ma-ya-mai. + al-in-to-bo ni bang-on ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon + ba-la-ngon ta ba-la-ngon ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon. + al-in-to-bo ni oway pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai + i-nom-lai ta i-nom-lai pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai. + al-in-to-bo ni oling bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing + boom-li-sing ta boom-li-sing bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing. + al-in-to-bo ni ba-kan umal ali ka-na-kan + ka-na-kan ta ka-na-kan umal ali ka-na-kan. + al-in-to-bo ni anis ai adi na-gi-nis + gi-ni-nis ta gi-ni-nis ai adi nedey na-gi-nis. + + +_Part III_. Sung as they dance in circle. + + + A-ya-mem si pa-ni-ki ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi + ni la-bi ta ni labi ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi. + A-ya-mem si bat-ta-teng ag-tiya ti ya-deng + ti-ya-deng ta ti-ya-deng ag-ti-ya ti-ya-deng. + A-ya-mem si bang-nga-an nga dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan + din-na-lan ta din-na-lan dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan. + A-ya-mem si om-om-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek + si nim-bek ta si-nim-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek. + A-ya-mem si po-na-yen nga omas-asi gai-ga-yen + gai-ga-yen ta gai-ga-yen om-as asi gai-ga-yen. + A-ya-mem si la-ga-dan nga tomal-la tal-la-dan + tal-la-dan ta tal-la-dan nga ag-ta-la tal-la-dan. + A-ya-mem si bal-ga-si nga agka-a ka-a-si + ka-a-si ta ka-a-si nga ag-ka-a ka-a-si. + + +_Part IV_. + + + Bwa di la-od to-mo-bo nga lo-mok-bot + lo-mok-bot ta lo-mok-bot to-mo-bo wa lo-mok-bot. + Bwa di Ba-li-la-si-bis nga gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis + i-ni-mis ta i-ni-mis gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis. + Bwa di Mal-la-pa-ai gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ey + te-ga-ey ta te-ga-ey gi-i-tem ket tom ga-ey. + Bwa di Mal-lo-sa-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak + te-ga-ak ta te-ga-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak. + Bwa di Tom-mo nga kom-ma-lab ket tom-mo-bo + tom-mo-bo ta tom-mo-bo kom-ma-la-lab ket tom-mo-bo. + + +_Part V_. + + + Adi yo pai lau-lau-den lawed-ko nga do-la-wen + do-la-wen ta do-la-wen adi yo pai lau-lau-den. + La-wed ngaita di al-yo pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o + bi-na-o ta bi-na-o pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o. + La-wed di po-dok pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod + bi-no-kod ta bi-no-kod pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod. + La-wed di Sab-lang, pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang + bi-na-sang ta bi-na-sang pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang. + La-wed di Pa-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai + in-na-wai ta in-na-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai. + + +_Part VI_. + + + Ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan + na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan. + Ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan om-mi-weyan + Om-mi-weyan ta om-mi-weyan ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan. + Ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an ko-ma omi-na-lan + i-na-lan ta i-na-lan ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an. + Sol-kod-ko nga ka-wa-yan na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang + di dem-mang ta di dem-mang na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang. + Kawayan di Pa-la-i ag-ka-i dong-la don-la-li + dong-la-li ta dong-la-li ag-ka-i dong-la dong-la-li. + + + +_Part VII_. + + + Da-num di la-od kom-mog-nod ket kom-mog-nod + Kom-mog-nod ta kom-mog-nod danum di la-od. + Dagsi-yan di Pa-la-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi na-wang + si-na-wang ta si-na-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi-na-wang. + Dagsi-yan di Langiden mi-ka si-li si-li-ten + sili-ten ta si-li-ten dag-si-yan di Lang-i-den. + Dagsi-yan di Ka-ba-lang-gan na-kal kalong go-kong-an + ga-kong-an taga-kong-an na-kal ka-long ga-kong-an. + Danum di Pa-da-ngi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-witan + ka-wi-tan ta ka-wi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-wi-tan. + Dag-si-yan di Lai-og-an nan-gol la-ol la-yo-san + la-yo-san ta la-yo-san o-mal-la al-lo-yo-san. + Danum di Abang sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai + Sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai da-num di A-bang. + Danum di Abas inum-bas ket inum-bas + inum-bas ta i-num-bas da-num di A-bas. + Danum di Ba-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai + Sa-long-ai ta sa-long-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai. + Danum di Da-ya nag-kil-la-yos nga si-pa + Si-ni-pa ta si-ni-pa nag-kil-la-yos nga sipa. + Danum di ngato ti-nung-dai ta a-nito + A-nito ta a-nito ti-nun-dai ta a-nito. + Danum di aging ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding + Ka-lad-ing ta ka-la-ding ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding. + Danum di A-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng + ba-yeng-yeng ta ba-yeng-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng. + Adi ka-pai man-gi-mon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon + bin-no-bon ta bin-no-bon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon. + + +_Approximate Translation of the Da-Eng_ [251] + +I + + + ? + ? + The Malanus flows. + Flows, flows, flows onward. + Si (Mr.) On-na-i and Na-to-tan dig obi (taro) with their hands. + Dig, dig, dig with the hands. + The firefly in the woods opens his eyes. + Opens, opens, opens his eyes. + The bank caves into the river. + Caves, caves, caves in. + Here, your arm pretty bamboo (?) + Bamboo, bamboo, pretty bamboo. + Do not disturb the rest of the kabibinan (a bird). + Disturb, disturb, do not disturb. + Help the kolat (a plant) to grow. + Become kolat, become kolat, stir up to become kolat. + The flower of the Amogawen falls on you. + On you, on you, falls on you. + The flower of the Ana-an plays with you. + Plays, plays, it plays. + + +II. + + + The young leaves of the coconut wave. + Wave, wave, they wave. + The leaves of the aba are not alike. + Alike, alike, are not alike. + The leaves of the nonang turn back and forth. + Back and forth, back and forth, turn back and forth. + The leaves of the lamay quake. + Quake, quake, they quake. + The leaves of the bangon arise(?). + Arise, arise, they arise. + The leaves of the rattan cut and twist. + Twist, twist, cut, and twist. + The leaves of the oling rustle and rattle. + Rattle, rattle, rustle and rattle. + The leaves of the bakan fall before time. + Fall, fall, fall before time. + The leaves of the anis (a low shrub) are not clean. + Clean, clean, not clean. + + +III. + + + You play Mr. bat who fly by night. + Night, night, fly by night. + You play grasshopper whose back is concave. + Concave, concave, whose back is concave. + You play Bang-nga-an who shines like gold by the trail. + By the trail, by the trail, shines like gold by the trail. + You play onombek who hiccoughs. + Hiccough, hiccough, who hiccoughs. + You play dove who falls. + Falls, falls, who falls. + You play lagadan (a bird) who flees(?). + Flees, flees, who flees. + You play balgasi (?) who mourns for the dead. + Mourns, mourns, mourns for the dead. + + +IV. + + + Betel-nut of the west which grows up like the gourd. + Grows up, grows up like the gourd. + Betel-nut of Balasibis which smiles when it is cut. (Literally--is + cut and smiles.) + It smiles, it smiles, is cut, and smiles. + Betel-nut of Malapay which chuckles (like a woman) when it is cut. + Chuckles, chuckles, is cut, and chuckles. + Betel-nut of Malosak which laughs (like a man) when it is cut. + Laughs, laughs, is cut, and laughs. + Betel-nut of Tomo which climbs and grows. + Grows, grows, climbs, and grows. + + +V. + + + Do not take the leaves of my lawed, who am rich. + Rich, rich, do not take lawed leaves. + The widower takes often the top (best) lawed of Alyo. + The widower, the widower, the widower takes often. + The lawed of the wooded hill the widow takes often. + The widow, the widow, the widow takes often. + The lawed of Sablang the maiden takes often. + The maiden, the maiden, the maiden takes often. + The lawed of Paway the hermit (country man) takes often. + The hermit, the hermit, the hermit takes often. + + +VI. + + + Bamboo of Podayan, ever living, ever living. + Ever living, ever living, bamboo of Podayan. + Bamboo of Baliweyan sigh (literally "go wey") when the wind blows. + Sigh, sigh, bamboo of Baliweyan. + Bamboo of Bataan, like the sunshine. + Sunshine, sunshine, bamboo of Bataan. + My cane of bamboo gives out a clang. + Clang, clang, gives out a clang. + Bamboo of Palai wave up and down. + Wave, wave, wave up and down. + + +VII. + + + Water of the west, become less and less. + Less, less, water of the west. + Spring of Palawang overflow. + Overflow, overflow, be like the overflow. + Spring of Langiden flow fast. (Literally "like lightning".) + Flow, flow, spring of Langiden. + Spring of Ka-ba-lang, flow like a chain. + Chain, chain, flow like a chain. + Water of Padangitah be knee deep to the rooster. + Rooster, rooster, knee deep to the rooster. + Spring of Layogan flow on. + Flow, flow, flow on. + Water of Abang (?) + ? + Water of Abas, become dry. + Become dry, become dry, water of Abas. + Water of Ba-ay has three branches. + Branches, branches, has three branches. + Water of the East shaped like a ball. + Ball, ball, shaped like a ball. + Water from above the anito holds (stops). + Anito, anito, the anito holds. + Water of the uninhabited place the ghost holds. + Ghost, ghost, the ghost holds. + Water of Ayeng the bamboo tube holds. + Bamboo tube, bamboo tube, the bamboo tube holds. + Do not be jealous, pretty spring. + Spring, spring, pretty spring. + + + +_Da-Eng_. Boys' part. + +Record A. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. + +There are at least two voices in this record. Possibly there were +three or more singers taking part, though it is not possible to +distinguish more than two. + +The song is cast in the pentatonic scale of A major. The notes +G-natural and D-flat do not belong to this scale. At those places +where they are put down in the notation, they are used to better define +the glissandos. The singers pass over them rapidly, sliding from the +topmost note of the group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling +on any of the intermediate tones. The glissandos are indicated by +straight lines drawn obliquely underneath such groups (see _Definition +of Qualities_, p. 478). + +In each of measures 2 and 6 of verses 1, 2, and 3; and in measure +6 of verse 4, is shown a group of three notes with an asterisk +above. These groups, as shown in the notation, are B, A, G; but in +measure 2 of verse 4, the corresponding group is C, B, A. In those +measures marked *, the singers are very plainly striving to reach +the tones C, B, A. There is that quality of tension in the voices +with the accompanying forcing of tone which is peculiar to untrained +singers striving for a tone near the limit of their highest range. As +the tones actually sounded are neither B, A, G, nor C, B, A, but are +instead a sort of compromise between the two, it is quite evident that +the succession intended in each of the seven measures is the same +as in the eighth or odd one, viz. C, B, A. If we assume this to be +the case, it eliminates seven of the foreign G naturals shown in the +notation. If, however, this conjecture is wrong, and the performers +really feel that the groups in question all start on B, then the G +naturals are eliminated by the glissandos. The only other G-natural +is shown in measure 7 of verse 4. By comparing this measure with the +corresponding measure in each of the other three verses, it will be +seen that the singers have taken great pains in those verses to avoid +this note which does not belong to the pentatonic scale which they are +using,--evidence that they do not sense the tone in the fourth verse, +where it is taken glissando. The D-flat, also foreign to the scale, +occurs but once. It is in measure 3 of the top line. The glissando +here eliminates this tone also, but, by comparing this measure with +the corresponding measure of each of the other verses, we find the +same avoidance as in the case of the G-natural,--evidence that the +performers do not sense this other foreign tone. The song is therefore +very markedly pentatonic in character. + +The assumption that the seven groups marked with asterisks do not +represent the real intent of the singers, is based entirely on the +"stress" heard in the record. This "stress" cannot be represented +in notation. Relying on the notation alone, one would be warranted +in drawing a contrary conclusion and assuming that the odd measure +should be made to conform to the other seven and all read, B, A, G; or, +from the phonographic record, one might assume that the compromise, +previously mentioned, was the intonation really intended. Primitive +peoples frequently do sing and play, quite intentionally, tones out of +conformity with scale tones of present-day concert music. Such tones +cannot be represented by our musical notation without resort to special +signs. This is not necessary in the present case, as the falling short +of true intonation does not appear to be from deliberate intent on +the part of the singers, but seems to be due to lack of ability. + +In eight of the measures, at least one of the voices departs from the +melody proper, producing the harmony-intervals so frequently heard +in the music of primitive peoples, namely, that of a 5th without +the 3rd to complete the triad, and that of a 4th without the 6th +to complete the chord. Such thirdless 5ths are found in measures 5 +(verse 1), 1 and 8 (verse 2), 5 (verse 3), and 1 and 5 (verse 4); and +the interval of a 4th without the 6th is found in measures 3 and 8 of +verse 4. In the last measure of the notation, however, the interval +of a 4th there shown is caused by the leader's voice departing from +the regular melodic succession instead of the accompanying voice or +voices, as is the case in each of the other measures mentioned. + +In measures 1 and 5 of each of the four verses of the song, and also +in measure 3 of the second verse, the sign, "....." (mezzo staccato +marks), is used to indicate the pulsating of the voice of one of the +singers, probably the leader, marking the rhythm of the song. + +The metronome tempo is mostly 88, but varies at times and runs as-high +as 92 per minute in the last half of the 4th verse. + +Between verses 2 and 3 the phonograph shows that the singers paused +eight beats (two whole measures), and between verses 3 and 4 there was +a similar, though shorter, pause of two beats (one-half measure). These +pauses are not shown in the notation. + +There was no special change in dynamics throughout the song except +as indicated by the sforzando marks in measures 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and +8 of verse 4. + +In general character this song resembles most the _Dang-dang-ay_ +(Record M). + + +_Diwas_ + +Record B. Sung at night by the friends of a sick man. + +There are two singers on this record, both men with bass voices. One +seems to be the leader, the accompanying singer dragging along +behind. As the tempo is very slow and many of the tones long drawn +out, this uncertainty on the part of the second performer is not so +noticeable, except on the quick runs as the leader passes to another +principal tone. + +The song is cast in the natural minor scale of D. The E-flat near the +beginning of the second line does not belong to the scale. It is not +well defined on the record, and so is indicated in the transcription +with an interrogation-mark beneath. + +Although not confined to the intervals of the pentatonic scale, the +number is distinctly pentatonic in character. It is made up mostly +of the tones A, C, D, and E. These tones belong to the pentatonic +scales of C major and its relative minor A. In tonality, the song +cannot be considered as belonging to either of these keys, as there +is a very distinct feeling of B-flat in it, notwithstanding that the +tone is seldom dwelt upon, but passed over quickly, almost glissando, +in nearly every place where it occurs. + +The song ends on A. This is not the key note, however, but is the +fifth of the key. + +The song is like a mournful chant. Throughout there is a peculiar +wailing which leaves a strange, haunting impression. The music +admirably suits the hour when it is used. It would be decidedly +incongruous given in broad daylight. These untutored savages could +hardly have conjured up a more typical tone-picture of the "shadowy +valley" than the song heard on this record. + +The peculiarly weird character is due in large part to the swelling out +and dying away of the tones on certain syllables. (For comparison to +effects found in Igorot music, see "Swelled Tones" under _Definition +of Qualities_, p. 479). + +_Sang-Sangit_ + +Record C. Sung during the evening following a funeral. + +In this record we hear but one voice--a man's. The song is cast in +the minor scale of G, but whether the natural minor or the harmonic, +cannot be determined, as the singer does not use the 7th of the +scale. It is not pentatonic in character. + +The song is given in the recitative style. There are several verses +which vary but little in the music, except for the changes in the +reiterated staccato tones which are made greater or less in number to +accommodate the difference in number of syllables. With the exception +of those starting the glissandos or trills, the repeated tones were +given with a very decided staccato punch. + +Much of the intonation is vague. In taking the glissandos shown near +the middle of the top line, the upper tone is sung about half way +between B-flat and B-natural. There is some abandon in the rhythm also. + +The group of six notes marked with an asterisk are trilled on the +semitone interval. + +_Dawak_ + +Record D. The song of a medium when calling spirits into her (his) +body. + +This song is doubtless the invention of the singer. It has that abandon +which usually characterizes the songs of workers in the occult among +primitive folk. + +The song is cast mostly in the relative minor (G-sharp) of the +pentatonic scale of B-natural major. A-sharp does not belong to this +scale. There are five measures, where this note appears, but in each +instance the tonality of the phrase momentarily rests in D-sharp minor, +the relative of the pentatonic major of F-sharp. A-sharp belongs to +this scale, but B-natural does not. The singer, with his instinct for +the five-note scale, avoids the B-natural until the tonality shifts +back to the original key. The song is therefore classed as pentatonic +in character. + +The melody is distinctly harmonic in structure, as nearly all of the +successions are made up of triad intervals. + +Though the song runs but a minute and a half, the tempo changes eight +times. The performer takes nearly every new tempo with a well-defined +rhythm. There is considerable freedom shown in the first movement +when the tremolos between B-natural and the G-sharp below are taken. + +The singer shows quite remarkable flexibility of voice, excellent +breath control, and a rather surprising quality of tone and accuracy +of intonation. As a demonstration of flexibility, about the middle of +the first movement, he takes the quarter note B-natural in falsetto +and immediately drops into the waver a tenth below, at the same time +assuming his natural voice. The falsetto tone is indicated in the +transcription by a tiny circle above the note. All of the wavered +tones, as well as the falsetto at the beginning and the turn at the +end are sung with one breath to a single syllable. This is quite +a remarkable performance considering that the singer had no voice +training. + +Near the opening of the first 2/4 movement is shown a group of five +notes given in the time of four,--a rhythmic effect few trained +musicians can execute well. + +Of the various performers who took part in making the fourteen records, +this singer shows the best voice technic and control. + +The fact that the singer scarcely repeats a single motive throughout +the extent of the song, but is constantly introducing new tonal ideas +argues an extempore performance. It would be interesting to have for +comparison another record of the same song made at another time. + +_Song of a Spirit_ + +Record E. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit. + +Melodically this song is quite in contrast with the _Dawak_. This +one is distinctly melodic in structure, though there are suggested +harmonies. These harmonies are mostly tonic and dominant alternating +one with the other. + +Using a two-measure motive, which he announces at the very start, +the singer works the material over and over, first in one harmonic +mode and then in the other, frequently changing the form of the motive +through embellishments or altered metric values, but always leaving +an impression which harks back to the original motive. + +Arrange the various tones of this melody in any order that we will, +we cannot make them conform to any diatonic scale used in modern +music. If, however, we ignore the C-flat, which occurs twice in the +song, it gives us an incomplete ascending melodic-minor scale in +D-flat. But the song is not minor in mode. It is distinctly major +in tonality. It is formed mostly of the four tones D-flat, E-flat, +A-flat, and B-flat. All of these belong to the pentatonic major scale +of D-flat. This gives a very marked pentatonic flavor, yet the song +is not in the pentatonic scale, for the singer introduces half steps, +and there are no such intervals in the pentatonic scale. + +Casting about among the scales used by various peoples, the nearest +approach I find to the tonal succession of this song is one of the +numerous scales or "tunings" used by the Japanese. It is that known +as the "Hirajoshi." To make comparison easy, I have transposed this +Japanese koto-tuning into the same key as that of the song. Along +with it I show the tonal material of the Tinguian song arranged in +corresponding sequence. + +It will be seen that every note in the Japanese scale is found also +in the Tinguian, though not always in the same octave. All of the +Tinguian tones are found in the Japanese scale except the C-flat and +D-flat. These exceptions are shown with their stems turned down. The +notes shown in white in the Tinguian scale are not sung at the pitch +indicated, but occur in the song as octaves of these tones. The black +notes therefore show the actual tones sung. It will be noticed that +in the arrangement of the notes the opening tone is repeated a few +notes later on. This is because the Japanese usually tune the koto +with the first and fifth strings in unison to facilitate the execution +of certain passages in their music. + +The "Jog," heard so frequently in the Igorot songs, occurs eight times +in this number. It is not quite so well defined here, however, as in +the _Dang-dang-ay,_ being modified in this song either by syncopation, +by phrasing, or by lack of accent. It is interesting to note however, +that it is always given on the tonic or the dominant, and also that +it is repeated in true Igorot style. + +The unconcern and skill with which the performer of this song unravels +the mixed up duplet and triplet groups, is evidence of his inherent +sense of rhythm, as it pertains to the symetry of note groups and +their embodiment as beat-units into larger, varying measure-units; +but his indifference, as he juggles his metric values of 2/4, 3/8, and +3/4 time, shows an entire absence of appreciation for form as revealed +in even-measured sections, phrases, and periods of modern music. + +Considered in the light of an oracle from the spirit himself speaking +through the medium, the music would indicate that the spectre is not +one of the gentle and kind disposition, but on the contrary is very +domineering. He is of frightful mien, and tries to terrorize all who +come under his sway. + +_Song of a Spirit_ + +Record F. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit. + +This song is very similar in general character to the _Dawak_, +and many qualities in it indicate that it is given by the same +performer. It has the same general formation as the _Dawak_. It is +harmonic in construction. Nearly all of its tones follow the triad +intervals of either the minor or its relative major tonic chords or +the minor dominant chord. There is no well-marked motive development +but instead a succession of tones first from one triad, then from +another, and so on, grouped in ever varying fashion. + +The key is G minor, but closes in the relative major B. While singing +in the minor, the performer follows modern methods and raises his +seventh or "leading tone," when the progression is upwards into the +tonic (see measures 10, 13, 25, and 27). + +The tempo is mostly 108, but at the tenth measure the movement +slows down to 80. At this point is shown a note with a large circle +above. This tone was taken with a very wide open mouth quite in +contrast with the one preceeding. The next measure following shows +two tones taken falsetto. + +Like the Dawak, this song is probably the composition of the +singer. Although very primitive in its general aspect, it has absorbed +from some source a bit of modern influence. + +If the surmise is correct that the performer of this song is the same +as the one who made the record of the _Dawak_, and if the two songs +were made at distinct times with a considerable period elapsing in +which other records were made, it would indicate, as is frequently the +case among primitive singers, that this performer almost invariably +sings at the same pitch. In other words, he has to some degree the +sense of absolute pitch. + +_Bagoyas_ + +Record G. A song of praise and compliment sung by a guest at a feast +or party. Words are extempore, but music constant. + +The singer is a tenor with considerable dramatic quality in his +voice. The words of the song must be extemporized to suit each new +occasion; so also, must the elemental tonal forms be extemporaneously +combined, for the music must fit the words, and these will vary in +rhythm and meter with each performance. The music may be considered +constant, however, in that the form of each component motive is more +or less fixed. + +The following five group-ingredients, used either in the pure form +as shown, or with slight alterations, make up approximately one-half +of the entire song. + +Reiterated tones and glissandos pad out between these and make up +practically the remainder of the number. + +Turning our attention to the first of the above groups, which I have +marked "M.M.1." (melodic motive), we find that it is used nearly a +score of times throughout the extent of the song. + +A motive may be modified in ten different recognized ways and each form +of modification employed in varying degrees, within certain limits, +and yet the motive will not loose its identity. As an example of this +we find in this song the first melodic motive _transposed_ from the +fourth degree of the scale (where it is originally announced) to the +first, the fifth, and the sixth degrees. We find the same motive +given with _omissions_, with _additions_, with _augmentations_, +with _contractions_, and with _altered rhythmic values_; in short, +the composer has turned this motive over and over, and unwittingly +developed it much after the manner used by musicians trained in the +art of composition. The fact that this motive is given four times +rhythmically and melodically intact, besides recurring frequently +throughout the composition in one or another of the accepted forms of +modification, argues that this melodic germ was a familiar tone-figure +to the singer, one that he could apply to most any syllable on which +he wished to dwell. In this connection it is interesting to note that +this motive, in its purest form, is always used in a transitional way, +not only musically, but rhetorically, thus "marking time," as it were, +while the improvisator chooses his next words of praise. + +The second melodic motive (M.M.2.) occurs at least five times, with +some transformations to be sure, and sometimes even overlapping the +first motive. The third (R.M.) is purely rhythmic, but seems to be +a pet device of the singer and helps him out with syllables needing +special emphasis. The fourth can hardly be dignified by the name of +motive, in this case, but is simply a musical device (M.D.), used by +the singer mostly in his terminations. + +I surmise that the song in its entirety, including the above elemental +groups, is the invention of the singer. He has equipped himself with +these particular tonal fragments, because they not only suit his fancy, +but lie well within the range of his vocal attainments. He has used +them so frequently and in such varied forms that he can instantly +twist, turn, or alter them to fit the requirements of the various +syllables of his ever changing flatteries. + +With a few such elemental groups of his own invention at command, +any singer would be well equipped to extemporize for the delectation +of his host and the entertainment of the other guests. + +The song is exceptional for strongly accented notes. The triplets +giving the value of three quarter notes in the time of two are rather +unusual in modern music. It is cast in the natural minor scale +of B-flat. The singer never uses either the raised 6th or 7th in +ascending, as do moderns in the melodic minor, but adheres strictly +to the old _normal_ or _natural minor_ form. + +Although diatonic, in that both the G-flat and C-natural appear +frequently, yet the number savors much of the pentatonic. + +At three places where the singer uses one or the other of the tones +foreign to the pentatonic scale, he makes half-step progressions. + +In the fourth line of the song we find the single instance in these +records, where the performer takes an upward glissando. It is on the +two-note embellishment F-natural G-flat shown in the last measure of +that line. It is immediately followed by a downward glissando. + +Balalognimas + +Record II. + +Two singers are heard on this record. They seem to be women. Possibly +there are more than the two voices. As the song has such a well-defined +swing and such a martial character, it must be wonderfully inspiring +when given by a large company of singers. + +It is cast in the natural minor diatonic scale of C-sharp, though it +is strongly pentatonic in character. + +The rhythm is partly 5/8 and partly 4/8, but it swings along so +naturally that it seems as if it could not be otherwise. + +The distribution of the accents, sometimes falling on the first +and third beats and again on the second and fourth, helps to give +it a character which puts it in a class by itself. It has the most +character of any of the women's songs in this group. + +There are several verses to the song almost precisely alike in words +and music. + +_Da-Eng_. Boys and Girls Alternating. + +Record I. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. + +This song is in two distinct movements or parts varying one from the +other in meter, in tempo, and in general style. + +Part 1 + +There are at least two voices discernible in this part. They seem to +be the voices of girls or women. + +It is cast in the relative minor (C) of the pentatonic scale of E-flat +major. The tones of this scale given in order are C, E-flat, F, G, +B-flat, and then the octave C. The tones D-natural and A-flat are +missing, thus avoiding the half step between D and E-flat, and between +G and A-flat (see remarks in pentatonic scale under _Definition of +Qualities_, p. 480). + +The A-flat shown in the third from the last measure of this part is +written there to define more clearly that particular glissando which +seems to be of slightly different rhythmic construction than the one +in the corresponding measure above. The fact that the tone is passed +over glissando eliminates it from the scale. + +In the fourth measure of each line we find a peculiar splitting up of +the parts, one voice holding the C, while the other skips to the E-flat +above, thus producing the harmony-interval of a minor third. This +behavior seems to be intentional on the part of the performers, as +it occurs precisely the same in each of the four lines of the song, +though not quite so well defined the last time owing to the fact that +the upper voice does not come out so strong on the E-flat. This is +indicated in the notation by a small square note. + +Part 1 is in the very unusual rhythm of 5/4. The rhythm is not +well defined, however, as there is considerable abandon in the +style of rendition. The metronome tempo of 69 applies practically +throughout. Sometimes the singers are a trifle in advance of the count +and at others drag behind, but always sooner or later drop into the +regular beat. A stress on each fifth count gives the number a rhythm +of five. It is unique also in that each line has but five measures. + +Part 2 + +In this, the same number of voices is heard as in the first part. The +performers seem to be the same ones who sang from the beginning. + +The scale is the same as that of part 1. The intonation is very +distinct and the character unmistakably pentatonic. + +In measure 2 there is the harmony-interval of a perfect fourth +followed immediately by that of a minor third, the same succession +as was used in the _Da-eng_, Girls' part (Record J). In the fourth +and fifth measures of this part are found unprepared minor thirds, +which also appear in Record J. These harmonies are not so primitive +as those found in the boys' part of the same ceremony (see Record A). + +The tempo throughout this part is 80 and the rhythm strongly +marked. There is a wait between the two lines. The machine was +evidently stopped at this point or the needle raised and started +again. Each line has the uncommon number of five measures the same +as the first part, but metrically the part is in 4/4 rhythm. + +The second time through, the singers seem to be striving to repeat +the first line of the movement with embellishments consisting of +inverted mordents, appogiature, and trills. + +Musically, there seems to be absolutely no connection between this +song and the other two of the same ceremony. In many ways this song +is the most interesting of those submitted. In origin it probably +dates between the other two. + +It is not given consecutively on the record, as there were breaks +between each two lines while the needle was raised. + +_Da-Eng_. Girls' part. + +Record J. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. + +The record shows but two voices one of which is greatly predominant +in strength and confidence as if it were the leader's voice. + +The song is cast in the scale of B minor. It is not pentatonic. The +singers would employ, so an interrogation-mark is; placed below that +be either A-natural or A-sharp, according to whether the scale is +the _natural_ minor or the _harmonic_ minor, it is not possible to +determine which tone the singers would employ, so an interrogation mark +is placed below that note. The raised fourth (E-sharp), shown in the +fifth measure of four out of the six verses, is perfectly intentional +on the part of the singers, but musically, is to be interpreted as +an accidental, and does not affect the scale of the song. + +In this song we again have the interval of a fourth without the sixth +above. It occurs four times, each time followed immediately by the +less primitive and more harmonious interval of a minor third. The +minor third harmony also occurs in three other measures,--in these +without preparation. + +These minor thirds are all the same,--B-D, the foundation of the +tonic chord of the key,--evidence that the singers have a keen sense +of the minor tonality. + +The tempo alternates between 96 and 108. The first half of each line +is given at 96, but the second half is taken more rapidly at 108 beats +per minute. Each of these rhythms is very evenly preserved, the time +being well marked by accented notes and pulsations of the voice as +shown in the score. The figures at the ends of the lines indicate +the number of beats rest actually taken by the performers. Twice +they take the normal number four, which, if preserved throughout, +would place the song in the regular eight-measure form. Some of the +measures are 4/4, and some are 3/4. + +In each verse of this song we find an example of the characteristic +which I have termed a "jog." It is seen in each next-to-last measure +with special sign beneath. The jogs in the 2nd, 4th, and 6th measures +are the best defined (see table of special signs under _Introduction_, +p. 444). + +There are three qualities in this song, which indicate that it is of +more modern origin than either of the other two which belong to the +same ceremony. The frequent and undoubtedly intentional use of the +raised fourth giving the half step E-sharp to F-sharp; the persistent +recurrence of the hardly primitive, minor-third harmony; and the fact +that the song is not cast in the pentatonic scale, as are the other +two records of the same ceremony, point to a more modern origin. + +It may be that in the earliest practice of this ceremony the girls +or women did not participate, their parts having been a later +addition. This could not be determined musically, however, without +examining more records of songs from this or similar ceremonies. + +_Bogoyas_ + +Record K. Sung by a woman. + +This is a woman's song of praise, complimentary to the host at a party. + +The singer makes use of all the scale tones of the major key of E-flat, +except the D-natural. The B-natural found in the next-to-last measure +is a passing tone, and does not affect the scale or tonality. At that +point the suggested supporting harmony is an augmented triad upon +the tonic leading into the subdominant. With the exception of this +one measure, the song is in the five-note scale. Notwithstanding that +this measure contains two A-flats and also the passing tone B-natural, +both of which tones are foreign to this particular five-note scale, +the song is not robbed of its pentatonic character. + +The rhythm of this song is interesting. It alternates throughout +between 4/4 and 5/4. It might have been notated in 9/4 time instead, +in which case it would have but five measures. + +The singer uses the downward glissandos, so characteristic of nearly +all of the Tinguian songs of this group. These glissandos are indicated +by oblique lines drawn beneath the tones covered by the slide. + +In the second measure there is an almost inaudible tone at the end +of the glissando. It is indicated by a small, square note. Careful +listening to the record at this point shows that the singer really +leaves the principal tone E-flat and slides with a sudden dying-down +of volume. The abruptness with which the sound of the voice fades as it +starts the glissando, leaves the impression of E-flat still sounding. + +One tone in this song is given on the inhaled breath. It is indicated +by a circle with a dot in the center placed beneath the note. This +tone was produced well back in the throat, while the singer sharply +inhaled the breath. This artifice, occasionally used by the Tinguian, +is seldom, if ever, heard in the singing of civilized peoples (for +other examples, see analysis of Record M, _Dang-dang-ay_). + +This song, given by a woman, has not the well-marked motive development +shown in the other _Bogoyas_, sung by a man. However, we find two quite +distinct, prevailing ideas set forth. The first includes the whole of +the first measure and the first beat of the second. It seems to be +in the nature of a question which finds its answer in the remainder +of the second measure, and again in the third, and again in the +fourth measure. It is the same answer, but expressed each time in a +little different manner. In the fifth measure and carrying over into +the sixth, the questioning is heard again. Although put forth in a +different arrangement of tones, it is the same musical thought as that +expressed in the first measure. This time it is answered but once. The +answer takes parts of two measures. Now follows another query similar +to the first, and again comes the answer fully expressed in each of +the two concluding measures. + +The principal interest in this centers around the B-natural, indicating +that the singer has a very decided appreciation of the half step +and of the upward leading tendency of a tone raised a semitone by +an accidental. + +_Na-Way_ + +Record L. Sung at the celebration which closes the period of mourning +for the dead. + +There are two voices heard in the record, probably women. In ten +of the measures there is a splitting up of the parts. In the first +measure of each of the second and third lines, and also in the third +measure of the third line, the difference in the parts is owing to +uncertainty of attack, one of the singers, usually the leader, starting +the syllable ahead of the other performer. In the second measure of +the last line, the first divergence is caused by the leader taking E +by way of embellishment; and the second divergence, producing a minor +third, is caused by the other voice dropping to B too soon. These are +not intentional harmonies. The other six departures from unison are +caused by the leader embellishing her part. The appogiatura, shown +with a tiny circle above, has the quality of falsetto. The singer +yodles down to the principal tone B. + +The song is strictly pentatonic. Peculiarly enough, it may be +considered as belonging to any one of the following tonalities, B +minor, E minor, or G major, though there is no G in the melody. The +song seems the most primitive, however, when considered in the key +of E minor, for the harmonies required to place it in this tonality +carry more of the primitive atmosphere than do the chords which are +required in either of the other tonalities. + +In this connection it would be interesting to know just how these +various harmonizations would appeal to the Tinguian. It is a well-known +fact among musicians who have recorded the songs of primitive peoples, +that though the songs are used with practically no harmonies, yet the +singers feel an harmonic support which they do not express. Experiments +along this line have been tried with the American Indians. Various +harmonizations of a given melody have been played for them, a melody +which they themselves sing only in unison, and they have been very +quick to choose the particular harmonic support which appeals to them +as being an audible expression of the vague something which they feel +within, but do not attempt to voice. + +The tones of this song when arranged to represent the scale of E minor +coincide exactly with the scale tones of two of the tunings of the +Japanese 13 stringed _koto_. These tunings were both borrowed by the +Japanese from the Chinese by whom they were used as special tunings of +the _ch'in_, or _kin_, one of the most ancient of musical instruments. + +In each of the eleven glissandos shown in the notation, the voices drop +suddenly to approximately the tone shown by the small square note. The +glides are taken diminuendo, the tone dying away completely. The +sudden diminuation of tone taken with a glissando gives an effect +something like a short groan. The song is in seven-measure periods. + +_Dang-Dang-Ay_ + +Record M. Sung by women while pounding rice out of the straw and husks. + +Only one voice can be distinguished in the record. It is that of +a woman. + +Though strongly pentatonic in character, the song is cast in +the diatonic scale of F major. Metrically there is considerable +freedom. 3/4, 4/4, and 5/4 rhythms are thrown in with the most +haphazard abandon, yet it has the even pulsing which should dominate +a song of this character. + +The song is in two rather distinct movements. The first, in spite +of the two triplets thrown in at the first and third measures, has +a straight-away motion which offers a striking contrast to the more +graceful, swaying second part which is mostly in triplets. The change +from one style to the other is made by the singer with no variation +in tempo. It is therefore admirably adapted to accompany the regular +falling of the pestles while beating out the rice. + +Near the close of the song are two notes with [Sun] over them. These +were vocalized on the inhaled breadth (for other examples of Inhaled +Tones, see analysis of Record K, _Bogoyas_). + +This song contains seven examples of the "Jog" (see _Definition +of Qualities_, p. 479). Those in the second part of the song are +the best defined. One of these is shown with open head. This jog is +given the most nearly like the Igorot manner of execution of any of +the examples found in these fourteen songs. + +In general character, this song somewhat resembles the Boys' Part of +the _Da-eng_ ceremony (Record A). + +_Kuilay-Kuilay_ + +Record N. Sung by women while passing liquor. + +There is one singer only on this record. It is a woman. The song is +given in a lively, jolly, rollicking style. + +It is cast in the F major scale. The melody has good variety. At +times it defines quite clearly the harmonic outline by following the +tonal framework of the tonic, dominant, or subordinant chords. Passing +tones are used more freely and naturally in this song than in any of +the others. + +In the third measure of the fifth line, the singer very plainly +vocalizes a half step from F to E. The second and fourth lines also +show semitones, though these are not so distinctly given on the record +as the other example. + +In the last measure of the third line there is a modulation into the +tonality of B-flat which carries through two measures. + +In the fifth line are three accents which make the meter rather elusive +at that point. The two small notes shown at the beginning of the +third line seem to be spoken with no attempt at vocalization. They are +notated, however, at the pitch of the speaking voice. The small note +shown in the bottom line is given very faintly in the record and seems +more like a muffled exclamation than an intentionally vocalized tone. + +The tempo throughout is quite regular, following the indicated pulse +of 92 in both the 6/8 and 2/4 rhythms. + +In the latter part of the song there are a number of changes between +duple and triple rhythm. The singer makes these changes with perfect +ease and sings the groups with that exactness of proportion which +characterizes the performance of most of the singers in these records. + +Musically this song is strikingly adapted to the purpose for which +it is intended. + +_Tabulation of Qualities and Characteristics_.--The qualities found +in the records have been tabulated under two main headings. Under the +caption, "Rarely or Never Heard in Modern Music," are listed those +qualities which, so far as present research goes, are so very unusual +that they may be termed musical idiosyncrasies of the race. These +qualities are so eccentric that if found in several of the songs, +even if the number of songs be much in the minority, the qualities +may be accepted as characteristics. [252] + +To receive recognition as a characteristic, any quality found under the +other heading, "Commonly Heard," would necessarily have to show that it +quite persistently occurred throughout a large majority of the songs. + +The columns of the large table, when read horizontally, show which +qualities appear in a given song. Read vertically they show the +degrees of dominance of the various qualities. + +The songs are grouped under two heads, those given by men and boys, and +those given by women and girls. This will facilitate comparison of the +degrees of dominance of the qualities found in the songs of each. [253] + +Numbers have been put down in some of the columns of the table. These +figures indicate the number of times the quality appeared in the +song. If the song has several verses on the record, and the quality +appears the same number of times in each, then the tabulation gives the +number of times in but a single verse. If the verses vary in the use +of the quality, then an average has been struck and figure put down in +the tabulation. In those songs where a certain quality occurs with such +irregularity that it was impossible to represent the average without +fractions, only the mark X has been put down in the table, simply to +indicate that the quality was present. Such qualities as Tonality, +Character, Structure, Scale, etc., naturally, with few exceptions, run +through the whole song, and they are indicated by the X. Some songs +have both of two opposed qualities. When this occurs, it is shown +by checking both qualities. [254] Some qualities which were present, +but indeterminable are indicated by an interrogation-point. [255] + +Following the tabulation is given a detailed explanation or definition +of each of the qualities listed at the heads of the vertical columns. + +_Dying Tones_.--Found only at the end of some few glissandos. On +the glide, the volume of sound diminishes so rapidly that when the +final tone of the group is reached, the sound has practically died +out. The effect is something like a short groan with no anguish in +it. Sign,--same as a muted note, but written at the end of a glissando. + +_Muted Tones_.--Sort of half-articulated tones, if I may use that +expression. Without more records of the same songs in which these are +shown, it is not possible to determine whether they are intended by +the singers as necessary parts of the records. Sign,--note with small +square head. + +_Inhaled Tones_.--Tones produced well back in the throat while +sharply inhaling the breath rather than exhaling it, as practiced +almost universally by singers. Sign,--circle with dot in center. + +_Pulsated Tones_.--Tones of more than one beat sung with a rythmic +stressing usually in accord with the time meter or some multiple +of that meter. Pulsation is rarely heard among modern musicians, +except in drilling ensemble singing. It is heard quite frequently in +the singing of our American Indians and in the songs of several other +primitive peoples. It occurs to some extent in nearly every one of the +Tinguian men's songs. It is found in but one of those sung by women. + +Though pusation does serve to define the rhythm, I believe it is used +by primitive peoples mostly as a purely æsthetic touch. It is indicated +in the notation by the usual musical staccato sign thus, --..... + +_Swelled Tones_.--Tones usually of from two to four beats which are +sung with increasing volume to the center, finishing with a decrescendo +to the end. The Swell is sometimes applied to tones of more than four +beats, but when so used, it looses some of its character. Swelled +tones must be given to single syllables only, and they are the most +effective when introduced several times in succession with but few, if +any, intervening tones. The sign which I have used is double diverging +lines followed by double converging lines placed under the note. + +In 1905 it was my privilege to transcribe a number of native songs +from the singing of a group of Igorot. In these songs they made +frequent use of swelled tones. + +_Downward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice from the topmost +tone of a group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any +intermediate tone and without in any manner defining any of the tones +lying between the extremes. Sign,--a straight line drawn obliquely +downward beneath the group. + +_Upward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice upward without +sounding any of the intermediate tones. Sign,--a straight line drawn +obliquely upward beneath the group. + +_Notes in Group, Beats in Measure, or Measures in Period_.--Groups of +five seem to have no terrors for these people. In modern music it is +extremely unusual to find notes grouped in fives, or measures having +the rhythmic value of five beats, or periods made up of measures in +fives. A study of the tabulation shows that the Tinguian have a rather +natural bent for groupings in this number. It seems easy for them +to drop into that metric form. I consider this trait, evidenced in +their melodies, one of the marked characteristics of their music. [256] + +Groups of notes, beats, or measures in seven are so few in these +records that we are not warranted in accepting it as a characteristic. + +_Jog_.--An over-emphasized short-appoggiatura with always either the +tonic or dominant of the key as the principal tone. The first tone +is usually an eighth or sixteenth in value, and must stand on the +next degree above the principal tone. The principal tone is usually +a quarter note or longer in value. + +In singing the jog, the short note is given a very pointed accent, the +voice dropping quickly with a sort of jerk to the second, unaccented, +sustained tone. It is executed without sliding, both tones being +well-defined. To be most effective, it should be given two, three, +or four times consecutively without intervening tones. + +This device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact, +some of their songs consisted of little else than the jog sounded +first on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on +the dominant, then again on the tonic, then on the dominant, and so +on back and forth. + +It would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used +in the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music of other tribes +of these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of +other tribes with the Igorot. + +Japanese Scales.--For structure of these scales, see analysis of those +songs using one or another of the Japanese "tunings" or approximations +to them. + +Tonality.--That entire group of harmonies which, intimately related to +a foundation or "tonic" chord, may be considered as clustered around +and drawn to it. + +Major Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones +constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation +tone, are found at distances of four and seven semitones respectively +from it. + +Minor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones +constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation +tone, are found at distances of three and seven semitones respectively +from it. + +Pentatonic Character. That peculiar essence or quality which a melody +has when it is built up entirely or almost wholly of the tones of +the pentatonic or five-note scale. The melody may employ sparingly +one or both of the two tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, and +yet its pentatonic character will not be destroyed. + +Diatonic Character. That quality which a melody takes on when the +two tones which are foreign to the pentatonic scale of the same key +or tonality are freely employed. + +I use this term in contradistinction to "Pentatonic Character," and +not in contradistinction to "Chromatic," as it is usually employed +in musical literature. + +Melodic Structure. That form of flowing succession of tones in +which the accented tones, if considered in sequence, show dominant +non-adherence to chord intervals. + +_Harmonic Structure_. That form of tonal succession in which the +tones of the melody follow rather persistently the structural outline +of chords. + +_Major Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent +tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following +arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half-step intervals,--(whole) +(whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole-and-a-half). + +_Minor Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, +if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement +of whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,--(whole-and-a-half) +(whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole). + +The pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known +to have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, which +would give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century. [257] + +Rowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians +who, striving for greater variety in their one-toned chants, added +first one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another. [258] +The pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting. + +Most of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel +or "hear mentally" the half step. If musicians of early days had this +same failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval +by eliminating from their songs one or the other of each couplet of +tones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would +be pentatonic. + +Not only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step, +but also people in modern environment who have heard very infrequently +this smallest interval of modern music. + +Inability to sense this interval may be better understood when we +stop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult +to hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of +the even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which some peoples +have come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in +their music. + +This tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of +pentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children when they +follow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation +that children with some musical creative ability, but unaccustomed +to hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum +their bits of improvised melody in the pentatonic scale. + +_Major Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones if +considered in upward sequence would show the following arrangement +of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (whole) (half) (whole) +(whole) (whole) (half). + +_Natural Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent +tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following +arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) +(whole) (half) (whole) (whole). + +_Harmonic Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the +constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show +the following arrangement of half, whole and whole-and-a-half step +intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole-and-a-half) +(half). + +_Melodic Minor Diatonic Scale_ (_Ascending_). That scale in which +the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show +the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) +(half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half). + +_Falsetto_. Artificial or strained head-tones which sound an octave +above the natural tone. Sign,--a tiny circle above the note. + +In record L. _Naway_ is shown one falsetto tone. It is unusual to +find this effect in a woman's voice. + +_Semitones Sung_. This needs no definition. The classification is put +down to show to what extent these singers appreciate the half-step +intervals, and are able to vocalize it (see preceeding definition +of Pentatonic Scale for footnote relative to appreciation of this +interval). Sign,--curved bracket above or below the notes. + +In these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their +seven songs, while the women make use of it in but three of their +eight songs. + +_Appoggiature_. These, with the exception of one double one shown in +the _Bagoyas_ (Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The +singers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music, +but with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura +and the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated by +the usual musical symbol,--a small eighth note with a slanting stroke +through the hook. + +_Mordents_. Those used in these songs are all of the "inverted" +kind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern +musicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the +principal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated in the score +by the usual musical symbol. + +_Trills and Wavers_. These need no comment except to call attention +to the fact that there are none found in the regular songs of +the women. The one shown in Record I (_Da-eng,_ Boys and Girls +alternating) is in the boys' part. + +_Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm_. I consider this quite a +striking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little +concern over such rhythmic changes, in fact, among some races where +percussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently +hear the two rhythms at the same time fitted perfectly one against +the other. This is especially true among our American Indians. + +While it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using +these two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather sparingly. A +great many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to +the other, preserving perfect proportions in the note values. + +In noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have +put down under each song, not the number of duple or triple or +quadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of "changes" +which occur. After one has made the transition from one style of +rhythm to the other, and has the new "swing" established, manifestly +it is no special feat to follow along in that same kind of measure; +but the real test is the "change" to the rhythm of the other sort. For +instance, in the Song of the Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures +and parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had +to change his meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand, +the _Dang-dang-ay_ (Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and +triplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple +rhythm, when once established in the second part, the song requires +a changing of swing but 17 times. + +Because of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs, +and noting, as heard in the records, the precision with which, in +nearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the +Tinguian have a remarkable grasp of different metric values, which +enables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this +trait would stamp itself upon their music, and I consider the use of +such frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic. + +Although frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic +of the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated elsewhere, +it is important to tabulate it here to differentiate the Tinguian +from those peoples who do not make use of it. + +_Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths_. These are the only +intentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note +that the only examples are in the _Da-eng_ ceremony, where all three +are used, some in one part and some in another. + +Among some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The +early chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. Probably the +most primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt +of men with different ranges to sing together. The difference between +a bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and +a soprano it is about a fourth. The difference in these voices made +it impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the +basses and tenors sang in consecutive fifths. When women took up the +chanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths. + +These harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when +there was no exigency on account of restricted range. + +Referring again to the _Da-eng_ ceremony, it is interesting to observe +that the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales, +and that the part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character +while the other two parts are pentatonic. + +_Conclusion_.--I have long been of the opinion that the music of +different peoples should be given more consideration by scientists +in their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by, +ethnologists have attached too little importance to the bearing which +music has on their science. + +I am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest +element that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has some +influence back of it which has determined the element and shaped +it into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough study of +the music would reveal these influences, and through them establish +hitherto unknown ethnological facts. + +I believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or +instrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite general +scheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of +that people alone; and if such an analysis be made of the music of +many peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will +be comprehensible to ethnologists trained to that branch of musical +research, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown +on the question of tribal relationship. + +I realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the +characteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples +of the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless +I believe the work should be undertaken in this large way, and when +it is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment. + +I appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which +may prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold scientific +symbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each +one of us knows perfectly the various qualities of the different +speaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can +so accurately describe those qualities to a stranger that he also may +be able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation +of such elusive qualities would have to be in very general terms. Such +indefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend +for comparison upon the memory of those workers who had received +first-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day +musician identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the +"French school," the "Italian school," or the "Russian school;" +and yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with +definiteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called +"school." + +Though I have held these opinions for several years, I am more +than ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records, +that something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from +the music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this branch of +ethnology will soon receive more serious recognition. + +Manifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions +from the examination of but fourteen records of a people. But even +in this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do +over such a variety of applications and uses, it is possible to +see tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as +definite characteristics. + +While it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a +Tinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may prove valuable +in summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other +surveys are made; and if perchance, the findings here set down and +the conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any +obscure ethnological point, the effort has been well spent. + +_Albert Gale_. + + + +CONCLUSIONS + + +The first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology +is that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine peoples, the +Negrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious +beliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, and industries. It is +realized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured +the older modes of thought, and has often swamped native crafts, +while each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs +on Philippine soil; yet it seems that enough of the old still remains +to proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent +this belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material +in the preceding pages. + +A study of the physical types has shown that each group considered +is made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere +evident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic +and a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater tendency +than with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones +are more outstanding, while there is a greater length and breadth +of the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups +considered, but taken in the average, it is found that the Ilocano +and Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the +Bontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, while between them are the mountain +Tinguian and Apayao. + +Judging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that +the Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic +Ilocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast, +and that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate +peoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the +people of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to believe +that the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to +the dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia in +general, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent. + +The dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible, +are similar in morphology, and have a considerable part of their +vocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the +Ilocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while the intervening groups +are intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue. + +Considering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is +found that both have certain elements of culture which are doubtless +old possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields, +iron-working, a peculiar type of shield, and a battle-axe which they +share with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam. + +A part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate, +they help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times these +peoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social +organizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; of their customs +at birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as +well as the details of certain occupations, such as the rice culture, +pottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been +long separated, but that they have been subjected to very different +outside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines. + +It is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable +affiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention to attempt +to locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with +any existing groups. However, our information seems to justify us in +certain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions +of Chinese ancestry are without foundation. It shows that, while trade +with China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some +other objects into this region, yet Chinese influence had not been +of an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs, +or to introduce any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant +evidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one +time strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day +show much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and +through them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure +at birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the Peninsular Malay +in at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning +of a fire beside the mother and newborn babe for a month or more, +the frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs, +the "fumigating" of the baby, the throwing of ashes to blind evil +spirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source, +particularly when they still occur together in connection with one +of the great events of life. + +Frequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian +customs and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods of +rice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same +source. In the weaving the influence of India seems evident, despite +the fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method +of spinning seems unique. These methods, apparently distinctive, +may once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by +more efficient instruments. The primitive method of ginning cotton by +rolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the +Philippines outside of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections +of Burma. + +Part I of this volume presented a body of tales which showed many +resemblances to the Islands of the south, as well as incidents of +Indian lore. There is, in fact, a distinct feeling of Indian influence +in the tales of the mythical period; yet they lack the epics of that +people, and the typical trickster tales are but poorly represented. + +The vocabulary shows comparatively little of Indian influence; yet, +at the time of the conquest, the Ilocano was one of the coast groups +making use of a native script which was doubtless of Hindu origin. + +The many instances of Indian influence do not justify the +supposition that the Tinguian were ever directly in contact with +that people. The Malay islands to the south were pretty thoroughly +under Hindu domination by the second century of the Christian era, +and it is probable that they were influenced through trade at a +considerably earlier date. Judging from our data, it would seem that +the Ilocano-Tinguian group had left its southern home at a time after +this influence was beginning to make itself felt, but before it was +of a sufficiently intimate nature to stamp itself indelibly on the +lore, the ceremonial and economic life of this people, as it did in +Java and some parts of Sumatra. It is possible that these points of +similarity may be due to trade, but if so, the contact was at a period +antedating the fourteenth century, for in historic times the sea trade +of the southern islands has been in the hands of the Mohammedanized +Malay. Their influence is very marked in the southern Philippines, +but is not evident in northwestern Luzon. + +Concerning the time of their arrival in Luzon, and the course +pursued by them, we have no definite proof; but it is evident that +the Tinguian did not begin to press inland until comparatively recent +times. Historical references and local traditions indicate that most +of this movement has taken place since the arrival of the Spaniards, +while the distribution of the great ceremonies gives a further +suggestion that the dominant element in the Tinguian population has +been settled in Abra for no great period. The probable explanation for +this distribution is that the interior valleys were sparsely settled +with a population more akin to the Igorot than to the Tinguian, +prior to the inland movement of the latter people; that the Tinguian +were already possessed of the highly developed ceremonial life, +before they entered Abra, and that this has been spread slowly, +through intermarriage and migration, to the people on the outskirts +of their territory. + +These ceremonies are still practised by some families now residing +in Christianized settlements in Abra and Ilocos Sur, while discreet +questioning soon brings out the fact that they were formerly present +in towns which have long been recognized as Ilocano. The relationship +of the Tinguian and Ilocano has already been shown by the physical +data and historical references; but were these lacking, it requires +but a little inquiry and the compilation of geneaological tables to +show that many Ilocano families are related to the Tinguian. It is +a matter of common observation that the chief barrier between the +two groups is religion, and, once let the pagan accept Christianity, +he and his family are quickly absorbed by the Ilocano. + +Uninterrupted trade with the coast in recent years, Spanish and +American influence, have doubtless affected considerable changes in +the Tinguian. If, however, we subtract recent introductions, it is +probable that we have in the life of this tribe an approximate picture +of conditions among the more advanced of the northern Philippine +groups prior to the entry of the European into their islands. + + + +NOTES + +[1] The _Bontoc_ Igorot is taken as one of the least influenced and +most typical of the Igorot groups. + +[2] On this point see _Cole_, The Distribution of the Non-Christian +Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_American Anthropologist_, N.S., Vol. XI, +1909, pp. 329-347). + +[3] These are Ballasio, Nagbuquel, Vandrell, Rizal, Mision, Mambog, +and Masingit. Kadangla-an, Pila, Kolongbuyan (Sapang) and Montero +are mixed Tinguian and Igorot. + +[4] See _Cole_, The Tinguian (_Philippine Journal of Science_, +Vol. III, No. 4, Sect. A, 1908, pp. 197, _et seq_.). + +[5] _Beyer_ (Population of the Philippine Islands in 1916, p. 74, +Manila, 1917) gives the population as 27,648. + +[6] North of Abra it is known as the Cordillera Norte. + +[7] This river traffic is entirely in the hands of the Christianized +Ilocano. Rafts seldom proceed up the river beyond Bangued, the capital, +and at low water even this distance is negotiated with difficulty. + +[8] Historical references to this trade, as well as to the Spanish +invasion of Ilocos, will be found in _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, +Manila, 1890; _Fray Gaspar De S. Augustin_, Conquista de las Islas +Filipinas (Manila, 1698), p. 267; _Medina_, Historia, translated +in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XXIII, +pp. 279, _et seq_. See also translation of _Loarca_ and others in +same publication, Vol. III, p. 73, note; Vol. V, p. 109; Vol. XV, +p. 51; Vol. XVII, p. 285. + +[9] _Loraca_, 1582, translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., +Vol. V, p. 105. + +[10] _Laufer_, Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands +(_Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections_, Vol. I, pp. 256, et seq.) + +[11] _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field +Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1). + +[12] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XVII, p. 285; also III, +p. 73, note; V, p. 109; XV, p. 51. + +[13] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 287, +_et seq._ + +[14] _Colin_ (Labor Evangelica, Chap. IV, Madrid 1663), calls the +Manguian of Mindoro and the Zambal, Tingues. _Morga, Chirino_, and +_Ribera_ also use the same name for the natives of Basilan, Bohol, +and Mindanao (see _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op cit_., Vols. IV, +p. 300; X, p. 71; XIII, pp. 137,205). Later writers have doubtless +drawn on these accounts to produce the weird descriptions sometimes +given of the Tinguian now under discussion. It is said (_op. cit_., +Vol. XL, p. 97, note) that the radical _ngian_, in Pampanga, indicates +"ancient," a meaning formerly held in other Philippine languages, +and hence Tinguian would probably mean "old or ancient, or aboriginal +mountain dwellers." + +[15] _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, p. 151 (Manila, 1890), also Filipinas +articulos varios, p. 345 (Manila, 1887); _Blair_ and _Robertson_, +_op. cit_., Vol. XIV, pp. 158-159; Vol. XXVIII, p. 167. + +[16] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXVIII, p. 158. + +[17] _Antonio Mozo_, _Noticia_ histórico-natural (Madrid, 1763), +in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XLVIII, p. 69. + +[18] These were: Tayum 1803; Pidigan 1823; La Paz and San Gregorio +1832; Bukay (Labon) 1847. For further details of this mission see +_Villacorta_, Breve resumen de los progresos de la Religion Catolica +en la admirable conversion de los indios Igorotes y Tinguianes +(Madrid, 1831). + +[19] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 199. + +[20] Discussions concerning the Chinese origin of the Tinguian will +be found in _Mallat_, Les Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 212-213; Vol. II, +pp. 104-7, 345 (Paris, 1846); _Plauchet_, L'Archipel des Philippines +(_Revue des deux Mondes_, 1887, p. 442); _Buzeto y Bravo_, Diccionario +geografico estadistico historico; _Semper_, Die Philippinen und ihre +Bewohner (Würzburg, 1869); _Blumentritt_, Versuch einer Ethnographie +der Philippinen (_Peterman's Mittheilungen_, 1882, No. 67); _Reyes_, +Die Tinguianen (_Mittheilungen K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien_, +1887, p. 5, _et seq._); _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios (Manila, +1887); _Sanchez y Ruiz_, Razas de Filipinas, usos y custombres, Memoria +Exposicion General, pp. 51, 60, 138 (Manila, 1887); _Montblanc_, +Les Isles Philippines, p. 22 (Paris, 1887); _Montero y Vidal_, El +Archipelago Filipino, p. 289 (Manila, 1886); _Bowring_, A Visit to +the Philippines, p. 171 (London, 1859); _Sawyer_, The Inhabitants of +the Philippines, p. 276 (London, 1900); _Zuniga_, Historia, pp. 19-38 +(Sampaloc, 1803); _Colin_, Labor evangelica, Vol. I, chaps. 4, 12-14 +(Madrid, 1663); _Blair_ and _Robertson_ (The Philippine Islands, +Vol. XL, pp. 316, _et seq._) give a translation of _San Antonio_ +Chronicas, written in Manila between 1738-44, also of _Colin_, Labor +evangelica, of 1663; _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines +(_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302). + +[21] _Paul De La Gironière_, Vingt années aux Philippines (Paris, +1853); _Stuntz_, The Philippines and the Far East, p. 36 (New York, +1904). + +[22] Quoted by _Paterno_, La antigua civilizacion Tagalog, pp. 122-123 +(Madrid, 1887). + +[23] _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines (_Am. Anthropologist_, +Vol. XI, 1892, p. 297). See also _De Quatrefages_, Histoire générale +des races humaines, pp. 515-517, 527-528. + +[24] Census of the Philippine Islands of 1903, pp. 453-477. + +[25] The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (_Philippine Journal +of Science_, Vol. I, pp. 798, 851, Manila, 1906). + +[26] _Blumentritt_ (Ethnographie der Philippinen, Introduction; +also _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 296) has advanced +the theory of three Malay invasions into the Philippines. To the +first, which is put at about 200 B.C., belong the Igorot, Apayao, and +Tinguian, but the last are considered as of a later period. The second +invasion occurred about A.D. 100-500, and includes the Tagalog, Visaya, +Ilocano, and other alphabet-using peoples. The third is represented +by the Mohammedan groups which began to enter the Islands in the +fourteenth century. + +[27] _Brinton_ (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302) +states that the Ilocano of northwestern Luzon are markedly Chinese +in appearance and speech, but he fails to give either authorities or +examples to substantiate this claim. For Indian influence on Philippine +dialects, see _Pardo De Tavera_, El sanscrito e la lingua tagalog +(Paris, 1887); also _Williams_, Manual and Dictionary of Ilocano +(Manila, 1907). + +[28] A detailed study of the language is not presented in this +volume. The author has a large collection of texts which will be +published at a later date, together with a study of the principal +Tinguian dialects. A short description of the Ilocano language, +by the writer, will be found in the New International Encyclopædia. + +[29] A more detailed study of these tribes will be given in a +forthcoming volume on Philippine Physical Types. + +[30] Observations on 13 Ilocano skulls are tabulated by _Koeze_ +(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 56-57, Haarlem, 1901-4). + +[31] A short series of Igorot skull measurements is given by _Koeze_ +(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 42-43, Haarlem, 1901-4). + +[32] _Am. Anthropologist_, 1906, pp. 194-195. + +[33] Notes sur les Chinois du Quang-si (_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. IX, +1898, pp. 144-170). + +[34] The Races of Man, pp. 384, 577, _et seq_.(London, 1900). + +[35] _Martin_, Inlandstämme der Malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 237, 351, +358, 386 (Jena, 1905). + +[36] For measurements on the Northern Chinese and the Formosa +Chinese see _Koganei_, Messungen an chinesischen Soldaten +(_Mitt. med. Fak. k. japan. Univ. Tokio_, 1903, Vol. VI, No. 2), und +Messungen an männlichen Chinesen-Schädeln (_Internat. Centralblatt +für Anthropologie_, 1902, pp. 129, _et seq_.). + +[37] For other observations on Malaysia, in general, see _Annandale_ +and _Robinson_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst.,_ Vol. XXXII, 1902); _Keane_, +Ethnology (Cambridge, 1907); _Duckworth_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst._, +Vol. XXXII); _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, +Vol. II, pp. 311, _et seq._) give results by _Haddon_; _Hamy_ +(_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. VII, Paris, 1896); _Hagen_, Anthropologische +Studien aus Insulinde (Amsterdam, 1890); _Sullivan_, Racial Types in +the Philippine Islands (_Anth. Papers, American Museum of Nat. Hist._, +Vol. XIII, pt. 1, New York, 1918). + +[38] _Sullivan_ (_Anthropological Papers, American Museum +Nat. History_, Vol. XXIII, pt. 1, p. 42) gives a graphic correlation of +Stature, Cephalic and Nasal Indices, which shows a striking similarity +between the Tagalog and Pangasinan of the Philippines, and the Southern +Chinese. Had he made use of Jenks's measurements of the Bontoc Igorot, +that group would also have approached quite closely to those already +mentioned. The same method applied to the Ilocano and Tinguian shows +them to conform to this type. + +[39] See Traditions of the Tinguian (this volume, No. 1). + +[40] The eating of double bananas or vegetables is avoided, as it is +thought to result in the birth of twins. The birth of twin girls is +a particular misfortune; for their parents are certain to fare badly +in any trades or sales to which they may be parties. + +[41] The importance of gratifying the longings of pregnant women +appears in the legends of the Malay Peninsula. See _Wilkinson_, Malay +Beliefs, p. 46 (London, 1906). _Hildebrandt_ states that the Indian +law books such as Yajñavalkya (III, 79) make it a duty to fulfill +the wishes of a woman at this time, since otherwise the embryo would +be exposed to injury. Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II, +p. 650. + +[42] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 124, 185. + +[43] See _op. cit_., p. 105. + +[44] See _op. cit_., pp. 144, _et seq_. + +[45] See _op. cit_., p. 18. + +[46] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180. + +[47] To produce a miscarriage, a secret liquor is made from the bark +of a tree. After several drinks of the brew, the abdomen is kneaded +and pushed downward until the foetus is discharged. A canvass of forty +women past the child-bearing age showed an average, to each, of five +children, about 40 per cent of whom died in infancy. Apparently about +the same ratio of births is being maintained at present. + +[48] The gifts vary according to the ceremony. For this event, the +offerings consist of a Chinese jar with earrings fastened into the +handles--"ears"--, a necklace of beads and a silver wire about its +neck; a wooden spoon, a weaving stick, and some bone beads. + +[49] This is known as _palwig_. + +[50] This action is called _tolgi_. + +[51] In the San Juan district _Gipas_ is a separate two-day ceremony, +which takes place about nine months after the birth. In Baak a part +of the _Dawak_ ceremony goes by this name. + +[52] This is known as _inálson_, and is "such a blanket as is always +possessed by a spirit." See p. 313. + +[53] This is also the method of delivery among the Kayan of Borneo. See +_Hose_ and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 154 +(London, 1912), also _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, +Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII. No. 2, +p. 100). _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 334, London, 1900) describes a +similar method among the Malay. + +[54] Among the Bukidnon and Bila-an of Mindanao a bamboo blade is +always employed for this purpose. The same is true of the Kayan +of Borneo. _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 155; +_Cole_, _op. cit._, p. 143. + +[55] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. It is +also the belief of the Peninsular Malay that the incidental products +of a confinement may be endowed with life (_Wilkinson_, Malay Beliefs, +p. 30). + +[56] The character e, which appears frequently in the native names, +is used to indicate a sound between the obscure vowel _e_, as in sun, +and the _ur_, in burrow. + +[57] The number of days varies somewhat in different sections, and +is generally longer for the first child than for the succeeding. + +[58] The custom of building a fire beside the mother is practised +among the Malay, Jakun and Mantri of the Peninsula. In India, +the practice of keeping a fire beside the newborn infant, in order +to protect it from evil beings, is widespread. See _Tawney_, Kathá +Sarit Ságara, Vol. I, pp. 246, 305, note; Vol. II, p. 631 (Calcutta, +1880). According to _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 343), the Malay keep the +fire burning forty-four days. The custom is called the "roasting of +the mother." The same custom is found in Cambodia (see Encyclopædia +of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 32, 164, 347; Vol. VIII, p. 32). + +[59] This may be related to the Malay custom of fumigating the infant +(see _Skeat_, _op. cit._, p. 338). + +[60] The following names are typical of this last class. For boys: +Ab'beng, a child's song; Agdalpen, name of a spirit; Baguio, a storm; +Bakileg, a glutton; Kabato, from _bato_, a stone; Tabau, this name is +a slur, yet is not uncommon; it signifies "a man who is a little crazy, +who is sexually impotent, and who will mind all the women say;" Otang, +the sprout of a vine; Zapalan, from _zapal_, the crotch of a tree. +For girls: Bangonán, from _bangon_, "to rise, to get up;" Igai, from +_nigai_, a fish; Giaben, a song; Magilai, from _gilai_ the identifying +slit made in an animal's ear; Sabak, a flower; Ugot, the new leaf. + +[61] In Madagascar children are oftentimes called depreciative names, +such as Rat, with the hope that evil spirits will leave tranquil +an infant for which the parents have so little consideration +(_Grandidier_, Ethnologie de Madagascar, Vol. II). + +[62] In Selangor, a sick infant is re-named (_Skeat_, _op. cit._, +p. 341). + +[63] _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios, 1st ed., pp. 144-5 (Manila, +1887). + +[64] The Malay of the Peninsula bathe both mother and child morning +and evening, in hot water to which certain leaves and blossoms are +added. It is here described as an act of purification (_Skeat_, +_op. cit._, pp. 334-5). + +[65] Also called _salokang_ (cf. p. 310). + +[66] Filipinas articulos varios, p. 144. + +[67] _F. De Lerena_, _Ilustracion Filipina_, No. 22, p. 254 (Manila, +Nov. 15, 1860). An equally interesting account of Tinguian procedure +at the time of birth will be found in the account of _Polo De Lara_, +Islas Filipinas, tipos y costumbres, pp. 213, _et seq._ + +[68] In San Juan. Ibal is always held in six months, unless illness +has caused an earlier celebration. At this time the liver of a pig +is carefully examined, in order to learn of the child's future. + +[69] In Likuan this takes place five days after the birth; in +Sallapadan it occurs on the first or second day. + +[70] On the mat are placed, in addition to the medium's regular outfit, +a small jar of _basi_, five pieces of betel-nut and pepper-leaf, +two bundles of rice (_palay_) in a winnower, a head-axe, and a spear. + +[71] This is a _dakidak_ (cf. p. 311). + +[72] Such a taboo sign is here known as _kanyau_. It is not always +used at the conclusion of this ceremony, but is strictly observed +following the cutting of the first rice. + +[73] That is, a premature child. + +[74] Ashes are used against evil spirits by the Peninsular Malay +(_Skeat_, Malay Magic, p. 325). + +[75] Sagai is the sound made when scratching away the embers of a fire. + +[76] From _maysa_, one; _dua_, two; _talo_, three. + +[77] This is also used as mockery. It has no exact English equivalent, +but is similar to our slang "rubber." + +[78] In Patok only the agate bead (_napodau_) is used. + +[79] The less pretentious gathering, held by the very poor, is known +as _pólya_. + +[80] _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon +(_Philippine Jour. of Science_, Vol. I, No. 8, 1906, p. 858). + +[81] It is necessary to use a shallow dish with a high pedestal known +as _dias_ (Fig. 5, No. 5). + +[82] In Ba-ak the breaking and scattering of the rice ball is +considered a good omen, as it presages many children. In San Juan +the youth throws a rice ball at the ridge pole of the house, and the +girl's mother does the same. In this instance, each grain of rice +which adheres to the pole represents a child to be born. + +[83] The similarity of the Tinguian rice ceremony to that of many +other Philippine tribes is so great that it cannot be due to mere +chance. Customs of a like nature were observed by the writer among the +Bukidnon, Bagobo, Bila-an, Kulaman, and Mandaya of Mindanao, and the +Batak of Palawan; they are also described by _Reed_ and _Worcester_ +for the Negrito of Zambales and Bataan; while _Loarca_, writing late +in the sixteenth century, records a very like ceremony practised by a +coast group, probably the Pintados. At the same time it is worthy of +note that _Jenks_ found among the Bontoc Igorot a great divergence both +in courtship and marriage. Among the Dusun of British North Borneo the +marriage of children of the well-to-do is consummated by the eating +of rice from the same plate. Other instances of eating together, as a +part of the marriage ceremony in Malaysia, are given by _Crawley_. See +_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of +Natural History. Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 102, 144, 157, 192); _Reed_, +Negritos of Zambales (_Pub. Ethnological Survey,_ Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 58 +(Manila, 1904)); _Worcester_, _Philippine Journal of Science_, Vol. I, +p. 811 (Manila, 1906); _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, +Chap. X (Arevalo, 1580), translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The +Philippine Islands, Vol. V, pp. 157, _et seq_.; _Jenks_, The Bontoc +Igorot (_Pub. Ethnological Survey_, Vol. I, pp. 68, _et seq_., +Manila, 1905); _Evans_, _Journ. Royal Anth. Inst_., Vol. XLVII, +p. 159; _Crawley_, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), pp. 379, _et seq._ + +[84] In Manabo an old woman sleeps between them. Among the Bagobo and +Kulaman, of Mindanao, a child is placed between the pair. See _Cole_, +_op. cit_., pp. 102, 157. + +[85] In Likuan they chew of the same betel-nut. Among the Batak of +Palawan they smoke of the same cigar. + +[86] This part of the ceremony is now falling into disuse. + +[87] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 12. + +[88] Here again the Tinguian ceremony closely resembles the ancient +custom described by _Loarca_. In his account, the bride was carried +to the house of the groom. At the foot of the stairway she was given +a present to induce her to proceed; when she had mounted the steps, +she received another, as she looked in upon the guests, another. Before +she could be induced to set down, to eat and drink, she was likewise +given some prized object. _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, +Chap. X; also _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 157. + +[89] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 172. The +origin of death is also given in the tales, _ibid_., p. 177. + +[90] The spirit of the dead is generally known as _kalading_, but in +Manabo it is called _kal-kolayó_ and in Likuan _alalya_; in Ilokano, +_al-aliá_ means "phantom" or "ghost." + +[91] In some villages Selday is the spirit against whom this precaution +is taken. + +[92] In Daligan and some other villages in Ilocos Norte, a chicken +is killed, is burned in a fire, and then is fastened beside the door +in place of the live bird. + +[93] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 181. + +[94] During the funeral of Malakay, in Patok, August 16, 1907, the +wife kept wailing, "Malakay, Malakay, take me with you where you +go. Malakay, Malakay, take me with you. I have no brother. We were +together here, do not let us part. Malakay, take me with you where +you go." + +[95] In Manabo the wife is covered at night with a white blanket, but +during the day she wears it bandoleer fashion over one shoulder. In +Ba-ak a white blanket with black border is used in a similar way. If +the wife has neglected her husband during his illness, his relatives +may demand that she be punished by having a second blanket placed +over her, unless she pays them a small amount. It sometimes occurs +that the Lakay or old men impose both fine and punishment. In Likuan +the blanket is placed over the corpse and the wife. + +[96] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180. + +[97] This is still the case among the Apayao who live to the north +of the Tinguian (_Cole_, _Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. ii, No. 3, 1909, +p. 340). The custom is reflected in the folk-tales (Traditions of +the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 190; cf. also p. 372). + +[98] The writer has known of instances, where towns were deserted +following an epidemic of smallpox, and the dead were left unburied in +the houses. Such instances are unusual even for this dread disease, +and the funeral observances usually expose large numbers of the people +to infection. + +[99] In San Juan only thirty strokes are given. + +[100] In Manabo a rectangular hole is dug to about five feet, +then at right angles to this a chamber is cut to receive the body. +This is cut off from the main grave by a stone. A similar type of +grave is found in Sumatra (_Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., +p. 287, London, 1811). + +[101] According to this author, the Tinguian put the dried remains +of their dead in subterranean tombs or galleries, six or seven yards +in depth, the entrance being covered with a sort or trap door (_La +Gironière_, Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 115, London, 1853). + +[102] _Op. cit.,_ p. 121. + +[103] As distinguished from those of the dead. + +[104] Several times the writer has seen friends place money inside +the mat, "so that the spirit may have something to spend." + +[105] The large spirit house, built only by well-to-do families having +the hereditary right. + +[106] In the folk tales a very different method of disposing of the +dead is indicated (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, +pp. 23-24, and note). + +[107] Among the Tuaran Dusun of British North Borneo, a fire is built +near the mat on which the corpse lies, to protect the body from evil +spirits, who are feared as body snatchers (_Evans_, _Jour. Ant. Inst.,_ +Vol. XLVII, 1917, p. 159). + +[108] These consist of dishes, food, tobacco, fire-making outfit, +weapons, clothing, and the like. + +[109] In Ilocos Sur a ceremony which lifts the ban off the relatives +is held about five days after the funeral. Three months later, the +blood and oil are applied to the spouse, who is then released from all +restrictions. In San Juan and Lakub, a ceremony known as _Kilyas_ is +held five days after the funeral. The anointing is done as described +above, and then the medium drops a ball of rice under the house, +saying, "Go away sickness and death, do not come to our relatives." +When she has finished, drums are brought out, all the relatives dance +and "forget the sorrow," and are then released from all taboos. The +Layog is celebrated as in the valley towns. + +[110] Also known as _Waxi_ in San Juan, and _Bagoñgon_ in Sallapadin. +In the latter village, as well as in Manabo and Ba-ak, this ceremony +occurs a few days after the funeral. + +[111] This is known as _Apapáyag_ or _Inapapayag_ (p. 309). + +[112] The foregoing ceremonies follow the death of any adult, male or +female, but not of newborn children. If the first-born dies in infancy, +it is buried in the middle of the night when no one can see the corpse, +otherwise other babies will die. The parents don old garments, and are +barred from leaving the town or engaging in pastimes, until the ten-day +period has passed. No fire is built at the grave, nor are offerings +placed over it. When some one else is holding a _Layog_, the parents +may join them "to relieve their sorrow and show respect for the dead." + +[113] A folk-tale recorded in this town gives quite a different +idea of the abode of the spirits (Traditions of the Tinguian, +this volume, No. 1, p. 185; also p. 28, note 2). + +[114] Functions mentales dans les sociétés inférieures (Paris, +1910). + +[115] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. +180-182 + +[116] For a full discussion of this subject, see _Cole_, Relations +between the Living and the Dead (_Am. Jour. of Sociology,_ Vol. XXI, +No. 5, 1916, pp. 610, et seq.). + +[117] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. + +[118] In Manabo it is said that there are five sons, who reside in +the spirit houses known as _tangpap, alalot,_ and _pungkew_. + +[119] The people of Manabo say, he resides in the spirit-structures +known as _balaua, sogayab, batog,_and _balag_ (cf. pp. 308, _et seq.)_ + +[120] Among the Ifugao, Kabúnian is the lowest of the three layers +which make up the heavens (_Beyer_, Origin Myths among the Mountain +Peoples of the Philippines, _Phil. Jour. of Science,_ Vol. viii, +No. 2, 1913, p. 99). + +[121] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 15. + +[122] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume. No. 1, p. 32. + +[123] The medium is also sometimes called _manganito_. + +[124] Similar mediums and possession were observed among the ancient +Visayans. See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V, +p. 133; _Perez_ writing concerning Zambales says of their mediums, +"He commences to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many +faces by means of his eyes; he generally talks, sometimes between +his teeth, without any one understanding him. Sometimes he contents +himself with wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the trembling +of all his body. After a few moments he strikes himself on the knee, +and says he is the _anito_ to whom the sacrifice is being made." See +_Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit.,_Vol. XLVII, p. 301. + +[125] Among the ancient Tagalog, charms made of herbs, stones, and +wood, were used to infuse the heart with love (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, +The Philippine Islands, Vol VII, p. 194). Similar practices are +found in India, among the Selangor of the Malay Peninsula, among +the Bagobo of Mindanao and in Japan: see _Roy_, _Jour. Royal Anth, +Inst.,_Vol. XLIV, 1914, p. 337; _Skeat_ and _Blagden_, Pagan Races of +the Malay Peninsula, p. 312; _Benedict_, Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and +Myth, p. 220 _(Annals N. Y. Academy of Sciences,_ Vol. XXV, 1916); +_Hildburgh_, _Man_, Nov. 1915, pp. 168, _et seq.; Trans. Japan Soc,_ +Vol. VIII, pp. 132, _et seq._ + +[126] The _salaksak_ was also the omen bird of the Zambales (_Blair_ +and _Robertson_, Philippine Islands, Vol. XLVII, p. 307). + +[127] Predicting of the future through the flight of birds, or by +means of the entrails of slain animals, is widespread, not only in +the Philippines and Malaysia generally, but was equally important in +ancient Babylonia and Rome. The resemblances are so many that certain +writers, namely, _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _Kroeber_, and _Laufer_ are +inclined to credit them to common historical influences. See _Hose_ +and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 255 (London, +1912); _Kroeber_, Peoples of the Philippines (_American Museum of +Natural History,_ Handbook Series, No. 8, p. 192, New York, 1919); +_Laufer_, _Toung Pao, _1914, pp. 1-51. + +[128] For the _diam_ recited at this time, see Traditions of the +Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171. + +[129] More frequently the medium uses a piece of lead or one of the +shells of her _piling_ for this purpose. In many villages the medium, +while calling the spirits, wears one head-band for each time the +family has made this ceremony. + +[130] Had they not possessed a _balaua_, they would have made this +offering in the dwelling. + +[131] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. I, pp. 178-179. + +[132] The _sagang_ is the sharpened pole, which was passed through +the _foramen magnum_ of a captured skull. + +[133] Female spirits, who always stay in one place. + +[134] See Tradition of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 178. + +[135] This _diam_ is sometimes repeated for the _saloko_ (see p. 319). + +[136] Known as Palasód in Bakaok. + +[137] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 175. + +[138] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 174. + +[139] _Op. cit._, p. 175. + +[140] In Patok this offering is placed in a _saloko_, which is planted +close to the stream. + +[141] Known in Ba-ak and Langiden as Dayá, in Patok and vicinity as +Komon or Ubaiya. + +[142] This part of the ceremony is often omitted in the valley towns. + +[143] _Canarium villosum_ Bl. The resinous properties of this tree are +supposed to make bright or clear, to the spirits, that the ceremony has +been properly conducted. According to some informants, the _pala-an_ +is intended as a stable for the horse of Idadaya when he attends the +ceremony, but this seems to be a recent explanation. + +[144] This feeding of the spirits with blood and rice is known as +_pisek_, while the whole of the procedure about the mortar is called +_sangba_. + +[145] This consists of two bundles of rice, a dish of broken rice, +a hundred fathoms of thread, one leg of the pig, and a small coin. + +[146] Many spirits which appear here and in _Sayang_ are not mentioned +in the alphabetical list of spirits, as they play only a local or +minor role in the life of the people. + +[147] The spirit who lives in the _sagang_, the sharpened bamboo +sticks on which the skulls of enemies were displayed. + +[148] This is of particular interest, as the Tinguian are hostile +to the people of this region, and it is unlikely that either of the +mediums had ever seen a native of that region. + +[149] The name by which the Tinguian designate their own people. + +[150] The spirits' name for the Tinguian. + +[151] The term Alzado is applied to the wilder head-hunting groups +north and east of Abra. + +[152] When the _tangpap_ is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony, +it is a little house with two raised floors. On the lower are small +pottery jars, daubed with white, and filled with _basi_ (Plate XX). + +[153] The _talagan_ (see p. 308). + +[154] This being lives in Binogan. His brothers are Gilen, Ilongbosan, +Idodosan, Iyangayang, and Sagolo. + +[155] The site of the old village of Bukay. + +[156] In addition to the writer and his wife, Lieut. and +Mrs. H.B. Rowell were initiated at this time. The Lieutenant +had long been a friend and adviser of the tribe, and was held in +great esteem by them. The writer's full name was Agonan Dumalawi, +Mrs. Cole's--Ginobáyan Gimpayan, Lieut. Rowell's--Andonan Dogyawi, +and Mrs. Rowell's--Gayankayan Gidonan. + +[157] This raft is the _Taltalabong_, and is intended for the sons +and servants of Kadaklan. + +[158] It is customary to place a jar of _basi_ under or near the house, +so that Kadaklan may drink, before he reaches the function. This +offering had been neglected, hence his complaint. + +[159] This is the case if a person is just acquiring the right to +the ceremony. If the family is already privileged to give this rite, +it will occur in about three years, and _Sayang_ will follow some +four years later. + +[160] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171. + +[161] See _ibid._, p. 24. + +[162] In Patok, _diwas_ is sung as a part of _da-eng_ on the night +of _Libon_. + +[163] This is the same form as the "shield," which hangs above the +newborn infant (p. 312). + +[164] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177. + +[165] On two occasions an old bedstead of Spanish type served instead +of the frame. + +[166] See p. 315. In some towns the spirits are summoned at different +times during the ceremony, as in _Tangpap_. + +[167] See under Idasan, p. 309. + +[168] Each with its dormitory for bachelors, and usually for unmarried +girls. See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 49 (Manila, 1905). + +[169] _Combes_, Historia de las islas de Mindanao (Madrid, 1667), +translated by _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XL, p. 160; Vol. XLVII, +p. 300. _Ling Roth_, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, +Vol. II, p. 270, _et seq._(London, 1896). + +[170] For description of these villages, see _Cole_, Distribution of +the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_, +Vol. XI, p. 329). + +[171] See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1906). + +[172] Twenty years in the Philippines, p. 109 (London, 1853). + +[173] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 8. + +[174] See _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines +(Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1). + +[175] Despite frequent assertions to the contrary, the fire syringe +is not used by the Tinguian. It is found among the Tiagan Igorot, +the similarity of whose name has doubtless given rise to the error. + +[176] Head-hunting is widespread in this part of the world. It +is found in Assam, in the Solomon Islands, in Borneo, Formosa, +and, it is said, was formerly practiced in Japan. See _Hodson_ +(_Folklore,_ June, 1909, p. 109); _Rivers_, History of Melanesian +Society, Vol. II, p. 259 (Cambridge, 1914); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, +Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vols. I-II (London, 1912); _Shinji Ishii_ +(_Transactions Japan Soc. of London,_ Vol. XIV, pp. 7, _et seq.)._ + +[177] See _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon +(_Philippine Journal of Science,_ Vol. I, p. 824, Manila, 1906). + +[178] See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vols. V, +p. 137; XXI, p. 140; XXXIV, p. 377; XL, pp. 80-81; XLVII, p. 313; +XLVIII, p. 57. _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes +of Northwestern Luzon _(Am. Anth_., N. S., Vol. XI, 1909, p. 340); +_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (pub. Field Museum +of Natural History, Vol. XII No. 2, p. 114, _et seq._). + +[179] These are called _soga_. Their use is widespread in the +Philippines, in Malaysia generally, and even extends into upper +Burma. See _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and +Northeastern Frontier, pp. 186, _et seq._(London, 1914). _Marsden_, +Hist. of Sumatra, p. 310 (London, 1811). + +[180] See _Cole_, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of +Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94). + +[181] This description is partially taken from the account of _Paul +P. de La Gironière_, probably the one white man, who has witnessed +this rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853), +and from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated +in the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations. + +[182] See _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of +Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3, +1909, p. 340). + +[183] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22. + +[184] _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905); _Kroeber_, +The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series, +No. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919). + +[185] _Egerton_, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London, +1880), p. 84; _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Burma and +Northeastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration. + +[186] This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes, +and it is also widespread in Malaysia. + +[187] The mountain rice is known as _langpadan_, the lowland rice as +pagey (Ilocano _palay_). + +[188] This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. See _Marsden_, +History of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71-72 (London, 1811). + +[189] A similar device is employed in Java. See _Freeman_ and +_Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911). + +[190] The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. See +_Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94. + +[191] _Raffles_, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate +VIII (London, 1820); _Marsden_, _op. cit_., p. 74; _Freeman_ and +_Chandler_, _op. cit_., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider +this type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian name _alado_ +is doubtless a corruption of the Spanish _arado_, but this of course +would not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards. + +[192] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195, +_et seq_. + +[193] _Munia jagori_ (martens). Locally known as _tikgi_. + +[194] Probably the _ophiocephalus_. See _Dean_, _American Museum +Journal_, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22. + +[195] This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow. + +[196] The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks +with the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by the Apayao, +in parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. See _Marsden_, History of +Sumatra, p. 73; _Raffles_, History of Java, pp. 125-6, also Plate 8; +_Mayer_, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452, +(Leiden, 1897); _Van der Lith_, Nederlandsch Oost Indië, Vol. II, +p. 353, (Leiden, 1894). + +[197] Rice in the bundle is known as _palay_ or _pagey_. + +[198] The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands. + +[199] Ilocano _sanga-reppet_ or the Spanish _monojo_. + +[200] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177. + +[201] History of Sumatra, pp. 65, _et seq_. + +[202] _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, +pp. 246-7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern +Borneo, a recent acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam. + +[203] _Lavezaris_, writing in 1569-76, states that the natives, of no +specified district, "have great quantities of provisions which they +gathered from irrigated fields" (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, Philippine +Islands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250-251, of the same +publication, is a record of the expedition to Tue, in the mountains +at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the +natives of that section were, in 1592, gathering two crops of rice, +"one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself." + +[204] For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture, +see _Freeman_ and _Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products +(Boston, 1911); _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426, _et +seq_. (London, 1896); _Ferrars_, Burma, pp. 48, _et seq_. (London, +1901); _Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 232 (Groningen, +1906); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246; +_Perry_, _Manchester Memoirs_, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915-16; _Wallace_, The +Malay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894); _Cabaton_, Java and the +Dutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911); _Meyier_, Irrigation +in Java, _Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers,_ +Vol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908); _Bernard_, Aménagement des eaux à +Java, irrigation des rizières (Paris 1903); _Crawfurd_, History of +the Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358, _et seq_. (Edinburgh, 1820). + +[205] _Campbell_, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London, +1915). + +[206] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177. + +[207] Also known as Singá and Baubauwi. In Likuan it is held only +in case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan, +Patikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated +both before the planting and after the harvesting. + +[208] A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color. + +[209] _runo_, a reed. + +[210] _Justicia gendarussa_ L. + +[211] Also called _salokang_. See p. 310. + +[212] The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if +it is too abundant. + +[213] At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and +through them talk with the people. + +[214] _Lygodium_ near _scandens_. + +[215] In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached +to split sticks, (_sinobung_), and are fastened to a side wall of +the house. + +[216] Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan. + +[217] The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar +ceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo. +Should the bird known as _koling_ fly over the town during this period, +uttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise, +all is well. + +[218] Literally, "to give a taste." + +[219] Those used are _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ near _scandens_), +_talabibatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.) and _pedped_ (?). + +[220] Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer +D. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from +specimens collected by the writer. + +[221] Known generally throughout the Philippines as _gabi_. + +[222] The three common varieties of squash are _kalabasa_ (_Benincasa +certifera_), _tabongau_ and _tankoy_ (_Curcubita sp_.). + +[223] In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount of _maguey_ (_Agave +cantula_ Roxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords. + +[224] A less esteemed species is known as _lalawed ta aso_ ("dog +lawed"). + +[225] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100. + +[226] A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. See +_Aduarte_, Historia; _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It +is still found in many portions of the archipelago. + +[227] _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field +Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 82-83); _Hose_ +and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, pp. 194-195 +(MacMillan and Co., London, 1912); _Raffles_, History of Java, Vol. I, +pp. 192-193; _Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3rd edition (London, 1811), +p. 181; _Ferrais_, Burma, p. 105 (Low, Marston and Co., London, 1901); +_Peal_ (_Journ. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland,_ Vol. XXII, +p. 250, also Plate XIV, fig. No. 2). + +[228] _Rockhill_, _T'oung Pao_, Vol. XVI, 1915, pp. 268-269; _Blair_ +and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vols. II, p. 116; III, p. 209; IV, +p. 74; XXIX, p. 307; XL, p. 48, note; Philippine Census, Vol. I, +p. 482 (Washington, 1905). _De Morga_, Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas +(1609), see Hakluyt Soc. edition, pp. 338, _et seq._ (London, 1868). + +[229] Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo (Constable, London, +1904), pp. 282-283. See also _Low_, Sarawak--Its Inhabitants and +Productions, pp. 158, 209 (London, 1848). + +[230] _Op. cit._, Vol. I, pp. 193-194. + +[231] _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 434; _Marsden_, +_op. cit._, pp. 173, 181, 347 note. + +[232] Fifth Annual Report of the Mining Bureau of the Philippine +Islands, p. 31; Official Catalogue of the Philippine Exhibit, Universal +Exposition, p. 231 (St. Louis, 1904). + +[233] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. II, +pp. 116, 207; Vol. III, pp. 203, 270; Vol. IV, p. 98; Vol. V, p. 145; +Vol. VIII, p. 84; Vol. XII, p. 187; Vol. XVI, p. 106. _Zuniga_, +Estadismo (Retana's edition), Vol. II, pp. 41, 94. + +[234] _Foreman_, The Philippine Islands, p. 361 (London, 1892); +_Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 308 (Groningen, 1906); +_Skeat_, _Man_, Vol. I. 1901, p. 178; _Raffles_, History of Java, +2d ed., Vol. I p. 186 (London, 1830); _Brendon_ _(Journal of Indian +Art and Industry,_ Vol. X, No. 82, pp. 17, _et seq._). + +[235] Weaving in cotton is a recent introduction among the neighboring +Bontoc Igorot. Formerly their garments were made of flayed bark, +or were woven from local fiber plants. The threads from the latter +were spun or twisted on the naked thigh under the palm of the +hand. Cf. _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 113 (Manila, 1905). + +[236] A similar device is used in Burma. + +[237] The same type of wheel is found in Java. See _Mayer_, Een Blik +in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 469 (Leiden, 1897). + +[238] A similar warp winder is described for Bombay (_Brendon_, +_Journal of Indian Art and Industry_, Vol. X, No. 82, 1903, pp. 17, +_et seq_.). + +[239] For the distribution of this semi-girdle or back strap, see _Ling +Roth_, Studies in Primitive Looms (_Journal Royal Anthrop. Inst_., +Vol. XLVI, 1916, pp. 294, 299). + +[240] These are: _alinau_ (_Grewia multiflora_ Juss.); _babaket_ +(_Helicteres hirsuta_ Lour.); _laynai_--a large tree, unidentified; +_lapnek_ (_Abroma_ sp.) _ka'a-ka'ag_, an unidentified shrub; _losoban_ +(_grewia_); _pakak_, unidentified; _anabo_ (_Hibiscus pungens_ Roxb.); +_bangal_ (_Sterculia foctida_ L.); _saloyot_ (_Corchoeus olitorius_ +L.) _labtang_ (_Anamirta cocculus_); _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.); +_alagak_ (_anona_); _maling-kapas_ (_Ceiba pentandra_ Gaertn.); +_betning_ and _daldalopang_, unidentified; _maguey_ (_Agave cantula_ +Roxb.); _bayog_--a variety of bamboo. + +[241] It is not essential that the oil be applied, and oftentimes +whole sections are colored before being split. + +[242] From _káwat_, the twisting of vines about a tree. + +[243] This is the Arnatto dye, an American plant. _Watt_, Dictionary, +Vol. I, p. 454. + +[244] This tattooing is accomplished by mixing oil and the black +soot from the bottom of a cooking pot, or the pulverized ashes of +blue cloth. The paste is spread over the place to be treated, and +is driven in with an instrument consisting of three or four needles +set in a piece of bamboo. Sometimes the piercing of the skin is done +before the color is applied; the latter is then rubbed in. + +[245] Blackening of the teeth was practised by the Zambal, also in +Sumatra and Japan. _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XVI, p. 78; _Marsden_, +History of Sumatra, P. 53. + +[246] See pp. 445, 456 for words and music. + +[247] Shallow copper gongs. + +[248] Reyes says that this song, _daleng_, is similar to the _dallot_ +of the Ilocano (Artículos varios, p. 32). + +[249] Similar instruments are used by the Igorot who suspend them +free and beat them as they dance. + +[250] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For +the music see p. 445. + +[251] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. + +[252] I use the word "modern" in this connection, as it pertains to +the music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, and +among whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation. + +[253] By reference to the analysis of Record I, _Da-eng_ (Boys and +girls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have +been made by one set of singers, apparently women and girls, who +sang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been +tabulated with the women's songs. + +[254] Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality +(for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466). + +[255] Record J, _Da-eng_ (Girls' part), shows this mark in the "Scale" +given below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this +song, p. 471). + +[256] I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our +American Indians. _Burton_ ("Primitive American Music") shows its +frequent use among the Chippeway. Miss _Fletcher_ also shows groups in +five in her "Omaha Music," and Miss _Densmore_ gives similar grouping +in her transcriptions of American Indian songs. + +[257] _Grove_, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV. + +[258] _Rowbotham_, History of Music. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tinguian, by Fay-Cooper Cole + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TINGUIAN *** + +***** This file should be named 12849-8.txt or 12849-8.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/2/8/4/12849/ + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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If you find any mistakes, please edit the XML source. --><html lang="en-us"> +<head> +<meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=UTF-8"> + +<title>The Tinguian: Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe</title> +<link href="style/gutenberg.css" rel="stylesheet" type="text/css"> +<link href="style/arctic.css" rel="stylesheet" type="text/css"> +<link rel="schema.DC" href="http://purl.org/DC/elements/1.0/"> +<meta name="author" content="Fay-Cooper Cole"> +<meta name="DC.Creator" content="Fay-Cooper Cole"> +<meta name="DC.Title" content="The Tinguian: Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe"> +<meta name="DC.Date" content="June 2004"> +<meta name="DC.Language" content="en-us"> +</head> +<body> + +<pre> + +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tinguian, by Fay-Cooper Cole + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Tinguian + Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe + +Author: Fay-Cooper Cole + +Release Date: July 8, 2004 [EBook #12849] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: UTF-8 + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TINGUIAN *** + + + + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team + + + + + +</pre> + + +<h1 class="docTitle">The Tinguian</h1> +<h1 class="docTitle">Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe</h1> +<h2 class="byline">By<br> +<span class="docAuthor">Fay-Cooper Cole</span><br> +Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology +</h2> +<h2 class="docImprint">1922</h2><span class="pageno"><a id="d0e79"></a>Page 229</span><a id="d0e80"></a><h1>Contents</h1> +<p id="d0e83"> +</p> +<ul id="d0e85"> +<li id="d0e86"> <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e89" href="#d0e291">List of Illustrations</a></span> 231 +</li> +<li id="d0e92"> <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e95" href="#d0e754">Introduction</a></span> 235 +</li> +<li id="d0e98">I. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e101" href="#d0e817">Geographical Relations and History</a></span> 238 +</li> +<li id="d0e104">II. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e107" href="#d0e1124">Physical Type and Relationships</a></span> 247 +</li> +<li id="d0e110">III. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e113" href="#d0e3209">The Cycle of Life</a></span> 261 + +<ul id="d0e116"> +<li id="d0e117"><a id="d0e118" href="#d0e3212">Birth</a> 261 + +</li> +<li id="d0e121"><a id="d0e122" href="#d0e3665">Childhood</a> 272 + +</li> +<li id="d0e125"><a id="d0e126" href="#d0e3849">Engagement and Marriage</a> 278 + +</li> +<li id="d0e129"><a id="d0e130" href="#d0e4104">Death and Burial</a> 283 + +</li> +<li id="d0e133"><a id="d0e134" href="#d0e4338">The Layog</a> 290 + +</li> +</ul> +</li> +<li id="d0e137">IV. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e140" href="#d0e4442">Religion and Magic</a></span> 295 +</li> +<li id="d0e143">V. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e146" href="#d0e5322">The Ceremonies</a></span> 315 + +<ul id="d0e149"> +<li id="d0e150">1. <a id="d0e152" href="#d0e5329">The Minor Ceremonies</a> 315 + +</li> +<li id="d0e155">2. <a id="d0e157" href="#d0e5802">The Great Ceremonies</a> 327 + +</li> +<li id="d0e160">3. <a id="d0e162" href="#d0e6881">Special Ceremonies</a> 355 + +</li> +</ul> +</li> +<li id="d0e165">VI. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e168" href="#d0e6960">Social Organization. Government. The Village</a></span> 359 +</li> +<li id="d0e171">VII. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e174" href="#d0e7279">Warfare, Hunting, and Fishing</a></span> 371 +</li> +<li id="d0e177">VIII. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e180" href="#d0e7691">Economic Life</a></span> 387 + +<ul id="d0e183"> +<li id="d0e184"><a id="d0e185" href="#d0e7694">Rice Culture</a> 387 + +</li> +<li id="d0e188"><a id="d0e189" href="#d0e8442">Cultivated Plants and Trees</a> 403 + +</li> +<li id="d0e192"><a id="d0e193" href="#d0e8737">Wild Plants and Trees</a> 408 + +</li> +<li id="d0e196"><a id="d0e197" href="#d0e8861">Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease</a> 409 + +</li> +<li id="d0e200"><a id="d0e201" href="#d0e8982">Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants</a> 410 + +</li> +<li id="d0e204"><a id="d0e205" href="#d0e9025">Domestic Animals</a> 411 + +</li> +</ul> +</li> +<li id="d0e208">IX. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e211" href="#d0e9055">Products of Industry</a></span> 413 + +<ul id="d0e214"> +<li id="d0e215"><a id="d0e216" href="#d0e9058">Iron-Working</a> 413 + +</li> +<li id="d0e219"><a id="d0e220" href="#d0e9188">Spinning and Weaving</a> 416 + +</li> +<li id="d0e223"><a id="d0e224" href="#d0e9356">Manufacture of Rope and String</a> 420 + +</li> +<li id="d0e227"><a id="d0e228" href="#d0e9503">Bark Cloth</a> 422 + +</li> +<li id="d0e231"><a id="d0e232" href="#d0e9515">Basket Making</a> 423 + +</li> +<li id="d0e235"><a id="d0e236" href="#d0e9664">Mats</a> 426 + +</li> +<li id="d0e239"><a id="d0e240" href="#d0e9677">Dyes</a> 426 + +</li> +<li id="d0e243"><a id="d0e244" href="#d0e9752">Net Making</a> 427 + +</li> +<li id="d0e247"><a id="d0e248" href="#d0e9769">Manufacture of Pottery</a> 427 + +</li> +<li id="d0e251"><a id="d0e252" href="#d0e9792">Pipe Making</a> 428 + +</li> +<li id="d0e255"><a id="d0e256" href="#d0e9820">Method of Drying Hides</a> 429 + +</li> +</ul> +</li> +<li id="d0e259">X. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e262" href="#d0e9830">Decorative Art</a></span> 431 +</li> +<li id="d0e265">XI. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e268" href="#d0e9972">Personal Adornment, Dances, and Musical Instruments</a></span> 437 +</li> +<li id="d0e271">XII. <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e274" href="#d0e10201">Music, By Albert Gale</a></span> 443 +</li> +<li id="d0e277"> <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e280" href="#d0e11542">Conclusions</a></span> 486 +</li> +<li id="d0e283"> <span class="smallcaps"><a id="d0e286" href="#d0e12025">Index</a></span> 491 +</li> +</ul><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e290"></a>Page 230</span></p><a id="d0e291"></a><h1>List of Illustrations</h1><a id="d0e294"></a><h2>Text-Figures</h2> +<ul id="d0e297"> +<li id="d0e298"> 1. <a id="d0e300" href="#d0e3688">Child's Cradle and Jumper</a></li> +<li id="d0e302"> 2. <a id="d0e304" href="#d0e3839">Diagram of a Game</a></li> +<li id="d0e306"> 3. <a id="d0e308" href="#d0e4211">Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves</a></li> +<li id="d0e310"> 4. <a id="d0e312" href="#d0e5202">Ceremonial Paraphernalia</a></li> +<li id="d0e314"> 5. <a id="d0e316" href="#d0e7182">Household Objects</a></li> +<li id="d0e318"> 6. <a id="d0e320" href="#d0e7239">Spoons and Ladles</a></li> +<li id="d0e322"> 7. <a id="d0e324" href="#d0e7446">Types of Knives</a></li> +<li id="d0e326"> 8. <a id="d0e328" href="#d0e7471">Head-axes</a></li> +<li id="d0e330"> 9. <a id="d0e332" href="#d0e7493">Spears</a></li> +<li id="d0e334">10. <a id="d0e336" href="#d0e7534">Shields</a></li> +<li id="d0e338">11. <a id="d0e340" href="#d0e7565">Chicken Snare</a></li> +<li id="d0e342">12. <a id="d0e344" href="#d0e7627">Bird Snares</a></li> +<li id="d0e346">13. <a id="d0e348" href="#d0e7663">Fishing Devices</a></li> +<li id="d0e350">14. <a id="d0e352" href="#d0e7720">Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter</a></li> +<li id="d0e354">15. <a id="d0e356" href="#d0e7845">Agricultural Implements</a></li> +<li id="d0e358">16. <a id="d0e360" href="#d0e9277">Devices Used in Spinning and Weaving</a></li> +<li id="d0e362">17. <a id="d0e364" href="#d0e9469">Rope-Making Appliances</a></li> +<li id="d0e366">18. <a id="d0e368" href="#d0e9499">Bark Beater</a></li> +<li id="d0e370">19. <a id="d0e372" href="#d0e9562">Basket Weaves</a></li> +<li id="d0e374">20. <a id="d0e376" href="#d0e9765">Net Needle and Mesh Stick</a></li> +<li id="d0e378">21. <a id="d0e380" href="#d0e9811">Tobacco-Pipes</a></li> +<li id="d0e382">22. <a id="d0e384" href="#d0e9883">Designs on Pipes and Pottery</a></li> +<li id="d0e386">23. <a id="d0e388" href="#d0e9889">Decorative Designs</a></li> +<li id="d0e390">24. <a id="d0e392" href="#d0e9895">Patterns Used in Weaving</a></li> +<li id="d0e394">25. <a id="d0e396" href="#d0e9901">Blanket Designs</a></li> +<li id="d0e398">26. <a id="d0e400" href="#d0e10151">Musical Instruments</a></li> +</ul><a id="d0e402"></a><h2>Plates</h2> +<ul id="d0e405"> +<li id="d0e406"><i>Frontispiece</i>: <a id="d0e410" href="#d0e11583">Map of Northwestern Luzon.</a></li> +<li id="d0e412">I. <a id="d0e414" href="#d0e11588">The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.</a></li> +<li id="d0e416">II. <a id="d0e418" href="#d0e11593">Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera Central.</a></li> +<li id="d0e420">III. <a id="d0e422" href="#d0e11598">Manabo Man.</a></li> +<li id="d0e424">IV. <a id="d0e426" href="#d0e11603">Man of Ba-ak.</a></li> +<li id="d0e428">V. <a id="d0e430" href="#d0e11608">Manabo Woman.</a></li> +<li id="d0e432">VI. <a id="d0e434" href="#d0e11613">Woman of Patok.</a></li> +<li id="d0e436">VII. <a id="d0e438" href="#d0e11618">A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.</a></li> +<li id="d0e440">VIII. <a id="d0e442" href="#d0e11623">A Young Man from Likuan.</a></li> +<li id="d0e444">IX. <a id="d0e446" href="#d0e11628">Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</a></li> +<li id="d0e448">X. <a id="d0e450" href="#d0e11635">A Woman from Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</a></li> +<li id="d0e452">XI. <a id="d0e454" href="#d0e11642">A Typical Small Boy (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</a></li> +<li id="d0e456">XII. <a id="d0e458" href="#d0e11649">The Baby Tender.</a></li> +<li id="d0e460">XIII. <a id="d0e462" href="#d0e11654">A Betrothed Maiden.</a><span class="pageno"><a id="d0e464"></a>Page 231</span></li> +<li id="d0e465">XIV. <a id="d0e467" href="#d0e11659">The Wedding.</a></li> +<li id="d0e469">XV. <a id="d0e471" href="#d0e11664">Mothers and Babies.</a></li> +<li id="d0e473">XVI. <a id="d0e475" href="#d0e11669">Funeral of Malakay.</a></li> +<li id="d0e477">XVII. <a id="d0e479" href="#d0e11674">The Whipping at a Funeral.</a></li> +<li id="d0e481">XVIII. <a id="d0e483" href="#d0e11679">Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.</a></li> +<li id="d0e485">XIX. <a id="d0e487" href="#d0e11684">The Medium's Outfit.</a></li> +<li id="d0e489">XX. <a id="d0e491" href="#d0e11689">Ceremonial Houses.</a></li> +<li id="d0e493">XXI. <a id="d0e495" href="#d0e11694">Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.</a></li> +<li id="d0e497">XXII. <a id="d0e499" href="#d0e11699">Spirit Houses in a Garden.</a></li> +<li id="d0e501">XXIII. <a id="d0e503" href="#d0e11704">The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.</a></li> +<li id="d0e505">XXIV. <a id="d0e507" href="#d0e11709">The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. Ceremonies.</a></li> +<li id="d0e509">XXV. <a id="d0e511" href="#d0e11714">The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.</a></li> +<li id="d0e513">XXVI. <a id="d0e515" href="#d0e11719">Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.</a></li> +<li id="d0e517">XXVII. <a id="d0e519" href="#d0e11724">The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.</a></li> +<li id="d0e521">XXVIII. <a id="d0e523" href="#d0e11729">Gateway at Likuan.</a></li> +<li id="d0e525">XXIX. <a id="d0e527" href="#d0e11734">Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.</a></li> +<li id="d0e529">XXX. <a id="d0e531" href="#d0e11739">A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.</a></li> +<li id="d0e533">XXXI. <a id="d0e535" href="#d0e11744">Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.</a></li> +<li id="d0e537">XXXII. <a id="d0e539" href="#d0e11749">Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield.</a></li> +<li id="d0e541">XXXIII. <a id="d0e543" href="#d0e11754">Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony.</a></li> +<li id="d0e545">XXXIV. <a id="d0e547" href="#d0e11759">Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits.</a></li> +<li id="d0e549">XXXV. <a id="d0e551" href="#d0e11764">The Sayang Ceremony.</a></li> +<li id="d0e553">XXXVI. <a id="d0e555" href="#d0e11769">Potters at Work.</a></li> +<li id="d0e557">XXXVII. <a id="d0e559" href="#d0e11774">A Family of Laba-an.</a></li> +<li id="d0e561">XXXVIII. <a id="d0e563" href="#d0e11779">The Village of Sallapadin.</a></li> +<li id="d0e565">XXXIX. <a id="d0e567" href="#d0e11784">Typical Houses.</a></li> +<li id="d0e569">XL. <a id="d0e571" href="#d0e11789">House Building.</a></li> +<li id="d0e573">XLI. <a id="d0e575" href="#d0e11794">Roofing a House.</a></li> +<li id="d0e577">XLII. <a id="d0e579" href="#d0e11799">Water Carriers (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</a></li> +<li id="d0e581">XLIII. <a id="d0e583" href="#d0e11806">A Tinguian Housewife (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</a></li> +<li id="d0e585">XLIV. <a id="d0e587" href="#d0e11813">A Warrior.</a></li> +<li id="d0e589">XLV. <a id="d0e591" href="#d0e11818">Hunter Fitted for the Trail.</a></li> +<li id="d0e593">XLVI. <a id="d0e595" href="#d0e11823">Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey.</a></li> +<li id="d0e597">XLVII. <a id="d0e599" href="#d0e11828">Shooting the Blowgun.</a></li> +<li id="d0e601">XLVIII. <a id="d0e603" href="#d0e11833">Highland Field and Terraces at Patok.</a></li> +<li id="d0e605">XLIX. <a id="d0e607" href="#d0e11838">The Rice Terraces near Likuan.</a></li> +<li id="d0e609">L. <a id="d0e611" href="#d0e11843">Plowing in the Lower Terraces.</a></li> +<li id="d0e613">LI. <a id="d0e615" href="#d0e11848">Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds.</a></li> +<li id="d0e617">LII. <a id="d0e619" href="#d0e11853">Transplanting the Rice.</a></li> +<li id="d0e621">LIII. <a id="d0e623" href="#d0e11858">Bird Scarers in the Fields.</a></li> +<li id="d0e625">LIV. <a id="d0e627" href="#d0e11863">Harvesting the Rice.</a></li> +<li id="d0e629">LV. <a id="d0e631" href="#d0e11868">The Rice Granary.</a></li> +<li id="d0e633">LVI. <a id="d0e635" href="#d0e11873">Pounding Rice (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</a></li> +<li id="d0e637">LVII. <a id="d0e639" href="#d0e11880">Winnowing and Sifting (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</a></li> +<li id="d0e641">LVIII. <a id="d0e643" href="#d0e11887">Drying Corn.</a></li> +<li id="d0e645">LIX. <a id="d0e647" href="#d0e11892">Breaking the Corn between Two Stones.</a></li> +<li id="d0e649">LX. <a id="d0e651" href="#d0e11897">Preparing Tobacco.</a></li> +<li id="d0e653">LXI. <a id="d0e655" href="#d0e11902">Feeding the Pigs.</a></li> +<li id="d0e657">LXII. <a id="d0e659" href="#d0e11907">A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers.</a></li> +<li id="d0e661">LXIII. <a id="d0e663" href="#d0e11912">Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread.</a></li> +<li id="d0e665">LXIV. <a id="d0e667" href="#d0e11917">Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide.</a></li> +<li id="d0e669">LXV. <a id="d0e671" href="#d0e11922">Spinning (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</a><span class="pageno"><a id="d0e673"></a>Page 232</span></li> +<li id="d0e674">LXVI. <a id="d0e676" href="#d0e11929">Weaving a Blanket.</a></li> +<li id="d0e678">LXVII. <a id="d0e680" href="#d0e11934">Basket Making.</a></li> +<li id="d0e682">LXVIII. <a id="d0e684" href="#d0e11939">Basket Types.</a></li> +<li id="d0e686">LXIX. <a id="d0e688" href="#d0e11944">Basket Types.</a></li> +<li id="d0e690">LXX. <a id="d0e692" href="#d0e11949">The Net Maker.</a></li> +<li id="d0e694">LXXI. <a id="d0e696" href="#d0e11954">Ceremonial Blanket.</a></li> +<li id="d0e698">LXXII. <a id="d0e700" href="#d0e11959">Blankets Showing Designs.</a></li> +<li id="d0e702">LXXIII. <a id="d0e704" href="#d0e11964">Blankets Showing Designs.</a></li> +<li id="d0e706">LXXIV. <a id="d0e708" href="#d0e11969">Woven Belts and Clouts.</a></li> +<li id="d0e710">LXXV. <a id="d0e712" href="#d0e11974">Men of Sallapadin.</a></li> +<li id="d0e714">LXXVI. <a id="d0e716" href="#d0e11979">Typical Dress of the Man.</a></li> +<li id="d0e718">LXXVII. <a id="d0e720" href="#d0e11984">Women in Full Dress.</a></li> +<li id="d0e722">LXXVIII. <a id="d0e724" href="#d0e11989">Customary Dress of the Woman.</a></li> +<li id="d0e726">LXXIX. <a id="d0e728" href="#d0e11994">Women's Arm Beads.</a></li> +<li id="d0e730">LXXX. <a id="d0e732" href="#d0e11999">Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</a></li> +<li id="d0e734">LXXXI, 1. <a id="d0e736" href="#d0e12006">Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony.</a></li> +<li id="d0e738">LXXXI, 2. <a id="d0e740" href="#d0e12011">Beating the Copper Gongs.</a></li> +<li id="d0e742">LXXXII. <a id="d0e744" href="#d0e12016">The Nose Flute.</a></li> +<li id="d0e746">LXXXIII. <a id="d0e748" href="#d0e12021">Playing on Bamboo Guitars.</a></li> +</ul><span class="pageno"><a id="d0e750"></a>Page 233</span><a id="d0e754"></a><h1>Introduction</h1> +<p id="d0e757">It seems desirable, at the outset, to set forth certain general conclusions regarding the Tinguian and their neighbors. Probably +no pagan tribe of the Philippines has received more frequent notice in literature, or has been the subject of more theories +regarding its origin, despite the fact that information concerning it has been exceedingly scanty, and careful observations +on the language and physical types have been totally lacking. + +</p> +<p id="d0e759">According to various writers, these people are descended from Chinese, Japanese, or Arabs; are typical Malay; are identical +with the Igorot; are pacific, hospitable, and industrious; are inveterate head-hunters, inhospitable, lazy, and dirty. The +detailed discussion of these assertions will follow later in the volume, but at this point I wish to state briefly the racial +and cultural situation, as I believe it to exist in northwestern Luzon. + +</p> +<p id="d0e761">I am under the impression that at one time this whole region was inhabited by pygmy blacks, known as Aeta or Negrito, small +groups of whom still retain their identity. With the coming of an alien people they were pressed back from the coasts to the +less hospitable regions of the interior, where they were, for the most part, exterminated, but they intermarried with the +invaders to such an extent that to-day there is no tribe or group in northwestern Luzon but shows evidence of intermixture +with them. I believe that the newcomers were drawn from the so-called primitive Malay peoples of southeastern Asia; that in +their movement eastward and northward they met with and absorbed remnants of an earlier migration made up of a people closely +related to the Polynesians, and that the results of this intermixture are still evident, not only in Luzon, but in every part +of the Archipelago. + +</p> +<p id="d0e763">In northern Luzon, I hold, we find evidences of at least two series of waves and periods of migration, the members of which +are similar physical type and language. It appears, however, that they came from somewhat different localities of southeastern +Asia and had, in their old homes, developed social organizations and other elements of <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e765"></a>Page 234</span>culture radically different from one another—institutions and groupings which they brought with them to the Philippines, and +which they have maintained up to the present time. + +</p> +<p id="d0e767">To the first series belong the Igorot<a id="d0e769src" href="#d0e769" class="noteref">1</a> with their institutions of trial marriage; division of their settlements into social and political units known as <i>ato</i>; separate dormitories for unmarried men and women; government by the federated divisions of a village as represented by the +old men; and a peculiar and characteristic type of dwelling. + +</p> +<p id="d0e778">In the second wave series we find the Apayo, the western division at least of the people known as Kalinga, the Tinguian, and +Ilocano.<a id="d0e780src" href="#d0e780" class="noteref">2</a> In none of these groups do we find the institutions just mentioned. Trial unions are unknown, and marriage restrictions are +based solely on blood relationship; government is through the headman aided by the elders of his village, or is a pure democracy. +Considerable variation exists between the dwellings of these four peoples, yet they conform to a general type which is radically +different from that of the Igorot. + +</p> +<p id="d0e789">The Apayao and Kalinga divisions of this second wave series, by reason of their environment, their more isolated localities +and consequent lack of frequent communication with the coast, have a simpler culture than that of the Tinguian; yet they have, +during many generations, developed certain traits and institutions now apparently peculiar to them. The Tinguian and Ilocano, +on the other hand, have had the advantages of outside communication of extensive trade, and the admixture of a certain amount +of foreign blood. + +</p> +<p id="d0e791">These last two groups evidently left their ancient home as a unit, at a time prior to the Hindu domination of Java and Sumatra, +but probably not until the influence of that civilization had begun to make itself felt. Traces of Indian culture are still +to be found in the language, folklore, religion, and economic life of this people, while the native script which the Spanish +found in use among the Ilocano seems, without doubt, to owe its origin to that source. + +</p> +<p id="d0e793">After reaching Luzon, this people slowly broke up into groups which spread out over the provinces of Ilocos Sur and Norte, +Union and Abra. The partial isolation of some of these divisions, local feuds, the universal custom of head-hunting, and the +need of human victims to accompany the spirits of the dead, all doubtless aided in separating <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e795"></a>Page 235</span>the tribe into a number of dialect groups,—groups which nevertheless retained the old culture to a surprising degree. + +</p> +<p id="d0e797">Long before the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese and Japanese traders were visiting the Ilocos coasts. We are also informed +that merchants from Macao and India went there from time to time, while trade relations with Pangasinan and the Tagalog provinces +were well developed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e799">The leavening influence of trade and contact with other peoples resulted in such advancement that this people was early mentioned as one of the six +“civilized” tribes of the Philippines. + +</p> +<p id="d0e804">Upon the arrival of Salcedo, the greater portion of the coast people accepted the rule of Spain and the Christian religion, +while the more conservative element retired to the interior, and there became merged with the mountain people. To the Spaniards, +the Christianized natives became known as Ilocano, while the people of the mountain valleys were called Tinguian, or mountain +dwellers. + +</p> +<p id="d0e806">If the foregoing sketch is correct, as I believe the data which follow prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a +people living much the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, +and we can study in them early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer. + +</p> +<p id="d0e808">This second and concluding section of Volume XIV gives the greater part of the results of an investigation carried on by me +with the assistance of Mrs. Cole among the Tinguian, from January, 1907, to June, 1908; the funds for which were furnished +Field Museum of Natural History by the late Robert F. Cummings. The further generosity of Mrs. Cummings, in contributing a +fund toward the printing of this publication is also gratefully acknowledged. + +</p> +<p id="d0e810">A collection of texts and a study of the language are contemplated for a separate volume, as is also the detailed treatment +of the anthropometric data. + +</p> +<p id="d0e812">For the transcription of the phonograph records and the chapter on Music, I am indebted to Mr. Albert Gale. His painstaking +analysis establishes beyond question the value of the phonograph as an aid in ethnographic research. + +</p> +<p id="d0e814">The photographs, unless otherwise noted, were taken by the author in the field. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e816"></a>Page 236</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e769" href="#d0e769src" class="noteref">1</a> The <span class="smallcaps">Bontoc</span> Igorot is taken as one of the least influenced and most typical of the Igorot groups. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e780" href="#d0e780src" class="noteref">2</a> On this point see <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, The Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (<i>American Anthropologist</i>, N.S., Vol. XI, 1909, pp. 329–347). +</p> +</div><a id="d0e817"></a><h1>Geographical Relations and History</h1> +<p id="d0e820">The Tinguian are a pagan Philippine people who inhabit chiefly the mountain province of Abra in northwestern Luzon. From this +center their settlements radiate in all directions. To the north and west, they extend into Ilocos Sur and Norte as far as +Kabittaoran. Manabo, on the south, is their last settlement; but Barit, Amtuagan, Gayaman, and Luluno are Tinguian mixed with +Igorot from Agawa and Sagada. Villaviciosa is an Igorot settlement from Sagada, but Bulilising, still farther south, is predominantly +Tinguian. Sigay in Amburayan is said to be made up of emigrants from Abra, while a few rancherias in Lepanto are likewise +much influenced. The non-Christian population of Ilocos Sur, south of Vigan, is commonly called Tinguian, but only seven villages +are properly so classed;<a id="d0e822src" href="#d0e822" class="noteref">1</a> four others are inhabited by a mixed population, while the balance are Igorot colonies from Titipan, Sagada, and Fidilisan. +Along the Cordillera Central, from the head-waters of the Saltan (Malokbot) river as far south as Balatok, is found a population +of mixed Tinguian, Kalinga, and Igorot blood. Kalinga predominates north of Balbalasang and along the Gobang river, while +the Igorot is dominant in Guina-an, Lubuagan, and Balatok. Tinguian intermarriage has not extended far beyond Balbalasang, +but their culture and dress have affected the whole region.<a id="d0e825src" href="#d0e825" class="noteref">2</a> From this belt there have been extensive migrations into Abra, the newcomers for the most part marrying with the Tinguian, +but in the Ikmin river valley emigrants from Balatok formed the towns of Danok, Amti, and Doa-angan, which have remained quite +isolated up to the present time. Agsimao and other towns of the Tineg group, in the extreme northern end of Abra, are made +up chiefly of Apayao mixed with Kalinga, while all the villages on the headwaters of the Binongan have received emigrants +from the Kagayan side. The population of the towns properly classed as Tinguian is approximately twenty thousand individuals.<a id="d0e837src" href="#d0e837" class="noteref">3</a> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e842"></a>Page 237</span></p> +<p id="d0e843">From the foregoing it is seen that, with the exception of a few villages of mixed descent, all their territory lies on the +western side of the Cordillera Central,<a id="d0e845src" href="#d0e845" class="noteref">4</a> the great mountain range which runs from north to south through northern Luzon. + +</p> +<p id="d0e848">As one emerges from the jungle, which covers the eastern slopes of these mountains, and looks down over the province of Abra, +he sees an exceedingly broken land (Plates <a id="d0e850" href="#d0e11588">I</a> and <a id="d0e853" href="#d0e11593">II</a>), the subordinate ranges succeeding one another like the waves of the sea. The first impression is one of barrenness. The +forest vanishes, and in its place are long grassy slopes, broken here and there by scattered pines and lower down by dense +growths of the graceful, feathery bamboo. But this lack of trees is more fancied than real, for as one proceeds down any of +the valleys he meets with side canyons, where the tropical jungle still holds sway, while many a mountain side is covered +with a dense undergrowth of shrubs, plants, and vines. It seems probable that the forest once covered the western slopes of +the mountains, but accident and intention on the part of man has cleared broad sections. As soon as the shade is removed, +the land is invaded by a coarse grass (the <i>cogon</i>), and this is burned over each year in order to provide feed for the stock and to make good hunting grounds. The young trees +are killed off and reforesting prevented. + +</p> +<p id="d0e859">Numerous streams plunge from the high mountains toward the coast. In places they rush through deep gorges between high mountains, +again they pass peacefully through mountain valleys. Everywhere they are fed by minor streams and waterfalls until at last, +as they emerge into the broader valleys of the Abra and its tributaries, they are rivers of respectable size. + +</p> +<p id="d0e861">The great central valley of Abra is far from being a level plain. In places, as about Manabo, Bukay, and Bangued, there are +stretches of level land; but, for the most part, the country is rough and broken. This valley is cut off from the sea by the +Coast Range of mountains which forms the provincial line between Abra and Ilocos Sur, while another heavy spur forms the northern +limits of Abra from Ilocos Sur to the Cordillera Central. Two small and rather difficult passes afford entrance from the coastal +plain into the valley, but the chief avenue of communication is the cut through which the Abra river reaches the sea. So narrow +is this entrance that, at high water, the river completely covers the floor and often raises its waters ten or fifteen feet +up the canyon side. In recent years a road has been cut in the rocks above the flood waters, but even to-day most of the traffic +between Abra and <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e863"></a>Page 238</span>the coast is carried on by means of rafts which are poled up the river.<a id="d0e865src" href="#d0e865" class="noteref">5</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e868">The rainfall averages about one hundred inches, and most of this precipitation takes place between May and the end of September. +This, coupled with the lack of forest, causes the rivers to become rushing torrents during the rainy season, while during +the balance of the year most of them are mere rivulets. Under these conditions there has been no development of navigation +by the mountaineers. On occasion they may construct a bamboo raft, but they possess no boats of any description. + +</p> +<p id="d0e870">The great fluctuation of the streams makes fishing an uncertain occupation; yet at least a dozen varieties of fish are known, +and enough are taken to add materially to the food supply. + +</p> +<p id="d0e872">Deer and pig are fairly abundant, and a considerable number is killed each year; wild carabao roam the mountain sides and +uninhabited valleys, but they are dangerous animals, and can seldom be taken with the primitive weapons of the natives. Wild +chickens are plentiful, and many are snared, together with smaller birds. In fact, there is sufficient game and fish to support +a considerable population, if the people would turn seriously to their capture, so that the oft repeated statement that the +mountaineers of Abra were forced to agriculture is not entirely accurate. It seems much more probable that, at the time of +their entrance into the interior valleys, the Tinguian were already acquainted with terraced hillside fields, and that they +developed them as needed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e874">The soil is fairly fertile, the rainfall abundant during the growing season, and the climate warm enough to insure good crops. +The thermometer ranges between 80° and 85° during the day, but there is generally a land or sea breeze, so that actual discomfort +from the heat is unusual. The nights are somewhat cooler, but a drop of a few degrees is felt so keenly that a person may +be uncomfortarble at 70°. + +</p> +<p id="d0e876">Fogs and cold rains are not uncommon during the wet season, while one or more typhoons can be expected each year. Earthquakes +are likewise of occasional occurrence, but the construction of the houses is such that storms and earthquakes do much less +damage than along the coast. + +</p> +<p id="d0e878">There is no doubt that the natural ruggedness of the country and the long rainy season have had a strong influence on the +people, but this has been chiefly in isolating them in small groups. The high <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e880"></a>Page 239</span>mountains separating the narrow valleys, the lack of water transportation, the difficulty of maintaining trails, have all +tended to keep the people in small communities, while the practice of head-hunting has likewise raised a barrier to free communication. +Thus, the settlements within a limited area have become self-sustaining groups; a condition which has existed long enough +to allow for the development of five dialects. + +</p> +<p id="d0e882">The traditions of the Tinguian furnish us with no stories of an earlier home than Luzon, but there are many accounts of migrations +from the coast back into the mountains, after the arrival of the Spaniards and the Christianization of the Ilocano. The fact +that there is an historical background for these tales is amply proven by fragments of pottery and the like, which the writer +has recovered from the reported sites of ancient settlements. + +</p> +<p id="d0e884">The part played by this people in Philippine history is small indeed, and most of the references to them have been of an incidental +nature. + +</p> +<p id="d0e886">Apparently, they first came in contact with the Spanish in 1572 when Salcedo was entrusted with the task of subduing that +part of Luzon now known as the Ilocano provinces. The people he encountered are described as being more barbarous than the +Tagalog, not so light complexioned, nor so well clad, but husbandmen who possessed large fields, and whose land abounded in +rice and cotton. + +</p> +<p id="d0e888">Their villages were of considerable size, and each was ruled over by a local headman who owed allegiance to no central authority, +There was a uniform, well recognized code of law or custom, and a considerable part of the population could read and write +in a native script similar to that of the Tagalog. They also possessed gold, which was reported to have come from rich mines +in the interior, and on primitive forges were turning out excellent steel weapons, but the use of fire-arms was unknown. According +to <span class="smallcaps">Reyes</span>, their weapons consisted of lances, bows and arrows, bolos, great shields which protected them from head to foot, blow guns +and poisoned arrows. The newcomers also found a flourishing trade being carried on with Manila and the settlements in Pangasinan, +as well as with the Chinese. This trade was of such importance that, as early as 1580 pirate fleets from Japan frequently +scoured the coast in search of Chinese vessels and goods, while from time to time Japanese traders visited the Ilocos ports. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e893">Apparently trade relations were not interrupted for a considerable time after the arrival of the Spaniards, for in 1629 Medina +states that <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e895"></a>Page 240</span>ships from China, Macao, and India “are accustomed to anchor in these ports—and all to the advantage of this district.”<a id="d0e897src" href="#d0e897" class="noteref">6</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e927">That pre-Spanish trade was not restricted to the Ilocos provinces, but was active along the whole northern coast of Luzon +has been amply proved by many writers. In fact, the inhabitants of Pangasinan not only had trade relations with Borneo, Japan, +and China,<a id="d0e929src" href="#d0e929" class="noteref">7</a> but it now seems probable that they can be identified as the Ping-ka-shi-lan who, as early as 1406, sent an embassy to China +with gifts of horses, silver, and other objects for the emperor Yung-lo.<a id="d0e943src" href="#d0e943" class="noteref">8</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e951">Trade relations of an even earlier date are evident throughout all this area, in the presence far in the interior of Chinese +pottery of the fourteenth century and possibly of the tenth.<a id="d0e953src" href="#d0e953" class="noteref">9</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e961">With friendly relations so long established, it is to be expected that many evidences of Chinese material culture would be +found in all the northern provinces; and it is not unlikely that a considerable amount of Chinese blood may have been introduced +into the population in ancient times, as it has been during the historic period. It does not seem probable, however that either +the influence of Chinese blood or culture need have been stronger in the Ilocos provinces than in the other regions which +they visited. + +</p> +<p id="d0e963">When Salcedo attempted a landing at Vigan, he was at first opposed; but the superior weapons of the Spaniards quickly overcame +all resistance, and the invaders took possession of the city, which they rechristened Fernandino. From this center they carried +on an energetic campaign of reduction and Christianization. As fast as the natives accepted the rule of Spain, they were baptized +and taken into the church, and so rapid was the process that by 1587 the Ilocano were reported to be Christianized.<a id="d0e965src" href="#d0e965" class="noteref">10</a> In fact, force played such a part that <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e976"></a>Page 241</span>Fray Martin de Herrada, who wrote from Ilocos in June, 1574, protested that the reduction was accomplished through fear, for +if the people remained in their villages and received the rule of Spain and the Church, they were accepted as friends and +forthwith compelled to pay tribute; but if they resisted and fled to other settlements, the troops followed and pillaged and +laid waste their new dwellings.<a id="d0e978src" href="#d0e978" class="noteref">11</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e991">Paralleling the coast, a few miles inland, is a range of mountains on the far side of which lie the broad valleys of the Abra +river and its tributaries. The more conservative elements of the population retreated to the mountain valleys, and from these +secure retreats bade defiance to the newcomers and their religion. To these mountaineers was applied the name Tinguianes—a +term at first used to designate the mountain dwellers throughout the Islands, but later usually restricted to his tribe.<a id="d0e993src" href="#d0e993" class="noteref">12</a> The Tinguian themselves do not use or know the appellation, but call themselves Itneg, a name which should be used for them +but for the fact that they are already established in literature under the former term. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1022">Although they were in constant feuds among themselves, the mountain people do not appear to have given the newcomers much +trouble until toward the end of the sixteenth century, when hostile raids against the coast settlements became rather frequent. +To protect the Christianized natives, as well as to aid in the conversion of these heathens, the Spanish, in 1598, entered +the valley of the Abra and established a garrison at the village of Bangued.<a id="d0e1024src" href="#d0e1024" class="noteref">13</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1046">As before, the natives abandoned their homes and retreated several miles farther up the river, where they established the +settlement of Lagangilang. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1048">From Bangued as a center, the Augustinian friars worked tirelessly to convert the pagans, but with so little success that +<span class="smallcaps">San Antonio</span>,<a id="d0e1053src" href="#d0e1053" class="noteref">14</a> writing in 1738, says of the Tinguian, that little fruit was <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e1064"></a>Page 242</span>obtained, despite extensive missions, and that although he had made extraordinary efforts, he had even failed to learn their +number. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1066">In the mountains of Ilocos Sur, the missionaries met with somewhat better success, and in 1704 <span class="smallcaps">Olarte</span> states that in the two preceding years one hundred and fifty-six “infidel Tinguianes” had been converted and baptized. Again, +in 1760, four hundred and fifty-four converts are reported to have been formed into the villages of Santiago, Magsingal, and +Batak.<a id="d0e1071src" href="#d0e1071" class="noteref">15</a> About this time the work in Abra also took on a more favorable aspect; by 1753 three Tinguian villages, with a combined population +of more than one thousand, had been established near Bangued, and in the next century five more settlements were added to +this list.<a id="d0e1087src" href="#d0e1087" class="noteref">16</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1096">In general the relations between the pagan and Christianized natives were not cordial, and oftentimes they were openly hostile; +but despite mutual distrust the coast people have on several occasions enlisted the aid of the mountaineers against outside +enemies. In 1660 a serious revolt occurred in Pangasinan and Zambales, and the rebels, after gaining control of these provinces, +started on a looting expedition in the northern districts. In the face of strong resistance they proceeded as far north as +Badok, in Ilocos Sur, burning and pillaging many villages including the capital city of Vigan (Fernandino). The Tinguian came +to the aid of the hard-pressed Ilocano, and their combined forces fell upon the enemy just outside the village of Narbacan. +The tribesmen had previously made the road almost impassable by planting it thickly with sharpened sticks; and, while the +invaders were endeavoring to remove these obstacles, they set upon them with great fury and, it is said, succeeded in killing +more than four hundred of the Zambal, a part of whom they beheaded.<a id="d0e1098src" href="#d0e1098" class="noteref">17</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1109">As Spanish rule was extended into the Tinguian territory, Ilocano settlers pressed in and acquired holdings of land. This +led to many bitter disputes which were consistently settled in favor of the converts; but at the same time many inducements +were offered the pagans to get them into the Christianized village. All converts were to be exempted from paying tribute, +while their villages received many favors withheld from the pagan settlements. This failing to bring <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e1111"></a>Page 243</span>the desired results, all the nearby villages of the Tinguian were incorporated with the civilized pueblos, and thereafter +they had to furnish the major part of all taxes and most of the forced labor. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1113">Following the appointment of Gov. Esteban de Penñarubia in 1868, the tribesmen suffered still greater hardships. Under his +orders all those who refused baptism were to be expelled from the organized communities, an edict which meant virtual banishment +from their old homes and confiscation of their property. Further, no Tinguian in native dress was to be allowed to enter the +towns. “Conversions” increased with amazing rapidity, but when it was learned that many of the new converts still practiced +their old customs, the governor had the apostates seized and imprisoned. The hostile attitude of Penñarubia encouraged adventurers +from the coast in the seizure of lands and the exploitation of the pagans, and thus a deep resentment was added to the dislike +the Tinguian already held for “the Christians.” Yet, despite the many causes for hostility, steady trade relations have been +maintained between the two groups, and the influence of the Ilocano has been increasingly strong. A little more than a half +century ago head-hunting was still common even in the valley of Abra, where it is now practically unknown. As a matter of +dire necessity the mountain people made raids of reprisal against the hostile Igorot villages on the eastern side of the great +mountain range, and it is still the proud boast of many a man in the vicinity of Manabo that he took part in the raid which +netted that village a score of heads from the towns of Balatok and Lubuagan. But, as will be seen later, head-hunting was +by no means limited to forays against other tribes; local feuds, funeral observances, and the desire for renown, all encouraged +the warriors to seek heads even from nearby settlements. Those incentives have not been entirely removed, and an occasional +head is still taken in the mountain districts, but the influence of the Ilocano, backed by Spanish and American authority, +is rapidly making this sport a thing of the past. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1115">The rule of Governor Penñarubia had so embittered the Tinguian against the “white man” that a considerable number joined the +insurrecto troops to fight against the Spaniards and Americans. These warriors, armed with spears, shields, and head-axes, +made their way to Malolos, where they joined the Filipino troops the day of the first American bombardment. The booming of +cannon and the bursting of shells was too much for the warriors, and, as they express it, “the first gun was the beginning +of their going home.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e1117">Friendly relations with the insurgents were early destroyed by <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e1119"></a>Page 244</span>bands of armed robbers who, posing as Filipino troops, looted a number of Tinguian villages. In several localities the tribesmen +retaliated by levying tribute on the Christianized villages, and in some instances took a toll of heads to square accounts. +At this juncture the Americans appeared in Abra, and the considerate treatment of the pagans by the soldiers soon won for +them a friendly reception. Later, as the result of the efforts of Commissioner Worcester, the Tinguian villages were made +independent of Ilocano control, and the people were given the full right to conduct their own affairs, so long as they did +not disturb the peace and welfare of the province. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1121">Under American rule the Tinguian have proved themselves to be quiet, peaceable citizens; a few minor disturbances have occurred, +but none of sufficient importance to necessitate the presence of troops in their district. They have received less attention +from the Government than most of the pagan tribes, but, even so, a measure of progress is discernible. They still stoutly +resist the advances of the missionaries, but the few schools which have been opened for their children have always been crowded +to overflowing; trade relations are much freer and more friendly than a decade ago; and with the removal of unequal taxes +and labor requirements, the feelings of hostility towards “the Christians” are rapidly vanishing. It now seems probable that +within one or two generations the Tinguian will again merge with the Ilocano. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e1123"></a>Page 245</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e822" href="#d0e822src" class="noteref">1</a> These are Ballasio, Nagbuquel, Vandrell, Rizal, Mision, Mambog, and Masingit. Kadangla-an, Pila, Kolongbuyan (Sapang) and +Montero are mixed Tinguian and Igorot. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e825" href="#d0e825src" class="noteref">2</a> See <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, The Tinguian (<i>Philippine Journal of Science</i>, Vol. III, No. 4, Sect. A, 1908, pp. 197, <i>et seq</i>.). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e837" href="#d0e837src" class="noteref">3</a> <span class="smallcaps">Beyer</span> (Population of the Philippine Islands in 1916, p. 74, Manila, 1917) gives the population as 27,648. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e845" href="#d0e845src" class="noteref">4</a> North of Abra it is known as the Cordillera Norte. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e865" href="#d0e865src" class="noteref">5</a> This river traffic is entirely in the hands of the Christianized Ilocano. Rafts seldom proceed up the river beyond Bangued, +the capital, and at low water even this distance is negotiated with difficulty. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e897" href="#d0e897src" class="noteref">6</a> Historical references to this trade, as well as to the Spanish invasion of Ilocos, will be found in <span class="smallcaps">Reyes</span>, Historia de Ilocos, Manila, 1890; <span class="smallcaps">Fray Gaspar De S. Augustin</span>, Conquista de las Islas Filipinas (Manila, 1698), p. 267; <span class="smallcaps">Medina</span>, Historia, translated in <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XXIII, pp. 279, <i>et seq</i>. See also translation of <span class="smallcaps">Loarca</span> and others in same publication, Vol. III, p. 73, note; Vol. V, p. 109; Vol. XV, p. 51; Vol. XVII, p. 285. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e929" href="#d0e929src" class="noteref">7</a> <span class="smallcaps">Loraca</span>, 1582, translated in <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op. cit</i>., Vol. V, p. 105. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e943" href="#d0e943src" class="noteref">8</a> <span class="smallcaps">Laufer</span>, Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands (<i>Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections</i>, Vol. I, pp. 256, et seq.) +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e953" href="#d0e953src" class="noteref">9</a> <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Laufer</span>, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e965" href="#d0e965src" class="noteref">10</a> <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op. cit</i>., Vol. XVII, p. 285; also III, p. 73, note; V, p. 109; XV, p. 51. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e978" href="#d0e978src" class="noteref">11</a> <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op. cit</i>., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 287, <i>et seq.</i></p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e993" href="#d0e993src" class="noteref">12</a> <span class="smallcaps">Colin</span> (Labor Evangelica, Chap. IV, Madrid 1663), calls the Manguian of Mindoro and the Zambal, Tingues. <span class="smallcaps">Morga, Chirino</span>, and <span class="smallcaps">Ribera</span> also use the same name for the natives of Basilan, Bohol, and Mindanao (see <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op cit</i>., Vols. IV, p. 300; X, p. 71; XIII, pp. 137,205). Later writers have doubtless drawn on these accounts to produce the weird +descriptions sometimes given of the Tinguian now under discussion. It is said (<i>op. cit</i>., Vol. XL, p. 97, note) that the radical <i>ngian</i>, in Pampanga, indicates “ancient,” a meaning formerly held in other Philippine languages, and hence Tinguian would probably +mean “old or ancient, or aboriginal mountain dwellers.” +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1024" href="#d0e1024src" class="noteref">13</a> <span class="smallcaps">Reyes</span>, Historia de Ilocos, p. 151 (Manila, 1890), also Filipinas articulos varios, p. 345 (Manila, 1887); <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op. cit</i>., Vol. XIV, pp. 158–159; Vol. XXVIII, p. 167. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1053" href="#d0e1053src" class="noteref">14</a> <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op. cit</i>., Vol. XXVIII, p. 158. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1071" href="#d0e1071src" class="noteref">15</a> <span class="smallcaps">Antonio Mozo</span>, <i>Noticia</i> histórico-natural (Madrid, 1763), in <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, Vol. XLVIII, p. 69. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1087" href="#d0e1087src" class="noteref">16</a> These were: Tayum 1803; Pidigan 1823; La Paz and San Gregorio 1832; Bukay (Labon) 1847. For further details of this mission +see <span class="smallcaps">Villacorta</span>, Breve resumen de los progresos de la Religion Catolica en la admirable conversion de los indios Igorotes y Tinguianes (Madrid, 1831). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1098" href="#d0e1098src" class="noteref">17</a> <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op. cit</i>., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 199. +</p> +</div><a id="d0e1124"></a><h1>Physical Type and Relationships</h1> +<p id="d0e1127">From the time of the Spanish invasion up to the present, nearly every author who has mentioned the people of northern Luzon +has described the Tinguian as being different from other Philippine tribes. The majority of these writers has pictured them +as being of larger stature than their neighbors; as lighter in color, possessing aquiline features and mongoloid eyes; as +being tranquil and pacific in character, and having a great aptitude for agriculture. From these characteristics they have +concluded that they are probably descended from early Chinese traders, emigrants, or castaways, or are derived from the remnants +of the pirate band of the Chinese corsair Limahon (Lin-fung), which fled into the mountains of Pangasinan after his defeat +by Salcedo in 1574. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1129">These conjectures are strengthened by the reported discovery, in early times, of graves in northwestern Luzon, which contained +bodies of men of large stature accompanied by Chinese and Japanese jewels. The undisputed fact that hundreds of ancient Chinese +jars and dishes are still among the cherished possessions of the Tinguian is also cited as a further proof of a close relationship +between these peoples. Finally it is said that the head-bands, jackets, and wide trousers of the men resemble closely those +of the fishermen of Fukien, one of the nearest of the Chinese provinces.<a id="d0e1131src" href="#d0e1131" class="noteref">1</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1239">Two writers,<a id="d0e1241src" href="#d0e1241" class="noteref">2</a> basing their observations on color, physical resemblances, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e1252"></a>Page 246</span>and the fact that the Tinguian blacken their teeth and tattoo their bodies, are convinced that they are the descendants of +Japanese castaways; while <span class="smallcaps">Moya</span><a id="d0e1256src" href="#d0e1256" class="noteref">3</a> states that the features, dress, and customs of this people indicate their migration from the region of the Red Sea in pre-Mohammedan +times. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1262">Finally, <span class="smallcaps">Quatrefages</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Hamy</span> are quoted as regarding the Tinguian as modern examples of “the Indonesian, an allophylic branch of the pure white race, +non-Aryan, therefore, who went forth from India about 500 B.C.”<a id="d0e1270src" href="#d0e1270" class="noteref">4</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1284"><span class="smallcaps">Dr. Barrows</span><a id="d0e1287src" href="#d0e1287" class="noteref">5</a> classes all the pagan tribes of northern Luzon—the pygmies excepted—with the Igorot, a position assailed by <span class="smallcaps">Worcester</span>,<a id="d0e1293src" href="#d0e1293" class="noteref">6</a> particularly in regard to the Tinguian; but the latter writer is convinced that the Apayao and Tinguian are divisions of +the same people, who have been separated only a comparatively short time. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1299">In the introduction to the present volume (p. 236) I have expressed the opinion that the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical, +and that they form one of the waves of a series which brought the Apayao and western Kalinga to northern Luzon, a wave which +reached the Islands at a later period than that represented by the Igorot, and which originated in a somewhat different region +of southeastern Asia.<a id="d0e1301src" href="#d0e1301" class="noteref">7</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1312">In order to come to a definite decision concerning these various theories, we shall inquire into the cultural, linguistic, +and physical types of the people concerned. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1314">The most striking cultural differences between the Igorot and the Tinguian, indicated in the introduction, will be brought +out in more detail in the following pages, as will also the evidence of Chinese influence in this region. Here it needs only +to be restated, that there <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e1316"></a>Page 247</span>are radical differences in social organization, government, house-building, and the like, between the Igorot-Ifugao groups, +and the Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga divisions. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1318">All the tribes of northwestern Luzon belong to the same linguistic stock which, in turn, is closely related to the other Philippine +languages. There are local differences sufficiently great to make it impossible for people to communicate when first brought +together, but the vocabularies are sufficiently alike, and the morphology of the dialects is so similar that it is the task +of only a short time for a person conversant with one idiom to acquire a speaking and understanding knowledge of any other +in this region. It is important to note that these dialects belong to the Philippine group, and there seems to be very little +evidence of Chinese influence<a id="d0e1320src" href="#d0e1320" class="noteref">8</a> either in structure or vocabulary.<a id="d0e1337src" href="#d0e1337" class="noteref">9</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1340">The various descriptions of the physical types have been of such a conflicting nature that it seems best at this point to +present rather detailed descriptions of the Tinguian, Ilocano, and Apayao, and to compare these with the principal measurements +of the other tribes and peoples under discussion. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1342">For purposes of comparison, the Tinguian have been divided into a valley and mountain group; for, as already indicated, there +has been a considerable movement of the mixed Kalinga-Igorot people of the upper Saltan (Malokbot) river, of Guinaan Lubuagan +and Balatok, into the mountain districts of Abra, and these immigrants becoming merged into the population have modified the +physical type to a certain extent. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1344">In the detailed description of the Ilocano, all the subjects have been drawn from the cities of Bangued in Abra, and Vigan +in Ilocos Sur, in order to eliminate, so far as possible, the results of recent intermixture with the Tinguian,—a process +which is continually taking place in all the border towns. The more general tabulation includes Ilocano from all the northern +provinces. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e1346"></a>Page 248</span></p> +<p id="d0e1347">Aged and immature individuals have been eliminated from all the descriptions here presented.<a id="d0e1349src" href="#d0e1349" class="noteref">10</a> + + + +</p> +<p id="d0e1352"><span class="smallcaps">Ilocano</span> + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">Observations on 19 Males from Vigan and Bangued</h5> +<table id="d0e1356" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.510 to </td> +<td valign="top">1.714 </td> +<td valign="top">1.607</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> ” </td> +<td valign="top"> .164 to </td> +<td valign="top"> .191 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1787</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> ” </td> +<td valign="top"> .146 to </td> +<td valign="top"> .158 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1522</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height of head </td> +<td valign="top"> ” </td> +<td valign="top"> .120 to </td> +<td valign="top"> .144 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1316</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of zygomatic arches </td> +<td valign="top"> ” </td> +<td valign="top"> .129 to </td> +<td valign="top"> .148 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1373</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> ” </td> +<td valign="top"> .043 to </td> +<td valign="top"> .054 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0485</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> ” </td> +<td valign="top"> .034 to </td> +<td valign="top"> .046 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0382</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e1444" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">85.1</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length-Height index </td> +<td valign="top">73.0</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth-Height index </td> +<td valign="top">86.2</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">78.7</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1466"><i>Eyes</i>—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin scale. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1470"><i>Hair</i>—Often black, but usually brown-black. 50 per cent straight and about 50 per cent slightly wavy. One case closely curled. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1474"><i>Forehead</i>—Usually high, broad, and moderately retreating, but sometimes vaulted. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1478"><i>Crown and back of head</i>—Middle arched. Two cases flat. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1482"><i>Face</i>—Moderately high; broad and oval. Three cases angular. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1486"><i>Eye-slit</i>—Generally slightly oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold present in 45 per cent. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1490"><i>Nose</i>—Root:—Middle broad and moderately high.<br id="d0e1494"> +Bridge:—Inclined to be concave, but often straight.<br id="d0e1496"> +Wings:—Middle thick and slightly arched or swelled. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1498"><i>Lips</i>:—Middle thick and double bowed (slightly). + +</p> +<p id="d0e1502"><i>Ears</i>:—Outstanding. Lobes generally small and close growing, but are sometimes free. + + + +</p> +<p id="d0e1506"><span class="smallcaps">Ilocano</span><a id="d0e1509src" href="#d0e1509" class="noteref">11</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1515"><span class="smallcaps">Observations Made By Folkmar</span> (<span class="smallcaps">See Album of Philippine Types, Manila</span>, 1904) + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">37 Males of Ilocos Norte</h5> +<table id="d0e1522" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.593</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .180</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .151</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .055</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .040</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e1568" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">84.39</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">73.12</td> +</tr> +</table><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e1580"></a>Page 249</span> +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">59 Males of Ilocos Sur</h5> +<table id="d0e1582" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.596</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .177</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .150</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .053</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .039</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e1628" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">85.06</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">72.95</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">31 Males of Union Province</h5> +<table id="d0e1640" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.590</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .176</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .151</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .050</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .039</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e1686" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">85.72</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">78.63</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">193 Males from All Provinces</h5> +<table id="d0e1698" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.602</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .178</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .151</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .052</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .040</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e1742" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">84.81</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">75.44</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1754"><span class="smallcaps">Valley Tinguian</span> + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">Observations on 83 Males (See Plates <a id="d0e1761" href="#d0e11598">III</a>, <a id="d0e1764" href="#d0e11603">IV</a>) +</h5> +<table id="d0e1758" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.48 to 1.70 </td> +<td valign="top">1.572</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top">1.65 to .195 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1811</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .140 to .164 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1507</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height of head, 39 cases </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .116 to .144 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1337</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of zygomatic arches </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .129 to .148 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1387</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .042 to .060 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0499</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .030 to .043 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0384</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e1840" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">83.2</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length-Height index </td> +<td valign="top">72.5</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth-Height index </td> +<td valign="top">86.5</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">76.9</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e1862"><i>Eyes</i>—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin table. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1866"><i>Hair</i>—Varies from black to brownish black. Usually wavy, but straight in about one third. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1870"><i>Forehead</i>—Moderately high and broad; slightly retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in three cases. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1874"><i>Crown and back of head</i>—Middle arched. Two cases of flattening. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e1878"></a>Page 250</span></p> +<p id="d0e1879"><i>Face</i>—Moderately high and broad; cheek bones sufficiently outstanding to give face angular appearance, tapering from above, but +oval faces are common. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1883"><i>Eye-slit</i>—Straight or slightly oblique; moderately wide open and inclined to be almond shaped; Mongolian fold slightly developed in +about 20 per cent. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1887"><i>Nose</i>—Root:—middle broad and high, seldom small or flat.<br id="d0e1891"> +Bridge:—middle broad and usually straight, but 25 per cent are slightly concave, while two cases are convex.<br id="d0e1893"> +Wings:—In most cases are thin, but are commonly thick; both are slightly arched. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1895"><i>Lips</i>—Middle thick and double bowed (slightly). + +</p> +<p id="d0e1899"><i>Ears</i>—Outstanding, with small close-growing lobes. + +</p> +<p id="d0e1903"><span class="smallcaps">Valley Tinguian</span> + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">Observations on 35 Females (See Plates <a id="d0e1910" href="#d0e11608">V</a>, <a id="d0e1913" href="#d0e11613">VI</a>) +</h5> +<table id="d0e1907" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.42 to 1.58 </td> +<td valign="top">1.474 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .161 to .186 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1743 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .136 to .155 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1460 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height of head (22 cases) </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .119 to .138 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1301 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of zygomatic arches </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .123 to .139 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1304 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .039 to .056 </td> +<td valign="top"> .046 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .030 to .042 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0354 </td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e1989" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index 83.7 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length-Height index 74.6 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth-Height index 88.6 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index 76.9 </td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e2003"><i>Eyes</i>—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin table. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2007"><i>Hair</i>—Usually brown black, but black is common. Sometimes straight, but generally slightly wavy. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2011"><i>Forehead</i>—Considerable variation. Usually moderately high, broad, and vaulted, but is sometimes low and moderately retreating. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2015"><i>Crown and back of head</i>—Middle arched. Two cases of flattening. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2019"><i>Face</i>—Moderately high and oval. In a few cases angular, tapering from above. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2023"><i>Eye-slit</i>—Generally oblique, moderately open and almond shape. Is sometimes straight and narrowly open. Mongolian fold slightly developed +in about 25 per cent. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2027"><i>Nose</i>—Root:—Moderately broad and either flat or slightly elevated.<br id="d0e2031"> +Bridge:—Middle broad and slightly concave. In five cases is straight and in two is convex.<br id="d0e2033"> +Wings:—Equally divided between thick and thin. Slightly arched. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2035"><i>Lips</i>—Middle thick and double bowed (slightly). + +</p> +<p id="d0e2039"><i>Ears</i>—Outstanding, with small, close growing lobes. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e2043"></a>Page 251</span></p> +<p id="d0e2044"><span class="smallcaps">Mountain Tinguian</span> + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">Observations on 62 Males (See Plates <a id="d0e2051" href="#d0e11618">VII</a>–<a id="d0e2054" href="#d0e11623">VIII</a>) +</h5> +<table id="d0e2048" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.45 to 1.71 </td> +<td valign="top">1.57</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .171 to .203 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1856</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .140 to .161 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1493</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height of head (59 cases) </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .115 to .154 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1316</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of zygomatic arches </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .129 to .149 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1385</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose (60 cases) </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .043 to .059 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0512</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose (60 cases) </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .033 to .046 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0399</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e2130" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">80.4</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length-Height index </td> +<td valign="top">70.9</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth-Height index </td> +<td valign="top">87.4</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">77.9</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e2152"><i>Eyes</i>—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin table. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2156"><i>Hair</i>—Brown black, and slightly wavy. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2160"><i>Forehead</i>—Middle high to high, moderately broad, moderately retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed +in five cases. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2164"><i>Crown and back of head</i>—Middle or strongly arched. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2168"><i>Face</i>—Moderately high. Cheek bones moderately outstanding giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In seven cases face +is oval. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2172"><i>Eye-slit</i>—Sometimes straight, but usually slightly oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in five cases. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2176"><i>Nose</i>—Root:—Middle broad and moderately high, but sometimes high.<br id="d0e2180"> +Bridge:—Middle broad and straight. Seven cases concave and three convex.<br id="d0e2182"> +Wings:—Middle thick and arched. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2184"><i>Lips</i>—Middle thick, sometimes thin; double bowed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2188"><i>Ears</i>—Outstanding; lobes generally small and close growing. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2192"><span class="smallcaps">Mountain Tinguian</span> + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">Observations on 16 Females (See Plates <a id="d0e2199" href="#d0e11628">IX</a>–<a id="d0e2202" href="#d0e11635">X</a>) + +</h5> +<table id="d0e2196" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.38 to 1.53 </td> +<td valign="top">1.482</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .163 to .188 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1782</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .137 to .155 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1452</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .119 to .137 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1303</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of zygomatic arches </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .125 to .138 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1327</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .039 to .054 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0461</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .034 to .042 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0368</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e2278" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">80.1 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length-Height index </td> +<td valign="top">73.1 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth-Height index </td> +<td valign="top">90.0 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">79.8</td> +</tr> +</table><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e2300"></a>Page 252</span></p> +<p id="d0e2301"><i>Eyes</i>—Dark brown, 3–4 of Martin table. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2305"><i>Hair</i>—Brown-black and slightly wavy. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2309"><i>Forehead</i>—Moderately high and broad; moderately retreating. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2313"><i>Crown and back of head</i>—Middle arched. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2317"><i>Face</i>—Moderately high and generally oval; sometimes angular tapering from above. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2321"><i>Eye-slit</i>—About equally divided between straight and oblique; moderately open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in one third of cases. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2325"><i>Nose</i>—Root:—Moderately broad and nearly flat, but sometimes moderately high.<br id="d0e2329"> +Bridge:—Middle broad and inclined to be concave. Straight noses occur.<br id="d0e2331"> +Wings:—Usually thin and inclined to be swelled. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2333"><i>Lips</i>—Middle thick and inclined to be double bowed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2337"><i>Ears</i>—Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2341"><span class="smallcaps">Apayao</span> + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">Observations on 32 Males</h5> +<table id="d0e2345" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.48 to 1.70 </td> +<td valign="top">1.587</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .175 to .199 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1877</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .137 to .158 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1492</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .119 to .155 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1331</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of zygomatic arches </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .130 to .149 </td> +<td valign="top"> .1418</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .040 to .054 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0466</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .035 to .044 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0390</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e2421" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index 79.5</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length-Height index 70.9</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth-Height index 89.2</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index 83.6</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e2435"><i>Eyes</i>—Dark brown, 1 to 4 in Martin table. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2439"><i>Hair</i>—Brown black and wavy. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2443"><i>Forehead</i>—High and generally moderately retreating, but in about one third is vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in six +cases. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2447"><i>Crown and back of head</i>—Rather strongly arched. Six cases (all from one village) showed slight flattening of occipital region. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2451"><i>Face</i>—Usually high. The cheek bones are moderately outstanding giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In eight cases +face tapers from below, and in nine is oval. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2455"><i>Eye-slit</i>—Usually oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in about 50 per cent. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2459"><i>Nose</i>—Root:—Middle broad and flat or slightly elevated.<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e2463"></a>Page 253</span><br id="d0e2464"> +Bridge:—Middle broad and slightly or strongly concave. Seven instances of straight noses occur.<br id="d0e2466"> +Wings:—Middle thick, arched or swelled. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2468"><i>Lips</i>—Middle thick and slightly double bowed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2472"><i>Ears</i>—Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2476"><span class="smallcaps">Bontoc Igorot</span><a id="d0e2479src" href="#d0e2479" class="noteref">12</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e2485"><span class="smallcaps">Observations By Jenks</span> (<span class="smallcaps">See The Bontoc Igorot, Manila</span>, 1905) + +</p> +<table id="d0e2492" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">32 males </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Average </td> +<td valign="top">Range</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top"> 1.6028</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .1921</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .1520</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .0525</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .0462</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">79.13 </td> +<td valign="top">67.48 to 91.48</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">79.19 </td> +<td valign="top">58.18 to 104.54</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e2556" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">In this group </td> +<td valign="top"> 9 are brachycephalic</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">20 are mesaticephalic</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> 3 are dolichocephalic</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e2573"><i>Color</i>—Ranges from light brown, with strong saffron undertone, to very dark brown or bronze. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2577"><i>Eyes</i>—Black to hazel brown. “Malayan” fold in large majority. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2581"><i>Hair</i>—Coarse, straight and black. A few individuals possess curly or wavy hair. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2585"><i>Nose</i>—Jenks gives no statement, but his photos show the root of the nose to be rather high; the bridge appears to be broad and +straight, although in some individuals it tends toward concave. + +</p> +<table id="d0e2589" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">29 females </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Average </td> +<td valign="top">Range</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top"> 1.4580</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .1859</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .1470</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .0458</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .0360</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">79.09 </td> +<td valign="top">64.89 to 87.64</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">78.74 </td> +<td valign="top">58.53 to 97.56</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e2653" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">In this group 12 are brachycephalic</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">12 are mesaticephalic</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">5 are dolichocephalic</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e2664">Very different results were obtained by <span class="smallcaps">Kroeber</span><a id="d0e2668src" href="#d0e2668" class="noteref">13</a> from the group of Igorot exhibited in San Francisco in 1906. His figures may possibly be accounted for by the fact that about +one third of the party came from Alap near the southern end of the Bontoc area, also, as he has suggested, by the preponderance +of very young men. The figures for this group are as follows: +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e2673"></a>Page 254</span> +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">Observations on 18 Males</h5> +<table id="d0e2675" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Average </td> +<td valign="top">height </td> +<td valign="top"> 1.550 </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">1.46 to 1.630 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> .186 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .176 to .194 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> .146 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .138 to .153 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">bizygomatic width </td> +<td valign="top"> .135 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .129 to .142 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> .041 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .031 to .046 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> .040 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .036 to .046 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">78.43</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">99.8</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<h5 class="tablehead">Observations on 7 Females</h5> +<table id="d0e2759" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Average </td> +<td valign="top">height </td> +<td valign="top"> 1.486 </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">1.440 to 1.530 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> .182 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .171 to .191 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> .143 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .136 to .150 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">bizygomatic width </td> +<td valign="top"> .131 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .127 to .136 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> .037 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .033 to .042 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">width of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> .037 </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> .036 to .038 " </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">78.59 </td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">99.7 </td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e2843">From these descriptive sheets it is obvious that each tribe is made up of very heterogeneous elements, and each overlaps the +other to a considerable extent; however, the number of individuals measured is sufficiently great for us to draw certain general +conclusions from the averages of each group. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2845">It is at once evident that the differences between the Ilocano and the Valley Tinguian are very slight, in fact are less than +those between the valley and mountain people of the latter tribe. The Ilocano appear to be slightly taller, the length of +head a little less, and the breadth a bit more; yet there is an average difference of only two points in the cephalic indices +of the two groups. The only other points of divergence are: the greater percentage among the Ilocano of eyes showing the Mongolian +fold, and the occurrence of straight hair in about half the individuals measured. However, this latter feature may be more +apparent than real; for the Ilocano cut the hair short, and a slight degree of waviness might readily pass unobserved. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2847">As we pass from the Valley to the Mountain Tinguian, and from them to the Apayao, we find the average stature almost constant, +but the head becomes longer; there is a greater tendency for the cheekbones to protrude and the face to be angular, and there +is a more frequent development of the supra-orbital ridges. The root of the nose is often flat and the bridge concave; while +wavy hair becomes the rule in the mountains. There is a slight decrease, in the Tinguian groups, of eyes showing the Mongolian +fold, but in the Apayao the percentage again equals that of the Ilocano. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2849">The Apayao present no radical differences to the Mountain Tinguian; yet, as already noted, the length and height of the head +are <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e2851"></a>Page 255</span>slightly greater; the zygomatic arches more strongly developed; the face more angular; and the nose is broader as compared +with its length. Evidences of former extensive intermixture are here apparent, while at the present time there is rather free +marriage with the neighboring Kalinga and Negrito. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2853">Comparing these four groups with the Igorot, we find that the latter averages slightly taller than all but the Ilocano. The +breadth of the head is about the same as the Ilocano; but the length is much greater, and there is, in consequence, a considerable +difference in the cephalic index. Reference to our tables will show the Ilocano and both Tinguian divisions to be brachycephalic, +while the Igorot is mesaticephalic. The average index of the Apayao also falls in the latter classification; but the variation +from Igorot is greater than is indicated, for the Apayao skull is actually considerably shorter and narrower. In the length +and breadth of the nose, the Igorot exceeds any of the groups studied, while the Malayan (Mongolian?) fold of the eye is reported +in the great majority of cases. The bodily appearance of the Tinguian and Bontoc Igorot differs little, although the latter +are generally of a slightly heavier build. Both are lithe and well proportioned, their full rounded muscles giving them the +appearance of trained athletes; neither is as stocky or heavy set as are the Igorot of Amburayan, Lepanto, and Benguet. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2855">There is great variation in color among the members of all these tribes, the tones varying from a light olive brown to a dark +reddish brown; but in general the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian are of a lighter hue than the mountain people. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2857">Observations on the Southern Chinese and the South Perak Malay are given below, not with the intention of connecting them +with any one of the tribes of Luzon, but in order to test, by comparison, the theory of the Chinese origin of the Tinguian, +and also to secure, if possible, some clue as to the relationships of both peoples. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2859"><span class="smallcaps">The Southern Chinese</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e2863"><span class="smallcaps">Dr. Girard</span>,<a id="d0e2867src" href="#d0e2867" class="noteref">14</a> as a result of his studies on the Chinese of Kwang-si, a province of southern China, expresses the belief that the population +is greatly mixed, but all considered they appear more like Indo-Chinese than like the Chinese proper (that is, Northern Chinese). +<span class="smallcaps">Deniker</span><a id="d0e2875src" href="#d0e2875" class="noteref">15</a> <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e2881"></a>Page 256</span>comes to a similar conclusion from a study of the results obtained by many observers. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2883"><span class="smallcaps">Girard</span> gives the following measurements for 25 males of Kwang-si: + +</p> +<table id="d0e2887" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.528 to 1.748 </td> +<td valign="top">1.616</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .1815</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .1435</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .1270</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .04648</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .03876</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">73. to 85. </td> +<td valign="top">79.52</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length-Height index </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">69.9</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth-Height index </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">88.5</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">67. to 95. </td> +<td valign="top">82.98</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e2974"><span class="smallcaps">Deniker</span> (p. 578) gives the average height of 15,582 males, mostly Hakka of Kwang-tung, as 1.622. The cephalic index of 61 living +subjects and 84 crania, principally from Canton, he finds to be—Living 81.2; crania 78.2. + +</p> +<p id="d0e2978"><span class="smallcaps">Martin</span><a id="d0e2981src" href="#d0e2981" class="noteref">16</a> presents the following data: Average height of males—1.614; average height of females—1.498. Cephalic index (49 males)—81.8. +Length-Height index (49 males)—66.5. Nasal index (49 males)—77.7.<a id="d0e2989src" href="#d0e2989" class="noteref">17</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3007"><span class="smallcaps">South Perak Malay</span><a id="d0e3010src" href="#d0e3010" class="noteref">18</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3061"><span class="smallcaps">Observations by Annandale and Robinson</span> (<span class="smallcaps">Fasciculi Malayenses, Pt</span>. I, pp. 105 <i>et seq</i>., <span class="smallcaps">London</span>, 1903). + + +</p> +<table id="d0e3074" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">37 males </td> +<td valign="top"> </td> +<td valign="top">Range </td> +<td valign="top">Average</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height, standing </td> +<td valign="top">meters </td> +<td valign="top">1.488 to 1.763 </td> +<td valign="top">1.594</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .173 to .198 </td> +<td valign="top"> .182</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of head </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .141 to .162 </td> +<td valign="top"> .149</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Height of head (tragus to vertex) </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .119 to .146 </td> +<td valign="top"> .135</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of zygomatic arches </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .120 to .150 </td> +<td valign="top"> .139</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .0413 to .0525 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0477</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Breadth of nose </td> +<td valign="top"> " </td> +<td valign="top"> .0337 to .0437 </td> +<td valign="top"> .0358</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<table id="d0e3148" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Cephalic index </td> +<td valign="top">82.3</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Length-Height index </td> +<td valign="top">73.9</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">Nasal index </td> +<td valign="top">81.2</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3165"></a>Page 257</span></p> +<p id="d0e3166"><i>Color</i>—Varies from dark olive to red; less commonly olive or yellowish +white. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3170"><i>Eyes</i>—Black, sometimes reddish brown. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3174"><i>Hair</i>—Appears to be straight in most cases, but being cut short a slight waviness might not be noticed. Black. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3178">A comparison of these figures with those of our Luzon groups brings out several interesting points. It shows that the Tinguian +are not related to the Chinese, “because of their tall stature;” for they are, as a matter of fact, shorter than either the +Chinese or Igorot. It is also evident that they resemble the southern Chinese no more than do the people of Bontoc. Further +it is seen that both the Tinguian-Ilocano and the Chinese show greater likeness to the Perak Malay than they do to each other. +As a matter of fact, we find no radical differences between any of the peoples discussed; despite evident minor variations, +the tribes of northwestern Luzon approach a common type, and this type appears not to be far removed from the dominant element +in southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia generally, a fact which probably can be attributed to a common ancestry in times +far past.<a id="d0e3180src" href="#d0e3180" class="noteref">19</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3188">With this data before us, we might readily dismiss most of the theories of early writers as interesting speculations based +on superficial observation; but the statement that the Tinguian are derived from the pirate band of Limahon has received such +wide currency that it deserves further notice. It should be borne in mind that the scene of the Chinese disaster was in Pangasinan, +a march of three days to the south of the Tinguian territory. It is unlikely that a force sufficiently large to impress its +type on the local population could have made its way into Abra, without having been reported to Salcedo, who then had his +headquarters at Vigan. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3190">As early as 1598 the Tinguian were so powerful and aggressive that active steps had to be taken to protect the coast people +from their raids. Had they been recognized as being essentially Chinese—a foreign, hostile population—some mention of that +fact must certainly have crept into the Spanish records of that period. Such data are entirely wanting, while the exceedingly +rich traditions of the Tinguian<a id="d0e3192src" href="#d0e3192" class="noteref">20</a> likewise fail to give any evidence of such an invasion. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3195"></a>Page 258</span></p> +<p id="d0e3196">The presence of large quantities of ancient Chinese pottery in Abra must be ascribed to trade, for it is inconceivable that +a fugitive band of warriors would have carried with them the hundreds of jars—many of large size—which are now found in the +interior. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3198">The reputed similarity of the garments of the men to those of Fukien fishermen is likewise without value, for at the time +of the Spanish invasion both Ilocano and Tinguian were innocent of trousers. It was not until the order of Gov. Penñarubia, +in 1868, barring all unclad pagans from the Christianized towns, that the latter donned such garments. To-day many of the +men possess full suits, but the ordinary dress is still the head-band, breech-cloth, and belt. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3200">Finally, it seems curious that the Tinguian should be of “a pacific character” because of the fact that they are descended +from a band of Chinese pirates. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3202">Summarizing our material, we can say of the Tinguian, that they are a rather short, well-built people with moderately high, +brachycephalic heads, fairly high noses, and angular faces. Their hair is brown black and inclined to be wavy, while the skin +varies from a light olive brown to a dark reddish brown. A study of our tables shows that within this group there are great +extremes in stature, head and nasal form, color, and the like, indicating very heterogeneous elements in its make-up. We also +find that physically the Tinguian conform closely to the Ilocano, while they merge without a sharp break into the Apayao of +the eastern mountain slopes. When compared to the Igorot, greater differences are manifest; but even here, the similarities +are so many that we cannot classify the two tribes as members of different races. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3204">We have seen that this people approaches the southern Chinese in many respects, but this is likewise true of all the other +tribes under discussion and, hence, we are not justified, on anatomic grounds, in considering the Tinguian as distinct, because +of Chinese origin. The testimony of historical data and language leads us to the same conclusions. Chinese influence, through +trade, has been active for many centuries along the north and west coast of Luzon, but it has not been of a sufficiently intimate +nature to introduce such common articles of convenience and necessity as the composite bow, the potter's wheel, wheeled vehicles, +and the like. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3206">The anatomical data likewise prevent us from setting this tribe apart from the others, because of Japanese or Indonesian origin. + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3208"></a>Page 259</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1131" href="#d0e1131src" class="noteref">1</a> Discussions concerning the Chinese origin of the Tinguian will be found in <span class="smallcaps">Mallat</span>, Les Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 212–213; Vol. II, pp. 104–7, 345 (Paris, 1846); <span class="smallcaps">Plauchet</span>, L'Archipel des Philippines (<i>Revue des deux Mondes</i>, 1887, p. 442); <span class="smallcaps">Buzeto y Bravo</span>, Diccionario geografico estadistico historico; <span class="smallcaps">Semper</span>, Die Philippinen und ihre Bewohner (Würzburg, 1869); <span class="smallcaps">Blumentritt</span>, Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen (<i>Peterman's Mittheilungen</i>, 1882, No. 67); <span class="smallcaps">Reyes</span>, Die Tinguianen (<i>Mittheilungen K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien</i>, 1887, p. 5, <i>et seq.</i>); <span class="smallcaps">Reyes</span>, Filipinas articulos varios (Manila, 1887); <span class="smallcaps">Sanchez y Ruiz</span>, Razas de Filipinas, usos y custombres, Memoria Exposicion General, pp. 51, 60, 138 (Manila, 1887); <span class="smallcaps">Montblanc</span>, Les Isles Philippines, p. 22 (Paris, 1887); <span class="smallcaps">Montero y Vidal</span>, El Archipelago Filipino, p. 289 (Manila, 1886); <span class="smallcaps">Bowring</span>, A Visit to the Philippines, p. 171 (London, 1859); <span class="smallcaps">Sawyer</span>, The Inhabitants of the Philippines, p. 276 (London, 1900); <span class="smallcaps">Zuniga</span>, Historia, pp. 19–38 (Sampaloc, 1803); <span class="smallcaps">Colin</span>, Labor evangelica, Vol. I, chaps. 4, 12–14 (Madrid, 1663); <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span> (The Philippine Islands, Vol. XL, pp. 316, <i>et seq.</i>) give a translation of <span class="smallcaps">San Antonio</span> Chronicas, written in Manila between 1738–44, also of <span class="smallcaps">Colin</span>, Labor evangelica, of 1663; <span class="smallcaps">Brinton</span>, The Peoples of the Philippines (<i>Am. Anthropologist</i>, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1241" href="#d0e1241src" class="noteref">2</a> <span class="smallcaps">Paul De La Gironière</span>, Vingt années aux Philippines (Paris, 1853); <span class="smallcaps">Stuntz</span>, The Philippines and the Far East, p. 36 (New York, 1904). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1256" href="#d0e1256src" class="noteref">3</a> Quoted by <span class="smallcaps">Paterno</span>, La antigua civilizacion Tagalog, pp. 122–123 (Madrid, 1887). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1270" href="#d0e1270src" class="noteref">4</a> <span class="smallcaps">Brinton</span>, The Peoples of the Philippines (<i>Am. Anthropologist</i>, Vol. XI, 1892, p. 297). See also <span class="smallcaps">De Quatrefages</span>, Histoire générale des races humaines, pp. 515–517, 527–528. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1287" href="#d0e1287src" class="noteref">5</a> Census of the Philippine Islands of 1903, pp. 453–477. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1293" href="#d0e1293src" class="noteref">6</a> The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (<i>Philippine Journal of Science</i>, Vol. I, pp. 798, 851, Manila, 1906). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1301" href="#d0e1301src" class="noteref">7</a> <span class="smallcaps">Blumentritt</span> (Ethnographie der Philippinen, Introduction; also <i>American Anthropologist</i>, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 296) has advanced the theory of three Malay invasions into the Philippines. To the first, which is put +at about 200 B.C., belong the Igorot, Apayao, and Tinguian, but the last are considered as of a later period. The second invasion +occurred about A.D. 100–500, and includes the Tagalog, Visaya, Ilocano, and other alphabet-using peoples. The third is represented +by the Mohammedan groups which began to enter the Islands in the fourteenth century. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1320" href="#d0e1320src" class="noteref">8</a> <span class="smallcaps">Brinton</span> (<i>Am. Anthropologist</i>, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302) states that the Ilocano of northwestern Luzon are markedly Chinese in appearance and speech, but +he fails to give either authorities or examples to substantiate this claim. For Indian influence on Philippine dialects, see +<span class="smallcaps">Pardo De Tavera</span>, El sanscrito e la lingua tagalog (Paris, 1887); also <span class="smallcaps">Williams</span>, Manual and Dictionary of Ilocano (Manila, 1907). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1337" href="#d0e1337src" class="noteref">9</a> A detailed study of the language is not presented in this volume. The author has a large collection of texts which will be +published at a later date, together with a study of the principal Tinguian dialects. A short description of the Ilocano language, +by the writer, will be found in the New International Encyclopædia. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1349" href="#d0e1349src" class="noteref">10</a> A more detailed study of these tribes will be given in a forthcoming volume on Philippine Physical Types. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e1509" href="#d0e1509src" class="noteref">11</a> Observations on 13 Ilocano skulls are tabulated by <span class="smallcaps">Koeze</span> (Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 56–57, Haarlem, 1901–4). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e2479" href="#d0e2479src" class="noteref">12</a> A short series of Igorot skull measurements is given by <span class="smallcaps">Koeze</span> (Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 42–43, Haarlem, 1901–4). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e2668" href="#d0e2668src" class="noteref">13</a> <i>Am. Anthropologist</i>, 1906, pp. 194–195. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e2867" href="#d0e2867src" class="noteref">14</a> Notes sur les Chinois du Quang-si (<i>L'Anthropologie</i>, Vol. IX, 1898, pp. 144–170). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e2875" href="#d0e2875src" class="noteref">15</a> The Races of Man, pp. 384, 577, <i>et seq</i>.(London, 1900). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e2981" href="#d0e2981src" class="noteref">16</a> <span class="smallcaps">Martin</span>, Inlandstämme der Malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 237, 351, 358, 386 (Jena, 1905). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e2989" href="#d0e2989src" class="noteref">17</a> For measurements on the Northern Chinese and the Formosa Chinese see <span class="smallcaps">Koganei</span>, Messungen an chinesischen Soldaten (<i>Mitt. med. Fak. k. japan. Univ. Tokio</i>, 1903, Vol. VI, No. 2), und Messungen an männlichen Chinesen-Schädeln (<i>Internat. Centralblatt für Anthropologie</i>, 1902, pp. 129, <i>et seq</i>.). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3010" href="#d0e3010src" class="noteref">18</a> For other observations on Malaysia, in general, see <span class="smallcaps">Annandale</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robinson</span> (<i>Jour. Anth. Inst.,</i> Vol. XXXII, 1902); <span class="smallcaps">Keane</span>, Ethnology (Cambridge, 1907); <span class="smallcaps">Duckworth</span> (<i>Jour. Anth. Inst.</i>, Vol. XXXII); <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span> (The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, pp. 311, <i>et seq.</i>) give results by <span class="smallcaps">Haddon</span>; <span class="smallcaps">Hamy</span> (<i>L'Anthropologie</i>, Vol. VII, Paris, 1896); <span class="smallcaps">Hagen</span>, Anthropologische Studien aus Insulinde (Amsterdam, 1890); <span class="smallcaps">Sullivan</span>, Racial Types in the Philippine Islands (<i>Anth. Papers, American Museum of Nat. Hist.</i>, Vol. XIII, pt. 1, New York, 1918). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3180" href="#d0e3180src" class="noteref">19</a> <span class="smallcaps">Sullivan</span> (<i>Anthropological Papers, American Museum Nat. History</i>, Vol. XXIII, pt. 1, p. 42) gives a graphic correlation of Stature, Cephalic and Nasal Indices, which shows a striking similarity +between the Tagalog and Pangasinan of the Philippines, and the Southern Chinese. Had he made use of Jenks's measurements of +the Bontoc Igorot, that group would also have approached quite closely to those already mentioned. The same method applied +to the Ilocano and Tinguian shows them to conform to this type. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3192" href="#d0e3192src" class="noteref">20</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian (this volume, No. 1). +</p> +</div><a id="d0e3209"></a><h1>The Cycle of Life</h1> +<p id="d0e3212"><span class="smallcaps">Birth</span>.—The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian, but coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship +to the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are frequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted +as true by the mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility of the husband and wife by magical acts, +performed in connection with the marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be affected if she eats peculiar +articles of food,<a id="d0e3216src" href="#d0e3216" class="noteref">1</a> and unappeased desires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the expectant mother and the child.<a id="d0e3219src" href="#d0e3219" class="noteref">2</a> The close relationship which exists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out by various facts; for instance, +the husband of a pregnant woman is never whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result in injury to the child. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e3228">The fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not agree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the +Tinguian. It is doubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to his attention, he would explain it +by reference to the tales of former times, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized society, he seldom +rationalizes about the well-known facts—religious or otherwise—generally held by his group to be true. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3230">It is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, an <i>anito</i> woman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same time. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not +seem to be closely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow the same procedure for a time after delivery +(cf. p. 268). + +</p> +<p id="d0e3235">According to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed at times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which +under their care developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy a <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3237"></a>Page 260</span>prominent place in the tribal mythology.<a id="d0e3239src" href="#d0e3239" class="noteref">3</a> In the tales we are told that a frog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up the spittle of Aponitolau,<a id="d0e3242src" href="#d0e3242" class="noteref">4</a> a maid conceived when the head-band of her lover rested on her skirt,<a id="d0e3248src" href="#d0e3248" class="noteref">5</a> while the customary delivery of children during the mythical period seems to have been from between the fingers of the expectant +mother.<a id="d0e3257src" href="#d0e3257" class="noteref">6</a> <i>Anitos</i> and, in a few cases, the shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women,<a id="d0e3266src" href="#d0e3266" class="noteref">7</a> but children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a miscarriage is thought to be the result of union with +the inhabitants of the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to become angry or sorrowful lest her “blood +become strong and the child be born.” Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried women; but such instances +are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much desired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in no way injured +by the possession of an illegitimate child.<a id="d0e3269src" href="#d0e3269" class="noteref">8</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3272">Except for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any offerings or to cause any changes in the daily life +of the pregnant woman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a family gathering is held about a month before +the anticipated event, at which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look on. After completing this meal, +she places two bundles of grass, some bark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The significance of +the act is not clear to the people, but it is “an old custom, and is pleasing to the spirits.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e3274">Shortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are summoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of +the room, they place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts<a id="d0e3276src" href="#d0e3276" class="noteref">9</a> for all the spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars covered with <i>alin</i> leaves are distributed about the house and yard; one sits on <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3282"></a>Page 261</span>a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the dwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with +a bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance is placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are +later used to hold the cooked rice which is offered to the <i>Inginlaod</i>, spirits of the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and to it is attached a long narrow cloth of many +colors. Last of all, a bound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3287">When all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on the <i>tong-a-tong</i> (cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its side with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriate <i>dīams</i> (cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their bodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure +the health and happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear, that “as it shakes out the water, so may +the evil spirits be thrown out of the place.”<a id="d0e3295src" href="#d0e3295" class="noteref">10</a> Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal and, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart, which +he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the expectant woman, “so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection +against harm,” and also touches the other members of the family.<a id="d0e3301src" href="#d0e3301" class="noteref">11</a> She next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it is possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307). + + +</p> +<p id="d0e3307">While the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends and relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which +is now served. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are placed in a wooden dish and set among other gifts +intended for the superior beings. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3309">Following the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until late afternoon when the ceremony known as <i>Gīpas</i>—the dividing—is held.<a id="d0e3314src" href="#d0e3314" class="noteref">12</a> The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit, covers her shoulder with a sacred blanket,<a id="d0e3323src" href="#d0e3323" class="noteref">13</a> and in company with the oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of the room, where a bound pig lies +with a narrow cloth extending along its body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the exact center of the +animal, and then with her left hand each seizes a <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3329"></a>Page 262</span>leg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which they hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. +In this way the mortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth they have no claims to it. The spirit +and the old man drink <i>basi</i>, to cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3334">The small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the sacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they +remain until the child is born, “so that all the spirits may know that <i>Gīpas</i> has been held.” A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small present are given to the mediums, who then depart. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3339">In San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid betel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided +with the head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains for her own use the share given to the spirits. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3341">In the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is generally a small section in one corner, where the flooring +is of bamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the ordinary dwellings there is no specified location. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e3343">The patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a rope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter +about the height of her shoulders.<a id="d0e3345src" href="#d0e3345" class="noteref">14</a> She draws on this, while one or more old women, skilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on the +abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with a bamboo knife,<a id="d0e3360src" href="#d0e3360" class="noteref">15</a> and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery be hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and flesh +offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3378">If the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese dish close to its ear, and strikes against it several +times with a lead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped in a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the +house. There is no belief here, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the spirits of unborn or still-born +children form the chief recruits for the army of evil spirits. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3380">The after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves, “so that the child will grow like that lusty plant,” +and is then <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3382"></a>Page 263</span>intrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the greatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while +the jar is in his possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired that the infant shall become a great +hunter, the jar is hung in the jungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman, it is placed in the river; +but ill fortune is in store for the baby if the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree or to ascend a +mountain. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3384">These close ties between the infant and the after-birth are easily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close +relationship between a person and any object recently handled by him (cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth +soon disappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the folk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of +spirits, known as <i>alan</i>, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real child, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals.<a id="d0e3389src" href="#d0e3389" class="noteref">16</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3395">Immediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo framework (<i>baitkᴇn</i>),<a id="d0e3400src" href="#d0e3400" class="noteref">17</a> which he fills with ashes, and places in the room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly for twenty-nine +days<a id="d0e3409src" href="#d0e3409" class="noteref">18</a> For this fire he must carefully prepare each stick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would have lumps +on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire; firstly, “to keep the mother warm;” secondly, as a protection +against evil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and dominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits +are wont to frequent a house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always kept burning below the house or beside +the ladder at such a time.<a id="d0e3412src" href="#d0e3412" class="noteref">19</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3421">When the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted rice-winnower, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3423"></a>Page 264</span>and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to bear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the woman +asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it, pronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised +and dropped, with the injunction, “When your mother sends you, you go,” or “You must not be lazy.” If it is a boy, it may be instructed, “When your father +sends you to plow, you go.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e3428">Among the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person who is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the +winnower, meanwhile saying, if to a boy, “Here is your light when you go to fight. Here is your light when you go to other +towns.” If the child is a girl, she says, “Here is your light when you go to sell things.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e3430">In the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for “the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear +to the spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child hard and sturdy.” Just before the naming, the rice +winnower is circled above the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying, “Come and take this child, or +I shall take it.” Then, as the infant still remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name.<a id="d0e3432src" href="#d0e3432" class="noteref">20</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3441">A Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often it receives two names—one for a relative in the father's +family, and one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some event, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently +added.<a id="d0e3443src" href="#d0e3443" class="noteref">21</a> Certain names, such as Abacas (“worthless”), Inaknam (“taken up”), and Dolso (“rice-chaff”) are common. If the infant is +ailing, or if the family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is named in the regular way, then is placed +on an old rice winnower, and is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing this will think that the child +is dead, and will pay no more heed to it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child up and carry it back +to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such a case it is probable that the new name will recall the event.<a id="d0e3461src" href="#d0e3461" class="noteref">22</a> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3470"></a>Page 265</span></p> +<p id="d0e3471">If a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive its name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few +days. In this manner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor for which it was named; yet the newborn +is not forced to bear a title which is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness may also result in the giving +of a new name.<a id="d0e3473src" href="#d0e3473" class="noteref">23</a> In such a case a small plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which have caused the illness. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3482">According to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and the medium says, “Your name is ——;” at the same time she +strikes the tree with a knife. If the tree “sweats,” the name is satisfactory; otherwise, other names are mentioned until +a favorable sign is obtained.<a id="d0e3484src" href="#d0e3484" class="noteref">24</a> The writer found no trace of such procedure in any part of the Tinguian belt. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3492">For a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict set of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in +which certain herbs and leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled.<a id="d0e3494src" href="#d0e3494" class="noteref">25</a> Beginning with the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each day, at least one of which is in cold water. +From the tenth to the twenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then to the end of the month she continues +the one hot bath. Until these are completed, the family must keep a strip of <i>ayabong</i> bark burning beneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As an additional defence, a miniature bow +and arrow, and a bamboo shield, with a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (<a id="d0e3506" href="#d0e5202">Fig. 4</a>, No. 1). + +</p> +<p id="d0e3509">On the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks, and a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders +is an old blanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which “helps her in her weakness, and protects her from evil +beings.” She carries a coconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped she goes to the village spring. +Arriving there, she cleans the dishes “as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care for herself;” then +she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it burning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When she returns +to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are placed above the spot, where she and the baby sleep. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3511"></a>Page 266</span></p> +<p id="d0e3512">On the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame is fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's +mat, “so that all can see that the family has followed the custom.” As the frame is carried out, the mother calls to the <i>anito</i> mother (cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3517">In the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits are besought to look to the child's welfare is held +about the third day after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken or a pig is killed, and its blood mixed +with rice is offered up. At the conclusion a small <i>saloko</i><a id="d0e3521src" href="#d0e3521" class="noteref">26</a> containing an egg is attached to one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day event attended by all +the friends and relatives of the family. Here, in place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the roof, +for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits what the people are doing. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3527">In the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just related, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman +is one of those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have been wont to describe as giving birth to her children +without bodily discomfort. <span class="smallcaps">Reyes</span><a id="d0e3531src" href="#d0e3531" class="noteref">27</a> tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord, after which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing soiled +during the birth. <span class="smallcaps">Lerena</span> likewise credits her with delivering herself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then, without further +ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as before. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child; or, +if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and then gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao.<a id="d0e3537src" href="#d0e3537" class="noteref">28</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3553">Throughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing further of importance takes place for about two years, providing +the child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium will be summoned to conduct the <i>Ībal</i> ceremony.<a id="d0e3558src" href="#d0e3558" class="noteref">29</a> For this a pig or rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the medium squats before it and, stroking its +side with oiled fingers, she chants the following <i>dīam</i>. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3564"></a>Page 267</span></p> +<p id="d0e3565">“Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After they arrive, those who live in the same town, ‘We go and +dance with the heads,’ said the people, who live in the same town, ‘because they make a celebration, those who went to kill.’ +‘When the sun goes down, you come to join us,’ said the mother and baby (to her husband who goes to the celebration). After +that the sun truly went down; she went truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there), the mother and the baby +(i.e., when the father arrived where they had agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there). + +</p> +<p id="d0e3567">“He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the mother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed +them. ‘Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I get them?’ When he raises the mother and the baby, they +go (back) into the ground. After that Kabonīyan above, looking down (said), ‘What can you do? The spirits of Ībal in Daem +are the cause of their trouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law, and you go and prepare the things +needed in Ībal,’ said Kabonīyan. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3569">“They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things) to the gate. After that the mother and child came out +of the ground. ‘After this when there is a happening like this, of which you Īpogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., +make the Ībal ceremony); and I alone, Kabonīyan am the one you summon,’ said Kabonīyan. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3571">“After that they got well because they came up, the mother and the baby.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e3573">When the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is prepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions +of Kabonīyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village; after which it is possible that this powerful spirit will +visit the gathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions for the care of the infant. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3575">In the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this ceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the +pregnancy is not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into the form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, +was placed on the mat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature shield and bow and arrow which hung +above the baby, and attempted to shoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the image, and after a +sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They then secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure, which +was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained that, in the first place, the figure represented the child, +and <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3577"></a>Page 268</span>had the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died; later, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when +that being saw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the village. Several other spirits then entered the +body of the medium, and after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3579">When the child is about two years old, a ceremony known as <i>Olog</i><a id="d0e3583src" href="#d0e3583" class="noteref">30</a> is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat,<a id="d0e3586src" href="#d0e3586" class="noteref">31</a> and at once begin to recite <i>dīams</i> over the body of a bound pig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is rubbed against the breast of +each member of the family. The medium then resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit who takes charge +of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is rubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, “so +that it will not cry any more;” next, he orders that the intestines of the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be +carried to the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot, the mediums make a “stove” by driving three sticks +into the ground, so as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle of rice-straw. Beside the “stove” is placed +a branch, each leaf of which is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is brought up to the fire, and is +crowned with the intestines; while one of the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick,<a id="d0e3598src" href="#d0e3598" class="noteref">32</a> to attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster, and with this in one hand and a spear in the other, +she marches five times around the fire meanwhile reciting a <i>dīam</i>. At the conclusion of this performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered on the ground. At +the same time the medium calls to all the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the child to become ill. +The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered, but after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3607">At the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for the intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes +the ceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their home, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile +calling out eight times, “You are in a heavy storm.” The significance of this sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, +and is evidently very ancient. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3609"></a>Page 269</span></p> +<p id="d0e3610">In the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat takes the child to a nearby <i>saloko</i>. As he returns, he is sprinkled by a medium, who says, “You are wet from the rain; in what place did you get wet?” He replies, +“Yes, we are wet from the rain; we were wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);” then placing two small baskets in the <i>saloko</i>, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon the father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child; suddenly +spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the house, saying, “Here are the mother and the child.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e3618">The following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts, ready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk +with many branches. This is then planted beside the spring, “so that the child will grow and be strong like the bamboo.” The +sight of all these good things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be inclined to grant to the child many +favors. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3620">When the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut shell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's +face “to keep it from crying, and to keep it well.” This done, they tie a knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign +that no person may enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day.<a id="d0e3622src" href="#d0e3622" class="noteref">33</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3628">A ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when evil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and +the child, when the delivery is long overdue, or when an <i>anito</i> child<a id="d0e3633src" href="#d0e3633" class="noteref">34</a> has been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm themselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the +dwelling, where they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this, together with nine coconut shells filled with +<i>basi</i>, is placed beneath the house for the <i>anitos</i> to eat. While the spirits are busy with this repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out a window and +taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting, and at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts with +their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept from noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven +to a distance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which they return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon +as they reach the top of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes “to blind the eyes of the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3642"></a>Page 270</span><i>anitos</i>, so that they cannot see to come up.”<a id="d0e3646src" href="#d0e3646" class="noteref">35</a> She likewise breaks a number of small jars, “which look like heads,” as a threat of the treatment which awaits them if they +attempt to return to the house. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3652">Within the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits, and all who have participated in the <i>anito</i> driving are feasted. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3657">Next morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evil <i>anito</i>, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon, bamboo, and <i>atis</i> leaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice straw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected against +any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying events of the previous night. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3665"><span class="smallcaps">Childhood</span>.—When outside the house, small babies are always carried by their mothers or older sisters (Plate <a id="d0e3669" href="#d0e11664">XV</a>). The little one either sits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back, and is held in place by her +arm or by a blanket which passes over one shoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that it can nurse +whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for feeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children +continue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by newcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such +as rice, while very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and sweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see +a mother take the pipe from her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus acquire the habit of using tobacco +at a very early age, and continue it through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is accomplished by rubbing +the breasts with powdered chile peppers, or plants with sour flavor. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3672">A crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and this is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which +is suspended across one corner of the room (<a id="d0e3674" href="#d0e3688">Fig. 1</a>, No. 2). The pole bends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to sleep. Another device in which small +children are kept is known as <i>galong-galong</i>. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip of split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips are +vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an open box-like frame (<a id="d0e3680" href="#d0e3688">Fig. 1</a>, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child is put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is suspended from +a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either as a swing or walker, as desired. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3683">When the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, she <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3685"></a>Page 271</span>carries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the cold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, +and frequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the water. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal +any more than European youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon overcome, and they go to the streams to paddle +and play, and quickly become excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide beneath large rocks; and oftentimes +a whole troop of naked youngsters may be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones, and occasionally shouting +with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn out with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps, and their catch +often adds variety to the family meal. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3687"></p> +<div id="d0e3688" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 1.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig01.gif" alt="Child's Cradle and Jumper."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Child's Cradle and Jumper.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3692">Children are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real affection for the youngsters, and find time to devote +to them. A man is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress the babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a +similar sign of affection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the breath in suddenly. A mother is often heard +singing to her babes, but the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a single sentence repeated over and over. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3694"></a>Page 272</span>Aside from the daily bath, the child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years of its life. It has no birthdays, +its hair is never cut, unless it be that it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing only on very special +occasions. The children are by no means innocent in sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed all curiosity +and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes are no freer than in civilized communities. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3696">When garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the elders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing +without any sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance, the fording of a stream, or when a number of +both sexes happen to be bathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to immodesty or lewdness, and a person +who is careless about the acts, which are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of scorn quite as much as +he would be in a more advanced community. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3698">The first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by sticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A +more elaborate plaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened together with cords at top, center, and +bottom. When this is held near the middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as if alive. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3700">Stilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes used by the older children, but the more popular local variety +is made by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The youth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells +with the lines passing between the first two toes, and then walks. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3702">Flat boards with cords attached become “carabao sleds,” and in these immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. +A similar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a “plough” or “horse,” as is desired. Imitation carabao +yokes are much prized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals or drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting +a thin piece of bamboo on a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise, and is excellent to use in frightening +stray horses. Blow-guns, made out of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with a pop-gun of similar construction. +A wad of leaves is driven through with a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3704">Tops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun, or are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those +of other players, with the intention of splitting or marking them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3706">Quite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which they industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their +mothers. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3708"></a>Page 273</span></p> +<p id="d0e3709">While still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives made of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years +of age, they are permitted to carry long <i>bolos</i>, and before puberty they are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (Plate <a id="d0e3714" href="#d0e11642">XI</a>). In the mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for groups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark +shields, to carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and oftentimes they return to the village with +a good catch of small birds. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3717">Full grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies, small chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao +make excellent playfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth, the young carabao is taken possession of by +the children, who will fondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head or tail. Soon they gain confidence, +and find similar amusements with the full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious, especially around white +men, but they recognize their masters in the little brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the greater part +of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3719">When not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it is probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked +little savages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming hole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which +sleeping pigs can be easily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess a tin can, secured from some visiting +traveller, they quickly convert it into a drum or <i>gansa</i>, and forthwith start a celebration. All can dance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3724">In addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs, which are heard whenever the children are at play. They +make a swing by tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then, as they swing, they sing: + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e3727">“Pull swing. My swing is a snake.<br id="d0e3729">Do not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake.<br id="d0e3731">Do not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard.<br id="d0e3733">Do not tremble or shake.” +</p> +<p id="d0e3735">When a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice chaff, they chant: + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e3738">“Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman.<br id="d0e3740">Make a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar.<br id="d0e3742">Pop, pop, like the coconut shell dish.<br id="d0e3744">Sagai, sagai,<a id="d0e3746src" href="#d0e3746" class="noteref">36</a> make a noise like the big jar.” +</p> +<p id="d0e3749">When the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing over and over: + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e3752">“Deep water here; high land there.” +</p><span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3754"></a>Page 274</span><p id="d0e3755">A favorite game is played by a number of children. Part stand on the edge of a bank, part below. Those above sing, “Jump down, +where the big stone is, the big stone which swallows people. Big stone, which swallows people, where are you?” To this the +children below reply, “I am here. I am the big rock which swallows men. Come down here.” As those on the bank jump down, they +are piled upon, and a free-for-all tussel ensues. In the midst of this, one of the players suddenly sings out, “I am a deer +in—, I am very fat.” With this he starts off on a run, and the rest of the party, now suddenly transformed into dogs, take +up the chase, yelping and barking. When the deer becomes tired, he makes for the water, where he is considered safe; but if +he is caught, he is rolled and bitten by the dogs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3757">Another game played by both boys and girls is known as <i>maysansani</i>, and is much like hide-and-go-seek. One boy holds out an open hand, and the others lay their fingers in his palm, while the +leader counts, <i>maysansani</i>, <i>duan-nani</i>, <i>mataltali</i>,<a id="d0e3771src" href="#d0e3771" class="noteref">37</a> <i>ocop</i>. As <i>ocop</i> (“four” or “ready”) is pronounced, the boy quickly closes his hand in order to catch a finger. If he succeeds, the prisoner +puts his hands over his eyes, and the leader holds him, while the others run and hide. When all are ready, he is released, +and then must find all the players; or he is beaten on the forearm with the first and second fingers of all the participants, +or they may pick him up by his head and feet, and whirl him about. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3791">Like European children, they have a set of small sayings or acts for use on appropriate occasions. A youngster may come up +to another who is eating a luscious mango; when requested for a bite, he is apt to draw down the lower lid of his eye and +coolly answer, “I will make a sound like swallowing for you,” and then go on with the feast. He may even hold out the tempting +fruit, as if to comply with the request, then suddenly jerk it back and shout “kilat.”<a id="d0e3793src" href="#d0e3793" class="noteref">38</a> This is often the signal for a scuffle. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3799">As the children grow older, they begin more and more to take their place in the village life. The little girl becomes the +chief guardian of a new arrival in the family; and with the little one strapped on her back, she romps and plays, while the +baby enjoys it all or sleeps serenely (Plate <a id="d0e3801" href="#d0e11649">XII</a>). The boy also assists his father and mother in the fields, but still he finds some time for games of a more definite character +than those just described. Probably the most popular of these is known as <i>agbita</i> or <i>līpī</i>. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3810"></a>Page 275</span></p> +<p id="d0e3811">This is played with the large disk-shaped seeds of the <i>līpī</i> plant (Ilocano <i>līpai</i>). Each player puts two disks in line, then all go to a distance and shoot toward them. The shooter is held between the thumb +and first finger of the left hand, and is propelled forward by the index finger of the right. The one whose seed goes the +farthest gets first shot, and the others follow in order. All seeds knocked down belong to the player, and if any are still +in line after each has had his turn, the leader shoots again. When each boy has had two shots, or when all the disks are down, +a new line is made; and he whose seed lies at the greatest distance shoots first. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3819">Another common game is <i>patpatinglad</i>, which has certain resemblances to cricket. A small cylinder-shaped missel, called <i>papa-anak</i> (“little duck”), about four inches long, is set in a shallow groove, so that one end stands free; it is then struck and batted +with a bamboo stock—<i>papa-ina</i> (“mother duck”). The lad who has driven his missel the farthest is the winner, and hence has the privilege of batting away +the <i>papa-anak</i> of the other players, so that they will have to chase them. If he likes, he may take hold of the feet of a looser and compel +him to walk on his hands to secure this missel. A loser is sometimes taken by the head and feet, and is swung in a circle, + + +</p> +<p id="d0e3833">A game frequently seen in the lowland valleys is also common to the Ilocano children, who call it San Pedro. Lines are drawn +on the ground to enclose a space about thirty feet square (see diagram <a id="d0e3835" href="#d0e3839">Fig. 2</a>). The boys at d try to run between the lines, and at the same time evade the guards a, b, and c. Guard a can run along line +1, or 4 as far as 2. Guard b must stay on line 2; and c must keep on 3. When the runners are captured, they become the guards. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e3838"></p> +<div id="d0e3839" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 2.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig02.gif" alt="Diagram of a Game."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Diagram of a Game.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e3843">From the preceding paragraphs it may be surmized that the youth is quite untrained and untaught. It is true that he spends +no time in a class-room; he passes through no initiation at the time of puberty, neither are there ceremonies or observances +of any kind which reveal to him the secret knowledge of the tribe, yet he quickly learns his place <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3845"></a>Page 276</span>in society, and at an early age begins to absorb its customs and beliefs. He sits about the village fires in the evenings, +and listens to the tales of long ago, or hears the elders discuss the problems of their daily life. During the hot midday +hours, he lounges in the field-houses, while his parents relate the fate of lazy children; or tell of punishments sent by +the spirits on those who fail to follow the customs of the ancestors, or give heed to the omens. He attends the ceremonies, +where he not only learns the details of these important events, but with his own eyes sees the bodies of the mediums possessed +by superior beings, and thus the close relationship of the spirit world to his people is forcibly brought to his notice. He +is never debarred from the dances or other activities; in fact, he is encouraged to take part in them or to imitate his elders. +Soon custom gathers him into its net, and unless he is the exceptional individual, or comes in intimate contact with outsiders, +he never escapes. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3847">It has already been seen that he begins very early to take an active part in the village life, but it is many years before +he assumes a position of importance in the group. It is only when age and experience have gained for him the respect of his +fellows that he begins to have a voice in the more weighty affairs of Tinguian life. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3849"><span class="smallcaps">Engagement and Marriage</span>.—Since there are no clans or other groupings to limit the number of families in which unions may be contracted, the only +impediments are former marriage ties or blood relationship. Cousins may not marry, neither is a man allowed to wed his step-sister, +his wife's sister, or her mother. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3853">Engagement takes place while the children are very young, sometimes while they are still babes-in-arms; but usually the contract +is made when they are six or eight years of age. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3855">The boy's parents take the initiative, and having selected a suitable girl, they broach the subject to her family. This is +not done directly, but through an intermediary, generally a relative, “who can talk much and well.” He carries with him three +beads—one red, one yellow, and one agate,<a id="d0e3857src" href="#d0e3857" class="noteref">39</a> which he offers “as an evidence of affection,” and then proceeds to relate the many desirable qualities of the groom and +his family, as well as the advantages to be gained by the union. If the suit is favored, the beads are attached to the girl's +wrist as a sign of her engagement, and a day is set for the <i>pakálon</i><a id="d0e3865src" href="#d0e3865" class="noteref">40</a> or price fixing. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3871"></a>Page 277</span></p> +<p id="d0e3872">On the appointed day, friends and relatives gather at the girl's home and, after several hours of feasting and drinking, settle +down to the real business on hand. A large pig is slaughtered, and its liver is carefully examined; for, should the omens +be unfavorable, it would be useless to continue the negotiations further at that time (cf. p. 307). If the signs are good, +the happy crowd forms a circle, and then begins a long and noisy discussion of the price which the girl should bring. Theoretically, +the payment is made in horses, carabao, jars, blankets, and rice, but as each article is considered as having a value of five +pesos ($2.50), the money is frequently substituted, especially by people in poor circumstances. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3874">A portion of the agreed price is paid at once, and is distributed between the girl's parents and her relatives, who thus become +vitally interested in the successful termination of the match; for should it fail of consummation, they must return the gifts +received. The balance of the payment is often delayed for a considerable time, and it not infrequently happens that there +is still a balance due when the man dies. In such a case no division of his property can be made until the marriage agreement +is settled in full. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3876">The completion of the list is the signal for great rejoicing; liquor circulates freely, the men sing <i>daleng</i> (cf. p. 440), and <i>tadek</i> (cf. p. 440) is danced far into the night. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3884">In the yard where the dancing takes place, three inverted rice-mortars are placed one above the other, “to serve as a table +for the spirits who always attend.” A dish of liquor is placed on it, while at its side is a spear decorated with a man's +belt. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3886">These engagement-parties are the great social affairs of the year, and friends will journey long distances to be present, +but the betrothed couple is seldom in evidence, and in many instances the groom is absent. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3888">Following their engagement the children live with their parents until such a time as they are considered old enough to maintain +their own home. If the lad comes from a well-to-do family, it is probable that the final ceremony will take place before either +of the couple reaches puberty; but, if the groom must earn a living, the marriage may be delayed until he is eighteen or nineteen +years old (Plate <a id="d0e3890" href="#d0e11654">XIII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e3893">When the time for the fulfillment of the agreement arrives, the boy goes, in company, at night to the girl's house. He has +a headaxe hanging from his belt, but he is the only one so armed. An earlier writer<a id="d0e3895src" href="#d0e3895" class="noteref">41</a> has described a feigned attack on the house of the bride as <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3903"></a>Page 278</span>a part of the marriage ceremony, but the present writer did not witness anything of the sort, nor could he learn of any such +action. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3905">The groom carries with him a small part of the marriage payment and a valuable jar; these he presents to his parents-in-law, +and from that time on he may never call them or their near relatives by name. Should he do so, “he will have boils and the +first child will be insane.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e3907">The bride's people have provided a coconut shell filled with water and a wooden dish<a id="d0e3909src" href="#d0e3909" class="noteref">42</a> containing cooked rice. These are placed between the couple, as they sit in the center of the room (Plate <a id="d0e3918" href="#d0e11659">XIV</a>). The boy's mother drops two beads into the shell cup, and bids them drink; for, “as the two beads always go together at +the bottom, so you will go together and will not part. The cool water will keep you from becoming angry.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e3921">Great care must be exercised in handling the cup; for should the contents be shaken the couple will become dizzy, and in old +age their heads and hands will shake. After they have drunk, each takes a handful of rice, and squeezes it into a ball. The +girl drops hers through the slits in the bamboo floor as an offering to the spirits, but the boy tosses his into the air. +If it breaks or rolls, it is a bad sign, and the couple is apt to part, or their children die. In such a circumstance, the +marriage is usually deferred, and tried again at a later date; but repeated scattering of the rice generally results in the +annulling of the agreement.<a id="d0e3923src" href="#d0e3923" class="noteref">43</a> Should anything in the dwelling fall or be broken during the ceremony, it is halted at once; to proceed further that night +would be to court misfortune. However, it may be undertaken again a few days later. + +</p> +<p id="d0e3926">The guests depart immediately after the rice ceremony. No food or drink is offered to them, nor is there any kind of celebration.<a id="d0e3928src" href="#d0e3928" class="noteref">44</a> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4001"></a>Page 279</span></p> +<p id="d0e4002">That night the couple sleep with a pillow between them,<a id="d0e4004src" href="#d0e4004" class="noteref">45</a> and under the groom's pillow is a head-axe. Early in the morning, the girl's mother or some other elderly female of her family +awakens them, and leads the way to the village spring. Arriving there, she pours water in a coconut shell, which contains +a cigar from which the couple have drawn smoke;<a id="d0e4013src" href="#d0e4013" class="noteref">46</a> she adds leaves of bamboo and <i>agiwas</i>, and washes their faces with the liquid, “to show that they now have all in common; that the tobacco may keep them and their +children from becoming insane; that the <i>agiwas</i> will keep them in health; and the bamboo will make them strong and insure many children, the same as it has many sprouts.” +On their way home, the boy cuts a <i>dangla</i> shrub (<i>Vitex negundo</i> L.) with his head-axe, and later attaches it to the door of their home, “so that they may have many children.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e4028">Throughout that day the doors and windows are kept tightly closed; for should the young people see birds or chickens having +intercourse, they are apt to become insane, and their first born have sore or crossed eyes. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4030">The next morning is known as <i>sipsīpot</i> (“the watching”). Accompanied by the girl's parents, the couple goes to the father's fields. On the way they carefully observe +any signs which animals, birds, or nature, may give them. When they reach the fields, the boy shows his respect for his elders +by cutting the grass along the borders with his head-axe. This service also counteracts any bad sign which they may have received +that morning. He next takes a little of the soil on his axe, and both he and his bride taste of it, “so that the ground will +yield good harvests” for them, and they will become rich.<a id="d0e4035src" href="#d0e4035" class="noteref">47</a> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4038"></a>Page 280</span></p> +<p id="d0e4039">Nowadays the couple goes to the home, prepared by the groom and his parents, as soon as it is ready, but the tales indicate<a id="d0e4041src" href="#d0e4041" class="noteref">48</a> that in former times they lived for a time with the boy's parents. They are accompanied by the groom's mother, and go very +early in the morning, as they are then less apt to receive bad signs from the birds. The girl carries her sleeping mat and +two pillows; but before she has deposited these in her new dwelling, she seats herself on the bamboo floor with her legs stretched +out in front. It then becomes necessary for the groom to present her with a string of agate beads equal in length to the combined +width of the bamboo slats which she covers. Before she can eat of her husband's rice, he must give her a string of beads, +or she will become ill; she may not open his granary until a like present has been given, or the resident spirit will make +her blind; neither may she take food from the pots or water from the jars, until other beads have been presented to her. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4044">If the girl comes from another village, it is customary to make a payment to her parents for each stream crossed on the journey +to the new home; another is demanded before she goes up the house ladder, and still others when she enters the house, and +her belongings are brought in.<a id="d0e4046src" href="#d0e4046" class="noteref">49</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4067">A common occurrence in Ba-ak and the San Juan district is for the parents of the girl to spread rows of baskets, Chinese plates +or jars on the floor and to offer them to the groom. Before he can accept them, he must make a return gift of money, beads, +and the like for each one. It is explained by the elders that, when the young people see all the gifts spread out on the floor, +they will appreciate the expense involved, and will be less likely to separate. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4069">If at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the husband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering +known as <i>nagkakaló-nan</i>. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets on the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other gifts +for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued love. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate; +and should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4074"></a>Page 281</span>whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the gifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the +price of the pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets and dishes. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4076">Divorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that just described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is +made, but if that fails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of the gathering to that one. If blame +attaches to the husband, he must complete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is guilty, her parents +and relatives must return the gifts distributed at the time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty or +laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4078">Small children are generally left with the mother, but when they are old enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. +However, the father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share in his property when he dies. Either party to +a divorce may remarry at any time. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4080">The Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many concubines (<i>pota</i>), as he can secure. The <i>pota</i> lives in a house of her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman, and is seldom seen in the social gatherings +or in other homes. Her children belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to the old men, except in cases of cruelty. +Men with concubines do not suffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever to have won two or three women. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e4088">The <i>pota</i> is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is almost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or +wife, or even a <i>pota</i> is almost certain to cause serious trouble, and is likely to end in a murder. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4096">The early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit sexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes +happens that an unbetrothed girl, not a <i>pota</i>, is found to be pregnant. In such a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred pesos to the girl's people, +and he must support the child when finally it comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses standing in +the community unless the father should fail to redeem the child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule in +the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome of such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the <i>pota</i> of her child's father. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4104"><span class="smallcaps">Death and Burial</span>.—Sickness and death are usually caused by unfriendly spirits;<a id="d0e4108src" href="#d0e4108" class="noteref">50</a> sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes those <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4114"></a>Page 282</span>who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought about by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves +as punishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized as coming from human agency. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4116">The methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and thwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. +pp. 295 <i>et seq</i>.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and relatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning, +while friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4121">A funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed, “so that his spirit<a id="d0e4123src" href="#d0e4123" class="noteref">51</a> may be clean,” and is placed in a bamboo seat at the end of the house. This seat, which is known as <i>sangádel</i>, is constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall and resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height +of about three feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the floor in front. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4141">The corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire surround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable +blankets, belts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take with him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his +future home. A live chicken is placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral it becomes the property of +the friend, who removes the poles from the house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits, while the intestines +are hung just outside the door, until the body is buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an inverted +rice-mortar on which is a dish of <i>basi</i>,—an offering to the spirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4146">The needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members of the family. It is their duty to place two small +jars of liquor near to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4148">Up to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with friendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian +realize that there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be compelled to leave the body unharmed. The first +of these evil beings to be guarded against is Kadongáyan,<a id="d0e4150src" href="#d0e4150" class="noteref">52</a> who in former times used to attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4153"></a>Page 283</span>corpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly instruction of Kabonīyan it was learned that, if a live +chicken, with its mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the house, its suffering would be noticed by +the evil spirit, who, fearing similar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling.<a id="d0e4155src" href="#d0e4155" class="noteref">53</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4158">The spirit Ībwa is also much feared.<a id="d0e4160src" href="#d0e4160" class="noteref">54</a> Long ago he used to mingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but the thoughtless act of a mourner started +him on the evil course he has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was kept in the dwelling seven days; and, +as the body decomposed, the liquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the grave. On the occasion referred +to, he was handed a cup of the “lard” to drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting dish, and frequently +even devoured the body as well. Since he fears iron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is also necessary +to guard the grave against him and the spirit Sᴇlday, who demands blood or the corpse. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4163">Akop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, +awaiting an opportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the living feel his cold embrace, death is sure +to follow. So a barricade of pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the wife is compelled to remain +during the three days the body is kept in the house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in the meshes +of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become entangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse +fanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close watch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body +or the widow (Plate <a id="d0e4165" href="#d0e11669">XVI</a>). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse, and wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart.<a id="d0e4168src" href="#d0e4168" class="noteref">55</a> According to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put on old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over +her head a <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4171"></a>Page 284</span>large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial.<a id="d0e4173src" href="#d0e4173" class="noteref">56</a> Likewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all work. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. +Corn is their only food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing their arms as they walk. They are prohibited +from mounting a horse, and under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village or join in merry-making. Failure to +obey these rules is followed by swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead.<a id="d0e4176src" href="#d0e4176" class="noteref">57</a> Except for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and oil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but +the widow continues in mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4179">According to many informants among the older men, it was formerly necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men +to put on white head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was impossible to hold the ceremony which released +the relatives from the taboo.<a id="d0e4181src" href="#d0e4181" class="noteref">58</a> During the first two days that the body is in the house, the friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to +partake of the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time; but there is neither music, singing, or dancing.<a id="d0e4190src" href="#d0e4190" class="noteref">59</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4193">On the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the yard, and after drinking <i>basi</i> they select one of their number and proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod (Plate <a id="d0e4198" href="#d0e11674">XVII</a>). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is split at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping +is not severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh to swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes +the rod and then proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes<a id="d0e4201src" href="#d0e4201" class="noteref">60</a> to each man <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4204"></a>Page 285</span>present, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one of the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. +The avowed purpose of this whipping is “to make all the people feel as sorry as the relatives of the dead man.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e4206">Burial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, “as it is much easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and +the grave is also protected against the rain.” In Manabo and many mountain villages, however, burial is in the yard. It is +customary to open a grave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4208">Toward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the bamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove +the dirt. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4210"></p> +<div id="d0e4211" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 3.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig03.gif" alt="Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4215">The grave is generally of one of the forms indicated in <a id="d0e4217" href="#d0e4211">Fig. 3</a>, and when a depth of about three feet has been reached, the workers encounter stone slabs which protect a lower chamber.<a id="d0e4220src" href="#d0e4220" class="noteref">61</a> When these are reached, the diggers make an opening and thrusting in burning pine-sticks, they call to the dead within, “You +must light your pipes with these.” As soon as the slabs are raised, the oldest female relative of the deceased goes into the +grave, gathers up the bones of the last person interred, ties them into a bundle, and reburies them in one corner. There is +at present no such type of burial chamber, as is described by <span class="smallcaps">La Gironière</span>,<a id="d0e4229src" href="#d0e4229" class="noteref">62</a> nor is there a memory or tradition of such an arrangement. As his visit took place less than a century ago, it is unlikely +that all trace of it would have been lost. The heavy rainfall in this district would make the construction and maintenance +of such <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4235"></a>Page 286</span>a chamber almost impossible, while the dread of leaving the corpses thus exposed to hostile spirits and the raids of enemies +in search of heads would also argue against such a practice. His description of the mummifying or drying of the corpse by +means of fires built around it<a id="d0e4237src" href="#d0e4237" class="noteref">63</a> is likewise denied by the old men of Manabo, who insist that they never had such a custom. It certainly does not exist to-day. +In a culture, in which the influence of custom is as strong as it is here, it would seem that the care of the corpse, which +is intimately related to the condition of the spirit in its final abode, would be one of the last things to change, while +the proceedings following a death are to-day so uniform throughout the Tinguian belt, that they argue for a considerable antiquity. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e4242">When the grave is ready, the fact is announced in the dwelling, and is the signal for renewed lamentation. The wife and near +relatives throw themselves on the corpse, caressing it and crying wildly. Whatever there may have been of duty or respect +in the wailing of the first two days, this parting burst of sorrow is genuine. Tears stand in the eyes of many, while others +cease their wailing and sob convulsively. After a time an old woman brings in some <i>oldot</i> seeds, each strung on a thread, and fastens one on the wrist of each person, as a protection against the evil spirit Akop, +who, having been defeated in his designs against the widow, may seek to vent his anger on others. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4247">When this has been done, a medium seats herself in front of the body; and, covering her face with her hands, begins to chant +and wail, bidding the spirit to enter her body. Suddenly she falls back in a faint, while suppressed excitement is manifested +by all the onlookers. After a moment or two, fire and water are placed at her head and feet, “in order to frighten the spirit +away,” and then the medium gives the last message of the dead man to his family. This is, except for very rare exceptions, +the only time that the spirits of the deceased communicate with mortals; and it is, so far as the writer has been able to +learn, the only occasion when the medium repeats messages given to her. At other times she is possessed by natural spirits,<a id="d0e4249src" href="#d0e4249" class="noteref">64</a> who then talk directly with mortals. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4252">As a last preparation for the grave, a small hole is burned in each garment worn by the dead person, for otherwise the spirit +Ībwa will envy him his clothing and attempt to steal them. The corpse is then <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4254"></a>Page 287</span>wrapped in a mat, and is carried from the house.<a id="d0e4256src" href="#d0e4256" class="noteref">65</a> The bearers go directly to the <i>balaua,</i><a id="d0e4261src" href="#d0e4261" class="noteref">66</a> and rest the body in it for a moment. Unless this is done, the spirit will be poor in its future life and unable to build +<i>balaua</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4267">The body is deposited full length in the grave, the stone slabs are relaid, the chinks between them filled in with damp clay, +and the grave is refilled.<a id="d0e4269src" href="#d0e4269" class="noteref">67</a> As the last earth is pushed in, a small pig is killed, and its blood is sprinkled on the loose soil. Meanwhile Sᴇlday is +besought to respect the grave and leave it untouched. The animal is cut up, and a small piece is given to each guest, who +will stop on the way to his home, and place the meat on the ground as an offering, meanwhile repeating a <i>dīam</i>. Should he fail to do this, sickness or death is certain to visit his home or village. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4275">As a further protection against evily disposed spirits, especially Ībwa, an iron plough-point is placed over the grave, “for +most evil spirits fear iron;” and during this night and the nine succeeding, a fire is kept burning at the grave and at the +foot of the house-ladder.<a id="d0e4277src" href="#d0e4277" class="noteref">68</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4286">That night the men spend about an hour in the house of mourning, singing <i>sang-sangit</i>, a song in which they praise the dead man, encourage the widow, and bespeak the welfare of the family. The wailers still +remain in the dwelling to protect the widow, and a male relative is detailed to see that the fire at the foot of the ladder +is kept burning brightly. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4291">Early the next morning, the widow, closely guarded by the wailers, goes to the river, throws her headband into the water, +and then goes in herself. As she sinks in the water, an old man throws a bundle of burning rice-straw on her. “The water will +wash away some of the sorrow, and the fire will make her thoughts clear.” Upon her return to the village, the grave is enclosed +with a bamboo fence, and above it is hung a shallow box-like frame, known as <i>patay</i>, in which are placed the articles needed by the spirit.<a id="d0e4296src" href="#d0e4296" class="noteref">69</a> Within the house the mat and pillow <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4299"></a>Page 288</span>of the dead are laid ready for use, and at meal time food is placed beside it. The length of time that the mat is left spread +out differs somewhat between towns and families. In some cases it is taken up at the end of the period of taboo, while in +others it is not rolled up; nor are the windows of the house opened until after the celebration of the <i>Layog</i> ceremony, a year later. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4304">The taboo is usually strictly observed through ten days; but should there be some urgent reason, such as planting or reaping, +it may be raised somewhat earlier. It is concluded by the blood and oil ceremony. The <i>lakay</i>, the other old men of the settlement, and all the relatives, gather in the house of mourning, while the mediums prepare for +the ceremony. They kill a small pig and collect its blood in a dish; in another receptacle they place oil. A brush has been +made out of a variety of leaves, and this the medium dips into the blood and oil, then draws it over the wrists or ankles +of each person present, meanwhile saying, “Let the <i>lew-lew</i> (<i>Fiscus hauili</i> Blanco) leaves take the sickness and death to another town; let the <i>kawayan</i> (“bamboo”) make them grow fast and be strong as it is, and have many branches; let the <i>atilwag</i> (<i>Breynia acuminata</i> Nuell. Arg.) turn the sickness to other towns.” A little oil is rubbed on the head of each person present; and all, except +the widow, are then freed from restrictions. She must still refrain from wearing her beads, ornaments, or good clothing; and +she is barred from taking part in any merry-making until after the <i>Layog</i> ceremony.<a id="d0e4327src" href="#d0e4327" class="noteref">70</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4336">At the conclusion of the anointing, the old men discuss the disposal of the property and other matters of importance in connection +with the death. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4338"><span class="smallcaps">The Layog</span>.<a id="d0e4342src" href="#d0e4342" class="noteref">71</a>—Several months after the burial (generally after the lapse of a year), the friends and relatives are summoned in the <i>Layog</i>,—a ceremony held with the avowed intention “to show respect for the dead and to cause the family to forget their sorrow.” +Friends come <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4354"></a>Page 289</span>from near and far; and rice, pigs, cows or carabaos are prepared for food, while <i>basi</i> flows freely. It is said that the liquor served at this time is “like tears for the dead.” A medium goes to the guardian +stones of the village, and there offers rice mixed with blood; she oils the stones, places new yellow headbands on each one, +and after dancing <i>tadek</i>, returns to the gathering. Often she is accompanied by a number of men, who shout on their return trip “to frighten away +evil spirits.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e4362">Near the house a chair is made ready for the deceased, and in it are placed clothing and food. In the yard four crossed spears +form the frame-work on which a shield rests (Plate <a id="d0e4364" href="#d0e11679">XVIII</a>)<a id="d0e4367src" href="#d0e4367" class="noteref">72</a> and on this are beads, food, and garments—offerings for the spirits; while near the house ladder is the spirits' table made +of inverted rice mortars. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4376">The duration of this ceremony depends largely on the wealth of the family, for the relatives must furnish everything needed +at this time. Games are played, and there is much drinking and singing; but before the members of the family may take part, +they are dressed in good garments, and the blood and oil ceremony is repeated on them. At the conclusion of the dancing, they +go into the house, roll up the mat used by the dead, open the doors and windows, and all are again free to do as they wish. +Should they fail to roll up the mat at this time, it must remain until another <i>Layog</i> is held; and during the interval all the former restrictions are in force.<a id="d0e4381src" href="#d0e4381" class="noteref">73</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4387">About twenty years ago, a great number of people in Patok died of cholera; and since then the people of that village have +held a <i>Layog</i> in their honor each November, to the expense of which all contribute. As this is just before the rice-harvest, a time when +all the people wear their best garments, it is customary for the old men to allow bereaved families to participate in this +ceremony and then release them from mourning. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4392"><span class="smallcaps">Beliefs Concerning the Spirit of the Dead</span>.—Direct questioning brings out some differences of opinion, in the various districts, concerning the spirit of the dead. +In Manabo, a town influenced both by the Igorot of the Upit River valley and the Christianized Ilocano of San Jose, the spirit +is said to go at once to the great spirit Kadaklan, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4396"></a>Page 290</span>and then to continue on “to the town where it lives.” “It is like a person, but is so light that it can be carried along by +the wind when it blows.”<a id="d0e4398src" href="#d0e4398" class="noteref">74</a> The people of Ba-ay, a mountain village partially made up of immigrants from the eastern side of the Cordillera Central, +claim that the spirits of the dead go to a mountain called Singet, where they have a great town. Here, it is also stated, +the good are rewarded with fine houses, while the bad have to be content with hovels. The general belief, however, is that +the spirit (<i>kalading</i>) has a body like that of the living person, but is usually invisible, although spirits have appeared, and have even sought +to injure living beings. Immediately following death, the spirit stays near to its old home, ready to take vengeance on any +relative, who fails to show his body proper respect. After the blood and oil ceremony, he goes to his future home, Maglawa, +carrying with him gifts for the ancestors, which the people have placed about his corpse. In Maglawa he finds conditions much +the same as on earth; people are rich and poor; they need houses; they plant and reap; and they conduct ceremonies for the +superior beings, just as they had done during their life on earth. Beyond this, the people do not pretend to be posted, “for +Kabonīyan did not tell.” With the exception of the people of Ba-ay and a few individuals influenced by Christianity, the Tinguian +has no idea of reward or punishment in the future life, but he does believe that the position of the spirit in its new home +can be affected by the acts of the living (cf. p. 289). No trace of a belief in re-incarnation was found in any district inhabited +by this tribe. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4404"><span class="smallcaps">Life and Death</span>.—The foregoing details concerning birth, childhood, sickness, and death, seem to give us an insight into the Tinguian conception +of life and death. For him life and death do not appear to be but incidents in an endless cycle of birth, death, and re-incarnation +ad infinitum, such as pictured by <span class="smallcaps">Lévy-Bruhl</span>;<a id="d0e4411src" href="#d0e4411" class="noteref">75</a> yet, in many instances, his acts and beliefs fit in closely with the theory outlined by that author. In this society, there +is only a weak line of demarcation between the living and the dead, and the dead for a time at least participate more or less +in the life of the living. This is equally true of the unborn child, whose future condition, physical and mental, may be largely +moulded by the acts of others. According to <span class="smallcaps">Lévy-Bruhl</span>, this would indicate that the child at delivery is not fully born, is not as yet a member of the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4417"></a>Page 291</span>group; and the succeeding ceremonies are necessary to its full participation in life. Death is likewise of long duration. +Following the last breath, the spirit remains near by until the magic power of the funeral severs, to an extent, his participation +with society. The purpose of the final ceremony is to complete the rupture between the living and the dead. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4419">To the writer, the facts of Tinguian life and beliefs suggest a somewhat different explanation. We have seen how strong individuals +may be affected by magical practices. The close connection between an individual, his garments, or even his name, must be +considered to apply with quite as much force to the helpless infant and the afterbirth. So strong is this bond, that even +unintentional acts may injure the babe. Evil spirits are always near; and, unless great precautions are taken, they will injure +adults if they can get them at a disadvantage, particularly when they are asleep. The child is not able to protect itself +from these beings; therefore the adults perform such acts, as they think will secure the good will and help of friendly spirits, +while they bribe or buy up those who might otherwise be hostile; and lastly they make use of such magical objects and ceremonies, +as will compel the evil spirits to leave the infant alone. As the child grows in size and strength, he is less in need of +protection; and at an early age he is treated like the other younger members of the community. Naming follows almost immediately +after birth, while puberty and initiation ceremonies are entirely lacking. Apparently then, a child is considered as being +fully alive at birth, and at no time does he undergo any rites or ceremonies which make him more a part of the community than +he was on the first day he saw the light. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4421">When death occurs, the spirit remains near to the corpse until after the funeral, and even then is close by until the ten +days of taboo are over. He still finds need of nourishment, and hence food is placed near to his mat. As at birth, he is not +in a position to protect his body from the designs of evil spirits, and if his relatives fail to give the corpse proper care, +it is certain to be mutilated; likewise certain acts of the living towards the corpse can affect the position of the spirit +in Maglawa. Hence it is of supreme importance that the former owner guards against any possible neglect or injury to the body, +and it seems plausible that the presence of the spirit near its old haunts may be for the purpose of seeing that its body +is carefully attended to. The folktales tell of several instances, in which the spirits took vengeance on relatives who neglected +their bodies, or violated the period of taboo.<a id="d0e4423src" href="#d0e4423" class="noteref">76</a> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4426"></a>Page 292</span></p> +<p id="d0e4427">When the danger period is past, the spirit at once leaves its old home, and returns again only at the time of the <i>Layog</i>. From that time on, he continues his existence in the upper world, neither troubling, nor being troubled by mortals on earth.<a id="d0e4432src" href="#d0e4432" class="noteref">77</a> Ancestor worship does not occur here, nor are offerings made to the dead, other than those described above. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4441"></a>Page 293</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3216" href="#d0e3216src" class="noteref">1</a> The eating of double bananas or vegetables is avoided, as it is thought to result in the birth of twins. The birth of twin +girls is a particular misfortune; for their parents are certain to fare badly in any trades or sales to which they may be +parties. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3219" href="#d0e3219src" class="noteref">2</a> The importance of gratifying the longings of pregnant women appears in the legends of the Malay Peninsula. See <span class="smallcaps">Wilkinson</span>, Malay Beliefs, p. 46 (London, 1906). <span class="smallcaps">Hildebrandt</span> states that the Indian law books such as Yājñavalkya (III, 79) make it a duty to fulfill the wishes of a woman at this time, +since otherwise the embryo would be exposed to injury. Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II, p. 650. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3239" href="#d0e3239src" class="noteref">3</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 124, 185. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3242" href="#d0e3242src" class="noteref">4</a> See <i>op. cit</i>., p. 105. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3248" href="#d0e3248src" class="noteref">5</a> See <i>op. cit</i>., pp. 144, <i>et seq</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3257" href="#d0e3257src" class="noteref">6</a> See <i>op. cit</i>., p. 18. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3266" href="#d0e3266src" class="noteref">7</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3269" href="#d0e3269src" class="noteref">8</a> To produce a miscarriage, a secret liquor is made from the bark of a tree. After several drinks of the brew, the abdomen is +kneaded and pushed downward until the foetus is discharged. A canvass of forty women past the child-bearing age showed an +average, to each, of five children, about 40 per cent of whom died in infancy. Apparently about the same ratio of births is +being maintained at present. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3276" href="#d0e3276src" class="noteref">9</a> The gifts vary according to the ceremony. For this event, the offerings consist of a Chinese jar with earrings fastened into +the handles—“ears”—, a necklace of beads and a silver wire about its neck; a wooden spoon, a weaving stick, and some bone +beads. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3295" href="#d0e3295src" class="noteref">10</a> This is known as <i>palwig</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3301" href="#d0e3301src" class="noteref">11</a> This action is called <i>tolgī</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3314" href="#d0e3314src" class="noteref">12</a> In the San Juan district <i>Gīpas</i> is a separate two-day ceremony, which takes place about nine months after the birth. In Baak a part of the <i>Dawak</i> ceremony goes by this name. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3323" href="#d0e3323src" class="noteref">13</a> This is known as <i>inálson</i>, and is “such a blanket as is always possessed by a spirit.” See p. 313. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3345" href="#d0e3345src" class="noteref">14</a> This is also the method of delivery among the Kayan of Borneo. See <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span>, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 154 (London, 1912), also <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII. No. 2, p. 100). <span class="smallcaps">Skeat</span> (Malay Magic, p. 334, London, 1900) describes a similar method among the Malay. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3360" href="#d0e3360src" class="noteref">15</a> Among the Bukidnon and Bila-an of Mindanao a bamboo blade is always employed for this purpose. The same is true of the Kayan +of Borneo. <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span>, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. II, p. 155; <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 143. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3389" href="#d0e3389src" class="noteref">16</a> Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. It is also the belief of the Peninsular Malay that the incidental +products of a confinement may be endowed with life (<span class="smallcaps">Wilkinson</span>, Malay Beliefs, p. 30). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3400" href="#d0e3400src" class="noteref">17</a> The character ᴇ, which appears frequently in the native names, is used to indicate a sound between the obscure vowel <i>e</i>, as in sun, and the <i>ur</i>, in burrow. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3409" href="#d0e3409src" class="noteref">18</a> The number of days varies somewhat in different sections, and is generally longer for the first child than for the succeeding. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3412" href="#d0e3412src" class="noteref">19</a> The custom of building a fire beside the mother is practised among the Malay, Jakun and Mantri of the Peninsula. In India, +the practice of keeping a fire beside the newborn infant, in order to protect it from evil beings, is widespread. See <span class="smallcaps">Tawney</span>, Kathá Sarit Ságara, Vol. I, pp. 246, 305, note; Vol. II, p. 631 (Calcutta, 1880). According to <span class="smallcaps">Skeat</span> (Malay Magic, p. 343), the Malay keep the fire burning forty-four days. The custom is called the “roasting of the mother.” +The same custom is found in Cambodia (see Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 32, 164, 347; Vol. VIII, p. 32). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3432" href="#d0e3432src" class="noteref">20</a> This may be related to the Malay custom of fumigating the infant (see <span class="smallcaps">Skeat</span>, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 338). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3443" href="#d0e3443src" class="noteref">21</a> The following names are typical of this last class. For boys: Ab'beng, a child's song; Agdalpen, name of a spirit; Baguio, +a storm; Bakileg, a glutton; Kabato, from <i>bato</i>, a stone; Tabau, this name is a slur, yet is not uncommon; it signifies “a man who is a little crazy, who is sexually impotent, +and who will mind all the women say;” Otang, the sprout of a vine; Zapalan, from <i>zapal</i>, the crotch of a tree. For girls: Bangonán, from <i>bangōn</i>, “to rise, to get up;” Igai, from <i>nīgai</i>, a fish; Gīaben, a song; Magīlai, from <i>gīlai</i> the identifying slit made in an animal's ear; Sabak, a flower; Ugōt, the new leaf. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3461" href="#d0e3461src" class="noteref">22</a> In Madagascar children are oftentimes called depreciative names, such as Rat, with the hope that evil spirits will leave tranquil +an infant for which the parents have so little consideration (<span class="smallcaps">Grandidier</span>, Ethnologie de Madagascar, Vol. II). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3473" href="#d0e3473src" class="noteref">23</a> In Selangor, a sick infant is re-named (<span class="smallcaps">Skeat</span>, <i>op. cit.</i>, p. 341). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3484" href="#d0e3484src" class="noteref">24</a> <span class="smallcaps">Reyes</span>, Filipinas articulos varios, 1st ed., pp. 144–5 (Manila, 1887). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3494" href="#d0e3494src" class="noteref">25</a> The Malay of the Peninsula bathe both mother and child morning and evening, in hot water to which certain leaves and blossoms +are added. It is here described as an act of purification (<span class="smallcaps">Skeat</span>, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 334–5). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3521" href="#d0e3521src" class="noteref">26</a> Also called <i>salokang</i> (cf. p. 310). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3531" href="#d0e3531src" class="noteref">27</a> Filipinas articulos varios, p. 144. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3537" href="#d0e3537src" class="noteref">28</a> <span class="smallcaps">F. De Lerena</span>, <i>Ilustracion Filipina</i>, No. 22, p. 254 (Manila, Nov. 15, 1860). An equally interesting account of Tinguian procedure at the time of birth will be +found in the account of <span class="smallcaps">Polo De Lara</span>, Islas Filipinas, tipos y costumbres, pp. 213, <i>et seq.</i></p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3558" href="#d0e3558src" class="noteref">29</a> In San Juan. Ībal is always held in six months, unless illness has caused an earlier celebration. At this time the liver of +a pig is carefully examined, in order to learn of the child's future. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3583" href="#d0e3583src" class="noteref">30</a> In Likuan this takes place five days after the birth; in Sallapadan it occurs on the first or second day. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3586" href="#d0e3586src" class="noteref">31</a> On the mat are placed, in addition to the medium's regular outfit, a small jar of <i>basi</i>, five pieces of betel-nut and pepper-leaf, two bundles of rice (<i>palay</i>) in a winnower, a head-axe, and a spear. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3598" href="#d0e3598src" class="noteref">32</a> This is a <i>dakīdak</i> (cf. p. 311). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3622" href="#d0e3622src" class="noteref">33</a> Such a taboo sign is here known as <i>kanyau</i>. It is not always used at the conclusion of this ceremony, but is strictly observed following the cutting of the first rice. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3633" href="#d0e3633src" class="noteref">34</a> That is, a premature child. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3646" href="#d0e3646src" class="noteref">35</a> Ashes are used against evil spirits by the Peninsular Malay (<span class="smallcaps">Skeat</span>, Malay Magic, p. 325). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3746" href="#d0e3746src" class="noteref">36</a> Sagai is the sound made when scratching away the embers of a fire. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3771" href="#d0e3771src" class="noteref">37</a> From <i>maysa</i>, one; <i>dua</i>, two; <i>talo</i>, three. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3793" href="#d0e3793src" class="noteref">38</a> This is also used as mockery. It has no exact English equivalent, but is similar to our slang “rubber.” +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3857" href="#d0e3857src" class="noteref">39</a> In Patok only the agate bead (<i>napodau</i>) is used. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3865" href="#d0e3865src" class="noteref">40</a> The less pretentious gathering, held by the very poor, is known as <i>pólya</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3895" href="#d0e3895src" class="noteref">41</a> <span class="smallcaps">Worcester</span>, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (<i>Philippine Jour. of Science</i>, Vol. I, No. 8, 1906, p. 858). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3909" href="#d0e3909src" class="noteref">42</a> It is necessary to use a shallow dish with a high pedestal known as <i>dīas</i> (<a id="d0e3914" href="#d0e7182">Fig. 5</a>, No. 5). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3923" href="#d0e3923src" class="noteref">43</a> In Ba-ak the breaking and scattering of the rice ball is considered a good omen, as it presages many children. In San Juan +the youth throws a rice ball at the ridge pole of the house, and the girl's mother does the same. In this instance, each +grain of rice which adheres to the pole represents a child to be born. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e3928" href="#d0e3928src" class="noteref">44</a> The similarity of the Tinguian rice ceremony to that of many other Philippine tribes is so great that it cannot be due to +mere chance. Customs of a like nature were observed by the writer among the Bukidnon, Bagobo, Bila-an, Kulaman, and Mandaya +of Mindanao, and the Batak of Palawan; they are also described by <span class="smallcaps">Reed</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Worcester</span> for the Negrito of Zambales and Bataan; while <span class="smallcaps">Loarca</span>, writing late in the sixteenth century, records a very like ceremony practised by a coast group, probably the Pintados. At +the same time it is worthy of note that <span class="smallcaps">Jenks</span> found among the Bontoc Igorot a great divergence both in courtship and marriage. Among the Dusun of British North Borneo +the marriage of children of the well-to-do is consummated <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e3942"></a>Page 279n</span>by the eating of rice from the same plate. Other instances of eating together, as a part of the marriage ceremony in Malaysia, +are given by <span class="smallcaps">Crawley</span>. See <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History. Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 102, 144, 157, 192); +<span class="smallcaps">Reed</span>, Negritos of Zambales (<i>Pub. Ethnological Survey,</i> Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 58 (Manila, 1904)); <span class="smallcaps">Worcester</span>, <i>Philippine Journal of Science</i>, Vol. I, p. 811 (Manila, 1906); <span class="smallcaps">Loarca</span>, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, Chap. X (Arevalo, 1580), translated in <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V, pp. 157, <i>et seq</i>.; <span class="smallcaps">Jenks</span>, The Bontoc Igorot (<i>Pub. Ethnological Survey</i>, Vol. I, pp. 68, <i>et seq</i>., Manila, 1905); <span class="smallcaps">Evans</span>, <i>Journ. Royal Anth. Inst</i>., Vol. XLVII, p. 159; <span class="smallcaps">Crawley</span>, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), pp. 379, <i>et seq.</i></p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4004" href="#d0e4004src" class="noteref">45</a> In Manabo an old woman sleeps between them. Among the Bagobo and Kulaman, of Mindanao, a child is placed between the pair. +See <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, <i>op. cit</i>., pp. 102, 157. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4013" href="#d0e4013src" class="noteref">46</a> In Likuan they chew of the same betel-nut. Among the Batak of Palawan they smoke of the same cigar. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4035" href="#d0e4035src" class="noteref">47</a> This part of the ceremony is now falling into disuse. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4041" href="#d0e4041src" class="noteref">48</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 12. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4046" href="#d0e4046src" class="noteref">49</a> Here again the Tinguian ceremony closely resembles the ancient custom described by <span class="smallcaps">Loarca</span>. In his account, the bride was carried to the house of the groom. At the foot of the stairway she was given a present to +induce her to proceed; when she had mounted the steps, she received another, as she looked in upon the guests, another. Before +she could be induced to set down, to eat and drink, she was likewise given some prized object. <span class="smallcaps">Loarca</span>, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, Chap. X; also <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vol. V, p. 157. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4108" href="#d0e4108src" class="noteref">50</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 172. The origin of death is also given in the tales, <i>ibid</i>., p. 177. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4123" href="#d0e4123src" class="noteref">51</a> The spirit of the dead is generally known as <i>kalading</i>, but in Manabo it is called <i>kal-kolayó</i> and in Likuan <i>alalya</i>; in Ilokano, <i>al-aliá</i> means “phantom” or “ghost.” +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4150" href="#d0e4150src" class="noteref">52</a> In some villages Sᴇlday is the spirit against whom this precaution is taken. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4155" href="#d0e4155src" class="noteref">53</a> In Daligan and some other villages in Ilocos Norte, a chicken is killed, is burned in a fire, and then is fastened beside +the door in place of the live bird. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4160" href="#d0e4160src" class="noteref">54</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 181. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4168" href="#d0e4168src" class="noteref">55</a> During the funeral of Malakay, in Patok, August 16, 1907, the wife kept wailing, “Malakay, Malakay, take me with you where +you go. Malakay, Malakay, take me with you. I have no brother. We were together here, do not let us part. Malakay, take me +with you where you go.” +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4173" href="#d0e4173src" class="noteref">56</a> In Manabo the wife is covered at night with a white blanket, but during the day she wears it bandoleer fashion over one shoulder. +In Ba-ak a white blanket with black border is used in a similar way. If the wife has neglected her husband during his illness, +his relatives may demand that she be punished by having a second blanket placed over her, unless she pays them a small amount. +It sometimes occurs that the Lakay or old men impose both fine and punishment. In Likuan the blanket is placed over the corpse +and the wife. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4176" href="#d0e4176src" class="noteref">57</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4181" href="#d0e4181src" class="noteref">58</a> This is still the case among the Apayao who live to the north of the Tinguian (<span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, <i>Am. Anthropologist</i>, Vol. ii, No. 3, 1909, p. 340). The custom is reflected in the folk-tales (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, +p. 190; cf. also p. 372). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4190" href="#d0e4190src" class="noteref">59</a> The writer has known of instances, where towns were deserted following an epidemic of smallpox, and the dead were left unburied +in the houses. Such instances are unusual even for this dread disease, and the funeral observances usually expose large numbers +of the people to infection. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4201" href="#d0e4201src" class="noteref">60</a> In San Juan only thirty strokes are given. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4220" href="#d0e4220src" class="noteref">61</a> In Manabo a rectangular hole is dug to about five feet, then at right angles to this a chamber is cut to receive the body. +This is cut off from the main grave by a stone. A similar type of grave is found in Sumatra (<span class="smallcaps">Marsden</span>, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., p. 287, London, 1811). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4229" href="#d0e4229src" class="noteref">62</a> According to this author, the Tinguian put the dried remains of their dead in subterranean tombs or galleries, six or seven +yards in depth, the entrance being covered with a sort or trap door (<span class="smallcaps">La Gironière</span>, Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 115, London, 1853). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4237" href="#d0e4237src" class="noteref">63</a> <i>Op. cit.,</i> p. 121. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4249" href="#d0e4249src" class="noteref">64</a> As distinguished from those of the dead. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4256" href="#d0e4256src" class="noteref">65</a> Several times the writer has seen friends place money inside the mat, “so that the spirit may have something to spend.” +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4261" href="#d0e4261src" class="noteref">66</a> The large spirit house, built only by well-to-do families having the hereditary right. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4269" href="#d0e4269src" class="noteref">67</a> In the folk tales a very different method of disposing of the dead is indicated (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, +No. 1, pp. 23–24, and note). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4277" href="#d0e4277src" class="noteref">68</a> Among the Tuaran Dusun of British North Borneo, a fire is built near the mat on which the corpse lies, to protect the body +from evil spirits, who are feared as body snatchers (<span class="smallcaps">Evans</span>, <i>Jour. Ant. Inst.,</i> Vol. XLVII, 1917, p. 159). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4296" href="#d0e4296src" class="noteref">69</a> These consist of dishes, food, tobacco, fire-making outfit, weapons, clothing, and the like. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4327" href="#d0e4327src" class="noteref">70</a> In Ilocos Sur a ceremony which lifts the ban off the relatives is held about five days after the funeral. Three months later, +the blood and oil are applied to the spouse, who is then released from all restrictions. In San Juan and Lakub, a ceremony +known as <i>Kilyas</i> is held five days after the funeral. The anointing is done as described above, and then the medium drops a ball of rice under the house, saying, “Go away sickness and death, do not come to our +relatives.” When she has finished, drums are brought out, all the relatives dance and “forget the sorrow,” and are then released +from all taboos. The Layog is celebrated as in the valley towns. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4342" href="#d0e4342src" class="noteref">71</a> Also known as <i>Waxī</i> in San Juan, and <i>Bagoñgon</i> in Sallapadin. In the latter village, as well as in Manabo and Ba-ak, this ceremony occurs a few days after the funeral. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4367" href="#d0e4367src" class="noteref">72</a> This is known as <i>Apapáyag</i> or <i>Inapapayag</i> (p. 309). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4381" href="#d0e4381src" class="noteref">73</a> The foregoing ceremonies follow the death of any adult, male or female, but not of newborn children. If the first-born dies +in infancy, it is buried in the middle of the night when no one can see the corpse, otherwise other babies will die. The parents +don old garments, and are barred from leaving the town or engaging in pastimes, until the ten-day period has passed. No fire +is built at the grave, nor are offerings placed over it. When some one else is holding a <i>Layog</i>, the parents may join them “to relieve their sorrow and show respect for the dead.” +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4398" href="#d0e4398src" class="noteref">74</a> A folk-tale recorded in this town gives quite a different idea of the abode of the spirits (Traditions of the Tinguian, +this volume, No. 1, p. 185; also p. 28, note 2). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4411" href="#d0e4411src" class="noteref">75</a> Functions mentales dans les sociétés inférieures (Paris, 1910). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4423" href="#d0e4423src" class="noteref">76</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 180–182 +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4432" href="#d0e4432src" class="noteref">77</a> For a full discussion of this subject, see <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, Relations between the Living and the Dead (<i>Am. Jour. of Sociology,</i> Vol. XXI, No. 5, 1916, pp. 610, et seq.). +</p> +</div><a id="d0e4442"></a><h1>Religion and Magic</h1> +<p id="d0e4445">The Tinguian has been taught by his elders that he is surrounded by a great body of spirits, some good, some malevolent. The +folk-tales handed down from ancient times add their authority to the teachings of older generations, while the individual +himself has seen the bodies of the mediums possessed by the superior beings; he has communicated with them direct, has seen +them cure the sick and predict coming events. At many a funeral, he has seen the medium squat before the corpse, chanting +a weird song, and then suddenly become possessed by the spirit of the deceased; and, finally, he or some of his friends or +townspeople are confident that they have seen and talked to ghosts of the recently departed. All these beings are real to +him; he is so certain of their existence that he seldom speculates about them or their acts. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4447">Some of these spirits are always near; and a part of them, at least, take more than an ordinary interest in human affairs. +Thanks to the teachings of the elders, the Tinguian knows how to propitiate them; and, if necessary, he may even compel friendly +action on the part of many. Toward the less powerful of the evily disposed beings, he shows indifference or insolence; he +may make fun of, or lie to, and cheat them during the day, but he is careful to guard himself at night against their machinations. +To the more powerful he shows the utmost respect; he offers them gifts of food, drink, and material objects; and conducts +ceremonies in the manner demanded by them. Having done these things, he feels that he is a party to a bargain; and the spirits +must, on their part, repay by granting the benefits desired. Not entirely content with these precautions, he performs certain +magical acts which prevent evil spirits from doing harm to an individual or a community, and by the same means he is able +to control storms, the rise of streams, and the growth of crops. It is doubtful if the Tinguian has ever speculated in regard +to this magical force, yet he clearly separates it from the power resident in the spirit world. It appears to be a great undifferentiated +force to which spirits, nature, and men are subject alike. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4449">If a troublesome question arises, or an evident inconsistency in his beliefs is called to his attention, he disposes of it +by the simple statement that it is <i>kadauyan</i> (“custom”), “was taught by the ancestors,” and hence is not subject to question. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4454"></a>Page 294</span></p> +<p id="d0e4455">His religion holds forth no threat of punishment in a future world, neither are there rewards in that existence to urge men +to better deeds. The chief teaching is that the customs of ancient times must be faithfully followed; to change is to show +disrespect for the dead, for the spirits who are responsible for the customs, which are synonymous with law. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4457">Custom and religion have become so closely interwoven in this society that it is well-nigh impossible to separate them. The +building of a house, the planting, harvesting and care of the rice, the procedure at a birth, wedding, or funeral, in short, +all the events of the social and economic life, are so governed by custom and religious beliefs, that it is safe to say that +nearly every act in the life of the Tinguian is directed or affected by these forces. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4459">Two classes of spirits are recognized; first, those who have existed through all time, whom we shall call natural spirits; +second, the spirits of deceased mortals. The latter reside forever in Maglawa, a place midway between earth and sky; but a +small number of them have joined the company of the natural spirits. Except for these few, they are not worshiped, and no +offerings are made to them, after the period of mourning is past. The members of the first class cover a wide range, from +Kadaklan, the great spirit who resides above, to Kabonīyan, the teacher and helper, to those resident in the guardian stones, +to the half human, half bird-like <i>alan</i>, to the low, mean spirits who delight to annoy mortals. These beings are usually invisible, but at times of ceremonies they +enter the bodies of the mediums, possess them, and thus communicate with the people. On rare occasions they are visible in +their own forms, as when Kabonīyan appeared as the antagonist and later as the friend of Sayen.<a id="d0e4464src" href="#d0e4464" class="noteref">1</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4467">These beings are addressed, first through certain semi-magical formulas, know as <i>dīams</i>. These are seldom prayers or supplications, but are a part of a definite ritual, the whole of which is expected to gain definite +favors. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4472">At the beginning, and during the course of all ceremonies, animals are killed. A part of the flesh and the blood is mixed +with rice, and is offered to the spirits; but the bulk of the offering is eaten by the participants. Liquor is consumed in +great quantities at such a time, but a small amount is always poured out for the use of the superior beings. Finally, the +mediums summon the spirits into their bodies; and, when possessed, they are no longer considered as persons, but are the spirits +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4474"></a>Page 295</span>themselves. The beings who appear in this way talk directly with the people; they offer advice, give information concerning +affairs in the spirit world, and oftentimes they mingle with the people on equal terms, joining in their dances and taking +a lively interest in their daily affairs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4476">The people seldom pray to or supplicate the invisible spirits; but when they are present in the bodies of the mediums, they +make requests, and ask advice, as they would from any friend or acquaintance. With many, the Tinguian is on amicable terms, +while toward Kabonīyan he exhibits a degree of respect and gratitude which is close to affection. He realizes that there are +many unfriendly spirits, but he has means of controlling or thwarting their evil designs; and hence he does not live in that +state of perpetual fear which is so often pictured as the condition of the savage. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4478"><span class="smallcaps">The Spirits</span>.—A great host of unnamed spirits are known to exist; they often attend the ceremonies and sometimes enter the bodies of the +mediums, and in this way new figures appear from time to time. In addition to these, there are certain superior beings who +are well known, and who, as already indicated, exercise a potent influence on the daily life of the people. The following +list will serve to give some idea of these spirits and their attributes; while the names of the less important will be found +in connection with the detailed description of the ceremonies. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4482">Kadaklan (“the greatest”), a powerful male spirit, who lives in the sky, created the earth, sun, moon, and stars. The stars +are only stones, but the sun and moon are lights. At times Kadaklan enters the body of a favored medium, and talks directly +with the people; but more frequently he takes other means of communication. Oftentimes he sends his dog Kīmat, the lightening, +to bite a tree or strike a field or house, and in this way makes known his wish that the owner celebrate the <i>Padīam</i> ceremony (cf. p. 401). All other beings are in a measure subservient to him, and his wishes are frequently made known through +them. Thunder is his drum with which he amuses himself during stormy weather, but sometimes he plays on it even on clear days. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e4487">Agᴇmᴇm is the wife of Kadaklan. She lives in the ground. Little is known of her except that she has given birth to two sons,<a id="d0e4489src" href="#d0e4489" class="noteref">2</a> whose chief duty is to see that the commands of their father are obeyed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4498">Adám and Baliyen are the sons of Kadaklan. The name of the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4500"></a>Page 296</span>first boy is suggestive of Christian influence, but there are no traditions or further details to link him with the Biblical +character. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4502">Kabonīyan is the friend and helper of the people, and by many is classed above or identified with Kadaklan. At times he lives +in the sky; again in a great cave near Patok.<a id="d0e4504src" href="#d0e4504" class="noteref">3</a> From this cave came the jars which could talk and move, here were found the copper gongs used in the dances, and here too +grew the wonderful tree which bore the agate beads so prized by the women. This spirit gave the Tinguian rice and sugar-cane, +taught them how to plant and reap, how to foil the designs of ill-disposed spirits, the words of the <i>dīams</i> and the details of many ceremonies. Further to bind himself to the people, it is said, he married “in the first times” a +woman from Manabo. He is summoned in nearly every ceremony, and there are several accounts of his having appeared in his own +form. According to one of these, he is of immense proportions; his spear is as large as a tree, and his head-axe the size +of the end of the house.<a id="d0e4518src" href="#d0e4518" class="noteref">4</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4527">Apdel is the spirit who resides in the guardian stones (<i>pīnaing</i>) at the gate of the town. During a ceremony, or when the men are away for a fight, it becomes his special duty to protect +the village from sickness and enemies. He has been known to appear as a red rooster or as a white dog. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4532">Īdadaya, who lives in the east (<i>daya</i>), is a powerful spirit who attends the <i>Pala-an</i> ceremony. He rides a horse, which he ties to the little structure built during the rite. Ten grand-children reside with him, +and they all wear in their hair the <i>īgam</i> (notched feathers attached to a stick). When these feathers lose their lustre, they can only be restored by the celebration +of <i>Pala-an</i>(cf. p. 328). Hence the owners cause some mortal, who has the right to conduct the ceremony, to become ill, and then inform +him through the mediums as to the cause of his affliction. The names of the grand-children are as follows: Pensipenondosan, +Logosen, Bakoden, Bing-gasan, Bakdañgan, Giligen, Idomalo, Agkabkabayo, Ebloyan, and Agtabtabokal. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4546">Kaiba-an is the spirit who lives in the little house or <i>saloko</i> in the rice-fields, and who protects the growing crops. Offerings are made to him, when a new field is constructed, when +the rice is transplanted, and at harvest time. “The ground which grows” (that is the nest of the white ant) is said to be +made by him. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4551"></a>Page 297</span></p> +<p id="d0e4552">Makaboteng, also called Sanadan, is the guardian of the deer and wild hogs. His good will is necessary if the dogs are to +be successful in the chase; consequently he is summoned to many ceremonies, where he receives the most courteous treatment. +In one ceremony he declared, “I can become the sunset sky.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e4554">Sabīan or Isabīan is the guardian of the dogs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4556">Bisangolan (“the place of opening or tearing”) is a gigantic spirit, who lives near the river, and who in time of floods uses +his head-axe and walking-stick to keep the logs and refuse from jamming. “He is very old, like the world, and he pulls out +his beard with his finger nails and his knife. His seat is a wooden plate.” He appears in the <i>Dawak</i>, <i>Tangpap</i>, and <i>Sayang</i> ceremonies, holding a rooster and a bundle of rice. In Ba-ak he is called Ibalinsogóan, and is the first spirit summoned +in <i>Dawak</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4570">Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, is the one who makes friends, and who learns the source of troubles. When summoned at +the beginning of a ceremony, he tells what needs to be done, in order to insure the results desired. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4572">Sasagangen, sometimes called Ingalit, are spirits whose business it is to take heads and put them on the <i>saga</i> or in the <i>saloko</i> (cf. p. 310). Headache is caused by them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4580">Abat are numerous spirits who cause sore feet and headache. <i>Salono</i> and <i>bawi</i> are built for them (cf. pp. 309–310). The spirits of Ībal, who live in Daem, are responsible for most sickness among children, +but they are easily appeased with blood and rice. The Ībal ceremony is held for them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4588">Maganáwan, who lives in Nagbotobotan (“the place near which the rivers empty into the hole, where all streams go”) is one +of the spirits, called in the <i>Sangásang</i> ceremony, and for whom the blood of the rooster mixed with rice is put into the <i>saloko</i>, which stands in the yard. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4596">Ináwen is a pregnant female spirit, who lives in the sea, and who demands the blood of a chicken mixed with rice to satisfy +her capricious appetite. She also attends the <i>Sangásang</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4601">Kīdeng is a tall, fat spirit with nine heads. He is the servant of Ináwen, and carries the gifts of mortals to his mistress. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e4603">Ībwa is an evil spirit, who once mingled with the people in human form. Due to the thoughtless act of a mourner at a funeral, +he became so addicted to the taste of human flesh, that it has since then been necessary to protect the corpse from him. He +fears iron, and hence a piece of that metal is always laid on the grave. Holes are burned <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4605"></a>Page 298</span>in each garment placed on the body to keep him from stealing them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4607">Akop is likewise evil. He has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no body. He always frequents the place of death, and seeks +to embrace the spouse of the deceased. Should he succeed, death follows quickly. To defeat his plans, the widow is closely +guarded by the wailers; she also sleeps under a fish net as an additional protection against his long fingers, and she wears +seeds which are disliked by this being. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4609">Kadongáyan indulges in the malicious sport of slitting the mouth of the corpse back to the ears. In order to frighten him +away, a live chicken, with its mouth split to its throat, is placed by the door, during the time the body is in the house. +When he sees the sufferings of the bird, he fears to enter the dwelling lest the people treat him in the same manner. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4611">Sᴇlday is an ill-disposed being. He causes people to have sore feet, and only relieves them, when offerings are made to him +in the <i>saloko</i> or <i>bawi</i>. He lives in the wooded hill, but quickly learns of a death, and appears at the open grave. Unless he is bought off with +an offering, the blood of a small pig, he is almost certain to make away with the body, or cause a great sickness to visit +the village. As the mourners return home, after the burial, they place bits of the slaughtered animal by the trail, so that +he will not make them ill. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4619">Bayon is a male spirit, who dwells in the sky, and who comes to earth as a fresh breeze. He once stole a girl from Layógan, +changed her two breasts into one, placed this in the center of her chest, and married her. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4621">Lokadáya is the human wife of Bayon. She now appears to have joined the company of the natural spirits and to be immortal. +At times, both she and her husband enter the bodies of the mediums. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4623">Agonán is the spirit who knows many dialects. He lives in Dingolowan. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4625">Gīlen attends many ceremonies, and occupies an important place in <i>Tangpap</i>; yet little is known of him. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4630">Inginlaod are spirits who live in the west. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4632">Ginobáyan is a female spirit, always present in the <i>Tangpap</i> ceremony. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4637">Sangalo is a spirit who gives good and bad signs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4639">Dapeg, Balingen-ngen, Benisalsal, and Kikiba-an, are all disturbers and mischief-makers. They cause illness, sore feet, headache, +and bad dreams. They are important only because of the frequency with which they appear. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4641">Al-lot attends festivals and prevents quarrels. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4643"></a>Page 299</span></p> +<p id="d0e4644">Liblibayan, Banbanayo, and Banbantay, are lesser spirits, who formerly aided “the people of the first times.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e4646">The term “Alan” comprises a large body of spirits with half human, half bird-like forms. They have wings and can fly; their +toes are at the back of their feet, and their fingers attach to the wrists and point backward. Often they hang from the branches +of trees, like bats, but they are also pictured as having fine houses and great riches. They are sometimes hostile or mischievous, +but more frequently are friendly. They play a very important part in the mythology, but not in the cult.<a id="d0e4648src" href="#d0e4648" class="noteref">5</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4651">Komau is a giant spirit, who, according to tradition, was killed by the hero Sayen. Among the Ilocano and some of the Tinguian, +the Komau is known as a great invisible bird, which steals people and their possessions. He does not visit the people through +the bodies of the mediums. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4653">Anito is a general term used to designate members of the spirit world. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4655">A survey of the foregoing list brings out a noticeable lack of nature-spirits; of trees, rocks, and natural formations considered +as animate; and of guardian spirits of families and industries. There is a strong suggestion, however, in the folk-tales to +the effect that this has not always been the case; and even to-day there are some conflicts regarding the status of certain +spirits. In the village of Manabo, thunder is known as Kidol; in Likuan and Bakaok, as Kido-ol; and in each place he is recognized +as a powerful spirit. In Ba-ay, two types of lightning are known to be spirits. The flash from the sky is Salit, that “from +the ground” is Kilawit. Here thunder is Kadaklan, but the sun is the all powerful being. He is male, and is “so powerful that +he does not need or desire ceremonies or houses.” The moon is likewise a powerful spirit, but female. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4657">In the discussion of the tales<a id="d0e4659src" href="#d0e4659" class="noteref">6</a> it was suggested that these and other ideas, which differ from those held by the majority of the tribe, may represent older +conceptions, which have been swamped, or may have been introduced into Abra by emigrants from the north and east. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4662"><span class="smallcaps">The Mediums</span>.—The superior beings talk with mortals through the aid of mediums, known individually and collectively as <i>alopogan</i> (“she who covers her face”).<a id="d0e4669src" href="#d0e4669" class="noteref">7</a> These are generally women past middle life, though men are not barred from the profession, who, when <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4675"></a>Page 300</span>chosen, are made aware of the fact by having trembling fits when they are not cold, by warnings in dreams, or by being informed +by other mediums that they are desired by the spirits. A woman may live the greater part of her life without any idea of becoming +a medium, and then because of such a notification will undertake to qualify. She goes to one already versed, and from her +learns the details of the various ceremonies, the gifts suitable for each spirit, and the chants or <i>dīams</i> which must be used at certain times. This is a considerable task, for the <i>dīams</i> must be learned word for word; and, likewise, each ceremony must be conducted, just as it was taught by the spirits to the +“people of the first times.” The training occupies several months; and when all is ready, the candidate secures her <i>pīling</i>. This is a collection of large sea-shells attached to cords, which is kept in a small basket together with a Chinese plate +and a hundred fathoms of thread (Plate <a id="d0e4686" href="#d0e11684">XIX</a>). New shells may be used, but it is preferable to secure, if possible, the <i>pīling</i> of a dead medium. Being thus supplied, the novice seeks the approval of the spirits and acceptance as a medium. The wishes +of the higher beings are learned by means of a ceremony, in the course of which a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with +rice is scattered on the ground. The liver of the animal is eagerly examined; for, if certain marks appear on it, the candidate +is rejected, or must continue her period of probation for several months, before another trial can be made. During this time +she may aid in ceremonies, but she is not possessed by the spirits. When finally accepted, she may begin to summon the spirits +into her body. She places offerings on a mat, seats herself in front of them, and calls the attention of the spirits by striking +her <i>pīling</i>, or a bit of lead, against a plate; then covering her face with her hands, she begins to chant. Suddenly she is possessed; +and then, no longer as a human, but as the spirit itself, she talks with the people, asking and answering questions, or giving +directions, as to what shall be done to avert sickness and trouble, or to bring good fortune. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4695">Certain mediums are visited only by low, mean spirits; others, by both good and bad; while still others may be possessed even +by Kadaklan, the greatest of all. It is customary for the spirit of a deceased mortal to enter the body of a medium, just +before the corpse is to be buried, to give messages to the family; but he seldom comes again in this manner. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4697">The pay of a medium is small, usually a portion of a sacrificed animal, a few bundles of rice, and some beads; but this payment +is more than offset by the restrictions placed on her. At no time may <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4699"></a>Page 301</span>she eat of carabao, wild pig, wild chicken, or shrimp; nor may she touch peppers—all prized articles of food. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4701">The inducements for a person to enter this vocation are so few that a candidate begins her training with reluctance; but, +once accepted by the spirits, the medium yields herself fully and sincerely to their wishes. When possessed by a spirit, her +own personality is submerged, and she does many things of which she is apparently ignorant, when she emerges from the spell. +Oftentimes, as she squats by the mat, summoning the spirits, her eyes take on a far-away stare; the veins of her face and +neck stand out prominently, while the muscles of her arms and legs are tense; then, as she is possessed, she assumes the character +and habits of the superior being. If it is a spirit supposed to dwell in Igorot or Kalinga land, she speaks in a dialect unfamiliar +to her hearers, orders them to dance in Igorot fashion, and then instructs them in dances, which she or her townspeople could +never have seen.<a id="d0e4703src" href="#d0e4703" class="noteref">8</a> At times she carries on sleight-of-hand tricks, as when she places beads in a dish of oil, and dances with it high above +her head, until the beads vanish. A day or two later she will recover them from the hair of some participant in the ceremony. +Most of her acts are in accordance with a set procedure; yet at times she goes further, and does things which seem quite inexplainable. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e4730">One evening, in the village of Manabo, we were attending a ceremony. Spirit after spirit had appeared, and at their order +dances and other acts had taken place. About ten o'clock a brilliant flash of lightning occurred, although it was not a stormy +evening. The body of the medium was at that time possessed by Amangau, a head-hunting spirit. He at once stopped his dance, +and announced that he had just taken the head of a boy from Luluno, and that the people of his village were even then dancing +about the skull. Earlier in the evening we had noticed this lad (evidently a consumptive) among the spectators. When the spirit +made this claim, we looked for him, but he had vanished. A little later we learned that he had died of a hemorrhage at about +the time of the flash. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4732"></a>Page 302</span></p> +<p id="d0e4733">Such occurrences make a deep impression on the mind of the people, and strengthen their belief in the spirit world; but, so +far as could be observed, the prestige of the medium was in nowise enhanced. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4735">Since most of the ceremonies are held to keep the family or individual in good health, the medium takes the place of a physician. +She often makes use of simple herbs and medicinal plants, but always with the idea that the treatment is distasteful to the +being, who has caused the trouble, and not with any idea of its curative properties. Since magic and religion are practically +the same in this society, the medium is the one who usually conducts or orders the magic rites; and for the same reason she, +better than all others, can read the signs and omens sent by members of the spirit world. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4737"><span class="smallcaps">Magic and Omens</span>.—The folk-tales are filled with accounts of magical acts, performed by “the people of the first times.” They annihilated +time and space, commanded inanimate objects to do their will, created human beings from pieces of betel-nut, and caused the +magical increase of food and drink. Those days have passed, yet magical acts still pervade all the ceremonies; nature is overcome, +while the power to work evil by other than human means is a recognized fact of daily life. In the detailed accounts of the +ceremonies will be found many examples of these magical acts, but the few here mentioned will give a good idea of all. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4741">In one ceremony, a blanket is placed over the family, and on their heads a coconut is cut in two, and the halves are allowed +to fall; for, “as they drop to the ground, so does sickness and evil fall away from the people.” A bound pig is placed in +the center of the floor, and water is poured into its ear that, “as it shakes out the water, so may evil spirits and sickness +be thrown out of the place.” At one point in the <i>Tangpap</i> ceremony, a boy takes the sacrificial blood and rice from a large dish, and puts it in a number of smaller ones, then returns +it again to the first; for, “when the spirits make a man sick, they take a part of his life. When they make him well, they +put it back, just as the boy takes away a part of the food, gives it to the spirits, and then replaces it,” The same idea +appears in the dance which follows. The boy and the medium take hold of a winnower, raise it in the air, and dance half way +around a rice-mortar; then return, as they came, and replace it, “just as the spirits took away a part of the patient's life, +but now will put it back.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e4746">The whole life of a child can be determined, or at least largely influenced, by the treatment given the afterbirth, while +the use of <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4748"></a>Page 303</span>bamboo and other prolific plants, at this time and at a wedding, promote growth and fertility. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4750">A piece of charcoal attached to a certain type of notched stick is placed in the rice-seed beds, and thus the new leaves are +compelled to turn the dark green color of sturdy plants. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4752">If a river is overflowing its banks, it can be controlled by cutting off a pig's head and throwing it into the waters. An +even more certain method is to have a woman, who was born on the other side of the river, take her weaving baton and plant +it on the bank. The water will not rise past this barrier. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4754">Blackening of the teeth is a semi-magical procedure. A mixture of tan-bark and iron salts is twice applied to the teeth, and +is allowed to remain several hours; but, in order to obtain the desired result, it is necessary to use the mixture after nightfall +and to remove it, before the cocks begin to crow, in the morning. If the fowls are heard, while the teeth are being treated, +they will remain white; likewise they will refuse to take the color, should their owner approach a corpse or grave. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4756">On well-travelled trails one often sees, at the tops of high hills, piles of stones, which have been built up during many +years. As he ascends a steep slope, each traveller picks up a small stone, and carries it to the top, where he places it on +the pile. As he does so, he leaves his weariness behind him, and continues his journey fresh and strong. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4758">The use of love-charms is widespread: certain roots and leaves, when oiled or dampened with saliva, give forth a pleasant +odor, which compels the affection of a woman, even in spite of her wishes.<a id="d0e4760src" href="#d0e4760" class="noteref">9</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e4798">Evil magic, known as <i>gamot</i> (“poison”) is also extensively used. A little dust taken from the footprint of a foe, a bit of clothing, or an article recently +handled by him, is placed in a dish of water, and is stirred violently. Soon the victim begins to feel the effect of this +treatment, and within a few hours becomes insane. To make him lame, it is only necessary to place poison on articles recently +touched by his feet. Death or impotency can be produced by placing poison on his <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4803"></a>Page 304</span>garments. A fly is named after a person, and is placed in a bamboo tube. This is set near the fire, and in a short time the +victim of the plot is seized with fever. Likewise magical chants and dances, carried on beneath a house, may bring death to +all the people of the dwelling. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4805">A combination of true poisoning and magical practice is also found. To cause consumption or some wasting disease, a snake +is killed, and its head cut off; then the body is hung up, and the liquor coming from the decomposing flesh is caught in a +shell cup. This fluid is introduced into the victim's food, or some of his belongings are treated with it. If the subject +dies, his relatives may get revenge on the poisoner. This is accomplished by taking out the heart of a pig and inserting it +in the mouth or stomach of the victim. This must be done under the cover of darkness, and the corpse be buried at once. A +high bamboo fence is then built around the grave, so that no one can reach it. The person responsible for the death will fall +ill at once, and will die unless he is able to secure one of the victim's garments or dirt from the grave. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4807">The actual introduction of poison in food and drink is thought to be very common. The writer attended one ceremony following +which a large number of the guests fell sick. The illness was ascribed to magic poisoning, yet it was evident that the cause +was over-indulgence in fresh pork by people, who for months had eaten little if any meat. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4809"><span class="smallcaps">Omens</span>.—The ability to foretell future events by the flight or calls of birds, actions of animals, by the condition of the liver +and gall of sacrificed pigs, or by the movements of certain articles under the questioning of a medium, is an undoubted fact +in this society. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4813">A small bird known as <i>labᴇg</i>, is the messenger of the spirits, who control the <i>Bakid</i> and <i>Sangásang</i> ceremonies. When this bird enters the house, it is caught at once, its feathers are oiled; beads are attached to its feet, +and it is released with the promise that the ceremony will be celebrated at once. This bird accompanies the warriors, and +warns or encourages them with its calls. If it flies across their path from right to left, all is well; but if it comes from +the left, they must return home, or trouble will befall the party. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4824">The spirits of <i>Sangásang</i> make use of other birds and animals to warn the builders of a house, if the location selected does not please them. All the +Tinguian know that the arrival of snakes, big lizards, deer, or wild hogs at the site of a new house is a bad sign. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4829">If a party or an individual is starting on a journey, and the kingfisher <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4831"></a>Page 305</span><i>(salaksak)</i> flies from in front toward the place just left, it is a command to return at once; else illness in the village or family +will compel a later return.<a id="d0e4835src" href="#d0e4835" class="noteref">10</a> Should the <i>koling</i> cry <i>awīt, awīt</i> (“to carry, to carry”), an immediate return is necessary, or a member of the party will die, and will be carried home. When +a snake crawls across the trail, and goes into a hole, it is a certain warning that, unless the trip is given up, some of +the party will die, and be buried in the ground. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4853">The falling of a tree across the trail, when the groom is on his way to the home of his bride, threatens death for the couple, +while the breaking or falling of an object during the marriage ceremony presages misfortune. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4855">Not all the signs are evil; for, if a man is starting to hunt, or trade, and he sees a hawk fly in front of him and catch +a bird or chicken, he may on that day secure all the game he can carry, or can trade on his own terms. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4857">All the foregoing are important, but the most constantly employed method of foretelling the future is to examine the gall +and liver of slain pigs. These animals are killed in all great ceremonies, at the conclusion of a medium's probation period, +at birth, death, and funeral observances, and for other important events. If a head-hunt is to be attempted, the gall sack +is removed, and is carefully examined, for if it is large and full, and the liquor in it is bitter, the enemy will be powerless; +but if the sack is small, and only partially filled with a weak liquor, it will fare ill with the warriors who go into battle. +For all other events, the liver itself gives the signs. When it is full and smooth, the omens are favorable; but if it is +pitted, has black specks on it, is wrinkled, or has cross lines on it, the spirits are ill-disposed, and the project should +be delayed. If, however, the matter is very urgent, another pig or a fowl may be offered in the hope that the attitude of +the spirits may be changed. If the liver of the new sacrifice is good, the ceremony or raid may continue. The blood of these +animals is always mixed with rice, and is scattered about for the superior beings, but the flesh is cooked, and is consumed +by the mortals.<a id="d0e4859src" href="#d0e4859" class="noteref">11</a> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4892"></a>Page 306</span></p> +<p id="d0e4893">To recover stolen and misplaced articles or animals, one of three methods is employed. The first is to attach a cord to a +jar-cover or the shells used by a medium. This is suspended so that it hangs freely, and questions are put to it. If the answer +is “yes,” it will swing to and fro. The second method is to place a bamboo stick horizontally on the ground and then to stand +an egg on it. As the question is asked, the egg is released. If it falls, the answer is in the negative; if it stands, it +replies “yes.” The third and more common way is to place a head-axe on the ground, then to blow on the end of a spear and +put it point down on the blade of the axe. If it balances, the answer is “yes.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e4895"><span class="smallcaps">Ceremonial Structures and Paraphernalia</span>.—As has been indicated, the Tinguian holds many ceremonies in honor of the superior beings; and, in connection with these, +builds numerous small structures, and employs various paraphernalia, most of which bear definite names, and have well established +uses. Since a knowledge of these structures and devices is necessary to a full understanding of the ceremonies, an alphabetical +list is here furnished, before proceeding to the detailed discussion of the rites. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4899"><span class="smallcaps">Alalot</span>: Two arches of bamboo, which support a grass roof. A small jar of <i>basi</i> stands in this structure for the use of visiting spirits. Is generally constructed during the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony, but in Bakaok it is built alone to cure sickness or to change a bad disposition (Plate <a id="d0e4909" href="#d0e11689">XX</a>, No. 4). + +</p> +<p id="d0e4912"><span class="smallcaps">Aligang</span>: A four-pronged fork of a branch in which a jar of <i>basi</i> and other offerings are placed for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg (Salegseg). It is placed at the corner of the house during +<i>Sayang</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4922"><span class="smallcaps">Ansisilit</span>: The framework placed beside the guardian stones on the sixteenth morning of <i>Sayang</i>. It closely resembles the <i>Inapapáyag</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4932"><span class="smallcaps">Balabago</span> (known in Manabo as Talagan): A long bamboo bench with a roofing of betel leaves. It is intended as a seat for guests, both +spirit and human, during important ceremonies. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4936"><span class="smallcaps">Balag</span>: A seat of wood or bamboo, placed close to the house-ladder during the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony. Above and beside it are <i>alangtin</i> leaves, branches of the <i>lanoti</i> tree, sugar-cane, and a leafy branch of bamboo. Here also are found a net equipped with lead sinkers, a top-shaped device, +and short sections of bamboo filled with liquor. In some towns this is the seat of the honored guest, who dips <i>basi</i> for the dancers. In San Juan this seat is called <i>Patogaú</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4955"><span class="smallcaps">Balaua</span>: This, the largest and most important of the spirit structures, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e4959"></a>Page 307</span>is built during the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony. The roofing is of plaited bamboo, covered with cogon grass. This is supported by eight uprights, which likewise +furnish attachment for the bamboo flooring. There are no sides to the building, but it is so sturdily constructed that it +lasts through several seasons. Except for the times of ceremony, it is used as a lounging place for the men, or as a loom-room +by the women. Quite commonly poles are run lengthwise of the structure, at the lower level of the roof; and this “attic,” +as well as the space beneath the floor, is used for the storage of farming implements, bundles of rattan and thatching (Plate +<a id="d0e4964" href="#d0e11694">XXI</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e4967"><span class="smallcaps">Balitang</span>: A large seat like the <i>Balabago</i>, but with a grass roofing. It is used as a seat for visitors during great ceremonies and festivals. This name is applied, +in Manabo, to a little house, built among the bananas for the spirit Imalbi. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4974"><span class="smallcaps">Banī-īt</span> or <span class="smallcaps">Bunot</span>: Consists of a coconut husk suspended from a pole. The feathers of a rooster are stuck into the sides. It is made as a cure +for sick-headache, also for lameness. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4981"><span class="smallcaps">Bangbangsal</span>: Four long bamboo poles are set in the ground, and are roofed over to make a shelter for the spirits of Sayaw, who come in +the <i>Tangpap</i> ceremony. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4988"><span class="smallcaps">Bátog</span>: An unhusked coconut, resting on three bamboo sticks, goes by this name. It always appears in the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony, close to the <i>Balag</i>, but its use and meaning are not clear. + +</p> +<p id="d0e4998"><span class="smallcaps">Bawi</span>, also called <span class="smallcaps">Babawi, Abarong</span>, and <span class="smallcaps">Sinaba-an</span>: A name applied to any one of the small houses, built in the fields or gardens as a home for the spirits Kaiba-an, Abat, +Sᴇlday, and some others of lesser importance (Plate <a id="d0e5008" href="#d0e11699">XXII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5011"><span class="smallcaps">Idasan</span>: A seat or bench which stands near the house-ladder during the <i>Sayang</i>. A roof of cogon grass protects ten bundles of unthreshed rice, which lie on it. This rice is later used as seed. In the +San Juan district, the place of the Īdasan seems to be taken by three bamboo poles, placed in tripod fashion, so as +to support a basket of rice. This is known as <i>Pinalasang</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5021"><span class="smallcaps">Inapapáyag</span>: Two-forked saplings or four reeds are arranged so as to support a shield or a cloth “roof” (Plate <a id="d0e5025" href="#d0e11704">XVIII</a>). During <i>Sayang</i> and some other ceremonies, it stands in the yard, or near to the town gate; and on it food and drink are placed for visiting +spirits. During the celebration of <i>Layog</i> (cf. p. 290), it is built near to the dancing space, and contains offerings for the spirit of the dead. A spear with a colored +clout is stuck into the ground close by; and usually an inverted <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5034"></a>Page 308</span>rice mortar also stands here, and supports a dish of <i>basi</i>. In the mountain village of Likuan it is built alone as a cure for sickness. A pig is killed and the mediums summon the spirits +as in <i>Dawak</i> (cf. p. 316). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5042"><span class="smallcaps">Kalang</span>: A wooden box, the sides of which are cut to resemble the head and horns of a carabao. The spirits are not thought to reside +here, but do come to partake of the food and drink placed in it. It is attached to the roof of the dwelling or in the <i>balaua</i> or <i>kalangan.</i> New offerings are placed in the <i>kalang</i>, before the men go to fight, or when the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony is held. It also holds the head-bands worn by the mediums, when making <i>Dawak</i> (<a id="d0e5061" href="#d0e5202">Fig. 4</a>, No. 2). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5064"><span class="smallcaps">Kalangan</span>: the place of the <i>kalang</i>. This is similar to the <i>balaua</i>, but is smaller and, as a rule, has only four supporting timbers (Plate <a id="d0e5074" href="#d0e11704">XXIII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5077"><span class="smallcaps">Pala-an</span>: Four long poles, usually three of bamboo, and one of a resinous tree known as <i>anteng</i> (<i>Canarium villosum</i> Bl.) are set in a square and support, near the top, a platform of bamboo (Plate <a id="d0e5087" href="#d0e11709">XXIV</a>). Offerings are made both on and below the <i>Pala-an</i> during the ceremony of that name, and in the more important rites. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5093"><span class="smallcaps">Pangkew</span>: Three bamboo poles are planted in the ground in a triangle, but they lean away from each other at such an angle, as to admit +of a small platform midway of their length. A roofing of cogon grass completes the structure. It is built during <i>Sayang</i>, and contains a small jar of <i>basi</i>. The roof is always adorned with coconut blossoms (Plate <a id="d0e5103" href="#d0e11689">XX</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5106"><span class="smallcaps">Sagang</span>: Sharpened bamboo poles about eight feet in length on which the skulls of enemies were formerly exhibited. The pointed end +was pushed through the <i>foramen magnum</i>, and the pole was then planted near the gate of the town. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5113"><span class="smallcaps">Saloko</span>, also called <span class="smallcaps">Salokang</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Sabut</span>: This is a bamboo pole about ten feet long, one end of which is split into several strips; these are forced apart, and are +interwoven with other strips, thus forming a sort of basket. When such a pole is erected near to a house, or at the gate of +the town, it is generally in connection with a ceremony made to cure headache. It is also used in the fields as a dwelling +place for the spirit Kaiba-an (Plate <a id="d0e5123" href="#d0e11714">XXV</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5126">The <i>Saloko</i> ceremony and the <i>dīam</i>, which accompanies it, seem to indicate that this pole originated in connection with head-hunting; and its presence in the +fields gives a hint that in former times a head-hunt may have been a necessary preliminary to the rice-planting. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5134"></a>Page 309</span></p> +<p id="d0e5135"><span class="smallcaps">Sogáyob</span>: A covered porch, which is built along one side of the house during the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony. In it hang the vines and other articles, used by the female dancers in one part of the rite. A portion of one of +the slaughtered pigs is placed here for the spirits of Bangued. In Lumaba the <i>Sogáyob</i> is built alone as a part of a one-day ceremony; while in Sallapadan it follows <i>Kalangan</i> after an interval of about three months. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5148"><span class="smallcaps">Taltalabong</span>: Following many ceremonies a small bamboo raft with arched covering is constructed. In it offerings are placed for spirits, +who have been unable to attend the rite. In Manabo it is said that the raft is intended particularly for the sons of Kadaklan +(Plate <a id="d0e5152" href="#d0e11719">XXVI</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5155"><span class="smallcaps">Tangpap</span>: Two types of structure appear under this name. When it is built as a part of the <i>Tangpap</i> ceremony, it is a small house with a slanting roof resting on four poles. About three feet above the ground, an interwoven +bamboo floor is lashed to the uprights (Plate <a id="d0e5162" href="#d0e11724">XXVII</a>). In the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony, there are two structures which go by this name (Plate <a id="d0e5168" href="#d0e11689">XX</a>, Nos. 2 and 3). The larger has two floors, the smaller only one. On each floor is a small pot of <i>basi</i>, daubed with white. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5174"><span class="smallcaps">Taboo Gateway</span>: At the gate of a town, one sometimes finds a defensive wall of bamboo, between the uprights of which are thrust bamboo spears +in order to catch evil spirits, while on the gate proper are vines and leaves pleasing to the good spirits. Likewise in the +<i>saloko</i>, which stands close by, are food and drink or betel-nut. All this generally appears when an epidemic is in a nearby village, +in order to frighten the bearers of the sickness away, and at the same time gain the aid of well-disposed spirits. At such +a time many of the people wear wristlets and anklets of bamboo, interwoven with roots and vines which are displeasing to the +evil beings (Plate <a id="d0e5181" href="#d0e11729">XXVIII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5184"><span class="smallcaps">Ceremonial Paraphernalia</span>.—<span class="smallcaps">Akosan</span> (<a id="d0e5191" href="#d0e5202">Fig. 4</a>, No. 4): A prized shell, with top and bottom cut off, is slipped over a belt-like cloth. Above it are a series of wooden +rings and a wooden imitation of the shell. This, when hung beside the dead, is both pleasing to the spirit of the deceased, +and a protection to the corpse against evil beings. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5194"><span class="smallcaps">Aneb</span> (<a id="d0e5198" href="#d0e5202">Fig. 4</a>, No. 1): The name usually given to a protective necklace placed about the neck of a young child to keep evil spirits at a +distance. The same name is also given to a miniature shield, bow and arrow, which hang above the infant. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5201"></p> +<div id="d0e5202" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 4.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig04.gif" alt="Ceremonial Paraphernalia."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Ceremonial Paraphernalia.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e5206"><span class="smallcaps">Dakīdak</span> (<a id="d0e5210" href="#d0e5202">Fig. 4</a>, Nos. 3–3a): Long poles, one a reed, the other bamboo, split at one end so they will rattle. The medium strikes them <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5213"></a>Page 311</span>on the ground to attract the spirits to the food served on the <i>talapītap</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5218"><span class="smallcaps">Īgam</span>: Notched feathers, often with colored yarn at the ends, attached to sticks. These are worn in the hair during the <i>Pala~an</i> and <i>Sayang</i> ceremonies, to please the spirits of the east, called Īdadaya. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5228"><span class="smallcaps">Inálson</span>: A sacred blanket made of white cotton. A blue or blue and red design is formed, where the breadths join, and also along +the borders. It is worn over the shoulders of the medium during the <i>Gīpas</i> ceremony (cf. p. 263). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5235"><span class="smallcaps">Lab-labón</span>: Also called <span class="smallcaps">Adug</span>. In Buneg and nearby towns, whose inhabitants are of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood, small incised pottery houses are found +among the rice jars, and are said to be the residences of the spirits, who multiply the rice. They are sometimes replaced +with incised jars decorated with vines. The idea seems to be an intrusion into the Tinguian belt. The name is probably derived +from <i>lábon</i>, “plenty” or “abundance” (Plate <a id="d0e5245" href="#d0e11734">XXIX</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5248"><span class="smallcaps">Pīling</span> (Plate <a id="d0e5252" href="#d0e11684">XIX</a>): A collection of large sea-shells attached to cords. They are kept in a small basket together with one hundred fathoms of +thread and a Chinese plate, usually of ancient make. The whole makes up the medium's outfit, used when she is summoning the +spirits. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5255"><span class="smallcaps">Pīnapa</span>: A large silk blanket with yellow strips running lengthwise. Such blankets are worn by certain women when dancing <i>da-eng</i>, and they are also placed over the feet of a corpse. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5262"><span class="smallcaps">Sado</span> (<a id="d0e5266" href="#d0e5202">Fig. 4</a>, No. 3): The shallow clay dishes in which the spirits are fed on the <i>talapītap</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5272"><span class="smallcaps">Salogeygey</span>: The outside bark of a reed is cut at two points, from opposite directions, so that a double fringe of narrow strips stands +out. One end is split, <i>saklag</i> leaves are inserted, and the whole is dipped or sprinkled in sacrificial blood, and placed in each house during the <i>Sagobay</i> ceremony. The same name is applied to the magical sticks, which are placed in the rice seed-beds to insure lusty plants (cf. +p. 399). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5282"><span class="smallcaps">Sangádel</span>: The bamboo frame on which a corpse is placed during the funeral. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5286"><span class="smallcaps">Tabing</span>: A large white blanket with which one corner of the room is screened off during the <i>Sayang</i> and other ceremonies. In this “room” food and other offerings are made for the black, deformed, and timid spirits who wish +to attend the ceremony unobserved. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5293"><span class="smallcaps">Takal</span>: Armlets made of boar's tusks, which are worn during certain dances in <i>Sayang</i>. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5300"></a>Page 312</span></p> +<p id="d0e5301"><span class="smallcaps">Talapītap</span> (<a id="d0e5305" href="#d0e5202">Fig. 4</a>, No. 3): A roughly plaited bamboo frame on which the spirits are fed during the more important rites. Used in connection +with the <i>dakīdak</i> and clay dishes <i>(sado).</i> + +</p> +<p id="d0e5314"><span class="smallcaps">Tongátong</span> (<a id="d0e5318" href="#d0e5202">Fig. 4</a>, No. 5): The musical instrument, which appears in many ceremonials. It consists of six or more bamboo tubes of various lengths. +The players hold a tube in each hand, and strike their ends on a stone, which lies between them, the varying lengths of the +cylinders giving out different notes. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5321"></a>Page 313</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4464" href="#d0e4464src" class="noteref">1</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4489" href="#d0e4489src" class="noteref">2</a> In Manabo it is said that there are five sons, who reside in the spirit houses known as <i>tangpap, alalot,</i> and <i>pungkew</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4504" href="#d0e4504src" class="noteref">3</a> The people of Manabo say, he resides in the spirit-structures known as <i>balaua, sogayab, batog,</i>and <i>balag</i> (cf. pp. 308, <i>et seq.)</i></p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4518" href="#d0e4518src" class="noteref">4</a> Among the Ifugao, Kabúnian is the lowest of the three layers which make up the heavens (<span class="smallcaps">Beyer</span>, Origin Myths among the Mountain Peoples of the Philippines, <i>Phil. Jour. of Science,</i> Vol. viii, No. 2, 1913, p. 99). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4648" href="#d0e4648src" class="noteref">5</a> Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 15. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4659" href="#d0e4659src" class="noteref">6</a> Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume. No. 1, p. 32. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4669" href="#d0e4669src" class="noteref">7</a> The medium is also sometimes called <i>manganito</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4703" href="#d0e4703src" class="noteref">8</a> Similar mediums and possession were observed among the ancient Visayans. See <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V, p. 133; <span class="smallcaps">Perez</span> writing concerning Zambales says of their mediums, “He commences to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many faces +by means of his eyes; he generally talks, sometimes between his teeth, without any one understanding him. Sometimes he contents +himself with wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the trembling of all his body. After a few moments he strikes himself +on the knee, and says he is the <i>anito</i> to whom the sacrifice is being made.” See <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op. cit.,</i>Vol. XLVII, p. 301. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4760" href="#d0e4760src" class="noteref">9</a> Among the ancient Tagalog, charms made of herbs, stones, and wood, were used to infuse the heart with love (<span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, The Philippine Islands, Vol VII, p. 194). Similar practices are found in India, among the Selangor of the Malay Peninsula, +among the Bagobo of Mindanao and in Japan: see <span class="smallcaps">Roy</span>, <i>Jour. Royal Anth, Inst.,</i>Vol. XLIV, 1914, p. 337; <span class="smallcaps">Skeat</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Blagden</span>, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula, p. 312; <span class="smallcaps">Benedict</span>, Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and Myth, p. 220 <i>(Annals N. Y. Academy of Sciences,</i> Vol. XXV, 1916); <span class="smallcaps">Hildburgh</span>, <i>Man</i>, Nov. 1915, pp. 168, <i>et seq.; Trans. Japan Soc,</i> Vol. VIII, pp. 132, <i>et seq.</i></p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4835" href="#d0e4835src" class="noteref">10</a> The <i>salaksak</i> was also the omen bird of the Zambales (<span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, Philippine Islands, Vol. XLVII, p. 307). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e4859" href="#d0e4859src" class="noteref">11</a> Predicting of the future through the flight of birds, or by means of the entrails of slain animals, is widespread, not only +in the Philippines and Malaysia generally, but was equally important in ancient Babylonia and Rome. The resemblances are so +many that certain writers, namely, <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span>, <span class="smallcaps">Kroeber</span>, and <span class="smallcaps">Laufer</span> are inclined to credit them to common historical influences. See <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span>, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 255 (London, 1912); <span class="smallcaps">Kroeber</span>, Peoples of the Philippines (<i>American Museum of Natural History,</i> Handbook Series, No. 8, p. 192, New York, 1919); <span class="smallcaps">Laufer</span>, <i>Toung Pao, </i>1914, pp. 1–51. +</p> +</div><a id="d0e5322"></a><h1>The Ceremonies</h1> +<p id="d0e5325">A visitor, who enters the Tinguian territory in the period following the rice-harvest, quickly gains the impression that the +ceremonial life of this people is dominant. In nearly every village, he finds one or more ceremonies in progress, while work +is almost forgotten. This condition exists until the coming of the rains in May, when all is changed. Men and women go to +the fields before daybreak, and return only when darkness forces them to cease their toil. During the period when the fields +are in preparation, or the rice is growing, few ceremonials are held, except those intended to promote the growth of the crops, +to cure sickness, or to ward off impending misfortune. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5327">Aside from the rites, which attend birth, marriage, and similar events, the ceremonies may be placed in two divisions: first, +those which may be celebrated by all people; second, those restricted to certain families. The first class we shall designate +as the minor ceremonies. + +</p><a id="d0e5329"></a><h2>The Minor Ceremonies</h2> +<p id="d0e5332"><span class="smallcaps">Dawak</span> (also called Bonī and Alopag).—The name <i>Dawak</i> is applied to that part of important ceremonies in which the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums. It is also given as +a separate ceremony, usually to cure sickness, but in some settlements it follows a birth. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5339">According to tradition, it was taught, together with the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony, by the spirit Kabonīyan to a woman Dayapan; and she, in turn, taught it to others, who were then able to cure sickness. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e5344">It is probable that the name comes from <i>dáwat</i> (a “request” or “petition”); yet there is little in it which corresponds to prayer or entreaty. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5349">As there was considerable variation in each <i>Dawak</i> witnessed by the writer, the complete ceremony is given for the village of Ba-ak, together with striking variations from +other towns. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5354">In this instance, the rite was held to effect the cure of a sick woman and to learn the desires of the spirits. Two mediums, +assisted by several men and women, spent the first afternoon preparing the things to be used. First, a short cane was fashioned +out of black wood, rattan rings were slipped over this, and all were placed inside a Chinese jar. A dish of cooked rice was +put over the top, as a cover, and a blanket spread over the whole. This was brought close to the patient, the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5356"></a>Page 314</span>medium recited a <i>dām</i> over it,<a id="d0e5361src" href="#d0e5361" class="noteref">1</a> and then ordered that it remain there throughout the ceremony. On a large mat in the center of the room were placed betel-nuts, +coconuts, and leaves, two jars—one empty, the other filled with <i>basi</i>—, a large and small head-axe, two spears, and some shells. An empty jar had a string of beads tied around its neck, and inside +it was placed a switch, care being taken that a portion of it hung outside. Beside the jar was a basket containing five bundles +of unthreshed rice, on which was a skein of thread supporting a new jar. All this was covered with a woman's skirt. Finally +a bound pig was laid just inside the door. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5370">When all was complete, three men played on the <i>tongátong</i> (cf. p. 314), until one of the mediums took her place beside the mat. Raising a plate above her head, she struck it repeatedly +with a small head-axe, to call attention of the spirits.<a id="d0e5375src" href="#d0e5375" class="noteref">2</a> Then she began to chant and wail calling the spirits to enter her body. After two or three moments of song, she was possessed +by a spirit, who announced that his name was Ibalinsogwan. He placed a rooster at one end of a spear, and a bundle of rice +at the other, did a short dance, and departed. The mediums then seated themselves on opposite sides of the jar of <i>basi</i>; each drank of the liquor, and the chant began again. Spirit after spirit took possession of one of the mediums, who then +conversed with the other, asked questions concerning the patient, or other matters, and occasionally offered advice. Before +his departure, each spirit would drink of the <i>basi</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5387">The members of the family were present during most of the day; friends came, and went as they pleased, stopped to listen to +or talk with the spirits, drank <i>basi</i>, and then went about their work. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5392">Early the second morning, the mediums went to a bound pig in the house, and after placing betel-nut on its back, they poured +water into its ear. This caused the animal to shake its head; and, as the water was thrown out, one of the mediums caught +it in her hand, and applied it to the sick woman, at the same time chanting, “Go away sickness, be thrown out like this water; +let this person be well, for she is now following the custom.” As soon as she had finished, two men carried the animal to +the river bank, where they killed and singed it. Upon their return to the house, they removed and carefully examined its liver; +for, by the markings on it, the people were assured <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5394"></a>Page 315</span>that the spirits were pleased with the manner in which the ceremony was being conducted, and hence the prospects for the patient's +recovery were very bright. <i>Gīpas</i>, the dividing, followed. An old man divided the pig with the medium, but by sly manipulation managed to get a little more +than she did. A betel-nut, beeswax, and a lead net-sinker were tied together with a string, and were divided, but again the +old man received a little more than his share. Betel-nut was offered to the pair. Apparently each piece was the same, but +only one was supplied with lime, and the mortal secured that. He then challenged the medium to see whose spittle was the reddest. +Both expectorated on the head-axe, but since the spittle of the medium was not mixed with lime, it was uncolored. In all instances +the human being came out victor over the spirit, who sought to take the woman's life. Hence her recovery was assured. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5399">A new spirit possessed the medium, and under her directions the family was placed beneath a blanket, and a coconut was cut +in two over their heads. In addition to the fluid of the nut, water was emptied over them, “so that the sickness would be +washed away.” As soon as the family emerged from the blanket, they went to their <i>balaua</i>,<a id="d0e5404src" href="#d0e5404" class="noteref">3</a> and offered food, after which the medium again summoned several spirits. From this time until well into the evening, the +guests danced <i>tadek</i>, stopping only to be served with food and drink. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5413">The morning of the third and last day was spent in preparing food and other offerings, which were placed on a mat and left, +for a time, to be used by the immortals. Later the offerings were consumed by the guests, and the medium summoned the spirit +Agkabkabayo. This being directed four men to carry the blanket on which the medium was seated to the <i>balaua</i>, when they were met by another medium, possessed by the spirit Balien. For a time they busied themselves making repairs to +the spirit structure, then decorated it by tying strips of shredded coconut leaves to the slats of the floor. They also attached +leaves to the <i>kalang</i> (cf. p. 310), and inserted betel-nut and leaf. The final act of the ceremony was to prepare four <i>soloko</i> (cf. p. 310). In the first was placed a half coconut; in the second was rice mixed with blood; in the third cooked flesh +of a fowl; and in the last were four stalks of rice, and some pine-sticks. One was placed at each gate of the town as an offering, +and the people returned to their homes. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5424">As payment for their services, the mediums received a small portion of the pig, some rice, beads, a little money, and cloth. + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5426"></a>Page 316</span></p> +<p id="d0e5427">The acts and conversation of the spirits when summoned in <i>Dawak</i> are well illustrated by the following. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5432">A woman of Lagangilang was ill with dysentery; and a medium, in this instance, a man, was instructed to make <i>Dawak</i>. He began summoning the spirits by striking a dish with his head-axe. Soon he covered his face with his hands, began to sway +to and fro, and to chant unintelligible words. Suddenly he stopped and announced that he was the spirit Labotan, and that +it was his wish that blood and rice be placed on a head-axe, and be laid on the woman's abdomen. Next he ordered that they +should feed some rice to the small pig which lay bound on the floor. “If he eats, this is the right ceremony, and you will +get well,” he said. The pig refused the food, and, after expressing regret that he was unable to help, the spirit departed, +to be succeeded by Binoñgon. He at once directed that the pig be killed, and the palpitating heart be put on the woman's stomach, +and then be pressed against each person in the room, as a protection against illness. At first he refused to drink the liquor +which was offered to him, for it was new and raw; but when he learned that no other could be obtained, he drank, and then +addressed the patient. “You ate something forbidden. It is easy to cure you if the spirits have made you ill; but if some +one is practising magic, perhaps you will die.” With this cheering message the spirit departed, and Ayaonwán appeared. He +directed an old woman to feed rice and water to the patient, and then, without further advice, he said, “The other spirits +do not like me very well, so I cannot go to their places. I went to their places, but they said many bad words to me. I offered +them <i>basi</i>, but they did not wish to take; so I asked the way, and they showed me to the other spirits' place. I was poor, and had nothing +to eat for noon or night. When I was in the road, I met many long snakes, and I had to push them apart so I could walk. And +I met many eels, and asked of them the road; but the eels bit me, and took me into their stomachs, and carried me to Luluaganan +to the well there; then I died. The people, who go to the well, say, ‘Why is Ayaonwán dead? We have a bad odor now;’ and the eels say, ‘Whose son is this?’ and they rubbed my dead spirit, and I received life again. Then I took blood and rice with me to the sky to the other eels +to make <i>Sayang</i>. The eels gave me gold for my wrists; the monkeys gave me gold for my teeth and hair; the wild pig gave me bracelets. There +is much more I can tell you, but now I must go.” The spirit departed, and a new one was summoned. This spirit took the spear +in his hand, and after chanting about the illness of the woman, he drank <i>basi</i> out of a dish, sitting on the head-axe. Then singing again he <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5458"></a>Page 317</span>dipped the spear in the oil, and allowed it to fall drop by drop on the stomach of the sick woman; later he touched the heads +of all present with the spear, saying, “You will not be sick any more,” and departed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5460"><span class="smallcaps">Pīnáing</span> or <span class="smallcaps">Pináding</span> (Plate <a id="d0e5467" href="#d0e11739">XXX</a>).—At the gate or entrance of nearly every village will be found a number of peculiarly shaped, water-worn stones, either +beneath a small shelter, or nestling among the roots of some great tree. These are the “guardian stones,” and in them lives +Apdel (“the spirit who guards the town”). Many stories cluster about these <i>pīnáing</i>,<a id="d0e5473src" href="#d0e5473" class="noteref">4</a> but all agree that, if proper offerings are made to them at the beginning of a great ceremony; when the men are about to +undertake a raid; or, when sickness is in a nearby village, the resident spirit will protect the people under his care. Thus +it happens that several times each year a group of people may be seen early in the morning, gathered at the stones. They anoint +the head of each one with oil, put new bark bands on their “necks,” after which they kill a small pig. The medium mixes the +blood of the slain animal with rice, and scatters it on the ground while she recites the story of their origin. Then she bids +the spirits from near and far to come and eat, and to be kindly disposed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5476">In Bakaok and some other villages it is customary for the medium to summon several spirits at this time, and this is followed +by the dancing of <i>tadek</i>. The people of Luluno always hold a ceremony at the <i>pīnáing</i> before the planting of the rice and after the harvest. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5484">Following this ceremony in the village of San Juan, a miniature raft (<i>taltalabong</i>) was loaded with food and other presents, and was set afloat, to carry provisions to any spirit, who might have been prevented +from enjoying the feast. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5489">These stones are of particular interest, in that they present one of the few instances in which the Tinguian associates supernatural +beings with natural objects. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5491"><span class="smallcaps">Saloko</span> (Plate <a id="d0e5495" href="#d0e11714">XXV</a>).—Besides the houses, in the fields, and at the gate of many villages, one often sees long bamboo poles with one end converted +into a basket-like receptacle. Offerings of food and betel-nut are now found in them; but, according to some of the older +men, these were, until recently, used to hold the heads of slain enemies, as is still the case among the neighboring Apayao. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e5498">The ritual of the <i>Saloko</i> ceremony seems, in part, to bear out this claim; yet the folk-tales and equally good informants assure us that the heads +were placed on sharpened bamboo poles, which passed <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5503"></a>Page 318</span>through the <i>foramen magnum</i>. It is probable that both methods of exhibiting skulls were employed in the Tinguian belt. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5508">Nowadays the <i>saloko</i> found near to the villages are usually erected, during a short ceremony of the same name, as a cure for headache. A medium +is summoned; and, after securing a chicken, she strokes it, as she chants: + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e5514">“You spirits of the <i>sagang</i>,<a id="d0e5519src" href="#d0e5519" class="noteref">5</a> who live above.<br id="d0e5528">“You spirits of the <i>sagang</i>, who live on the level ground.<br id="d0e5533">“You spirits of the <i>sagang</i>, who live in the east.<br id="d0e5538">“You spirits of the <i>sagang</i>, who live in the west.<br id="d0e5543">“You Lalaman<a id="d0e5545src" href="#d0e5545" class="noteref">6</a> above.<br id="d0e5548">“You Lalaman on the wooded hill.<br id="d0e5550">“You Lalaman in the west.<br id="d0e5552">“If you took the head of the sick man,<br id="d0e5554">“You must now grant him health, as you please.” +</p> +<p id="d0e5556">The fowl is killed; and its blood, together with rice and some other gift, is placed in the <i>saloko</i>, and is planted near the house or gate. Oftentimes a string of feathers runs from the pole to the dwelling, or to the opposite +side of the gate. The family cooks and eats the chicken, and the affected member is expected to recover at once. Should the +trouble persist, a more elaborate ceremony, probably <i>Dawak</i>, will follow. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5564">In some instances betel-nut prepared for chewing takes the place of the fowl; rice-stalks hang from the sides of the basket, +and bits of pine are added “to make bright and clear.” All of this is rubbed on the patient's head, while the medium recites +the <i>dīam</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5569"><span class="smallcaps">Bawī</span>, also called <span class="smallcaps">Sinaba-an</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Ababong</span>.—This name is often applied to the small houses built in the rice-fields for the spirit Kaiba-an, but more commonly it refers +to the little structures of bamboo and grass, which nestle among the banana plantings near the village (Plate <a id="d0e5579" href="#d0e11699">XXII</a>). When such a structure is built or repaired, it is accompanied by a ceremony of the same name. The usual purpose of this +event is to cure sore feet, but in Patok and other valley towns it is celebrated before the rice harvest and the pressing +of the sugar-cane, so that the spirits will keep the workers in good health, and save them from injury. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5582">One of the most common ailments is sore or cracked feet caused, no doubt, by standing for long periods in the mud and water +of the rice-fields, and then tramping over the rough, hot trails to the village. The Tinguian, however, know that the spirits, +called Abat and Sᴇlday <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5584"></a>Page 319</span>bring about this affliction, unless they are kept in good humor, and have something to occupy their time other than disturbing +human beings; hence these houses are built for them, suitable offerings are placed inside, and finally a few banana suckers +are planted close by, so that the spirits will be kept busy caring for them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5586">The origin of the ceremony is ascribed to a woman of ancient times, named Bagutayka, who, lacking certain organs, appears +as an outcast. She at first caused passers-by to have trouble with their feet and limbs, but later taught them how to effect +a cure by building the <i>bawī</i> and performing the ceremony.<a id="d0e5591src" href="#d0e5591" class="noteref">7</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e5594">To-day, when a person is afflicted, he summons a medium, the spirit-house is built, and then the following <i>dīam</i> is recited over a rooster: + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e5600">“You abat above,<br id="d0e5602">“You abat in the ground,<br id="d0e5604">“You abat in the corner of the house,<br id="d0e5606">“You abat in the center pole,<br id="d0e5608">“You abat below the stair,<br id="d0e5610">“You abat in the door,<br id="d0e5612">“You Sᴇlday in the wooded hill,<br id="d0e5614">“You Sᴇlday above,<br id="d0e5616">“Make the sick person well, if you please!”<a id="d0e5618src" href="#d0e5618" class="noteref">8</a></p> +<p id="d0e5626">When the recital is finished, the fowl is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is placed in nine dishes and one polished +coconut shell. From these it is transferred to nine other dishes and one bamboo basket. These are placed in a row, and nine +dishes and one unpolished shell are filled with water, and placed opposite. In the center of this double line is a dish, containing +the cooked flesh of the rooster, also some rice, and one hundred fathoms of thread, while between the dishes are laid ten +half betel-nuts, prepared for chewing. Later, all these things are returned to a single receptacle, except those in the shell +cups and basket, which are placed in the spirit-house. The underlying idea in this procedure seems to be that frequently found +in other ceremonies, namely, that food and water symbolizes the life of the patient, which is partially taken away by the +spirits; but when they are returned to one place, the life must be replaced in a like manner. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5628">In Manabo a piece of banana bark is taken from one of the plantings beside a <i>bawī</i>; and, after being washed in the water, is applied to the affected limb. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5633">The final act is to take a coconut husk, stick feathers in its sides, and hang it beside the <i>bawī</i> as a sign to all that the ceremony has been held. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5638"></a>Page 320</span></p> +<p id="d0e5639">No spirits are summoned at this time, neither is there singing or dancing. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5641"><span class="smallcaps">Bakid</span>.<a id="d0e5645src" href="#d0e5645" class="noteref">9</a>—This ceremony is held to celebrate the completion of a new dwelling, or to remove any bad sign, which may have been received +during the building operations. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5648">The medium and her assistants fasten a bamboo pole or rattan cord across one portion of the room, and on it place numerous +pieces of cloth-skirts, blankets, belts, a fish-net, and a quantity of false hair. This serves first as an offering to the +spirits, but it is also explained that, if the immortals are unable to count all the gifts, they will be powerless to injure +the occupants of the dwelling. Should an evilly disposed being desire to make trouble for the owner, he must count every hair +in the switches, as well as every hole in the fish-net. Failing in this, he will be compelled by the other spirits to celebrate +the <i>Bakid</i> ceremony five times at his own expense. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5653">Beneath the line of offerings, a bound pig is laid; and, as she strokes the side of the animal, with oiled fingers, the medium +repeats a <i>dīam</i><a id="d0e5657src" href="#d0e5657" class="noteref">10</a> in which she tells of misfortunes of a family, which failed to observe the signs sent by Kabonīyan, and of his instructions +as to how best to overcome their troubles. The family listens respectfully until the story is finished, then they lift a door +from its socket, place it in the middle of the floor, and proceed to sacrifice the pig upon it. Some of the blood is immediately +sprinkled on the house timbers, particularly those which may have given the builders trouble, either in transportation, or +during the erection of the structure. The greater part of the blood is mixed with rice, and is dropped through the slits in +the floor, or scattered about for the spirits; while for an hour or more a portion of the meat, the heart, and the head, are +placed below the offerings on the cord or on the house-beams. Later, these portions will be cooked and served to the guests. +Immediately after the killing, the liver is removed, and is examined for a sign. Should the omens be unfavorable, another +animal will be killed, or the family will celebrate <i>Sangasang</i> within a few days. If the signs are satisfactory, the host begins to distribute <i>basi</i>, and soon good fellowship reigns. One after another of the guests sings the <i>daleng</i>, in which they bespeak for the owner a long and prosperous life in his new home. The <i>Bakid</i> always ends with a feast, in which the flesh of slaughtered animals plays the important part. Upon its completion, the medium +is given a portion of <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5672"></a>Page 321</span>the meat, some unthreshed rice, and other small gifts, as payment for her services. The guests return to their homes, and +for two or three days following are barred from entering the new dwelling. During this period the family must remain indoors. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e5674"><span class="smallcaps">Sangásang</span>.—<i>Sangásang</i> is often so similar to the <i>Bakid</i>, that one description might cover both. This is particularly true, if it is held to remove a bad sign. Should a large lizard +or a bird enter a new building, it is considered as a messenger of Kabonīyan; and the foregoing ceremony is carried out, the +only variation being that the bird or lizard is caught, if possible, is anointed with oil, a bead is attached to a leg, and +it is then released to go back to its master. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5684">Continued misfortunes to the members of a household would also be an excuse for the ceremony. In this instance, the only variation +from the procedure just given would be in the <i>dīams</i>. The first to be recited tells how the spirit Maganáwan sent many snakes and birds to the gate of a town to demand the blood +of a rooster mixed with rice. The people celebrated <i>Sangásang</i>, and sent blood and rice to Maganáwan, who, in turn, spat it out on the ground. As he did so, the sickness and misfortunes +of the mortals vanished. The second <i>dīam</i><a id="d0e5694src" href="#d0e5694" class="noteref">11</a> relates a quarrel between the various parts of the house, each insisting on its own importance. At last they recognize their +mutual dependence, and the people of the dwelling are again in good health.<a id="d0e5697src" href="#d0e5697" class="noteref">12</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e5702">In Lumaba and nearby villages, unpleasant dreams, or a bad disposition are overcome by a ceremony called <i>Sangásang</i>; but, as this varies somewhat from the others, it is given in detail. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5707">The medium, who is summoned for this event, calls for oil and a rooster with long spurs. When these are brought, she strokes +the fowl with the oil, and chants the following <i>dīam</i>. “There is a very old woman in the sea, and she says to her spirits, who are Dapeg (a spirit which kills people), Balingenngen +(a spirit which causes bad dreams), and Benisalsal (a spirit which throws things and is unpleasant), ‘Go beyond the sea and +spread your sickness,’ The spirits are going. They arrive and begin their work, and if the people do not make <i>Sangásang</i>, many will die. Now it is morning, and the spirits are going to the river to see what the people have offered to the old +woman, who is Ináwen. If they do not find anything, they will say, ‘All the people in this town shall die,’ and then they +will go on to another place.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e5715">“Ináwen, who is waiting, sends Kideng (a servant) to search for <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5717"></a>Page 322</span>the spirits, who are killing people, to tell them to return. Dapeg leaves the first town. He goes to another, and the dogs +bark so that the people cannot sleep. A man opens the door, to learn the cause of the barking, and he sees a man, fat and +tall, with nine heads, and he carries many kinds of cakes. The man says, ‘Now take these cakes, and if you do not make <i>Sangásang</i> for my mistress, at the river, you shall die. You must find a rooster with long tail and spurs; you must mix its blood with +rice, and put it in the river at dawn when no one can see you,’ The man makes <i>Sangásang</i> the next night, and puts the blood, mixed with rice, in a well dug by the river, so that the spirits may take it to their +mistress. Kideng also arrives and says, ‘you must come with me now, for she awaits you who are bearing this offering.’ They +go and arrive. Their mistress eats and says, ‘I did not think that the blood of people tasted so badly, now I shall not send +you again, for you have already killed many people.’” + +</p> +<p id="d0e5725">When this chant is completed, the chicken is killed, as directed in the song; and at night the blood and rice are offered +beside the stream.<a id="d0e5727src" href="#d0e5727" class="noteref">13</a> The chicken is eaten by the family, and its feathers are tied to a string, stretched across the room. Leaves are attached +to the house-ladder as a warning that all visitors are barred, and for three days the family remains quietly indoors. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5733"><span class="smallcaps">Sagobay</span>.<a id="d0e5737src" href="#d0e5737" class="noteref">14</a>—This is one of the most widespread of the ceremonies, for it not only covers the entire Tinguian belt, but extends into the +Igorot villages of the Upit river region and Ilocos Sur, as well as into the Kalinga villages of the Malokbot valley. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5740">Its occurrence in connection with the rice-culture is fully, described elsewhere (cf. p. 400), so that at this place only +its second function, that of keeping illness from the town, is described. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5742">When an epidemic appears in a nearby settlement, the <i>lakay</i> summons the old men in council, and they decide on the number of pigs, and the amount of rice, <i>basi</i>, and other articles required, after which the necessary funds are secured by levying a tax on all the people of the village. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e5750">To keep the evil spirits, who bear the sickness, out of the town, a cord of bamboo or rattan is stretched around the whole +settlement, while at the gate a high fence is erected. Through the uprights of this fence are stuck bamboo spikes with the +sharpened ends facing <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5752"></a>Page 323</span>outward, so as to catch or pierce the intruders (Plate <a id="d0e5754" href="#d0e11729">XXVIII</a>); while in the <i>saloko</i> and along the gateway are placed leaves, roots, and other offerings acceptable to the friendly spirits. Similar cords and +leaves are also strung around the entrances to the houses. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5760">The cord and gateway form an adequate protection, and no human being or spirit will violate this taboo. Should a human do +so, the least penalty would be a tax sufficient to pay all the expense of the ceremony; but should the sickness afterwards +invade the town, it is quite possible that more serious punishment might be exacted by the families of the victims. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5762">When all is prepared, the men and boys arm themselves, and with shouts and hostile demonstrations drive the sickness toward +the town whence it is thought to come.<a id="d0e5764src" href="#d0e5764" class="noteref">15</a> Returning to the center of the village, the people dance <i>tadek</i>, and the mediums may summon several spirits. Next, the pigs are killed, and their livers are examined for a sign. Should +the omens be unfavorable, one or more fowls will be sacrificed, until it seems certain that the help of the spirits is assured, +after which the flesh is cooked and eaten. Then a small covered raft <i>(taltalabong)</i> is constructed, and a portion of the food is placed inside. Late in the afternoon, this is carried through the village, while +one or more drummers keep up a din to frighten evil spirits away. Just as the sun is sinking, the raft is carried to the river, +and is set afloat, in order that any interested spirits, who may have been prevented from attending the ceremony, may still +receive their share of the offering. In Likuan a different explanation is offered for the <i>taltalabong</i>. Here they say that the offerings are placed on the raft, so as to induce any hostile spirits who may be near to enter, and +then they are carried out and away from the town. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5776">The blood of the slaughtered animals has been saved, and upon their return from the river the people dip leaves into it, and +attach these near to the doors of their dwellings. For at least one day following, no work is done, and all visitors are barred. +During this time the people only converse in low tones, and take special precautions against even animals making a noise. +The beaks of roosters are tied, or they are placed in small baskets, so that they cannot stand up to crow. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5778">In Lakub a new house or protection is placed above the guardian stones, and offerings are made to them at the time of the +<i>Sagobay</i>, while in Likuan the participants wear neck and ankle bands of bamboo as a further protection from the sickness. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5783"></a>Page 324</span></p> +<p id="d0e5784"><span class="smallcaps">Ngorong-or</span>.—Lumaba and the Tinguian villages of Ilokos Sur hold this ceremony, whenever a person is seriously ill with stomach trouble. +As the rite does not extend far into the Tinguian belt, but is found in the Igorot villages farther south, it seems likely +that it is an importation from that region. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5788">The members of the family gather in the afternoon, and kill a small pig by cutting off its head. A part of the blood is saved, +and the balance is sprinkled against the house posts and ladder. The pig itself is hung from one round of the ladder, so that +its blood will drip to the ground. The medium has been standing quietly to one side watching, but now she calls upon the spirits, +“You (calling one or more by name), come out; be vomited up, for now you are being fed.” She allows them a few minutes for +their repast, then cuts open the carcass and removes the liver. A bit is cut from the top, then she splits open the animal's +skull, and removes a little of the brain. This she places on a banana leaf; and, after adding a small piece of gold, wraps +it up and buries it beside the center post of the dwelling. The animal is now cooked and served to the guests, but liberal +portions are placed on the house rafters and other places convenient for the spirits. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5790">Next morning a piece is cut from a dog's ear, is smeared with blood, and is placed in a small split bamboo, together with +two stalks of rice. A clout is tied to a spear, and all are rubbed on the body of the patient, while the medium explains that +this is the betel-nut of the spirits, and that, when she takes it from the village, they will go also, and the recovery be +assured. The family follows her to the gate of the town, and watches closely, as she thrusts the spear and pole into the ground; +for if they are firmly set in the ground, yet lean away from the village, it is certain that the spirits have departed, and +the sick will recover. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5792">Following the ceremony, members of the family may not work for five days, neither may they lead a horse or carabao, or eat +of wild meat. Should they do any of the things forbidden, they will be struck by lightning. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5794"><span class="smallcaps">Sapatá the Oath</span>.—If a theft has been committed, and it has been impossible to detect the guilty person, the following procedure takes place. +A rice-mortar is placed in the yard, and on it a dish of <i>basi</i>. All the people are summoned to gather, and one by one they drink of the liquor, meanwhile calling on the snakes to bite +them, the lightning to strike them, or their abdomens to swell up and burst if they are guilty. Soon the people will know +the culprit, for one of these disasters will befall him. When that occurs, his family will be compelled to make good the theft, +as well as the expense of this gathering. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5801"></a>Page 325</span></p><a id="d0e5802"></a><h2>The Great Ceremonies</h2> +<p id="d0e5805">In addition to the ceremonies and rites which may be celebrated by all the people there are a number of more elaborate observances, +which can only be given by those who have the hereditary right, or who have gained the privilege by a certain definite procedure. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e5807">In general these ceremonies are restricted to the villages in or close to the valley of the Abra, the lower reaches of the +Tineg, Malanas, and Sinalong rivers. As one proceeds up the tributary streams into such settlements as Baay, Likuan, and Lakub, +it is noticeable that the typical spirit houses become fewer in number, while the participants in the accompanying ceremonies +are limited to recent emigrants from the lower valleys. The same thing is found to be true on the western side of the coast +range of mountains, as one goes north or south from the Abra river, although there is evidence here that some of the settlements +formerly had these rites, but have allowed them to fall into disuse, as a result of Ilocano influence. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5809">This distribution of the great ceremonies seems to give a hint that they are intrusive; that they probably were at one time +restricted to the families of emigrants and even to-day are barred from a part of the people. They have not yet extended far +into the interior, despite the fact that in the lower valleys they almost completely dominate the life of the people during +a portion of the year. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5811">In all the valley towns one sees little houses and platforms, apparently of no practical value, yet occupying important places, +while in the period following the rice-harvest elaborate festivals are carried on about them. Soon it develops that each of +these structures has a definite name, is associated with a particular ceremony, and is built and kept in repair in honor of +certain powerful spirits. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5813">The culmination of these rites is the great <i>Sayang</i> ceremony which extends over seventeen days and nights. When this is held, it includes all the minor events of this class, +and the smaller spirit structures are then built or repaired. This supreme event can only be celebrated by a few families, +but all the townpeople are welcome guests, and all, regardless of age and sex, may witness or take part in the proceedings. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e5818">Since all the great events occur after the harvest, a time of leisure and plenty, they become the great social events of the +year. A person who does not have the hereditary right to the ceremonies may gain the liberty if he be warned in a dream or +be notified by the spirits that it is their wish. Since all the expenses of such a gathering fall on the giver, it is imperative +that he be well-to-do. Such a one gives the ceremonies, in order, during a term of years, and eventually obtains <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5820"></a>Page 326</span>the right to the <i>Sayang</i>, the greatest social and religious event in Tinguian life. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5825">Adoption entitles an individual to all the privileges of the family, and as the writer and his wife were adopted into a family +possessing the right to all the ceremonies, they became at once participants in all the events which are here described. In +this way it was possible to obtain information and instruction on many points which observation alone could scarcely afford. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e5827">The <i>Pala-an</i> ceremony is the first round on the social and religious ladder. It is here given in some detail, and is then followed by +others, in the order of their importance. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5832"><span class="smallcaps">Pala-an</span>.—The <i>Pala-an</i> is held when some member of the family is ill, or when the structure of that name needs repair. Many spirits visit the people +during this rite, but the one chiefly interested is Īdadaya, the spirit of the east. He and his ten grandchildren wear in +their hair the notched tail-feathers of a rooster, which are known as <i>īgam.</i> From time to time these lose their luster, and they can only be refreshed by having some mortal celebrate <i>Pala-an</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5845">When it appears that these ornaments need attention, the Īdadaya will notify some family, either through a medium or by sending +illness to them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5847">A family having received such a notification summons a medium, and she at once begins to gather <i>saklag</i> (<i>Justicia gendarussa</i> L.) and <i>sikag</i> (<i>Lygodium</i> sp. near <i>scandens</i>) and a grass known as <i>bildis</i>, while the men secure the bamboo and other materials used in building the spirit structure. One corner of the living room +is screened off with a large white blanket called <i>tabing</i>, and behind it the medium places unthreshed rice and jars which she has decked with vines and leaves. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5870">While she is thus engaged, the men are busy building the <i>pala-an</i> (Plate <a id="d0e5875" href="#d0e11709">XXIV</a>). This consists of four long poles—three of bamboo and one of a resinous tree, <i>anteng</i>,<a id="d0e5881src" href="#d0e5881" class="noteref">16</a> set in a square and supporting, near the top, a platform of bamboo. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5889">A number of women have been invited to assist the family, and they now proceed to beat out sufficient rice to serve the guests. +When the pounding is finished, a rice-mortar is set out in the open, and a little rice is placed in it. The women, armed with +long pestles, gather <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5891"></a>Page 327</span>around and, keeping time to the music of copper gongs, they circle the mortar contra-clockwise, striking its edge three times +in regular beats of 1, 2, 3; on the next beat the leader strikes the bottom of her pestle against that of her neighbor, on +the first and second beats, but on the third she pounds the rice in the mortar. This is repeated by the woman on her right +and so on around the circle. Then the leader strikes the top of her pestle against the top of the one held by the women next +her on two beats and on the third pounds rice, and this is repeated by all. The music now becomes much faster, and, keeping +time with it, the leader strikes first into the rice, then whirls clear around and strikes the pestle of the woman on her +left; again she turns and strikes that of the woman on her right. Each follows her in turn, and soon all are in motion about +the mortar, alternately pounding the rice and clashing pestles. This is known as <i>kītong</i>, and is the method prescribed by the great spirit Kabonīyan for the breaking of a part of the rice to be used in this and +other ceremonies (Plate <a id="d0e5896" href="#d0e11744">XXXI</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e5899">As soon as the pounding is finished, the medium places some of the newly broken rice in a bamboo dish, and places this on +a rice winnower. She also adds a skirt, five pieces of betel-nut, two piper leaves, and a little dish of oil, and carries +the collection below the <i>pala-an</i>, where a bound pig lies. The betel-nut and leaf are placed on the animal, then the medium dips her fingers in the oil, and +strokes its side while she recites the following <i>dīam</i>:— + +</p> +<p id="d0e5907">“The spirit who lives in Dadaya lies in bed; he looks at his <i>īgam</i>, and they are dull. He looks again, ‘Why are my <i>īgam</i> dull? Ala, let us go to Sudipán, where the Tinguian live, and let us take our <i>īgam</i>, so that some one may make them bright again.’ After that they laid them (the <i>īgam</i>) on the house of the Īpogau, and they are all sick who live in that house. Kabonīyan looked down on them. ‘Ala, I shall go +down to the Īpogau,’ He truly went down to them, ‘What is the matter with you?’ ‘We are all sick who live in the same place,’ +said those sick ones. ‘That is true, and the cause of your sickness is that they (the spirits) laid down their <i>īgam</i> on you. It is best that you make <i>Pala-an</i>, since you have received their <i>īgam</i>, for that is the cause of your illness,’ After that they made <i>Pala-an</i>, and they recovered from their sickness, those who lived in the same place. (Here the medium calls the spirits of Dadaya +by name and then continues.) ‘Now those who live in the same place make bright again those <i>īgam</i> which you left in their house. Make them well again, if you please’.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e5936">As soon as she finishes her recital, the pig is stabbed in the throat, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5938"></a>Page 328</span>its blood is collected, and is mixed with cooked rice. The carcass is singed at once. Five men then carry it to the top of +the <i>pala-an</i>, where it is cut up. The suet and the hind legs are handed to the medium, who places them behind the screen in the room, +and the family may then rest assured that the spirits thus remembered will free them from headache and sore eyes. After the +flesh has been cut into small pieces, most of it is carried into the dwelling to be cooked for the guests, but a portion is +placed in a bamboo tube, and is cooked beneath the <i>pala-an</i>. When it is ready to serve, the five men again go to the top of the structure and eat it, together with cooked rice, then +they take the bamboo cooking tube, tie some of the sacred vines from behind the curtain about it, and fasten it to one pole +of the <i>pala-an</i>. The men in the house are free to eat, and when they are finished, the women dine. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5949">In the cool of the afternoon, the people begin to assemble in the yard, where they are soon joined by the medium carrying +a spear in one hand, a rooster in the other, and with a rice winnower atop her head. She places the latter on a rice-mortar +close to the <i>pala-an</i>, and uncovering it reveals a small head-axe, notched chicken feathers, her shells, five pieces of betel-nut and two leaves, +a jar cover, a dish of oil, and a coconut shell filled with rice and blood. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5954">At the command of the medium, four or five men begin to play on copper gongs, while the wife of the host comes forward and +receives the spear and rooster in one hand. The medium takes the head-axe, and then the two women take hold of the winnower +with their free hands. Keeping time to the music, they lift it from the mortar, take one step, then stop, strike the spear +and head-axe together, then step and stop again. At each halt the medium takes a little of the rice and blood from the winnower +and sprinkles it on the ground for the spirits to eat.<a id="d0e5956src" href="#d0e5956" class="noteref">17</a> When they have made half the circuit of the mortar, they change places and retrace their steps; for “as they take the gifts +partly away and then replace them, in the same manner the spirits will return that part of the patient's life which they had +removed, and he will become well and strong again.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e5965">The blood and rice which remain after this dance is placed on nine pieces of banana bark. Five of these are carried to the +<i>pala-an</i>; one to the east and one to the west gate of the town; one is put on the <i>talagan</i>, a miniature seat erected near by for the convenience of visiting <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e5973"></a>Page 329</span>spirits, and one in a little spirit house known as <i>tangpap</i> (cf.p.311). For an hour or more, the medium makes <i>dawak</i>, and summons many spirits into her body. When the last of superior beings has made his call, the medium goes to her home, +carrying her payment for the day's work,<a id="d0e5981src" href="#d0e5981" class="noteref">18</a> but the townspeople remain to drink <i>basi</i> and to sing <i>da-eng</i> until well into the night. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5990">Early the next morning, the medium goes to the house, and removing the jars and the bundle of decorated rice from the <i>tabing</i>, carries them to the family's rice granary, and places them in the center of that structure, covering them with six bundles +of rice. This is an offering to the spirit residing there, and for the next five days the granary must not be opened. + +</p> +<p id="d0e5995">Nothing more of importance takes place during the morning, but late in the afternoon the people assemble in the dwelling to +drink <i>basi</i>, while one or more mediums summon the spirits. After a time a sterile female pig is brought in and placed in the center of +the room. Two men armed with long knives slice the animal open along the length of its stomach. An old man quickly slips in +his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart, and hands it to a medium, who in turn strokes the stomachs of members of +the family, thus protecting them from intestinal troubles. She also touches the guests and the articles which have been used +during the day. For this second day this medium receives, as pay, the head and two legs of the pig, a hundred fathoms of thread, +a dish of broken rice, and five bundles of unthreshed rice. She also is given a small present in exchange for each bead she +received when the spirits entered her body. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6000">Following the ceremony, the members of the family are barred from work, usually for one moon, and during this period they +may not eat of wild pig or carabao, of lobsters or eels. An infraction of this rule would incur, the wrath of the spirits +and result in sickness and disaster. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6002"><span class="smallcaps">Tangpap</span>.—In many of the valley towns Tangpap is only a part of <i>Sayang</i> (cf.p.345), and is never given alone, but in Manabo, Lagangilang, and nearby settlements it is recognized as one of the ceremonies +which must be celebrated before a family acquires the right to <i>Sayang</i>. In these villages it follows <i>Pala-an</i> after a lapse of two or three years. It was during the progress of this ceremony in the village of Manabo, in 1908, that +the writer and his wife were made members of the tribe, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6015"></a>Page 330</span>and since the mediums were particularly anxious that we know all the details, the information in this instance is unusually +complete. It is here given in full, as an excellent example of how all are conducted. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6017">A Manabo woman, the wife of Sagasag, was seized with an illness which deprived her of the use of her limbs, and when other +means of relief failed, was told by the spirits to give the <i>Tangpap</i> ceremony, to which she already had a hereditary right. A medium was summoned, and she, with two assistants, began to prepare +many presents for the spirits who were expected to attend the ceremony. From previous experience it was known the sort of +gift each would appreciate, and by the end of the second day the following things were in readiness. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6022">For the spirits Bakod and Olak,<a id="d0e6024src" href="#d0e6024" class="noteref">19</a> a rice winnower was loaded with a shield, a clay dish, a coconut shell filled with <i>basi</i>, a string of beads, a small basket, two bundles of rice, and leaves of the <i>atilwag</i> (<i>Breynia acuminata</i>), later the half of a slain pig was also added. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6039">Cords were attached at each corner of the living room, and beneath the points where they crossed was a mat on which the mediums +were to sit when summoning the spirits. On the cords were leaves, grasses, and vines, the whole forming a decoration pleasing +to the superior beings, I-anáyan and I-angáwan. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6041">For Gapas they provided two small baskets of rice, a shell called <i>gosipeng</i>, and a rattan-like vine, <i>tanobong</i>, betel-nuts and piper-leaf. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6049">Bogewan received a basket of rice, some white thread, sections of <i>posel</i>—a variety of bamboo—, <i>atilwag</i> leaves, and some beads. For Bognitan, a jar was partly filled with <i>tanobong</i>, and for Gilin, a jar of <i>basi</i>. Cooked rice was moulded into the form of an alligator, and was spotted with red, betel saliva. This, when placed on a basket +of rice, was intended for Bolandan. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6063">Soyan was provided with a basket which contained the medium's shells and a cloth, while Ibaka received a jar cover filled +with salt. Dandawila had to be content with a stem of young betel-nuts, and Bakoki with two fish baskets filled with pounded +rice, also a spear. A large white blanket was folded into a neat square, and on it was laid a lead sinker for the use of Mamonglo. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e6065">As a rule, three spirits named Mabᴇyan attended this ceremony. For the first, a bamboo frame was constructed, and on it was +placed a female pig, runo (a reed), and prepared betel nut. For the second, a shield, fish net, rice and a rice winnower, +and a bit of string; while <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6067"></a>Page 331</span>for the third, a rice winnower was set with eight coconut shells, a small dish, and a gourd dipper. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6069">During a considerable portion of the time that these articles were being prepared, several men sat in the yard and played +on the <i>tongátong</i>, but when the mediums finally gave the signal that everything was in readiness, they moved their instrument up on the porch +of the dwelling, where they continued playing softly. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6074">One of the mediums took her place in the mat in the middle of the room, and raising a Chinese plate above her head, began +to strike against it with her shells, in order to notify the spirits that the ceremony was about to begin. Next she placed +two dishes on the mat in front of her, and as she sang a monotonous chant, she touched each one with a small stick. The host +was then ordered to shuffle his feet between the lines of dishes and to step over each one. As soon as he did so, the medium +pulled the mat from beneath them, rolled it up, and used it as a whip with which she struck the head of each member of the +family. The spirit who had caused the woman's illness was supposed to be near by, and after he witnessed this whipping, he +would be afraid to remain longer. As a promise of future reward to the well-disposed immortals, a bound pig was then placed +beside the door of the dwelling. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6076">Going to the hearth, the medium withdrew burning sticks, and placed them in a jar, and held this over the head of the sick +woman, for “a spirit has made her sick, but the fire will frighten him away, and she will get well.” After she had made the +circuit of the family, she held a bundle of rice above the flames, and with it again went to each person in the room; then +she did the same thing with broken rice and with the <i>atilwag</i> vine. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6081">Two mediums then seated themselves on the mat, and covering their faces with their hands, began to chant and wail, beseeching +the spirits to enter their bodies. One after another the spirits came and possesed the mediums, so that they were no longer +regarded as human beings, but as the spirits themselves. First came Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, a friendly being whose +chief duty it is to find the cause of troubles. Addressing the sick woman, he said, “Now you make this ceremony, and I come +to make friends and to tell you the cause of your trouble. I do not think it was necessary for you to hold this ceremony now, +for you built your <i>balaua</i> only two years ago; yet it is best that you do so, for you can do nothing else. You are not like the spirits. If we die, +we come to life again; if you die, you do not.” At this point an old man interrupted, and offered him a drink of <i>basi</i>. <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6089"></a>Page 332</span>At first Kakalonan refused, saying he did not want to accept any payment; but finally he yielded and drained the coconut shell +of liquor. After assuring the family that all would be well with them when the ceremony was complete, he took his departure. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e6091">The next spirit to come was Sagangan<a id="d0e6093src" href="#d0e6093" class="noteref">20</a> of Anayan. He appeared to be in a rage, because the proper present had not been prepared for his coming, and was expressing +himself vigorously when a passing woman happened to touch him, and he at once departed. The medium chanted for a long time, +urging him to return, and finally he did so. At once he demanded that two bundles of rice have wax heads moulded on them, +and that black beads be inserted for eyes. These, he assured them, would serve him as well as the woman's life, so he would +make the exchange, and she would get well. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6099">When the dolls were prepared, he addressed the husband, “My other name is Ingalit, and I live in the sky. What is the matter +with the woman?” “I do not know,” replied the man. “We ask you.” “You ask me, what is the matter with this woman, and I will +tell you. How does it happen that Americans are attending the ceremony?” The husband replied that the Americans wished to +learn the Tinguian customs, and this finally seemed to satisfy the superior being. Turning toward the door where the men were +still softly playing on the <i>tongátong</i>, he called out peevishly, “Tell the people not to play on the <i>tongátong</i>, for the spirits who wish to hear it are not present, and we are ashamed to have the Americans hear it. You make this ceremony +now because you are sick and do not wish to die, but you could have waited two years.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6107">While this spirit was talking, another, who said he lived in Langbosan, and had been sent by Gilen, came to the body of the +second medium. Paying no attention to the other spirit, he began to give instructions for the conduct of the ceremony. The +<i>tangpap</i> was to be build the next morning, also two <i>balags</i> (p.308), and for them they were to prepare one pig. “Do not fail to prepare this pig, but you may use it for both <i>tangpap</i> and <i>balag</i>. You will also make a <i>taltalabong</i> (p.311). For this you must prepare a different pig, for this is for the sons and servants of Kadaklan.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6124">After the departure of these beings, ten other spirits came in quick succession. Two of the latter claimed to be Igorot spirits, +and both <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6126"></a>Page 333</span>talked with the peculiar stacatto accent of the people who live along the Kalinga-Igorot border.<a id="d0e6128src" href="#d0e6128" class="noteref">21</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e6131">After the departure of the Igorot spirits, both mediums were possessed, one by Sanadan, a male spirit, and the other by the +female spirit of Pangpangdan. At their request the men began again to play on the <i>tongátong</i>, and the spirits danced. Soon Sanadan began to fondle the woman, to rub her face with his, to feel of her body and at last +of her privates. Other spirits, who stayed only long enough to drink, followed them, and then Gonay appeared. The spectators +had been openly bored by the last few visitors, but the name of Gonay quickly revived their interest. She began to sing a +wailing song in which she told of her sad plight. Time after time she repeated the sentence, “Gongay has no husband, for her +mother put a stone in her vagina, yet she loves all young men.” From time to time she would pause, and make ludicrous attempts +to fondle the young boys, and then when they resisted her, she again took up her plaint. At last she succeeded in getting +one young fellow to exchange cigars and headbands with her, and began to rub her hands on his body, urging him not to leave +her. Just when she seemed on the verge of success in winning him, another spirit Baliwaga came to the medium, and the fun-maker +had to depart. The newcomer placed an agate bead in a dish, and held it high above his head while he danced. Finally he called +out that the bead had vanished, but when he lowered the plate, it was still there, and he left in chagrin. He was succeeded +by a dumb female spirit named Damolan, who undertook to do the trick in which her predecessor had failed. Holding the plate +high above her head, she danced furiously, and from time to time struck against the side of the dish with the medium's shells. +Twice when she lowered the dish, the bead was there, but on the third attempt it had vanished. The trick was so cleverly done +that, although we were beside her and watching closely, we did not detect the final movement. With much satisfaction, the +medium assured us that the bead would be found in the hair of the man who broke the first ground for the <i>tangpap</i>, a boast which was made good the following morning. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6139">Adadog came next, and not finding the chicken which should have been placed on the mat for him, he broke out in a great fury +and tried to seize a man in its place. He was restrained from doing injury to his victim, and soon left, still highly indignant. +Seven other spirits <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6141"></a>Page 334</span>stopped only for a drink, and then Daliwaya appeared. Upon her arrival, one of the headmen gravely informed her that the people +wished to adopt four Americans, but that only one was then present. The spirit bade the writer to arise from the mat, where +he was lying, and after stroking his head for a time, said, “You wish to make this American an <i>Itneg</i>,<a id="d0e6146src" href="#d0e6146" class="noteref">22</a> but before you can do anything, the spirits must approve and give him a name. I will give him a name now, and then to-morrow +all the people must say if they wish to give him another name and make him Ipogau.<a id="d0e6149src" href="#d0e6149" class="noteref">23</a> His name shall be Agonan, for that is the name of the spirit who knows many languages.” Again she stroked the writer's head, +and then taking a large porcelain platter, she filled it with <i>basi</i>, and together we drank the liquor, alternately, a swallow at a time. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6155">After her departure, an Alzado<a id="d0e6157src" href="#d0e6157" class="noteref">24</a> came and danced with high knee action, meantime saying, she was there to make some one ill, and that she would do so unless +the American gave her a cloth for her clout when she returned the following day. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6160">The next visitor was Sanadan, the spirit who owns and guards the deer and wild pig. Up to this time the people had been mildly +interested in the arrivals, but when this important being appeared, the men at once became alert; they told him of their troubles +in the hunts, of the scarcity of deer, and urged him to send more of them to Mt. Posoey, where they were accustomed to hunt. +He offered much good advice concerning the methods of hunting, but refused to take any action regarding the game on the nearby +mountain, for, he said, the spirit Dapwanay who owns Posoey was watching the game there. Just before he departed, he called +to the headmen, “I am very rich and very bold. I am not afraid to go anywhere. I can become the sunset sky. I am going to +Asbinan in Kalaskígan to have him make me a shoe of gold. To-morrow you must not use any of the things you have had out-of-doors, +but you may make use of them when you build the <i>taltalabong</i>.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6165">The last spirit to come that night was Ablalansa who keeps guard over the sons of Kadaklan. He paused only for a drink and +to tell the people that America was very near to the place, where the big birds live who eat people. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6167"></a>Page 335</span></p> +<p id="d0e6168">It was midnight when the medium informed us that no more spirits would come that evening, and we went to rest. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6170">About six o'clock the next morning, the women began the ceremonial pounding of the rice known as <i>kītong</i> (cf. p. 329) in the yard, while one of the mediums went to the bound pig lying in the dwelling and recited a <i>dīam</i> as she stroked its side; she also poured a little <i>basi</i> through the slits in the floor for the use of any visiting spirits. While the women were thus engaged, the men were busy +constructing spirit houses in the yard. Of greatest importance was the <i>tangpap</i> (Plate <a id="d0e6184" href="#d0e11724">XXVII</a>), a small bamboo structure with a slanting roof, resting on four poles, and an interwoven bamboo floor fastened about three +feet above the ground.<a id="d0e6187src" href="#d0e6187" class="noteref">25</a> Near one of the house poles a funnel-shaped basket was tied, and in it was set a forked stick, within the crotch of which +was a little floor and roof, the whole forming a resting place for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg. The <i>pala-an</i> needed a few repairs, and two of the old men looked after these, while others made two long covered bamboo benches which +might be used either by visiting men or spirits.<a id="d0e6205src" href="#d0e6205" class="noteref">26</a> Four long bamboo poles were set in the ground, and a roof placed over them to form the <i>bang-bangsal</i>, a shelter always provided for the spirits of Soyau. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6214">By ten o'clock all was in readiness, and the people then gathered in the dwelling, where the mediums began summoning the spirits. +The first to arrive was Omgbawan, a female spirit whose conversation ran as follows: “I come now because you people ought +to make this ceremony. I did not come last night, for there were many spirits here, and I was busy. You people who build <i>tangpap</i> must provide all the necessary things, even though they are costly. It is good that the Americans are here. I never talked +with one before.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6219">Manaldek<a id="d0e6221src" href="#d0e6221" class="noteref">27</a> was the next arrival, and as he was one of the spirits who was supposed to have caused the patient's illness, his visit was +of considerable importance. He was presented with a spear and prepared betel-nut. The latter was attached to the point of +the weapon, and this was pressed against the body of the pig, then the spirit touched each member of the family in order to +drive the sickness from them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6224">Mamonglo ordered the family under a white blanket, and then <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6226"></a>Page 336</span>touched the head of each person with a lead sinker, while his companion spirit waved a bundle of rice and a firebrand over +them, “To take away the sickness which they had sent.” Six other spirits came long enough to drink, then Bisangolan occupied +the attention of all for a time. He is an old man, a giant who lives near the river, and with his head-axe keeps the trees +and driftwood from jamming, and thus prevents floods. For quite a time he chatted about himself, then finally blew smoke over +the people, at the same time assuring them that the sickness would now vanish like the smoke. Just before departing he informed +the family that a spirit named Imalbi had caused the trouble in the patient's eyes, and that on the next morning they must +build a little house, called <i>balitang</i>, among the banana trees, and place in it a live chicken. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6231">Gayangayan, a female spirit from Lagayan, followed, rubbed the head of each person, blew smoke over them, and then announced +thus: “The people of Layogan<a id="d0e6233src" href="#d0e6233" class="noteref">28</a> must not close their doors when it rains, or it will stop.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6236">The attitude of the people toward the weaker and less important spirits was well shown when Ambayau, a wild female spirit, +arrived. She demanded to know where she could secure heads, and immediately the people began to tell her all sorts of impossible +places, and made jests about her and her family. Finally they told her to take the head of a certain Christianized native; +but she refused, since she had short hair, and it would be hard for her to carry the skull. While she was still talking, the +men started to carry the pig from the room, but she detained them, to explain that the people cut the meat into too large +pieces, for “we spirits eat only so much,” indicating a pinch. The spirit Soyau came for a drink, and then all the people +went out to the <i>tangpap</i>, where the pig was killed, singed, and cut up. A small pig was laid beside the <i>pala-an</i>, and for a time was guarded by the son of the sick woman, who for this event had placed the notched chicken-feathers in his +hair, and had put on bracelets of boar's tusks. As soon as she had finished at the <i>tangpap</i>, the medium came to the <i>pala-an</i>, and having recited the proper <i>dīam</i> over the pig lying there, ordered it killed in the manner already described for this structure (cf. p. 329). Both animals +were then cooked, and soon all the guests were eating, drinking and jesting. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6253">Late in the afternoon, the spirit mat was spread in the yard near to the <i>tangpap</i>, and the mediums began summoning the spirits. The <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6258"></a>Page 337</span>first to come was Mamabᴇyan, an Igorot spirit for whom the people showed the utmost contempt. They guyed him, threw dirty +water on his body, and in other ways insulted him, until in his fury he tried to climb the house posts to punish a group of +girls, the worst offenders, but men and women rushed up with sticks and clubs, and drove him back. After a time he calmed +down, and going to a bound pig, he addressed it as “a pretty lady,” and tried to caress it. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6260">While this clown spirit was amusing the crowd, a second medium brought out ten coconut shells, one of which was filled with +blood and rice. These she placed on a winnower, which in turn was set on a rice-mortar. Soon the spirit Ilongbósan entered +her body, and commanded the son of the patient to take some of the blood and rice from the one dish, place it in all the others, +and then put it back again, “for when the spirits make a man sick, they take part of his life, and when they make him well, +they put it back. So the boy takes a part of the blood and rice away, and gives it to the spirits, then puts it back.” The +spirit was followed, by Gīlen, who bade the lad take hold of one side of the winnower, while he held the other. Raising it +in the air, they danced half way round the mortar, then retraced their steps. “This is because the spirits only partially +took the life away. Now they put it back.” As they finished dancing, Gīlen struck his spear against the boy's head-axe and +departed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6262">The medium, now with her own personality, leaned a shield against the rice-mortar, and in the Λ thus formed she hung a small +bundle of rice and a burning cord, while over the whole she spread a fish net. Scarcely had she completed this task, when +she was possessed by the spirit of Kibáyen, this being walked round and round the net, seeking for an opening, but without +success. Later the medium explained, “The rice and fire represent the woman's life, which the spirit wishes to take; but she +cannot, since she is unable to pass through the fish net.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6264">The next visitor was Yangayang, who began to boast of his power to make persons ill. Suddenly the medium fell to the ground +in convulsions, and then stretched out in a dead faint. The writer examined her closely, but could not detect her breathing. +After a moment, the second medium seized a rooster and waved it over the prostrate form, while an old man gave a sharp stroke +on a gong close to her head. The medium awoke from her faint and thus “the death was frightened away.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6266">Mamonglo, who had been present during the morning, returned for a moment to again rub the family and guests with his lead +sinker. <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6268"></a>Page 338</span>While he was thus engaged, the second medium was possessed by Baniyat, a female who made a bit of fun by trying to steal the +beads of the young girls, “so the men would love her.” Several times she tried to scale the house ladder, but was always repulsed, +and each failure was greeted with jeers and ridicule. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6270">Gomogopos, who causes stomach troubles, came, and after dancing before the rice-mortar, demanded that a small pig be laid +before the <i>tangpap</i>. Scarcely had the animal been deposited, when the spirit seized a head-axe and cut it in two at one blow. Then he dipped +the weapon in its blood and applied it to the stomach of each member of the family. “The pig is his pay, and now he takes +away his kind of sickness.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6275">The second medium secured a live rooster, and using its wings as a brush, she took up the blood and the two halves of the +pig, and put them in the <i>tangpap</i>. “The rooster is the spirits' brush, and when the dirt In front of the <i>tangpap</i> is cleaned up, then the people will be clean and well inside their bodies.” At the command of the medium, the husband of +the patient went to the opposite side of the <i>tangpap</i>; then she threw a bundle of rice over the structure to him. He caught it, and immediately threw it back. This was repeated +six times, but on the seventh the bundle lighted on the roof, where it was allowed to remain. “The spirit threw away the lives +of the people, but the man returned them. The bundle is now on the <i>tangpap</i>, so now the people's lives will remain safe.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6289">An unnamed spirit was next to appear, and at his command the fore part of the pig was stood upright in the winnower, and a +stick was placed in each nostril. These were seized by the spirit, who pumped them up and down, then withdrew them, and stroked +each member of the family, while he chanted, “I did this to your lives, so now I must do it to you.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6291">Saking, a lame spirit, called for one of the pig's legs, and with it rubbed the limbs of each member of the family, “so that +they will not become ill in their legs.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6293">One of the mediums now became possessed by Mangamian, who carried a feather which he used as a fighting knife. The onlookers +seized similar weapons and defended themselves, or drove the spirit away by threatening him with a small dog. A fire had been +built near the <i>tangpap</i>, and from time to time the spirit would rush up to this, thrust his feather into the flames, and then put it into his mouth. +Later it was explained, “He is an evil spirit who tries to kill people. The feather is his bolo. He is like a blacksmith, +and when his knife gets <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6298"></a>Page 339</span>dull, he puts it in the fire, then puts it in his mouth to wet it, so as to make it ring.” Three spirits now appeared in quick +succession, and discussed with the old men the advisability of adopting the Americans<a id="d0e6300src" href="#d0e6300" class="noteref">29</a> as Īpogau. Finally the leader Ilabdangan called them to the mat before him and told them their names, and also recited a +list of their relations. Then, filling a coconut shell with <i>basi</i>, he drank half and presented the shell to each candidate, who had to drain it to the last drop. A circle was formed, and +for the balance of the afternoon the new members of the tribe had to dance <i>tadek</i> with their relations. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6309">Just before dusk, the Igorot spirit Daliwáya, who had been present the night before, appeared and demanded that the American +give her cloth for her clout. When she received this, she sang and then instructed the men how to dance in Igorot fashion. +When finally they were doing her bidding, she danced beside them with outstretched arms in the manner of the Igorot women. +Later, when the medium was again herself, we questioned her concerning her knowledge of this dance, but she professed absolute +ignorance. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6311">That evening the people danced <i>tadek</i>, for a short time, near to the <i>pala-an</i>, then a fire was built beside the <i>tangpap</i>, and by its light the visitors danced <i>da-eng</i> until far into the night (cf.p. 440). + +</p> +<p id="d0e6325">Early the next morning, the men went to some banana trees near to a rice granary, and there constructed a little spirit house, +which resembled the <i>pala-an</i>, except that it was only about four feet high. This was called <i>balitang</i>, and was made in fulfilment of the orders given by the spirit Imalbi on the previous evening. When it was finished, the medium +placed a dish of broken rice on it, and then tied a rooster with a belt close enough, so that the fowl could eat of the rice. +Returning to the dwelling, she took down a small shield which was attached to the wall, placed new leaves and a dish of oil +on it. Then as she stirred the oil, she sang the <i>Talatal</i> (Plate <a id="d0e6336" href="#d0e11749">XXXII</a>). The significance of this song, which consists only of mentioning the names of prominent men of various villages, seems +to be lost. The <i>kalang</i>, or spirit box, was then redecorated, food was dropped through the slits in the floor for visiting spirits, and finally the +medium held the shield over the heads of the family, beat upon it with a head-axe, while <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6342"></a>Page 340</span>in a loud voice she asked the spirits that, since the family was now celebrating <i>tangpap</i>, they would please make them well again. The shield was fastened to the wall, new offerings of <i>basi</i> were placed in the <i>kalang</i>, and after it had been swung over the head of the patient, it was again fastened above the house beam near to the roof. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6353">For the next hour the mediums summoned spirits to them. The first five had little of interest to offer, except that each demanded +that his liquor be served to him on a head-axe. When the spirit Amangau arrived, he spent the time boasting of his head-hunting +exploits; he told of how he had gone to one village, and had killed all the people, except one pregnant woman, and of the +dance which followed. Finally he claimed the credit of having killed a man who had recently died in Manabo, and assured the +people that his friends were then dancing about the head. The spirit Banbanyalan, who followed, disclaimed any part in the +killing just mentioned, but verified the statement of his predecessor. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6355">Tomakdeg came, and after filling his mouth with rice, blew it out over the people, in the same way that the sickness was to +be spit out. Meanwhile Bebeka-an, armed with a wooden spoon, tried to dig up the floor and the people on it, “for that is +the way she digs up sickness.” Awa-an, a spirit of the water, came to inform the people that the spirit of a man recently +drowned was just passing the house. Everything else was abandoned for a few moments, while <i>basi</i> was poured out of the window, so that the dead might receive drink. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6360">Two female spirits, Dalimayawan and Ginlawan, came at the same time and danced together, while they informed the people of +their beauty and their expertness in dancing. Suddenly they stopped, and said that Andayau, the mother of Lakgangan, was near +by; then they instructed the host that he should wrap a gourd in a cloth and tell Andayau that it was her son's head, and +that he had been killed, because he had stolen carabao. Scarcely had the two visitors departed, when the mother appeared, +and being informed of her son's death, she began to wail, “He is lost. No one works the fields, where we planted calabasa. +Lakgangan is lost, he who has been killed. Why did you go to steal carabao? We have put Lakgangan in a hammock; we take him +to Tomakdang. The <i>basi</i> put out for Lakgangan is good. He is lost whom they went to kill. Lakgangan is lost. We take him to Tomakdang.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6365">The song was interrupted by a head-hunting spirit, who demanded the heads of two visiting girls from Patok, but she finally +went away satisfied with a piece of cloth which they gave her. Blood and oil were <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6367"></a>Page 341</span>sprinkled liberally over the ground and the gathering broken up for the morning. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6369">All the forenoon, a small group of men and women, had been constructing a small covered bamboo raft, and had placed in it +a sack of rice, which had been contributed by all the people.<a id="d0e6371src" href="#d0e6371" class="noteref">30</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e6377">By four o'clock a large number of people had gathered in the yard near the house, and soon the spirit mats were spread on +an old bedstead, and the mediums started again to summon the superior beings. The first two to appear were Esteban from Cagayan +and Maria from Spain. They wore gay handkerchiefs about their shoulders, and when they danced, gave an imitation of the Spanish +dances now seen among the Christianized natives of the coast. It was quite evident that these foreign spirits were not popular +with the people, and they were distinctly relieved when Mananáko replaced them. This spirit has the reputation of being a +thief, and the guests had great sport preventing him from stealing the gifts intended for other spirits. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6379">In the midst of this revelry, the other medium was suddenly possessed by Kadaklan—the supreme being. The laughter and jesting +ceased, and breathlessly the people listened, while the most powerful being said, “I am Kadaklan. Here in this town where +I talk, you must do the things you ought to do. I hear what you say you desire, and I see what you are able to do. Something +ill will befall you unless you quickly celebrate <i>Sagobay</i> (cf. p. 324), when there are no strangers or Christians in your town. Where is the <i>basi</i> which should have been in the place where I first came?”<a id="d0e6389src" href="#d0e6389" class="noteref">31</a> Without awaiting an answer he vanished, and his wife Agᴇmᴇm took his place and repeated his remarks with little variation. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e6395">Sopo, a gambler, next appeared and tossed handfuls of coins into a blanket. He stated that if heads came up, the people won +and would have good health, but if they lost, their lives were his. As soon as he threw, the people rushed up, and if they +saw any tails they were quickly turned, and the spirit was informed that he had lost. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6397">Kīmat, lightning, came and demanded a drink, which was given. As he is usually considered as a dog, the writer inquired why +he had appeared as a man, but was rewarded only by a shrug of the shoulders and the word—<i>kadauyan</i> (“custom”). +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6402"></a>Page 342</span></p> +<p id="d0e6403">Another spirit, Andeles, quickly replaced lightning, and with Sopo danced on the spirit raft, while the old men put dishes +of water and coins inside, and fastened a small live chicken to the roof. The people then tried to induce the spirits to leave, +but they refused. Suddenly they were flung aside, and two strong men seized the raft and started to run with it. Immediately +the two spirits gave chase and fought viciously all who tried to get in their way, but when, finally, their opponents were +joined by an old woman carrying a bundle of burning rice straw and an old man beating a drum, they gave up the chase and vanished. +The party proceeded on to the Abra river, where they waded out into deep water and set the raft afloat (Plate <a id="d0e6405" href="#d0e11719">XXVI</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e6408">That evening the guests danced <i>da-eng</i>, and the ceremony was over. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6413">Throughout the three days, the mediums had been constantly drinking of <i>basi</i>, and while under the strain of the ceremony, they had not appeared intoxicated, but at its conclusion both were hopelessly +drunk. The payment for the service was one half of the largest pig, unthreshed rice, and about two pesos in money, which was +given in exchange for the beads which different spirits had demanded. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6418">Kalangan.—In Manabo and the villages of that vicinity a period of about seven years elapses between the building of <i>tangpap</i> and the celebration of <i>Kalangan</i>, but in most of the valley towns the latter ceremony follows <i>Pala-an</i> after two or three years.<a id="d0e6429src" href="#d0e6429" class="noteref">32</a> The ceremony is so similar to the <i>Tangpap</i> just described that only the barest outline will be given here. The chief difference in the two is the type of structure +built for the spirits. <i>Kalangan</i> has four supporting timbers to which the flooring is lashed, and from which kingposts go to ridge poles. A bamboo frame rests +on this and, in turn, supports an overhanging grass roof (Plate <a id="d0e6441" href="#d0e11704">XXIII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e6444">The procedure is as follows: Late in the afternoon, all the necessary articles are brought to the house, then the mediums +dance for a time to the music of the <i>tongátong</i>. <i>Basi</i> is served to the guests, and for an hour or more the spirits are summoned. Next morning the <i>kalangan</i> is built, and two pigs are sacrificed beside it. Their blood mixed with oil is offered to the spirits, and many acts, such +as distributing the rice into ten dishes and then replacing it in the original container, the churning of sticks in the nose +of a slaughtered animal and the like, are performed. Spirits are summoned in the afternoon, and in the evening <i>da-eng</i> is danced. On the third day new offerings are placed <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6458"></a>Page 343</span>on the spirit shield and hanger; offerings are made at the new structure, numerous spirits appear, talk to and amuse the people, +and finally <i>da-eng</i> is danced until late evening. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6463">Following the ceremony, all members of the family are barred from work for about one month. They may not eat the meat of the +wild carabao, wild hog, beef, eels, nor may they use peppers in their food. Wild fowl are barred for a period of one year. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e6465"><i>Kalangan</i> is much more widespread than either <i>Tangpap</i> or the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony, and this spirit structure is often found in villages, where the other great ceremonies are lacking. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6475"><span class="smallcaps">Sayang</span>.—The greatest of all the ceremonies is the <i>Sayang</i>, the ability to celebrate which proclaims the family as one of wealth and importance. In most cases the right is hereditary, +but, as already indicated, a person may gain the privilege by giving, in order, and through a term of years, all the minor +ceremonies. In such circumstances <i>Sayang</i> follows <i>Kalangan</i> after a lapse of from four to eight years. Otherwise the ceremony will be held about once in seven years, or when the spirit +structure known as <i>balaua</i> is in need of repairs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6491">Originally this appears to have been a seventeen-day ceremony, as it still is in Manabo, Patok, Lagangilang, and neighboring +villages, but in San Juan, Lagayan, Danglas, and some other settlements it now lasts only five or seven days. However, even +in those towns where it occupies full time, the first twelve days are preliminary in nature. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6493">On the first day, the mediums go to the family dwelling and take great pains to see that all forbidden articles are removed, +for wild ginger, peppers, shrimps, carabao flesh, and wild pork are tabooed, both during the ceremony and for the month following. +The next duty is to construct a woven bamboo frame known as <i>talapitap</i> on which the spirits are fed, and to prepare two sticks known as <i>dakidak</i>, one being a thin slender bamboo called <i>bolo</i>, the other a reed. These are split at one end, so they will rattle when struck on the ground, and thus call the attention +of the spirit for whom food is placed on the rack. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6504">That evening a fire is built in the yard, and beside it the mediums dance <i>da-eng</i> alone. Meanwhile a number of women gather in the yard and pound rice out of the straw. This pounding of rice continues each +evening of the first five days. The first night they beat out ten bundles, the second, twenty, and so on, until they clean +fifty on the fifth day. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6509">Little occurs during the second and third days, but on these evenings the young men and girls join the mediums and dance <i>da-eng</i> by <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6514"></a>Page 344</span>the fire in the yard. The fourth and fifth nights are known as <i>gīnītbᴇt</i> (“dark”), for then no fires are lighted, and the mediums dance alone. It is supposed that the black spirits, those who are +deformed, or who are too shy to appear before the people, will come out at this time and enjoy the ceremony. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6519">Beginning with the sixth day the women pound rice in the early morning. Starting with ten bundles, they increase the number +by ten each day until on the thirteenth morning they pound out eighty bundles. A fire is lighted in the yard on the sixth +day, and is kept burning continuously through the eighth, but the ninth and tenth are nights of darkness. When the fire is +burning, it is a sign for all who wish, to come and dance, and each evening finds a jolly party of young people gathered in +the yard, where they take part in the festivities, or watch the mediums, as they offer rice to the superior beings. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6521">On the eleventh day, a long white blanket (<i>tabing</i>) is stretched across one corner of the room, making a private compartment for the use of visiting spirits. That evening, +as it grows dark, a jar of <i>basi</i> is carried up into the house. All lights are extinguished both in the yard and the dwelling, so that the guests have to grope +their way about. After the liquor is consumed, they go down into the yard, where, in darkness, they join the medium in dancing +<i>da-eng.</i> The twelfth day is known as <i>Pasa-ad</i>—“the building.” During the preliminary days, the men have been bringing materials for use in constructing the great spirit-house +called <i>balaua</i>, and on this morning the actual work is started. In form the <i>balaua</i> resembles the <i>kalangan</i>, but it is large enough to accommodate a dozen or more people, and the supporting posts are trunks of small trees (Plate +<a id="d0e6544" href="#d0e11694">XXI</a>). After the framework is complete, one side of the roof is covered with cogon grass, but the other is left incomplete. Meanwhile +the women gather near by and pound rice in the ceremonial manner described in the <i>Pala-an</i> ceremony (cf. p. 329). + +</p> +<p id="d0e6550">As soon as the building is over for the day, a jar of <i>basi</i> is carried into the structure, a little of the liquor is poured into bamboo tubes and tied to each of the corner poles. The +balance of the liquor is then served to the men who sit in the <i>balaua</i> and play on copper gongs. Next, a bound pig is brought in, and is tied to a post decorated with leaves and vines. Soon the +medium appears, and after placing prepared betel-nut and lime on the animal, she squats beside it, dips her fingers into coconut +oil, and strokes its side, then later dips a miniature head-axe into the oil, and again strokes the animal, while she repeats +a <i>dīam</i>. This is a recital of how in ancient times Kadaklan and Agᴇmᴇn instructed <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6561"></a>Page 345</span>the Tinguian as to the proper method of celebrating the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony.<a id="d0e6566src" href="#d0e6566" class="noteref">33</a> A little later the pig is removed from the <i>balaua</i>, and its throat is cut, first with a metal blade, but the deep, mortal thrust is made with a bamboo spike. The animal is +then singed, but its blood is carefully saved for future use (Plate <a id="d0e6572" href="#d0e11754">XXXIII</a>). While all this is taking place, the men in the <i>balaua</i> drink <i>basi</i> and sing <i>dalengs</i> in which they praise the liberality of their hosts, tell of the importance of the family, and express hope for their continued +prosperity. As they sing, the chief medium goes from one to another of the guests, and after dipping a piece of lead in coconut +oil, holds it to their nostrils as a protection against evil. When finally the pig has been singed and scraped, it is again +brought into the <i>balaua</i>, and its body is opened by a transverse cut at the throat and two slits lengthwise of its abdomen. The intestines are removed +and placed in a tray, but the liver is carefully examined for an omen. If the signs are favorable, the liver is cooked and +is cut up, a part is eaten by the old men, and the balance is attached to the corner pole of the spirit structure. The head, +one thigh, and two legs are laid on a crossbeam for the spirits, after which the balance of the meat is cooked and served +with rice to the guests. That evening many friends gather in the yard to dance <i>da-eng</i>, to drink <i>basi</i>, or to sing <i>daleng</i>. According to tradition, it was formerly the custom to send golden betel-nuts to invite guests whom they wished especially +to honor.<a id="d0e6596src" href="#d0e6596" class="noteref">34</a> Nowadays one or more leading men from other villages may be especially invited by being presented with a bit of gold, a golden +earring or bead. When such a one arrives at the edge of the yard, he is placed in a chair, is covered with a blanket, and +is carried to the center of the dancing space by a number of women singing <i>dīwas</i> (cf. p. 452). At frequent intervals the merry-making is interrupted by one of the mediums who places the <i>talapitap</i> on the ground, puts rice and water on it, and then summons the spirits with the split sticks. Once during the evening, she +places eight dishes and two coconut shells of water on the rack. Reaching into one of the dishes which contains rice, she +takes out a handful and transfers it, a little at a time, into each of the others, then extracting a few grains from each, she throws it on the ground and sprinkles it with water from the two cups. The remaining rice is +returned to the original holder, and the act is repeated eight times. The significance of this seems to be the same as in +the <i>Tangpap</i> ceremony, where the life of <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6614"></a>Page 346</span>the individual is symbolized by the rice, which is only partially taken away and is again returned. The next act is always +carried out, but its meaning appears to be lost. The eight dishes are filled with rice, and are placed on the frame together +with sixteen coconut shells of water, and eight men and eight women seat themselves on opposite sides. First they eat a little +of the food, then taking a small amount in their fingers, they dip it into the water and place it in the mouth of the person +opposite. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6616">The fourteenth day is known as <i>Palay-lay</i>—“the seasoning”—and during the next twenty-four hours the people remain quietly in the village while the bamboo used in the +<i>balaua</i> “becomes good.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6624">Next day is one of great activity. The roofing of the <i>balaua</i> is completed, all necessary repairs are made to the dwelling, for dire results would follow should any part of the house +break through during the concluding days of the ceremony. The balance of the day is taken up in dancing and in the construction +of the following spirit-houses: the <i>Aligang, Balabago, Talagan, Idasan, Balag, Batog, Alalot, Pangkew</i> and <i>Sogayob</i> (cf. pp. 308–311). Also a little bench is built near the hearth, and on it are placed coconut shell cups and drinks for the +use of the Igorot spirits who usually come this night. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6635">The evening of this day is known as <i>Lībon</i>—“plenty” or “abundance.” Toward nightfall the mediums, and their helpers enter the dwelling and decorate it in a manner already +described for the great ceremonies. Cords cross the room from opposite corners and beneath, where they meet, the medium's +mat is spread. On the cords are hung grasses, flowers, girdles, and wreaths of young coconut leaves. When all is ready, a +small pig is brought into the room, while the men play frantically on their gongs and drums. On the medium's mat are many +articles, <i>alangtīn</i> leaves, a rooster, a branch filled with young betel-nuts, cooked rice moulded into the form of an alligator, but with a wax +head and seeds for eyes, a spear, and a bundle of rice straw. Taking up a dish of water, the medium pours a part of it into +the pig's ear; then, as the animal shakes its head, she again catches it in the dish. Rolling up a mat, she dips it into the +water, and with it touches the heads of all members of the family, for in the same manner that the pig has thrown the water +out of its ear, so in a like fashion will illness and misfortune be thrown from all the family who have been sprinkled with +it. This act finished, the medium dances before the doors and windows, while she waves the chicken, betel-nuts, or other objects +taken from the mat. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6643">At her invitation, the host and his wife join her, but previously they have dressed themselves in good garments, and on their +heads and at <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6645"></a>Page 347</span>their waists they wear girdles and wreaths of <i>alangtīn</i>, or wild grasses. The host is handed a long knife, and is instructed to cut the throat of the pig. His wife takes a rice +winnower and a stick, and going to each window strikes the winnower five times, then drops it to the floor, at the same time +crying, “Wa-hui.” Next, she strikes a jar of liquor with the winnower, then shakes a coconut shell filled with rice against +her abdomen; when finished she is handed a live chicken and again she approaches the jar. Soon she is joined by her husband, +armed with a spear and head-axe. As he passes the liquor, he stamps on the ground, while his wife waves the fowl, and all +this time the medium continues to sprinkle them with a grass brush dipped in water. No explanation is given for the individual +acts, but the purpose of the whole is to drive away sickness, “just as the rooster flaps his wings.” Ten dishes are placed +on the spirit mat, and as the medium sings, she touches each one in turn with a split bamboo; after which she piles the dishes +up and has the host come and squat over them three times. Another sprinkling with water follows this act, and then the medium +swings a bundle of rice and a lighted torch over the head of each member of the family, while she assures them that all evil +spirits will now depart. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6650">The guests go down to the yard, where they are served with liquor, and where they dance <i>da-eng</i> and <i>tadek</i>. On all former occasions, the liquor has been served in shell cups, but on this night a sort of pan-pipe, made of bamboo +tubes, is filled with liquor. The guest drinks from the lowest of the series, and as he does so, the liquor falls from one +to another, so that he really drinks from all at one time. Bamboo tubes attached to poles by means of cords are likewise filled +with <i>basi</i> and served to the dancers. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6661">While the others are enjoying themselves, the mediums and the hosts are attending strictly to the business in hand. Dressed +in their best garments, the husband and wife go to each one of the spirit houses, and touch them with their feet, a circuit +which has to be repeated ten times. Each time as they pass the little porch-like addition, known as <i>sogayob</i>, the mediums sprinkle them with water. When they have completed their task, the mediums spread a mat in front of the pig, +which lies below the <i>sogayob</i>, and on it they dance, pausing now and then to give the animal a vicious kick or to throw broken rice over it. And so the +night is passed without sleep or rest for any of the principals in the ceremony. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6669">The sixteenth day is <i>Kadaklan</i>,—“the greatest.” Soon after daybreak, the people accompany the medium to the guardian stones near <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6674"></a>Page 348</span>the gate of the village, and watch her in silence, while she anoints the head of each stone with oil, and places a new yellow +bark band around its “neck.” As soon as she finishes, the musicians begin to play vigorously on their gongs and drums, while +two old men kill a small pig and collect its blood. The carcass is brought to the medium, who places it beside four dishes, +one filled with <i>basi</i>, one with salt, one with vinegar, and the last with the pig's blood. She drinks of the liquor, dips her fingers in coconut +oil, and strokes the pig's stomach, after which it is cut up in the usual manner. The liver is studied eagerly, for by the +markings on it the fate of the host can be foretold. Should the signs be unfavorable, a chicken will be sacrificed in the +hope that the additional offering may induce the spirits to change their verdict; but if the omens are good, the ceremony +proceeds without a halt. The intestines and some pieces of meat are placed on the <i>ansi-silit,</i>—a small spirit frame or table near the stones. The host, who has been watching from a distance, is summoned, and is given +a piece of the flesh to take back to his house for food, and then the rest of the meat is cooked and served to the guests. +But before anything is eaten, the medium places prepared betel-nuts before the stones, mixes blood with rice, and scatters +it broadcast, meanwhile calling the spirits from near and far to come and eat, and to go with her to the village, where she +is to continue the ceremony. As the company approaches the <i>balaua</i>, the musicians begin to beat on their gongs, while women in the yard pound rice in ceremonial fashion. When they have finished, +the family goes up into the <i>balaua</i> and dances to the music of the gongs until the medium bids them stop. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6688">The pig which has been lying in front of the <i>sogayob</i>, and another from the yard, are killed, and are laid side by side near to the <i>balaua</i> in a spot indicated by the medium. She places a bamboo tube of water between them, on their backs she lays several pieces +of prepared betel-nut, then strokes their sides with oiled fingers. Her next duty is to sprinkle <i>basi</i> from the jar onto the ground with a small head-axe, at the same time calling the spirits to come and drink. (Plate <a id="d0e6699" href="#d0e11759">XXXIV</a>). A bundle which has been lying beside the animals is opened, and from it the medium takes a red and yellow headband with +chicken feathers attached, and boar's tusk armlets. These she places on the host, then hands him a blanket. Holding the latter +in his outstretched arms, as he would do if dancing <i>tadek</i>, he squats repeatedly over a dish of water. As he finishes, the medium takes the tube of water from between the pigs, and +pouring a little of it on her hand, she applies it to the abdomen of the man's wife and children. <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6705"></a>Page 349</span>The animals are now cooked in yard, while a quantity of rice is made ready in the house. During the preparation of the meal, +the musicians play incessantly, but as the food is brought out, they cease and join the others in the feast. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6707">It is late in the afternoon before much activity is again manifest. At first a few gather and begin to dance <i>tadek</i>; little by little others come in until by nightfall the yard is full. <i>Basi</i> is served to all, and soon, above the noisy laughter of the crowd, is heard the voice of some leading man singing the <i>daleng</i>. The visitors listen respectfully to the song and to the reply, then resume the music and dancing. After a time a huge fire +is built in the yard, and by the flickering light two lines of boys and girls or older people will form to sing and dance +the <i>daeng.</i><a id="d0e6720src" href="#d0e6720" class="noteref">35</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e6732">On the morning of the seventeenth day, the men kill two pigs, usually by chasing them through the brush and spearing them +to death. They are prepared in the usual way, and are placed, one in the <i>balaua</i>, the other in the <i>sogayob</i>, where they are cut up. A bit of the flesh is left in each structure, the fore half of one animal is carried into the yard, +but the rest is prepared for food. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6740">On an inverted rice-mortar, in the yard, is placed a jar of <i>basi</i>, notched chicken feathers, and boar's tusks. The man and his wife are summoned before this, are decorated as on the day before, +and are instructed to dance three times around the mortar. While this is going on, a shield and a rice winnower are leaned +against each other so as to form an arch on which lies a sheaf of rice. From the middle hangs a piece of burning wood, while +over all a fish net is thrown. As in a former ceremony (cf. p. 347), the rice and fire represent the life of some member of +the family, which the evil spirits may desire to seize, but they are prevented, since they are unable to pass through the +meshes of the net. Going to the half of the pig, which stands upright in a rice winnower, the medium places a string of beads—agate +and gold—around its neck and attaches bits of gold to its legs. Then she places a thin stick in each nostril and pumps them +alternately up and down, as a smith would work his forge. After a little she removes the plungers, and with them strokes the +bodies of members of the family. Near to the pig stands a dish of water in which the heart is lying. The host goes to this, +removes the heart, and placing it on his head-axe, takes it in front of the animal, where it lies, while he pumps the nostril-sticks +up and down ten times. Meanwhile his wife <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6745"></a>Page 350</span>is decorated with wreathes of leaves and vines; a leaf containing the pig's tail and some of the flesh is placed on her head, +and a spear is put in her left hand. As her husband completes his task, she goes to the mortar, where she finds one dish full +of blood and rice and the empty coconut shells. The rice and blood represent the lives of the family, and following the instructions +of the medium, she takes these lives and places them little by little on the shells, but before all is gone, the medium bids +her return them to the big dish. In a like manner the spirits may take a part of the life of the family, but will return it +again. This act is repeated ten times. Next she takes a piece of woven bamboo, shaped like two triangles set end on end<a id="d0e6747src" href="#d0e6747" class="noteref">36</a>, and goes to the <i>batog</i>, where her daughter sits under a fish-net holding a similar “shield.” They press these together, and the mother returns to +the mortar eight times. The mediums who have gathered beneath the <i>sogayob</i> begin to sing, while one of them beats time with a split bamboo stick. At the conclusion of the song, one of them offers +<i>basi</i> to the spirits and guests, and then placing a bundle of green leaves on the ground, she pours water over it, while the host +and his wife are made to tramp in the mud. The man is now carrying the spear, while the woman holds a cock in one hand, and +an empty dish in the other. As they are stamping on the damp leaves, old women stand near by showering them with rice and +water. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6759">Since early morning a dog has been tied at the end of the house. It is now brought up to the bundle of leaves, and is knocked +on the head with a club, its throat is cut, and some of its blood is applied with a head-axe to the backs of the man and woman. +More water is poured on the bundle, again they tramp in the mud, and again they are showered with rice and water. The man +goes to one side of the <i>balaua</i>, and throws a bundle of rice over it to his wife, who returns it eight times. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6764">A strange procession now forms and winds its way to the stream. In the lead is the host armed with spear, shield, and head-axe; +next comes the medium carrying the bamboo rack—<i>talapitap</i>—like a shield, and the split bamboo—<i>dakidak</i>—as a spear; next is an old woman with a coconut shell dish, then another with a bundle of burning rice straw; behind her +is the wife followed by a man who drags the dead dog. They stop outside of the village, while the medium hides the rack and +split bamboo near the trail. Soon the man with the dog leaves the line and drags the animal to a distant tree, where he ties +it in the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6772"></a>Page 351</span>branches. As they arrive at the stream, the people pause, while the medium holds the shell cup beside the burning straw, and +recites a <i>dīam</i>. The writer tried on two occasions to get this <i>dīam</i>, but it was given so low and indistinctly that its full content was not secured, neither was it possible to get the medium +to repeat it after the ceremony. From what was heard it seems probable it is the <i>dawak dīam</i>,<a id="d0e6783src" href="#d0e6783" class="noteref">37</a> a guess made more probable by the killing of the dog and the bathing which follows. As soon as the medium finishes, the whole +party disrobes and bathes. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6786">Upon their return to the village, they are met by a company of men and boys who assail them by throwing small green nuts. +The host secures the spirit rack which the medium had hidden, and with it attempts to ward off the missiles. Despite this +show of hostility, the company proceeds to the <i>sogayob</i>, where the man and his wife wash their faces in water containing pieces of coconut leaves. During all the morning a number +of women have been preparing food, and this is now served to the guests, a considerable company of whom have collected. Late +in the afternoon, all the spirits are remembered in a great offering of food. A framework is constructed in the yard,<a id="d0e6791src" href="#d0e6791" class="noteref">38</a> and on it are placed eggs, meat, fish, rice cakes, sugar, betel-nut, tobacco, <i>basi</i>, and rice mixed with blood. After allowing the superior beings a few moments to finish their repast, the viands are removed, +and from then until sunset all the guests dance <i>tadek</i>. As darkness comes, a great fire is lighted in the yard, and within the circle of its light the company gathers, while the +more important men sing <i>daleng</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6803">In some of the villages men gather the next morning to do any necessary work on the <i>balaua</i>, and then the mediums celebrate the <i>dawak</i>,<a id="d0e6811src" href="#d0e6811" class="noteref">39</a> which always forms a part of this ceremony. In Manabo the <i>dawak</i> follows after an interval of three days. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6820">This great and final event is so much like the procedure which makes up the <i>Tangpap</i> ceremony that it seems necessary to give it only in skeleton form, adding explanations whenever they appear to be necessary. +In the <i>balaua</i> is spread a mat covered with gifts for the spirits who are expected. Here also is the spirit shield from the dwelling, and +a great heap of refuse made up of the leaves, vines and other articles used in the preceding days. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6828"></a>Page 352</span></p> +<p id="d0e6829">When all is ready, a medium seats herself by the mat, dips oil from a shallow dish with a small head-axe, and lets it drip +onto the ground; then she does the same with <i>basi</i>, and finally strokes a rooster which lies beside the jar, all the while reciting the proper <i>dīam</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6837">Taking the spirit shield, which belongs in the dwelling, she puts oil at each corner, and then touches the heads of all the +family with it. Beads and betel-leaf are added, and the shield is carried to the house, where it is again fastened to the +wall, as a testimony to all passing spirits that the ceremony has been made, and food provided for them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6839">The time has now arrived for the spirits to appear. Seating herself beside the mat, the medium strikes on a plate with her +shells or a piece of lead, and then starts her song. She rubs her hands together with a revolving motion, swings her arms, +and begins to tremble from head to foot. Suddenly she is possessed by a spirit, and under his direction holds oil to the nostrils +of the host, and beats him with a small whip of braided betel-leaf. This done, she drinks for the spirit, and it departs. +Again she sings, and again she is possessed. One spirit takes the rooster, and with its wings cleans up the rubbish in the +<i>balaua</i> and in the yard, empties it in a tray, and orders it taken from the village. In the same way all sickness and misfortune +will be removed from the settlement. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6844">Several spirits follow, and as the morning wears on, the medium becomes more and more intense. The muscles of her neck and +the veins of her forehead stand out like cords, while perspiration streams from her bod. Taking a shield and head-axe in her +hand, she does a sort of muscle dance, then goes to each member of the family, and strikes the weapons together over their +heads; from them she goes to the doors and windows, and strikes at them with the axe. Finally she returns to the mat, balances +a cup of <i>basi</i> on the weapon, and causes the host to drink. Another attack on the doors follows, and then in exhaustion she sinks beside +the mat. After a short rest, she dips beads in oil, and with them touches the heads of the family. The musicians strike up +a lively tattoo at this point, and again seizing her weapons, the medium dances in front of the spirit shield. Going to the +rooster on the mat, she cuts off a part of its comb, and presses the bloody fowl against the back or leg of each person in +the room. The spirit drinks and disappears. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6849">The next visitor dances with the host, and then wrestles with him, but upon getting the worst of the match takes leave. As +in the <i>Tangpap</i>, large number of minor beings call for a moment or two and <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6854"></a>Page 353</span>pass on. One spirit places the family beneath a blanket, cuts a coconut in two above their heads, and first allows the water +to run over them; then finally the halves are allowed to drop. She waves burning rice-straw above them, and removes the blanket. +It is explained that the water washes all evil away, and that as the shells fall from the family, so will sickness leave them. +Evil spirits are afraid of the fire, and leave when the burning rice-straw is waved about the blanket. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6859">As a final act the members of the family are instructed to hold, in their hands the head-axe, chicken feathers, agate beads, +and other articles, and then to mount the rice-mortar in the yard. Soon one or more of the mediums is possessed by spirits, +who rush toward the mortar, and strive to seize the prized objects. Before they can accomplish their design, they are met +by old men and women, who fight them off. At last they abandon the attempt and, together with the host and his wife, go to +the edge of the town, where they pick sweet smelling leaves and vines. These they carry back to the village to give to the +guests, and to place in the house and spirit dwellings. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6861">As a final act <i>basi</i> is served to all, and <i>tadek</i> is danced until the guests are ready to return to their homes. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6869">In San Juan they make the spirit raft—<i>taltalabong</i>—as in <i>Tangpap</i>, and set it afloat at sunset. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6877">The mediums are paid off in rice, a portion of the slaughtered animals, beads, one or two blankets, and perhaps a weapon or +piece of money. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6879">During the succeeding month the family is prevented from doing any work, from approaching a dead body, or entering the house +of death. Wild carabao, pig, beef, eels, and wild peppers may not be eaten during this period, and wild chickens are taboo +for one year. + +</p><a id="d0e6881"></a><h2>Special Ceremonies</h2> +<p id="d0e6884">The two ceremonies which follow do not have a wide distribution, neither are they hereditary. They are given at this time +because of their similarity to the great ceremonies just described. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6886"><span class="smallcaps">Pīnasal</span>.—This rather elaborate rite seems to be confined to San Juan and nearby settlements. The right to it is not hereditary, and +any one who can afford the expense involved may celebrate it. However, it usually follows the <i>Sayang</i>, if some member of the family is ill, and is not benefited by that ceremony, for “all the spirits are not present at each +ceremony, and so it may be necessary to give others, until the one who caused the sickness is found.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6893">On the first day the house is decorated as in <i>Tangpap</i> and <i>Sayang;</i> a bound pig is placed beside the door, and over it the mediums recite <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6901"></a>Page 354</span>a <i>dīam</i> and later summon several spirits. Liquor is served to the guests, who dance <i>tadek</i> or sing songs in praise of the family. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6909">Early the next day, the pig is killed and, after its intestines have been removed, it is covered with a colored blanket, and +is carried into the dwelling. Here it is met by the mediums who wave rain coats above the animal, and then wail over the carcass. +“The pig and its covering are in part payment for the life of the sick person. They cry for the pig, so they will not need +to cry for the patient.” Later the pig is cut up and prepared as food, only the head and feet being left for the spirits. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e6911"><i>Gīpas</i>, the dividing, follows. A Chinese jar is placed on its side, and on each end a spear is laid, so that they nearly meet above +the center of the jar. Next a rolled mat is laid on the spears, and finally four beads and a headband are added. The mat then +is cut through the middle, so as to leave equal parts of the headband and two beads on each half. “This shows that the spirit +is now paid, and is separated from the house.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6915">The next act is to stretch a rattan cord across the center of the room and to place on it many blankets and skirts. A man +and a woman, who represent the good spirits Iwaginán and Gimbagon, are dressed in fine garments, and hold in their hands pieces +of gold, a fine spear, and other prized articles. They are placed on one side of the cord, and in front of them stand a number +of men with their hands on each others' shoulders. Now the mediums enter the other end of the room, spread a mat, and begin +to summon the spirits. Soon they are possessed by evil beings who notice the couple representing the good spirits, and seizing +sticks or other objects, rush toward them endeavoring to seize their wealth. When they reach the line of men, they strive +to break through, but to no avail. Finally they give this up, but now attempt to seize the objects hanging on the line. Again +they are thwarted. “If the evil spirits get these things, they will come often, their children will marry, and they also will +harm the family; but if the good beings keep their wealth, their children will marry, and will aid the owner of the house.” + + +</p> +<p id="d0e6917">Later one of the mediums and an old woman count the colors in a fine blanket. Usually there are five colors, so “the spirit +is powerless to injure the people for five years.” Next the couple gamble, but the medium always loses. Finally the spirit +becomes discouraged and departs. The decorations are now taken from the room, and the sick person is carried down to the river +by the members of the family. Arrived at the water's edge, the oldest relative will cut off a dog's <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6919"></a>Page 355</span>head as final payment for the life of the invalid. Since the act is carried on beside the river, the spirits will either witness +the act, or see the blood as it floats away, and hence will not need to visit the town. The rattan cord and vines used in +the dwelling are thrown onto the water for the same reason. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6921">The whole family is covered with a large blanket, and a medium swings a coconut over them, then resting the halves on the +head of each one for a moment, she releases them, meanwhile calling to the spirit, “You see this; this is your share; do not +come any more.” After assuring them that the sickness will now fall away from them, she waves burning <i>cogon</i> grass over their heads while she cries, “Go away, sickness.” The blanket is removed, and the family bathes. While they are +still in the water, the medium takes a spear and shield in her hands, and going to the edge of the stream, she begins to summon +spirits, but all the while she keeps sharp watch of the old man who killed the dog, for he is now armed and appears to be +her enemy. However, she is not molested until she starts toward the village. When quite near to the settlement, she is suddenly +attacked by many people carrying banana stalks which they hurl at her. She succeeds in warding these off, but while she is +thus engaged, an old man runs in and touches her with a spear. Immediately she falls as if dead, and it is several moments +before she again regains consciousness. This attack is made to show the spirit how unwelcome it is, and in hopes that such +bad treatment will induce it to stay away. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6926">After the return of the family to the village, the guests drink <i>basi</i>, sing and dance, and usually several spirits are summoned by the mediums. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6931">The next morning two <i>Pinalásang</i><a id="d0e6935src" href="#d0e6935" class="noteref">40</a> are constructed in the yard. Each supports a plate containing beads, a string of beads is suspended from one of the poles, +and a jar of <i>basi</i> is placed beneath. In front of them the mediums call the spirits, then offer the heart, livers, and intestines, while they +call out, “Take me and do not injure the people.” The final act of the ceremony is to construct the spirit raft <i>taltalabong</i>, load it with food, and set it afloat on the river, “so that all the spirits may see and know what has been done.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e6944">In addition to the regular pay for their services, the mediums divide the jaw of a pig and carry the portions home with them, +as their protection against lightning, and the spirits whose hostility they may have incurred. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6946"></a>Page 356</span></p> +<p id="d0e6947"><span class="smallcaps">Binikwau</span>.—This ceremony, like the one just described, seems to be limited to the San Juan region, and is given under similar circumstances. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6951">The room is decorated as usual, and a bound pig is laid in the center. This is known as “the exchange,” since it is given +in place of the patient's life. Two mediums place betel-nut on the animal, then stroke it with oil, saying, “You make the +liver favorable,” i.e., give a good omen. After a time they begin summoning the spirits, and from then until late evening +the guests divide their time between the mediums and the liquor jars. Soon all are in a jovial mood, and before long are singing +the praises of their hosts, or are greeting visiting spirits as old time friends. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6953">The pig is killed early next morning, and its liver is eagerly examined to learn whether or no the patient is destined to +recover. A part of the flesh is placed on the house rafters, for the use of the spirits, while the balance is cooked and served. +Following the meal, the gongs and drums are brought up into the house, and the people dance or sing until the mediums appear, +ready to summon the spirits. The first to come is Sabī́an, the guardian of the dogs. He demands that eight plates and a coconut +shell be filled with blood and rice; another shell is to be filled with uncooked rice, in which a silver coin is hidden; and +finally a bamboo dog-trough must be provided. When his demands are met, he begins to call, “Come, my dogs, come and eat.” +Later the blood and rice are placed in the trough, and are carried to the edge of the town, where they are left. This done, +the spirit pierces the pig's liver with a spear and, placing it on a shield, dances about the room. Finally, stopping beside +the mat, he lays them on the patient's stomach. The next and final act is to scrape up a little of the liver with a small +head-axe, and to place this, mixed with oil, on the sick person. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6955">On the third and last day, the medium leads a big dog to the edge of the village, and then kills it with a club. A piece of +the animal's ear is cut off, is wrapped in a cloth, and is hung around the patient's neck as a protection against evil, and +as a sign to all spirits that this ceremony has been held. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6957">Throughout the rest of the day many spirits visit the mediums, and at such a time Kakalonan is sure to appear to give friendly +advice. The final act is to set the spirit raft afloat on the stream. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6959"></a>Page 357</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5361" href="#d0e5361src" class="noteref">1</a> For the <i>dīam</i> recited at this time, see Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5375" href="#d0e5375src" class="noteref">2</a> More frequently the medium uses a piece of lead or one of the shells of her <i>pīling</i> for this purpose. In many villages the medium, while calling the spirits, wears one head-band for each time the family has +made this ceremony. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5404" href="#d0e5404src" class="noteref">3</a> Had they not possessed a <i>balaua</i>, they would have made this offering in the dwelling. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5473" href="#d0e5473src" class="noteref">4</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. I, pp. 178–179. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5519" href="#d0e5519src" class="noteref">5</a> The <i>sagang</i> is the sharpened pole, which was passed through the <i>foramen magnum</i> of a captured skull. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5545" href="#d0e5545src" class="noteref">6</a> Female spirits, who always stay in one place. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5591" href="#d0e5591src" class="noteref">7</a> See Tradition of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 178. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5618" href="#d0e5618src" class="noteref">8</a> This <i>dīam</i> is sometimes repeated for the <i>saloko</i> (see p. 319). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5645" href="#d0e5645src" class="noteref">9</a> Known as Palasód in Bakaok. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5657" href="#d0e5657src" class="noteref">10</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 175. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5694" href="#d0e5694src" class="noteref">11</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 174. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5697" href="#d0e5697src" class="noteref">12</a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, p. 175. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5727" href="#d0e5727src" class="noteref">13</a> In Patok this offering is placed in a <i>saloko</i>, which is planted close to the stream. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5737" href="#d0e5737src" class="noteref">14</a> Known in Ba-ak and Langiden as Dayá, in Patok and vicinity as Komon or Ubaiya. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5764" href="#d0e5764src" class="noteref">15</a> This part of the ceremony is often omitted in the valley towns. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5881" href="#d0e5881src" class="noteref">16</a> <i>Canarium villosum</i> Bl. The resinous properties of this tree are supposed to make bright or clear, to the spirits, that the ceremony has been +properly conducted. According to some informants, the <i>pala-an</i> is intended as a stable for the horse of Īdadaya when he attends the ceremony, but this seems to be a recent explanation. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5956" href="#d0e5956src" class="noteref">17</a> This feeding of the spirits with blood and rice is known as <i>pīsek</i>, while the whole of the procedure about the mortar is called <i>sangba</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e5981" href="#d0e5981src" class="noteref">18</a> This consists of two bundles of rice, a dish of broken rice, a hundred fathoms of thread, one leg of the pig, and a small +coin. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6024" href="#d0e6024src" class="noteref">19</a> Many spirits which appear here and in <i>Sayang</i> are not mentioned in the alphabetical list of spirits, as they play only a local or minor role in the life of the people. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6093" href="#d0e6093src" class="noteref">20</a> The spirit who lives in the <i>sagang</i>, the sharpened bamboo sticks on which the skulls of enemies were displayed. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6128" href="#d0e6128src" class="noteref">21</a> This is of particular interest, as the Tinguian are hostile to the people of this region, and it is unlikely that either of +the mediums had ever seen a native of that region. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6146" href="#d0e6146src" class="noteref">22</a> The name by which the Tinguian designate their own people. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6149" href="#d0e6149src" class="noteref">23</a> The spirits' name for the Tinguian. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6157" href="#d0e6157src" class="noteref">24</a> The term Alzado is applied to the wilder head-hunting groups north and east of Abra. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6187" href="#d0e6187src" class="noteref">25</a> When the <i>tangpap</i> is built during the <i>Sayang</i> ceremony, it is a little house with two raised floors. On the lower are small pottery jars, daubed with white, and filled +with <i>basi</i> (Plate <a id="d0e6198" href="#d0e11689">XX</a>). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6205" href="#d0e6205src" class="noteref">26</a> The <i>talagan</i> (see p. 308). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6221" href="#d0e6221src" class="noteref">27</a> This being lives in Binogan. His brothers are Gīlen, Ilongbosan, Idodosan, Iyangayang, and Sagolo. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6233" href="#d0e6233src" class="noteref">28</a> The site of the old village of Bukay. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6300" href="#d0e6300src" class="noteref">29</a> In addition to the writer and his wife, Lieut. and Mrs. H.B. Rowell were initiated at this time. The Lieutenant had long been +a friend and adviser of the tribe, and was held in great esteem by them. The writer's full name was Agonan Dumalawi, Mrs. +Cole's—Ginobáyan Gimpayan, Lieut. Rowell's—Andonan Dogyawi, and Mrs. Rowell's—Gayankayan Gidonan. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6371" href="#d0e6371src" class="noteref">30</a> This raft is the <i>Taltalabong</i>, and is intended for the sons and servants of Kadaklan. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6389" href="#d0e6389src" class="noteref">31</a> It is customary to place a jar of <i>basi</i> under or near the house, so that Kadaklan may drink, before he reaches the function. This offering had been neglected, hence +his complaint. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6429" href="#d0e6429src" class="noteref">32</a> This is the case if a person is just acquiring the right to the ceremony. If the family is already privileged to give this +rite, it will occur in about three years, and <i>Sayang</i> will follow some four years later. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6566" href="#d0e6566src" class="noteref">33</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6596" href="#d0e6596src" class="noteref">34</a> See <i>ibid.</i>, p. 24. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6720" href="#d0e6720src" class="noteref">35</a> In Patok, <i>dīwas</i> is sung as a part of <i>da-eng</i> on the night of <i>Lībon</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6747" href="#d0e6747src" class="noteref">36</a> This is the same form as the “shield,” which hangs above the newborn infant (p. 312). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6783" href="#d0e6783src" class="noteref">37</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6791" href="#d0e6791src" class="noteref">38</a> On two occasions an old bedstead of Spanish type served instead of the frame. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6811" href="#d0e6811src" class="noteref">39</a> See p. 315. In some towns the spirits are summoned at different times during the ceremony, as in <i>Tangpap</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6935" href="#d0e6935src" class="noteref">40</a> See under Idasan, p. 309. +</p> +</div><a id="d0e6960"></a><h1>Social Organization. Government. The Village</h1> +<p id="d0e6963">The village is the social unit within which there are no clans, no political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar +with the Igorot town, made up of several <i>ato</i><a id="d0e6967src" href="#d0e6967" class="noteref">1</a> but there is no indication that they have ever had such an institution. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6973">The head of the village is known as <i>lakay</i>. He is usually a man past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him the confidence of his people. He +is chosen by the older men of the village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for cause. It is possible +that, at his death, his son may succeed him, but this is by no means certain. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6978">The <i>lakay</i> is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are brought +to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question +at issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the force of public opinion, but since an offender is +ostracised, until he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is actually very great. Should a <i>lakay</i> deal unjustly with the people, or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from office and another +be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely through +the esteem in which he is held by his people. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6986">In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, +but with the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts +were made to organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers, but these efforts met with little success. +Under American rule local self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been established in many towns. The +contest for office and government recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system and to concentrate +the power in the <i>presidente</i> or mayor. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6991">It is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of one <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e6993"></a>Page 358</span>or more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so strong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical +tables, to trace back the family history five or six generations. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6995">These families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits, or stories of supernatural origin, but the right to +conduct the more important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through both the male and female lines, and inheritance +is likewise through both sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the father's or mother's side, nor are +there other traces of matriarchal institutions. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6997">Families of means attain a social standing above that of their less fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification +of the community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue along many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish +conquest, neither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The wealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact +usury of about fifty per cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting and harvesting, so that the labor +problem is, to a large extent, solved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the workers in the fields and take +their share in all kinds of labor. + +</p> +<p id="d0e6999">The concubines, known as <i>pota</i> (cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain rights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women, but they are in +no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their children may become leaders in Tinguian society. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7004">The only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed of the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the +ceremonial periods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other members of the community. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7006">On three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women, doing women's work, and spending their time with members +of that sex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by accident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent +to talk about them. In Plate <a id="d0e7008" href="#d0e11769">XXXVI</a> is shown a man in woman's dress, who has become an expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is that +he donned women's clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road work, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory +and unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7011">It should be noted that similar individuals have been described from Zambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from +Borneo.<a id="d0e7013src" href="#d0e7013" class="noteref">2</a> It has been suggested, with considerable probability, that <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7030"></a>Page 359</span>at least a part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act as priests, <span class="smallcaps">Roth</span> states that they are unsexed before assuming their roles. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7035"><span class="smallcaps">Laws</span>.—Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the ancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. The <i>lakay</i> and his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees of the past, if that is possible, but when precedent +is lacking, they will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be taken as typical of the laws or customs which +regulate the actions of the people, within a group, toward one another. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7042"><i>Rules governing the family.</i>—A man may have only one wife, but he may keep concubines. If the wife's relatives suspect that a mistress is causing the +husband's affections to wane, they may hold the <i>Nagkakalonan</i> or “trial of affection” (cf. p. 282), and if their charges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount, +and, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is shown that they are not justified in their suspicions, +the expense falls on the accusers. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7049">The wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband, and if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to +complete the marriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on the part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, +justifies the aggrieved in killing one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied by having the marriage gift +returned to him, together with a fine and a decree of divorce. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7051">A man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not a <i>pota</i>, must give the girl's people about one hundred pesos, and must support the infant. Later the child comes into his keeping, +and is recognized as an heir to his estate. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7056">Marriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted sister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with +a second cousin is also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the village; no one would associate with +them, and their children would be disinherited. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7058">A widow may remarry after the <i>Layog</i> ceremony (cf. p. 290), but all the property of her first husband goes to his children. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7063">If a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may be compelled to remain under two blankets, while the +body is in the house (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos to his family. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7065"></a>Page 360</span></p> +<p id="d0e7066">Children must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be no children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7068"><i>Inheritance</i>.—Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian woman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her parents, +hold it through life, and pass it on to her children. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7072">Following the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay up any part of the marriage agreement which may still +be due, and the balance is divided among his children. If there are no children, it is probable that his personal possessions +will go to his father or mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and sisters. However, the old men in +council may decide that the wife is entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her second husband, she cannot +give any part of this property to them, but upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or reverts to the +relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys and girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the +girls their mother's beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest child the largest share, “since he has helped his +parents longest.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e7074">Whatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their married life is divided, and the man's portion is disposed +of, as just indicated. Illegitimate children and those of a <i>pota</i> receive a share of their father's property, but not in the same proportion as the children of the wife. No part of the estate +goes to a concubine unless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide for her, because of sickness or infirmity. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7079"><i>Transfer and sharing of property.</i>—Land and houses are seldom transferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or trade be desired, the parties +to the contract will make the bargain before the <i>lakay</i> and old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast is given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or the buyer. +The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and beads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal +property is purely a matter between the parties concerned. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7086">If a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and labor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals +in the care of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second to the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker +must skin it, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from responsibility, but he is liable for the loss, +theft, or injury to his charges. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7088"><i>Murder and Theft.</i>—The relatives of a murdered man may kill his assailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing, the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7092"></a>Page 361</span>guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars, carabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one +hundred pesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject to a small fine. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7094">The practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered serious crimes, but as they have been treated under +Religion and Magic, they will not be repeated here. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7096"><i>Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette.</i>—Falling outside the realm of law are those things which may be considered right and wrong, but the infraction of which carries +with it no penalty. Lying, for instance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend, but falsifying without +purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating is not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that you are the +smarter man. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7100">It is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to expose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor +with one leg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing or dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until +it has been offered to every one present, especially the elders. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7102">Before eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him, even though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor +should never eat with the wife of another during his absence. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7104">Always call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when the owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. +Never enter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up. Only dogs enter the houses without bathing. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7106"><span class="smallcaps">The Village</span> (Plate <a id="d0e7110" href="#d0e11779">XXXVIII</a>).—A village generally consists of two or three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority of a single <i>lakay</i> or headman. There is no plan or set arrangement for the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house, spirit +structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together, while at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries +and garden plots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement, but in recent years these have disappeared, +and at the time of our visit only one town, Abang, was so protected. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7116">The dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to two types. The first and most common is a single room with +a door at one end opening off from an uncovered porch (Plate <a id="d0e7118" href="#d0e11784">XXXIX</a>). The second consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which is a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There +is seldom an outer door to this entry way, but each room has its own door, and <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7121"></a>Page 362</span>oftentimes windows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have here two houses joined by the covered porch. +In such buildings this entry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7123">In one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the other is the family sleeping-room. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7125">The construction of the dwelling is shown in Plates <a id="d0e7127" href="#d0e11789">XL</a>–<a id="d0e7130" href="#d0e11794">XLI</a>. A number of heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project upward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or +5 feet above the ground, crossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while at the tops are other beams on +which the roof rests. Plate <a id="d0e7133" href="#d0e11789">XL</a> shows the skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is unnecessary. This framework, generally constructed +on the ground, is raised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely woven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo +beaten flat, covers each side of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles of <i>cogon</i> grass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid at the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second +row of thatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering is provided. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7139">Another type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles, removing the sectional divisions and then lashing them to +the framework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs from the ridge pole to a point a few inches below +the framework, so as to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid convex side up, the edges resting +in the concavity of those below, thus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7141">For the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used (Plate <a id="d0e7143" href="#d0e11989">LXXVIII</a>). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a crude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a wall +affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the others are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have +the side walls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks are, or have been until recently, cut out +with knives, head-axes, or adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a dwelling. When completed, it is +less well adapted to the needs of the people than the structures just described, but its possession is a source of gratification +to the owner, and aids in establishing him as a man of affairs in his town. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7146">The floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips of bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between +them. This assists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is swept <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7148"></a>Page 363</span>through the openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is customary to leave one corner to be finished +off in the bamboo slits, and it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This is not compulsory, but it is custom, +and indicates clearly that the planked floor is a recent introduction. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7150">Entrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is raised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are +merely square holes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a bamboo-covered framework which turns in +wooden sockets. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7152">Such a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches, or white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes +find friendly shelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes are encouraged to take up their residence +in the cook room, as their presence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards are always present, and not infrequently +a large lizard makes its home on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7154">The ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and is used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used +as a chicken coop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling, and above the grave are the boxes in which +are placed supplies for the spirits of the deceased. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7156">With some modification this description of the Tinguian house and village would apply to those of the western Kalinga and +the Apayao,<a id="d0e7158src" href="#d0e7158" class="noteref">3</a> and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very different type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring +Igorot.<a id="d0e7167src" href="#d0e7167" class="noteref">4</a> It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any trace of tree dwellings, such as were described by <span class="smallcaps">La Gironière</span><a id="d0e7175src" href="#d0e7175" class="noteref">5</a> at the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses are placed near to the mountain fields, and it is +possible that in times of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge in or near to their villages, but the +old men emphatically deny that they were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales to justify such a belief; +on the contrary, the tales-indicate that the type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times.<a id="d0e7178src" href="#d0e7178" class="noteref">6</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7181"></p> +<div id="d0e7182" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 5.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig05.gif" alt="Household Objects."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Household Objects.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7186"><span class="smallcaps">House Furnishings</span>.—The average house has only one room. Inside the door, at the left, one usually finds the stove, three stones sunk in a box +of ashes or dirt, or a similar device of clay (Fig 5, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7190"></a>Page 365</span>No. 1). Above the fire is suspended a hanger on which are placed dishes and food, in order that they may not be disturbed +by insects. Along the wall stands a small caldron, jars for water and rice, and the large Chinese jars, tke latter as a general +rule heirlooms or marriage gifts. These are sometimes used for <i>basi</i>, but more often they contain broken rice, cotton, or small articles. Above the jars is a rack or hangar on which dishes or +coconut shells are placed. At one end of the room a set of pegs, deer horns, or a cord supports a variety of clothes, blankets, +a woman's switch, and perhaps a man's belt. The sleeping-mats either hang here or occupy a rack of their own. Below the cord +stand chests secured in early years through trade with the Chinese. In these are the family treasures, valuable beads, coins, +blankets, ceremonial objects, and the like. Piled on the boxes is a variety of pillows, for no Tinguian house is complete +without a number of these (Plate <a id="d0e7195" href="#d0e11929">LXVI</a>). The other house furnishings, consisting of a spinning wheel, loom, coconut rasp, and clothes beater (<a id="d0e7198" href="#d0e7182">Fig. 5</a>, No. 10) find space along the other wall. Behind the door, except in the valley towns, stand the man's spear and shield; +above or near the door will be the spirit offering in the form of a small hanger or a miniature shield fastened against the +wall. The center of the floor affords a place for working, eating, and sleeping. If there are small children in the family +a cradle or jumper will be found suspended from a beam or a bamboo pole placed across one corner of the room (cf. p. 272). + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7201">The type of jars made by the Tinguian is shown in <a id="d0e7203" href="#d0e7182">Fig. 5</a>, No. 7, while those of foreign introduction have been fully described in a previous publication.<a id="d0e7206src" href="#d0e7206" class="noteref">7</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7215">The native jars are used both for cooking and as water containers. With them will be found pot rings and lifters. The first +is a simple ring of plaited bamboo, which fits on the head or sets on the floor, and forms a support for the rounded bottom +of the jar. The second (<a id="d0e7217" href="#d0e7182">Figure 5</a>, No. 3) consists of a large rattan loop, which is placed over the neck of the jar. The hands are drawn apart, and the weight +closes the loop, causing it to grip the jar. Long bamboo tubes with sections removed are used as water containers, while smaller +sections often serve as cups or dippers. Gourds are also used in this manner (<a id="d0e7220" href="#d0e5202">Fig. 5</a>, Nos. 8–9). + +</p> +<p id="d0e7223">Food is removed from the jars with spoons and ladles (<a id="d0e7225" href="#d0e7239">Fig. 6</a>) made of wood or coconut shells, but they are never put to the mouth. <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7228"></a>Page 366</span>Meat is cut up into small pieces, and is served in its own juice. The diner takes a little cooked rice in his fingers, and +with this dips or scoops the meat and broth into his mouth. Greens are eaten in the same manner. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7230">Halved coconut shells serve both as cups and as dishes (<a id="d0e7232" href="#d0e7182">Fig. 5</a>, No. 6). Wooden dishes are likewise used, but they are employed chiefly in ceremonies for the feeding of the spirits or to +hold the rice from which a bride and groom receive the augury of the future (<a id="d0e7235" href="#d0e7182">Fig. 5</a>, Nos. 4–5). + +</p> +<p id="d0e7238"></p> +<div id="d0e7239" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 6.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig06.gif" alt="Spoons and Ladles."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Spoons and Ladles.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7243">Baskets, varying considerably in material, size and type, are much used, and are often scattered about the dwelling or, as +in the case of the men's carrying baskets, are hung on pegs set into the walls. Somewhere about the house will be found a +coconut rasp (<a id="d0e7245" href="#d0e7182">Fig. 5</a>, No. 11). When this is used, the operator kneels on the wooden standard, and draws the half coconut toward her over the teeth +of the blade. The inside of the shell is thus cleaned and prepared for use as an eating or drinking dish. Torches or bamboo +lamps formerly supplied the dwellings with light. Lamps consisting of a section of bamboo filled with oil and fitted with +a cord wick are still in use, but for the most part they have been superseded by tin lamps of Chinese <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7248"></a>Page 367</span>manufacture. Oil for them is extracted from crushed seeds of the <i>tau-tau</i> (<i>Jatropha grandulifera</i> Roxb.) + +</p> +<p id="d0e7256">A very necessary article of house furnishing is the fire-making device. In many instances, the housewife will go to a neighboring +dwelling and borrow a light rather than go to the trouble of building a fire, but if that is not convenient, a light may be +secured by one or two methods. The first is by flint and steel, a method which is probably of comparatively recent introduction. +The second and older is one which the Tinguian shares with all the neighboring tribes. Two notches are cut through a section +of bamboo, and tree cotton is placed below them. A second section of bamboo is cut to a sharp edge, and this is rubbed rapidly +back and forth in the notches until the friction produces a spark, which when caught on tinder can be blown into a flame.<a id="d0e7258src" href="#d0e7258" class="noteref">8</a> At the door of the house will be found a foot wiper (<a id="d0e7261" href="#d0e7182">Fig. 5</a>, No. 12) made of rice-straw drawn through an opening cut in a stick, or it may consist of coconut husks fastened together +to make a crude mat, while near by is the broom made of rice-straw or grass. Rice-mortars, pestles, and similar objects are +found beneath the dwellings. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7264"><span class="smallcaps">The Village Spring</span>.—Each village is situated near to a spring or on the banks of a stream. In the latter case deep holes are dug in the sands, +and the water that seeps in is used for household purposes. In the morning, a number of women and girls gather at the springs, +carrying with them the plates and dishes used in the meals, also garments which need to be laundered. The pots and dishes +are thoroughly scoured with sand and water, applied with a bundle of rice-straw or grass. The garments to be washed are laid +in the water, generally in a little pool near to the main spring or beside the stream. Ashes from rice-straw are then mixed +with water and, after being strained through a bunch of grass, are applied to the cloth in place of soap. After being thoroughly +soaked, the cloth is laid on a clean stone, and is beaten with a stick or wooden paddle. The garment is again rinsed, and +later is hung up on the fence near the dwelling to dry. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7268">Before returning to her home, the woman fills her pots with water, and then takes her bath in a pool below the main spring +(Plate <a id="d0e7270" href="#d0e11799">XLII</a>). All garments are removed except the girdle and clout, and then water, dipped up in a coconut shell, is poured on to the +face, shoulders, and body. In some cases sand is applied to the body, and is rubbed in with the hand or a stone; rinsing water +is applied and the garments <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7273"></a>Page 368</span>are put back on without drying the body. Every one, men, women, and children, takes a daily bath, and visitors will always +stop to bathe at the spring or river before entering a village. Promiscuous bathing is common, and is accepted as a matter +of course, but there is no indication of embarrassment or self-consciousness. When she returns to the village, the woman will +often be seen carrying one or two jars of water on her head, her washing under her arm, while a child sets astride her hip +or lies against her back (Plate <a id="d0e7275" href="#d0e11806">XLIII</a>). +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7278"></a>Page 369</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e6967" href="#d0e6967src" class="noteref">1</a> Each with its dormitory for bachelors, and usually for unmarried girls. See <span class="smallcaps">Jenks</span>, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 49 (Manila, 1905). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7013" href="#d0e7013src" class="noteref">2</a> <span class="smallcaps">Combes</span>, Historia de las islas de Mindanao (Madrid, 1667), translated by <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, Vol. XL, p. 160; Vol. XLVII, p. 300. <span class="smallcaps">Ling Roth</span>, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, Vol. II, p. 270, <i>et seq.</i>(London, 1896). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7158" href="#d0e7158src" class="noteref">3</a> For description of these villages, see <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (<i>Am. Anthropologist</i>, Vol. XI, p. 329). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7167" href="#d0e7167src" class="noteref">4</a> See <span class="smallcaps">Jenks</span>, The Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1906). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7175" href="#d0e7175src" class="noteref">5</a> Twenty years in the Philippines, p. 109 (London, 1853). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7178" href="#d0e7178src" class="noteref">6</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 8. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7206" href="#d0e7206src" class="noteref">7</a> See <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Laufer</span>, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7258" href="#d0e7258src" class="noteref">8</a> Despite frequent assertions to the contrary, the fire syringe is not used by the Tinguian. It is found among the Tiagan Igorot, +the similarity of whose name has doubtless given rise to the error. +</p> +</div><a id="d0e7279"></a><h1>Warfare, Hunting, and Fishing</h1> +<p id="d0e7282">Head-hunting and warfare are practically synonymous. To-day both are suffering a rapid decline, and a head is seldom taken +in the valley of the Abra. In the mountain district old feuds are still maintained, and sometimes lead to a killing, and here +too the ancient funerary rites are still carried out in their entirety on rare occasions. However, this peaceful condition +is not of long standing. In every village the older men tell with pride of their youthful exploits, of the raids they indulged +in, the heads they captured; and they are still held in high esteem as men “who fought in the villages of their enemies.” + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7284">During the time of our stay in Abra, the villages of the Buklok valley were on bad terms with the people of the neighboring +Ikmin valley, and were openly hostile to the Igorot on the eastern side of the mountain range. Manabo and Abang were likewise +hostile to their Igorot neighbors, and the latter village was surrounded with a double bamboo stockade, to guard against a +surprise attack. Manabo at this time anticipated trouble with the warriors of Balatok and Besao, as a result of their having +killed six men from those towns. The victims had ostensibly come down to the Abra river to fish, but, judging by previous +experience, the Tinguian believed them to be in search of heads, and acted accordingly. This feud is of old standing and appears +to have grown out of a dispute over the hunting grounds on Mt. Posoey, the great peak which rises only a few miles from Manabo. +There have been many clashes between the rival hunters, the most serious of which occurred in 1889, when the Tinguian had +twenty-nine of their number killed, and lost twenty-five heads to the Igorot of Besao. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7286">The people of Agsimo and Balantai suffered defeat in a raid carried on against Dagara in 1907, and at the time of our visit +a number of the warriors still bore open wounds received in that fight. In the same year at least three unsuccessful attacks, +probably by lone warriors, were made against individuals of Lagangilang, Likuan, and Lakub. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7288">Accounts of earlier travelers offer undoubted proof that head-hunting was rampant a generation ago; while the folk-tales feature +the taking of heads as one of the most important events in Tinguian life. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7290"></a>Page 370</span></p> +<p id="d0e7291">The first incentive for head-taking is in connection with funeral rites. According to ancient custom it was necessary, following +the death of an adult, for the men of the village to go out on a headhunt, and until they had done so, the relatives of the +deceased were barred from wearing good clothing, from taking part in any pastimes or festivals, and their food was of the +poorest and meanest quality. To remove this ban, the warriors would don white head-bands, arm themselves, and sally forth +either to attack a hostile village or to ambush an unsuspecting foe. Neighboring villages were, out of necessity, usually +on good terms, but friendly relations seldom extended beyond the second or third settlement, a distance of ten or fifteen +miles. Beyond these limits most of the people were considered enemies and subject to attack. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7293">While such a raid was both justifiable and necessary to the village in which a death had occurred, it was considered an unprovoked +attack by the raided settlement; a challenge and an insult which had to be avenged. Thus feuds were established, some of which +ran through many years, and resulted in considerable loss of life. A town, which had lost to another a greater number of heads +than they had secured, was in honor bound to even the score, and thus another cause for battle was furnished. The man who +actually succeeded in taking a head was received with great acclaim upon his return to the village; he was the hero in the +festival which followed, and thereafter was held in high esteem, and so another motive was furnished.<a id="d0e7295src" href="#d0e7295" class="noteref">1</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7321">There is an indication in the <i>Saloko</i> ceremony that heads may have been taken to cure headache and similar ills (cf. p. 319); while the presence of the head-basket, +of the same name, in the fields suggests a possible connection between head-hunting and the rice culture, such as still exists +among the neighboring Kalinga.<a id="d0e7326src" href="#d0e7326" class="noteref">2</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7335">The Tinguian do not now, and apparently never have practised human sacrifice, but this custom and head-hunting seem to be +closely related, and to have as a primary cause the desire to furnish slaves or companions for the dead. This idea was found +among the ancient Tagalog, Visayan, and Zambal, and still exists among the Apayao of Northern Luzon; the Bagobo, Mandaya, +Bila-an, and Tagakaola of <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7337"></a>Page 371</span>Mindanao; as well as in Borneo and the islands to the south.<a id="d0e7339src" href="#d0e7339" class="noteref">3</a> That it once had a strong hold on the Ilocano of the coast is made evident by the mysterious cult known as <i>axibrong</i>, which at times terrifies whole communities. In 1907 the region about Bangui, in Ilocos Norte, was greatly excited over several +attempts to kill people of that settlement, and it was whispered that when a leading man, who had recently died, was placed +in his coffin, his right hand had suddenly raised up with four fingers extended. This, it was said, was a demand on the part +of the dead for four companions, and the subsequent attacks on the villagers were thought to be due to the activities of the +bereaved family in complying with the wishes of the deceased. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7363">The raids following a death were usually carried out as a village affair, and many warriors participated, but it seems that +by far the greater number of heads were secured by individuals or couples, who would lie in ambush near to the trails, or +to the places, where the women had to pass in carrying water from the streams to the village. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7365">While the Tinguian always chose to attack from ambush, yet he did not hesitate to fight in the open when occasion demanded +it. For a distance of fifteen or twenty feet he depended on his spear, but for close quarters he relied on his shield and +head-axe. An examination of Plate <a id="d0e7367" href="#d0e11813">XLIV</a> will show that the shield has three prongs at the top. These the warrior seeks to slip between the legs of his enemy to trip +him up, then one stroke downward with the axe, and the opponent is put out of the fight. The two lower prongs are meant to +be slipped about the neck. One more stroke of the head-axe, and the victor takes his trophy and starts for home, while the +relatives of the dead man seek to secure the remains to carry them back to their village. As the loss of a head reflects on +the whole party, and in a like manner its acquisition adds distinction to the victors, a hot fight usually develops over a +man who is stricken down, and only ceases when the enemy is beaten off, or has been successful in getting away with the trophy. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7370">If a war party finds it necessary to make a night camp, or if they are hard pressed by the foe, they plant long, thin strips +of bamboo or <i>palma brava</i><a id="d0e7374src" href="#d0e7374" class="noteref">4</a> in the grass. The ends of these are cut to sharp points, and they are so cleverly concealed that pursuers must use great +care, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7389"></a>Page 372</span>and consequently lose much time, or they will have their legs and feet pierced with these needle-like blades. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7391">Upon their return to the village, the warriors were formerly met at the gate by their relatives, who held two ladders in A +shape, thus forming a pathway over which each had to climb. Once inside the town, the heads were placed on a bamboo spike +known as <i>sagang</i> (cf. p. 310), or in the <i>saloko</i> (cf. p. 310), and for three days were exhibited beside the gate. In the meantime messages were sent to friendly villages +to invite the people to the celebration. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7399">On the morning of the last day, the heads were carried up to the center of the village, where, amid great rejoicing, the men +sang the praises of the victors or examined the skulls of the victims. Sometime during the morning, the men who had taken +the heads split them open with their axes and removed the brains. To these they added the lobes of the ears and joints of +the little fingers, and they placed the whole in the liquor which was afterwards served to the dancers. There seems to be +no idea here of eating the brains of the slain as food. They are consumed solely to secure a part of their valor, an idea +widespread among the tribes of Mindanao.<a id="d0e7401src" href="#d0e7401" class="noteref">5</a> The writer does not believe that any people of the Philippines indulges in cannibalism, if that term is used to signify the +eating of human flesh as food. Several, like the Tinguian, have or still do eat a portion of the brain, the heart or liver +of brave warriors, but always, it appears, with the idea of gaining the valor, or other desirable qualities of the victims. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7407">The balance of the head festival consisted in the drinking of sugar cane rum, of songs of praise by the headmen, and finally +all joined in dancing <i>da-eng</i>. Just before the guests were ready to depart, the skulls were broken into small bits, and the fragments were distributed +to the guests so that they might taken them to their homes, and thus be reminded of the valor of the takers.<a id="d0e7412src" href="#d0e7412" class="noteref">6</a> This disposition of the skull agrees with that of many Apayao towns,<a id="d0e7418src" href="#d0e7418" class="noteref">7</a> but it does not conform with the description of ancient times afforded us in the tales,<a id="d0e7427src" href="#d0e7427" class="noteref">8</a> nor <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7430"></a>Page 373</span>with the practices of the Kalinga and Igorot people, both of whom preserve the trophy. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7432">The weapons of the warriors consists of a spear, head-axe, and shield, and the small bamboo spikes known as <i>soga</i>. They do not make use of the bow and arrow, although they have been credited as possessing them.<a id="d0e7437src" href="#d0e7437" class="noteref">9</a> The old men claim it has not been used in their lifetime, nor is mention made of it in the folk-tales. The only time it appears +is in the crude weapons used in shooting fish in the rice-fields, and in the miniature bow and arrow, which hang above the +heads of a newborn child. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7445"></p> +<div id="d0e7446" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 7.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig07.gif" alt="Types of Knives."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Types of Knives.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7450">Bolos, or long knives, are carried at the side suspended from the belt, and upon occasion may be used as weapons. However, +they are generally considered as tools (<a id="d0e7452" href="#d0e7446">Fig. 7</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e7455"><span class="smallcaps">The Head-Axe</span>, <i>aliwa</i> or <i>gaman</i> (see <a id="d0e7465" href="#d0e7471">Fig. 8</a>).—The axes made by the Tinguian and Kalinga are identical, probably due to the fact that the center of distribution, as well +as the best iron work of this region, is found in Balbalasang—a town of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood. The blade is long +and slender with a crescent-shape cutting <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7468"></a>Page 374</span>edge on one end, and a long projecting spine on the other. This projection is strictly utilitarian. It is driven into the +ground so as to support the blade upright, when it is desired to have both hands free to draw meat or other articles over +the cutting edge. It is also driven into the soil, and acts as a support when its owner is climbing steep or slippery banks. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7470"></p> +<div id="d0e7471" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 8.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig08.gif" alt="Head-Axes."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Head-Axes.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7475">The blade fits into a long steel ferrule which, in turn, slips onto a wooden handle. The latter may be straight or plain, +but commonly <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7477"></a>Page 375</span>it has a short projection midway of its length, which serves as a finger-hold and as a hook for attachment to the belt. Quite +frequently the handle is decorated with thin circles or bands of brass, while ornamental designs sometimes appear on the blade. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7479">While the axe is primarily a weapon, its use is by no means confined to warfare. It is used in house and fence building, in +cutting up game and forest products, and in many other ways. <a id="d0e7481" href="#d0e7471">Fig. 8</a> shows three types of head-axes, the first two, the Tinguian-Kalinga axe; third, the Igorot; fourth, the Apayao. There is +a noticeable difference between the slender blades of the first group and the short, thick blade of the Igorot, yet they are +of the same general type. The Apayao weapon, on the other hand, presents a radical difference in form. Despite these variations, +the axes of these three tribes present an interesting problem. So far as it known, these are the only tribes in the Philippines +which make use of a head-axe, and it is believed that no similar weapon is found in the Malayan Islands. However, blades of +striking resemblance do occur among the Naga of Assam.<a id="d0e7484src" href="#d0e7484" class="noteref">10</a> It is possible that the weapons of these far separated regions may hark back to a common source, from which they received +their instruction in iron working. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7492"></p> +<div id="d0e7493" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 9.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig09.gif" alt="Spears."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Spears.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7497"><span class="smallcaps">The Spear</span>, <i>pīka</i>.—The various types of spears used by the Tinguian are shown in <a id="d0e7504" href="#d0e7493">Fig. 9</a>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7507">A considerable part of these are made in the villages along the upper reaches of the Buklok river and in Balbalasang, but +many come into Abra through trade with the Igorot and Kalinga. They are used <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7509"></a>Page 376</span>for hunting and fighting, and are intended both as thrusting and throwing weapons. In the lowlands the older type of spear-head +is a modified leaf shape, attached to a ferrule which slips over the shaft. In the mountains, heads with two or more barbs +are set into the handles, and are held in place by means of wooden wedges and by metal rings which surround the ends of the +shafts. A metal end or shoe covers the butt end of the weapon, thus converting it into an excellent staff for mountain climbing. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7511">Occasionally a hunting spear is fitted with a detachable head, which will pull out of the socket when an animal is struck. +The shaft is attached to the point by means of a heavy line, and as this drags through the undergrowth, it becomes entangled +and thus delays the flight of the game. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7513"><span class="smallcaps">Shields</span>, <i>kalásag</i>.—Mention has already been made of the typical Tinguian-Kalinga shield (cf. p. 373). While this is the common type of the +region (<a id="d0e7520" href="#d0e7534">Fig. 10</a>, Nos. 1–1a), others, which approach those of the Bontoc Igorot, are frequently used (<a id="d0e7523" href="#d0e7534">Fig. 10</a>, No. 2). As a rule, these come from Balatok, Lubuagan, Guinaan and the villages along the Malokbot river, all of which are +strongly influenced in blood and culture by the Igorot. In the latter shields we find the prongs at the top and bottom, but +they are no longer of sufficient size and opening to be of practical value. The clue to their origin is probably afforded +us in their use by the Tinguian. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7526">Across the top and bottom of each shield, near to the prongs, are two or three braided bands which appear to be ornamental, +or to strengthen the weapon. Their real use, however, is to hold the <i>soga</i>, the pointed bamboo sticks which are planted in the grass to delay pursuers. A half dozen or more of these are usually to +be found under the braiding at the back of the shield. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7531">All shields are of very light wood, and can easily be pierced by a spear. They are intended to be used in deflecting missels +rather than actually to stop them. To aid in this purpose, there is a hand grip cut into the center of the back. This is large +enough to admit the first three fingers, while the thumb and little finger are left outside to tilt the shield to the proper +angle. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7533"></p> +<div id="d0e7534" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 10.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig10.gif" alt="Shields."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Shields.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7538"><span class="smallcaps">Hunting</span> (Plates <a id="d0e7542" href="#d0e11818">XLV</a>–<a id="d0e7545" href="#d0e11823">XLVI</a>).—Hunting must be considered more in the nature of a sport than as a necessity, for, while a considerable amount of game +is taken each year, it is not enough to furnish an important part of the food supply. As we have already noted, a great part +of the country occupied by this tribe is devoid of forests. Dense growths do occur in some valleys and ravines, and a few +of <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7548"></a>Page 377</span>the mountains, like Posoey, are heavily forested, but for the most part the western slopes of the Cordillera Central are covered with rank <i>cogon</i> grass. In the ravines and on the wooded slopes are deer, pig, wild carabao, and wild chickens, and during the dry season +of the year it is no uncommon thing to see a considerable number of men leaving the village at daybreak with their dogs, spears, +and nets. The customary method of hunting the larger animals is to stretch long nets across the runway of the game. A number +of the hunters, armed with spears, conceal themselves near by, while the balance of the party take the dogs to a distance +and then, spreading out fan-shape, will converge on the net, beating the brush and shouting in order to stir up the game. +The dogs, sullen, half-starved brutes, take little interest <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7556"></a>Page 378</span>in the chase until an animal is started, then they begin to bay, and the whole pack is in pursuit. As the quarry rushes into +the net, the concealed hunters fall upon it and spear it to death, at the same time fighting back the hungry dogs which would +quickly devour it. Sometimes an animal escapes from the net, but if wounded, it is almost certain to fall a prey to the pack. +Many deer are taken by this method in the course of a year. Sometimes a wild pig is netted, and on exceedingly rare occasions +a carabao. However, the wild carabao is a dangerous animal, and hunters will not attack it unless it is so entangled in the +nets that it is practically helpless. Still hunting for deer, near to the feeding grounds, yields a few animals each year, +and during the period when the <i>lumboy</i> (<i>Eugenia jambolana</i> Lam.) are in fruit, the hunters often hide themselves in the trees at night, and spear the pigs which come below them to +feed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7564"></p> +<div id="d0e7565" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 11.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig11.gif" alt="Chicken Snare."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Chicken Snare.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7569">Wild hogs are also secured by placing a close fence about a field. One or two small entrances are left open and inside of +these, deep pits are dug, and are covered with brush. As the animal pushes in, it steps on the frail covering, and is hurled +to the bottom of the pit, where it is easily dispatched with the spear. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7571">Among the smaller game, the wild chicken is the most important. These fowls seldom fly, but seek safety by running through +the underbrush. The Tinguian takes advantage of this trait, and stretches nets loosely in the probable runway of the birds, +and then drives them toward it in the same manner, as he does the deer. As the fowl runs full speed into the loose net, it +folds about him, and he is easily taken. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7573">The most common method of securing wild roosters is by means of a series of slip nooses attached to a main cord or band (<a id="d0e7575" href="#d0e7565">Fig. 11</a>). <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7578"></a>Page 379</span>This is set up so as to enclose a square or triangular space, and a tame rooster is put inside. The crowing of this bird attracts +the attention of the wild fowl who comes in to fight. Soon, in the excitement of the combat, one is caught in a noose, and +the harder it pulls, the more securely it is held. At times the trap is baited with worms or grain. The snare is carried in +a basket-like case, which is often fitted with a compartment for the decoy rooster.<a id="d0e7580src" href="#d0e7580" class="noteref">11</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7583">Another type of chicken snare consists of a single noose, which rests on two elevated strips of bamboo. The other end of the +cord is attached to a bent limb, held down by means of a small trigger, which slips under a cross strip. The game is led onto +the trap by scattering grain. The weight of the bird releases the trigger, the bent twig flies up, and the noose is drawn +tightly. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7585">Small birds are captured in considerable numbers by the boys who, for this purpose, make use of three types of snares. The +first and most common is a simple slip noose made of human or horse hair attached to a stick. Several of these are driven +into the ground close together, and grain is scattered between them. A second type of noose trap is shown in <a id="d0e7587" href="#d0e7627">Fig. 12</a>, No. 1. A Bamboo pole <i>a</i> with sharpened end has a spring <i>b</i> of the same material attached to its side. A cord from this passes through a small hole in the top of <i>a</i>, and then forms a slip noose. A small stick or trigger <i>c</i> is forced into the hole until firm enough to keep the line held taut, and the noose is spread on it. Bait is placed on the +point of <i>a</i> in such a manner that the bird has to alight on <i>c</i> to secure it. Its weight releases the trigger, and the noose is drawn tightly around its legs. Another trap of this nature +is illustrated by <a id="d0e7608" href="#d0e7627">Fig. 12</a>, No. 2. Here a branch is bent down and a line is attached. The trigger stick <i>a</i> slips outside <i>b</i>, and the pressure holds the free stick <i>c</i> in place against the crotch. Bait is so placed on <i>d</i> that a bird coming to secure it must stand inside the slip noose which is spread on <i>c</i>. The weight and movement of the victim releases the trigger, draws the line taut, and closes the noose about its legs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7626"></p> +<div id="d0e7627" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 12.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig12.gif" alt="Bird Snares."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Bird Snares.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7631">In the lowland villages, blowguns (<i>salbalana</i>) are used to a limited extent in hunting birds. Two long strips of palm wood are grooved and fitted together. Over these +the intestines of a carabao are drawn, and the whole is wrapped tightly with cord and covered with beeswax. The guns vary +from 12 to 16 feet in length, and are often excellently made, yet they are little better than toys, for the missels used are +only clay balls. Poison darts are unknown in this region, and the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7636"></a>Page 381</span>weapon is confined to the villages near to the coast. This, together with the fact that the blowgun does not appear in the +lore or ceremonies, suggests that it of recent introduction (Plate <a id="d0e7638" href="#d0e11828">XLVII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e7641">Locusts are considered excellent food, and when they are flying in great numbers, are taken by means of small nets. These +are attached to poles, and are swung into the swarm. Sometimes nearly the whole village will unite in such a hunt, the catch +being stored in large bottle-shaped baskets until needed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7643">Bats and rats are not eaten, but the latter are trapped and killed because of the grain they destroy and the injury they do +to the houses and their contents. The most common trap is made from a section of bamboo in one side of which a spring is inserted. +A line attached to this leads to a slip noose which fits inside the tube. Bait is attached to a trigger which, when disturbed, +releases the spring and closes the loop around the intruder. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7645"><span class="smallcaps">Fishing</span>.—Mention has already been made of the capture of fish by the children. Older people likewise devote some time to fishing, +but not to the extent of making it an occupation. Nearly every family has a collection of traps and lines, and at times quite +a number of fish and eels are secured. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7649">The common trap is shown in <a id="d0e7651" href="#d0e7663">Fig. 13</a>, No. 1. The entrance is made of sharp bamboo splints, which converge toward a small hole opening into the trap proper. The +device is then placed in the water in such a way that fish coming downstream will be diverted into the opening. The current +and the natural inclination of the fish to go into a dark hiding-place causes them to force their way into the trap, and once +in they cannot emerge. The water escapes through the bamboo slits, but the fish can only be released by opening the small +end of the trap. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7654">Many of the women carry baskets attached to the belt at the hip. The tops of these baskets have funnel-shaped openings, and +are immediately available for use as traps, if a good catch is in prospect (<a id="d0e7659" href="#d0e7663">Fig. 13</a>, No. 2). These are usually employed for shrimps and minnows. Eels are caught in long, round traps of rattan and bamboo. A +frog is fastened in the far end of the tube, usually with a fish-hook. This is attached to a rattan spring, which is connected +with the door of the trap. The eel enters and seizes the frog, but as it starts to back out, it releases the bent rattan, +and the door is pulled shut. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7662"></p> +<div id="d0e7663" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 13.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig13.gif" alt="Fishing Devices."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Fishing Devices.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7667">Small hand nets, spread apart by means of sticks held in the hands, are used by women in scooping up small fish. Ordinarily, +it is scooped away from the body, but if a fish takes refuge under a rock, the net <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7669"></a>Page 383</span>is placed under the opposite side, and the stone is turned over with the foot. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7671">The most effective fishing-device is a large throw net made cornucopia shape. The large net is open and weighted with many +sinkers of lead. The man throws the net with a full arm sweeping motion, so that it spreads to its full extent, and all the +sinkers strike the water at the same time. The splash causes all the fish inside the circle to dart inward, and as it sinks, +the net settles over them. The fisherman draws in the cord attached to the small end, causing the sinkers to drag along to +the bottom until directly beneath him, when their weight closes the net. It requires much skill and practice to throw this +net properly, but once the art is mastered, the fisherman is very successful. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7673">Blanket fishing similar to that in use by the neighboring Igorot is found here. A large blanket is weighed down with stones, +and is placed in the river. After one or two hours have elapsed, a number of men form a wide circle around it. Often they +drag between them a rope to which many corn husks are attached. As they advance toward the blanket, they turn the larger stones +with their feet so that any fish hiding beneath them will be frightened away. The circle of men and corn husks causes the +fish to go toward the blanket, and finally to take refuge under the stones piled upon it. When the blanket is reached, the +men seize the corners and lift it out of the water on to the bank, where the stones are thrown out and the fish secured. A +somewhat similar idea is found in the <i>lama</i>. Quantities of leaf branches are sunk into a still pool, and are left for a few days until the fish have come to use them +as a hiding-place. A number of men make a close fence of bamboo sticks about them, then go inside, throw out the branches, +and catch the fish with their hands or with the nets. Streams are often diverted from their course, for a time, and then returned, +leaving the fish in the artificial channels stranded. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7678">A curious method of fishing was seen in the Ikmin river. A hook was fastened in the end of a bamboo pole, and close to this +a minnow was attached to a short line, to act as a lure. When the other fish approached the captive, the pole was jerked sharply, +in an attempt to snag them. On one occasion the writer saw fifty fish taken by this method in less than an hour. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7680">Short lines attached to sticks are often baited, and are set along the embankments of the flooded rice-fields. Small fish +spears with detachable heads are also used in the rice lands, as well as in the clear pools. The only occasion when the bow +and arrow is used in this region is when the rice fields are flooded. At such times a short <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7682"></a>Page 384</span>bow and an arrow with fork-shaped head are employed (<a id="d0e7684" href="#d0e7663">Fig. 13</a>, Nos. 3–3a). A fish poison or stupifier is occasionally used. A small red berry known as <i>baiyatin</i> is crushed, and the powder is thrown into or just above quiet pools, where fish abound. Some of the fish become stupified +and float on the surface, where they are quickly speared or scooped up. They are eaten without any ill effects. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7690"></a>Page 385</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7295" href="#d0e7295src" class="noteref">1</a> Head-hunting is widespread in this part of the world. It is found in Assam, in the Solomon Islands, in Borneo, Formosa, and, +it is said, was formerly practiced in Japan. See <span class="smallcaps">Hodson</span> (<i>Folklore,</i> June, 1909, p. 109); <span class="smallcaps">Rivers</span>, History of Melanesian Society, Vol. II, p. 259 (Cambridge, 1914); <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span>, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vols. I–II (London, 1912); <span class="smallcaps">Shinji Ishii</span> (<i>Transactions Japan Soc. of London,</i> Vol. XIV, pp. 7, <i>et seq.).</i></p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7326" href="#d0e7326src" class="noteref">2</a> See <span class="smallcaps">Worcester</span>, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (<i>Philippine Journal of Science,</i> Vol. I, p. 824, Manila, 1906). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7339" href="#d0e7339src" class="noteref">3</a> See <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, The Philippine Islands, Vols. V, p. 137; XXI, p. 140; XXXIV, p. 377; XL, pp. 80–81; XLVII, p. 313; XLVIII, p. 57. <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon <i>(Am. Anth</i>., N. S., Vol. XI, 1909, p. 340); <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (pub. Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII No. 2, p. 114, <i>et seq.</i>). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7374" href="#d0e7374src" class="noteref">4</a> These are called <i>soga</i>. Their use is widespread in the Philippines, in Malaysia generally, and even extends into upper Burma. See <span class="smallcaps">Shakespear</span>, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and Northeastern Frontier, pp. 186, <i>et seq.</i>(London, 1914). <span class="smallcaps">Marsden</span>, Hist. of Sumatra, p. 310 (London, 1811). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7401" href="#d0e7401src" class="noteref">5</a> See <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7412" href="#d0e7412src" class="noteref">6</a> This description is partially taken from the account of <span class="smallcaps">Paul P. de La Gironière</span>, probably the one white man, who has witnessed this rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853), and +from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated in the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7418" href="#d0e7418src" class="noteref">7</a> See <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (<i>Am. Anthropologist</i>, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3, 1909, p. 340). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7427" href="#d0e7427src" class="noteref">8</a> Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7437" href="#d0e7437src" class="noteref">9</a> <span class="smallcaps">Jenks</span>, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905); <span class="smallcaps">Kroeber</span>, The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series, No. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7484" href="#d0e7484src" class="noteref">10</a> <span class="smallcaps">Egerton</span>, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London, 1880), p. 84; <span class="smallcaps">Shakespear</span>, History of Upper Assam, Burma and Northeastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7580" href="#d0e7580src" class="noteref">11</a> This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes, and it is also widespread in Malaysia. +</p> +</div><a id="d0e7691"></a><h1>Economic Life</h1> +<p id="d0e7694"><span class="smallcaps">Rice Culture</span>.—The most important crop raised by the Tinguian is rice, and to its cultivation he devotes a considerable portion of his +time. Two distinct methods of growing are now found throughout the district—the mountain or upland fields, in which the rice +is raised without irrigation; and the rice terraces with irrigation<a id="d0e7698src" href="#d0e7698" class="noteref">1</a> (Plate <a id="d0e7707" href="#d0e11833">XLVIII</a>). To prepare the first type of field, a piece of forest land is chosen if possible, or lacking this, a plot covered with +second growth is selected. The purpose in using timber land is to escape the cogon grass (<i>Imperata koenigii</i>), which quickly invades all open fields, and flourishes until the trees again shut out the sunlight. The trees and underbrush +are cut down during the dry season, so that they may be ready for burning before the arrival of the first rains. Should no +timber land be available, an open piece will be selected, and after the grass is burned, the soil will be partially cleared +of its stubborn roots by means of a large knife or adze-like instrument known as <i>pal'lek</i> (<a id="d0e7716" href="#d0e7720">Fig. 14</a>, No. 2). + +</p> +<p id="d0e7719"></p> +<div id="d0e7720" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 14.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig14.gif" alt="Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter.</p> +</div><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7724"></a>Page 386</span></p> +<p id="d0e7725">After the clearing, the field is fenced in so as to protect it from deer, wild pigs, and carabao. The rudest type of protection +consists of a barricade of brush, strengthened with forked sticks, in the crotches of which poles are laid. The more common +method is to set bamboo tubes, at intervals, around the whole plot and to lash to them other tubes which have been split in +half. A still better fence is made by cutting three holes, about a foot apart, through each upright and to insert smaller +bamboo through these. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7727">When the rains begin, the men go to the fields, each with two hardwood sticks whittled to tapering rounded ends. These are +driven alternately into the soil making shallow holes an inch or so in depth, into each of which the women drop several seed +rice. The whole field is gone over in this way; soil is pushed into the holes with the feet, and frequently the task is finished +by sowing a few handfuls of seed broadcast and distributing it by brushing back and forth with a leafy branch.<a id="d0e7729src" href="#d0e7729" class="noteref">2</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7735">In the valley districts the planting sticks are cut as needed, but in the mountains, where the upland rice is more important, +strong bamboo poles fitted with hardwood points are in general use. These implements, known as <i>tᴇpon</i> (<a id="d0e7740" href="#d0e7845">Fig. 15</a>, No. 1), are invariably carefully decorated with incised designs, and are preserved from year to year. Commonly, the divisions +between the sections of the bamboo are knocked out and the tube used as a receptacle for the seed rice. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7743">As the mountain fields need special protection, it is customary to build near them little elevated houses in which the workers +may rest, and in which the watchers can live during the time the grain must be guarded. If the plots are near to a village, +such a house seldom consists of more than a rude framework of poles, which support a grass roof, and to which a bamboo floor +is lashed, two or three feet above the ground; but if the fields are at a distance, these structures are provided with sides, +and are raised high on strong logs. Such high, well built houses are necessary, both to protect the occupants from surprise +attacks of enemies, and to afford shelter against driving winds or rains. It is not an uncommon occurrence for a whole family +to go to one of these isolated mountain dwellings and reside for a considerable period, particularly when the rice is approaching +maturity. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7745">These upland fields produce much smaller crops than do the wet lands, and as they are quickly exhausted, it is not customary +to plant them to rice for more than two seasons. At the end of this time, they <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7747"></a>Page 387</span>may be used for <i>camotes</i> (<i>Convolvulus batatas</i>), sugar-cane, or cotton, but in the majority of cases they are allowed to lie unused for several seasons, when the grass +or undergrowth is again removed and the fields replanted. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7755">The wet fields produce by far the greater part of the rice, and it is about them that most of the agricultural labors center. +In the broad valleys, low embankments, of sufficient height to maintain the water at a depth of two or three inches, separate +the fields. The lower plots are often of considerable length and width, some covering as much as an acre of ground, but as +they begin to ascend the slopes, the walls rise higher, and the fields become narrower until they may be only a few feet in +width. In the rugged mountain districts, the terraces often begin just above the flood water of the stream. At this point, +a stone wall, four or five feet in height, is erected, and back of this the mountain side is cut away and filled in until +it forms a step or terrace. Back of this another wall is raised, and the process is repeated until at last the terraces extend +for two or three hundred feet up the mountain side (Plate <a id="d0e7757" href="#d0e11838">XLIX</a>). When the field is first made, top soil, enriched with vegetable growth, is laid on the surface, often to a depth of several +inches, but from this time on no fertilizer, other than the decaying straw of the previous crop, is added, although the field +is used continuously for many years. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7760">Water is conducted to many of the fields by means of ditches, usually by diverting the flow of some of the numerous springs +or streams but in a few instances, stone dams have been thrown across the rivers and the water carried for considerable distances +by flumes and ditches. The highest terraces are first inundated to the desired depth, and then openings are made in the side +walls—so as to allow the lower fields to be flooded. This method of irrigation provides for the maximum use of the water, +and also supplies a constant current which prevents the formation of stagnant pools. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7762">Some of the fields are situated too far up the mountain side to be reached by ditches, and in such cases the growth of the +rice is entirely dependent on the rainfall; however, in normal years, the precipitation is sufficient to mature the crop. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7764">At the beginning of the rainy season, some of the seed rice is sprouted in specially prepared beds in the villages. In such +cases a small plot is surrounded with low dirt walls, the soil is enriched with manure, water is added, and the whole is worked +until it becomes a thin mud, on which the rice is thickly sown. Around this bed, a bamboo frame is erected to keep out pigs +and chickens, while from time to time <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7766"></a>Page 388</span>water is poured on the growing shoots. The more common method of sprouting, however, is to select a piece of land, which will +receive the full benefit of the rainfall and to break this with a plow drawn by a carabao. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7768">When the seed beds have been planted, the people go to the fields, repair the embankments, and admit the water. The straw +remaining from the previous crop is allowed to rot, for a time, and then the ground is gone over with a bamboo harrow (<i>palī-id</i>),<a id="d0e7773src" href="#d0e7773" class="noteref">3</a> as shown in <a id="d0e7782" href="#d0e7845">Fig. 15</a>, No. 3, to remove weeds, branches, and the like. Wherever it is possible, the soil is broken with a plow, <i>alado</i> (Plate <a id="d0e7788" href="#d0e11843">L</a>), but in fields to which animals cannot be taken, the ground is turned by means of sharpened sticks, or poles tipped with +iron, which are driven into the soil and forced forward, thus pushing the earth above them into the water.<a id="d0e7791src" href="#d0e7791" class="noteref">4</a> As will be seen from the accompanying drawing (<a id="d0e7797" href="#d0e7845">Fig. 15</a>, Nos. 2–2a), the plow is constructed entirely of wood except for the iron share, and conforms closely to that used in Java, +Celebes, Sumatra, Burma, and Annam.<a id="d0e7800src" href="#d0e7800" class="noteref">5</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7826">Within a few days after the plowing, the soil is further broken by dragging it with a harrow, made by driving wooden pegs +into a heavy board, or into large bamboo tubes (<a id="d0e7828" href="#d0e7845">Fig. 15</a>, No. 4). A worker stands on this, and is dragged about the field, leveling it, and at the same time pulling out sticks, roots, +and any other matter of sufficient bulk to interfere with the planting. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7831">Two types of sleds (<a id="d0e7833" href="#d0e7845">Fig. 15</a>, Nos. 5–6) are used in connection with the rice culture, as well as in general transportation. The first consists of rude +wooden runners on which a bamboo flooring is laid. The second has narrow runners, which are hewn with considerable care, while +sides of flattened bamboo convert the sled into an open box. The first type (<i>pasagad</i>) is used principally during the wet season for the transportation of plows, harrows, and the like, the wide runners slipping +through the mud without becoming mired. The use of the latter (<i>kalison</i>) is restricted to the dry-season, when it is of particular advantage in moving the rice. Wheeled vehicles are not employed +in any part of <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7842"></a>Page 390</span>the Tinguian belt, although their use is now fairly common among the Ilocano. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7844"></p> +<div id="d0e7845" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 15.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig15.gif" alt="Agricultural Implements."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Agricultural Implements.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7849">It requires a month or six weeks to make ready the fields, and in the meantime the rice in the seed beds has grown to a height +of twelve or fourteen inches. The shoots are then pulled up by the roots, are tied into bundles, and the tops are cut off +(Plate <a id="d0e7851" href="#d0e11848">LI</a>). The bundles are distributed about the fields at convenient distances, and the workers then transplant the young rice—three +or four together—in the soft ooze, using the thumb and fore-finger of the right hand for that purpose (Plate <a id="d0e7854" href="#d0e11853">LII</a>). The preparation of the field is looked after by the men and boys, and oftentimes they aid in transplanting, but the latter +is considered to be women's work, and is generally left to them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7857">The rice is set so thickly that when a plot is planted it presents to the eye a solid mass of green. It is hard to imagine +a more beautiful sight than to look down on these fields, which rise in wave above wave of brilliant green, until at last +they give way to the yellower billows of <i>cogon</i> grass which cover the mountain slopes. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7862">After the transplanting, the grain needs constant attention; at first, to keep it properly weeded and flooded; later, to protect +it from animals and birds. Hence many workers are always in the fields, but it is, nevertheless, the happy time for the people, +and if one approaches a group of workers unawares, he will hear one or more singing the <i>daleng</i>, a song in which they compliment or chide the other workers, or relate some incident of the hunt or of village life. Toward +midday little groups will gather in the field shelters to partake of their lunches, to smoke, or to rest, and usually in such +a gathering will be a good story-teller who amuses with fables, or tales of adventure.<a id="d0e7867src" href="#d0e7867" class="noteref">6</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7873">When the rice begins to mature, an even stricter watch must be kept, for, in addition to its other enemies, the rice birds<a id="d0e7875src" href="#d0e7875" class="noteref">7</a> now seek to feed on the crop and, while they are small in size, they often appear in such numbers that they work great havoc. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e7883">The usual device employed in frightening both birds and animals is a bamboo pole cut into strips at the top, so that, as it +is shaken, these strike together, producing a great clatter. Many of these poles are planted, and then all are connected by +means of rattan lines which finally lead to the little watch house. Here a man or boy sits and occasionally gives the lines +a sudden jerk, which sets up a clapping over <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7885"></a>Page 391</span>the whole field (Plate <a id="d0e7887" href="#d0e11858">LIII</a>). A clever development of this device was seen by the writer in the Ikmin river valley. Here the stream flows swiftly and +plunges headlong into pools every few yards. The rattan cord attached to the clappers is fastened to a small raft which is +then set afloat in the pool. After a whirl in the eddy it is caught by the swift current, and is carried a few feet down stream, +at the same time bending the clappers nearly to the ground; then as the raft enters calmer water, the tension is released, +and it is thrown violently back into the pool from which it has just drifted; at the same time the clappers fly back into +place with a great noise. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7890">Another contrivance, used in keeping small birds from the fields, is a bird-like form cut from the bark of a banana or palm +tree. Many of these are suspended by lines from bamboo poles, and, as the wind blows them to and fro, they appear like giant +birds hovering over the rice. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7892">A simple protection against deer is made by bending the white inner bark of bamboo into arches and planting these at intervals +along possible places of entry, for it is said that these animals will not approach such a contrivance. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7894">Soon after the water is turned into the fields, shells and fish begin to appear even in the higher terraces. Doubtless a considerable +part of these come in through the ditches, but the natives insist that most of the fish bury themselves deep in the mud at +the approach of the dry season and hibernate until water again appears in the fields.<a id="d0e7896src" href="#d0e7896" class="noteref">8</a> These intruders are prized as food, and to secure them, short baited lines are placed along the edges of the terraces, while +each woman has, attached to her belt, a small basket into which she places shells discovered during her work. The men likewise +secure fish by means of hooks and lines, and also pierce them with short spears fitted with detachable points, but more commonly +they shoot them with a small bow and peculiar arrows, the heads of which resemble flattened spoons cut into four or five teeth.<a id="d0e7908src" href="#d0e7908" class="noteref">9</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e7911">As the grain begins to ripen, the land is allowed to dry, and when all is ready for the cutting, the people put on their best +garments and go to the fields. Each stalk is cut separately by means of a crescent-shaped blade (<i>lakom</i> or <i>lakᴇm</i>) attached to a small wooden cylinder (<a id="d0e7919" href="#d0e7720">Fig. 14</a>, Nos. 3–3a). This handle is held between the thumb, first and fifth fingers, while the stalk is caught by the second and +third fingers, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7922"></a>Page 392</span>and is pulled inward against the steel blade.<a id="d0e7924src" href="#d0e7924" class="noteref">10</a> Many workers grasp the stalk near the head with the left hand, while the cutting blade is used with the right. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7945">Both men and women may engage in cutting the rice, but as the latter are much the more dexterous workers, this task is generally +assigned to them (Plate <a id="d0e7947" href="#d0e11863">LIV</a>). The grain is cut so as to leave stalks about ten inches in length; these are laid in the free hand until a bunch of considerable +size has accumulated, when they are bound together with strips of bark.<a id="d0e7950src" href="#d0e7950" class="noteref">11</a> At the end of the day these bundles are carried to the drying yards, where they remain until the whole crop is harvested. +A drying yard is a plot of ground surrounded by a bamboo fence of such a height that it is impossible for fowls and the like +to gain entrance. When all the bundles are thoroughly dried, they are placed in the granary, and from that time on the handling +of the rice is given over to the women. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7959">The granaries, or store-houses, of the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical (Plate <a id="d0e7961" href="#d0e11868">LV</a>), but, barring the Apayao, are different from any of the surrounding groups, except when their influence may have spread +this peculiar type to a limited degree. It is worthy of note, however, that the granaries of some Sumatran groups are of similar +design and construction. Such a store-house is raised high above the ground on four hard-wood poles; the framework is of bamboo, +and the sides flare sharply from the floor to the grass roof. Within the framework is a closely woven matting of flattened +bamboo, which is nearly water-tight; but to secure still further protection from moisture, and also to allow for free circulation +of air, a rack is built in such a way that the rice is kept several inches from the outside walls. Just below the floor, each +post supports a close-fitting pottery jar—without top or bottom—or a broad disk of wood, which effectually prevents the entrance +of rodents. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7964">To thrash the grain, the woman places a bundle on a piece of carabao hide, and, as she rolls it beneath her feet, she pounds +it with a long wooden pestle (<i>hala</i>) until all the kernels are beaten loose from the straw.<a id="d0e7969src" href="#d0e7969" class="noteref">12</a> It is then placed in a wooden mortar (<i>luson</i>) of hourglass <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e7975"></a>Page 393</span>form or with straight sides, where it is again beaten until the outside husks are loosened, and the grain is somewhat broken +(Plate <a id="d0e7977" href="#d0e11873">LVI</a>). Winnowing is accomplished by tossing the contents of the mortar in shallow traps (<i>īgau</i>), so that the chaff is blown away, while the grain falls back into the winnower (Plate <a id="d0e7983" href="#d0e11880">LVII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e7986">The rice is now ready for cooking; the chaff is collected, and is used as food for the pigs and dogs, while the stalks are +saved to be burned, for the ashes are commonly used in lieu of soap. + +</p> +<p id="d0e7988">Rice has also come to have great importance, both as a standard of value and as a medium of exchange. A single stalk is known +as <i>sanga dawa</i>. When the stalks are equal in size to the leg, just above the ankle, the bundle is called <i>sang-abtek</i>.<a id="d0e7996src" href="#d0e7996" class="noteref">13</a> Ten <i>sang-abtek</i> equal <i>sanga-baal</i>. One hundred <i>sang-abtek</i> make <i>sanga-ōyon</i>. The measure of cleaned rice is as follows: Two full hands (one coconut shell full)—1 <i>sopa</i> (Ilocano <i>supa</i>; Spanish 1/8 <i>ganta</i>). 8 <i>sopa</i>—1 <i>salop</i> (Spanish <i>ganta</i> or about 2 quarts). 25 <i>salop</i>—1 <i>kaban</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8041">It is customary to pay laborers in rice; likewise the value of animals, beads, and the like are reckoned and paid in this +medium. During the dry season rice is loaned, to be repaid after the harvest with interest of about fifty per cent. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8043">According to tradition, the Tinguian were taught to plant and reap by a girl named Dayapán. This woman, who was an invalid, +was one day bathing in the stream, when the great spirit Kabonīyan entered her body. He carried with him sugar-cane and unthreshed +rice which he gave to the girl with explicit directions for its use. Likewise he taught her the details of the <i>Sayang</i>, the most important of the ceremonies. Dayapán followed instructions faithfully, and after the harvest and conclusion of +the ceremony, she found herself to be completely cured. After that she taught others, and soon the Tinguian became prosperous +farmers.<a id="d0e8048src" href="#d0e8048" class="noteref">14</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e8051">In Part I of this volume a reconstruction of the early life of this people was attempted from their mythology. The results +seemed to indicate that the tales reflect a time before the Tinguian possessed terraced rice-fields, when domestic work animals +were still unknown, and the horse had not yet been introduced into the land. But it was also noted that we are not justified +in considering these as recent events. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8053">At this time, with the more complete data before us, it may be well <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8055"></a>Page 394</span>to again subject the rice culture to careful scrutiny, in the hope that it may afford some clue as to the source from which +it spread into this region. It is possible that the Tinguian may have brought it with them from their early home, which may +be supposed to have been in southeastern Asia; they may have acquired it through contact with Chinese or Japanese traders, +or through commercial relations with the islands to the south; or again it may have developed locally in the Tinguian, Igorot, +and Ifugao territory. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8057">It should be noted at the outset that highly developed terrace cultivation is found in Japan and China to the north; in parts +of Borneo, in the Nias archipelago, in Java, Bali, Lombok, Sumatra, Burma, and India proper, and it is probable that all within +this broad belt developed from a single origin. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8059">When we compare the construction of Igorot and Tinguian terraces and the methods of irrigation, we find them quite similar, +although those of the former are somewhat superior and of much greater extent. The planting of the seed rice and the breaking +of the soil in the high fields are also much alike, but here the resemblances cease. In the lower fields, the Tinguian employ +the carabao, together with the plow and harrow; the Igorot do not. The Igorot fertilize their fields, the Tinguian never. +In harvesting, the Tinguian make use of a peculiar crescent-shaped blade to cut the stalk, the Igorot pull each head off separately. +The Tinguian and Ilocano granaries are of a distinctive type radically different from the Igorot, while the methods of thrashing +in the two groups are entirely different. Finally, the ceremonial observances of the Tinguian, so far as the rice is concerned, +are much more extensive and intricate than have been described for the Igorot. In a like manner there are many striking differences +between the methods of handling the grain by the Tinguian and those found in Japan and China. On the other hand, when we come +to compare the rice culture of this region with the islands to the south, the similarities are very striking. The short description +given by <span class="smallcaps">Marsden</span> for Sumatra<a id="d0e8064src" href="#d0e8064" class="noteref">15</a> would, with a few modifications, apply to the situation in Abra. The use of the plow and harrow drawn by carabao is found +in Java and Sumatra; the common reaping knife of both these islands is identical with the Tinguian, although there is a slight +difference in the way it is utilized; the peculiar type of granary found in Abra again appears in Sumatra, while the Tinguian +ceremonial acts associated <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8070"></a>Page 395</span>with the cultivation and care of the rice-recall, in several instances, details of such ceremonies in Java. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8072">If Tinguian rice culture did come from the south, through trade or migration, in comparatively recent times we should expect +to find evidences of the same culture distributed along the route by which it must have traveled. We find, however, that few +terraces exist in Mindanao and northern Borneo; and the former, at least, are of recent introduction.<a id="d0e8074src" href="#d0e8074" class="noteref">16</a> There is also negative evidence that such fields were rare along the coasts at the time of the Spanish invasion. In the early +documents we meet with frequent statements that the people were agriculturists and raised considerable quantities of rice +and vegetables in their clearings; but the writer has discovered only two instances in which mention is made of terraced fields.<a id="d0e8082src" href="#d0e8082" class="noteref">17</a> Had extensive terraces existed on the coast, it seems certain that some notice must have been taken of them. Yet in the mountains +of central and northwestern Luzon, in districts remote from coast influences, are found some of the most remarkable fields +of this type in Malaysia; terraces representing such an expenditure of labor that they argue for a long period of construction. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e8093">The proof is not absolute, but, in view of the foregoing, the writer is inclined to the belief that the Igorot and the Tinguian +brought their rice culture with them from the south, and that the latter received it from a source common to them and to the +people of Java and Sumatra. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8095">Many writers who have discussed the rice culture of the East Indies are inclined to credit its introduction to Indian colonists,<a id="d0e8097src" href="#d0e8097" class="noteref">18</a> but <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8161"></a>Page 396</span><span class="smallcaps">Campbell</span><a id="d0e8164src" href="#d0e8164" class="noteref">19</a> holds to the belief that it was practised centuries before the Christian era and prior to the Hindu invasion of Java. There +seems to be no dissent, however, among these writers to the belief that its introduction antedated the arrival of the European +in the Orient by several centuries. The fact that dry land farming, carried on with planting sticks and the like, is still +found among the Igorot and Tinguian, and for that matter all over the Philippines, cannot be advanced as an argument that +the irrigated fields are of recent date, for upland fields and primitive tools are still used in Java and Sumatra, where, +as we have just seen, the wet field culture is an old possession. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8169"><span class="smallcaps">Magical Rites and Ceremonies Connected with the Rice</span>.—The importance of rice to this people is nowhere better evidenced than in the numerous and, in some cases, elaborate rites +with which its cultivation and care is attended. Some of these observances appear to be purely magical, while others are associated +with the consulting of omens, acts of sacrifice, propitiation, and finally of thanksgiving. All are interwoven with tribal +law and custom to such an extent that neglect, on the part of the individual, amounts to a crime against the community, and +hence is punished with public indignation and ostracism. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8173">When a new field is to be prepared, or a granary erected, strict watch must be kept for omens, for should the inhabitants +of the spirit world be unfavorable to the project, they will indicate their feelings by sending snakes, large lizards, deer, +wild hogs, or certain birds to visit the workers. Should any of these appear, as the task is begun, the place is generally +abandoned at once, but if doubt still exists, or it is deemed abvisable to try to persuade the spirits to reconsider, a small +pig will be sacrificed. Its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered about on the ground as an offering, while the medium recites +a proper <i>dīam</i>.<a id="d0e8178src" href="#d0e8178" class="noteref">20</a> After a suitable time has elapsed for the spirits to partake, the liver of the animal is removed, and is carefully examined +(cf. p. 307). If the omens are now favorable, the work may be resumed, but should they still be unpropitious, it is folly +to proceed, for disaster is certain to follow. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8181">The next anxiety is to secure a lusty growth of plants in the seed beds, and to accomplish this, sticks known as <i>salogᴇgᴇy</i>, are stuck in each plot. The surface of such a stick has been pared so that shavings stand out on it in opposite directions, +for such a decoration “is pleasing <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8186"></a>Page 397</span>to the spirits;” while a piece of charcoal, placed in the notched end, compels the new leaves to turn the dark green of sturdy +plants. The first seeds to be planted must always be sowed by the wife of the owner, “so that they will be fertile and yield +a good crop.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e8188">When a field has been constructed, or when the terraces are ready to receive the plants, a ceremony known as <i>Dalau</i>,<a id="d0e8193src" href="#d0e8193" class="noteref">21</a> is held. The purpose of this is to secure the good will of the spirits in general, but more particularly to provide a dwelling +place for the powerful being Kaiba-an, who guards the crops. A medium, accompanied by the family and any others who may be +interested, goes to the field carrying a large bamboo pole, <i>bolo</i><a id="d0e8198src" href="#d0e8198" class="noteref">22</a> branches, stalks of <i>lono<a id="d0e8203src" href="#d0e8203" class="noteref">23</a> bakoñ</i>, and <i>saklak</i>.<a id="d0e8212src" href="#d0e8212" class="noteref">24</a> The end of the bamboo is split open, and a <i>saloko</i><a id="d0e8219src" href="#d0e8219" class="noteref">25</a> is constructed to which are attached the other leaves and stalks. The <i>saloko</i> is then placed on the dividing ridge of the field, and all is ready for the ceremony, unless it is considered wise to also +construct a small house (<i>baubauwī</i>). If the field is near the village, the latter is generally dispensed with, but if it is distant, the house is erected so +that the spirit will accept it as its dwelling, while it is guarding the crop. It is further explained that the spirit then +stays in the small house or <i>saloko</i> instead of in the rice stalks, and so they are able to grow. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8234">A female pig is presented to the medium who, after reciting a proper <i>dīam</i> above it, stabs the animal and collects its blood. This is mixed with rice, and a part is at once deposited in the <i>saloko</i>, while the balance is placed on a head-axe, and is carried about the field. When the whole plot has been traversed, this +rice and blood is scattered in all directions, while the spirits are besought to come and eat. A part of the company has meanwhile +been cooking the flesh of the slain animal, but before any of it is served, a skirt (<i>kīnomayan</i>) is spread at the foot of the <i>saloko</i>, and on it are placed dishes of oil and of cooked rice. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8248">After the meal has been eaten, the family gathers up the skirt and dishes, to return them to the village, but the other offerings +remain. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8250">Rain, like all other things needed, is sent by Kadaklan or Kaboniyan. If it does not come as desired, or if the crop is not +progressing <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8252"></a>Page 398</span>favorably, a ceremony known as <i>Komon</i> or <i>Ubaiya</i><a id="d0e8259src" href="#d0e8259" class="noteref">26</a> is held. Each person of the village is assessed a <i>sopa</i> of rice, a bundle of <i>palay</i>, or a small coin with which pigs, <i>basi</i>, and other things necessary, can be purchased. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8271">Early in the morning of the appointed day, the mediums, accompanied by many people, go to the guardian stones, oil the head +of each, and place a bark band around it. Then having recited a proper <i>dīam</i> over a small pig, they slaughter it and scatter its blood mixed with rice among the stones. Likewise they place a dish of +<i>basi</i> among them for the use of the spirits. A part of the slain animal is then cooked and eaten, after which all go back to the +village. At some appointed place, rice, eggs, betel-nuts, and a large pig have been assembled, and to this spot the mediums +go to conduct the rite known as <i>Dawak</i>.<a id="d0e8282src" href="#d0e8282" class="noteref">27</a> Before its conclusion a <i>dīam</i> is recited over the pig, which is then killed and prepared for food. Meanwhile the chief medium beseeches the supreme being +Kadaklan to enter her body. He comes, and after telling the people what must be done to insure the crop, he designates some +one man who must, on the following morning, celebrate <i>Padīam</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8291">After all the visiting spirits have been given food and drink, a small covered raft (<i>taltalabong</i>) is constructed, and in it are placed a live chick, a cooked rooster, and other articles of food. Four sturdy men carry this +to the river and set it afloat, while the people shout and beat on gongs to drive away evil spirits who might wish to steal +the raft and its contents. The purpose of this offering is to supply food to any spirits who may be unable to attend the ceremony. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e8296">Early the next morning, the man who has been designated by Kadaklan to perform the <i>Padīam</i> makes ready, at his own expense, a large pig and cooked rice, and carries these to the fields. He must be dressed in striped +garments known as <i>gīnalīt</i>, must carry a headaxe, and wear on his head the cloth band of the medium, beneath which are thrust two <i>īgam</i>, that is, chicken feathers notched or decorated with bits of colored thread (cf. p. 313). He is accompanied by his wife, +attired in a red jacket (<i>sinasáya</i>) and a skirt (<i>pīnápa</i>), and by a medium who also wears the <i>īgam</i> beneath a headband of <i>sīkag</i>;<a id="d0e8319src" href="#d0e8319" class="noteref">28</a> while the townspeople follow behind. Arrived at the field, the medium <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8327"></a>Page 399</span>squats before the bound pig, and holding a spear, betel-nuts, and oil, begins to recite a <i>dīam</i>, meanwhile she strokes the animal from time to time with oiled fingers. This concluded, she stabs the pig, and having mixed +its blood with rice, scatters it over the field, calling to the spirits to come and eat, and then to grant a full harvest. +The people eat part of the animal while in the field, but before returning home, the head of each family receives a small +strip of uncooked flesh, which he fastens above the door as a sign that the ceremony has been held.<a id="d0e8332src" href="#d0e8332" class="noteref">29</a> The following day, the owner and the medium return to the field and break a little soil with a spear, and the ceremony is +complete, but for some days these two are barred from eating shrimp, carabao, or wild pig. The owner must also pay the medium +ten bundles of rice for her assistance in insuring his own crops, as well as those of the community. Should lightning strike +a field or a tree in it, this ceremony is repeated, with the exception that the strips of flesh are not distributed, nor is +the soil broken with a spear.<a id="d0e8338src" href="#d0e8338" class="noteref">30</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e8341">In Lumaba, a town strongly influenced by the Igorot, the <i>Ubaiya</i> regularly precedes the rice planting, as well as the first use of a newly constructed field. While conforming, in general, +to that already described, a part of the procedure is somewhat different. On the day before the ceremony, the men go to the +mountains and gather <i>lono</i> stalks, one for each house and two for the town gate. The two reeds are placed crosswise of the entrance to the village and +serve as a sign of taboo, and thereafter no one may enter until they are officially removed. To do so would necessitate the +repetition of the ceremony, and the offender would be obliged to provide all the things necessary for it. Likewise, no one +may wear a hat or prepare food during the period of taboo. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8349">The next day is known as <i>Bignas</i>, and at dawn all the men arm themselves with bamboo poles. With these they beat about under the houses and throughout the +town, in order to drive away any evil spirits who may be lurking about. Having effectively rid the town, they force the invisible +beings ahead of them to the river, where they deposit the poles. They return to the village singing and shouting, and are +met at the gate by the women, who hold ladders, one on each side of the entrance, so that they meet at the top and thus form +a path by which the men may enter without breaking the interdict. At <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8354"></a>Page 400</span>the guardian stones, they pause long enough to sacrifice a pig and a rooster, and offer blood and rice to the spirits, and +then they proceed to the center of the village, where they dance <i>tadek</i> and <i>da-eng</i> until dusk. At nightfall a pig is killed, its flesh is divided among the people, and a <i>lono</i> stalk, after being dipped in the blood, is given to a member of each family. This is carried home, and is placed on the outside +wall as a sign that the ceremony has been held. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8365">If the sun is shining the following morning, the <i>lakay</i> will go outside the town to gather wood. Upon his return the people are again free to fish and hunt, but work is forbidden +until evening. Should the sun fail to appear, all remain quietly in the village until the <i>lakay</i> can remove the taboo by his wood gathering. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8373">In Manabo the ceremony is a mixture of the two types just described, and is always held at the time of planting and when droughts +occur.<a id="d0e8375src" href="#d0e8375" class="noteref">31</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e8381">The procedure at harvest time varies considerably in different districts, but the usual custom is for a woman, from each family, +to go to the fields and cut alone until she has harvested one hundred bundles. During this time she may use no salt, but a +little sand is placed in her food as a substitute. No outsider may enter the dwelling during this preliminary cutting. So +strictly is this rule observed that the writer has been absolutely excluded from homes where, on other occasions, he was a +welcome guest. In Lumaba and vicinity it is the custom to sacrifice a chicken two days before the harvest begins, and to cook +its neck and intestines without salt. These are then divided into nine parts, are placed in dishes, and are carried to the +spirit house in the field. At the end of the second day, the feathers of the fowl are stuck into the sides of the structure, +and the spirits are entreated to grant a good harvest and health for the workers. The dishes are then returned to the village, +and on the following morning the women may begin cutting. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8383">When the rice is ready to be stored, the <i>Palpalaem</i><a id="d0e8387src" href="#d0e8387" class="noteref">32</a> ceremony is held in honor of the spirit of the granary. Vines and shrubs<a id="d0e8390src" href="#d0e8390" class="noteref">33</a> are tied to each supporting post of the granary and above the door, while <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8411"></a>Page 401</span>a bit of <i>sīkag</i> is also hidden inside a bundle of rice, which has been placed at each corner pole. Near one post is a small pig with its +head toward the east, and over it the medium recites a <i>dīam</i>. As usual, the animal is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered to the spirits. A part of the flesh is wrapped +in banana leaves, and a bundle is buried at the foot of each post. The skull is cooked, and after being cleaned, is hung up +inside the roof. The rest of the meat is cooked, and is served with rice to the little company of friends who have gathered. +Each guest is also given a few stalks of the rice from the bundles at the corner posts. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8419">Just before the new rice is placed in the granary, a jar of <i>basi</i> is placed in the center of the structure, and beside it a dish filled with oil and the dung of worms. Five bundles of <i>palay</i> are piled over these, and the whole is presented to the spirit, who will now allow the rice to multiply until it is as plentiful +as the dung. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8427">In Buneg and nearby villages, all of which are strongly influenced by immigrants from the Cagayan valley, a small clay house +known as <i>lablabon</i> or <i>adug</i> is placed with the rice, and from time to time offerings are put in them for the spirit who multiplies the rice (Plate <a id="d0e8435" href="#d0e11734">XXIX</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e8438">Certain restrictions always apply to the granary. It may never be opened after dark, for evil spirits are certain to enter, +and the crop will vanish quickly. It can be opened only by a member of the family “whom the spirit knows;” and should another +attempt to remove the grain, sickness or blindness will befall him. So rigorously is this enforced that a bride never opens +her husband's granary until he has presented her with a string of beads, which she wears about her neck to identify her. It +is further necessary that she receive a similar gift before she eats of his rice, otherwise she will become ill. However, +this does not apply to others, even strangers being fed without this gift being made. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8440">A custom which formerly prevailed, but is now falling into disuse, was for the bride and groom to visit the family fields, +where the youth cut a little grass along the dividing ridges. He then took up a bit of earth on his head-axe, and both tasted +of it, “so that the ground would yield them good harvests, and they would become wealthy,” + +</p> +<p id="d0e8442"><span class="smallcaps">Cultivated Plants and Trees</span>.—Near every settlement will be found a number of small gardens, in which a variety of vegetables are grown. Occasionally +a considerable planting of bananas will be found, while many villages are buried beneath the shade of coconut trees, but <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8446"></a>Page 402</span>in comparison with rice the cultivation of other crops becomes insignificant. Nevertheless, a considerable amount of food +stuff, as well as of plants and trees used in household industries, are planted in prepared land; while many of wild growths +are utilized. The following list is doubtless incomplete, but still contains those of special value to this people.<a id="d0e8448src" href="#d0e8448" class="noteref">34</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e8451">Next to rice the <i>camote</i> (<i>Convolvulus batatas</i>) is the most important food product. Occasionally it is raised in the gardens or rice terraces, but, as a rule, it is planted +in hillside clearings from which one or two crops of rice have been removed. The tuber is cut into pieces, or runners from +old plants are stuck into the ground, and the planting is complete. The vine soon becomes very sturdy, its large green leaves +so carpeting the ground that it even competes successfully with the <i>cogon</i> grass. If allowed, the plants multiply by their runners far beyond the space originally allotted to them. The tubers, which +are about the size of our sweet potatoes, are dug up as needed, to replace or supplement rice in the daily menu. Both roots +and plants are also cooked and used as food for the pigs and dogs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8462"><i>Aba</i> (<i>Colocasia antiquorum</i> Schott) is raised,<a id="d0e8469src" href="#d0e8469" class="noteref">35</a> but as it requires a moist soil, and hence would occupy land adapted to rice, it is chiefly limited to the gardens. It has +large fleshy roots which are used like those of the <i>camote</i>, while the leaves and young shoots are also cooked and eaten. Other tubers known as <i>obi</i> (<i>Dioscorea sp</i>.), <i>gakad</i> (<i>Dioscorea divaricata</i> Blanco), <i>annaeg</i> (<i>Dioscorea fasciculata</i>), and <i>kamas</i> (<i>Pachyrhizus angulatus</i> D.C.) are raised to a limited extent in the gardens. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8502">Corn, <i>maīs, bukel</i>, and red corn, <i>gasīlan</i> (<i>Zea mays</i> L.) seems to have been introduced into Abra in comparatively late times, for despite the fact that it is one of the most +important crops, it has neither gathered to itself ceremonial procedure, nor has it acquired a place in the folk-lore. A considerable +amount is raised in the village gardens, but generally it is planted by dibbling in the high land. When ripe, the ears are +broken from the stalk, the husks are turned back, and several are tied together. These bunches are then placed over horizontal +poles, raised several feet from the ground (Plate <a id="d0e8513" href="#d0e11887">LVIII</a>), and after being thoroughly dried, are hung from the house rafters. The common method of grinding is to place the corn on +a large stone, over which a smaller <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8516"></a>Page 403</span>stone is rocked until a fine flour is produced (Plate <a id="d0e8518" href="#d0e11892">LIX</a>). Stone disk grinders, imported from the coast, are also in use. These consist of grooved stones, the upper of which revolves +on the lower. Grain is fed into an opening at the top as needed. Dried corn, popped in the embers of a fire, is much relished +by the children. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8521">Several varieties of squash,<a id="d0e8523src" href="#d0e8523" class="noteref">36</a> and beans, as well as peanuts (<i>manī</i>) are among the common products of the garden. The former are trained to run over a low trellis or frame to prevent injury +to the blossoms from a driving rain. Both blossoms and the mature vegetables are used as food. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8544">Among the minor products are ginger, <i>laya</i> (<i>Zingiber officinale</i> Rosc.) and a small melon, locally known as <i>melod</i>, which is used as a sweetening. Sugar cane, <i>onas</i> (<i>Saccharum</i>), is raised in considerable quantity, and is used in making an intoxicating drink known as <i>basi</i>. It is also eaten raw in place of a sweetmeat, but is never converted into sugar. Nowadays the juice is extracted by passing +the cane between two cylinders of wood with intermeshing teeth. Motive power is furnished by a carabao attached to a long +sweep. This is doubtless a recent introduction, but it has entirely superseded any older method. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8564">The cane is raised from cuttings which are set in mud-beds until ready to be transferred to the mountain-side clearings. These +lands are prepared in the same manner as the upland rice fields already described. The men dig shallow holes and set each +plant upright, while the women follow, filling the hole with water and then pressing earth in with fingers or toes. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8566">In addition to these food crops, considerable plantings of cotton or <i>kapas</i> (<i>Gossypium</i> sp.) and tobacco or <i>tabá-o</i> (<i>Nicotiana tabacum</i>) are raised in the clearings. The former is planted on the hillsides, where it matures in three or four months. The plant +seldom reaches a height of two feet, and the bolls are small, doubtless due to lack of care and suitable fertilization.<a id="d0e8580src" href="#d0e8580" class="noteref">37</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e8589">Tobacco seeds are sprouted in beds similar to those used for the rice, and the same magical device is used to insure a lusty +growth. The young plants are carefully watered and shaded until they reach a height of five or six inches. They are then transplanted +to hillside clearings, or to unused rice fields, where they are set out about three <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8591"></a>Page 404</span>to a foot. This transfer generally takes place near the beginning of the dry season, so that the crop will be sure to mature +without the damaging effect of water on the leaves. The plants while lusty do not attain the size of those grown in the valley +regions of the interior. As soon as the leaves begin to turn a dark yellow, they are cut off and are strung on slender bamboo +sticks (Plate <a id="d0e8593" href="#d0e11897">LX</a>), which are then hung up in the house. When nearly dry, they are laid in piles, and are occasionally turned to prevent rust +or mildew from forming. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8596">A small amount of indigo, <i>tayum</i> (<i>Indigofera tinctoria</i>) is raised, generally in open spots near the villages. The plants receive little or no attention, yet still attain a height +of about three feet. The leaves and branches are placed in water for a few days, and are then boiled, together with a little +lime, the resultant liquor being used as a dye for cotton thread. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8604">No product receives more attention in the lore of the Tinguian than the climbing vine known as <i>lawed</i> (<i>Piper sp</i>.).<a id="d0e8612src" href="#d0e8612" class="noteref">38</a> It was formerly in universal use in connection with the chewing of betel-nut. To-day betel-nut is less common in this region, +but this leaf and the areca-nut still play an important part in all ceremonies. According to tradition, it was possible in +the old times to tell the fate of an absent friend by noting the condition of a <i>lawed</i> vine planted by him prior to his departure.<a id="d0e8621src" href="#d0e8621" class="noteref">39</a> The vine is now trained on poles and trellises, near to many houses. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8624">Among the larger cultivated plants and trees, the banana (<i>Musa paradisiaca</i>), coconut (<i>Cocos nucifera</i>), and bamboo (<i>Bambusa sp</i>.) are the most important. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8635">At least twenty varieties of bananas are raised in Abra. The fruit of some of these is scarcely larger than the forefinger, +while others are quite large. The common type bears a rather small, yellow fruit locally known as <i>saba</i>. In Manabo and several other villages, plantings covering three or four acres are to be found, but the usual plot is small, +and is situated near to the house of the owner. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8640">Suckers, which sprout from the roots of mature plants, are set out as needed, either to make new groves or to replace the +old stalks, which are cut down after bearing. Both bud and fruit are eaten. The latter are cut on the stem while still green, +and are hung in the house to ripen, in order to protect them from bats and fruit-feeding birds. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8642">The coconut (<i>nīog</i>) is not raised in groves, as in the Christianized <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8647"></a>Page 405</span>districts, but in many villages every house has two or three trees towering above it. Even the interior mountain settlements, +like Lingey, Ba-ay, and Likuan, are hidden beneath these trees, thus incidentally disposing of the fable that “the coconut +tree will not grow out of sight of the sea.” Young trees have to be protected by fences during the first two or three years +of growth, or they will be uprooted by the pigs, but from that time on they require little or no care. They are not tapped +for sap, as is customary in most parts of the Philippines, but notches are cut in the tree trunks in order to supply foothold +for the fruit gatherer. The nuts are cut off with a knife as soon as ripe, else they may fall and cause death or injury to +people below. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8649">No other fruit serves the people in so many ways. The juice is relished as a drink, the meat as a food, the oil as a food +and hair dressing; the shells serve as dishes and cups, or are carved into ladles, while the fibrous covering of the nut is +converted into foot wipers, thread brushes, and the like. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8651">The betel-nut, <i>bwa</i> (<i>Areca catechu</i> L.), is also found in some villages, particularly in the mountains. It is a tall, slender palm which yields the nut so prized +throughout the Islands for chewing. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8659">Mango-treees, <i>mangga</i> (<i>Mangifera indica</i> L.) appear here and there in valleys and on mountain sides, where the seeds have doubtless been carried by birds or travelers, +but considerable groves are found in many districts. The fruit is picked before it is ripe, and is eaten as it becomes mellow. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e8667">Other trees and shrubs which are occasionally planted are: <i>Atis</i> (<i>Anona squamosa</i> L., an American plant) prized both for its fruit and bark—the latter being used in rope-making. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8675"><i>Atatawa</i> (<i>Jathropha multifida</i> L.). Also found in a wild state. The fruit is used as a purgative. The <i>Jathropha curcas</i> L. is also used. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8685"><i>Daligan</i> (<i>Averrhoa carambola</i> L.) or Coromandel gooseberry. The fruit is eaten without cooking. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8692"><i>Lanka</i> (<i>Artocarpus integrifola</i> L.). Jackfruit. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8699"><i>Maling-kapas</i> or <i>kapas to insit</i> (<i>Ceiba pantadra</i> Gaertn.), also known by the Ilocano as <i>kapas sanglay</i>. This so-called “Chinese cotton” is a small tree with few, but perfectly straight, branches, which radiate from the trunk +in horizontal lines. It produces elliptical pods which burst open when ripe, exposing a silky white cotton. The fiber is too +short for spinning, but is used as tinder and as stuffing for pillows. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8712">Orange (<i>lokban</i>) and lime (<i>lolokīsen</i>) trees are greatly prized, but <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8720"></a>Page 406</span>appear only occasionally. They receive no care, and consequently yield only inferior fruit. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8722">The <i>pias</i> (<i>Averrhoa bilimbi</i> L.) is a garden tree which produces an acid fruit used in cooking. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8730"><i>Santol</i> (<i>Sandoricum indicum</i> Cav.) trees are raised both for the fruit and for timber. It is said that house posts of this wood are not attacked by white +ants. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8737"><span class="smallcaps">Wild Plants and Trees</span>.—Few of the wild growths have escaped the attention of this people, and many are used as food and medicine, as well as for +fiber materials and bark cloth. Among those used for food, the following are the most important:— + +</p> +<p id="d0e8741"><i>Apang</i> or <i>sapang</i> (<i>Bixa orellana</i> L.). + +</p> +<p id="d0e8751"><i>Alloseup</i> (<i>Antidesma ghesaembilla</i> Gaertn.). + +</p> +<p id="d0e8758"><i>Bayabas</i>, or lemon guava (<i>Psidium guayava</i> L.), an American shrub which now grows wild, and in great abundance, in the mountains. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8765"><i>Balatong</i> (<i>Phaseolus mungo</i> L.). Only the seeds are used. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8772"><i>Damokes</i> (<i>Pithecolobium dulce</i> Benth.), an American tree which now grows spontaneously in northern Luzon. The fruit is eaten, while the bark is sometimes +used for tanning. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8779"><i>Ipako</i> (<i>Psophocarpus tetragonolobus</i> D.C.), a herbaceous vine infrequently seen in the gardens. The young pods are used as a condiment. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8786"><i>Kochai</i> (<i>Alliuni tricoccum</i>) or wild leek. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8793"><i>Katodai</i> (<i>Sesbania grandiflora</i> P.). Only the flowers are eaten. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8800"><i>Kama-al</i> (<i>Allaeanthus luzonicus</i> Blanco. Vill.). + +</p> +<p id="d0e8807"><i>Kalot</i> (<i>Dioscorea daemona</i> Roxb.), a tuber, poisonous if eaten without special preparation. It is cut into small pieces, and is placed in running water +for several days, after which it is cooked. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8814"><i>Kamatis</i> (<i>Lycopersicum esculentum</i> Mill.), tiny tomatoes which are eaten raw or cooked. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8821"><i>Labok</i> (<i>Colocasia antiquorum</i> Schott). + +</p> +<p id="d0e8828"><i>Longboy</i> (<i>Eugenia jambolana</i> Lam.). + +</p> +<p id="d0e8835"><i>Olo</i> (<i>Cissus sp</i>.), a low climbing herb, the stems and leaves of which are used in place of vinegar. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8842"><i>Palda</i> (<i>Phaseolus lunatus</i> L.), civet bean. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8849"><i>Sili</i> (<i>Capsicum frutescens</i> L.), small red peppers. The American chile. Used as a condiment. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8856">Specimens of about twenty other food plants and trees were obtained, but their identification was impossible. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8858">The wild growths used as medicines, or in the manufacture of string, rope, and bark cloth, will be mentioned under those headings. + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8860"></a>Page 407</span></p> +<p id="d0e8861"><span class="smallcaps">Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease</span>.—Most sickness is thought to be caused by spirits, either with evil intent or to punish some wrong-doing or oversight on +the part of the people. To placate or bribe these superior beings, elaborate ceremonies are held, but in addition to these +a number of simple remedies are made use of. The efficacy of some of these medicines is explained by the fact that certain +leaves or infusions are distasteful to the spirits of disease, which, consequently, take their departure. Again, a trouble +such as a tooth-ache is caused by a small worm which is gnawing at the tooth. To overcome this, the bark and leaves of the +<i>alem</i> tree are thoroughly beaten, and are applied to the face. The worm smells the crushed leaves, and straightway enters the poultice +which is then burned. The spirits which bring the cholera can be driven away by burning the leaves of <i>sobosob</i> (<i>Blumea balsamifera</i>), <i>bangbangsit</i> (<i>Hyptis suavolens</i> Poir.) and <i>dala</i> (?) beneath the house; likewise, the bark of the <i>bani</i> (?) keeps the bearers of constipation at a distance. <i>Bangbangsit</i> is also considered as a cure for stomachache, diarrhoea, and is an aid in bringing on menstruation. When used for these purposes, +the root is boiled, and the liquor is drunk. The fresh leaves will also relieve a pain in the stomach if applied to it, while +the fruit is eaten to cure diarrhoea. If the patient is already affected with cholera or dysentery, the leaves of the <i>sobosob</i> are placed in a jar of water at the mouth of which a clay ball is suspended, and the whole is then completely covered with +banana leaves. The pot it placed over a fire, and the steam being unable to escape is absorbed by the clay. Later this is +crushed, is mixed with water, and is swallowed by the patient. Lard burned to a crisp is likewise mixed with water, and is +drunk to relieve diarrhoea. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8892">Fever is a frequent ailment, and several medicines are employed against it. The most common is to crush the leaves of the +<i>dangla</i> (<i>Vitex negundo</i> L.) in vinegar made from <i>basi</i>, and to add to this a fourth part of urine. The patient drinks a shell cup of the liquor, is washed in cold water, and then +is briskly rubbed with fine salt. Young banana leaves are applied to the flesh, and over these blankets are placed. This is +repeated twice daily until the fever is broken. Wild tomato leaves, pounded and applied to the abdomen, are also considered +valuable in causing the patient to sweat. If the trouble is unusually severe, a hot bath is prepared by boiling the leaves +of the lemon, <i>atis</i> (<i>Anona squamosa</i> L.), and <i>toltolang</i> (?) trees in water. After the patient has been bathed in this, he is wrapped in blankets. The same remedy is used to cure +fits. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8912">Snake bite is treated by chewing the bark of the <i>alonen</i> (<i>Streblus</i> <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e8920"></a>Page 408</span><i>asper</i> Lour.), or <i>kasabong</i> (<i>Argemone mexicana</i> L.), or the root of the <i>talabatab</i> (<i>Capparis micracantha</i> D.C.), all of which cause vomiting. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8936">The fruit of the <i>soloyot</i> (<i>Corchorus olitorius</i> L.), when baked and ground to a powder, likewise produces vomiting, and is used for any kind of poisoning. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8944">To relieve the itch, the juice of the <i>kabatiti</i> (<i>Luffa acutangula</i> Roxb.), <i>Bayabas</i> (<i>Psidium guajava</i> L.) or <i>lew-lew</i> (<i>Ficus haulili</i> Blanco) is mixed with vinegar and soot, and is applied to the skin. The milky exudation of the <i>kalinbwaya</i> (<i>Euphorbia nerüfolia</i> L.) is also placed on the affected parts. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8970">During the rainy season the people are greatly troubled with small blisters which form between the toes and quickly break +down, leaving open sores. To “harden” the feet, they hold them over burning straw. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8972">Certain other aids against disease are also employed. Cracked feet are treated with carabao dung; the nest of a small cave +bird (<i>nīdo</i>) is crushed in water, and is drunk as a cure for coughs; while the flesh of the shell fish (<i>kool</i>) is applied to boils. A further cure for the itch is made by pounding a coconut shell into a fine powder. This is placed +in a jar, over a hot fire, and a piece of iron is laid over the top. The “sweat” which collects on the iron is said to give +instant relief. + +</p> +<p id="d0e8980">An infected (“bad”) finger or limb is tightly bound “to keep the sickness from going up.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e8982"><span class="smallcaps">Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants</span>.—A study of the tales and ceremonies makes it evident that the betel-nut (<i>bwa</i>) was at one time extensively used. To-day it occupies an exceedingly important place in the religious rites, but is seldom +chewed. When it is offered to the spirits, it is still prepared in the way that is universal throughout Malaysia. The nut +of the areca palm (<i>Areca catechu</i> L.) is split into four pieces, fresh lime is spread on a piper leaf (<i>Piper betel</i> L.), this is wrapped about the piece of nut, and is ready for chewing. The areca palm grows well in this territory, and quite +an extensive grove is to be found near the village of Bakaok, yet this is the only place where any number of the people are +addicted to its use. Tobacco (<i>tabáo</i>), on the other hand, is in universal use, although it certainly was introduced after the arrival of the Spaniards. The leaf +is dried, and is rolled into thin cigars which are placed in tiny pipes (<a id="d0e8998" href="#d0e9811">Fig. 21</a>). The cigar itself is never held in the lips, nor is the leaf chewed. Young and old of both sexes smoke frequently, but not +a great deal at a time. After taking a few puffs, the pipe is stuck into the hair, or under the inner band of the hat, until +again needed. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9001"></a>Page 409</span></p> +<p id="d0e9002">The only intoxicating drink made and used by this people is the fermented juice of the sugar-cane, known as <i>basi</i>. The juice when extracted from the cane is boiled with water for four or five hours. It is placed in a large jar together +with cinnamon bark, and is tightly covered over with leaves. Fermentation begins almost at once, but for a month the drink +is raw and little prized. In three or four months, it becomes quite mellow and pleasant to the taste. Jars are sometimes stored +away to be opened only for some important event, such as a marriage festival or the celebration of a great ceremony. At such +a time a very definite procedure is followed. The most honored guest is invited to do the serving. He removes the covering, +dips into the liquor, pours a little on the sides of the jar, and then a few drops on the ground as an offering to the spirits. +A coconut shell cup is then dipped out, and is carried to the <i>lakay</i> or some other old man. Before he drinks, he raises the cup to the level of his face, and, beginning at his right, offers +it to each person in the circle. The one saluted makes a gesture away from his body with his right hand, the palm upturned. +When all have refused the cup, the man drinks, often he stops to sing the <i>daleng</i>, an improvised song in which he compliments his host, bespeaks the welfare of his family, or praises the other members of +the gathering. One after another the guests are served, but always according to age and importance, the women and young people +being left to the last. The liquor is quite intoxicating, two or three drinks being sufficient to put the company in a jovial +mood. It often happens that one or more will become gloriously drunk, but, as a rule, they are not quarrelsome, and there +seems to be no unpleasant after-effects.<a id="d0e9013src" href="#d0e9013" class="noteref">40</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9025"><span class="smallcaps">Domestic Animals</span>.—Dogs, pigs, chickens, and carabao appear to have been long in the possession of this tribe. Horses, goats, and cattle are +now owned by some of the people, but only the former are of sufficient number to be considered important. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9029">The dogs <i>(aso)</i>are surly, ill-kept creatures of mongrel breed. They are seldom treated as pets, but are kept for hunting. Well-fed dogs are +considered lazy, and hence they are fed only with a rice gruel, which seems to be neither fattening nor satisfactory. When +in the village, the miserable creatures wander about under the houses, there to pick up and fight over morsels which may drop +from above, or they lie in the ashes of the bonfires, the better to protect themselves from fleas <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9034"></a>Page 410</span>and other enemies. When used in hunting, they are kept in leash until the game is started. When released, they follow the +quarry at full cry, and if the game has been injured, they will seldom give up the chase. It is necessary for the hunters +to follow the dogs closely and beat them off a slain animal, otherwise they will quickly devour it. They are always rewarded +with a part of the intestines and some other portions, so that they may be keen for the next hunt. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9036">Pigs (<i>babuy</i>) run at large throughout the villages or in the neighboring underbrush. They are fed at night close to the dwellings, and +thus become at least half tame (Plate <a id="d0e9041" href="#d0e11902">LXI</a>). Many spend the hot hours of mid-day beneath the houses, from which they are occasionally driven by the irate housewives, +when their squealing and fighting become unbearable. The domestic pigs are probably all descended from the wild stock with +which they still constantly mix. Most of the young pigs are born with yellow stripes like the young of the wild, but they +lose these marks in a short time. Castration of the young males is usually accomplished when the animals are about two months +old. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9044">Considerable numbers of chickens (<i>manok</i>) are raised. Nets or coops are arranged for them beneath the houses, but they run at large during the day time. Eggs are +an important part of the food supply, but the fowls themselves are seldom killed or eaten, except in connection with the ceremonies. +The domestic birds closely resemble the wild fowl of the neighborhood, and probably are descended from them. Except for a +few strongly influenced settlements, cock-fighting has no hold upon this people. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9049">The carabao or water buffalo (<i>nuang</i>) is the most prized and valuable animal possessed by this tribe. As a rule, it is handled and petted by the children from +the time of its birth, and hence its taming and breaking is a matter of little moment. In the mountain region about Lakub, +where most of the animals are allowed to run half wild, only the strongest are broken. The animal is driven into a A-shaped +pen, and a heavy pole is fastened across its neck just behind the horns. It is thus prevented from using its strength, and +is loaded or ridden until it becomes accustomed to the treatment. Carabao are used for drawing the sleds and for ploughing +and harrowing in the lower fields. Should one be seriously injured, it would be killed and eaten; but strong animals are slaughtered +only on very rare occasions. Wild carabao are fairly abundant in the mountains. They closely resemble the tame stock, and +are generally considered to be derived from animals which have escaped. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9054"></a>Page 411</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7698" href="#d0e7698src" class="noteref">1</a> The mountain rice is known as <i>langpadan</i>, the lowland rice as pagᴇy (Ilocano <i>palay</i>). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7729" href="#d0e7729src" class="noteref">2</a> This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. See <span class="smallcaps">Marsden</span>, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71–72 (London, 1811). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7773" href="#d0e7773src" class="noteref">3</a> A similar device is employed in Java. See <span class="smallcaps">Freeman</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Chandler</span>, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7791" href="#d0e7791src" class="noteref">4</a> The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. See <span class="smallcaps">Jenks</span>, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7800" href="#d0e7800src" class="noteref">5</a> <span class="smallcaps">Raffles</span>, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate VIII (London, 1820); <span class="smallcaps">Marsden</span>, <i>op. cit</i>., p. 74; <span class="smallcaps">Freeman</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Chandler</span>, <i>op. cit</i>., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider this type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian name <i>alado</i> is doubtless a corruption of the Spanish <i>arado</i>, but this of course would not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7867" href="#d0e7867src" class="noteref">6</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195, <i>et seq</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7875" href="#d0e7875src" class="noteref">7</a> <i>Munia jagori</i> (martens). Locally known as <i>tikgi</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7896" href="#d0e7896src" class="noteref">8</a> Probably the <i>ophiocephalus</i>. See <span class="smallcaps">Dean</span>, <i>American Museum Journal</i>, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7908" href="#d0e7908src" class="noteref">9</a> This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7924" href="#d0e7924src" class="noteref">10</a> The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks with the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by +the Apayao, in parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. See <span class="smallcaps">Marsden</span>, History of Sumatra, p. 73; <span class="smallcaps">Raffles</span>, History of Java, pp. 125–6, also Plate 8; <span class="smallcaps">Mayer</span>, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452, (Leiden, 1897); <span class="smallcaps">Van der Lith</span>, Nederlandsch Oost Indië, Vol. II, p. 353, (Leiden, 1894). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7950" href="#d0e7950src" class="noteref">11</a> Rice in the bundle is known as <i>palay</i> or <i>pagᴇy</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7969" href="#d0e7969src" class="noteref">12</a> The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e7996" href="#d0e7996src" class="noteref">13</a> Ilocano <i>sanga-reppet</i> or the Spanish <i>monojo</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8048" href="#d0e8048src" class="noteref">14</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8064" href="#d0e8064src" class="noteref">15</a> History of Sumatra, pp. 65, <i>et seq</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8074" href="#d0e8074src" class="noteref">16</a> <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span> (Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, pp. 246–7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern Borneo, a recent +acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8082" href="#d0e8082src" class="noteref">17</a> <span class="smallcaps">Lavezaris</span>, writing in 1569–76, states that the natives, of no specified district, “have great quantities of provisions which they gathered +from irrigated fields” (<span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, Philippine Islands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250–251, of the same publication, is a record of the expedition +to Tue, in the mountains at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the natives of that section were, +in 1592, gathering two crops of rice, “one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself.” +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8097" href="#d0e8097src" class="noteref">18</a> For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture, see <span class="smallcaps">Freeman</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Chandler</span>, The World's Commercial Products (Boston, 1911); <span class="smallcaps">Ratzel</span>, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426, <i>et seq</i>. (London, 1896); <span class="smallcaps">Ferrars</span>, Burma, pp. 48, <i>et seq</i>. (London, 1901); <span class="smallcaps">Bezemer</span>, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 232 (Groningen, 1906); <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span>, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246; <span class="smallcaps">Perry</span>, <i>Manchester Memoirs</i>, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915–16; <span class="smallcaps">Wallace</span>, The Malay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894); <span class="smallcaps">Cabaton</span>, Java and the Dutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911); <span class="smallcaps">Meyier</span>, Irrigation in Java, <i>Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers,</i> Vol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908); <span class="smallcaps">Bernard</span>, Aménagement des eaux à Java, irrigation des rizières (Paris 1903); <span class="smallcaps">Crawfurd</span>, History of the Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358, <i>et seq</i>. (Edinburgh, 1820). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8164" href="#d0e8164src" class="noteref">19</a> <span class="smallcaps">Campbell</span>, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London, 1915). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8178" href="#d0e8178src" class="noteref">20</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8193" href="#d0e8193src" class="noteref">21</a> Also known as Singá and Baubauwī. In Likuan it is held only in case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan, +Patikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated both before the planting and after the harvesting. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8198" href="#d0e8198src" class="noteref">22</a> A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8203" href="#d0e8203src" class="noteref">23</a> <i>runo</i>, a reed. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8212" href="#d0e8212src" class="noteref">24</a> <i>Justicia gendarussa</i> L. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8219" href="#d0e8219src" class="noteref">25</a> Also called <i>salokang</i>. See p. 310. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8259" href="#d0e8259src" class="noteref">26</a> The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if it is too abundant. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8282" href="#d0e8282src" class="noteref">27</a> At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and through them talk with the people. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8319" href="#d0e8319src" class="noteref">28</a> <i>Lygodium</i> near <i>scandens</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8332" href="#d0e8332src" class="noteref">29</a> In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached to split sticks, (<i>sīnobung</i>), and are fastened to a side wall of the house. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8338" href="#d0e8338src" class="noteref">30</a> Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8375" href="#d0e8375src" class="noteref">31</a> The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar ceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo. +Should the bird known as <i>koling</i> fly over the town during this period, uttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise, all is well. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8387" href="#d0e8387src" class="noteref">32</a> Literally, “to give a taste.” +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8390" href="#d0e8390src" class="noteref">33</a> Those used are <i>sīkag</i> (<i>Lygodium</i> near <i>scandens</i>), <i>talabibatab</i> (<i>Capparis micracantha</i> D.C.) and <i>pedped</i> (?). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8448" href="#d0e8448src" class="noteref">34</a> Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer D. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from +specimens collected by the writer. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8469" href="#d0e8469src" class="noteref">35</a> Known generally throughout the Philippines as <i>gabi</i>. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8523" href="#d0e8523src" class="noteref">36</a> The three common varieties of squash are <i>kalabasa</i> (<i>Benincasa certifera</i>), <i>tabongau</i> and <i>tankoy</i> (<i>Curcubita sp</i>.). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8580" href="#d0e8580src" class="noteref">37</a> In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount of <i>maguey</i> (<i>Agave cantula</i> Roxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8612" href="#d0e8612src" class="noteref">38</a> A less esteemed species is known as <i>lalawed ta aso</i> (“dog lawed”). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e8621" href="#d0e8621src" class="noteref">39</a> See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9013" href="#d0e9013src" class="noteref">40</a> A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. See <span class="smallcaps">Aduarte</span>, Historia; <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It is still found in many portions of the archipelago. +</p> +</div><a id="d0e9055"></a><h1>Products of Industry</h1> +<p id="d0e9058"><span class="smallcaps">Iron-Working</span>.—Little iron work is now done in the valley of the Abra for the competition of the Ilocano smiths of Santa and Narvacan, +in Ilocos Sur, and the cheap products brought to the coast, and as far inland as Bangued, by Chinese traders, have swamped +the native industry. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9062">Forges are still found in many villages of eastern Abra, particularly those of the upper Buklok river, but the real center +of the industry is in and around Balbalasang, on the eastern side of the mountain range. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9064">We have in northern Luzon a situation similar to that found throughout the archipelago, namely, that the most flourishing +smithies are usually those farthest removed from the coast traders. Where communication is easy and trade unrestricted, the +native industry has vanished, or is on the wane. To-day the forges of the Bontoc Igorot, of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages, +and of Apayao, are turning out superior weapons, but elsewhere in the northwestern districts the pagan people have either +lost the art, or make only very inferior articles. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9066">It is certain that iron-working has long been known, not only in the Philippines, but throughout Malaysia, and it is likewise +evident that these regions secured the art from the same source as did the people of Assam, Burma, and eastern Madagascar, +for the description of the Tinguian forge and iron-working which follows would, with very little modification, apply equally +well to those in use in Southern Mindanao, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Assam, Burma, and Madagascar.<a id="d0e9068src" href="#d0e9068" class="noteref">1</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9094">Long before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines, the Chinese had built up such a lively trade in iron bars and caldrons +that it was no longer necessary for the natives to smelt their own iron ore; <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9096"></a>Page 412</span>if indeed they ever did so.<a id="d0e9098src" href="#d0e9098" class="noteref">2</a> This trade metal was widely distributed, and then reworked by the local smiths. Even to-day the people of Balbalasang make +the long journey to Bangued, or even to Vigan, to secure Chinese iron, which they carry back to their mountain forges. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9121">There is no positive proof that the Filipinos formerly mined and smelted iron, but there is a strong probability that they +did so, prior to the introduction of trade metal. It has already been noted that the Tinguian type of forge and the method +of handling and tempering iron is widespread in Malaysia; and, as will be seen later, this process is not that in use among +the Chinese, so that it is unlikely that the art was introduced by them. In furnishing iron ready for forging, they were simply +supplying in a convenient form an article already in use, and for which there was an urgent demand. In the islands to the +south we find that many of the pagan tribes do now, or did until recently, mine and smelt the ore. <span class="smallcaps">Beccari</span><a id="d0e9125src" href="#d0e9125" class="noteref">3</a> tells us that the Kayan of Borneo extract iron ore found in their own country. <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span> say that thirty years ago nearly all the iron worked by the tribes of the interior of Borneo was from ore found in the river +beds. At present most of the pagans obtain the metal from the Chinese and Malay traders, but native ore is still smelted in +the far interior.<a id="d0e9137src" href="#d0e9137" class="noteref">4</a> Foreign iron is now used by the Battak of Sumatra, but deserted iron-works are known to exist in their country, while the +Menangkabau still possess smelting furnaces.<a id="d0e9142src" href="#d0e9142" class="noteref">5</a> It seems probable that the whole industry had a common source, and was spread or carried as a unit, but when trade relations +made the arduous work of mining and smelting unnecessary, it was quickly given up. That native iron might have supplied the +needs of many Philippine tribes, including the Tinguian, is certain, for important deposits of magnetite and hematite are +found in Abra, in Ilocos Norte, Angat, Bulacan, Albay, and other parts of the Islands.<a id="d0e9153src" href="#d0e9153" class="noteref">6</a> On several occasions, when on the trail, the natives have <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9156"></a>Page 413</span>called our attention to boulders, apparently of hematite, which they recognized as iron. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9158">The smithies are small structures with grass roofs, but no sides or floors (Plate <a id="d0e9160" href="#d0e11907">LXII</a>). At one end is a raised bamboo bench in front of which stands the forge. This consists of two upright wooden cylinders, +usually logs hollowed out, known as <i>po-opan.</i> In each of these is a piston or plunger (<i>doᴇydoyog</i>) at the lower end of which is a wooden ring packed with corn husks and chicken feathers. When this is pushed downward in +the cylinder, it compresses the air and forces it out of the small opening in the base, but when it is drawn up, the packing +collapses and allows the plunger to be raised without effort. These pistons are worked so that one is rising, while the other +is falling. The cylinders stand in a wooden block out of which bamboo tubes (<i>toloñgon</i>) conduct the air into a tube of fire clay (<i>ībong</i>), and this in turn carries it into the charcoal fire. There are no valves, as in the Chinese bellows, but the bamboo tubes +fit loosely, and the fire is not drawn back. Near to the hearth is a stone anvil (<i>dalisdīsan</i>), while a heavy stone hammer, a small iron hammer, and iron pinchers complete the outfit. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9178">The fire is lighted, and the operator sitting on the bench alternately raises and lowers the plungers in the cylinders until +the fire burns brightly; then the smith puts metal into the coals and allows it to remain until it reaches a white heat. It +is then removed and placed on the anvil, where his helper beats it out with the large hammer. This is a stone weighing twenty +or more pounds, fitted inside the handles so that it can be used with both hands. As a rule, it is swung between the legs, +and is allowed to strike the metal as it descends, but some of the men raise it above the shoulder and strike a much more +powerful blow. If two pieces of metal are to be welded together, as is often the case when broken caldrons are used, they +are laid, one overlapping the other, and are held together with damp fire-clay. In this condition they are placed in the fire +and heated, and are then beaten together. It often takes several firings to bring about a perfect weld. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9180">After the initial shaping, the smith completes the work with the small hammer, and the blade is ready for tempering. A bamboo +tube of water is placed near by, and the blade is again inserted in the fire and brought to a white heat. Then the smith withdraws +it and watches it intently until the white tone begins to turn to a greenish-yellow, when he plunges it into the water. The +tempered blade is now smoothed down with sandstone, and is whetted to a keen edge. Head-axes, <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9182"></a>Page 414</span>spear-heads, adzes, a few knives, and the metal ends for the spear-shafts are the principal products of the forge. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9184">The blades are by no means of equal temper or perfection, but the smiths of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages seldom turn +out poor weapons, and as a result, their spears and head-axes have a wide distribution over northwestern Luzon. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9186">In view of the wide distribution of this type of forge and method of iron-working; of its persistence in isolated communities, +while it has vanished from the coast, or has been superseded by the Chinese methods of work; as well as of other details here +described, the writer is of the opinion that the art has not been introduced into the Philippines through trade, but is a +possession which many or all of the tribes brought with them from their ancient home, probably somewhere in southeastern Asia. +The effects of trade, in historic times, are evident throughout the Christianized regions, in Chinese and European forges +and in foreign types of utensils. Likewise the influence of the Mohammedanized tribes is very marked in the Sulu archipelago, +the western coasts of Mindanao, and even among many of the pagan tribes of that island, but the isolated forges throughout +Malaysia and the methods described by early explorers in this field, are practically identical with those just reviewed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9188"><span class="smallcaps">Spinning and Weaving</span>.—That cotton (<i>kapas</i>) was being raised and the fibre spun into cloth at the time of the Spanish occupation of the Islands, is amply proved by +many references in the early chronicles. Also there was a considerable trade in cotton, silk, and the like, carried on by +the Chinese and the Brunei Moro.<a id="d0e9195src" href="#d0e9195" class="noteref">7</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9206">The weaving industry seems to have reached its height in the Ilocos provinces, where the processes of ginning, carding, spinning, +and weaving were, for the most part, identical with those found in Borneo, Java, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, and a large part +of India.<a id="d0e9208src" href="#d0e9208" class="noteref">8</a> The same methods and utensils are used among the Tinguian, but side by side with the more complicated devices, such as the +ginning machine and spinning wheel, are found more simple contrivances; so it would <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9238"></a>Page 415</span>appear that we are here dealing with older and more primitive methods of work than are found on the coast.<a id="d0e9240src" href="#d0e9240" class="noteref">9</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9246">Every step in the manufacture of cloth is looked after by the women, who raise a limited amount of cotton in the upland fields, +pick and dry the crop, and prepare it for weaving. The bolls are placed on racks, and are sun-dried, after which the husks +are removed by hand. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9248">Ginning is accomplished by two methods. The simplest, and doubtless the older, is to place the cotton on a smooth wooden block +and to roll over it a wooden cylinder which tapers slightly toward each end (<a id="d0e9250" href="#d0e9277">Fig. 16</a>, No. 1). The palm of the hand, at the base of the fingers, is placed on the roller and the weight of the body applied, as +the cylinder is moved slowly forward, forcing the seeds from the floss.<a id="d0e9253src" href="#d0e9253" class="noteref">10</a> The more common instrument (<i>lilīdsan</i>) acts on the principle of a clothes wringer (Plate <a id="d0e9259" href="#d0e11912">LXIII</a>). Two horizontal cylinders of wood are geared together at one end, and are mounted in a wooden frame in such a manner that +they are quite close together, yet not in contact. A handle is attached to the lower roller at the end opposite the gears, +and as it is turned, it rotates the cylinders in opposite directions. A piece of cotton is pressed between the rollers, which +seize the fibres and carry them through, while the seeds are forced back and fall to the ground. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9262">The cleaned cotton is never bowed or otherwise separated with a vibrating string, as is the case in Java, India, and China, +but the same result is obtained by placing it on a piece of carabao hide and beating it with two rattan sticks until it becomes +soft and fluffy (Plate <a id="d0e9264" href="#d0e11917">LXIV</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e9267">After the carding, the cotton is spun by placing it in a hollow cylinder of palm bark attached to a bamboo stick (<i>tibtibᴇan</i>). A bit of thread is twisted from the cotton at the bottom of the cylinder, and is attached to a spindle, which is rubbed +rapidly against the naked thigh, and is then allowed to turn in shallow basket, or on a piece of hide. As it spins it twists +out new thread and the arm of the operator rises higher and higher, until at last the spindle stops. The position of the extended +arm is then altered, and the spindle again set in motion in order to wind up the new thread on the shaft. While the spinning +is progressing, the free hand of the operator is passed rapidly up and down the thread, keeping the tension uniform and rubbing +out any inequalities (Plate <a id="d0e9272" href="#d0e11922">LXV</a>). +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9275"></a>Page 416</span></p> +<p id="d0e9276"></p> +<div id="d0e9277" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 16.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig16.gif" alt="Devices Used in Spininng and Weaving."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Devices Used in Spininng and Weaving.</p> +</div><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9281"></a>Page 417</span></p> +<p id="d0e9282">In many sections the spinning wheel used by the coast natives is beginning to replace the hand outfit (<a id="d0e9284" href="#d0e9277">Fig. 16</a>, No. 5). The mass of fiber is held in the left hand, and a thread from it is attached to a horizontal spindle, which is turned +by a cord passing over a large wheel. This method is much more rapid than the hand device, but the thread is less uniform, +and it is seldom utilized when a fine fabric is to be woven. Bamboo bobbins, consisting of small tubes, are also wound by +attaching them to the spindle shaft, so that the thread is transferred by the revolution of the wheel. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9287">As soon as the thread is spun, it is placed on a bamboo frame (<i>lalabayan</i>), <a id="d0e9292" href="#d0e9277">Fig. 16</a>, No. 2, on which it is measured and made ready for the combing and sizing. As it is taken from the measuring frame, a bamboo +rod is passed through each end of the loop, and these are fastened tightly inside the combing device (<i>agtatagodan</i>) by means of rattan bands. The thread is then carefully combed downward with a coconut husk which is dipped in a size of +rice water (Plate <a id="d0e9298" href="#d0e11912">LXIII</a>). After drying it is transferred to the shuttles and bobbins by means of the wheel described in the previous paragraph or +by a more primitive device, called <i>ololau</i> (<a id="d0e9304" href="#d0e9277">Fig. 16</a>, Nos. 4 and 4a). This consists of four horn hooks attached to bamboo sticks, which pass through openings in a bamboo tube +in such a manner that they slip on each other, and thus produce a wheel of any size desired.<a id="d0e9307src" href="#d0e9307" class="noteref">11</a> The tube fits loosely over a wooden peg sustaining the wheel in a horizontal position, yet turning readily. The loop of threads +from the sizing frame is laid on the hooks, from which it is drawn by hand onto the bobbins and shuttles. The next step is +to prepare the warp for the loom. The thread is drawn from bobbins on the floor, and is first fastened to peg No. 1 of the +warp winder (<i>gaganayan</i>), as shown in <a id="d0e9322" href="#d0e9277">Fig. 16</a>, No. 3. From here it is carried the length of the board, around 5, thence to 6 and back to 1, after again passing around +5. The peg A, which later serves as a lease rod in the loom, is encircled each time by the threads passing between 6 and 5. +As the warp is carried from 1 toward 5, it passes outside 2, 3 and 4, but when it is returned to 1, it is inside these pegs. +These are the heddle rods of the loom, and loops from them enclose certain of the threads, thus determining the order in which +the warp is to be raised in opening the shed.<a id="d0e9325src" href="#d0e9325" class="noteref">12</a> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9337"></a>Page 418</span></p> +<p id="d0e9338">The loom, while primitive, is far from simple in its operation. The warp is attached at both ends to sticks or rollers, the +far one of which is fastened to a cross timber of the living room (Plate <a id="d0e9340" href="#d0e11929">LXVI</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e9343">The web is kept stretched by means of a strap or belt, which attaches to the near roller and then passes around the waist +of the operator, who sits on the floor with her feet against a bamboo brace.<a id="d0e9345src" href="#d0e9345" class="noteref">13</a> The arrangement of the lease rod and heddle sticks has been already described; in addition to these the threads are further +controlled by a reed board which acts both as warp spacer and beater-in. All being ready for the weaving, the shed is opened +by raising one of the heddle sticks, and a heavy knife-shaped batten of wood is slipped into the opening. This is turned sideways +to enlarge the shed, and a shuttle bearing the weft thread is shot through. By raising and lowering the heddle rods the position +of the warp is changed as desired, while from time to time the weft threads are forced up against the fabric by means of the +reed board, and are beaten in with the batten. Tangling is prevented by means of several flat sticks which cross the warp +at some distance from the operator; while threads which show signs of loosening are carefully rubbed with a waxed stick. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9354">On this loom the woman produces head-bands, belt, and narrow strips of cloth which are made up into blankets and the like. +These fabrics are often in several colors and exhibit many tasty and intricate designs, some of which will be described in +the chapter on Decorative Art. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9356"><span class="smallcaps">Manufacture of Rope and String</span>.—At least eighteen trees, shrubs, and vines are used in the making of cordage.<a id="d0e9360src" href="#d0e9360" class="noteref">14</a> When small trees or limbs are used, and the bark does not adhere too tightly to the wood, sections about an arm's length +are cut, and two or four splices are made at the top. These are loosened with a knife until there is enough for the hand to +grasp, when the bark can be turned back like a glove. Very large sections are held by two men, while a third peels off the +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9453"></a>Page 419</span>bark. With some varieties of trees and shrubs it is found best to place the sections in the sun to dry, then a sharp bend +in the stalk causes the bark to separate from the wood so that it is easily peeled off. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9455">When large trees are used, the bark is slit lengthwise every six of eight inches, and the log is beaten with hard wood sticks. +In a short time the covering loosens from the wood and is pulled off. The outside layer is worthless, but the remainder is +cut into strips about a half inch in width, and is then split lengthwise into thin layers. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9457">In rope-making three strips are laid side by side on the thigh or on a board, but with their ends at unequal distances (<a id="d0e9459" href="#d0e9469">Fig. 17</a>, No. 1). These are twisted together, toward the right, until a few inches have been turned, then the cord is put over one +end of a double forked stick (<i>sikwan</i>), leaving an equal length on either side (<a id="d0e9465" href="#d0e9469">Fig. 17</a>, No. 3). The two halves are twisted together until the end of one strip of bark is reached; a new piece is laid on top of +the others, and as they are turned, it becomes part of the twist. As other ends are met with, new strips are added in a like +manner until all the bast desired has been made. It is then wound up on the forked stick until needed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9468"></p> +<div id="d0e9469" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 17.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig17.gif" alt="Rope-making Appliances."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Rope-making Appliances.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9473">The rope machine (<i>agtatalian</i>) consists of three wooden whirls, which constitute the forming device, and a single whirl for the traveler, while a grooved +block serves to keep the strands apart (<a id="d0e9478" href="#d0e9469">Fig. 17</a>, No. 2). Three equal lengths of the prepared bast are measured, and an end is attached to each of the whirls of the forming +machine (<a id="d0e9481" href="#d0e9469">Fig. 17</a>, No. 2a). However, only one cut is made in the bast, for strand 3. <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9484"></a>Page 420</span>All are attached to the single whirl of the traveler, and the process begins. The operator at each end turns his whirl, or +set of whirls, rapidly toward the right, the one with the traveler bracing his foot against the lower end, to keep the twisting +bast under tension. A third operator guides the grooved piece of wood from the traveler toward the forming machine, as the +three strands twist round each other into rope. The bast is known as <i>gīnīsgīs</i>, the rope as <i>tali</i>. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9492">Vines, rattan, and strips of bamboo are likewise twisted together to form crude, but strong cordage. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9494">The making of thread is described under spinning and weaving, but the cords used in snares and the like are prepared in a +different manner. The operator squats on the ground, and taking a strip of fiber, places it on his thigh; then with open palm +he rolls it toward the knee. The twisted bast is bent at the center; the thumb and forefinger of the left hand hold the loop, +and the two strands are placed together. These are now rolled toward the knee as before, the hand giving extra pressure on +the ulnar side, and then are rolled back toward the body with pressure on the radial side. When the end of a band is reached, +a new one is rolled in, and the process is continued. A tie at the end keeps the cord from untwisting. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9496">When very long strips of fiber are used, two men will work together. One holds the end of the loop, while the other twists +each half of the strip in the same direction. Then placing them together on his thigh, he turns them, under pressure, in the +opposite direction, thus making a cord. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9498"></p> +<div id="d0e9499" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 18.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig18.gif" alt="Bark Beater."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Bark Beater.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9503"><span class="smallcaps">Bark Cloth</span>.—Bark cloth is still in common use for men's headbands and for clouts. It is secured from the same trees as the rope material, +but wider strips are taken, and it is customary to beat the bark thoroughly before it is removed from the wood. It is then +split to the desired thickness, after which it is beaten with wooden or bone mallets (<i>gīkai</i>), which are generally grooved transversely (<a id="d0e9510" href="#d0e9499">Fig. 18</a>). The cloth produced is soft and pliable, but is not of the fineness of tapa, and it is always in comparatively narrow pieces. +In no instance <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9513"></a>Page 421</span>was the operator seen to beat two strips together to gain greater breadth or to repair breaks. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9515"><span class="smallcaps">Basket Making</span>.—In most districts the men are the basket weavers, but in some towns, especially of Ilocos Norte, the women are skilled in +this industry (Plate <a id="d0e9519" href="#d0e11934">LXVII</a>). The materials used are rattan, which may be gathered at any time, or bamboo, which is cut only during the dry season and +under the waning moon. It is firmly believed that boring insects will not injure bamboo cut at this time, and it is known +that the dry period stalks are the strongest. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9522">The tools employed are a short knife or a miniature head-axe and an awl. With the former the operator scrapes the outer surface, +and then splits the tube into strips of the desired width and thickness. A certain number of these strips, which are to be +used for decoration, are rubbed with oil, and are held in the smoke of burning pine or of rice-straw until a permanent black +is obtained.<a id="d0e9524src" href="#d0e9524" class="noteref">15</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9527">Five weaves are recognized by the Tinguian, but they are really variations of two—checkerwork and the diagonal or twilled. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e9529">The first and most simple is known as <i>laga</i>, the technic of which is the passing of each element of the weft under one and over one of the warp elements. Where the warp +and weft are of uniform size, as in mats, it is impossible to distinguish the one from the other, but in many cases the weft +is the smaller. Fish traps and storage baskets for mangoes and cotton are generally of this type (<a id="d0e9534" href="#d0e9562">Fig. 19</a>, Nos. 1 and 2). + +</p> +<p id="d0e9537">A variation of the <i>laga</i> known as <i>minmináta</i>—“many eyes”—(<a id="d0e9545" href="#d0e9562">Fig. 19</a>, No. 3), is found in certain types of carrying baskets, the woven tops of hats, and the like. Here the warp is crossed, and +the weft passes through it in regular order so as to produce hexagonal openings. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9548">Another variant is known as <i>kaláwat</i><a id="d0e9552src" href="#d0e9552" class="noteref">16</a> (<a id="d0e9558" href="#d0e9562">Fig. 19</a>, No. 4). In this the warp stems are in threes. Starting from A they are bent down, pass over and under similar sets of three, +curve on themselves or other warp stems so as to leave open spaces between. The rattan wall-hangers for coconut shell dishes +are usually in this weave. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9561"></p> +<div id="d0e9562" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 19.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig19.gif" alt="Basket Weaves."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Basket Weaves.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9566">The greater part of the baskets are in the diagonal or twilled weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or +more warp elements. Variations are numerous, either to produce certain <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9568"></a>Page 423</span>effects or to accommodate designs. Of these the most common are + +</p> +<table id="d0e9570" width="100%"> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">1 under 2 over 2 etc.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2 under 2 over 2 etc.</td> +</tr> +<tr valign="top"> +<td valign="top">2 under 4 over 4 etc.</td> +</tr> +</table><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9581">The weaver also frequently constructs the bottom with 2 over 4 under 4; then when the sides are made he changes to 1 over +2 under 2, until the center is reached; then 1 of the warp passes over 3 of the weft; for the balance the stitch is 1 over +2 under 2. This variation produces a chevron-like pattern which, in general, is known as <i>binakol</i>; but when it is desired to designate more closely, this name is applied to the weaving having an oblique effect (<a id="d0e9586" href="#d0e9562">Fig. 19</a>, No. 5), while the horizontal is known as <i>dinapálig</i> (<a id="d0e9592" href="#d0e9562">Fig. 19</a>, No. 6). + +</p> +<p id="d0e9595"><i>Types of Baskets</i>:—Plates <a id="d0e9599" href="#d0e11939">LXVIII</a> and <a id="d0e9602" href="#d0e11944">LXIX</a> show the most common types of baskets made and used in this territory. Others of Igorot and Kalinga origin sometimes appear, +but are seldom imitated by the local basket-makers. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9605">Baskets 1 and 2 of Plate <a id="d0e9607" href="#d0e11939">LXVIII</a> are known as <i>kaba</i>, and are used principally to hold unthreshed rice, corn, and vegetables. Smaller baskets of the same form are for broken +rice and cooked vegetables. The larger specimens are often made of rattan, while the smaller are usually of bamboo. Shallow +bamboo baskets, <i>pīdasen</i> or <i>alodan</i> (Plate <a id="d0e9619" href="#d0e11944">LXIX</a>, No. 2) are used as eating dishes for cooked rice. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9622">Clothing is put away in covered oval or rectangular baskets, <i>opīgan</i> (Plate <a id="d0e9627" href="#d0e11944">LXIX</a>, No. 4), while cotton is stored in long cylindrical baskets <i>kolang</i> (Plate <a id="d0e9633" href="#d0e11939">LXVIII</a>, No. 3). + +</p> +<p id="d0e9636">The <i>pasikeng</i> or <i>lagpi</i>(Plate <a id="d0e9644" href="#d0e11944">LXIX</a>, No. 3), commonly called the “head basket,” is the chief basket of the men. It is made of rattan, and is supported on the +back by means of bands which pass over the shoulders. In it are carried extra garments and all necessities for the trail. +Recently some of the men have joined together two of these baskets by means of a wide, flat band, and this is fitted over +the back of a horse or carabao,—an evident imitation of the saddle bags used by Spaniards and Americans. Men also carry small +containers for their pipes and trinkets, or else make use of a traveling basket, such as is shown in Plate <a id="d0e9647" href="#d0e11944">LXIX</a>, No. 5. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9650">Rice winnowers and sieves (Plate <a id="d0e9652" href="#d0e11880">LVII</a>) and the fish-traps shown in <a id="d0e9655" href="#d0e7663">Fig. 13</a> conclude the list. No coiled baskets are made. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9658">Aside from the decoration produced by variations in the weave, little ornamentation is found in the basketry from Abra, but +the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte make and distribute large quantities of baskets with colored patterns. Colored vines are sometimes +woven <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9660"></a>Page 424</span>in, but the common method is to employ blackened bamboo, both in warp and weft. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9662">The top of the basket is strengthened by two hoops of rattan or bamboo. One is placed outside, the other inside; on them is +laid a small strip of the same material, and all three are sewed down by passing a thin strip of rattan through two holes +punched in margin. This strip doubles on itself, encircles the rim, and after an interval again passes through two more holes, +and so on around the entire basket. A square base, attached in the same manner as the rim, generally completes the basket. +In the mountain districts near to Apayao, the bases of the smaller eating dishes are drawn in toward the center at four points, +giving the effect of a four-pointed star. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9664"><span class="smallcaps">Mats</span> (<i>ikamin</i>).—Mats are used as beds, never as floor coverings. They are rectangular in form, usually about six feet long and three wide, +and are undecorated. They are made from strips of <i>pandanus</i> in the <i>laga</i> weave (cf. p. 423). + +</p> +<p id="d0e9677"><span class="smallcaps">Dyes</span>.—In recent years analine dyes have come into favor in some villages, and a variety of colors appears in the articles made +by their weavers, but the vegetable dyes used by the ancestors are still employed by most of the women. The commonest colors +are blue, pink—“black red”—, red, and yellow. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9681">Blue is ordinarily produced by placing the leaves and branches of the indigo plant, <i>tayuni (Indigofera tinctoria)</i>in water for a few days; then to boil them, together with a little lime. The thread is dipped in the liquid. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9686">Pink is secured by crushing <i>lynga</i> (<i>Sesamum indicum</i> L.) seeds and boiling them in water. Threads are placed in this for five nights, while during the day they are dried in the +sun. The root of the <i>apatot</i> (<i>Morinda citrifolia</i> or <i>umbellata</i>) is next crushed, and water is added. The threads are now transferred to this liquid, and for ten days and nights are alternately +soaked and sunned. A copper color results, but this soon changes to pink. It is said that the <i>apatot</i> alone produces a red dye. It is also claimed that the seeds of the <i>apang</i> (<i>Bixa Orellana</i> L.) and of a variety of rattan, when boiled, give a permanent red.<a id="d0e9712src" href="#d0e9712" class="noteref">17</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9718">A yellow dye is produced by boiling the leaves of the <i>Tamarindus indica</i> L. in water until a strong liquor is obtained. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9723">Bark head-bands are stained a purplish-red by applying a liquid <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9725"></a>Page 425</span>secured through boiling <i>kᴇlyan</i> (<i>Diospyros cunalon</i> D.C.?) bark. For ceremonial purposes they are also colored yellow by applying the juice of the <i>konig</i> (<i>Curcuma longa</i>), but as this has a disagreeable odor, and the color is not permanent, it is not much used in every-day garments. Lemon juice +is also applied to bark to give it a yellow hue. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9739">Fish nets are colored brown by dipping them into a dye made by crushing the <i>katakot</i> vine in water, or by staining with the juice of the <i>taotawa</i> (<i>Jatropha curcas</i> L,). + +</p> +<p id="d0e9750">The bamboo strips used in decorating basketry are blackened by holding them in the smoke of burning rice-straw. Black designs, +such as appear in the ornamentation of lime holders and the like, are secured by rubbing oil and soot into incised lines, +and then holding the object in the smoke of burning rice-straw. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9752"><span class="smallcaps">Net Making</span>.—Nets are used in fishing, in catching wild chickens and grasshoppers, and in hunting deer and pigs. The first three types +are made of twine, but the fourth is of strong rope. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9756">All net work is done by the man who, for this purpose, employs a mesh stick and a needle of bamboo or carabao horn (<a id="d0e9758" href="#d0e9765">Fig. 20</a>). The needle (No. 1) also serves as a shuttle, since it carries a considerable amount of thread between the tongue and notch. +The size of the loop is determined by the width of the mesh stick or spreader (No. 2). The operator generally sits on a rice +winnower or squats on the ground with a net suspended above him (Plate <a id="d0e9761" href="#d0e11949">LXX</a>). He forms the mesh by running the needle over and around the spreader, and up and through the loop above, thus forming a +loop on the mesh stick. This is drawn tightly, the needle is again passed through, but without encircling the stick, and thus +a knot is tied. This is repeated until a row of loops has been completed, when another series is started. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9764"></p> +<div id="d0e9765" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 20.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig20.gif" alt="Net Needle and Mesh Stick."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Net Needle and Mesh Stick.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9769"><span class="smallcaps">Manufacture of Pottery</span>.—In nearly every village there are two or three women who make jars and dishes, but the potters of Abang <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9773"></a>Page 426</span>and Lakub are the only ones whose wares have a wide distribution. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9775">The clay is dampened, and is carefully kneaded with the hands to remove lumps and gravel, and to reduce it to the proper consistency. +A handful is taken from the mass, and is roughly modeled with the fingers to form the base of the pot. This is set on a wooden +plate which, in turn, is placed in a rice winnower (Plate <a id="d0e9777" href="#d0e11769">XXXVI</a>). The plate takes the place of a potter's wheel, for it is turned with the right hand while with the left the woman shapes +the clay, and smoothes it off with a dampened cloth. From time to time, she rolls out a coil of clay between the palms of +her hands, lays it along the top of the vessel, and works and pinches it in. Further shaping and thinning is done with a wooden +paddle and the dampened hand, and then the jar is allowed to dry slightly. Before the drying has progressed far enough to +render the sides rigid, a smooth stone is placed inside, and the sides are tapped gently with a paddle until properly thinned +and shaped. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9780">After allowing a couple of days for drying, the potter rubs the jar inside and out with smooth stones or <i>lipi</i> seeds, so as to give it an even surface. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9785">When several jars or dishes have been prepared, they are placed in carabao dung or other slow burning material and fired. +This generally takes place at night, and the jars are left undisturbed until morning, when they are ready for service. Occasionally +resin is rubbed over a jar while it is hot, thus giving it a glazed surface; this, however, is not common, as the resin quickly +melts off the cooking utensils, while porous jars are preferred as water containers, since the seepage lowers the temperature +of the contents. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9787">Vessels made in Lakub are often decorated with incised patterns (<a id="d0e9789" href="#d0e9883">Fig. 22</a>, No. 8), but otherwise the Tinguian ware is plain. Chinese jars are found in every village, and are highly prized, but the +native potters do not imitate them in form or decoration. Had Chinese blood or influence ever been strong in the region, we +might expect to find the potter's wheel and traces of true glazing, but both are lacking. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9792"><span class="smallcaps">Pipe Making</span>.—Both men and women smoke pipes, consisting of a short reed handle and a small bowl. Men are the pipe makers, and often show +considerable skill in the decoration of their product. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9796">The common pipe-bowl is of clay, which has been carefully shaped with the fingers and a short bamboo spatula. Designs are +incised, and the raised portions are further embellished by the addition of small pieces of brass wire (<a id="d0e9798" href="#d0e9811">Fig. 21</a>, Nos. 4–5). The bowls are baked in a slow fire, and the mouthpieces are added. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9801"></a>Page 427</span></p> +<p id="d0e9802">A second type of pipe, or cigar holder, is made of bamboo (<a id="d0e9804" href="#d0e9811">Fig. 21</a>, Nos. 1–3). Designs are incised in the sides, oil is applied, and the pipe is held in the smoke of burning rice-straw until +the lines become permanently blackened (<a id="d0e9807" href="#d0e9883">Fig. 22</a>, Nos. 1–3). + +</p> +<p id="d0e9810"></p> +<div id="d0e9811" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 21.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig21.gif" alt="Tobacco-pipes."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Tobacco-pipes.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e9815">In recent years, Ilocano jewelers have introduced silver pipes, made from coins. One Tinguian pipe maker has learned the trade, +and does a lively business. He has further beautified his product by attaching pendants representing fish (<a id="d0e9817" href="#d0e9811">Fig. 21</a>, No. 6). Brass pipes of Igorot origin are sometimes seen, but are not made in this region. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9820"><span class="smallcaps">Method of Drying Hides</span>.—Hides of carabao, and sometimes of other animals, are stretched on bamboo frames and are sun-dried <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9824"></a>Page 428</span>(Plate <a id="d0e9826" href="#d0e11868">LV</a>). Later they are placed in water containing tanbark, and are roughly cured. Such leather is used in the manufacture of the +back straps used by the weavers, and in making sheathes for knives, but more commonly it is placed on the ground, and on it +rice and cotton are beaten out. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9829"></a>Page 429</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9068" href="#d0e9068src" class="noteref">1</a> <span class="smallcaps">Cole</span>, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 82–83); <span class="smallcaps">Hose</span> and <span class="smallcaps">McDougall</span>, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, pp. 194–195 (MacMillan and Co., London, 1912); <span class="smallcaps">Raffles</span>, History of Java, Vol. I, pp. 192–193; <span class="smallcaps">Marsden</span>, History of Sumatra, 3rd edition (London, 1811), p. 181; <span class="smallcaps">Ferrais</span>, Burma, p. 105 (Low, Marston and Co., London, 1901); <span class="smallcaps">Peal</span> (<i>Journ. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland,</i> Vol. XXII, p. 250, also Plate XIV, fig. No. 2). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9098" href="#d0e9098src" class="noteref">2</a> <span class="smallcaps">Rockhill</span>, <i>T'oung Pao</i>, Vol. XVI, 1915, pp. 268–269; <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, <i>op. cit.</i>, Vols. II, p. 116; III, p. 209; IV, p. 74; XXIX, p. 307; XL, p. 48, note; Philippine Census, Vol. I, p. 482 (Washington, +1905). <span class="smallcaps">De Morga</span>, Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas (1609), see Hakluyt Soc. edition, pp. 338, <i>et seq.</i> (London, 1868). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9125" href="#d0e9125src" class="noteref">3</a> Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo (Constable, London, 1904), pp. 282–283. See also <span class="smallcaps">Low</span>, Sarawak—Its Inhabitants and Productions, pp. 158, 209 (London, 1848). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9137" href="#d0e9137src" class="noteref">4</a> <i>Op. cit.</i>, Vol. I, pp. 193–194. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9142" href="#d0e9142src" class="noteref">5</a> <span class="smallcaps">Ratzel</span>, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 434; <span class="smallcaps">Marsden</span>, <i>op. cit.</i>, pp. 173, 181, 347 note. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9153" href="#d0e9153src" class="noteref">6</a> Fifth Annual Report of the Mining Bureau of the Philippine Islands, p. 31; Official Catalogue of the Philippine Exhibit, Universal +Exposition, p. 231 (St. Louis, 1904). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9195" href="#d0e9195src" class="noteref">7</a> <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, The Philippine Islands, Vol. II, pp. 116, 207; Vol. III, pp. 203, 270; Vol. IV, p. 98; Vol. V, p. 145; Vol. VIII, p. 84; +Vol. XII, p. 187; Vol. XVI, p. 106. <span class="smallcaps">Zuniga</span>, Estadismo (Retana's edition), Vol. II, pp. 41, 94. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9208" href="#d0e9208src" class="noteref">8</a> <span class="smallcaps">Foreman</span>, The Philippine Islands, p. 361 (London, 1892); <span class="smallcaps">Bezemer</span>, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indië, p. 308 (Groningen, 1906); <span class="smallcaps">Skeat</span>, <i>Man</i>, Vol. I. 1901, p. 178; <span class="smallcaps">Raffles</span>, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I p. 186 (London, 1830); <span class="smallcaps">Brendon</span> <i>(Journal of Indian Art and Industry,</i> Vol. X, No. 82, pp. 17, <i>et seq.</i>). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9240" href="#d0e9240src" class="noteref">9</a> Weaving in cotton is a recent introduction among the neighboring Bontoc Igorot. Formerly their garments were made of flayed +bark, or were woven from local fiber plants. The threads from the latter were spun or twisted on the naked thigh under the +palm of the hand. Cf. <span class="smallcaps">Jenks</span>, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 113 (Manila, 1905). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9253" href="#d0e9253src" class="noteref">10</a> A similar device is used in Burma. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9307" href="#d0e9307src" class="noteref">11</a> The same type of wheel is found in Java. See <span class="smallcaps">Mayer</span>, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 469 (Leiden, 1897). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9325" href="#d0e9325src" class="noteref">12</a> A similar warp winder is described for Bombay (<span class="smallcaps">Brendon</span>, <i>Journal of Indian Art and Industry</i>, Vol. X, No. 82, 1903, pp. 17, <i>et seq</i>.). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9345" href="#d0e9345src" class="noteref">13</a> For the distribution of this semi-girdle or back strap, see <span class="smallcaps">Ling Roth</span>, Studies in Primitive Looms (<i>Journal Royal Anthrop. Inst</i>., Vol. XLVI, 1916, pp. 294, 299). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9360" href="#d0e9360src" class="noteref">14</a> These are: <i>alīnau</i> (<i>Grewia multiflora</i> Juss.); <i>babaket</i> (<i>Helicteres hirsuta</i> Lour.); <i>laynai</i>—a large tree, unidentified; <i>lapnek</i> (<i>Abroma</i> sp.) <i>ka'a-ka'ag</i>, an unidentified shrub; <i>losoban</i> (<i>grewia</i>); <i>pakak</i>, unidentified; <i>anabo</i> (<i>Hibiscus pungens</i> Roxb.); <i>bangal</i> (<i>Sterculia foctida</i> L.); <i>saloyot</i> (<i>Corchoeus olitorius</i> L.) <i>labtang</i> (<i>Anamirta cocculus</i>); <i>atis</i> (<i>Anona squamosa</i> L.); <i>alagak</i> (<i>anona</i>); <i>maling-kapas</i> (<i>Ceiba pentandra</i> Gaertn.); <i>betning</i> and <i>daldalopang</i>, unidentified; <i>maguey</i> (<i>Agave cantula</i> Roxb.); <i>bayog</i>—a variety of bamboo. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9524" href="#d0e9524src" class="noteref">15</a> It is not essential that the oil be applied, and oftentimes whole sections are colored before being split. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9552" href="#d0e9552src" class="noteref">16</a> From <i>káwat</i>, the twisting of vines about a tree. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e9712" href="#d0e9712src" class="noteref">17</a> This is the Arnatto dye, an American plant. <span class="smallcaps">Watt</span>, Dictionary, Vol. I, p. 454. +</p> +</div><a id="d0e9830"></a><h1>Decorative Art</h1> +<p id="d0e9833">In decorative art the Tinguian offers sharp contrast to the Igorot and Ifugao, both of whom have developed wood carving to +a considerable extent. They also have their bodies tattooed, while the colored lashings on spear shafts, pipe stems, and other +objects show a nice appreciation for color and design. In all these the Tinguian is deficient or lacking; he does no wood +carving, tattooing is scanty, while his basket work, except that from two small regions, is plain. At times he does make some +simple designs on canes, on bamboo rice-planters and weaving sticks, on lime boxes and pipe stems, but these are exceptions +rather than the rule. In the region about Lakub, he decorates his jars by cutting the ends of sticks to form small dies which +he presses into the newly fashioned clay (<a id="d0e9835" href="#d0e9883">Fig. 22</a>, No. 8), while in Manabo and some other villages the pipe makers cut the bowls of the clay pipes in floral designs or inlay +small pieces of brass to form scroll patterns (<a id="d0e9838" href="#d0e9883">Fig. 22</a>, Nos. 4–7). These last mentioned designs are so restricted in their manufacture, and are so different from those found elsewhere +in Abra, that they cannot be considered as typical. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9841">The figures incised in bamboo show some realistic motives, such as the fish, birds, and flowers in <a id="d0e9843" href="#d0e9889">Fig. 23</a>, No. 1; the snake and lizard in No. 2; the man in No. 5; but the strictly geometrical is dominant in nearly every case. Probably +the most typical of this class of work is shown in Nos. 3 and 4 and <a id="d0e9846" href="#d0e9883">Fig. 22</a>, Nos. 1, 2, and 3. It should be noted, however, that, where one decorated object is seen, many more entirely plain will be +found. In short, ornamentation is uncommon and of minor importance. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9849">The one place where decoration is dominant is in the weaving, and this is done entirely by the women. Figures <a id="d0e9851" href="#d0e9895">24</a> and <a id="d0e9854" href="#d0e9901">25</a> show typical designs which occur in the blankets. Except for No. 8 in <a id="d0e9857" href="#d0e9895">Fig. 24</a>, they do not appear to be copies from nature, but all have realistic interpretations. <a id="d0e9860" href="#d0e9895">Fig. 24</a> shows eight designs drawn by native weavers, which are identified as follows: + +</p> +<ul id="d0e9863"> +<li id="d0e9864">1. A fish.</li> +<li id="d0e9866">2. Weaving on a Spanish bed or chair seat.</li> +<li id="d0e9868">3. Pineapple.</li> +<li id="d0e9870">4. A heart.</li> +<li id="d0e9872">5. Fishhooks.</li> +<li id="d0e9874">6. A crab.</li> +<li id="d0e9876">7. Cross section of a pineapple.</li> +<li id="d0e9878">8. A horse.</li> +</ul><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9881"></a>Page 430</span></p> +<p id="d0e9882"></p> +<div id="d0e9883" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 22.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig22.gif" alt="Designs on Pipes and Pottery."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Designs on Pipes and Pottery.</p> +</div><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9887"></a>Page 431</span></p> +<p id="d0e9888"></p> +<div id="d0e9889" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 23.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig23.gif" alt="Decorative Designs."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Decorative Designs.</p> +</div><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9893"></a>Page 432</span></p> +<p id="d0e9894"></p> +<div id="d0e9895" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 24.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig24.gif" alt="Patterns Used in Weaving."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Patterns Used in Weaving.</p> +</div><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9899"></a>Page 433</span></p> +<p id="d0e9900"></p> +<div id="d0e9901" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 25.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig25.gif" alt="Blanket Designs."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Blanket Designs.</p> +</div><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9905"></a>Page 434</span></p> +<p id="d0e9906">In <a id="d0e9908" href="#d0e9901">Fig. 25</a> are five typical patterns taken from blankets, while No. 6 is the ornamental stitching which unites two breadths of cloth, +the latter is identified as “fingers and finger nails.” No. 1 is the turtle, No. 2 a crab, No. 3 a rice-mortar, No. 4 the +bobbin winder shown in <a id="d0e9911" href="#d0e9277">Fig. 16</a>, No. 4; No. 5 pineapple. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9914">Plate <a id="d0e9916" href="#d0e11954">LXXI</a> is a ceremonial blanket, such as is hung up over the dead. The figures are identified as <i>a</i> a deer, <i>b</i> horse, <i>c</i> carabao calf, <i>d</i> man. The textile in Plate <a id="d0e9931" href="#d0e11959">LXXII</a>, No. 1 is likewise used chiefly as a ceremonial piece, the designs representing <i>a</i> man, <i>b</i> horse, <i>c</i> star. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9943">A very pleasing blanket is shown in Plate <a id="d0e9945" href="#d0e11959">LXXII</a>, No. 2 in which the designs are identified as a rice cake, and <i>b</i> as a star, while the whole pattern is known as <i>kalayan</i>—the river. The textile in Plate <a id="d0e9954" href="#d0e11964">LXXIII</a>, No. 1 imitates a mat, while No. 2 is known as <i>kosikos</i>—the circle. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9960">A part of these designs are evidently copies from real objects, others appear to be merely pattern names, while the weavers +do not hesitate to borrow any likely patterns which strike their fancy. One quite frequently sees a blanket which shows a +“lion,” or some other animal or object, with which the people could only become acquainted through pictures or descriptions +from outside sources. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9962">In addition to these designs already mentioned, there are certain common types of decoration effected through weaving or embroidery, +for which no explanations are given. They are said to be only “to make pretty.” Among these are the ends of belts and clouts, +as shown in Plate <a id="d0e9964" href="#d0e11969">LXXIV</a>, or the raised diamond pattern shown in No. 2 of the same Plate, or the plaid effect in colors, which appear in some of the +skirts. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9967">It has already been noted (cf. p. 416) that the weaving methods of the Tinguian are similar to those of the Ilocano, and the +same is true of a considerable part of the decorative patterns. The Christianized natives have less of the realistic, a greater +variety of geometrical designs, and a greater fondness for bright colors, made possible by the use of analine dyes, than the +mountaineers. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9969">It seems probable that the Tinguian-Ilocano peoples brought the weaving industry with them into northern Luzon, that the Ilocano +branch has borrowed improved methods of manufacture, as well as decorative motives from the people with whom they have been +in contact through trade. The Tinguian in turn have borrowed from them, but, in the main, they still retain the more primitive +methods of weaving, and it is probable their types of ornamentation likewise approximate more closely those in use in earlier +times. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e9971"></a>Page 435</span></p><a id="d0e9972"></a><h1>Personal Adornment, Dances, and Musical Instruments</h1> +<p id="d0e9975">The dress of the man is the clout (<i>ba-al</i>), either of beaten bark or of cloth, and a woven belt (<i>balikᴇs</i>) in which he keeps small articles (Plates <a id="d0e9983" href="#d0e11974">LXXV</a>–<a id="d0e9986" href="#d0e11979">LXXVI</a>). On special occasions he wears a long-sleeved jacket (<i>bado</i>), open in front, and in a few instances, trousers. Both these garments are recent acquisitions, and the latter, in particular, +are not in favor, except where Ilocano influence is very strong. The man is not inclined to adorn himself with brass and gold, +neither does he use tattooing to any extent, as do his Kalinga and Igorot neighbors. Some have small patterns on an arm or +thigh, but these are usually property marks with which he brands his animals or other possessions. Tattooing as an evidence +of a successful head-hunt is not found in this region, nor are there other marks or garments to identify the warriors. + +</p> +<p id="d0e9992">The hair is worn long, and is parted straight down the middle; the two strands are twisted, crossed in the back, then carried +to the forehead, where they are again crossed, and the ends are fastened by intertwining on each side of the head. A bark +band (<i>ayabong</i>) holds the hair in place, but at times it is replaced by a cloth or a narrow ring of interwoven grass and rattan. Round bamboo +hats, with low dome-shaped tops, are commonly worn (Plate <a id="d0e9997" href="#d0e11818">XLV</a>), but these are sometimes displaced by hats which go to a sharp peak, or by those made of a gourd or of wood. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10000">The woman's hair is parted in the middle, and is combed straight down to the nape of the neck, where it is caught by strings +of beads; these are crossed in the back and encircle the head; the strand of hair is then twisted and a loop formed which +is carried to the left side, where it is again caught under the beads, near to or above the ear. Most of the Tinguian have +luxuriant heads of hair, but, nevertheless, switches are commonly used by both sexes. The hair is often washed with the ashes +of rice-straw, or with the bark of the <i>gogo</i> tree (<i>Entada purseta</i>), and is moistened with coconut oil. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10008">Strings of beads encircle the women's necks, but the typical ornament consists of strands above strands of beads reaching +from the wrist to the elbow, and if the wealth of the owner permits, even covering the upper arm as well (Plate <a id="d0e10010" href="#d0e11994">LXXIX</a>). The strands are <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10013"></a>Page 436</span>fastened tightly above the wrist, causing that portion of the arm to swell. Slits of bamboo are usually placed under the beads, +and may be removed if the pain or annoyance of the constriction is too severe. The upper arm beads are removed with little +difficulty; but those on the forearm are taken off only once or twice a year, when new threads are substituted, or when the +owner is in mourning. Beneath these ornaments a delicate fretwork of blue lines is tattooed, so that the woman's arms may +not be white and unsightly when she is without her beads.<a id="d0e10015src" href="#d0e10015" class="noteref">1</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10018">Most of the women have their ears pierced, but in the valley towns only a small proportion wear earrings. In the mountain +sections heavy ornaments of gold or copper are worn, the weight often drawing the lobe of the ear far down on the neck. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10020">When at work, the woman discards all clothing from the upper portion of her body, but at other times wears a short-sleeved +jacket which reaches to her waist (Plate <a id="d0e10022" href="#d0e11984">LXXVII</a>). The waist is cut so low in the neck that the head can pass through. There is no shoulder seam. A straight piece set over +the shoulder extends down in square, both front and back, to a line about even with the breast, where it is sewed to the garment +proper. A narrow skirt (<i>dingwa</i>), with colored border, extends from the waist to the knees. It is held in place by drawing it tightly and then tucking one +corner under the upper edge, or by pressing it beneath the girdle (Plate <a id="d0e10028" href="#d0e11989">LXXVIII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e10031">When a girl becomes a woman, she dons a girdle (<i>palingtan</i>) of braided grass or rattan which fits over the hips, and to which a clout is attached (Plate <a id="d0e10036" href="#d0e11999">LXXX</a>). As a rule, the girdle and clout are not removed when bathing, as are the other garments. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10039">The woman seldom wears a hat, except when she is working in the fields, where sunshades large enough to protect the entire +body are used (Plate <a id="d0e10041" href="#d0e11863">LIV</a>). Frequently a cloth or a skirt is twisted about the head as a protection against the sun. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10044">On chilly mornings one often sees the people covered from head to ankles with their sleeping blankets, or a woman may draw +a particularly wide skirt about her body just below the armpits so that she is protected from her breasts to the knees. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10046"></a>Page 437</span></p> +<p id="d0e10047">The teeth of both sexes are blackened with iron salts and tan bark,<a id="d0e10049src" href="#d0e10049" class="noteref">2</a> but they are not cut or mutilated, as is common with many Philippine peoples. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10061">While both sexes are proud of heavy heads of hair, they do not look with equal favor on face and body hairs. These are plucked +out either by grasping them between a knife blade and the thumb nail, or with a bamboo device known as <i>īming</i>. This consists of a section of bamboo split into several strips at one end. A hair is placed in one end of the slits, and +the bamboo is bent into a half circle, causing it to take a firm hold, when it is jerked outwards. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10066">Prized necklaces (<i>paliget</i>) made of small strands of twisted silver wire, are placed on the neck of a corpse, and on some occasions are worn by the +living. During dances the hair is adorned with notched chicken feathers attached to sticks, while circlets made of boar's +tusks are placed on the arms. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10071"><span class="smallcaps">Dances</span>.—Two dances, one ceremonial, the other suitable for all occasions, are very popular. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10075">The ceremonial dance known as <i>da-eng</i> takes place at night, and is carried on to the accompaniment of a song.<a id="d0e10080src" href="#d0e10080" class="noteref">3</a> An equal number of men and women take part. The women form a line facing a similar row of men, about twenty feet distant. +Locking arms about one another's waists and with one foot advanced, they begin to sway their bodies backwards and forwards. +Suddenly they burst into song, at the same time stepping forward with the left foot. Keeping perfect time to the music, they +take three steps toward the men, then retreat to their original positions. The men then take up the song and in a similar +manner advance and retreat. This is repeated several times, after which the two lines join to form a circle. With arms interlocked +behind one another's backs, and singing in unison, they begin to move contra-clockwise. The left foot is thrown slightly backward +and to the side, and the right is brought quickly up to it, causing a rising and falling of the body. The step, at first slow, +becomes faster and faster till the dancers have reached the limit of their vocal and physical powers. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10083">The <i>da-eng</i> is sacred in character, is danced only at night and then under the direction of the mediums. It is, however, in great favor, +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10088"></a>Page 438</span>and often so many of the younger people wish to take part that double lines, or two or more groups, may be dancing at the +same time. It sometimes happens, when the <i>basi</i> has been flowing freely, that the participants become so boisterous and the pace so fast that spectators are run down or +the dancers are piled in a heap, from which they emerge laughing and shouting. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10093">The common dance, the <i>tadek</i>, is a part of nearly all gatherings of a social and religious nature. The music for this dance usually is made with three +<i>gansas</i><a id="d0e10100src" href="#d0e10100" class="noteref">4</a> and a drum. The <i>gansas</i> are pressed against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground. Two of the coppers are beaten with a stick and the +palm of the hand, while the third is played by the hands alone (Plate <a id="d0e10106" href="#d0e12011">LXXXI, Fig. 2</a>). The stick or left hand gives the initial beat which is followed by three rapid strokes with the right palm. A man and a +woman enter the circle, each holding a cloth about the size of a skirt. The man extends his cloth toward the woman, and bringing +it suddenly down, causes it to snap, which is the signal to begin. With almost imperceptible movement of the feet and toes +and a bending at the knees, he approaches the woman, who in a like manner goes toward him. They pass and continue until at +a distance about equal to the start, when they again turn and pass. Occasionally the man will take a few rapid steps toward +the woman, with exaggerated high knee action and much stamping of feet, or he will dance backward a few steps. At times the +cloth is held at arm's length in front or at the side; again it is wrapped about the waist, the woman always following the +actions of the man. At last they meet; the man extends his hand, the woman does likewise, but instead of taking his, she moves +her own in a circle about his, avoiding contact. Again they dance away, only returning to repeat the performance. Finally +she accepts the proffered hand, the headman brings <i>basi</i> for the couple to drink, and the dance is over. The man sometimes ends the dance by the sharp snapping of his cloth, or by +putting it on his extended arms and dancing toward the woman, who places her cloth upon his (Plate <a id="d0e10112" href="#d0e12006">LXXXI, Fig. 1</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e10115"><span class="smallcaps">Musical Instruments, Songs, and Dances</span>.—The Tinguian is naturally musical. He sings at his work, he beats time with his head-axe against his shield as he tramps +the mountain trails, he chants the stories of long ago as the workers gather about the fires each evening of the dry season, +he sings the praises of his host at feasts and festivals,<a id="d0e10119src" href="#d0e10119" class="noteref">5</a> <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10131"></a>Page 439</span>joins with others in the dirge which follows a burial, and he and many others will sing together as they dance the <i>da-eng</i>. But his music does not stop with his vocal accomplishments. In the folk-tales the pan pipe (<i>dew-dew-as</i>) occupies a most important place, and to-day the maidens still play them in the evening hours. It is a simple device made +of reeds of various lengths lashed together (<a id="d0e10139" href="#d0e10151">Fig. 26</a>, No. 1). The player holds the instrument just in front of her lips, and blows into the reeds, meanwhile moving them to and +fro, producing a series of low notes without tune. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10142">Another instrument of great importance in the legends is the nose flute (<i>kalaleng</i>). This is a long reed with holes cut in the side, to be stopped by the fingers in producing the notes. The player closes +one nostril with a bit of cotton, and then forces the air from the other into a small hole cut in the end of the tube. The +instrument is popular with the men, and often one can hear the plaintive note of the nose flute far into the night (Plate +<a id="d0e10147" href="#d0e12016">LXXXII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e10150"></p> +<div id="d0e10151" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure 26.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/fig26.gif" alt="Musical Instruments."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Musical Instruments.</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10155">The mouth flute (<i>tulali</i>) is similar to that found in civilized lands, but is constructed from a reed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10160">A peculiar device used solely by the women is the <i>bunkaka</i> (<a id="d0e10165" href="#d0e10151">Fig. 26</a>, No. 2). This consists of a bamboo tube with one end cut away so <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10168"></a>Page 440</span>as to leave only two thin vibrating strips. These, when struck against the palm of the left hand, give out a note which can +be changed by placing a finger over the opening at x. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10170">A Jew's harp is constructed like a netting needle, but with a tongue of bamboo cut so that it will vibrate when struck, or +when a cord attached to the end is jerked sharply (<a id="d0e10172" href="#d0e10151">Fig. 26</a>, No. 3). If made of bamboo, the instrument is known as <i>kolibau</i>; if brass, <i>agiweng</i>. It is often mentioned in the tales, and to-day is played by nearly all the men. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10181">Bamboo guitars (<i>kuliteng</i>) are made by cutting narrow strips throughout the length of a section of bamboo, but not detaching them at the ends. They +are raised and tuned by inserting small wedges of wood at the ends. Small sections of thin bamboo are sometimes fitted over +two strings, and are beaten with sticks, or the strings can be fingered like a guitar (Plate <a id="d0e10186" href="#d0e12021">LXXXIII</a>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e10189">Music for dances is furnished by an orchestra consisting of four men, three with copper gongs (<i>gangsas</i>), and one with a drum. The gongs are tambourine shape, with sides about an inch and a half high. They are placed against +the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground, and are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand or by the hands alone.<a id="d0e10194src" href="#d0e10194" class="noteref">6</a> They doubtless came into this region through trade, but at a time so remote that their origin is now credited to the spirits. +The drum (<i>tambor</i>) is made of a short section of a tree hollowed out. The ends are covered with cow's hide or pig's skin. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10200"></a>Page 441</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e10015" href="#d0e10015src" class="noteref">1</a> This tattooing is accomplished by mixing oil and the black soot from the bottom of a cooking pot, or the pulverized ashes +of blue cloth. The paste is spread over the place to be treated, and is driven in with an instrument consisting of three or +four needles set in a piece of bamboo. Sometimes the piercing of the skin is done before the color is applied; the latter +is then rubbed in. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e10049" href="#d0e10049src" class="noteref">2</a> Blackening of the teeth was practised by the Zambal, also in Sumatra and Japan. <span class="smallcaps">Blair</span> and <span class="smallcaps">Robertson</span>, Vol. XVI, p. 78; <span class="smallcaps">Marsden</span>, History of Sumatra, P. 53. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e10080" href="#d0e10080src" class="noteref">3</a> See pp. 445, 456 for words and music. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e10100" href="#d0e10100src" class="noteref">4</a> Shallow copper gongs. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e10119" href="#d0e10119src" class="noteref">5</a> Reyes says that this song, <i>daleng</i>, is similar to the <i>dallot</i> of the Ilocano (Artículos varios, p. 32). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e10194" href="#d0e10194src" class="noteref">6</a> Similar instruments are used by the Igorot who suspend them free and beat them as they dance. +</p> +</div><a id="d0e10201"></a><h1>Music</h1> +<p id="d0e10204"><span class="smallcaps">Introduction</span>.—That the songs might be delivered as nearly as possible at the same pitch which the singers used when making the records, +investigation was made as to the usual speed used by manufacturers while recording. It was found to be 160 revolutions per +minute. Accordingly the phonograph was carefully set at this speed during transcription. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10208">In determining the keys in which to transcribe the various songs, the pitch-pipe used was that of the “International,” which +was adopted at the Vienna Congress in Nov. 1887. This congress established c² = 522 double vibrations per second. All the +records proved to be a shade flat by this standard, but were found to be almost exactly in accord with an instrument of fixed +pitch, which in turn was found to be approximately eleven beats at variance with the pitch-pipe on c². + +</p> +<p id="d0e10210">Assuming that the recording and transcribing speeds of the machines were the same, this would place the original singing almost +exactly in accord with the old “philosophical standard of pitch” which places c² at 512 double vibrations per second. Though +the singing was not always in perfect accord with the notes set down in transcriptions, with the exception of those very marked +departures especially indicated in the music, the variations were so slight that, so far as true intonation goes, the performances +were fully up to the standard of those of the average natural singer. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10212">Special ear tubes were used while transcribing the records, and resort made to a special device wherewith any order of whole, +or even part measures could be consecutively played. Thus it was possible to closely compare parts which were similar in either +words or music. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10214">In some of the records two or more voices can be distinguished singing in unison. Such unisons are shown in the transcription +by single notes. No attempt has been made to indicate the several voices. But when such single notes are shown accompanied +by the word “solo,” it is to be understood that all of the performers have dropped out but one, probably the leader. When +the voices split up into parts, it is so notated in the music. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10216">Primitive people display more or less timidity in giving their songs for scientific purposes. Such timidity is especially +apt to be <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10218"></a>Page 442</span>manifested in their attacks. In the <i>Da-eng</i>, Girls' Part (Record J), the delayed attack at the beginning of each new verse is very marked. The delay varies considerably +from verse to verse, as indicated by the number of beats rest shown at the ends of the lines. Similar pauses are found in +the Boys' Part of the same ceremony (see Record A). These beats rest or pauses are not to be taken as part of the legitimate +rhythm, for it is more than likely that if the singers were giving their songs in their regular ceremonial and the performers +unconscious of observation, these pauses would not occur. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10223">In transcribing those songs which have several verses on the record, the notation has been so arranged on the page that the +measures line up vertically, making comparison easy between corresponding measures of the different verses. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10225">To indicate peculiar qualities, special signs are used in connection with the regular musical symbols. The table which follows +shows these signs and also lists the qualities for which they stand. Some of these qualities could have been represented by +regular musical symbols, but it was thought best to use the special signs to make them stand out more prominently. The qualities +thus indicated as well as those which are represented by the regular musical notation will be found listed and defined after +the tabulation of qualities. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10227"></p> +<div id="d0e10228" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d444.gif" alt="Unusual qualities and their special signs."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Unusual qualities and their special signs.</p> +</div><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10233"></a>Page 443</span></p> +<p id="d0e10234"></p> +<div id="d0e10235" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d445.gif" alt="Da-Eng"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Da-Eng</p> +<p id="d0e10238">Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. (Boys' part.)</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10241"></a>Page 444</span></p> +<p id="d0e10242"></p> +<div id="d0e10243" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d446.gif" alt="Diwas"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Diwas</p> +<p id="d0e10246">Sung at night by the friends of a sick man. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10248"><span class="smallcaps">Sang-Sangit</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10252">Sung during the evening following a funeral.</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10255"></a>Page 445</span></p> +<p id="d0e10256"></p> +<div id="d0e10257" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d447.gif" alt="Dawak"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Dawak</p> +<p id="d0e10260">The song of a medium when calling spirits into her (his) body.</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10263"></a>Page 446</span></p> +<p id="d0e10264"></p> +<div id="d0e10265" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d448.gif" alt="Song of a Spirit"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Song of a Spirit</p> +<p id="d0e10268">Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10271"></a>Page 447</span></p> +<p id="d0e10272"></p> +<div id="d0e10273" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d449.gif" alt="Song of a Spirit"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Song of a Spirit</p> +<p id="d0e10276">Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10279"></a>Page 448</span></p> +<p id="d0e10280"></p> +<div id="d0e10281" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d450.gif" alt="Bagoyas"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Bagoyas</p> +<p id="d0e10284">A song of praise and compliment sung at a feast or party.</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10287"></a>Page 449</span></p> +<p id="d0e10288"></p> +<div id="d0e10289" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d451.gif" alt="Balalogninmas"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Balalogninmas</p> +<p id="d0e10292"><span class="smallcaps">Da-Eng</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10296">Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. (Boys and girls alternating.)</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10299"></a>Page 450</span></p> +<p id="d0e10300"></p> +<div id="d0e10301" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d452.gif" alt="Da-Eng"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Da-Eng</p> +<p id="d0e10304">Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. (Girls part) + +</p> +<p id="d0e10306"><span class="smallcaps">Bogoyas</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10310">Sung by a woman.</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10313"></a>Page 451</span></p> +<p id="d0e10314"></p> +<div id="d0e10315" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d453.gif" alt="Na-Way"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Na-Way</p> +<p id="d0e10318">Sung at the celebration which closes the period of mourning for the dead.</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10321"></a>Page 452</span></p> +<p id="d0e10322"></p> +<div id="d0e10323" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d454.gif" alt="Dang-Dang-Ay"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Dang-Dang-Ay</p> +<p id="d0e10326">Sung by woman while pounding rice out of straw and husks.</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10329"></a>Page 453</span></p> +<p id="d0e10330"></p> +<div id="d0e10331" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d455.gif" alt="Kuilay-Kuilay"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Kuilay-Kuilay</p> +<p id="d0e10334">Sung by woman while passing liquor.</p> +</div><p> + +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10337"></a>Page 454</span></p><a id="d0e10338"></a><h2>Words of the Da-Eng</h2> +<p id="d0e10341"><span class="smallcaps">Part I</span>. Sung in line.<a id="d0e10345src" href="#d0e10345" class="noteref">1</a> + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10349"><span class="lineno">1</span> Ma-lī-dom ag-dag-da-gī yo-ma-yom<br id="d0e10351"> Yom-ma-yom ta yom-ma-yom ag-dag-da-gī yo-ma-yom.<br id="d0e10353"><span class="lineno">2</span> Ma-la-nas ag-dag-da-gī na-sa-nas<br id="d0e10355"> Ma-sa-nas ta ma-sa-nas ag-dag-da-gī na-sa-nas.<br id="d0e10357"><span class="lineno">3</span> Sī On-na-ī in-no-bi-yan kī-not-ko-tan Na-to-tan<br id="d0e10359"> Na-to-tan ta na-to-tan kī-not ko-tan na-to-tan.<br id="d0e10361"><span class="lineno">4</span> Kol-kol-dong sī gī-nol-bat nga ag-molī-molī-yat<br id="d0e10363"> Mo-lī-yat ta mo-lī-yat ag-mo-lī mo-lī-yat.<br id="d0e10365"><span class="lineno">5</span> Ka-lan-tag kal-la-yan-nen ag-ka-īdig-na-yan<br id="d0e10367"> dig-na-yan ta dig-na-yan ag-ka-ī dig-na-yan.<br id="d0e10369"><span class="lineno">6</span> A-na-on sī Tak-la-yan na-ī́s-tī-lo ai bolo<br id="d0e10371"> Bin-no-lo ta bin-no-lo na-ī́s-tī-lo ai bo-lo.<br id="d0e10373"><span class="lineno">7</span> Sok-bot nī ka-bin-bin-an adī ma-sil-sī-lī-ban<br id="d0e10375"> sī-lī-ban ta sī-lī-ban adī ma-sil-sī-līban<br id="d0e10377"><span class="lineno">8</span> Ba-gai-ba-yᴇm dem-ma-ngen sī-nol-bo-dan nī kolat.<br id="d0e10379"> kī-no-lat ta kī-no-lat ai ag-kī-no kī-no-lat.<br id="d0e10381"><span class="lineno">9</span> Sabak nī am-mo-ga-wen mīmog-go-mog dī-kai-wen<br id="d0e10383"> di-kai-wen ta kī-kai wen mīmog-go-mog dī-kai-wen.<br id="d0e10385"><span class="lineno">10</span> Sabak nī an-na-a-wen mī-ka-lī-ya lī-ya-wen.<br id="d0e10387"> Lī-ya-wen ta lī-ya-wen ai ag-lī-ya lī-ya-wen +</p> +<p id="d0e10389"><span class="smallcaps">Part II</span>. Sung in line. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10394"><span class="lineno">1</span> alin-to-bo nī nī-og ag-lam-pī-yok<br id="d0e10396"> lam-pī-yok ta lam-pī-yok ag-lam-pī lam-pī-yok.<br id="d0e10398"><span class="lineno">2</span> al-in-to-bo nī aba ai adī nag-pada<br id="d0e10400"> pī-na-da ta pī-na-da ai adī nag-pa-da.<br id="d0e10402"><span class="lineno">3</span> al-in-to-bo nī no-nang ag-ba-lī ba-lī-yang<br id="d0e10404"> ba-lī-yang ta ba-lī-yang ai ag-ba-lī ba-lī-yang.<br id="d0e10406"><span class="lineno">4</span> al-in-to-bo nī lamai um-al-alī ma-ya-mai<br id="d0e10408"> ma-ya-mai ta ma-ya-mai umal alī ma-ya-mai.<br id="d0e10410"><span class="lineno">5</span> al-in-to-bo nī bang-on ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon<br id="d0e10412"> ba-la-ngon ta ba-la-ngon ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon.<br id="d0e10414"><span class="lineno">6</span> al-in-to-bo nī oway pᴇl-sa-tem ket ī-nom-lai<br id="d0e10416"> ī-nom-lai ta ī-nom-lai pᴇl-sa-tem ket ī-nom-lai.<br id="d0e10418"><span class="lineno">7</span> al-in-to-bo nī oling bog-yo-ngᴇm ket boom-lī-sing<br id="d0e10420"> boom-lī-sing ta boom-lī-sing bog-yo-ngᴇm ket boom-lī-sing.<br id="d0e10422"><span class="lineno">8</span> al-in-to-bo nī ba-kan umal alī ka-na-kan<br id="d0e10424"> ka-na-kan ta ka-na-kan umal alī ka-na-kan.<br id="d0e10426"><span class="lineno">9</span> al-in-to-bo nī anis ai adī na-gī-nis<br id="d0e10428"> gī-nī-nīs ta gī-nī-nīs ai adī nᴇdey na-gī-nīs. +</p><span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10430"></a>Page 455</span><p id="d0e10431"><span class="smallcaps">Part III</span>. Sung as they dance in circle. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10436"><span class="lineno">1</span> A-ya-mem sī pa-nī-kī ag-sol-sol-wap sī la-bī<br id="d0e10438"> nī la-bī ta nī labī ag-sol-sol-wap sī la-bī.<br id="d0e10440"><span class="lineno">2</span> A-ya-mem sī bat-ta-teng ag-tīya tī ya-deng<br id="d0e10442"> tī-ya-deng ta tī-ya-deng ag-tī-ya tī-ya-deng.<br id="d0e10444"><span class="lineno">3</span> A-ya-mem sī bang-nga-an nga dum-ang-dang-lap sī da-lan<br id="d0e10446"> din-na-lan ta din-na-lan dum-ang-dang-lap sī da-lan.<br id="d0e10448"><span class="lineno">4</span> A-ya-mem sī om-om-bᴇk nga ag-ma-sī ma-sim-bᴇk<br id="d0e10450"> sī nim-bᴇk ta sī-nim-bᴇk nga ag-ma-sī ma-sim-bᴇk.<br id="d0e10452"><span class="lineno">5</span> A-ya-mem sī po-na-yen nga omas-asī gai-ga-yen<br id="d0e10454"> gai-ga-yen ta gai-ga-yen om-as asī gai-ga-yen.<br id="d0e10456"><span class="lineno">6</span> A-ya-mem sī la-ga-dan nga tomal-la tal-la-dan<br id="d0e10458"> tal-la-dan ta tal-la-dan nga ag-ta-la tal-la-dan.<br id="d0e10460"><span class="lineno">7</span> A-ya-mem sī bal-ga-si nga agka-a ka-a-sī<br id="d0e10462"> ka-a-sī ta ka-a-sī nga ag-ka-a ka-a-sī. +</p> +<p id="d0e10464"><span class="smallcaps">Part IV</span>. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10469"><span class="lineno">1</span> Bwa dī la-od to-mo-bo nga lo-mok-bot<br id="d0e10471"> lo-mok-bot ta lo-mok-bot to-mo-bo wa lo-mok-bot.<br id="d0e10473"><span class="lineno">2</span> Bwa di Ba-lī-la-sī-bīs nga gī-ī-tem ket ma-ī-mīs<br id="d0e10475"> ī-nī-mīs ta ī-nī-mīs gī-ī-tem ket ma-ī-mīs.<br id="d0e10477"><span class="lineno">3</span> Bwa dī Mal-la-pa-ai gī-ī-tem ket tom-ga-ᴇy<br id="d0e10479"> tᴇ-ga-ᴇy ta tᴇ-ga-ᴇy gī-ī-tem ket tom ga-ᴇy.<br id="d0e10481"><span class="lineno">4</span> Bwa di Mal-lo-sa-ak gī-ī-tem ket tom-ga-ak<br id="d0e10483"> tᴇ-ga-ak ta tᴇ-ga-ak gī-ī-tem ket tom-ga-ak.<br id="d0e10485"><span class="lineno">5</span> Bwa dī Tom-mo nga kom-ma-lab ket tom-mo-bo<br id="d0e10487"> tom-mo-bo ta tom-mo-bo kom-ma-la-lab ket tom-mo-bo. +</p> +<p id="d0e10489"><span class="smallcaps">Part V</span>. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10494"><span class="lineno">1</span> Adī yo pai lau-lau-den lawed-ko nga do-la-wen<br id="d0e10496"> do-la-wen ta do-la-wen adī yo pai lau-lau-den.<br id="d0e10498"><span class="lineno">2</span> La-wed ngaita di al-yo pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o<br id="d0e10500"> bī-na-o ta bī-na-o pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o.<br id="d0e10502"><span class="lineno">3</span> La-wed dī po-dok pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod<br id="d0e10504"> bī-no-kod ta bī-no-kod pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod.<br id="d0e10506"><span class="lineno">4</span> La-wed dī Sab-lang, pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang<br id="d0e10508"> bī-na-sang ta bī-na-sang pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang.<br id="d0e10510"><span class="lineno">5</span> La-wed dī Pa-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai<br id="d0e10512"> īn-na-wai ta īn-na-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai. +</p> +<p id="d0e10514"><span class="smallcaps">Part VI</span>. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10519"><span class="lineno">1</span> Ka-wa-yan dī Po-da-yan na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan<br id="d0e10521"> na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan ka-wa-yan dī Po-da-yan.<br id="d0e10523"><span class="lineno">2</span> Ka-wa-yan dī Bal-li-wᴇyan om-mī-wᴇyan<br id="d0e10525"> Om-mī-wᴇyan ta om-mi-wᴇyan ka-wa-yan dī Bal-li-wᴇyan.<br id="d0e10527"><span class="lineno">3</span> Ka-wa-yan dī Ba-ta-an ko-ma omī-na-lan<br id="d0e10529"> ī-na-lan ta ī-na-lan ka-wa-yan dī Ba-ta-an.<br id="d0e10531"><span class="lineno">4</span> Sol-kod-ko nga ka-wa-yan na-kak-la-ang dī dᴇm-mang<br id="d0e10533"> di dᴇm-mang ta di dᴇm-mang na-kak-la-ang di dᴇm-mang.<br id="d0e10535"><span class="lineno">5</span> Kawayan dī Pa-la-ī ag-ka-ī dong-la don-la-lī<br id="d0e10537"> dong-la-lī ta dong-la-lī ag-ka-ī dong-la dong-la-lī. +</p><span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10539"></a>Page 456</span><p id="d0e10540"><span class="smallcaps">Part VII</span>. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10545"><span class="lineno">1</span> Da-num dī la-od kom-mog-nod ket kom-mog-nod<br id="d0e10547"> Kom-mog-nod ta kom-mog-nod danum dī la-od.<br id="d0e10549"><span class="lineno">2</span> Dagsī-yan dī Pa-la-wang ko-ma ta sum-mī na-wang<br id="d0e10551"> sī-na-wang ta sī-na-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi-na-wang.<br id="d0e10553"><span class="lineno">3</span> Dagsī-yan dī Langiden mī-ka sī-lī sī-lī-ten<br id="d0e10555"> sīlī-ten ta sī-lī-ten dag-sī-yan dī Lang-ī-den.<br id="d0e10557"><span class="lineno">4</span> Dagsī-yan dī Ka-ba-lang-gan na-kal kalong go-kong-an<br id="d0e10559"> ga-kong-an taga-kong-an na-kal ka-long ga-kong-an.<br id="d0e10561"><span class="lineno">5</span> Danum dī Pa-da-ngī-tan kī-na-dang ta ka-wītan<br id="d0e10563"> ka-wī-tan ta ka-wī-tan kī-na-dang ta ka-wī-tan.<br id="d0e10565"><span class="lineno">6</span> Dag-sī-yan dī Lai-og-an nan-gol la-ol la-yo-san<br id="d0e10567"> la-yo-san ta la-yo-san o-mal-la al-lo-yo-san.<br id="d0e10569"><span class="lineno">7</span> Danum dī Abang sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai<br id="d0e10571"> Sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai da-num di A-bang.<br id="d0e10573"><span class="lineno">8</span> Danum dī Abas īnum-bas ket īnum-bas<br id="d0e10575"> īnum-bas ta ī-num-bas da-num dī A-bas.<br id="d0e10577"><span class="lineno">9</span> Danum dī Ba-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai<br id="d0e10579"> Sa-long-ai ta sa-long-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai.<br id="d0e10581"><span class="lineno">10</span> Danum dī Da-ya nag-kil-la-yos nga sī-pa<br id="d0e10583"> Sī-nī-pa ta sī-nī-pa nag-kil-la-yos nga sīpa.<br id="d0e10585"><span class="lineno">11</span> Danum di ngato tī-nung-dai ta a-nīto<br id="d0e10587"> A-nīto ta a-nīto tī-nun-dai ta a-nīto.<br id="d0e10589"><span class="lineno">12</span> Danum di aging tī-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding<br id="d0e10591"> Ka-lad-ing ta ka-la-ding tī-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding.<br id="d0e10593"><span class="lineno">13</span> Danum dī A-yeng tī-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng<br id="d0e10595"> ba-yeng-yeng ta ba-yeng-yeng tī-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng.<br id="d0e10597"><span class="lineno">14</span> Adi ka-pai man-gī-mon na-sal-lī-bon ai bo-bon<br id="d0e10599"> bin-no-bon ta bin-no-bon na-sal-lī-bon ai bo-bon. +</p> +<p id="d0e10601"><span class="smallcaps">Approximate Translation of the Da-Eng</span><a id="d0e10604src" href="#d0e10604" class="noteref">2</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10607">I + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10610"><span class="lineno">1</span> ?<br id="d0e10612"> ?<br id="d0e10614"><span class="lineno">2</span> The Malanus flows.<br id="d0e10616"> Flows, flows, flows onward.<br id="d0e10618"><span class="lineno">3</span> Si (Mr.) On-na-i and Na-to-tan dig obi (taro) with their hands.<br id="d0e10620"> Dig, dig, dig with the hands.<br id="d0e10622"><span class="lineno">4</span> The firefly in the woods opens his eyes.<br id="d0e10624"> Opens, opens, opens his eyes.<br id="d0e10626"><span class="lineno">5</span> The bank caves into the river.<br id="d0e10628"> Caves, caves, caves in.<br id="d0e10630"><span class="lineno">6</span> Here, your arm pretty bamboo (?)<br id="d0e10632"> Bamboo, bamboo, pretty bamboo.<br id="d0e10634"><span class="lineno">7</span> Do not disturb the rest of the kabibinan (a bird).<br id="d0e10636"> Disturb, disturb, do not disturb.<br id="d0e10638"><span class="lineno">8</span> Help the kolat (a plant) to grow.<br id="d0e10640"> Become kolat, become kolat, stir up to become kolat.<br id="d0e10642"><span class="lineno">9</span> The flower of the Amogawen falls on you.<br id="d0e10644"> On you, on you, falls on you.<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10646"></a>Page 457</span><br id="d0e10647"><span class="lineno">10</span> The flower of the Ana-an plays with you.<br id="d0e10649"> Plays, plays, it plays. +</p> +<p id="d0e10651">II. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10654"><span class="lineno">1</span> The young leaves of the coconut wave.<br id="d0e10656"> Wave, wave, they wave.<br id="d0e10658"><span class="lineno">2</span> The leaves of the aba are not alike.<br id="d0e10660"> Alike, alike, are not alike.<br id="d0e10662"><span class="lineno">3</span> The leaves of the nonang turn back and forth.<br id="d0e10664"> Back and forth, back and forth, turn back and forth.<br id="d0e10666"><span class="lineno">4</span> The leaves of the lamay quake.<br id="d0e10668"> Quake, quake, they quake.<br id="d0e10670"><span class="lineno">5</span> The leaves of the bangon arise(?).<br id="d0e10672"> Arise, arise, they arise.<br id="d0e10674"><span class="lineno">6</span> The leaves of the rattan cut and twist.<br id="d0e10676"> Twist, twist, cut, and twist.<br id="d0e10678"><span class="lineno">7</span> The leaves of the oling rustle and rattle.<br id="d0e10680"> Rattle, rattle, rustle and rattle.<br id="d0e10682"><span class="lineno">8</span> The leaves of the bakan fall before time.<br id="d0e10684"> Fall, fall, fall before time.<br id="d0e10686"><span class="lineno">9</span> The leaves of the anis (a low shrub) are not clean.<br id="d0e10688"> Clean, clean, not clean. +</p> +<p id="d0e10690">III. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10693"><span class="lineno">1</span> You play Mr. bat who fly by night.<br id="d0e10695"> Night, night, fly by night.<br id="d0e10697"><span class="lineno">2</span> You play grasshopper whose back is concave.<br id="d0e10699"> Concave, concave, whose back is concave.<br id="d0e10701"><span class="lineno">3</span> You play Bang-nga-an who shines like gold by the trail.<br id="d0e10703"> By the trail, by the trail, shines like gold by the trail.<br id="d0e10705"><span class="lineno">4</span> You play onombek who hiccoughs.<br id="d0e10707"> Hiccough, hiccough, who hiccoughs.<br id="d0e10709"><span class="lineno">5</span> You play dove who falls.<br id="d0e10711"> Falls, falls, who falls.<br id="d0e10713"><span class="lineno">6</span> You play lagadan (a bird) who flees(?).<br id="d0e10715"> Flees, flees, who flees.<br id="d0e10717"><span class="lineno">7</span> You play balgasi (?) who mourns for the dead.<br id="d0e10719"> Mourns, mourns, mourns for the dead. +</p> +<p id="d0e10721">IV. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10724"><span class="lineno">1</span> Betel-nut of the west which grows up like the gourd.<br id="d0e10726"> Grows up, grows up like the gourd.<br id="d0e10728"><span class="lineno">2</span> Betel-nut of Balasibis which smiles when it is cut. (Literally—is cut and smiles.)<br id="d0e10730"> It smiles, it smiles, is cut, and smiles.<br id="d0e10732"><span class="lineno">3</span> Betel-nut of Malapay which chuckles (like a woman) when it is cut.<br id="d0e10734"> Chuckles, chuckles, is cut, and chuckles.<br id="d0e10736"><span class="lineno">4</span> Betel-nut of Malosak which laughs (like a man) when it is cut.<br id="d0e10738"> Laughs, laughs, is cut, and laughs.<br id="d0e10740"><span class="lineno">5</span> Betel-nut of Tomo which climbs and grows.<br id="d0e10742"> Grows, grows, climbs, and grows. +</p><span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10744"></a>Page 458</span><p id="d0e10745">V. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10748"><span class="lineno">1</span> Do not take the leaves of my lawed, who am rich.<br id="d0e10750"> Rich, rich, do not take lawed leaves.<br id="d0e10752"><span class="lineno">2</span> The widower takes often the top (best) lawed of Alyo.<br id="d0e10754"> The widower, the widower, the widower takes often.<br id="d0e10756"><span class="lineno">3</span> The lawed of the wooded hill the widow takes often.<br id="d0e10758"> The widow, the widow, the widow takes often.<br id="d0e10760"><span class="lineno">4</span> The lawed of Sablang the maiden takes often.<br id="d0e10762"> The maiden, the maiden, the maiden takes often.<br id="d0e10764"><span class="lineno">5</span> The lawed of Paway the hermit (country man) takes often.<br id="d0e10766"> The hermit, the hermit, the hermit takes often. +</p> +<p id="d0e10768">VI. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10771"><span class="lineno">1</span> Bamboo of Podayan, ever living, ever living.<br id="d0e10773"> Ever living, ever living, bamboo of Podayan.<br id="d0e10775"><span class="lineno">2</span> Bamboo of Baliweyan sigh (literally “go wey”) when the wind blows.<br id="d0e10777"> Sigh, sigh, bamboo of Baliweyan.<br id="d0e10779"><span class="lineno">3</span> Bamboo of Bataan, like the sunshine.<br id="d0e10781"> Sunshine, sunshine, bamboo of Bataan.<br id="d0e10783"><span class="lineno">4</span> My cane of bamboo gives out a clang.<br id="d0e10785"> Clang, clang, gives out a clang.<br id="d0e10787"><span class="lineno">5</span> Bamboo of Palai wave up and down.<br id="d0e10789"> Wave, wave, wave up and down. +</p> +<p id="d0e10791">VII. + +</p> +<p class="poetry"><br id="d0e10794"><span class="lineno">1</span> Water of the west, become less and less.<br id="d0e10796"> Less, less, water of the west.<br id="d0e10798"><span class="lineno">2</span> Spring of Palawang overflow.<br id="d0e10800"> Overflow, overflow, be like the overflow.<br id="d0e10802"><span class="lineno">3</span> Spring of Langiden flow fast. (Literally “like lightning”.)<br id="d0e10804"> Flow, flow, spring of Langiden.<br id="d0e10806"><span class="lineno">4</span> Spring of Ka-ba-lang, flow like a chain.<br id="d0e10808"> Chain, chain, flow like a chain.<br id="d0e10810"><span class="lineno">5</span> Water of Padangitah be knee deep to the rooster.<br id="d0e10812"> Rooster, rooster, knee deep to the rooster.<br id="d0e10814"><span class="lineno">6</span> Spring of Layogan flow on.<br id="d0e10816"> Flow, flow, flow on.<br id="d0e10818"><span class="lineno">7</span> Water of Abang (?)<br id="d0e10820"> ?<br id="d0e10822"><span class="lineno">8</span> Water of Abas, become dry.<br id="d0e10824"> Become dry, become dry, water of Abas.<br id="d0e10826"><span class="lineno">9</span> Water of Ba-ay has three branches.<br id="d0e10828"> Branches, branches, has three branches.<br id="d0e10830"><span class="lineno">10</span> Water of the East shaped like a ball.<br id="d0e10832"> Ball, ball, shaped like a ball.<br id="d0e10834"><span class="lineno">11</span> Water from above the anito holds (stops).<br id="d0e10836"> Anito, anito, the anito holds.<br id="d0e10838"><span class="lineno">12</span> Water of the uninhabited place the ghost holds.<br id="d0e10840"> Ghost, ghost, the ghost holds.<br id="d0e10842"><span class="lineno">13</span> Water of Ayeng the bamboo tube holds.<br id="d0e10844"> Bamboo tube, bamboo tube, the bamboo tube holds.<br id="d0e10846"><span class="lineno">14</span> Do not be jealous, pretty spring.<br id="d0e10848"> Spring, spring, pretty spring. +</p><span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10850"></a>Page 459</span><p id="d0e10851"><span class="smallcaps">Da-Eng</span>. Boys' part. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10855">Record A. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10857">There are at least two voices in this record. Possibly there were three or more singers taking part, though it is not possible +to distinguish more than two. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10859">The song is cast in the pentatonic scale of A major. The notes G♮ and D♭ do not belong to this scale. At those places where +they are put down in the notation, they are used to better define the glissandos. The singers pass over them rapidly, sliding +from the topmost note of the group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any of the intermediate tones. The glissandos +are indicated by straight lines drawn obliquely underneath such groups (see <span class="smallcaps">Definition of Qualities</span>, p. 478). + +</p> +<p id="d0e10864">In each of measures 2 and 6 of verses 1, 2, and 3; and in measure 6 of verse 4, is shown a group of three notes with an asterisk +above. These groups, as shown in the notation, are B, A, G; but in measure 2 of verse 4, the corresponding group is C, B, +A. In those measures marked *, the singers are very plainly striving to reach the tones C, B, A. There is that quality of +tension in the voices with the accompanying forcing of tone which is peculiar to untrained singers striving for a tone near +the limit of their highest range. As the tones actually sounded are neither B, A, G, nor C, B, A, but are instead a sort of +compromise between the two, it is quite evident that the succession intended in each of the seven measures is the same as +in the eighth or odd one, viz. C, B, A. If we assume this to be the case, it eliminates seven of the foreign G naturals shown +in the notation. If, however, this conjecture is wrong, and the performers really feel that the groups in question all start +on B, then the G naturals are eliminated by the glissandos. The only other G♮ is shown in measure 7 of verse 4. By comparing +this measure with the corresponding measure in each of the other three verses, it will be seen that the singers have taken +great pains in those verses to avoid this note which does not belong to the pentatonic scale which they are using,—evidence +that they do not sense the tone in the fourth verse, where it is taken glissando. The D♭, also foreign to the scale, occurs +but once. It is in measure 3 of the top line. The glissando here eliminates this tone also, but, by comparing this measure +with the corresponding measure of each of the other verses, we find the same avoidance as in the case of the G♮,—evidence +that the performers do not sense this other foreign tone. The song is therefore very markedly pentatonic in character. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10866"></a>Page 460</span></p> +<p id="d0e10867">The assumption that the seven groups marked with asterisks do not represent the real intent of the singers, is based entirely +on the “stress” heard in the record. This “stress” cannot be represented in notation. Relying on the notation alone, one would +be warranted in drawing a contrary conclusion and assuming that the odd measure should be made to conform to the other seven +and all read, B, A, G; or, from the phonographic record, one might assume that the compromise, previously mentioned, was the +intonation really intended. Primitive peoples frequently do sing and play, quite intentionally, tones out of conformity with +scale tones of present-day concert music. Such tones cannot be represented by our musical notation without resort to special +signs. This is not necessary in the present case, as the falling short of true intonation does not appear to be from deliberate +intent on the part of the singers, but seems to be due to lack of ability. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10869">In eight of the measures, at least one of the voices departs from the melody proper, producing the harmony-intervals so frequently +heard in the music of primitive peoples, namely, that of a 5th without the 3rd to complete the triad, and that of a 4th without +the 6th to complete the chord. Such thirdless 5ths are found in measures 5 (verse 1), 1 and 8 (verse 2), 5 (verse 3), and +1 and 5 (verse 4); and the interval of a 4th without the 6th is found in measures 3 and 8 of verse 4. In the last measure +of the notation, however, the interval of a 4th there shown is caused by the leader's voice departing from the regular melodic +succession instead of the accompanying voice or voices, as is the case in each of the other measures mentioned. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10871">In measures 1 and 5 of each of the four verses of the song, and also in measure 3 of the second verse, the sign, ”.....” (mezzo +staccato marks), is used to indicate the pulsating of the voice of one of the singers, probably the leader, marking the rhythm +of the song. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10873">The metronome tempo is mostly 88, but varies at times and runs as-high as 92 per minute in the last half of the 4th verse. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e10875">Between verses 2 and 3 the phonograph shows that the singers paused eight beats (two whole measures), and between verses 3 +and 4 there was a similar, though shorter, pause of two beats (one-half measure). These pauses are not shown in the notation. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e10877">There was no special change in dynamics throughout the song except as indicated by the sforzando marks in measures 1, 2, 5, +6, 7, and 8 of verse 4. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10879">In general character this song resembles most the <i>Dang-dang-ay</i> (Record M). +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10884"></a>Page 461</span></p> +<p id="d0e10885"><span class="smallcaps">Diwas</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10889">Record B. Sung at night by the friends of a sick man. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10891">There are two singers on this record, both men with bass voices. One seems to be the leader, the accompanying singer dragging +along behind. As the tempo is very slow and many of the tones long drawn out, this uncertainty on the part of the second performer +is not so noticeable, except on the quick runs as the leader passes to another principal tone. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10893">The song is cast in the natural minor scale of D. The E♭ near the beginning of the second line does not belong to the scale. +It is not well defined on the record, and so is indicated in the transcription with an interrogation-mark beneath. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10895">Although not confined to the intervals of the pentatonic scale, the number is distinctly pentatonic in character. It is made +up mostly of the tones A, C, D, and E. These tones belong to the pentatonic scales of C major and its relative minor A. In +tonality, the song cannot be considered as belonging to either of these keys, as there is a very distinct feeling of B♭ in +it, notwithstanding that the tone is seldom dwelt upon, but passed over quickly, almost glissando, in nearly every place where +it occurs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10897">The song ends on A. This is not the key note, however, but is the fifth of the key. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10899">The song is like a mournful chant. Throughout there is a peculiar wailing which leaves a strange, haunting impression. The +music admirably suits the hour when it is used. It would be decidedly incongruous given in broad daylight. These untutored +savages could hardly have conjured up a more typical tone-picture of the “shadowy valley” than the song heard on this record. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e10901">The peculiarly weird character is due in large part to the swelling out and dying away of the tones on certain syllables. +(For comparison to effects found in Igorot music, see “Swelled Tones” under <span class="smallcaps">Definition of Qualities</span>, p. 479). + +</p> +<p id="d0e10906"><span class="smallcaps">Sang-Sangit</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10910">Record C. Sung during the evening following a funeral. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10912">In this record we hear but one voice—a man's. The song is cast in the minor scale of G, but whether the natural minor or the +harmonic, cannot be determined, as the singer does not use the 7th of the scale. It is not pentatonic in character. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10914">The song is given in the recitative style. There are several verses <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10916"></a>Page 462</span>which vary but little in the music, except for the changes in the reiterated staccato tones which are made greater or less +in number to accommodate the difference in number of syllables. With the exception of those starting the glissandos or trills, the repeated tones +were given with a very decided staccato punch. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10921">Much of the intonation is vague. In taking the glissandos shown near the middle of the top line, the upper tone is sung about +half way between B♭ and B♮. There is some abandon in the rhythm also. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10923">The group of six notes marked with an asterisk are trilled on the semitone interval. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10925"><span class="smallcaps">Dawak</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10929">Record D. The song of a medium when calling spirits into her (his) body. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10931">This song is doubtless the invention of the singer. It has that abandon which usually characterizes the songs of workers in +the occult among primitive folk. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10933">The song is cast mostly in the relative minor (G♯) of the pentatonic scale of B♮ major. A♯ does not belong to this scale. +There are five measures, where this note appears, but in each instance the tonality of the phrase momentarily rests in D♯ +minor, the relative of the pentatonic major of F♯. A♯ belongs to this scale, but B♮ does not. The singer, with his instinct +for the five-note scale, avoids the B♮ until the tonality shifts back to the original key. The song is therefore classed as +pentatonic in character. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10935">The melody is distinctly harmonic in structure, as nearly all of the successions are made up of triad intervals. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10937">Though the song runs but a minute and a half, the tempo changes eight times. The performer takes nearly every new tempo with +a well-defined rhythm. There is considerable freedom shown in the first movement when the tremolos between B♮ and the G♯ below +are taken. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10939">The singer shows quite remarkable flexibility of voice, excellent breath control, and a rather surprising quality of tone +and accuracy of intonation. As a demonstration of flexibility, about the middle of the first movement, he takes the quarter +note B♮ in falsetto and immediately drops into the waver a tenth below, at the same time assuming his natural voice. The falsetto +tone is indicated in the transcription by a tiny circle above the note. All of the wavered tones, as well as the falsetto +at the beginning and the turn at the end are sung with one breath to a single syllable. This is quite a remarkable performance +considering that the singer had no voice training. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10941"></a>Page 463</span></p> +<p id="d0e10942">Near the opening of the first 2/4 movement is shown a group of five notes given in the time of four,—a rhythmic effect few +trained musicians can execute well. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10944">Of the various performers who took part in making the fourteen records, this singer shows the best voice technic and control. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e10946">The fact that the singer scarcely repeats a single motive throughout the extent of the song, but is constantly introducing +new tonal ideas argues an extempore performance. It would be interesting to have for comparison another record of the same +song made at another time. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10948"><span class="smallcaps">Song of a Spirit</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10952">Record E. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10954">Melodically this song is quite in contrast with the <i>Dawak</i>. This one is distinctly melodic in structure, though there are suggested harmonies. These harmonies are mostly tonic and +dominant alternating one with the other. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10959">Using a two-measure motive, which he announces at the very start, the singer works the material over and over, first in one +harmonic mode and then in the other, frequently changing the form of the motive through embellishments or altered metric values, +but always leaving an impression which harks back to the original motive. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10961">Arrange the various tones of this melody in any order that we will, we cannot make them conform to any diatonic scale used +in modern music. If, however, we ignore the C♭, which occurs twice in the song, it gives us an incomplete ascending melodic-minor +scale in D♭. But the song is not minor in mode. It is distinctly major in tonality. It is formed mostly of the four tones +D♭, E♭, A♭, and B♭. All of these belong to the pentatonic major scale of D♭. This gives a very marked pentatonic flavor, yet +the song is not in the pentatonic scale, for the singer introduces half steps, and there are no such intervals in the pentatonic +scale. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10963">Casting about among the scales used by various peoples, the nearest approach I find to the tonal succession of this song is +one of the numerous scales or “tunings” used by the Japanese. It is that known as the “Hirajoshi.” To make comparison easy, +I have transposed this Japanese koto-tuning into the same key as that of the song. Along with it I show the tonal material +of the Tinguian song arranged in corresponding sequence. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10965"></a>Page 464</span></p> +<p id="d0e10966"></p> +<div id="d0e10967" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d466.gif" alt="Tinguian and Japanese scales"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Tinguian and Japanese scales</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10971">It will be seen that every note in the Japanese scale is found also in the Tinguian, though not always in the same octave. +All of the Tinguian tones are found in the Japanese scale except the C♭ and D♭. These exceptions are shown with their stems +turned down. The notes shown in white in the Tinguian scale are not sung at the pitch indicated, but occur in the song as +octaves of these tones. The black notes therefore show the actual tones sung. It will be noticed that in the arrangement of +the notes the opening tone is repeated a few notes later on. This is because the Japanese usually tune the koto with the first +and fifth strings in unison to facilitate the execution of certain passages in their music. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10973">The “Jog,” heard so frequently in the Igorot songs, occurs eight times in this number. It is not quite so well defined here, +however, as in the <i>Dang-dang-ay,</i> being modified in this song either by syncopation, by phrasing, or by lack of accent. It is interesting to note however, +that it is always given on the tonic or the dominant, and also that it is repeated in true Igorot style. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10978">The unconcern and skill with which the performer of this song unravels the mixed up duplet and triplet groups, is evidence +of his inherent sense of rhythm, as it pertains to the symetry of note groups and their embodiment as beat-units into larger, +varying measure-units; but his indifference, as he juggles his metric values of 2/4, 3/8, and 3/4 time, shows an entire absence +of appreciation for form as revealed in even-measured sections, phrases, and periods of modern music. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10980">Considered in the light of an oracle from the spirit himself speaking through the medium, the music would indicate that the +spectre is not one of the gentle and kind disposition, but on the contrary is very domineering. He is of frightful mien, and +tries to terrorize all who come under his sway. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10982"><span class="smallcaps">Song of a Spirit</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e10986">Record F. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10988">This song is very similar in general character to the <i>Dawak</i>, and many qualities in it indicate that it is given by the same performer. It has the same general formation as the <i>Dawak</i>. It is harmonic in construction. <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e10996"></a>Page 465</span>Nearly all of its tones follow the triad intervals of either the minor or its relative major tonic chords or the minor dominant +chord. There is no well-marked motive development but instead a succession of tones first from one triad, then from another, +and so on, grouped in ever varying fashion. + +</p> +<p id="d0e10998">The key is G minor, but closes in the relative major B. While singing in the minor, the performer follows modern methods and +raises his seventh or “leading tone,” when the progression is upwards into the tonic (see measures 10, 13, 25, and 27). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11000">The tempo is mostly 108, but at the tenth measure the movement slows down to 80. At this point is shown a note with a large +circle above. This tone was taken with a very wide open mouth quite in contrast with the one preceeding. The next measure +following shows two tones taken falsetto. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11002">Like the Dawak, this song is probably the composition of the singer. Although very primitive in its general aspect, it has +absorbed from some source a bit of modern influence. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11004">If the surmise is correct that the performer of this song is the same as the one who made the record of the <i>Dawak</i>, and if the two songs were made at distinct times with a considerable period elapsing in which other records were made, it +would indicate, as is frequently the case among primitive singers, that this performer almost invariably sings at the same +pitch. In other words, he has to some degree the sense of absolute pitch. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11009"><span class="smallcaps">Bagoyas</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11013">Record G. A song of praise and compliment sung by a guest at a feast or party. Words are extempore, but music constant. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11015"></p> +<div id="d0e11016" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d467.gif" alt=""></p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11018">The singer is a tenor with considerable dramatic quality in his voice. The words of the song must be extemporized to suit +each new occasion; so also, must the elemental tonal forms be extemporaneously combined, for the music must fit the words, +and these will vary in rhythm and meter with each performance. The music may be considered constant, however, in that the +form of each component motive is more or less fixed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11020">The following five group-ingredients, used either in the pure form <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11022"></a>Page 466</span>as shown, or with slight alterations, make up approximately one-half of the entire song. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11024">Reiterated tones and glissandos pad out between these and make up practically the remainder of the number. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11026">Turning our attention to the first of the above groups, which I have marked “M.M.1.” (melodic motive), we find that it is +used nearly a score of times throughout the extent of the song. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11028">A motive may be modified in ten different recognized ways and each form of modification employed in varying degrees, within +certain limits, and yet the motive will not loose its identity. As an example of this we find in this song the first melodic +motive <i>transposed</i> from the fourth degree of the scale (where it is originally announced) to the first, the fifth, and the sixth degrees. We +find the same motive given with <i>omissions</i>, with <i>additions</i>, with <i>augmentations</i>, with <i>contractions</i>, and with <i>altered rhythmic values</i>; in short, the composer has turned this motive over and over, and unwittingly developed it much after the manner used by +musicians trained in the art of composition. The fact that this motive is given four times rhythmically and melodically intact, +besides recurring frequently throughout the composition in one or another of the accepted forms of modification, argues that +this melodic germ was a familiar tone-figure to the singer, one that he could apply to most any syllable on which he wished +to dwell. In this connection it is interesting to note that this motive, in its purest form, is always used in a transitional +way, not only musically, but rhetorically, thus “marking time,” as it were, while the improvisator chooses his next words +of praise. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11048">The second melodic motive (M.M.2.) occurs at least five times, with some transformations to be sure, and sometimes even overlapping +the first motive. The third (R.M.) is purely rhythmic, but seems to be a pet device of the singer and helps him out with syllables +needing special emphasis. The fourth can hardly be dignified by the name of motive, in this case, but is simply a musical +device (M.D.), used by the singer mostly in his terminations. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11050">I surmise that the song in its entirety, including the above elemental groups, is the invention of the singer. He has equipped +himself with these particular tonal fragments, because they not only suit his fancy, but lie well within the range of his +vocal attainments. He has used them so frequently and in such varied forms that he can instantly twist, turn, or alter them +to fit the requirements of the various syllables of his ever changing flatteries. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11052"></a>Page 467</span></p> +<p id="d0e11053">With a few such elemental groups of his own invention at command, any singer would be well equipped to extemporize for the +delectation of his host and the entertainment of the other guests. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11055">The song is exceptional for strongly accented notes. The triplets giving the value of three quarter notes in the time of two +are rather unusual in modern music. It is cast in the natural minor scale of B♭. The singer never uses either the raised 6th +or 7th in ascending, as do moderns in the melodic minor, but adheres strictly to the old <i>normal</i> or <i>natural minor</i> form. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11063">Although diatonic, in that both the G♭ and C♮ appear frequently, yet the number savors much of the pentatonic. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11065">At three places where the singer uses one or the other of the tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, he makes half-step progressions. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11067">In the fourth line of the song we find the single instance in these records, where the performer takes an upward glissando. +It is on the two-note embellishment F♮ G♭ shown in the last measure of that line. It is immediately followed by a downward +glissando. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11069">Balalognimas + +</p> +<p id="d0e11071">Record II. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11073">Two singers are heard on this record. They seem to be women. Possibly there are more than the two voices. As the song has +such a well-defined swing and such a martial character, it must be wonderfully inspiring when given by a large company of +singers. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11075">It is cast in the natural minor diatonic scale of C♯, though it is strongly pentatonic in character. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11077">The rhythm is partly 5/8 and partly 4/8, but it swings along so naturally that it seems as if it could not be otherwise. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11079">The distribution of the accents, sometimes falling on the first and third beats and again on the second and fourth, helps +to give it a character which puts it in a class by itself. It has the most character of any of the women's songs in this group. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11081">There are several verses to the song almost precisely alike in words and music. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11083"><span class="smallcaps">Da-Eng</span>. Boys and Girls Alternating. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11087">Record I. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11089">This song is in two distinct movements or parts varying one from the other in meter, in tempo, and in general style. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11091"></a>Page 468</span></p> +<p id="d0e11092">Part 1 + +</p> +<p id="d0e11094">There are at least two voices discernible in this part. They seem to be the voices of girls or women. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11096">It is cast in the relative minor (C) of the pentatonic scale of E♭ major. The tones of this scale given in order are C, E♭, +F, G, B♭, and then the octave C. The tones D♮ and A♭ are missing, thus avoiding the half step between D and E♭, and between +G and A♭ (see remarks in pentatonic scale under <span class="smallcaps">Definition of Qualities</span>, p. 480). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11101">The A♭ shown in the third from the last measure of this part is written there to define more clearly that particular glissando +which seems to be of slightly different rhythmic construction than the one in the corresponding measure above. The fact that +the tone is passed over glissando eliminates it from the scale. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11103">In the fourth measure of each line we find a peculiar splitting up of the parts, one voice holding the C, while the other +skips to the E♭ above, thus producing the harmony-interval of a minor third. This behavior seems to be intentional on the +part of the performers, as it occurs precisely the same in each of the four lines of the song, though not quite so well defined +the last time owing to the fact that the upper voice does not come out so strong on the E♭. This is indicated in the notation +by a small square note. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11105">Part 1 is in the very unusual rhythm of 5/4. The rhythm is not well defined, however, as there is considerable abandon in +the style of rendition. The metronome tempo of 69 applies practically throughout. Sometimes the singers are a trifle in advance +of the count and at others drag behind, but always sooner or later drop into the regular beat. A stress on each fifth count +gives the number a rhythm of five. It is unique also in that each line has but five measures. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11107">Part 2 + +</p> +<p id="d0e11109">In this, the same number of voices is heard as in the first part. The performers seem to be the same ones who sang from the +beginning. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11111">The scale is the same as that of part 1. The intonation is very distinct and the character unmistakably pentatonic. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11113">In measure 2 there is the harmony-interval of a perfect fourth followed immediately by that of a minor third, the same succession +as was used in the <i>Da-eng</i>, Girls' part (Record J). In the fourth and fifth measures of this part are found unprepared minor thirds, which also appear +in Record J. These harmonies are not so primitive as those found in the boys' part of the same ceremony (see Record A). +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11118"></a>Page 469</span></p> +<p id="d0e11119">The tempo throughout this part is 80 and the rhythm strongly marked. There is a wait between the two lines. The machine was +evidently stopped at this point or the needle raised and started again. Each line has the uncommon number of five measures +the same as the first part, but metrically the part is in 4/4 rhythm. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11121">The second time through, the singers seem to be striving to repeat the first line of the movement with embellishments consisting +of inverted mordents, appogiature, and trills. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11123">Musically, there seems to be absolutely no connection between this song and the other two of the same ceremony. In many ways +this song is the most interesting of those submitted. In origin it probably dates between the other two. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11125">It is not given consecutively on the record, as there were breaks between each two lines while the needle was raised. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11127"><span class="smallcaps">Da-Eng</span>. Girls' part. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11131">Record J. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11133">The record shows but two voices one of which is greatly predominant in strength and confidence as if it were the leader's +voice. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11135">The song is cast in the scale of B minor. It is not pentatonic. The singers would employ, so an interrogation-mark is; placed +below that be either A♮ or A♯, according to whether the scale is the <i>natural</i> minor or the <i>harmonic</i> minor, it is not possible to determine which tone the singers would employ, so an interrogation mark is placed below that +note. The raised fourth (E♯), shown in the fifth measure of four out of the six verses, is perfectly intentional on the part +of the singers, but musically, is to be interpreted as an accidental, and does not affect the scale of the song. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11143">In this song we again have the interval of a fourth without the sixth above. It occurs four times, each time followed immediately +by the less primitive and more harmonious interval of a minor third. The minor third harmony also occurs in three other measures,—in +these without preparation. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11145">These minor thirds are all the same,—B–D, the foundation of the tonic chord of the key,—evidence that the singers have a keen +sense of the minor tonality. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11147">The tempo alternates between 96 and 108. The first half of each line is given at 96, but the second half is taken more rapidly +at 108 beats per minute. Each of these rhythms is very evenly preserved, the time being well marked by accented notes and +pulsations of the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11149"></a>Page 470</span>voice as shown in the score. The figures at the ends of the lines indicate the number of beats rest actually taken by the +performers. Twice they take the normal number four, which, if preserved throughout, would place the song in the regular eight-measure +form. Some of the measures are 4/4, and some are 3/4. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11151">In each verse of this song we find an example of the characteristic which I have termed a “jog.” It is seen in each next-to-last +measure with special sign beneath. The jogs in the 2nd, 4th, and 6th measures are the best defined (see table of special signs +under <span class="smallcaps">Introduction</span>, p. 444). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11156">There are three qualities in this song, which indicate that it is of more modern origin than either of the other two which +belong to the same ceremony. The frequent and undoubtedly intentional use of the raised fourth giving the half step E♯ to +F♯; the persistent recurrence of the hardly primitive, minor-third harmony; and the fact that the song is not cast in the +pentatonic scale, as are the other two records of the same ceremony, point to a more modern origin. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11158">It may be that in the earliest practice of this ceremony the girls or women did not participate, their parts having been a +later addition. This could not be determined musically, however, without examining more records of songs from this or similar +ceremonies. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11160"><span class="smallcaps">Bogoyas</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11164">Record K. Sung by a woman. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11166">This is a woman's song of praise, complimentary to the host at a party. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11168">The singer makes use of all the scale tones of the major key of E♭, except the D♮. The B♮ found in the next-to-last measure +is a passing tone, and does not affect the scale or tonality. At that point the suggested supporting harmony is an augmented +triad upon the tonic leading into the subdominant. With the exception of this one measure, the song is in the five-note scale. +Notwithstanding that this measure contains two A♭s and also the passing tone B♮, both of which tones are foreign to this particular +five-note scale, the song is not robbed of its pentatonic character. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11170">The rhythm of this song is interesting. It alternates throughout between 4/4 and 5/4. It might have been notated in 9/4 time +instead, in which case it would have but five measures. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11172">The singer uses the downward glissandos, so characteristic of nearly all of the Tinguian songs of this group. These glissandos +are <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11174"></a>Page 471</span>indicated by oblique lines drawn beneath the tones covered by the slide. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11176">In the second measure there is an almost inaudible tone at the end of the glissando. It is indicated by a small, square note. +Careful listening to the record at this point shows that the singer really leaves the principal tone E♭ and slides with a +sudden dying-down of volume. The abruptness with which the sound of the voice fades as it starts the glissando, leaves the +impression of E♭ still sounding. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11178">One tone in this song is given on the inhaled breath. It is indicated by a circle with a dot in the center placed beneath +the note. This tone was produced well back in the throat, while the singer sharply inhaled the breath. This artifice, occasionally +used by the Tinguian, is seldom, if ever, heard in the singing of civilized peoples (for other examples, see analysis of Record +M, <i>Dang-dang-ay</i>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11183">This song, given by a woman, has not the well-marked motive development shown in the other <i>Bogoyas</i>, sung by a man. However, we find two quite distinct, prevailing ideas set forth. The first includes the whole of the first +measure and the first beat of the second. It seems to be in the nature of a question which finds its answer in the remainder +of the second measure, and again in the third, and again in the fourth measure. It is the same answer, but expressed each +time in a little different manner. In the fifth measure and carrying over into the sixth, the questioning is heard again. +Although put forth in a different arrangement of tones, it is the same musical thought as that expressed in the first measure. +This time it is answered but once. The answer takes parts of two measures. Now follows another query similar to the first, +and again comes the answer fully expressed in each of the two concluding measures. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11188">The principal interest in this centers around the B♮, indicating that the singer has a very decided appreciation of the half +step and of the upward leading tendency of a tone raised a semitone by an accidental. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11190"><span class="smallcaps">Na-Way</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11194">Record L. Sung at the celebration which closes the period of mourning for the dead. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11196">There are two voices heard in the record, probably women. In ten of the measures there is a splitting up of the parts. In +the first measure of each of the second and third lines, and also in the third measure of the third line, the difference in +the parts is owing to uncertainty of attack, one of the singers, usually the leader, starting the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11198"></a>Page 472</span>syllable ahead of the other performer. In the second measure of the last line, the first divergence is caused by the leader +taking E by way of embellishment; and the second divergence, producing a minor third, is caused by the other voice dropping +to B too soon. These are not intentional harmonies. The other six departures from unison are caused by the leader embellishing +her part. The appogiatura, shown with a tiny circle above, has the quality of falsetto. The singer yodles down to the principal +tone B. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11200">The song is strictly pentatonic. Peculiarly enough, it may be considered as belonging to any one of the following tonalities, +B minor, E minor, or G major, though there is no G in the melody. The song seems the most primitive, however, when considered +in the key of E minor, for the harmonies required to place it in this tonality carry more of the primitive atmosphere than +do the chords which are required in either of the other tonalities. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11202">In this connection it would be interesting to know just how these various harmonizations would appeal to the Tinguian. It +is a well-known fact among musicians who have recorded the songs of primitive peoples, that though the songs are used with +practically no harmonies, yet the singers feel an harmonic support which they do not express. Experiments along this line +have been tried with the American Indians. Various harmonizations of a given melody have been played for them, a melody which +they themselves sing only in unison, and they have been very quick to choose the particular harmonic support which appeals +to them as being an audible expression of the vague something which they feel within, but do not attempt to voice. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11204">The tones of this song when arranged to represent the scale of E minor coincide exactly with the scale tones of two of the +tunings of the Japanese 13 stringed <i>koto</i>. These tunings were both borrowed by the Japanese from the Chinese by whom they were used as special tunings of the <i>ch'in</i>, or <i>kin</i>, one of the most ancient of musical instruments. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11215">In each of the eleven glissandos shown in the notation, the voices drop suddenly to approximately the tone shown by the small +square note. The glides are taken diminuendo, the tone dying away completely. The sudden diminuation of tone taken with a +glissando gives an effect something like a short groan. The song is in seven-measure periods. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11217"></a>Page 473</span></p> +<p id="d0e11218"><span class="smallcaps">Dang-Dang-Ay</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11222">Record M. Sung by women while pounding rice out of the straw and husks. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11224">Only one voice can be distinguished in the record. It is that of a woman. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11226">Though strongly pentatonic in character, the song is cast in the diatonic scale of F major. Metrically there is considerable +freedom. 3/4, 4/4, and 5/4 rhythms are thrown in with the most haphazard abandon, yet it has the even pulsing which should +dominate a song of this character. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11228">The song is in two rather distinct movements. The first, in spite of the two triplets thrown in at the first and third measures, +has a straight-away motion which offers a striking contrast to the more graceful, swaying second part which is mostly in triplets. +The change from one style to the other is made by the singer with no variation in tempo. It is therefore admirably adapted +to accompany the regular falling of the pestles while beating out the rice. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11230">Near the close of the song are two notes with ☉ over them. These were vocalized on the inhaled breadth (for other examples +of Inhaled Tones, see analysis of Record K, <i>Bogoyas</i>). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11235">This song contains seven examples of the “Jog” (see <span class="smallcaps">Definition of Qualities</span>, p. 479). Those in the second part of the song are the best defined. One of these is shown with open head. This jog is given +the most nearly like the Igorot manner of execution of any of the examples found in these fourteen songs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11240">In general character, this song somewhat resembles the Boys' Part of the <i>Da-eng</i> ceremony (Record A). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11245"><span class="smallcaps">Kuilay-Kuilay</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11249">Record N. Sung by women while passing liquor. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11251">There is one singer only on this record. It is a woman. The song is given in a lively, jolly, rollicking style. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11253">It is cast in the F major scale. The melody has good variety. At times it defines quite clearly the harmonic outline by following +the tonal framework of the tonic, dominant, or subordinant chords. Passing tones are used more freely and naturally in this +song than in any of the others. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11255">In the third measure of the fifth line, the singer very plainly vocalizes a half step from F to E. The second and fourth lines +also show semitones, though these are not so distinctly given on the record as the other example. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11257"></a>Page 474</span></p> +<p id="d0e11258">In the last measure of the third line there is a modulation into the tonality of B♭ which carries through two measures. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11260">In the fifth line are three accents which make the meter rather elusive at that point. The two small notes shown at the beginning +of the third line seem to be spoken with no attempt at vocalization. They are notated, however, at the pitch of the speaking +voice. The small note shown in the bottom line is given very faintly in the record and seems more like a muffled exclamation +than an intentionally vocalized tone. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11262">The tempo throughout is quite regular, following the indicated pulse of 92 in both the 6/8 and 2/4 rhythms. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11264">In the latter part of the song there are a number of changes between duple and triple rhythm. The singer makes these changes +with perfect ease and sings the groups with that exactness of proportion which characterizes the performance of most of the +singers in these records. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11266">Musically this song is strikingly adapted to the purpose for which it is intended. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11268"><span class="smallcaps">Tabulation of Qualities and Characteristics</span>.—The qualities found in the records have been tabulated under two main headings. Under the caption, “Rarely or Never Heard +in Modern Music,” are listed those qualities which, so far as present research goes, are so very unusual that they may be +termed musical idiosyncrasies of the race. These qualities are so eccentric that if found in several of the songs, even if +the number of songs be much in the minority, the qualities may be accepted as characteristics.<a id="d0e11272src" href="#d0e11272" class="noteref">3</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11275">To receive recognition as a characteristic, any quality found under the other heading, “Commonly Heard,” would necessarily +have to show that it quite persistently occurred throughout a large majority of the songs. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11277">The columns of the large table, when read horizontally, show which qualities appear in a given song. Read vertically they +show the degrees of dominance of the various qualities. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11279">The songs are grouped under two heads, those given by men and boys, and those given by women and girls. This will facilitate +comparison of the degrees of dominance of the qualities found in the songs of each.<a id="d0e11281src" href="#d0e11281" class="noteref">4</a> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11287"></a>Page 475</span></p> +<p id="d0e11288"></p> +<div id="d0e11289" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/d477.gif" alt="Qualities"></p> +<p class="figureHead">Qualities</p> +</div><p> +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11293"></a>Page 476</span></p> +<p id="d0e11294">Numbers have been put down in some of the columns of the table. These figures indicate the number of times the quality appeared +in the song. If the song has several verses on the record, and the quality appears the same number of times in each, then +the tabulation gives the number of times in but a single verse. If the verses vary in the use of the quality, then an average +has been struck and figure put down in the tabulation. In those songs where a certain quality occurs with such irregularity +that it was impossible to represent the average without fractions, only the mark X has been put down in the table, simply +to indicate that the quality was present. Such qualities as Tonality, Character, Structure, Scale, etc., naturally, with few +exceptions, run through the whole song, and they are indicated by the X. Some songs have both of two opposed qualities. When +this occurs, it is shown by checking both qualities.<a id="d0e11296src" href="#d0e11296" class="noteref">5</a> Some qualities which were present, but indeterminable are indicated by an interrogation-point.<a id="d0e11299src" href="#d0e11299" class="noteref">6</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11305">Following the tabulation is given a detailed explanation or definition of each of the qualities listed at the heads of the +vertical columns. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11307"><span class="smallcaps">Dying Tones</span>.—Found only at the end of some few glissandos. On the glide, the volume of sound diminishes so rapidly that when the final +tone of the group is reached, the sound has practically died out. The effect is something like a short groan with no anguish +in it. Sign,—same as a muted note, but written at the end of a glissando. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11311"><span class="smallcaps">Muted Tones</span>.—Sort of half-articulated tones, if I may use that expression. Without more records of the same songs in which these are +shown, it is not possible to determine whether they are intended by the singers as necessary parts of the records. Sign,—note +with small square head. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11315"><span class="smallcaps">Inhaled Tones</span>.—Tones produced well back in the throat while sharply inhaling the breath rather than exhaling it, as practiced almost universally +by singers. Sign,—circle with dot in center. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11319"><span class="smallcaps">Pulsated Tones</span>.—Tones of more than one beat sung with a rythmic stressing usually in accord with the time meter or some multiple of that +meter. Pulsation is rarely heard among modern musicians, except in drilling ensemble singing. It is heard quite frequently +in the singing of our American Indians and in the songs of several other primitive peoples. It occurs to some extent in nearly +every one of the Tinguian men's songs. It is found in but one of those sung by women. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11323"></a>Page 477</span></p> +<p id="d0e11324">Though pusation does serve to define the rhythm, I believe it is used by primitive peoples mostly as a purely æsthetic touch. +It is indicated in the notation by the usual musical staccato sign thus, —..... + +</p> +<p id="d0e11326"><span class="smallcaps">Swelled Tones</span>.—Tones usually of from two to four beats which are sung with increasing volume to the center, finishing with a decrescendo +to the end. The Swell is sometimes applied to tones of more than four beats, but when so used, it looses some of its character. +Swelled tones must be given to single syllables only, and they are the most effective when introduced several times in succession +with but few, if any, intervening tones. The sign which I have used is double diverging lines followed by double converging +lines placed under the note. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11330">In 1905 it was my privilege to transcribe a number of native songs from the singing of a group of Igorot. In these songs they +made frequent use of swelled tones. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11332"><span class="smallcaps">Downward Glissandos</span>.—An even sliding of the voice from the topmost tone of a group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any intermediate +tone and without in any manner defining any of the tones lying between the extremes. Sign,—a straight line drawn obliquely +downward beneath the group. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11336"><span class="smallcaps">Upward Glissandos</span>.—An even sliding of the voice upward without sounding any of the intermediate tones. Sign,—a straight line drawn obliquely +upward beneath the group. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11340"><span class="smallcaps">Notes in Group, Beats in Measure, or Measures in Period</span>.—Groups of five seem to have no terrors for these people. In modern music it is extremely unusual to find notes grouped in +fives, or measures having the rhythmic value of five beats, or periods made up of measures in fives. A study of the tabulation +shows that the Tinguian have a rather natural bent for groupings in this number. It seems easy for them to drop into that +metric form. I consider this trait, evidenced in their melodies, one of the marked characteristics of their music.<a id="d0e11344src" href="#d0e11344" class="noteref">7</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11356">Groups of notes, beats, or measures in seven are so few in these records that we are not warranted in accepting it as a characteristic. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11358"><span class="smallcaps">Jog</span>.—An over-emphasized short-appoggiatura with always either the tonic or dominant of the key as the principal tone. The first +tone is usually an eighth or sixteenth in value, and must stand on the next <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11362"></a>Page 478</span>degree above the principal tone. The principal tone is usually a quarter note or longer in value. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11364">In singing the jog, the short note is given a very pointed accent, the voice dropping quickly with a sort of jerk to the second, +unaccented, sustained tone. It is executed without sliding, both tones being well-defined. To be most effective, it should +be given two, three, or four times consecutively without intervening tones. + +</p> +<div class="blockquote"> +<p id="d0e11367">This device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact, some of their songs consisted of little else than the +jog sounded first on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on the dominant, then again on the tonic, then +on the dominant, and so on back and forth. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11369">It would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used in the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music +of other tribes of these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of other tribes with the Igorot. +</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11372">Japanese Scales.—For structure of these scales, see analysis of those songs using one or another of the Japanese “tunings” +or approximations to them. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11374">Tonality.—That entire group of harmonies which, intimately related to a foundation or “tonic” chord, may be considered as +clustered around and drawn to it. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11376">Major Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from +its foundation tone, are found at distances of four and seven semitones respectively from it. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11378">Minor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from +its foundation tone, are found at distances of three and seven semitones respectively from it. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11380">Pentatonic Character. That peculiar essence or quality which a melody has when it is built up entirely or almost wholly of +the tones of the pentatonic or five-note scale. The melody may employ sparingly one or both of the two tones foreign to the +pentatonic scale, and yet its pentatonic character will not be destroyed. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11382">Diatonic Character. That quality which a melody takes on when the two tones which are foreign to the pentatonic scale of the +same key or tonality are freely employed. + +</p> +<div class="blockquote"> +<p id="d0e11385">I use this term in contradistinction to “Pentatonic Character,” and not in contradistinction to “Chromatic,” as it is usually +employed in musical literature. +</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11388">Melodic Structure. That form of flowing succession of tones in <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11390"></a>Page 479</span>which the accented tones, if considered in sequence, show dominant non-adherence to chord intervals. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11392"><span class="smallcaps">Harmonic Structure</span>. That form of tonal succession in which the tones of the melody follow rather persistently the structural outline of chords. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11396"><span class="smallcaps">Major Pentatonic Scale</span>. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole +and whole-and-a-half-step intervals,—(whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole-and-a-half). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11400"><span class="smallcaps">Minor Pentatonic Scale</span>. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole +and whole-and-a-half step intervals,—(whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole). + +</p> +<div class="blockquote"> +<p id="d0e11405">The pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known to have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, +which would give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century.<a id="d0e11407src" href="#d0e11407" class="noteref">8</a> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11412">Rowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians who, striving for greater variety in their one-toned +chants, added first one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another.<a id="d0e11414src" href="#d0e11414" class="noteref">9</a> The pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11419">Most of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel or “hear mentally” the half step. If musicians of early +days had this same failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval by eliminating from their songs one or the +other of each couplet of tones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would be pentatonic. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11421">Not only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step, but also people in modern environment who have heard +very infrequently this smallest interval of modern music. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11423">Inability to sense this interval may be better understood when we stop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult +to hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of the even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which +some peoples have come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in their music. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11425">This tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of pentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children +when they follow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation that children with some musical creative ability, +but unaccustomed to hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum their bits of improvised melody in the +pentatonic scale. +</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11428"><span class="smallcaps">Major Diatonic Scale</span>. That scale in which the constituent tones if considered in upward sequence would show the following arrangement of whole +and half step intervals,—(whole) (whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half). +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11432"></a>Page 480</span></p> +<p id="d0e11433"><span class="smallcaps">Natural Minor Diatonic Scale</span>. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole +and half step intervals,—(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole) (whole). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11437"><span class="smallcaps">Harmonic Minor Diatonic Scale</span>. That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of half, +whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,—(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole-and-a-half) (half). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11441"><span class="smallcaps">Melodic Minor Diatonic Scale</span> (<span class="smallcaps">Ascending</span>). That scale in which the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement of whole +and half step intervals,—(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half). + +</p> +<p id="d0e11448"><span class="smallcaps">Falsetto</span>. Artificial or strained head-tones which sound an octave above the natural tone. Sign,—a tiny circle above the note. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11452">In record L. <i>Naway</i> is shown one falsetto tone. It is unusual to find this effect in a woman's voice. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11457"><span class="smallcaps">Semitones Sung</span>. This needs no definition. The classification is put down to show to what extent these singers appreciate the half-step intervals, +and are able to vocalize it (see preceeding definition of Pentatonic Scale for footnote relative to appreciation of this interval). +Sign,—curved bracket above or below the notes. + +</p> +<div class="blockquote"> +<p id="d0e11462">In these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their seven songs, while the women make use of it in but three +of their eight songs. +</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11465"><span class="smallcaps">Appoggiature</span>. These, with the exception of one double one shown in the <i>Bagoyas</i> (Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The singers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music, +but with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura and the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated +by the usual musical symbol,—a small eighth note with a slanting stroke through the hook. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11472"><span class="smallcaps">Mordents</span>. Those used in these songs are all of the “inverted” kind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern +musicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the principal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated +in the score by the usual musical symbol. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11476"><span class="smallcaps">Trills and Wavers</span>. These need no comment except to call attention to the fact that there are none found in the regular songs of <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11480"></a>Page 481</span>the women. The one shown in Record I (<i>Da-eng,</i> Boys and Girls alternating) is in the boys' part. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11485"><span class="smallcaps">Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm</span>. I consider this quite a striking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little concern over such rhythmic changes, +in fact, among some races where percussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently hear the two rhythms +at the same time fitted perfectly one against the other. This is especially true among our American Indians. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11489">While it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using these two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather +sparingly. A great many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to the other, preserving perfect proportions +in the note values. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11491">In noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have put down under each song, not the number of duple or triple +or quadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of “changes” which occur. After one has made the transition from one +style of rhythm to the other, and has the new “swing” established, manifestly it is no special feat to follow along in that +same kind of measure; but the real test is the “change” to the rhythm of the other sort. For instance, in the Song of the +Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures and parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had to change his +meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand, the <i>Dang-dang-ay</i> (Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and triplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple rhythm, +when once established in the second part, the song requires a changing of swing but 17 times. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11496">Because of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs, and noting, as heard in the records, the precision with +which, in nearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the Tinguian have a remarkable grasp of different +metric values, which enables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this trait would stamp itself upon their +music, and I consider the use of such frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11498">Although frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic of the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated +elsewhere, it is important to tabulate it here to differentiate <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11500"></a>Page 482</span>the Tinguian from those peoples who do not make use of it. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11502"><span class="smallcaps">Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths</span>. These are the only intentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note that the only examples are in the +<i>Da-eng</i> ceremony, where all three are used, some in one part and some in another. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11509">Among some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The early chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. +Probably the most primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt of men with different ranges to sing together. +The difference between a bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and a soprano it is about a fourth. +The difference in these voices made it impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the basses and tenors sang +in consecutive fifths. When women took up the chanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11511">These harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when there was no exigency on account of restricted range. + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11513">Referring again to the <i>Da-eng</i> ceremony, it is interesting to observe that the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales, and that the +part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character while the other two parts are pentatonic. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11518"><span class="smallcaps">Conclusion</span>.—I have long been of the opinion that the music of different peoples should be given more consideration by scientists in +their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by, ethnologists have attached too little importance to the +bearing which music has on their science. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11522">I am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest element that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has +some influence back of it which has determined the element and shaped it into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough +study of the music would reveal these influences, and through them establish hitherto unknown ethnological facts. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11524">I believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or instrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite +general scheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of that people alone; and if such an analysis be made +of the music of many peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will be comprehensible to ethnologists trained +to that branch of musical research, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown on the question of tribal +relationship. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11526"></a>Page 483</span></p> +<p id="d0e11527">I realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the characteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples +of the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless I believe the work should be undertaken in this large +way, and when it is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11529">I appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which may prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold +scientific symbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each one of us knows perfectly the various qualities +of the different speaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can so accurately describe those qualities +to a stranger that he also may be able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation of such elusive qualities +would have to be in very general terms. Such indefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend for comparison +upon the memory of those workers who had received first-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day musician +identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the “French school,” the “Italian school,” or the “Russian school;” +and yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with definiteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called +“school.” + +</p> +<p id="d0e11531">Though I have held these opinions for several years, I am more than ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records, +that something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from the music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this +branch of ethnology will soon receive more serious recognition. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11533">Manifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions from the examination of but fourteen records of a people. +But even in this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do over such a variety of applications and uses, it +is possible to see tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as definite characteristics. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11535">While it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a Tinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may +prove valuable in summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other surveys are made; and if perchance, the findings +here set down and the conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any obscure ethnological point, the effort +has been well spent. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11537"><span class="smallcaps">Albert Gale</span>. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11541"></a>Page 484</span></p> +<p></p> +<hr class="noteseparator"> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e10345" href="#d0e10345src" class="noteref">1</a> The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For the music see p. 445. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e10604" href="#d0e10604src" class="noteref">2</a> The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e11272" href="#d0e11272src" class="noteref">3</a> I use the word “modern” in this connection, as it pertains to the music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, +and among whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e11281" href="#d0e11281src" class="noteref">4</a> By reference to the analysis of Record I, <i>Da-eng</i> (Boys and girls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have been made by one set of singers, apparently women +and girls, who sang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been tabulated with the women's songs. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e11296" href="#d0e11296src" class="noteref">5</a> Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e11299" href="#d0e11299src" class="noteref">6</a> Record J, <i>Da-eng</i> (Girls' part), shows this mark in the “Scale” given below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this song, p. +471). +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e11344" href="#d0e11344src" class="noteref">7</a> I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our American Indians. <span class="smallcaps">Burton</span> (“Primitive American Music”) shows its frequent use among the Chippeway. Miss <span class="smallcaps">Fletcher</span> also shows groups in five in her “Omaha Music,” and Miss <span class="smallcaps">Densmore</span> gives similar grouping in her transcriptions of American Indian songs. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e11407" href="#d0e11407src" class="noteref">8</a> <span class="smallcaps">Grove</span>, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV. +</p> +</div> +<div class="notetext"> +<p class="notetext"><a id="d0e11414" href="#d0e11414src" class="noteref">9</a> <span class="smallcaps">Rowbotham</span>, History of Music. +</p> +</div><a id="d0e11542"></a><h1>Conclusions</h1> +<p id="d0e11545">The first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology is that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine +peoples, the Negrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious beliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, +and industries. It is realized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured the older modes of thought, and +has often swamped native crafts, while each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs on Philippine soil; +yet it seems that enough of the old still remains to proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent this +belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material in the preceding pages. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11547">A study of the physical types has shown that each group considered is made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere +evident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic and a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater +tendency than with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones are more outstanding, while there is a greater length +and breadth of the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups considered, but taken in the average, it is +found that the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the Bontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, +while between them are the mountain Tinguian and Apayao. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11549">Judging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that the Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic +Ilocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast, and that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate +peoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the people of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to +believe that the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to the dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, +and Malaysia in general, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11551">The dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible, are similar in morphology, and have a considerable part +of their vocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while +the <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11553"></a>Page 485</span>intervening groups are intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11555">Considering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is found that both have certain elements of culture which +are doubtless old possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields, iron-working, a peculiar type of shield, +and a battle-axe which they share with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11557">A part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate, they help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times +these peoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social organizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; +of their customs at birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as well as the details of certain occupations, +such as the rice culture, pottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been long separated, but that they +have been subjected to very different outside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11559">It is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable affiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention +to attempt to locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with any existing groups. However, our information +seems to justify us in certain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions of Chinese ancestry are without +foundation. It shows that, while trade with China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some other objects into +this region, yet Chinese influence had not been of an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs, or to introduce +any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant evidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one time +strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day show much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, +and through them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure at birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the +Peninsular Malay in at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning of a fire beside the mother and newborn +babe for a month or more, the frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs, the “fumigating” of the baby, +the throwing of ashes to blind evil spirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source, particularly when they +still occur together in connection with one of the great events of life. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11561"></a>Page 486</span></p> +<p id="d0e11562">Frequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian customs and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods +of rice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same source. In the weaving the influence of India seems +evident, despite the fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method of spinning seems unique. These methods, +apparently distinctive, may once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by more efficient instruments. The +primitive method of ginning cotton by rolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the Philippines outside +of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections of Burma. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11564">Part I of this volume presented a body of tales which showed many resemblances to the Islands of the south, as well as incidents +of Indian lore. There is, in fact, a distinct feeling of Indian influence in the tales of the mythical period; yet they lack +the epics of that people, and the typical trickster tales are but poorly represented. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11566">The vocabulary shows comparatively little of Indian influence; yet, at the time of the conquest, the Ilocano was one of the +coast groups making use of a native script which was doubtless of Hindu origin. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11568">The many instances of Indian influence do not justify the supposition that the Tinguian were ever directly in contact with +that people. The Malay islands to the south were pretty thoroughly under Hindu domination by the second century of the Christian +era, and it is probable that they were influenced through trade at a considerably earlier date. Judging from our data, it +would seem that the Ilocano-Tinguian group had left its southern home at a time after this influence was beginning to make +itself felt, but before it was of a sufficiently intimate nature to stamp itself indelibly on the lore, the ceremonial and +economic life of this people, as it did in Java and some parts of Sumatra. It is possible that these points of similarity +may be due to trade, but if so, the contact was at a period antedating the fourteenth century, for in historic times the sea +trade of the southern islands has been in the hands of the Mohammedanized Malay. Their influence is very marked in the southern +Philippines, but is not evident in northwestern Luzon. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11570">Concerning the time of their arrival in Luzon, and the course pursued by them, we have no definite proof; but it is evident +that the Tinguian did not begin to press inland until comparatively recent times. Historical references and local traditions +indicate that most of this <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11572"></a>Page 487</span>movement has taken place since the arrival of the Spaniards, while the distribution of the great ceremonies gives a further +suggestion that the dominant element in the Tinguian population has been settled in Abra for no great period. The probable +explanation for this distribution is that the interior valleys were sparsely settled with a population more akin to the Igorot +than to the Tinguian, prior to the inland movement of the latter people; that the Tinguian were already possessed of the highly +developed ceremonial life, before they entered Abra, and that this has been spread slowly, through intermarriage and migration, +to the people on the outskirts of their territory. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11574">These ceremonies are still practised by some families now residing in Christianized settlements in Abra and Ilocos Sur, while +discreet questioning soon brings out the fact that they were formerly present in towns which have long been recognized as +Ilocano. The relationship of the Tinguian and Ilocano has already been shown by the physical data and historical references; +but were these lacking, it requires but a little inquiry and the compilation of geneaological tables to show that many Ilocano +families are related to the Tinguian. It is a matter of common observation that the chief barrier between the two groups is +religion, and, once let the pagan accept Christianity, he and his family are quickly absorbed by the Ilocano. + +</p> +<p id="d0e11576">Uninterrupted trade with the coast in recent years, Spanish and American influence, have doubtless affected considerable changes +in the Tinguian. If, however, we subtract recent introductions, it is probable that we have in the life of this tribe an approximate +picture of conditions among the more advanced of the northern Philippine groups prior to the entry of the European into their +islands. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e11578"></a>Page 488</span></p><a id="d0e11579"></a><h1>Plates</h1> +<p id="d0e11582"></p> +<div id="d0e11583" class="divFigure"> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/map.gif" alt="Map of Northwestern Luzon."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Map of Northwestern Luzon.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11587"></p> +<div id="d0e11588" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure I.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl01.jpg" alt="The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11592"></p> +<div id="d0e11593" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure II.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl02.jpg" alt="Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera Central."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera Central.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11597"></p> +<div id="d0e11598" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure III.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl03.jpg" alt="Manabo Man."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Manabo Man.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11602"></p> +<div id="d0e11603" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure IV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl04.jpg" alt="Man of Ba-ak."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Man of Ba-ak.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11607"></p> +<div id="d0e11608" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure V.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl05.jpg" alt="Manabo Woman."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Manabo Woman.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11612"></p> +<div id="d0e11613" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure VI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl06.jpg" alt="Woman of Patok."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Woman of Patok.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11617"></p> +<div id="d0e11618" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure VII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl07.jpg" alt="A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11622"></p> +<div id="d0e11623" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure VIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl08.jpg" alt="A Young Man from Likuan."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Young Man from Likuan.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11627"></p> +<div id="d0e11628" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure IX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl09.jpg" alt="Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw.</p> +<p id="d0e11631">(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11634"></p> +<div id="d0e11635" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure X.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl10.jpg" alt="A Woman from Lamaw."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Woman from Lamaw.</p> +<p id="d0e11638">(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11641"></p> +<div id="d0e11642" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl11.jpg" alt="A Typical Small Boy."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Typical Small Boy.</p> +<p id="d0e11645">(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11648"></p> +<div id="d0e11649" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl12.jpg" alt="The Baby Tender."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Baby Tender.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11653"></p> +<div id="d0e11654" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl13.jpg" alt="A Betrothed Maiden."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Betrothed Maiden.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11658"></p> +<div id="d0e11659" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XIV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl14.jpg" alt="The Wedding."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Wedding.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11663"></p> +<div id="d0e11664" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl15.jpg" alt="Mothers and Babies."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Mothers and Babies.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11668"></p> +<div id="d0e11669" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XVI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl16.jpg" alt="Funeral of Malakay."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Funeral of Malakay.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11673"></p> +<div id="d0e11674" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XVII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl17.jpg" alt="The Whipping at a Funeral."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Whipping at a Funeral.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11678"></p> +<div id="d0e11679" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XVIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl18.jpg" alt="Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11683"></p> +<div id="d0e11684" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XIX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl19.jpg" alt="The Medium's Outfit."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Medium's Outfit.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11688"></p> +<div id="d0e11689" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl20.jpg" alt="Ceremonial Houses."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Ceremonial Houses.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11693"></p> +<div id="d0e11694" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl21.jpg" alt="Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11698"></p> +<div id="d0e11699" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl22.jpg" alt="Spirit Houses in a Garden."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Spirit Houses in a Garden.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11703"></p> +<div id="d0e11704" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl23.jpg" alt="The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11708"></p> +<div id="d0e11709" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXIV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl24.jpg" alt="The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. Ceremonies."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. Ceremonies.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11713"></p> +<div id="d0e11714" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl25.jpg" alt="The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11718"></p> +<div id="d0e11719" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXVI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl26.jpg" alt="Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11723"></p> +<div id="d0e11724" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXVII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl27.jpg" alt="The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11728"></p> +<div id="d0e11729" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXVIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl28.jpg" alt="Gateway at Likuan."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Gateway at Likuan.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11733"></p> +<div id="d0e11734" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXIX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl29.jpg" alt="Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11738"></p> +<div id="d0e11739" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl30.jpg" alt="A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11743"></p> +<div id="d0e11744" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXXI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl31.jpg" alt="Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11748"></p> +<div id="d0e11749" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXXII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl32.jpg" alt="Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11753"></p> +<div id="d0e11754" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXXIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl33.jpg" alt="Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11758"></p> +<div id="d0e11759" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXXIV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl34.jpg" alt="Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11763"></p> +<div id="d0e11764" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXXV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl35.jpg" alt="The Sayang Ceremony."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Sayang Ceremony.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11768"></p> +<div id="d0e11769" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXXVI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl36.jpg" alt="Potters at Work."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Potters at Work.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11773"></p> +<div id="d0e11774" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXXVII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl37.jpg" alt="A Family of Laba-an."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Family of Laba-an.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11778"></p> +<div id="d0e11779" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXXVIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl38.jpg" alt="The Village of Sallapadin."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Village of Sallapadin.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11783"></p> +<div id="d0e11784" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XXXIX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl39.jpg" alt="Typical Houses."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Typical Houses.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11788"></p> +<div id="d0e11789" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XL.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl40.jpg" alt="House Building."></p> +<p class="figureHead">House Building.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11793"></p> +<div id="d0e11794" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XLI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl41.jpg" alt="Roofing a House."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Roofing a House.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11798"></p> +<div id="d0e11799" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XLII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl42.jpg" alt="Water Carriers."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Water Carriers.</p> +<p id="d0e11802">(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11805"></p> +<div id="d0e11806" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XLIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl43.jpg" alt="A Tinguian Housewife."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Tinguian Housewife.</p> +<p id="d0e11809">(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11812"></p> +<div id="d0e11813" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XLIV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl44.jpg" alt="A Warrior."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Warrior.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11817"></p> +<div id="d0e11818" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XLV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl45.jpg" alt="Hunter Fitted for the Trail."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Hunter Fitted for the Trail.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11822"></p> +<div id="d0e11823" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XLVI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl46.jpg" alt="Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11827"></p> +<div id="d0e11828" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XLVII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl47.jpg" alt="Shooting the Blowgun."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Shooting the Blowgun.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11832"></p> +<div id="d0e11833" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XLVIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl48.jpg" alt="Highland Field and Terraces at Patok."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Highland Field and Terraces at Patok.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11837"></p> +<div id="d0e11838" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure XLIX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl49.jpg" alt="The Rice Terraces near Likuan."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Rice Terraces near Likuan.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11842"></p> +<div id="d0e11843" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure L.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl50.jpg" alt="Plowing in the Lower Terraces."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Plowing in the Lower Terraces.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11847"></p> +<div id="d0e11848" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl51.jpg" alt="Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11852"></p> +<div id="d0e11853" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl52.jpg" alt="Transplanting the Rice."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Transplanting the Rice.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11857"></p> +<div id="d0e11858" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl53.jpg" alt="Bird Scarers in the Fields."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Bird Scarers in the Fields.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11862"></p> +<div id="d0e11863" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LIV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl54.jpg" alt="Harvesting the Rice."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Harvesting the Rice.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11867"></p> +<div id="d0e11868" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl55.jpg" alt="The Rice Granary."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Rice Granary.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11872"></p> +<div id="d0e11873" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LVI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl56.jpg" alt="Pounding Rice."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Pounding Rice.</p> +<p id="d0e11876">(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11879"></p> +<div id="d0e11880" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LVII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl57.jpg" alt="Winnowing and Sifting."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Winnowing and Sifting.</p> +<p id="d0e11883">(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11886"></p> +<div id="d0e11887" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LVIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl58.jpg" alt="Drying Corn."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Drying Corn.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11891"></p> +<div id="d0e11892" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LIX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl59.jpg" alt="Breaking the Corn between Two Stones."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Breaking the Corn between Two Stones.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11896"></p> +<div id="d0e11897" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl60.jpg" alt="Preparing Tobacco."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Preparing Tobacco.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11901"></p> +<div id="d0e11902" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl61.jpg" alt="Feeding the Pigs."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Feeding the Pigs.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11906"></p> +<div id="d0e11907" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl62.jpg" alt="A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers."></p> +<p class="figureHead">A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11911"></p> +<div id="d0e11912" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl63.jpg" alt="Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11916"></p> +<div id="d0e11917" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXIV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl64.jpg" alt="Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11921"></p> +<div id="d0e11922" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl65.jpg" alt="Spinning."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Spinning.</p> +<p id="d0e11925">(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</p> +</div><p> + +</p> +<p id="d0e11928"></p> +<div id="d0e11929" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXVI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl66.jpg" alt="Weaving a Blanket."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Weaving a Blanket.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11933"></p> +<div id="d0e11934" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXVII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl67.jpg" alt="Basket Making."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Basket Making.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11938"></p> +<div id="d0e11939" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXVIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl68.jpg" alt="Basket Types."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Basket Types.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11943"></p> +<div id="d0e11944" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXIX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl69.jpg" alt="Basket Types."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Basket Types.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11948"></p> +<div id="d0e11949" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl70.jpg" alt="The Net Maker."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Net Maker.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11953"></p> +<div id="d0e11954" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl71.jpg" alt="Ceremonial Blanket."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Ceremonial Blanket.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11958"></p> +<div id="d0e11959" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl72.jpg" alt="Blankets Showing Designs."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Blankets Showing Designs.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11963"></p> +<div id="d0e11964" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl73.jpg" alt="Blankets Showing Designs."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Blankets Showing Designs.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11968"></p> +<div id="d0e11969" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXIV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl74.jpg" alt="Woven Belts and Clouts."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Woven Belts and Clouts.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11973"></p> +<div id="d0e11974" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXV.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl75.jpg" alt="Men of Sallapadin."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Men of Sallapadin.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11978"></p> +<div id="d0e11979" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXVI.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl76.jpg" alt="Typical Dress of the Man."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Typical Dress of the Man.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11983"></p> +<div id="d0e11984" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXVII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl77.jpg" alt="Women in Full Dress."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Women in Full Dress.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11988"></p> +<div id="d0e11989" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXVIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl78.jpg" alt="Customary Dress of the Woman."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Customary Dress of the Woman.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11993"></p> +<div id="d0e11994" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXIX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl79.jpg" alt="Women's Arm Beads."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Women's Arm Beads.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e11998"></p> +<div id="d0e11999" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXX.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl80.jpg" alt="Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout.</p> +<p id="d0e12002">(Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e12005"></p> +<div id="d0e12006" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXXI, 1.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl81.1.jpg" alt="Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e12010"></p> +<div id="d0e12011" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXXI, 2.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl81.2.jpg" alt="Beating the Copper Gongs."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Beating the Copper Gongs.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e12015"></p> +<div id="d0e12016" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXXII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl82.jpg" alt="The Nose Flute."></p> +<p class="figureHead">The Nose Flute.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p> +<p id="d0e12020"></p> +<div id="d0e12021" class="divFigure"> +<h3>Figure LXXXIII.</h3> +<p class="legend"><img src="img/pl83.jpg" alt="Playing on Bamboo Guitars."></p> +<p class="figureHead">Playing on Bamboo Guitars.</p> +</div><p> + + +</p><a id="d0e12025"></a><h1>Index</h1> +<p id="d0e12028">Abang, village with defensive wall, 20. <br id="d0e12030"> +Abra, American rule in, 246; description of, 239. <br id="d0e12032"> +Abstracts, of tales, 202. <br id="d0e12034"> +Aeta, see Negrito. <br id="d0e12036"> +Afterbirth, child, Sayen, 28; disposal of, 264. <br id="d0e12038"> +Agᴇmᴇm, powerful female spirit, 297. <br id="d0e12040"> +Akop, an evil spirit without body, 300. <br id="d0e12042"> +Alan, deformed spirits, 14. <br id="d0e12044"> +Alangtin, charm against spirits of the dead, 181. <br id="d0e12046"> +Alawig, dance held during Sayang ceremony, 14. <br id="d0e12048"> +Alzado, name applied to wild head-hunting group, 10 note 1. <br id="d0e12050"> +Anito, general term for spirits, 301. <br id="d0e12052"> +Apayao, measurements of, 254; relationship to Tinguian, 236. <br id="d0e12054"> +Apdel, spirit resident in the guardian stones, 298. <br id="d0e12056"> +Augustinian Friars, work of, among Tinguian, 243. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12058">Bakid, ceremony for a new house, 322. <br id="d0e12060"> +Balau, great bird, 92. <br id="d0e12062"> +Balaua, greatest of spirit houses, 9, 308. <br id="d0e12064"> +Banal, a vine, used as charm against spirits of the dead, 182. <br id="d0e12066"> +Banana, 406. <br id="d0e12068"> +Bangued, capital of Abra, 243. <br id="d0e12070"> +Banog, great bird, carrying man away, 183. <br id="d0e12072"> +Bark Cloth, 422. <br id="d0e12074"> +Basket-making, 423. <br id="d0e12076"> +Baskets, types of, 425. <br id="d0e12078"> +Bawī, origin of, 178; small spirit house, 309. <br id="d0e12080"> +Baygan (Vigan), capital of Ilocos Sur, 20. <br id="d0e12082"> +Beads, how acquired, 191; mentioned in tales, 31; ornaments, 21. <br id="d0e12084"> +Beauty, illuminating power of, 35. <br id="d0e12086"> +Betel-nuts, description of, 407; important in ceremonies, 24, 31; magic properties of, 19; use of, 410; used in summoning +of guests, 13. +Binikwau, a special ceremony, 358. <br id="d0e12091"> +Birth, magic in, 38; observances at, 261. <br id="d0e12093"> +Blow-guns, 381. <br id="d0e12095"> +Boat Burial, 24 note 1. <br id="d0e12097"> +Bruhl-Lévy, theory of, discussed, 292. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12099">Camote, sweet potato, 404. <br id="d0e12101"> +Carabao, described, 412; mentioned in tales, 51. <br id="d0e12103"> +Cave, home of spirit, 191. <br id="d0e12105"> +Celestial Beings, 15, 25. <br id="d0e12107"> +Celestial Bodies, importance of, in myths, 15. <br id="d0e12109"> +Ceremonies, general discussion of, 315; great ceremonies, 327. <br id="d0e12111"> +Ceremonial Paraphernalia, 311. <br id="d0e12113"> +Ceremonial Structures, 308. <br id="d0e12115"> +Characters, in myths, 6. <br id="d0e12117"> +Chickens, 412. <br id="d0e12119"> +Childhood, 272. <br id="d0e12121"> +Chinese, ancestry of Tinguian, disputed, 247; trade with, 241. <br id="d0e12123"> +Climate, 240. <br id="d0e12125"> +Clothing, 9, 437. <br id="d0e12127"> +Coconut, 406. <br id="d0e12129"> +Comparison, of life represented in tales with present conditions, 20. <br id="d0e12131"> +Conclusions, to tales, 30; to whole study, 486. <br id="d0e12133"> +Corn, 404. <br id="d0e12135"> +Crocodiles, guard girls, 87; guard village, 93; people ride on, 84. <br id="d0e12137"> +Cultivated Plants and Trees, 403. <br id="d0e12139"> +Customs, described in myths, 13; power of, 26, 31. <br id="d0e12141"> +Cycle of Life, 261. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12143">Da-eng, described, 439; music of, 445, 451; sacred dance, 13; words of song, 456. <br id="d0e12145"> +Dagopan (Dagupan), town in Pangasinan, 8. <br id="d0e12147"> +Daily Life, in tales, 9. <br id="d0e12149"> +Dances, 439. <br id="d0e12151"> +Dawak, a ceremony, 13, 315. <br id="d0e12153"> +Dayapan, important woman, 177. <br id="d0e12155"> +Dead, restored to life, 90. <br id="d0e12157"> +Death, cause of, 177; customs connected with, 14; disposal of corpse, 23–24; temporary state, 19. <br id="d0e12159"> +Death and Burial, 283. <br id="d0e12161"> +Decorative Art, 431. <br id="d0e12163"> +Defensive Walls, around villages, 20. <br id="d0e12165"> +Diam, description of, 5; part of ceremony, 27; semi-magical formula, 296. <br id="d0e12167"> +Discrepancies, between life in tales and of to-day, 32. <br id="d0e12169"> +Divorce, 283; in tales, 12. <br id="d0e12171"> +Dogs, 411. <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e12173"></a>Page 489</span><br id="d0e12174"> +Domestic Animals, 411. <br id="d0e12176"> +Dumagat, assistant of writer, 3. <br id="d0e12178"> +Dyes, 426. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12180">Earth, ideas concerning, 189. <br id="d0e12182"> +Economic Life, 387. <br id="d0e12184"> +Engagement, 278. <br id="d0e12186"> +Etiquette, 14, 363. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12188">Fables, 195; parallels of, with other regions, 28. <br id="d0e12190"> +Family, 366; rules governing, 361. <br id="d0e12192"> +Fire, beside new-born child, 265. <br id="d0e12194"> +Firefly, in myths, 18 note 3, 85. <br id="d0e12196"> +Fishing, 383. <br id="d0e12198"> +Fish-stick, magic of, 33. <br id="d0e12200"> +Flood, 189. <br id="d0e12202"> +Funeral, 284. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12204">Gale, Albert, chapter on music, 443. <br id="d0e12206"> +Galong-galong, baby jumper, 110. <br id="d0e12208"> +Games, 276. <br id="d0e12210"> +Gansa, copper gong, 440. <br id="d0e12212"> +Geographical Relations and History, 238. <br id="d0e12214"> +Gipas, ceremony before birth, 263. <br id="d0e12216"> +Gironière, Paul de, his account of Tinguian burial discussed, 287. <br id="d0e12218"> +Gold, importance of, in tales, 15, 21. <br id="d0e12220"> +Granaries, for rice, 394. <br id="d0e12222"> +Graves, types of, 287. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12224">Harrow, 390. <br id="d0e12226"> +Head-axe, 375. <br id="d0e12228"> +Head-hunting, celebration following, 22; following death, 286; in tales, 10, 21; see also warfare. <br id="d0e12230"> +Hermaphrodites, 361. <br id="d0e12232"> +Hides, preparation of, 429. <br id="d0e12234"> +Hoe Culture, 20. <br id="d0e12236"> +Horses, how acquired, 189. <br id="d0e12238"> +House Furnishings, 365. <br id="d0e12240"> +Hunting, 378. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12242">Ibal, ceremony for sick child, 268. <br id="d0e12244"> +Ibwa, an evil spirit, 299. <br id="d0e12246"> +Idadaya, spirit of the East, 298. <br id="d0e12248"> +Igorot, institutions of, 236, 247; measurements of, 255. <br id="d0e12250"> +Ilocano, identical with Tinguian, 236; measurements of, 250; receive help from Tinguian, 244. <br id="d0e12252"> +Inanimate Objects, appear alive, 16. <br id="d0e12254"> +India, influence of, on Tinguian culture, 236. <br id="d0e12256"> +Inheritance, 362. <br id="d0e12258"> +Ipogau, spirit name for Tinguian, 8, 171. <br id="d0e12260"> +Iron-working, 413. <br id="d0e12262"> +Itneg, local name for Tinguian, 182 note 2, 243. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12264">Jars, appear as animals, 51; Chinese, 21, 31; talking, 16, 31; wealth reckoned in, 21. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12266">Kabonīyan, a powerful spirit, 298. <br id="d0e12268"> +Kadaklan, greatest of the spirits, 297. <br id="d0e12270"> +Kadalayapan, important town of mythical period, 7, 20. <br id="d0e12272"> +Kakok, a bird, origin of, 191. <br id="d0e12274"> +Kalangan, important spirit structure, 310; the ceremony, 344. <br id="d0e12276"> +Kalau, origin of bird, 190. <br id="d0e12278"> +Kalinga, relationship to Tinguian, 236. <br id="d0e12280"> +Kambaya, striped blanket, 183. <br id="d0e12282"> +Kaodanan, important town in the myths, 7, 20. <br id="d0e12284"> +Komau; giant spirit, 186. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12286">Lakay, headman, 359. <br id="d0e12288"> +Lawed, chewed with betel-nut, 406, 410; omen vine, 96. <br id="d0e12290"> +Laws, 361. <br id="d0e12292"> +Layog, ceremony held one year after a death, 290. <br id="d0e12294"> +Langpadan, mountain rice, 20, 138, 387 note. <br id="d0e12296"> +Life and Death; beliefs concerning, 292. <br id="d0e12298"> +Limahon, claims of descent from, refuted, 259. <br id="d0e12300"> +Love Charm, 77 note 2. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12302">Magic, 14, 17, 24, 304. <br id="d0e12304"> +Magic Flight, 17 note 1. <br id="d0e12306"> +Magic Pool, restores dead to life, 19. <br id="d0e12308"> +Magsawī, talking jar, 192. <br id="d0e12310"> +Malay, movement into Luzon, 235. <br id="d0e12312"> +Marriage, in mythical period, 11, 12; of relatives, 12, 23; price, 11; prohibitions, 361. <br id="d0e12314"> +Medicines, 409. <br id="d0e12316"> +Mediums, 6 note 1, 301. <br id="d0e12318"> +Migrations, into Abra, 32; into mountains, 241. <br id="d0e12320"> +Monkey, origin of, 189–190. <br id="d0e12322"> +Moon, spots on, 192. <br id="d0e12324"> +Mountain Tinguian, measurements of, 253. <br id="d0e12326"> +Murder, punishment of, 362. <br id="d0e12328"> +Music, 443. <br id="d0e12330"> +Musical Instruments, 440. <br id="d0e12332"> +Mythical Period, tales of, 6. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12334">Naming, 266. <br id="d0e12336"> +Negrito, aborigines of Luzon, 235; appear in tales, 147. <br id="d0e12338"> +Net-making, 427. <br id="d0e12340"> +Ngorongor, a minor ceremony, 326. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12342">Olog, ceremony to promote growth of child, 276. <span class="pageno"><a id="d0e12344"></a>Page 490</span><br id="d0e12345"> +Omens, 19 note 1, 306. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12347">Pakálon, 11. <br id="d0e12349"> +Pala-an, ceremony, 328; spirit structure, 310. <br id="d0e12351"> +Pan-pipe, 57, 441. <br id="d0e12353"> +Penñarubia, governor of Abra, 245. <br id="d0e12355"> +Perak Malay, measurements of, 258. <br id="d0e12357"> +Personal Adornment, 437. <br id="d0e12359"> +Physical Type, 247. <br id="d0e12361"> +Pigs, 412, become boys, 116. <br id="d0e12363"> +Pinaing, guardian stones, 178, 319. <br id="d0e12365"> +Pinasal, a ceremony, 355. <br id="d0e12367"> +Pipes, manufacture of, 428. <br id="d0e12369"> +Plow, 390. Poison, 148. <br id="d0e12371"> +Polynesians, relationship of, to primitive Malay, 235. <br id="d0e12373"> +Pota, concubine, 283, 360. <br id="d0e12375"> +Pregnancy, 262. <br id="d0e12377"> +Principal Characters, in tales, 6–7. <br id="d0e12379"> +Property, transfer of, 362. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12381">Raft, ceremonial, 24 note 1, p. 130. <br id="d0e12383"> +Rainfall, 240. <br id="d0e12385"> +Reconstruction, of culture represented in tales, 6. <br id="d0e12387"> +Religion and Magic, 295. <br id="d0e12389"> +Rice Culture, compared with Igorot, 394; compared with Sumatra, 394; described, 387. <br id="d0e12391"> +Rice Cutters, 393. <br id="d0e12393"> +Rice Harvest, 402. <br id="d0e12395"> +Rice Mortar, 394. <br id="d0e12397"> +Ritualistic Myths, 26, 171. <br id="d0e12399"> +Rooster's Eggs, 34. <br id="d0e12401"> +Rope, manufacture of, 420. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12403">Sagang, head pole, 10, 310. <br id="d0e12405"> +Sagobay, a ceremony, 324. <br id="d0e12407"> +Salaksak, the kingfisher, an omen bird, 307. <br id="d0e12409"> +Salcedo, subdues Ilocos provinces, 241. <br id="d0e12411"> +Saloko, ceremonial pole, 310; the ceremony, 319. <br id="d0e12413"> +San Fernando, town in Pangasinan, 8. <br id="d0e12415"> +Sangásang, a ceremony, 323. <br id="d0e12417"> +Sapata, the oath, 326. <br id="d0e12419"> +Sayang, greatest of the ceremonies, 345; relationship to warfare, 13. <br id="d0e12421"> +Sayen, afterbirth child, 28, 185. <br id="d0e12423"> +Shields, 378. <br id="d0e12425"> +Sleds, 390. <br id="d0e12427"> +Snakes, form defensive walls, 46, 93; Kanag becoming a snake, 135. <br id="d0e12429"> +Songs, of children, 275. <br id="d0e12431"> +Southern Chinese, measurements of, 257. <br id="d0e12433"> +Spears, 377. <br id="d0e12435"> +Spinning and Weaving, 416. <br id="d0e12437"> +Spirits, 297; of the dead, 291. <br id="d0e12439"> +Spirit Town, 184. <br id="d0e12441"> +Still-born Child, 264. <br id="d0e12443"> +Sudipan, spirit name for earth, 8. <br id="d0e12445"> +Sugar-cane, 405; in tales, 107. <br id="d0e12447"> +Sun, in myths, 15, 33, 37. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12449">Taboos, following death, 290. <br id="d0e12451"> +Tadek, a dance, 11 note 3, 440. <br id="d0e12453"> +Tales, of mythical period, 33; reconstructed culture of, 6. <br id="d0e12455"> +Taltalabong, 311. <br id="d0e12457"> +Tangpap, a spirit structure, 311; the ceremony, 331. <br id="d0e12459"> +Terraced Fields, 389. <br id="d0e12461"> +Theft, 362. <br id="d0e12463"> +Tinguian, not an Igorot sub-group, 20; physical type, 260; valley, measurements of, 251. <br id="d0e12465"> +Tobacco, 405, 410. <br id="d0e12467"> +Tops, mentioned in tales, 93, 274. <br id="d0e12469"> +Totems, none found, 360. <br id="d0e12471"> +Toys, 274. <br id="d0e12473"> +Transformation, into animals, 18. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12475">Village, description of, 363. + +</p> +<p id="d0e12477">Warfare, 10, 371; see head-hunting. <br id="d0e12479"> +Watch Houses, in fields, 154. <br id="d0e12481"> +Weapons, 375. <br id="d0e12483"> +Wedding Ceremony, 280. <br id="d0e12485"> +Wild Plants and Trees, 408. +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e12487"></a>Page 491</span></p><a id="d0e12488"></a><p id="d0e12489"><span class="smallcaps">Publications</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e12493"><span class="smallcaps">Of</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e12497"><span class="smallcaps">Field Museum of Natural History</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e12501"><span class="smallcaps">Anthropological Series</span> + +</p> +<p id="d0e12505"><span class="smallcaps">Volume</span> XIV + +</p> +<p id="d0e12509"><span class="smallcaps">Chicago</span> + +1915–22 +<span class="pageno"><a id="d0e12513"></a>Page 492</span></p><a id="d0e12514"></a><h1>Contents</h1> +<p id="d0e12517"></p> +<ul id="d0e12518"> +<li id="d0e12519">1. <span class="smallcaps">Cole, Fay-Cooper</span>, Traditions of the Tinguian, A Study in Philippine Folk-lore 1 +</li> +<li id="d0e12524">2. <span class="smallcaps">Cole, Fay-Cooper</span>, The Tinguian, Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe 227 +</li> +</ul><p> + +</p> + + +<pre> + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tinguian, by Fay-Cooper Cole + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TINGUIAN *** + +***** This file should be named 12849-h.htm or 12849-h.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/2/8/4/12849/ + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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+} +a.noteref:hover +{ + text-decoration: none; +} + +a.noteref +{ + text-decoration: none; + font-size: 0.7em; + vertical-align: super; +} + +a.hidden +{ + text-decoration: none; +} + +hr +{ + width: 100%; + height: 1px; + color: black; +} + +hr.noteseparator +{ + width: 25%; + height: 1px; + text-align: left; +} + +/* +// ol ul -- ordered list, unordered list +// +// class +// toc table of contents +*/ + + +/* +// li -- list item +// +// class +// toc_h1 table of contents h1 +// toc_h2 + +// table -- table +*/ + +table.navline +{ + font-size: 0.7em; + font-family: 'TITUS Cyberbit Basic', helvetica, sans-serif; + margin-top: 0em; + margin-bottom: 0em; + margin-top: 0em; + margin-bottom: 0em; +} diff --git a/old/12849.txt b/old/12849.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..fbc2449 --- /dev/null +++ b/old/12849.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11287 @@ +The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tinguian, by Fay-Cooper Cole + +This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with +almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or +re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included +with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org + + +Title: The Tinguian + Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe + +Author: Fay-Cooper Cole + +Release Date: July 8, 2004 [EBook #12849] + +Language: English + +Character set encoding: ASCII + +*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TINGUIAN *** + + + + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team + + + + + + + + +The Tinguian +Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe + + + +By +Fay-Cooper Cole +Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology + + + +1922 + + + + + + +CONTENTS + + + + List of Illustrations + Introduction + I. Geographical Relations and History + II. Physical Type and Relationships + III. The Cycle of Life + + Birth + Childhood + Engagement and Marriage + Death and Burial + The Layog + + IV. Religion and Magic + V. The Ceremonies + + 1. The Minor Ceremonies + 2. The Great Ceremonies + 3. Special Ceremonies + + VI. Social Organization. Government. The Village + VII. Warfare, Hunting, and Fishing +VIII. Economic Life + + Rice Culture + Cultivated Plants and Trees + Wild Plants and Trees + Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease + Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants + Domestic Animals + + IX. Products of Industry + + Iron-Working + Spinning and Weaving + Manufacture of Rope and String + Bark Cloth + Basket Making + Mats + Dyes + Net Making + Manufacture of Pottery + Pipe Making + Method of Drying Hides + + X. Decorative Art + XI. Personal Adornment, Dances, and Musical Instruments + XII. Music, By Albert Gale + Conclusions + + + + + +LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS + + +Text-Figures + + 1. Child's Cradle and Jumper + 2. Diagram of a Game + 3. Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves + 4. Ceremonial Paraphernalia + 5. Household Objects + 6. Spoons and Ladles + 7. Types of Knives + 8. Head-axes + 9. Spears +10. Shields +11. Chicken Snare +12. Bird Snares +13. Fishing Devices +14. Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter +15. Agricultural Implements +16. Devices Used in Spinning and Weaving +17. Rope-Making Appliances +18. Bark Beater +19. Basket Weaves +20. Net Needle and Mesh Stick +21. Tobacco-Pipes +22. Designs on Pipes and Pottery +23. Decorative Designs +24. Patterns Used in Weaving +25. Blanket Designs +26. Musical Instruments + + + +PLATES + + +Frontispiece: Map of Northwestern Luzon. +I. The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range. +II. Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera + Central. +III. Manabo Man. +IV. Man of Ba-ak. +V. Manabo Woman. +VI. Woman of Patok. +VII. A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan. +VIII. A Young Man from Likuan. +IX. Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw (Photograph from + Philippine Bureau of Science). +X. A Woman from Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau + of Science). +XI. A Typical Small Boy (Photograph from Philippine Bureau + of Science). +XII. The Baby Tender. +XIII. A Betrothed Maiden. +XIV. The Wedding. +XV. Mothers and Babies. +XVI. Funeral of Malakay. +XVII. The Whipping at a Funeral. +XVIII. Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits. +XIX. The Medium's Outfit. +XX. Ceremonial Houses. +XXI. Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures. +XXII. Spirit Houses in a Garden. +XXIII. The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance. +XXIV. The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are + Placed. Ceremonies. +XXV. The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed. +XXVI. Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River. +XXVII. The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure. +XXVIII. Gateway at Likuan. +XXIX. Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice. +XXX. A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones. +XXXI. Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice. +XXXII. Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield. +XXXIII. Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony. +XXXIV. Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits. +XXXV. The Sayang Ceremony. +XXXVI. Potters at Work. +XXXVII. A Family of Laba-an. +XXXVIII. The Village of Sallapadin. +XXXIX. Typical Houses. +XL. House Building. +XLI. Roofing a House. +XLII. Water Carriers (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). +XLIII. A Tinguian Housewife (Photograph from Philippine Bureau + of Science). +XLIV. A Warrior. +XLV. Hunter Fitted for the Trail. +XLVI. Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey. +XLVII. Shooting the Blowgun. +XLVIII. Highland Field and Terraces at Patok. +XLIX. The Rice Terraces near Likuan. +L. Plowing in the Lower Terraces. +LI. Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds. +LII. Transplanting the Rice. +LIII. Bird Scarers in the Fields. +LIV. Harvesting the Rice. +LV. The Rice Granary. +LVI. Pounding Rice (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). +LVII. Winnowing and Sifting (Photograph from Philippine Bureau + of Science). +LVIII. Drying Corn. +LIX. Breaking the Corn between Two Stones. +LX. Preparing Tobacco. +LXI. Feeding the Pigs. +LXII. A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers. +LXIII. Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread. +LXIV. Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide. +LXV. Spinning (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science). +LXVI. Weaving a Blanket. +LXVII. Basket Making. +LXVIII. Basket Types. +LXIX. Basket Types. +LXX. The Net Maker. +LXXI. Ceremonial Blanket. +LXXII. Blankets Showing Designs. +LXXIII. Blankets Showing Designs. +LXXIV. Woven Belts and Clouts. +LXXV. Men of Sallapadin. +LXXVI. Typical Dress of the Man. +LXXVII. Women in Full Dress. +LXXVIII. Customary Dress of the Woman. +LXXIX. Women's Arm Beads. +LXXX. Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout (Photograph from Philippine + Bureau of Science). +LXXXI, 1. Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony. +LXXXI, 2. Beating the Copper Gongs. +LXXXII. The Nose Flute. +LXXXIII. Playing on Bamboo Guitars. + + + + + + +THE TINGUIAN + + +INTRODUCTION + +It seems desirable, at the outset, to set forth certain general +conclusions regarding the Tinguian and their neighbors. Probably no +pagan tribe of the Philippines has received more frequent notice in +literature, or has been the subject of more theories regarding its +origin, despite the fact that information concerning it has been +exceedingly scanty, and careful observations on the language and +physical types have been totally lacking. + +According to various writers, these people are descended from Chinese, +Japanese, or Arabs; are typical Malay; are identical with the Igorot; +are pacific, hospitable, and industrious; are inveterate head-hunters, +inhospitable, lazy, and dirty. The detailed discussion of these +assertions will follow later in the volume, but at this point I wish +to state briefly the racial and cultural situation, as I believe it +to exist in northwestern Luzon. + +I am under the impression that at one time this whole region was +inhabited by pygmy blacks, known as Aeta or Negrito, small groups of +whom still retain their identity. With the coming of an alien people +they were pressed back from the coasts to the less hospitable regions +of the interior, where they were, for the most part, exterminated, +but they intermarried with the invaders to such an extent that to-day +there is no tribe or group in northwestern Luzon but shows evidence +of intermixture with them. I believe that the newcomers were drawn +from the so-called primitive Malay peoples of southeastern Asia; that +in their movement eastward and northward they met with and absorbed +remnants of an earlier migration made up of a people closely related +to the Polynesians, and that the results of this intermixture are +still evident, not only in Luzon, but in every part of the Archipelago. + +In northern Luzon, I hold, we find evidences of at least two series +of waves and periods of migration, the members of which are similar +physical type and language. It appears, however, that they came +from somewhat different localities of southeastern Asia and had, in +their old homes, developed social organizations and other elements +of culture radically different from one another--institutions and +groupings which they brought with them to the Philippines, and which +they have maintained up to the present time. + +To the first series belong the Igorot [1] with their institutions of +trial marriage; division of their settlements into social and political +units known as _ato_; separate dormitories for unmarried men and women; +government by the federated divisions of a village as represented by +the old men; and a peculiar and characteristic type of dwelling. + +In the second wave series we find the Apayo, the western division at +least of the people known as Kalinga, the Tinguian, and Ilocano. [2] In +none of these groups do we find the institutions just mentioned. Trial +unions are unknown, and marriage restrictions are based solely on +blood relationship; government is through the headman aided by the +elders of his village, or is a pure democracy. Considerable variation +exists between the dwellings of these four peoples, yet they conform +to a general type which is radically different from that of the Igorot. + +The Apayao and Kalinga divisions of this second wave series, by reason +of their environment, their more isolated localities and consequent +lack of frequent communication with the coast, have a simpler culture +than that of the Tinguian; yet they have, during many generations, +developed certain traits and institutions now apparently peculiar +to them. The Tinguian and Ilocano, on the other hand, have had the +advantages of outside communication of extensive trade, and the +admixture of a certain amount of foreign blood. + +These last two groups evidently left their ancient home as a unit, +at a time prior to the Hindu domination of Java and Sumatra, but +probably not until the influence of that civilization had begun to +make itself felt. Traces of Indian culture are still to be found in +the language, folklore, religion, and economic life of this people, +while the native script which the Spanish found in use among the +Ilocano seems, without doubt, to owe its origin to that source. + +After reaching Luzon, this people slowly broke up into groups which +spread out over the provinces of Ilocos Sur and Norte, Union and +Abra. The partial isolation of some of these divisions, local feuds, +the universal custom of head-hunting, and the need of human victims to +accompany the spirits of the dead, all doubtless aided in separating +the tribe into a number of dialect groups,--groups which nevertheless +retained the old culture to a surprising degree. + +Long before the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese and Japanese +traders were visiting the Ilocos coasts. We are also informed that +merchants from Macao and India went there from time to time, while +trade relations with Pangasinan and the Tagalog provinces were well +developed. + +The leavening influence of trade and contact with other peoples +resulted in such advancement that this people was early mentioned as +one of the six "civilized" tribes of the Philippines. + +Upon the arrival of Salcedo, the greater portion of the coast people +accepted the rule of Spain and the Christian religion, while the +more conservative element retired to the interior, and there became +merged with the mountain people. To the Spaniards, the Christianized +natives became known as Ilocano, while the people of the mountain +valleys were called Tinguian, or mountain dwellers. + +If the foregoing sketch is correct, as I believe the data which follow +prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a people living +much the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced +groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them +early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer. + +This second and concluding section of Volume XIV gives the greater part +of the results of an investigation carried on by me with the assistance +of Mrs. Cole among the Tinguian, from January, 1907, to June, 1908; +the funds for which were furnished Field Museum of Natural History by +the late Robert F. Cummings. The further generosity of Mrs. Cummings, +in contributing a fund toward the printing of this publication is +also gratefully acknowledged. + +A collection of texts and a study of the language are contemplated +for a separate volume, as is also the detailed treatment of the +anthropometric data. + +For the transcription of the phonograph records and the chapter on +Music, I am indebted to Mr. Albert Gale. His painstaking analysis +establishes beyond question the value of the phonograph as an aid in +ethnographic research. + +The photographs, unless otherwise noted, were taken by the author in +the field. + + + +CHAPTER I + +GEOGRAPHICAL RELATIONS AND HISTORY + +The Tinguian are a pagan Philippine people who inhabit chiefly the +mountain province of Abra in northwestern Luzon. From this center +their settlements radiate in all directions. To the north and west, +they extend into Ilocos Sur and Norte as far as Kabittaoran. Manabo, +on the south, is their last settlement; but Barit, Amtuagan, +Gayaman, and Luluno are Tinguian mixed with Igorot from Agawa +and Sagada. Villaviciosa is an Igorot settlement from Sagada, but +Bulilising, still farther south, is predominantly Tinguian. Sigay in +Amburayan is said to be made up of emigrants from Abra, while a few +rancherias in Lepanto are likewise much influenced. The non-Christian +population of Ilocos Sur, south of Vigan, is commonly called Tinguian, +but only seven villages are properly so classed; [3] four others +are inhabited by a mixed population, while the balance are Igorot +colonies from Titipan, Sagada, and Fidilisan. Along the Cordillera +Central, from the head-waters of the Saltan (Malokbot) river as far +south as Balatok, is found a population of mixed Tinguian, Kalinga, +and Igorot blood. Kalinga predominates north of Balbalasang and +along the Gobang river, while the Igorot is dominant in Guina-an, +Lubuagan, and Balatok. Tinguian intermarriage has not extended far +beyond Balbalasang, but their culture and dress have affected the +whole region. [4] From this belt there have been extensive migrations +into Abra, the newcomers for the most part marrying with the Tinguian, +but in the Ikmin river valley emigrants from Balatok formed the towns +of Danok, Amti, and Doa-angan, which have remained quite isolated up +to the present time. Agsimao and other towns of the Tineg group, in +the extreme northern end of Abra, are made up chiefly of Apayao mixed +with Kalinga, while all the villages on the headwaters of the Binongan +have received emigrants from the Kagayan side. The population of the +towns properly classed as Tinguian is approximately twenty thousand +individuals. [5] + +From the foregoing it is seen that, with the exception of a few +villages of mixed descent, all their territory lies on the western +side of the Cordillera Central, [6] the great mountain range which +runs from north to south through northern Luzon. + +As one emerges from the jungle, which covers the eastern slopes of +these mountains, and looks down over the province of Abra, he sees +an exceedingly broken land (Plates I and II), the subordinate ranges +succeeding one another like the waves of the sea. The first impression +is one of barrenness. The forest vanishes, and in its place are long +grassy slopes, broken here and there by scattered pines and lower +down by dense growths of the graceful, feathery bamboo. But this lack +of trees is more fancied than real, for as one proceeds down any of +the valleys he meets with side canyons, where the tropical jungle +still holds sway, while many a mountain side is covered with a dense +undergrowth of shrubs, plants, and vines. It seems probable that the +forest once covered the western slopes of the mountains, but accident +and intention on the part of man has cleared broad sections. As soon +as the shade is removed, the land is invaded by a coarse grass (the +_cogon_), and this is burned over each year in order to provide feed +for the stock and to make good hunting grounds. The young trees are +killed off and reforesting prevented. + +Numerous streams plunge from the high mountains toward the coast. In +places they rush through deep gorges between high mountains, again +they pass peacefully through mountain valleys. Everywhere they are +fed by minor streams and waterfalls until at last, as they emerge +into the broader valleys of the Abra and its tributaries, they are +rivers of respectable size. + +The great central valley of Abra is far from being a level plain. In +places, as about Manabo, Bukay, and Bangued, there are stretches +of level land; but, for the most part, the country is rough and +broken. This valley is cut off from the sea by the Coast Range of +mountains which forms the provincial line between Abra and Ilocos +Sur, while another heavy spur forms the northern limits of Abra from +Ilocos Sur to the Cordillera Central. Two small and rather difficult +passes afford entrance from the coastal plain into the valley, but +the chief avenue of communication is the cut through which the Abra +river reaches the sea. So narrow is this entrance that, at high water, +the river completely covers the floor and often raises its waters +ten or fifteen feet up the canyon side. In recent years a road has +been cut in the rocks above the flood waters, but even to-day most +of the traffic between Abra and the coast is carried on by means of +rafts which are poled up the river. [7] + +The rainfall averages about one hundred inches, and most of this +precipitation takes place between May and the end of September. This, +coupled with the lack of forest, causes the rivers to become rushing +torrents during the rainy season, while during the balance of the year +most of them are mere rivulets. Under these conditions there has been +no development of navigation by the mountaineers. On occasion they may +construct a bamboo raft, but they possess no boats of any description. + +The great fluctuation of the streams makes fishing an uncertain +occupation; yet at least a dozen varieties of fish are known, and +enough are taken to add materially to the food supply. + +Deer and pig are fairly abundant, and a considerable number is killed +each year; wild carabao roam the mountain sides and uninhabited +valleys, but they are dangerous animals, and can seldom be taken with +the primitive weapons of the natives. Wild chickens are plentiful, +and many are snared, together with smaller birds. In fact, there +is sufficient game and fish to support a considerable population, +if the people would turn seriously to their capture, so that the +oft repeated statement that the mountaineers of Abra were forced to +agriculture is not entirely accurate. It seems much more probable that, +at the time of their entrance into the interior valleys, the Tinguian +were already acquainted with terraced hillside fields, and that they +developed them as needed. + +The soil is fairly fertile, the rainfall abundant during the growing +season, and the climate warm enough to insure good crops. The +thermometer ranges between 80 deg. and 85 deg. during the day, but there is +generally a land or sea breeze, so that actual discomfort from the +heat is unusual. The nights are somewhat cooler, but a drop of a few +degrees is felt so keenly that a person may be uncomfortarble at 70 deg.. + +Fogs and cold rains are not uncommon during the wet season, while one +or more typhoons can be expected each year. Earthquakes are likewise +of occasional occurrence, but the construction of the houses is such +that storms and earthquakes do much less damage than along the coast. + +There is no doubt that the natural ruggedness of the country and the +long rainy season have had a strong influence on the people, but this +has been chiefly in isolating them in small groups. The high mountains +separating the narrow valleys, the lack of water transportation, the +difficulty of maintaining trails, have all tended to keep the people +in small communities, while the practice of head-hunting has likewise +raised a barrier to free communication. Thus, the settlements within +a limited area have become self-sustaining groups; a condition which +has existed long enough to allow for the development of five dialects. + +The traditions of the Tinguian furnish us with no stories of an earlier +home than Luzon, but there are many accounts of migrations from the +coast back into the mountains, after the arrival of the Spaniards +and the Christianization of the Ilocano. The fact that there is an +historical background for these tales is amply proven by fragments +of pottery and the like, which the writer has recovered from the +reported sites of ancient settlements. + +The part played by this people in Philippine history is small indeed, +and most of the references to them have been of an incidental nature. + +Apparently, they first came in contact with the Spanish in 1572 when +Salcedo was entrusted with the task of subduing that part of Luzon +now known as the Ilocano provinces. The people he encountered are +described as being more barbarous than the Tagalog, not so light +complexioned, nor so well clad, but husbandmen who possessed large +fields, and whose land abounded in rice and cotton. + +Their villages were of considerable size, and each was ruled over by a +local headman who owed allegiance to no central authority, There was +a uniform, well recognized code of law or custom, and a considerable +part of the population could read and write in a native script similar +to that of the Tagalog. They also possessed gold, which was reported +to have come from rich mines in the interior, and on primitive forges +were turning out excellent steel weapons, but the use of fire-arms +was unknown. According to _Reyes_, their weapons consisted of lances, +bows and arrows, bolos, great shields which protected them from head +to foot, blow guns and poisoned arrows. The newcomers also found a +flourishing trade being carried on with Manila and the settlements +in Pangasinan, as well as with the Chinese. This trade was of such +importance that, as early as 1580 pirate fleets from Japan frequently +scoured the coast in search of Chinese vessels and goods, while from +time to time Japanese traders visited the Ilocos ports. + +Apparently trade relations were not interrupted for a considerable +time after the arrival of the Spaniards, for in 1629 Medina states +that ships from China, Macao, and India "are accustomed to anchor in +these ports--and all to the advantage of this district." [8] + +That pre-Spanish trade was not restricted to the Ilocos provinces, +but was active along the whole northern coast of Luzon has been amply +proved by many writers. In fact, the inhabitants of Pangasinan not +only had trade relations with Borneo, Japan, and China, [9] but it +now seems probable that they can be identified as the Ping-ka-shi-lan +who, as early as 1406, sent an embassy to China with gifts of horses, +silver, and other objects for the emperor Yung-lo. [10] + +Trade relations of an even earlier date are evident throughout all +this area, in the presence far in the interior of Chinese pottery of +the fourteenth century and possibly of the tenth. [11] + +With friendly relations so long established, it is to be expected +that many evidences of Chinese material culture would be found in all +the northern provinces; and it is not unlikely that a considerable +amount of Chinese blood may have been introduced into the population +in ancient times, as it has been during the historic period. It does +not seem probable, however that either the influence of Chinese blood +or culture need have been stronger in the Ilocos provinces than in +the other regions which they visited. + +When Salcedo attempted a landing at Vigan, he was at first opposed; but +the superior weapons of the Spaniards quickly overcame all resistance, +and the invaders took possession of the city, which they rechristened +Fernandino. From this center they carried on an energetic campaign +of reduction and Christianization. As fast as the natives accepted +the rule of Spain, they were baptized and taken into the church, and +so rapid was the process that by 1587 the Ilocano were reported to be +Christianized. [12] In fact, force played such a part that Fray Martin +de Herrada, who wrote from Ilocos in June, 1574, protested that the +reduction was accomplished through fear, for if the people remained +in their villages and received the rule of Spain and the Church, they +were accepted as friends and forthwith compelled to pay tribute; but +if they resisted and fled to other settlements, the troops followed +and pillaged and laid waste their new dwellings. [13] + +Paralleling the coast, a few miles inland, is a range of mountains on +the far side of which lie the broad valleys of the Abra river and its +tributaries. The more conservative elements of the population retreated +to the mountain valleys, and from these secure retreats bade defiance +to the newcomers and their religion. To these mountaineers was applied +the name Tinguianes--a term at first used to designate the mountain +dwellers throughout the Islands, but later usually restricted to his +tribe. [14] The Tinguian themselves do not use or know the appellation, +but call themselves Itneg, a name which should be used for them but +for the fact that they are already established in literature under +the former term. + +Although they were in constant feuds among themselves, the mountain +people do not appear to have given the newcomers much trouble until +toward the end of the sixteenth century, when hostile raids against the +coast settlements became rather frequent. To protect the Christianized +natives, as well as to aid in the conversion of these heathens, the +Spanish, in 1598, entered the valley of the Abra and established a +garrison at the village of Bangued. [15] + +As before, the natives abandoned their homes and retreated several +miles farther up the river, where they established the settlement +of Lagangilang. + +From Bangued as a center, the Augustinian friars worked tirelessly to +convert the pagans, but with so little success that _San Antonio_, +[16] writing in 1738, says of the Tinguian, that little fruit was +obtained, despite extensive missions, and that although he had made +extraordinary efforts, he had even failed to learn their number. + +In the mountains of Ilocos Sur, the missionaries met with somewhat +better success, and in 1704 _Olarte_ states that in the two preceding +years one hundred and fifty-six "infidel Tinguianes" had been converted +and baptized. Again, in 1760, four hundred and fifty-four converts are +reported to have been formed into the villages of Santiago, Magsingal, +and Batak. [17] About this time the work in Abra also took on a more +favorable aspect; by 1753 three Tinguian villages, with a combined +population of more than one thousand, had been established near +Bangued, and in the next century five more settlements were added to +this list. [18] + +In general the relations between the pagan and Christianized natives +were not cordial, and oftentimes they were openly hostile; but +despite mutual distrust the coast people have on several occasions +enlisted the aid of the mountaineers against outside enemies. In +1660 a serious revolt occurred in Pangasinan and Zambales, and +the rebels, after gaining control of these provinces, started on a +looting expedition in the northern districts. In the face of strong +resistance they proceeded as far north as Badok, in Ilocos Sur, +burning and pillaging many villages including the capital city of +Vigan (Fernandino). The Tinguian came to the aid of the hard-pressed +Ilocano, and their combined forces fell upon the enemy just outside +the village of Narbacan. The tribesmen had previously made the road +almost impassable by planting it thickly with sharpened sticks; and, +while the invaders were endeavoring to remove these obstacles, they set +upon them with great fury and, it is said, succeeded in killing more +than four hundred of the Zambal, a part of whom they beheaded. [19] + +As Spanish rule was extended into the Tinguian territory, Ilocano +settlers pressed in and acquired holdings of land. This led to many +bitter disputes which were consistently settled in favor of the +converts; but at the same time many inducements were offered the +pagans to get them into the Christianized village. All converts were +to be exempted from paying tribute, while their villages received +many favors withheld from the pagan settlements. This failing to +bring the desired results, all the nearby villages of the Tinguian +were incorporated with the civilized pueblos, and thereafter they had +to furnish the major part of all taxes and most of the forced labor. + +Following the appointment of Gov. Esteban de Pennarubia in 1868, +the tribesmen suffered still greater hardships. Under his orders all +those who refused baptism were to be expelled from the organized +communities, an edict which meant virtual banishment from their +old homes and confiscation of their property. Further, no Tinguian +in native dress was to be allowed to enter the towns. "Conversions" +increased with amazing rapidity, but when it was learned that many of +the new converts still practiced their old customs, the governor had +the apostates seized and imprisoned. The hostile attitude of Pennarubia +encouraged adventurers from the coast in the seizure of lands and +the exploitation of the pagans, and thus a deep resentment was added +to the dislike the Tinguian already held for "the Christians." Yet, +despite the many causes for hostility, steady trade relations have been +maintained between the two groups, and the influence of the Ilocano +has been increasingly strong. A little more than a half century ago +head-hunting was still common even in the valley of Abra, where it is +now practically unknown. As a matter of dire necessity the mountain +people made raids of reprisal against the hostile Igorot villages +on the eastern side of the great mountain range, and it is still the +proud boast of many a man in the vicinity of Manabo that he took part +in the raid which netted that village a score of heads from the towns +of Balatok and Lubuagan. But, as will be seen later, head-hunting +was by no means limited to forays against other tribes; local feuds, +funeral observances, and the desire for renown, all encouraged the +warriors to seek heads even from nearby settlements. Those incentives +have not been entirely removed, and an occasional head is still taken +in the mountain districts, but the influence of the Ilocano, backed +by Spanish and American authority, is rapidly making this sport a +thing of the past. + +The rule of Governor Pennarubia had so embittered the Tinguian against +the "white man" that a considerable number joined the insurrecto +troops to fight against the Spaniards and Americans. These warriors, +armed with spears, shields, and head-axes, made their way to Malolos, +where they joined the Filipino troops the day of the first American +bombardment. The booming of cannon and the bursting of shells was +too much for the warriors, and, as they express it, "the first gun +was the beginning of their going home." + +Friendly relations with the insurgents were early destroyed by bands +of armed robbers who, posing as Filipino troops, looted a number of +Tinguian villages. In several localities the tribesmen retaliated by +levying tribute on the Christianized villages, and in some instances +took a toll of heads to square accounts. At this juncture the Americans +appeared in Abra, and the considerate treatment of the pagans by the +soldiers soon won for them a friendly reception. Later, as the result +of the efforts of Commissioner Worcester, the Tinguian villages were +made independent of Ilocano control, and the people were given the +full right to conduct their own affairs, so long as they did not +disturb the peace and welfare of the province. + +Under American rule the Tinguian have proved themselves to be +quiet, peaceable citizens; a few minor disturbances have occurred, +but none of sufficient importance to necessitate the presence of +troops in their district. They have received less attention from the +Government than most of the pagan tribes, but, even so, a measure of +progress is discernible. They still stoutly resist the advances of +the missionaries, but the few schools which have been opened for their +children have always been crowded to overflowing; trade relations are +much freer and more friendly than a decade ago; and with the removal +of unequal taxes and labor requirements, the feelings of hostility +towards "the Christians" are rapidly vanishing. It now seems probable +that within one or two generations the Tinguian will again merge with +the Ilocano. + + + +CHAPTER II + +PHYSICAL TYPE AND RELATIONSHIPS + +From the time of the Spanish invasion up to the present, nearly every +author who has mentioned the people of northern Luzon has described the +Tinguian as being different from other Philippine tribes. The majority +of these writers has pictured them as being of larger stature than +their neighbors; as lighter in color, possessing aquiline features +and mongoloid eyes; as being tranquil and pacific in character, and +having a great aptitude for agriculture. From these characteristics +they have concluded that they are probably descended from early Chinese +traders, emigrants, or castaways, or are derived from the remnants of +the pirate band of the Chinese corsair Limahon (Lin-fung), which fled +into the mountains of Pangasinan after his defeat by Salcedo in 1574. + +These conjectures are strengthened by the reported discovery, +in early times, of graves in northwestern Luzon, which contained +bodies of men of large stature accompanied by Chinese and Japanese +jewels. The undisputed fact that hundreds of ancient Chinese jars and +dishes are still among the cherished possessions of the Tinguian is +also cited as a further proof of a close relationship between these +peoples. Finally it is said that the head-bands, jackets, and wide +trousers of the men resemble closely those of the fishermen of Fukien, +one of the nearest of the Chinese provinces. [20] + +Two writers, [21] basing their observations on color, physical +resemblances, and the fact that the Tinguian blacken their teeth +and tattoo their bodies, are convinced that they are the descendants +of Japanese castaways; while _Moya_ [22] states that the features, +dress, and customs of this people indicate their migration from the +region of the Red Sea in pre-Mohammedan times. + +Finally, _Quatrefages_ and _Hamy_ are quoted as regarding the Tinguian +as modern examples of "the Indonesian, an allophylic branch of the +pure white race, non-Aryan, therefore, who went forth from India +about 500 B.C." [23] + +_Dr. Barrows_ [24] classes all the pagan tribes of northern Luzon--the +pygmies excepted--with the Igorot, a position assailed by _Worcester_, +[25] particularly in regard to the Tinguian; but the latter writer +is convinced that the Apayao and Tinguian are divisions of the same +people, who have been separated only a comparatively short time. + +In the introduction to the present volume (p. 236) I have expressed +the opinion that the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical, and that +they form one of the waves of a series which brought the Apayao and +western Kalinga to northern Luzon, a wave which reached the Islands +at a later period than that represented by the Igorot, and which +originated in a somewhat different region of southeastern Asia. [26] + +In order to come to a definite decision concerning these various +theories, we shall inquire into the cultural, linguistic, and physical +types of the people concerned. + +The most striking cultural differences between the Igorot and the +Tinguian, indicated in the introduction, will be brought out in more +detail in the following pages, as will also the evidence of Chinese +influence in this region. Here it needs only to be restated, that +there are radical differences in social organization, government, +house-building, and the like, between the Igorot-Ifugao groups, +and the Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga divisions. + +All the tribes of northwestern Luzon belong to the same linguistic +stock which, in turn, is closely related to the other Philippine +languages. There are local differences sufficiently great to make it +impossible for people to communicate when first brought together, +but the vocabularies are sufficiently alike, and the morphology of +the dialects is so similar that it is the task of only a short time +for a person conversant with one idiom to acquire a speaking and +understanding knowledge of any other in this region. It is important +to note that these dialects belong to the Philippine group, and there +seems to be very little evidence of Chinese influence [27] either in +structure or vocabulary. [28] + +The various descriptions of the physical types have been of such +a conflicting nature that it seems best at this point to present +rather detailed descriptions of the Tinguian, Ilocano, and Apayao, +and to compare these with the principal measurements of the other +tribes and peoples under discussion. + +For purposes of comparison, the Tinguian have been divided into a +valley and mountain group; for, as already indicated, there has been a +considerable movement of the mixed Kalinga-Igorot people of the upper +Saltan (Malokbot) river, of Guinaan Lubuagan and Balatok, into the +mountain districts of Abra, and these immigrants becoming merged into +the population have modified the physical type to a certain extent. + +In the detailed description of the Ilocano, all the subjects have +been drawn from the cities of Bangued in Abra, and Vigan in Ilocos +Sur, in order to eliminate, so far as possible, the results of recent +intermixture with the Tinguian,--a process which is continually taking +place in all the border towns. The more general tabulation includes +Ilocano from all the northern provinces. + +Aged and immature individuals have been eliminated from all the +descriptions here presented. [29] + + +_Ilocano_ + + +Observations on 19 Males from Vigan and Bangued + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.510 to 1.714 1.607 +Length of head " .164 to .191 .1787 +Breadth of head " .146 to .158 .1522 +Height of head " .120 to .144 .1316 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1373 +Length of nose " .043 to .054 .0485 +Breadth of nose " .034 to .046 .0382 + +Cephalic index 85.1 +Length-Height index 73.0 +Breadth-Height index 86.2 +Nasal index 78.7 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin scale. + +_Hair_--Often black, but usually brown-black. 50 per cent straight +and about 50 per cent slightly wavy. One case closely curled. + +_Forehead_--Usually high, broad, and moderately retreating, but +sometimes vaulted. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases flat. + +_Face_--Moderately high; broad and oval. Three cases angular. + +_Eye-slit_--Generally slightly oblique, moderately open, almond +shape. Mongolian fold present in 45 per cent. + +_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high. +Bridge:--Inclined to be concave, but often straight. +Wings:--Middle thick and slightly arched or swelled. + +_Lips_:--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly). + +_Ears_:--Outstanding. Lobes generally small and close growing, but +are sometimes free. + + + +_Ilocano_ [30] + +_Observations Made By Folkmar_ (_See Album of Philippine Types, +Manila_, 1904) + + +37 Males of Ilocos Norte + + Average +Height, standing meters 1.593 +Length of head " .180 +Breadth of head " .151 +Length of nose " .055 +Breadth of nose " .040 + +Cephalic index 84.39 +Nasal index 73.12 + + + +59 Males of Ilocos Sur + + Average +Height, standing meters 1.596 +Length of head " .177 +Breadth of head " .150 +Length of nose " .053 +Breadth of nose " .039 + +Cephalic index 85.06 +Nasal index 72.95 + + +31 Males of Union Province + + Average +Height, standing meters 1.590 +Length of head " .176 +Breadth of head " .151 +Length of nose " .050 +Breadth of nose " .039 + +Cephalic index 85.72 +Nasal index 78.63 + + +193 Males from All Provinces + + Average +Height, standing meters 1.602 +Length of head " .178 +Breadth of head " .151 +Length of nose " .052 +Breadth of nose " .040 + +Cephalic index 84.81 +Nasal index 75.44 + + +_Valley Tinguian_ + + + +Observations on 83 Males (See Plates III, IV) + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.572 +Length of head " 1.65 to .195 .1811 +Breadth of head " .140 to .164 .1507 +Height of head, 39 cases " .116 to .144 .1337 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1387 +Length of nose " .042 to .060 .0499 +Breadth of nose " .030 to .043 .0384 + +Cephalic index 83.2 +Length-Height index 72.5 +Breadth-Height index 86.5 +Nasal index 76.9 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table. + +_Hair_--Varies from black to brownish black. Usually wavy, but straight +in about one third. + +_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; slightly retreating, but +sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in three +cases. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening. + +_Face_--Moderately high and broad; cheek bones sufficiently outstanding +to give face angular appearance, tapering from above, but oval faces +are common. + +_Eye-slit_--Straight or slightly oblique; moderately wide open and +inclined to be almond shaped; Mongolian fold slightly developed in +about 20 per cent. + +_Nose_--Root:--middle broad and high, seldom small or flat. +Bridge:--middle broad and usually straight, but 25 per cent are +slightly concave, while two cases are convex. +Wings:--In most cases are thin, but are commonly thick; both are +slightly arched. + +_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly). + +_Ears_--Outstanding, with small close-growing lobes. + +_Valley Tinguian_ + + +Observations on 35 Females (See Plates V, VI) + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.42 to 1.58 1.474 +Length of head " .161 to .186 .1743 +Breadth of head " .136 to .155 .1460 +Height of head (22 cases) " .119 to .138 .1301 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .123 to .139 .1304 +Length of nose " .039 to .056 .046 +Breadth of nose " .030 to .042 .0354 + +Cephalic index 83.7 +Length-Height index 74.6 +Breadth-Height index 88.6 +Nasal index 76.9 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table. + +_Hair_--Usually brown black, but black is common. Sometimes straight, +but generally slightly wavy. + +_Forehead_--Considerable variation. Usually moderately high, broad, +and vaulted, but is sometimes low and moderately retreating. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening. + +_Face_--Moderately high and oval. In a few cases angular, tapering +from above. + +_Eye-slit_--Generally oblique, moderately open and almond shape. Is +sometimes straight and narrowly open. Mongolian fold slightly developed +in about 25 per cent. + +_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and either flat or slightly elevated. +Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly concave. In five cases is straight +and in two is convex. +Wings:--Equally divided between thick and thin. Slightly arched. + +_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly). + +_Ears_--Outstanding, with small, close growing lobes. + +_Mountain Tinguian_ + + +Observations on 62 Males (See Plates VII-VIII) + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.45 to 1.71 1.57 +Length of head " .171 to .203 .1856 +Breadth of head " .140 to .161 .1493 +Height of head (59 cases) " .115 to .154 .1316 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .149 .1385 +Length of nose (60 cases) " .043 to .059 .0512 +Breadth of nose (60 cases) " .033 to .046 .0399 + +Cephalic index 80.4 +Length-Height index 70.9 +Breadth-Height index 87.4 +Nasal index 77.9 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table. + +_Hair_--Brown black, and slightly wavy. + +_Forehead_--Middle high to high, moderately broad, moderately +retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly +developed in five cases. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle or strongly arched. + +_Face_--Moderately high. Cheek bones moderately outstanding giving face +angular appearance, tapering from above. In seven cases face is oval. + +_Eye-slit_--Sometimes straight, but usually slightly oblique, +moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in five cases. + +_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high, but sometimes high. +Bridge:--Middle broad and straight. Seven cases concave and three +convex. +Wings:--Middle thick and arched. + +_Lips_--Middle thick, sometimes thin; double bowed. + +_Ears_--Outstanding; lobes generally small and close growing. + +_Mountain Tinguian_ + + +Observations on 16 Females (See Plates IX-X) + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.38 to 1.53 1.482 +Length of head " .163 to .188 .1782 +Breadth of head " .137 to .155 .1452 +Height of head " .119 to .137 .1303 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .125 to .138 .1327 +Length of nose " .039 to .054 .0461 +Breadth of nose " .034 to .042 .0368 + +Cephalic index 80.1 +Length-Height index 73.1 +Breadth-Height index 90.0 +Nasal index 79.8 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table. + +_Hair_--Brown-black and slightly wavy. + +_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; moderately retreating. + +_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. + +_Face_--Moderately high and generally oval; sometimes angular tapering +from above. + +_Eye-slit_--About equally divided between straight and oblique; +moderately open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in one third +of cases. + +_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and nearly flat, but sometimes +moderately high. +Bridge:--Middle broad and inclined to be concave. Straight noses occur. +Wings:--Usually thin and inclined to be swelled. + +_Lips_--Middle thick and inclined to be double bowed. + +_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing. + +_Apayao_ + + +Observations on 32 Males + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.587 +Length of head " .175 to .199 .1877 +Breadth of head " .137 to .158 .1492 +Height of head " .119 to .155 .1331 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .130 to .149 .1418 +Length of nose " .040 to .054 .0466 +Breadth of nose " .035 to .044 .0390 + +Cephalic index 79.5 +Length-Height index 70.9 +Breadth-Height index 89.2 +Nasal index 83.6 + + +_Eyes_--Dark brown, 1 to 4 in Martin table. + +_Hair_--Brown black and wavy. + +_Forehead_--High and generally moderately retreating, but in about one +third is vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in six cases. + +_Crown and back of head_--Rather strongly arched. Six cases (all from +one village) showed slight flattening of occipital region. + +_Face_--Usually high. The cheek bones are moderately outstanding +giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In eight cases +face tapers from below, and in nine is oval. + +_Eye-slit_--Usually oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian +fold in about 50 per cent. + +_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and flat or slightly elevated. +Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly or strongly concave. Seven instances +of straight noses occur. +Wings:--Middle thick, arched or swelled. + +_Lips_--Middle thick and slightly double bowed. + +_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing. + +_Bontoc Igorot_ [31] + +_Observations By Jenks_ (_See The Bontoc Igorot, Manila_, 1905) + + +32 males Average Range +Height, standing meters 1.6028 +Length of head " .1921 +Breadth of head " .1520 +Length of nose " .0525 +Breadth of nose " .0462 + +Cephalic index 79.13 67.48 to 91.48 +Nasal index 79.19 58.18 to 104.54 + +In this group 9 are brachycephalic + 20 are mesaticephalic + 3 are dolichocephalic + + +_Color_--Ranges from light brown, with strong saffron undertone, +to very dark brown or bronze. + +_Eyes_--Black to hazel brown. "Malayan" fold in large majority. + +_Hair_--Coarse, straight and black. A few individuals possess curly +or wavy hair. + +_Nose_--Jenks gives no statement, but his photos show the root of the +nose to be rather high; the bridge appears to be broad and straight, +although in some individuals it tends toward concave. + + +29 females Average Range +Height, standing meters 1.4580 +Length of head " .1859 +Breadth of head " .1470 +Length of nose " .0458 +Breadth of nose " .0360 + +Cephalic index 79.09 64.89 to 87.64 +Nasal index 78.74 58.53 to 97.56 + +In this group 12 are brachycephalic + 12 are mesaticephalic + 5 are dolichocephalic + + +Very different results were obtained by _Kroeber_ [32] from the group +of Igorot exhibited in San Francisco in 1906. His figures may possibly +be accounted for by the fact that about one third of the party came +from Alap near the southern end of the Bontoc area, also, as he has +suggested, by the preponderance of very young men. The figures for +this group are as follows: + + +Observations on 18 Males + +Average height 1.550 Range 1.46 to 1.630 " + length of head .186 .176 to .194 " + breadth of head .146 .138 to .153 " + bizygomatic width .135 .129 to .142 " + length of nose .041 .031 to .046 " + breadth of nose .040 .036 to .046 " + + cephalic index 78.43 + nasal index 99.8 + + +Observations on 7 Females + +Average height 1.486 Range 1.440 to 1.530 " + length of head .182 .171 to .191 " + breadth of head .143 .136 to .150 " + bizygomatic width .131 .127 to .136 " + length of nose .037 .033 to .042 " + width of nose .037 .036 to .038 " + + cephalic index 78.59 + nasal index 99.7 + + +From these descriptive sheets it is obvious that each tribe is made +up of very heterogeneous elements, and each overlaps the other to a +considerable extent; however, the number of individuals measured is +sufficiently great for us to draw certain general conclusions from +the averages of each group. + +It is at once evident that the differences between the Ilocano and the +Valley Tinguian are very slight, in fact are less than those between +the valley and mountain people of the latter tribe. The Ilocano +appear to be slightly taller, the length of head a little less, and +the breadth a bit more; yet there is an average difference of only +two points in the cephalic indices of the two groups. The only other +points of divergence are: the greater percentage among the Ilocano of +eyes showing the Mongolian fold, and the occurrence of straight hair +in about half the individuals measured. However, this latter feature +may be more apparent than real; for the Ilocano cut the hair short, +and a slight degree of waviness might readily pass unobserved. + +As we pass from the Valley to the Mountain Tinguian, and from them +to the Apayao, we find the average stature almost constant, but the +head becomes longer; there is a greater tendency for the cheekbones +to protrude and the face to be angular, and there is a more frequent +development of the supra-orbital ridges. The root of the nose is +often flat and the bridge concave; while wavy hair becomes the rule +in the mountains. There is a slight decrease, in the Tinguian groups, +of eyes showing the Mongolian fold, but in the Apayao the percentage +again equals that of the Ilocano. + +The Apayao present no radical differences to the Mountain Tinguian; +yet, as already noted, the length and height of the head are +slightly greater; the zygomatic arches more strongly developed; +the face more angular; and the nose is broader as compared with its +length. Evidences of former extensive intermixture are here apparent, +while at the present time there is rather free marriage with the +neighboring Kalinga and Negrito. + +Comparing these four groups with the Igorot, we find that the latter +averages slightly taller than all but the Ilocano. The breadth of the +head is about the same as the Ilocano; but the length is much greater, +and there is, in consequence, a considerable difference in the cephalic +index. Reference to our tables will show the Ilocano and both Tinguian +divisions to be brachycephalic, while the Igorot is mesaticephalic. The +average index of the Apayao also falls in the latter classification; +but the variation from Igorot is greater than is indicated, for the +Apayao skull is actually considerably shorter and narrower. In the +length and breadth of the nose, the Igorot exceeds any of the groups +studied, while the Malayan (Mongolian?) fold of the eye is reported +in the great majority of cases. The bodily appearance of the Tinguian +and Bontoc Igorot differs little, although the latter are generally of +a slightly heavier build. Both are lithe and well proportioned, their +full rounded muscles giving them the appearance of trained athletes; +neither is as stocky or heavy set as are the Igorot of Amburayan, +Lepanto, and Benguet. + +There is great variation in color among the members of all these +tribes, the tones varying from a light olive brown to a dark reddish +brown; but in general the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian are of a lighter +hue than the mountain people. + +Observations on the Southern Chinese and the South Perak Malay are +given below, not with the intention of connecting them with any one +of the tribes of Luzon, but in order to test, by comparison, the +theory of the Chinese origin of the Tinguian, and also to secure, +if possible, some clue as to the relationships of both peoples. + +_The Southern Chinese_ + +_Dr. Girard_, [33] as a result of his studies on the Chinese of +Kwang-si, a province of southern China, expresses the belief that +the population is greatly mixed, but all considered they appear more +like Indo-Chinese than like the Chinese proper (that is, Northern +Chinese). _Deniker_ [34] comes to a similar conclusion from a study +of the results obtained by many observers. + +_Girard_ gives the following measurements for 25 males of Kwang-si: + + + Range Average +Height, standing meters 1.528 to 1.748 1.616 +Length of head " .1815 +Breadth of head " .1435 +Height of head " .1270 +Length of nose " .04648 +Breadth of nose " .03876 + +Cephalic index 73. to 85. 79.52 +Length-Height index 69.9 +Breadth-Height index 88.5 +Nasal index 67. to 95. 82.98 + + +_Deniker_ (p. 578) gives the average height of 15,582 males, mostly +Hakka of Kwang-tung, as 1.622. The cephalic index of 61 living subjects +and 84 crania, principally from Canton, he finds to be--Living 81.2; +crania 78.2. + +_Martin_ [35] presents the following data: Average height of +males--1.614; average height of females--1.498. Cephalic index +(49 males)--81.8. Length-Height index (49 males)--66.5. Nasal index +(49 males)--77.7. [36] + +_South Perak Malay_ [37] + +_Observations by Annandale and Robinson_ (_Fasciculi Malayenses, +Pt_. I, pp. 105 _et seq_., _London_, 1903). + + +37 males Range +Average +Height, standing meters 1.488 to 1.763 1.594 +Length of head " .173 to .198 .182 +Breadth of head " .141 to .162 .149 +Height of head (tragus to vertex) " .119 to .146 .135 +Breadth of zygomatic arches " .120 to .150 .139 +Length of nose " .0413 to .0525 .0477 +Breadth of nose " .0337 to .0437 .0358 + +Cephalic index 82.3 +Length-Height index 73.9 +Nasal index 81.2 + + +_Color_--Varies from dark olive to red; less commonly olive or +yellowish +white. + +_Eyes_--Black, sometimes reddish brown. + +_Hair_--Appears to be straight in most cases, but being cut short a +slight waviness might not be noticed. Black. + +A comparison of these figures with those of our Luzon groups brings out +several interesting points. It shows that the Tinguian are not related +to the Chinese, "because of their tall stature;" for they are, as a +matter of fact, shorter than either the Chinese or Igorot. It is also +evident that they resemble the southern Chinese no more than do the +people of Bontoc. Further it is seen that both the Tinguian-Ilocano +and the Chinese show greater likeness to the Perak Malay than they +do to each other. As a matter of fact, we find no radical differences +between any of the peoples discussed; despite evident minor variations, +the tribes of northwestern Luzon approach a common type, and this type +appears not to be far removed from the dominant element in southern +China, Indo-China, and Malaysia generally, a fact which probably can +be attributed to a common ancestry in times far past. [38] + +With this data before us, we might readily dismiss most of the theories +of early writers as interesting speculations based on superficial +observation; but the statement that the Tinguian are derived from +the pirate band of Limahon has received such wide currency that it +deserves further notice. It should be borne in mind that the scene +of the Chinese disaster was in Pangasinan, a march of three days +to the south of the Tinguian territory. It is unlikely that a force +sufficiently large to impress its type on the local population could +have made its way into Abra, without having been reported to Salcedo, +who then had his headquarters at Vigan. + +As early as 1598 the Tinguian were so powerful and aggressive that +active steps had to be taken to protect the coast people from their +raids. Had they been recognized as being essentially Chinese--a +foreign, hostile population--some mention of that fact must certainly +have crept into the Spanish records of that period. Such data are +entirely wanting, while the exceedingly rich traditions of the Tinguian +[39] likewise fail to give any evidence of such an invasion. + +The presence of large quantities of ancient Chinese pottery in Abra +must be ascribed to trade, for it is inconceivable that a fugitive band +of warriors would have carried with them the hundreds of jars--many +of large size--which are now found in the interior. + +The reputed similarity of the garments of the men to those of Fukien +fishermen is likewise without value, for at the time of the Spanish +invasion both Ilocano and Tinguian were innocent of trousers. It +was not until the order of Gov. Pennarubia, in 1868, barring all +unclad pagans from the Christianized towns, that the latter donned +such garments. To-day many of the men possess full suits, but the +ordinary dress is still the head-band, breech-cloth, and belt. + +Finally, it seems curious that the Tinguian should be of "a pacific +character" because of the fact that they are descended from a band +of Chinese pirates. + +Summarizing our material, we can say of the Tinguian, that they are a +rather short, well-built people with moderately high, brachycephalic +heads, fairly high noses, and angular faces. Their hair is brown black +and inclined to be wavy, while the skin varies from a light olive +brown to a dark reddish brown. A study of our tables shows that within +this group there are great extremes in stature, head and nasal form, +color, and the like, indicating very heterogeneous elements in its +make-up. We also find that physically the Tinguian conform closely to +the Ilocano, while they merge without a sharp break into the Apayao +of the eastern mountain slopes. When compared to the Igorot, greater +differences are manifest; but even here, the similarities are so many +that we cannot classify the two tribes as members of different races. + +We have seen that this people approaches the southern Chinese in +many respects, but this is likewise true of all the other tribes +under discussion and, hence, we are not justified, on anatomic +grounds, in considering the Tinguian as distinct, because of Chinese +origin. The testimony of historical data and language leads us to the +same conclusions. Chinese influence, through trade, has been active +for many centuries along the north and west coast of Luzon, but it +has not been of a sufficiently intimate nature to introduce such +common articles of convenience and necessity as the composite bow, +the potter's wheel, wheeled vehicles, and the like. + +The anatomical data likewise prevent us from setting this tribe apart +from the others, because of Japanese or Indonesian origin. + + + +CHAPTER III + +THE CYCLE OF LIFE + +_Birth_.--The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian, +but coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship +to the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are +frequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted as true by +the mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility +of the husband and wife by magical acts, performed in connection with +the marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be +affected if she eats peculiar articles of food, [40] and unappeased +desires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the +expectant mother and the child. [41] The close relationship which +exists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out +by various facts; for instance, the husband of a pregnant woman is +never whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result +in injury to the child. + +The fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not +agree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the Tinguian. It is +doubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to +his attention, he would explain it by reference to the tales of former +times, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized +society, he seldom rationalizes about the well-known facts--religious +or otherwise--generally held by his group to be true. + +It is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, an _anito_ +woman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same +time. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not seem to be +closely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow +the same procedure for a time after delivery (cf. p. 268). + +According to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed +at times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which under their +care developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy a prominent +place in the tribal mythology. [42] In the tales we are told that a +frog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up +the spittle of Aponitolau, [43] a maid conceived when the head-band +of her lover rested on her skirt, [44] while the customary delivery +of children during the mythical period seems to have been from between +the fingers of the expectant mother. [45] _Anitos_ and, in a few cases, +the shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women, [46] +but children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a +miscarriage is thought to be the result of union with the inhabitants +of the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to +become angry or sorrowful lest her "blood become strong and the child +be born." Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried +women; but such instances are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much +desired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in +no way injured by the possession of an illegitimate child. [47] + +Except for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any +offerings or to cause any changes in the daily life of the pregnant +woman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a +family gathering is held about a month before the anticipated event, +at which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look +on. After completing this meal, she places two bundles of grass, some +bark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The +significance of the act is not clear to the people, but it is "an +old custom, and is pleasing to the spirits." + +Shortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are +summoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of the room, +they place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts [48] for all +the spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars +covered with _alin_ leaves are distributed about the house and yard; +one sits on a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the +dwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with +a bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance +is placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are later used +to hold the cooked rice which is offered to the _Inginlaod_, spirits +of the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and +to it is attached a long narrow cloth of many colors. Last of all, a +bound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east. + +When all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on the _tong-a-tong_ +(cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its +side with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriate _diams_ +(cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their +bodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure the health +and happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear, +that "as it shakes out the water, so may the evil spirits be thrown out +of the place." [49] Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal +and, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart, +which he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the +expectant woman, "so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection +against harm," and also touches the other members of the family. [50] +She next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it +is possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307). + +While the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends +and relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which is now +served. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are +placed in a wooden dish and set among other gifts intended for the +superior beings. + +Following the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until +late afternoon when the ceremony known as _Gipas_--the dividing--is +held. [51] The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit, +covers her shoulder with a sacred blanket, [52] and in company with +the oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of +the room, where a bound pig lies with a narrow cloth extending along +its body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the +exact center of the animal, and then with her left hand each seizes a +leg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which +they hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. In this way the +mortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth +they have no claims to it. The spirit and the old man drink _basi_, +to cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end. + +The small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the +sacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they remain until +the child is born, "so that all the spirits may know that _Gipas_ +has been held." A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small +present are given to the mediums, who then depart. + +In San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid +betel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided with +the head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains +for her own use the share given to the spirits. + +In the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is +generally a small section in one corner, where the flooring is of +bamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the +ordinary dwellings there is no specified location. + +The patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a +rope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter about the height +of her shoulders. [53] She draws on this, while one or more old women, +skilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on +the abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with +a bamboo knife, [54] and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery +be hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and +flesh offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid. + +If the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese +dish close to its ear, and strikes against it several times with a +lead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped +in a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the house. There is no belief +here, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the +spirits of unborn or still-born children form the chief recruits for +the army of evil spirits. + +The after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves, +"so that the child will grow like that lusty plant," and is then +intrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the +greatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while the jar is in +his possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired +that the infant shall become a great hunter, the jar is hung in the +jungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman, +it is placed in the river; but ill fortune is in store for the baby +if the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree +or to ascend a mountain. + +These close ties between the infant and the after-birth are +easily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close +relationship between a person and any object recently handled by him +(cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth soon +disappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the +folk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of spirits, known +as _alan_, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real +child, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals. [55] + +Immediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo +framework (_baitken_), [56] which he fills with ashes, and places in +the room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly +for twenty-nine days [57] For this fire he must carefully prepare each +stick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would +have lumps on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire; +firstly, "to keep the mother warm;" secondly, as a protection against +evil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and +dominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits are wont to frequent +a house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always +kept burning below the house or beside the ladder at such a time. [58] + +When the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted +rice-winnower, and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to +bear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the +woman asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it, +pronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised and +dropped, with the injunction, "When your mother sends you, you go," +or "You must not be lazy." If it is a boy, it may be instructed, +"When your father sends you to plow, you go." + +Among the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person +who is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the winnower, +meanwhile saying, if to a boy, "Here is your light when you go to +fight. Here is your light when you go to other towns." If the child +is a girl, she says, "Here is your light when you go to sell things." + +In the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for +"the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear to +the spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child +hard and sturdy." Just before the naming, the rice winnower is circled +above the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying, +"Come and take this child, or I shall take it." Then, as the infant +still remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name. [59] + +A Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often +it receives two names--one for a relative in the father's family, +and one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some +event, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently added. [60] +Certain names, such as Abacas ("worthless"), Inaknam ("taken up"), +and Dolso ("rice-chaff") are common. If the infant is ailing, or if +the family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is +named in the regular way, then is placed on an old rice winnower, +and is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing +this will think that the child is dead, and will pay no more heed +to it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child +up and carry it back to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such +a case it is probable that the new name will recall the event. [61] + +If a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive +its name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few days. In this +manner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor +for which it was named; yet the newborn is not forced to bear a title +which is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness +may also result in the giving of a new name. [62] In such a case a +small plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which +have caused the illness. + +According to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and +the medium says, "Your name is ----;" at the same time she strikes the +tree with a knife. If the tree "sweats," the name is satisfactory; +otherwise, other names are mentioned until a favorable sign is +obtained. [63] The writer found no trace of such procedure in any +part of the Tinguian belt. + +For a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict +set of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in which certain herbs +and leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled. [64] Beginning +with the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each +day, at least one of which is in cold water. From the tenth to the +twenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then +to the end of the month she continues the one hot bath. Until these +are completed, the family must keep a strip of _ayabong_ bark burning +beneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As +an additional defence, a miniature bow and arrow, and a bamboo shield, +with a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (Fig. 4, No. 1). + +On the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks, +and a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders is an old +blanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which "helps her +in her weakness, and protects her from evil beings." She carries a +coconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped +she goes to the village spring. Arriving there, she cleans the dishes +"as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care +for herself;" then she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it +burning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When +she returns to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are +placed above the spot, where she and the baby sleep. + +On the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame +is fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's mat, +"so that all can see that the family has followed the custom." As +the frame is carried out, the mother calls to the _anito_ mother +(cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire. + +In the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits +are besought to look to the child's welfare is held about the third +day after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken +or a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered up. At +the conclusion a small _saloko_ [65] containing an egg is attached +to one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day +event attended by all the friends and relatives of the family. Here, +in place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the +roof, for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits +what the people are doing. + +In the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just +related, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman is one +of those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have +been wont to describe as giving birth to her children without bodily +discomfort. _Reyes_ [66] tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord, +after which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing +soiled during the birth. _Lerena_ likewise credits her with delivering +herself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then, +without further ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as +before. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child; +or, if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and +then gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao. [67] + +Throughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing +further of importance takes place for about two years, providing +the child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium +will be summoned to conduct the _Ibal_ ceremony. [68] For this a pig +or rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the +medium squats before it and, stroking its side with oiled fingers, +she chants the following _diam_. + +"Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After +they arrive, those who live in the same town, 'We go and dance with +the heads,' said the people, who live in the same town, 'because they +make a celebration, those who went to kill.' 'When the sun goes down, +you come to join us,' said the mother and baby (to her husband who +goes to the celebration). After that the sun truly went down; she +went truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there), +the mother and the baby (i.e., when the father arrived where they +had agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there). + +"He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the +mother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed +them. 'Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I +get them?' When he raises the mother and the baby, they go (back) +into the ground. After that Kaboniyan above, looking down (said), +'What can you do? The spirits of Ibal in Daem are the cause of their +trouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law, +and you go and prepare the things needed in Ibal,' said Kaboniyan. + +"They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things) +to the gate. After that the mother and child came out of the +ground. 'After this when there is a happening like this, of which you +Ipogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., make the Ibal ceremony); +and I alone, Kaboniyan am the one you summon,' said Kaboniyan. + +"After that they got well because they came up, the mother and +the baby." + +When the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is +prepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions +of Kaboniyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village; +after which it is possible that this powerful spirit will visit the +gathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions +for the care of the infant. + +In the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this +ceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the pregnancy +is not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into +the form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, was placed on the +mat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature +shield and bow and arrow which hung above the baby, and attempted to +shoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the +image, and after a sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They +then secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure, +which was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained +that, in the first place, the figure represented the child, and +had the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died; +later, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when that being +saw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the +village. Several other spirits then entered the body of the medium, +and after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice. + +When the child is about two years old, a ceremony known as _Olog_ +[69] is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat, +[70] and at once begin to recite _diams_ over the body of a bound +pig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is +rubbed against the breast of each member of the family. The medium +then resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit +who takes charge of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is +rubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, "so +that it will not cry any more;" next, he orders that the intestines +of the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be carried +to the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot, +the mediums make a "stove" by driving three sticks into the ground, +so as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle +of rice-straw. Beside the "stove" is placed a branch, each leaf of +which is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is +brought up to the fire, and is crowned with the intestines; while one +of the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick, [71] +to attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster, +and with this in one hand and a spear in the other, she marches five +times around the fire meanwhile reciting a _diam_. At the conclusion of +this performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice, +is scattered on the ground. At the same time the medium calls to +all the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the +child to become ill. The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered, +but after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people. + +At the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for +the intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes the +ceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their +home, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile calling +out eight times, "You are in a heavy storm." The significance of +this sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, and is +evidently very ancient. + +In the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat +takes the child to a nearby _saloko_. As he returns, he is sprinkled +by a medium, who says, "You are wet from the rain; in what place +did you get wet?" He replies, "Yes, we are wet from the rain; we +were wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);" then placing two small +baskets in the _saloko_, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon +the father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child; +suddenly spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the +house, saying, "Here are the mother and the child." + +The following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts, +ready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk with many +branches. This is then planted beside the spring, "so that the child +will grow and be strong like the bamboo." The sight of all these +good things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be +inclined to grant to the child many favors. + +When the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut +shell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's face +"to keep it from crying, and to keep it well." This done, they tie +a knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign that no person +may enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day. [72] + +A ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when +evil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and the child, +when the delivery is long overdue, or when an _anito_ child [73] +has been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm +themselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the dwelling, +where they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this, +together with nine coconut shells filled with _basi_, is placed beneath +the house for the _anitos_ to eat. While the spirits are busy with +this repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out +a window and taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting, +and at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts +with their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept +from noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven to a +distance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which +they return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon as they reach the +top of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes "to blind the eyes +of the _anitos_, so that they cannot see to come up." [74] She likewise +breaks a number of small jars, "which look like heads," as a threat of +the treatment which awaits them if they attempt to return to the house. + +Within the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits, +and all who have participated in the _anito_ driving are feasted. + +Next morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evil +_anito_, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon, +bamboo, and _atis_ leaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice +straw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected +against any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying +events of the previous night. + +_Childhood_.--When outside the house, small babies are always carried +by their mothers or older sisters (Plate XV). The little one either +sits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back, +and is held in place by her arm or by a blanket which passes over one +shoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that +it can nurse whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for +feeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children +continue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by +newcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such as rice, +while very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and +sweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see a mother take the pipe +from her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus +acquire the habit of using tobacco at a very early age, and continue +it through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is +accomplished by rubbing the breasts with powdered chile peppers, +or plants with sour flavor. + +A crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and +this is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which is +suspended across one corner of the room (Fig. 1, No. 2). The pole +bends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to +sleep. Another device in which small children are kept is known as +_galong-galong_. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip +of split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips +are vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an +open box-like frame (Fig. 1, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child +is put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is +suspended from a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either +as a swing or walker, as desired. + +When the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, she +carries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the +cold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, and +frequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the +water. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal any more than +European youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon +overcome, and they go to the streams to paddle and play, and quickly +become excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide +beneath large rocks; and oftentimes a whole troop of naked youngsters +may be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones, +and occasionally shouting with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn +out with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps, +and their catch often adds variety to the family meal. + +Children are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real +affection for the youngsters, and find time to devote to them. A +man is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress +the babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a similar sign of +affection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the +breath in suddenly. A mother is often heard singing to her babes, +but the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a +single sentence repeated over and over. Aside from the daily bath, +the child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years +of its life. It has no birthdays, its hair is never cut, unless it be +that it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing +only on very special occasions. The children are by no means innocent +in sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed +all curiosity and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes +are no freer than in civilized communities. + +When garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the +elders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing without +any sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance, +the fording of a stream, or when a number of both sexes happen to be +bathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to +immodesty or lewdness, and a person who is careless about the acts, +which are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of +scorn quite as much as he would be in a more advanced community. + +The first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by +sticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A more elaborate +plaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened +together with cords at top, center, and bottom. When this is held near +the middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as +if alive. + +Stilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes +used by the older children, but the more popular local variety is +made by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The +youth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells with the lines +passing between the first two toes, and then walks. + +Flat boards with cords attached become "carabao sleds," and in +these immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. A +similar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a +"plough" or "horse," as is desired. Imitation carabao yokes are much +prized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals +or drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting a thin piece of bamboo +on a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise, +and is excellent to use in frightening stray horses. Blow-guns, made +out of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with +a pop-gun of similar construction. A wad of leaves is driven through +with a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled. + +Tops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun, +or are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those of other +players, with the intention of splitting or marking them. + +Quite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which +they industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their mothers. + +While still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives +made of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years of +age, they are permitted to carry long _bolos_, and before puberty +they are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (Plate XI). In +the mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for +groups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark shields, +to carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and +oftentimes they return to the village with a good catch of small birds. + +Full grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies, +small chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao make excellent +playfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth, +the young carabao is taken possession of by the children, who will +fondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head +or tail. Soon they gain confidence, and find similar amusements with +the full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious, +especially around white men, but they recognize their masters in the +little brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the +greater part of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys. + +When not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it +is probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked little +savages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming +hole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which sleeping pigs can be +easily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess +a tin can, secured from some visiting traveller, they quickly convert +it into a drum or _gansa_, and forthwith start a celebration. All can +dance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps. + +In addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs, +which are heard whenever the children are at play. They make a swing +by tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then, +as they swing, they sing: + + +"Pull swing. My swing is a snake. +Do not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake. +Do not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard. +Do not tremble or shake." + + +When a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice +chaff, they chant: + + +"Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman. +Make a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar. +Pop, pop, like the coconut shell dish. +Sagai, sagai, [75] make a noise like the big jar." + + +When the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing +over and over: + + +"Deep water here; high land there." + + +A favorite game is played by a number of children. Part stand on the +edge of a bank, part below. Those above sing, "Jump down, where the +big stone is, the big stone which swallows people. Big stone, which +swallows people, where are you?" To this the children below reply, +"I am here. I am the big rock which swallows men. Come down here." As +those on the bank jump down, they are piled upon, and a free-for-all +tussel ensues. In the midst of this, one of the players suddenly sings +out, "I am a deer in--, I am very fat." With this he starts off on a +run, and the rest of the party, now suddenly transformed into dogs, +take up the chase, yelping and barking. When the deer becomes tired, +he makes for the water, where he is considered safe; but if he is +caught, he is rolled and bitten by the dogs. + +Another game played by both boys and girls is known as _maysansani_, +and is much like hide-and-go-seek. One boy holds out an open hand, +and the others lay their fingers in his palm, while the leader counts, +_maysansani_, _duan-nani_, _mataltali_, [76] _ocop_. As _ocop_ ("four" +or "ready") is pronounced, the boy quickly closes his hand in order to +catch a finger. If he succeeds, the prisoner puts his hands over his +eyes, and the leader holds him, while the others run and hide. When +all are ready, he is released, and then must find all the players; +or he is beaten on the forearm with the first and second fingers of +all the participants, or they may pick him up by his head and feet, +and whirl him about. + +Like European children, they have a set of small sayings or acts for +use on appropriate occasions. A youngster may come up to another who +is eating a luscious mango; when requested for a bite, he is apt to +draw down the lower lid of his eye and coolly answer, "I will make a +sound like swallowing for you," and then go on with the feast. He may +even hold out the tempting fruit, as if to comply with the request, +then suddenly jerk it back and shout "kilat." [77] This is often the +signal for a scuffle. + +As the children grow older, they begin more and more to take their +place in the village life. The little girl becomes the chief guardian +of a new arrival in the family; and with the little one strapped on +her back, she romps and plays, while the baby enjoys it all or sleeps +serenely (Plate XII). The boy also assists his father and mother in +the fields, but still he finds some time for games of a more definite +character than those just described. Probably the most popular of +these is known as _agbita_ or _lipi_. + +This is played with the large disk-shaped seeds of the _lipi_ plant +(Ilocano _lipai_). Each player puts two disks in line, then all go +to a distance and shoot toward them. The shooter is held between the +thumb and first finger of the left hand, and is propelled forward by +the index finger of the right. The one whose seed goes the farthest +gets first shot, and the others follow in order. All seeds knocked +down belong to the player, and if any are still in line after each +has had his turn, the leader shoots again. When each boy has had two +shots, or when all the disks are down, a new line is made; and he +whose seed lies at the greatest distance shoots first. + +Another common game is _patpatinglad_, which has certain resemblances +to cricket. A small cylinder-shaped missel, called _papa-anak_ +("little duck"), about four inches long, is set in a shallow groove, +so that one end stands free; it is then struck and batted with a bamboo +stock--_papa-ina_ ("mother duck"). The lad who has driven his missel +the farthest is the winner, and hence has the privilege of batting +away the _papa-anak_ of the other players, so that they will have to +chase them. If he likes, he may take hold of the feet of a looser +and compel him to walk on his hands to secure this missel. A loser +is sometimes taken by the head and feet, and is swung in a circle, + +A game frequently seen in the lowland valleys is also common to the +Ilocano children, who call it San Pedro. Lines are drawn on the ground +to enclose a space about thirty feet square (see diagram Fig. 2). The +boys at d try to run between the lines, and at the same time evade +the guards a, b, and c. Guard a can run along line 1, or 4 as far +as 2. Guard b must stay on line 2; and c must keep on 3. When the +runners are captured, they become the guards. + +From the preceding paragraphs it may be surmized that the youth is +quite untrained and untaught. It is true that he spends no time in a +class-room; he passes through no initiation at the time of puberty, +neither are there ceremonies or observances of any kind which reveal +to him the secret knowledge of the tribe, yet he quickly learns his +place in society, and at an early age begins to absorb its customs and +beliefs. He sits about the village fires in the evenings, and listens +to the tales of long ago, or hears the elders discuss the problems +of their daily life. During the hot midday hours, he lounges in the +field-houses, while his parents relate the fate of lazy children; +or tell of punishments sent by the spirits on those who fail to +follow the customs of the ancestors, or give heed to the omens. He +attends the ceremonies, where he not only learns the details of these +important events, but with his own eyes sees the bodies of the mediums +possessed by superior beings, and thus the close relationship of the +spirit world to his people is forcibly brought to his notice. He is +never debarred from the dances or other activities; in fact, he is +encouraged to take part in them or to imitate his elders. Soon custom +gathers him into its net, and unless he is the exceptional individual, +or comes in intimate contact with outsiders, he never escapes. + +It has already been seen that he begins very early to take an active +part in the village life, but it is many years before he assumes a +position of importance in the group. It is only when age and experience +have gained for him the respect of his fellows that he begins to have +a voice in the more weighty affairs of Tinguian life. + +_Engagement and Marriage_.--Since there are no clans or other +groupings to limit the number of families in which unions may be +contracted, the only impediments are former marriage ties or blood +relationship. Cousins may not marry, neither is a man allowed to wed +his step-sister, his wife's sister, or her mother. + +Engagement takes place while the children are very young, sometimes +while they are still babes-in-arms; but usually the contract is made +when they are six or eight years of age. + +The boy's parents take the initiative, and having selected a suitable +girl, they broach the subject to her family. This is not done directly, +but through an intermediary, generally a relative, "who can talk much +and well." He carries with him three beads--one red, one yellow, +and one agate, [78] which he offers "as an evidence of affection," +and then proceeds to relate the many desirable qualities of the +groom and his family, as well as the advantages to be gained by the +union. If the suit is favored, the beads are attached to the girl's +wrist as a sign of her engagement, and a day is set for the _pakalon_ +[79] or price fixing. + +On the appointed day, friends and relatives gather at the girl's +home and, after several hours of feasting and drinking, settle down +to the real business on hand. A large pig is slaughtered, and its +liver is carefully examined; for, should the omens be unfavorable, +it would be useless to continue the negotiations further at that time +(cf. p. 307). If the signs are good, the happy crowd forms a circle, +and then begins a long and noisy discussion of the price which the girl +should bring. Theoretically, the payment is made in horses, carabao, +jars, blankets, and rice, but as each article is considered as having +a value of five pesos ($2.50), the money is frequently substituted, +especially by people in poor circumstances. + +A portion of the agreed price is paid at once, and is distributed +between the girl's parents and her relatives, who thus become vitally +interested in the successful termination of the match; for should +it fail of consummation, they must return the gifts received. The +balance of the payment is often delayed for a considerable time, +and it not infrequently happens that there is still a balance due +when the man dies. In such a case no division of his property can be +made until the marriage agreement is settled in full. + +The completion of the list is the signal for great rejoicing; liquor +circulates freely, the men sing _daleng_ (cf. p. 440), and _tadek_ +(cf. p. 440) is danced far into the night. + +In the yard where the dancing takes place, three inverted rice-mortars +are placed one above the other, "to serve as a table for the spirits +who always attend." A dish of liquor is placed on it, while at its +side is a spear decorated with a man's belt. + +These engagement-parties are the great social affairs of the year, +and friends will journey long distances to be present, but the +betrothed couple is seldom in evidence, and in many instances the +groom is absent. + +Following their engagement the children live with their parents until +such a time as they are considered old enough to maintain their own +home. If the lad comes from a well-to-do family, it is probable that +the final ceremony will take place before either of the couple reaches +puberty; but, if the groom must earn a living, the marriage may be +delayed until he is eighteen or nineteen years old (Plate XIII). + +When the time for the fulfillment of the agreement arrives, the boy +goes, in company, at night to the girl's house. He has a headaxe +hanging from his belt, but he is the only one so armed. An earlier +writer [80] has described a feigned attack on the house of the bride +as a part of the marriage ceremony, but the present writer did not +witness anything of the sort, nor could he learn of any such action. + +The groom carries with him a small part of the marriage payment and a +valuable jar; these he presents to his parents-in-law, and from that +time on he may never call them or their near relatives by name. Should +he do so, "he will have boils and the first child will be insane." + +The bride's people have provided a coconut shell filled with water +and a wooden dish [81] containing cooked rice. These are placed +between the couple, as they sit in the center of the room (Plate +XIV). The boy's mother drops two beads into the shell cup, and bids +them drink; for, "as the two beads always go together at the bottom, +so you will go together and will not part. The cool water will keep +you from becoming angry." + +Great care must be exercised in handling the cup; for should the +contents be shaken the couple will become dizzy, and in old age +their heads and hands will shake. After they have drunk, each takes +a handful of rice, and squeezes it into a ball. The girl drops hers +through the slits in the bamboo floor as an offering to the spirits, +but the boy tosses his into the air. If it breaks or rolls, it is a +bad sign, and the couple is apt to part, or their children die. In +such a circumstance, the marriage is usually deferred, and tried +again at a later date; but repeated scattering of the rice generally +results in the annulling of the agreement. [82] Should anything in the +dwelling fall or be broken during the ceremony, it is halted at once; +to proceed further that night would be to court misfortune. However, +it may be undertaken again a few days later. + +The guests depart immediately after the rice ceremony. No food or +drink is offered to them, nor is there any kind of celebration. [83] + +That night the couple sleep with a pillow between them, [84] and +under the groom's pillow is a head-axe. Early in the morning, the +girl's mother or some other elderly female of her family awakens +them, and leads the way to the village spring. Arriving there, she +pours water in a coconut shell, which contains a cigar from which the +couple have drawn smoke; [85] she adds leaves of bamboo and _agiwas_, +and washes their faces with the liquid, "to show that they now have +all in common; that the tobacco may keep them and their children from +becoming insane; that the _agiwas_ will keep them in health; and the +bamboo will make them strong and insure many children, the same as it +has many sprouts." On their way home, the boy cuts a _dangla_ shrub +(_Vitex negundo_ L.) with his head-axe, and later attaches it to the +door of their home, "so that they may have many children." + +Throughout that day the doors and windows are kept tightly closed; +for should the young people see birds or chickens having intercourse, +they are apt to become insane, and their first born have sore or +crossed eyes. + +The next morning is known as _sipsipot_ ("the watching"). Accompanied +by the girl's parents, the couple goes to the father's fields. On +the way they carefully observe any signs which animals, birds, or +nature, may give them. When they reach the fields, the boy shows his +respect for his elders by cutting the grass along the borders with +his head-axe. This service also counteracts any bad sign which they +may have received that morning. He next takes a little of the soil on +his axe, and both he and his bride taste of it, "so that the ground +will yield good harvests" for them, and they will become rich. [86] + +Nowadays the couple goes to the home, prepared by the groom and his +parents, as soon as it is ready, but the tales indicate [87] that in +former times they lived for a time with the boy's parents. They are +accompanied by the groom's mother, and go very early in the morning, +as they are then less apt to receive bad signs from the birds. The girl +carries her sleeping mat and two pillows; but before she has deposited +these in her new dwelling, she seats herself on the bamboo floor with +her legs stretched out in front. It then becomes necessary for the +groom to present her with a string of agate beads equal in length to +the combined width of the bamboo slats which she covers. Before she +can eat of her husband's rice, he must give her a string of beads, +or she will become ill; she may not open his granary until a like +present has been given, or the resident spirit will make her blind; +neither may she take food from the pots or water from the jars, +until other beads have been presented to her. + +If the girl comes from another village, it is customary to make a +payment to her parents for each stream crossed on the journey to the +new home; another is demanded before she goes up the house ladder, +and still others when she enters the house, and her belongings are +brought in. [88] + +A common occurrence in Ba-ak and the San Juan district is for the +parents of the girl to spread rows of baskets, Chinese plates or jars +on the floor and to offer them to the groom. Before he can accept +them, he must make a return gift of money, beads, and the like for +each one. It is explained by the elders that, when the young people +see all the gifts spread out on the floor, they will appreciate the +expense involved, and will be less likely to separate. + +If at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the +husband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering known +as _nagkakalo-nan_. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets +on the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other +gifts for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued +love. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate; +and should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess +the whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the +gifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the price of +the pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets +and dishes. + +Divorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that +just described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is made, but if that +fails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of +the gathering to that one. If blame attaches to the husband, he must +complete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is +guilty, her parents and relatives must return the gifts distributed at +the time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty +or laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman. + +Small children are generally left with the mother, but when they are +old enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. However, +the father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share +in his property when he dies. Either party to a divorce may remarry +at any time. + +The Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many +concubines (_pota_), as he can secure. The _pota_ lives in a house +of her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman, +and is seldom seen in the social gatherings or in other homes. Her +children belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to +the old men, except in cases of cruelty. Men with concubines do not +suffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever +to have won two or three women. + +The _pota_ is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is +almost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or +wife, or even a _pota_ is almost certain to cause serious trouble, +and is likely to end in a murder. + +The early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit +sexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes happens +that an unbetrothed girl, not a _pota_, is found to be pregnant. In +such a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred +pesos to the girl's people, and he must support the child when finally +it comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses +standing in the community unless the father should fail to redeem +the child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule +in the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome +of such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the _pota_ of her +child's father. + +_Death and Burial_.--Sickness and death are usually caused by +unfriendly spirits; [89] sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes +those who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought +about by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves as +punishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized +as coming from human agency. + +The methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and +thwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. pp. 295 +_et seq_.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and +relatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning, +while friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse. + +A funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed, +"so that his spirit [90] may be clean," and is placed in a bamboo seat +at the end of the house. This seat, which is known as _sangadel_, +is constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall +and resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height of about +three feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the +floor in front. + +The corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire +surround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable blankets, +belts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take +with him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his future home. A live chicken +is placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral +it becomes the property of the friend, who removes the poles from +the house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits, +while the intestines are hung just outside the door, until the body +is buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an +inverted rice-mortar on which is a dish of _basi_,--an offering to the +spirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry. + +The needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members +of the family. It is their duty to place two small jars of liquor +near to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating. + +Up to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with +friendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian realize +that there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be +compelled to leave the body unharmed. The first of these evil beings +to be guarded against is Kadongayan, [91] who in former times used +to attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the +corpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly +instruction of Kaboniyan it was learned that, if a live chicken, with +its mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the +house, its suffering would be noticed by the evil spirit, who, fearing +similar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling. [92] + +The spirit Ibwa is also much feared. [93] Long ago he used to +mingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but +the thoughtless act of a mourner started him on the evil course +he has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was +kept in the dwelling seven days; and, as the body decomposed, the +liquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the +grave. On the occasion referred to, he was handed a cup of the "lard" +to drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting +dish, and frequently even devoured the body as well. Since he fears +iron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is +also necessary to guard the grave against him and the spirit Selday, +who demands blood or the corpse. + +Akop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and +legs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, awaiting an +opportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the +living feel his cold embrace, death is sure to follow. So a barricade +of pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the +wife is compelled to remain during the three days the body is kept in +the house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in +the meshes of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become +entangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse +fanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close +watch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body or the widow +(Plate XVI). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse, +and wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart. [94] +According to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put +on old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over her head +a large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial. [95] +Likewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all +work. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. Corn is their +only food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing +their arms as they walk. They are prohibited from mounting a horse, +and under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village +or join in merry-making. Failure to obey these rules is followed by +swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead. [96] +Except for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and +oil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but the widow continues +in mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year. + +According to many informants among the older men, it was formerly +necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men to put on +white head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was +impossible to hold the ceremony which released the relatives from the +taboo. [97] During the first two days that the body is in the house, +the friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to partake +of the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time; +but there is neither music, singing, or dancing. [98] + +On the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the +yard, and after drinking _basi_ they select one of their number +and proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod +(Plate XVII). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is +split at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping is +not severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh +to swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes the rod and +then proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes [99] to each man +present, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one +of the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. The +avowed purpose of this whipping is "to make all the people feel as +sorry as the relatives of the dead man." + +Burial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, "as it is +much easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and the grave +is also protected against the rain." In Manabo and many mountain +villages, however, burial is in the yard. It is customary to open a +grave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased. + +Toward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the +bamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove the dirt. + +The grave is generally of one of the forms indicated in Fig. 3, +and when a depth of about three feet has been reached, the workers +encounter stone slabs which protect a lower chamber. [100] When +these are reached, the diggers make an opening and thrusting in +burning pine-sticks, they call to the dead within, "You must light +your pipes with these." As soon as the slabs are raised, the oldest +female relative of the deceased goes into the grave, gathers up +the bones of the last person interred, ties them into a bundle, +and reburies them in one corner. There is at present no such type +of burial chamber, as is described by _La Gironiere_, [101] nor is +there a memory or tradition of such an arrangement. As his visit took +place less than a century ago, it is unlikely that all trace of it +would have been lost. The heavy rainfall in this district would make +the construction and maintenance of such a chamber almost impossible, +while the dread of leaving the corpses thus exposed to hostile spirits +and the raids of enemies in search of heads would also argue against +such a practice. His description of the mummifying or drying of the +corpse by means of fires built around it [102] is likewise denied by +the old men of Manabo, who insist that they never had such a custom. It +certainly does not exist to-day. In a culture, in which the influence +of custom is as strong as it is here, it would seem that the care of +the corpse, which is intimately related to the condition of the spirit +in its final abode, would be one of the last things to change, while +the proceedings following a death are to-day so uniform throughout +the Tinguian belt, that they argue for a considerable antiquity. + +When the grave is ready, the fact is announced in the dwelling, and is +the signal for renewed lamentation. The wife and near relatives throw +themselves on the corpse, caressing it and crying wildly. Whatever +there may have been of duty or respect in the wailing of the first two +days, this parting burst of sorrow is genuine. Tears stand in the eyes +of many, while others cease their wailing and sob convulsively. After +a time an old woman brings in some _oldot_ seeds, each strung on a +thread, and fastens one on the wrist of each person, as a protection +against the evil spirit Akop, who, having been defeated in his designs +against the widow, may seek to vent his anger on others. + +When this has been done, a medium seats herself in front of the +body; and, covering her face with her hands, begins to chant and +wail, bidding the spirit to enter her body. Suddenly she falls back +in a faint, while suppressed excitement is manifested by all the +onlookers. After a moment or two, fire and water are placed at her +head and feet, "in order to frighten the spirit away," and then the +medium gives the last message of the dead man to his family. This is, +except for very rare exceptions, the only time that the spirits of the +deceased communicate with mortals; and it is, so far as the writer has +been able to learn, the only occasion when the medium repeats messages +given to her. At other times she is possessed by natural spirits, +[103] who then talk directly with mortals. + +As a last preparation for the grave, a small hole is burned in each +garment worn by the dead person, for otherwise the spirit Ibwa will +envy him his clothing and attempt to steal them. The corpse is then +wrapped in a mat, and is carried from the house. [104] The bearers +go directly to the _balaua,_ [105] and rest the body in it for a +moment. Unless this is done, the spirit will be poor in its future +life and unable to build _balaua_. + +The body is deposited full length in the grave, the stone slabs are +relaid, the chinks between them filled in with damp clay, and the +grave is refilled. [106] As the last earth is pushed in, a small pig +is killed, and its blood is sprinkled on the loose soil. Meanwhile +Selday is besought to respect the grave and leave it untouched. The +animal is cut up, and a small piece is given to each guest, who will +stop on the way to his home, and place the meat on the ground as an +offering, meanwhile repeating a _diam_. Should he fail to do this, +sickness or death is certain to visit his home or village. + +As a further protection against evily disposed spirits, especially +Ibwa, an iron plough-point is placed over the grave, "for most evil +spirits fear iron;" and during this night and the nine succeeding, +a fire is kept burning at the grave and at the foot of the +house-ladder. [107] + +That night the men spend about an hour in the house of mourning, +singing _sang-sangit_, a song in which they praise the dead man, +encourage the widow, and bespeak the welfare of the family. The wailers +still remain in the dwelling to protect the widow, and a male relative +is detailed to see that the fire at the foot of the ladder is kept +burning brightly. + +Early the next morning, the widow, closely guarded by the wailers, +goes to the river, throws her headband into the water, and then goes +in herself. As she sinks in the water, an old man throws a bundle +of burning rice-straw on her. "The water will wash away some of +the sorrow, and the fire will make her thoughts clear." Upon her +return to the village, the grave is enclosed with a bamboo fence, +and above it is hung a shallow box-like frame, known as _patay_, in +which are placed the articles needed by the spirit. [108] Within the +house the mat and pillow of the dead are laid ready for use, and at +meal time food is placed beside it. The length of time that the mat +is left spread out differs somewhat between towns and families. In +some cases it is taken up at the end of the period of taboo, while in +others it is not rolled up; nor are the windows of the house opened +until after the celebration of the _Layog_ ceremony, a year later. + +The taboo is usually strictly observed through ten days; but should +there be some urgent reason, such as planting or reaping, it may +be raised somewhat earlier. It is concluded by the blood and oil +ceremony. The _lakay_, the other old men of the settlement, and all +the relatives, gather in the house of mourning, while the mediums +prepare for the ceremony. They kill a small pig and collect its blood +in a dish; in another receptacle they place oil. A brush has been +made out of a variety of leaves, and this the medium dips into the +blood and oil, then draws it over the wrists or ankles of each person +present, meanwhile saying, "Let the _lew-lew_ (_Fiscus hauili_ Blanco) +leaves take the sickness and death to another town; let the _kawayan_ +("bamboo") make them grow fast and be strong as it is, and have many +branches; let the _atilwag_ (_Breynia acuminata_ Nuell. Arg.) turn +the sickness to other towns." A little oil is rubbed on the head +of each person present; and all, except the widow, are then freed +from restrictions. She must still refrain from wearing her beads, +ornaments, or good clothing; and she is barred from taking part in +any merry-making until after the _Layog_ ceremony. [109] + +At the conclusion of the anointing, the old men discuss the disposal +of the property and other matters of importance in connection with +the death. + +_The Layog_. [110]--Several months after the burial (generally after +the lapse of a year), the friends and relatives are summoned in the +_Layog_,--a ceremony held with the avowed intention "to show respect +for the dead and to cause the family to forget their sorrow." Friends +come from near and far; and rice, pigs, cows or carabaos are prepared +for food, while _basi_ flows freely. It is said that the liquor +served at this time is "like tears for the dead." A medium goes to +the guardian stones of the village, and there offers rice mixed with +blood; she oils the stones, places new yellow headbands on each one, +and after dancing _tadek_, returns to the gathering. Often she is +accompanied by a number of men, who shout on their return trip "to +frighten away evil spirits." + +Near the house a chair is made ready for the deceased, and in it are +placed clothing and food. In the yard four crossed spears form the +frame-work on which a shield rests (Plate XVIII) [111] and on this +are beads, food, and garments--offerings for the spirits; while near +the house ladder is the spirits' table made of inverted rice mortars. + +The duration of this ceremony depends largely on the wealth of the +family, for the relatives must furnish everything needed at this +time. Games are played, and there is much drinking and singing; but +before the members of the family may take part, they are dressed in +good garments, and the blood and oil ceremony is repeated on them. At +the conclusion of the dancing, they go into the house, roll up the mat +used by the dead, open the doors and windows, and all are again free +to do as they wish. Should they fail to roll up the mat at this time, +it must remain until another _Layog_ is held; and during the interval +all the former restrictions are in force. [112] + +About twenty years ago, a great number of people in Patok died +of cholera; and since then the people of that village have held a +_Layog_ in their honor each November, to the expense of which all +contribute. As this is just before the rice-harvest, a time when all +the people wear their best garments, it is customary for the old men +to allow bereaved families to participate in this ceremony and then +release them from mourning. + +_Beliefs Concerning the Spirit of the Dead_.--Direct questioning brings +out some differences of opinion, in the various districts, concerning +the spirit of the dead. In Manabo, a town influenced both by the +Igorot of the Upit River valley and the Christianized Ilocano of San +Jose, the spirit is said to go at once to the great spirit Kadaklan, +and then to continue on "to the town where it lives." "It is like a +person, but is so light that it can be carried along by the wind when +it blows." [113] The people of Ba-ay, a mountain village partially +made up of immigrants from the eastern side of the Cordillera Central, +claim that the spirits of the dead go to a mountain called Singet, +where they have a great town. Here, it is also stated, the good are +rewarded with fine houses, while the bad have to be content with +hovels. The general belief, however, is that the spirit (_kalading_) +has a body like that of the living person, but is usually invisible, +although spirits have appeared, and have even sought to injure living +beings. Immediately following death, the spirit stays near to its +old home, ready to take vengeance on any relative, who fails to show +his body proper respect. After the blood and oil ceremony, he goes to +his future home, Maglawa, carrying with him gifts for the ancestors, +which the people have placed about his corpse. In Maglawa he finds +conditions much the same as on earth; people are rich and poor; +they need houses; they plant and reap; and they conduct ceremonies +for the superior beings, just as they had done during their life +on earth. Beyond this, the people do not pretend to be posted, "for +Kaboniyan did not tell." With the exception of the people of Ba-ay +and a few individuals influenced by Christianity, the Tinguian has no +idea of reward or punishment in the future life, but he does believe +that the position of the spirit in its new home can be affected by the +acts of the living (cf. p. 289). No trace of a belief in re-incarnation +was found in any district inhabited by this tribe. + +_Life and Death_.--The foregoing details concerning birth, childhood, +sickness, and death, seem to give us an insight into the Tinguian +conception of life and death. For him life and death do not +appear to be but incidents in an endless cycle of birth, death, +and re-incarnation ad infinitum, such as pictured by _Levy-Bruhl_; +[114] yet, in many instances, his acts and beliefs fit in closely +with the theory outlined by that author. In this society, there is +only a weak line of demarcation between the living and the dead, and +the dead for a time at least participate more or less in the life of +the living. This is equally true of the unborn child, whose future +condition, physical and mental, may be largely moulded by the acts of +others. According to _Levy-Bruhl_, this would indicate that the child +at delivery is not fully born, is not as yet a member of the group; +and the succeeding ceremonies are necessary to its full participation +in life. Death is likewise of long duration. Following the last breath, +the spirit remains near by until the magic power of the funeral severs, +to an extent, his participation with society. The purpose of the final +ceremony is to complete the rupture between the living and the dead. + +To the writer, the facts of Tinguian life and beliefs suggest a +somewhat different explanation. We have seen how strong individuals +may be affected by magical practices. The close connection between an +individual, his garments, or even his name, must be considered to apply +with quite as much force to the helpless infant and the afterbirth. So +strong is this bond, that even unintentional acts may injure the +babe. Evil spirits are always near; and, unless great precautions are +taken, they will injure adults if they can get them at a disadvantage, +particularly when they are asleep. The child is not able to protect +itself from these beings; therefore the adults perform such acts, as +they think will secure the good will and help of friendly spirits, +while they bribe or buy up those who might otherwise be hostile; +and lastly they make use of such magical objects and ceremonies, +as will compel the evil spirits to leave the infant alone. As the +child grows in size and strength, he is less in need of protection; +and at an early age he is treated like the other younger members of +the community. Naming follows almost immediately after birth, while +puberty and initiation ceremonies are entirely lacking. Apparently +then, a child is considered as being fully alive at birth, and at no +time does he undergo any rites or ceremonies which make him more a +part of the community than he was on the first day he saw the light. + +When death occurs, the spirit remains near to the corpse until after +the funeral, and even then is close by until the ten days of taboo are +over. He still finds need of nourishment, and hence food is placed +near to his mat. As at birth, he is not in a position to protect +his body from the designs of evil spirits, and if his relatives +fail to give the corpse proper care, it is certain to be mutilated; +likewise certain acts of the living towards the corpse can affect the +position of the spirit in Maglawa. Hence it is of supreme importance +that the former owner guards against any possible neglect or injury +to the body, and it seems plausible that the presence of the spirit +near its old haunts may be for the purpose of seeing that its body +is carefully attended to. The folktales tell of several instances, +in which the spirits took vengeance on relatives who neglected their +bodies, or violated the period of taboo. [115] + +When the danger period is past, the spirit at once leaves its old home, +and returns again only at the time of the _Layog_. From that time on, +he continues his existence in the upper world, neither troubling, +nor being troubled by mortals on earth. [116] Ancestor worship does +not occur here, nor are offerings made to the dead, other than those +described above. + + + +CHAPTER IV + +RELIGION AND MAGIC + +The Tinguian has been taught by his elders that he is surrounded by +a great body of spirits, some good, some malevolent. The folk-tales +handed down from ancient times add their authority to the teachings of +older generations, while the individual himself has seen the bodies +of the mediums possessed by the superior beings; he has communicated +with them direct, has seen them cure the sick and predict coming +events. At many a funeral, he has seen the medium squat before the +corpse, chanting a weird song, and then suddenly become possessed by +the spirit of the deceased; and, finally, he or some of his friends +or townspeople are confident that they have seen and talked to ghosts +of the recently departed. All these beings are real to him; he is so +certain of their existence that he seldom speculates about them or +their acts. + +Some of these spirits are always near; and a part of them, at least, +take more than an ordinary interest in human affairs. Thanks to the +teachings of the elders, the Tinguian knows how to propitiate them; +and, if necessary, he may even compel friendly action on the part +of many. Toward the less powerful of the evily disposed beings, he +shows indifference or insolence; he may make fun of, or lie to, and +cheat them during the day, but he is careful to guard himself at night +against their machinations. To the more powerful he shows the utmost +respect; he offers them gifts of food, drink, and material objects; +and conducts ceremonies in the manner demanded by them. Having done +these things, he feels that he is a party to a bargain; and the spirits +must, on their part, repay by granting the benefits desired. Not +entirely content with these precautions, he performs certain magical +acts which prevent evil spirits from doing harm to an individual +or a community, and by the same means he is able to control storms, +the rise of streams, and the growth of crops. It is doubtful if the +Tinguian has ever speculated in regard to this magical force, yet he +clearly separates it from the power resident in the spirit world. It +appears to be a great undifferentiated force to which spirits, nature, +and men are subject alike. + +If a troublesome question arises, or an evident inconsistency in +his beliefs is called to his attention, he disposes of it by the +simple statement that it is _kadauyan_ ("custom"), "was taught by +the ancestors," and hence is not subject to question. + +His religion holds forth no threat of punishment in a future world, +neither are there rewards in that existence to urge men to better +deeds. The chief teaching is that the customs of ancient times must be +faithfully followed; to change is to show disrespect for the dead, for +the spirits who are responsible for the customs, which are synonymous +with law. + +Custom and religion have become so closely interwoven in this society +that it is well-nigh impossible to separate them. The building of a +house, the planting, harvesting and care of the rice, the procedure at +a birth, wedding, or funeral, in short, all the events of the social +and economic life, are so governed by custom and religious beliefs, +that it is safe to say that nearly every act in the life of the +Tinguian is directed or affected by these forces. + +Two classes of spirits are recognized; first, those who have existed +through all time, whom we shall call natural spirits; second, the +spirits of deceased mortals. The latter reside forever in Maglawa, +a place midway between earth and sky; but a small number of them have +joined the company of the natural spirits. Except for these few, they +are not worshiped, and no offerings are made to them, after the period +of mourning is past. The members of the first class cover a wide range, +from Kadaklan, the great spirit who resides above, to Kaboniyan, +the teacher and helper, to those resident in the guardian stones, +to the half human, half bird-like _alan_, to the low, mean spirits +who delight to annoy mortals. These beings are usually invisible, +but at times of ceremonies they enter the bodies of the mediums, +possess them, and thus communicate with the people. On rare occasions +they are visible in their own forms, as when Kaboniyan appeared as +the antagonist and later as the friend of Sayen. [117] + +These beings are addressed, first through certain semi-magical +formulas, know as _diams_. These are seldom prayers or supplications, +but are a part of a definite ritual, the whole of which is expected +to gain definite favors. + +At the beginning, and during the course of all ceremonies, animals are +killed. A part of the flesh and the blood is mixed with rice, and is +offered to the spirits; but the bulk of the offering is eaten by the +participants. Liquor is consumed in great quantities at such a time, +but a small amount is always poured out for the use of the superior +beings. Finally, the mediums summon the spirits into their bodies; +and, when possessed, they are no longer considered as persons, +but are the spirits themselves. The beings who appear in this way +talk directly with the people; they offer advice, give information +concerning affairs in the spirit world, and oftentimes they mingle +with the people on equal terms, joining in their dances and taking +a lively interest in their daily affairs. + +The people seldom pray to or supplicate the invisible spirits; but when +they are present in the bodies of the mediums, they make requests, and +ask advice, as they would from any friend or acquaintance. With many, +the Tinguian is on amicable terms, while toward Kaboniyan he exhibits +a degree of respect and gratitude which is close to affection. He +realizes that there are many unfriendly spirits, but he has means of +controlling or thwarting their evil designs; and hence he does not +live in that state of perpetual fear which is so often pictured as +the condition of the savage. + +_The Spirits_.--A great host of unnamed spirits are known to exist; +they often attend the ceremonies and sometimes enter the bodies of +the mediums, and in this way new figures appear from time to time. In +addition to these, there are certain superior beings who are well +known, and who, as already indicated, exercise a potent influence on +the daily life of the people. The following list will serve to give +some idea of these spirits and their attributes; while the names +of the less important will be found in connection with the detailed +description of the ceremonies. + +Kadaklan ("the greatest"), a powerful male spirit, who lives in the +sky, created the earth, sun, moon, and stars. The stars are only +stones, but the sun and moon are lights. At times Kadaklan enters +the body of a favored medium, and talks directly with the people; +but more frequently he takes other means of communication. Oftentimes +he sends his dog Kimat, the lightening, to bite a tree or strike a +field or house, and in this way makes known his wish that the owner +celebrate the _Padiam_ ceremony (cf. p. 401). All other beings are +in a measure subservient to him, and his wishes are frequently made +known through them. Thunder is his drum with which he amuses himself +during stormy weather, but sometimes he plays on it even on clear days. + +Agemem is the wife of Kadaklan. She lives in the ground. Little is +known of her except that she has given birth to two sons, [118] whose +chief duty is to see that the commands of their father are obeyed. + +Adam and Baliyen are the sons of Kadaklan. The name of the first boy +is suggestive of Christian influence, but there are no traditions or +further details to link him with the Biblical character. + +Kaboniyan is the friend and helper of the people, and by many is +classed above or identified with Kadaklan. At times he lives in the +sky; again in a great cave near Patok. [119] From this cave came the +jars which could talk and move, here were found the copper gongs used +in the dances, and here too grew the wonderful tree which bore the +agate beads so prized by the women. This spirit gave the Tinguian +rice and sugar-cane, taught them how to plant and reap, how to foil +the designs of ill-disposed spirits, the words of the _diams_ and the +details of many ceremonies. Further to bind himself to the people, +it is said, he married "in the first times" a woman from Manabo. He +is summoned in nearly every ceremony, and there are several accounts +of his having appeared in his own form. According to one of these, +he is of immense proportions; his spear is as large as a tree, and +his head-axe the size of the end of the house. [120] + +Apdel is the spirit who resides in the guardian stones (_pinaing_) +at the gate of the town. During a ceremony, or when the men are away +for a fight, it becomes his special duty to protect the village from +sickness and enemies. He has been known to appear as a red rooster +or as a white dog. + +Idadaya, who lives in the east (_daya_), is a powerful spirit who +attends the _Pala-an_ ceremony. He rides a horse, which he ties to +the little structure built during the rite. Ten grand-children reside +with him, and they all wear in their hair the _igam_ (notched feathers +attached to a stick). When these feathers lose their lustre, they can +only be restored by the celebration of _Pala-an_(cf. p. 328). Hence the +owners cause some mortal, who has the right to conduct the ceremony, +to become ill, and then inform him through the mediums as to the cause +of his affliction. The names of the grand-children are as follows: +Pensipenondosan, Logosen, Bakoden, Bing-gasan, Bakdangan, Giligen, +Idomalo, Agkabkabayo, Ebloyan, and Agtabtabokal. + +Kaiba-an is the spirit who lives in the little house or _saloko_ +in the rice-fields, and who protects the growing crops. Offerings +are made to him, when a new field is constructed, when the rice is +transplanted, and at harvest time. "The ground which grows" (that is +the nest of the white ant) is said to be made by him. + +Makaboteng, also called Sanadan, is the guardian of the deer and wild +hogs. His good will is necessary if the dogs are to be successful in +the chase; consequently he is summoned to many ceremonies, where he +receives the most courteous treatment. In one ceremony he declared, +"I can become the sunset sky." + +Sabian or Isabian is the guardian of the dogs. + +Bisangolan ("the place of opening or tearing") is a gigantic spirit, +who lives near the river, and who in time of floods uses his head-axe +and walking-stick to keep the logs and refuse from jamming. "He is +very old, like the world, and he pulls out his beard with his finger +nails and his knife. His seat is a wooden plate." He appears in the +_Dawak_, _Tangpap_, and _Sayang_ ceremonies, holding a rooster and a +bundle of rice. In Ba-ak he is called Ibalinsogoan, and is the first +spirit summoned in _Dawak_. + +Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, is the one who makes friends, and +who learns the source of troubles. When summoned at the beginning of +a ceremony, he tells what needs to be done, in order to insure the +results desired. + +Sasagangen, sometimes called Ingalit, are spirits whose business +it is to take heads and put them on the _saga_ or in the _saloko_ +(cf. p. 310). Headache is caused by them. + +Abat are numerous spirits who cause sore feet and headache. _Salono_ +and _bawi_ are built for them (cf. pp. 309-310). The spirits of Ibal, +who live in Daem, are responsible for most sickness among children, +but they are easily appeased with blood and rice. The Ibal ceremony +is held for them. + +Maganawan, who lives in Nagbotobotan ("the place near which the rivers +empty into the hole, where all streams go") is one of the spirits, +called in the _Sangasang_ ceremony, and for whom the blood of the +rooster mixed with rice is put into the _saloko_, which stands in +the yard. + +Inawen is a pregnant female spirit, who lives in the sea, and +who demands the blood of a chicken mixed with rice to satisfy her +capricious appetite. She also attends the _Sangasang_. + +Kideng is a tall, fat spirit with nine heads. He is the servant of +Inawen, and carries the gifts of mortals to his mistress. + +Ibwa is an evil spirit, who once mingled with the people in human +form. Due to the thoughtless act of a mourner at a funeral, he became +so addicted to the taste of human flesh, that it has since then been +necessary to protect the corpse from him. He fears iron, and hence +a piece of that metal is always laid on the grave. Holes are burned +in each garment placed on the body to keep him from stealing them. + +Akop is likewise evil. He has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no +body. He always frequents the place of death, and seeks to embrace the +spouse of the deceased. Should he succeed, death follows quickly. To +defeat his plans, the widow is closely guarded by the wailers; she +also sleeps under a fish net as an additional protection against his +long fingers, and she wears seeds which are disliked by this being. + +Kadongayan indulges in the malicious sport of slitting the mouth of +the corpse back to the ears. In order to frighten him away, a live +chicken, with its mouth split to its throat, is placed by the door, +during the time the body is in the house. When he sees the sufferings +of the bird, he fears to enter the dwelling lest the people treat +him in the same manner. + +Selday is an ill-disposed being. He causes people to have sore feet, +and only relieves them, when offerings are made to him in the _saloko_ +or _bawi_. He lives in the wooded hill, but quickly learns of a +death, and appears at the open grave. Unless he is bought off with an +offering, the blood of a small pig, he is almost certain to make away +with the body, or cause a great sickness to visit the village. As +the mourners return home, after the burial, they place bits of the +slaughtered animal by the trail, so that he will not make them ill. + +Bayon is a male spirit, who dwells in the sky, and who comes to +earth as a fresh breeze. He once stole a girl from Layogan, changed +her two breasts into one, placed this in the center of her chest, +and married her. + +Lokadaya is the human wife of Bayon. She now appears to have joined +the company of the natural spirits and to be immortal. At times, +both she and her husband enter the bodies of the mediums. + +Agonan is the spirit who knows many dialects. He lives in Dingolowan. + +Gilen attends many ceremonies, and occupies an important place in +_Tangpap_; yet little is known of him. + +Inginlaod are spirits who live in the west. + +Ginobayan is a female spirit, always present in the _Tangpap_ ceremony. + +Sangalo is a spirit who gives good and bad signs. + +Dapeg, Balingen-ngen, Benisalsal, and Kikiba-an, are all disturbers +and mischief-makers. They cause illness, sore feet, headache, and bad +dreams. They are important only because of the frequency with which +they appear. + +Al-lot attends festivals and prevents quarrels. + +Liblibayan, Banbanayo, and Banbantay, are lesser spirits, who formerly +aided "the people of the first times." + +The term "Alan" comprises a large body of spirits with half human, +half bird-like forms. They have wings and can fly; their toes are +at the back of their feet, and their fingers attach to the wrists +and point backward. Often they hang from the branches of trees, +like bats, but they are also pictured as having fine houses and great +riches. They are sometimes hostile or mischievous, but more frequently +are friendly. They play a very important part in the mythology, +but not in the cult. [121] + +Komau is a giant spirit, who, according to tradition, was killed +by the hero Sayen. Among the Ilocano and some of the Tinguian, the +Komau is known as a great invisible bird, which steals people and +their possessions. He does not visit the people through the bodies +of the mediums. + +Anito is a general term used to designate members of the spirit world. + +A survey of the foregoing list brings out a noticeable lack of +nature-spirits; of trees, rocks, and natural formations considered as +animate; and of guardian spirits of families and industries. There is +a strong suggestion, however, in the folk-tales to the effect that +this has not always been the case; and even to-day there are some +conflicts regarding the status of certain spirits. In the village of +Manabo, thunder is known as Kidol; in Likuan and Bakaok, as Kido-ol; +and in each place he is recognized as a powerful spirit. In Ba-ay, +two types of lightning are known to be spirits. The flash from the sky +is Salit, that "from the ground" is Kilawit. Here thunder is Kadaklan, +but the sun is the all powerful being. He is male, and is "so powerful +that he does not need or desire ceremonies or houses." The moon is +likewise a powerful spirit, but female. + +In the discussion of the tales [122] it was suggested that these and +other ideas, which differ from those held by the majority of the tribe, +may represent older conceptions, which have been swamped, or may have +been introduced into Abra by emigrants from the north and east. + +_The Mediums_.--The superior beings talk with mortals through the aid +of mediums, known individually and collectively as _alopogan_ ("she who +covers her face"). [123] These are generally women past middle life, +though men are not barred from the profession, who, when chosen, are +made aware of the fact by having trembling fits when they are not cold, +by warnings in dreams, or by being informed by other mediums that they +are desired by the spirits. A woman may live the greater part of her +life without any idea of becoming a medium, and then because of such a +notification will undertake to qualify. She goes to one already versed, +and from her learns the details of the various ceremonies, the gifts +suitable for each spirit, and the chants or _diams_ which must be used +at certain times. This is a considerable task, for the _diams_ must be +learned word for word; and, likewise, each ceremony must be conducted, +just as it was taught by the spirits to the "people of the first +times." The training occupies several months; and when all is ready, +the candidate secures her _piling_. This is a collection of large +sea-shells attached to cords, which is kept in a small basket together +with a Chinese plate and a hundred fathoms of thread (Plate XIX). New +shells may be used, but it is preferable to secure, if possible, the +_piling_ of a dead medium. Being thus supplied, the novice seeks the +approval of the spirits and acceptance as a medium. The wishes of the +higher beings are learned by means of a ceremony, in the course of +which a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is scattered +on the ground. The liver of the animal is eagerly examined; for, +if certain marks appear on it, the candidate is rejected, or must +continue her period of probation for several months, before another +trial can be made. During this time she may aid in ceremonies, but +she is not possessed by the spirits. When finally accepted, she may +begin to summon the spirits into her body. She places offerings on a +mat, seats herself in front of them, and calls the attention of the +spirits by striking her _piling_, or a bit of lead, against a plate; +then covering her face with her hands, she begins to chant. Suddenly +she is possessed; and then, no longer as a human, but as the spirit +itself, she talks with the people, asking and answering questions, +or giving directions, as to what shall be done to avert sickness and +trouble, or to bring good fortune. + +Certain mediums are visited only by low, mean spirits; others, by both +good and bad; while still others may be possessed even by Kadaklan, the +greatest of all. It is customary for the spirit of a deceased mortal to +enter the body of a medium, just before the corpse is to be buried, to +give messages to the family; but he seldom comes again in this manner. + +The pay of a medium is small, usually a portion of a sacrificed +animal, a few bundles of rice, and some beads; but this payment is +more than offset by the restrictions placed on her. At no time may +she eat of carabao, wild pig, wild chicken, or shrimp; nor may she +touch peppers--all prized articles of food. + +The inducements for a person to enter this vocation are so few that a +candidate begins her training with reluctance; but, once accepted by +the spirits, the medium yields herself fully and sincerely to their +wishes. When possessed by a spirit, her own personality is submerged, +and she does many things of which she is apparently ignorant, when +she emerges from the spell. Oftentimes, as she squats by the mat, +summoning the spirits, her eyes take on a far-away stare; the veins +of her face and neck stand out prominently, while the muscles of +her arms and legs are tense; then, as she is possessed, she assumes +the character and habits of the superior being. If it is a spirit +supposed to dwell in Igorot or Kalinga land, she speaks in a dialect +unfamiliar to her hearers, orders them to dance in Igorot fashion, +and then instructs them in dances, which she or her townspeople could +never have seen. [124] At times she carries on sleight-of-hand tricks, +as when she places beads in a dish of oil, and dances with it high +above her head, until the beads vanish. A day or two later she will +recover them from the hair of some participant in the ceremony. Most +of her acts are in accordance with a set procedure; yet at times she +goes further, and does things which seem quite inexplainable. + +One evening, in the village of Manabo, we were attending a +ceremony. Spirit after spirit had appeared, and at their order dances +and other acts had taken place. About ten o'clock a brilliant flash +of lightning occurred, although it was not a stormy evening. The body +of the medium was at that time possessed by Amangau, a head-hunting +spirit. He at once stopped his dance, and announced that he had +just taken the head of a boy from Luluno, and that the people of +his village were even then dancing about the skull. Earlier in the +evening we had noticed this lad (evidently a consumptive) among +the spectators. When the spirit made this claim, we looked for him, +but he had vanished. A little later we learned that he had died of +a hemorrhage at about the time of the flash. + +Such occurrences make a deep impression on the mind of the people, +and strengthen their belief in the spirit world; but, so far as could +be observed, the prestige of the medium was in nowise enhanced. + +Since most of the ceremonies are held to keep the family or individual +in good health, the medium takes the place of a physician. She often +makes use of simple herbs and medicinal plants, but always with the +idea that the treatment is distasteful to the being, who has caused +the trouble, and not with any idea of its curative properties. Since +magic and religion are practically the same in this society, the +medium is the one who usually conducts or orders the magic rites; +and for the same reason she, better than all others, can read the +signs and omens sent by members of the spirit world. + +_Magic and Omens_.--The folk-tales are filled with accounts of magical +acts, performed by "the people of the first times." They annihilated +time and space, commanded inanimate objects to do their will, created +human beings from pieces of betel-nut, and caused the magical increase +of food and drink. Those days have passed, yet magical acts still +pervade all the ceremonies; nature is overcome, while the power to +work evil by other than human means is a recognized fact of daily +life. In the detailed accounts of the ceremonies will be found many +examples of these magical acts, but the few here mentioned will give +a good idea of all. + +In one ceremony, a blanket is placed over the family, and on their +heads a coconut is cut in two, and the halves are allowed to fall; +for, "as they drop to the ground, so does sickness and evil fall away +from the people." A bound pig is placed in the center of the floor, +and water is poured into its ear that, "as it shakes out the water, +so may evil spirits and sickness be thrown out of the place." At one +point in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, a boy takes the sacrificial blood +and rice from a large dish, and puts it in a number of smaller ones, +then returns it again to the first; for, "when the spirits make a +man sick, they take a part of his life. When they make him well, they +put it back, just as the boy takes away a part of the food, gives it +to the spirits, and then replaces it," The same idea appears in the +dance which follows. The boy and the medium take hold of a winnower, +raise it in the air, and dance half way around a rice-mortar; then +return, as they came, and replace it, "just as the spirits took away +a part of the patient's life, but now will put it back." + +The whole life of a child can be determined, or at least largely +influenced, by the treatment given the afterbirth, while the use +of bamboo and other prolific plants, at this time and at a wedding, +promote growth and fertility. + +A piece of charcoal attached to a certain type of notched stick is +placed in the rice-seed beds, and thus the new leaves are compelled +to turn the dark green color of sturdy plants. + +If a river is overflowing its banks, it can be controlled by cutting +off a pig's head and throwing it into the waters. An even more certain +method is to have a woman, who was born on the other side of the river, +take her weaving baton and plant it on the bank. The water will not +rise past this barrier. + +Blackening of the teeth is a semi-magical procedure. A mixture of +tan-bark and iron salts is twice applied to the teeth, and is allowed +to remain several hours; but, in order to obtain the desired result, +it is necessary to use the mixture after nightfall and to remove it, +before the cocks begin to crow, in the morning. If the fowls are heard, +while the teeth are being treated, they will remain white; likewise +they will refuse to take the color, should their owner approach a +corpse or grave. + +On well-travelled trails one often sees, at the tops of high hills, +piles of stones, which have been built up during many years. As he +ascends a steep slope, each traveller picks up a small stone, and +carries it to the top, where he places it on the pile. As he does so, +he leaves his weariness behind him, and continues his journey fresh +and strong. + +The use of love-charms is widespread: certain roots and leaves, when +oiled or dampened with saliva, give forth a pleasant odor, which +compels the affection of a woman, even in spite of her wishes. [125] + +Evil magic, known as _gamot_ ("poison") is also extensively used. A +little dust taken from the footprint of a foe, a bit of clothing, +or an article recently handled by him, is placed in a dish of water, +and is stirred violently. Soon the victim begins to feel the effect +of this treatment, and within a few hours becomes insane. To make him +lame, it is only necessary to place poison on articles recently touched +by his feet. Death or impotency can be produced by placing poison on +his garments. A fly is named after a person, and is placed in a bamboo +tube. This is set near the fire, and in a short time the victim of the +plot is seized with fever. Likewise magical chants and dances, carried +on beneath a house, may bring death to all the people of the dwelling. + +A combination of true poisoning and magical practice is also found. To +cause consumption or some wasting disease, a snake is killed, and +its head cut off; then the body is hung up, and the liquor coming +from the decomposing flesh is caught in a shell cup. This fluid +is introduced into the victim's food, or some of his belongings are +treated with it. If the subject dies, his relatives may get revenge on +the poisoner. This is accomplished by taking out the heart of a pig +and inserting it in the mouth or stomach of the victim. This must be +done under the cover of darkness, and the corpse be buried at once. A +high bamboo fence is then built around the grave, so that no one can +reach it. The person responsible for the death will fall ill at once, +and will die unless he is able to secure one of the victim's garments +or dirt from the grave. + +The actual introduction of poison in food and drink is thought to be +very common. The writer attended one ceremony following which a large +number of the guests fell sick. The illness was ascribed to magic +poisoning, yet it was evident that the cause was over-indulgence in +fresh pork by people, who for months had eaten little if any meat. + +_Omens_.--The ability to foretell future events by the flight or calls +of birds, actions of animals, by the condition of the liver and gall +of sacrificed pigs, or by the movements of certain articles under +the questioning of a medium, is an undoubted fact in this society. + +A small bird known as _labeg_, is the messenger of the spirits, +who control the _Bakid_ and _Sangasang_ ceremonies. When this bird +enters the house, it is caught at once, its feathers are oiled; beads +are attached to its feet, and it is released with the promise that +the ceremony will be celebrated at once. This bird accompanies the +warriors, and warns or encourages them with its calls. If it flies +across their path from right to left, all is well; but if it comes +from the left, they must return home, or trouble will befall the party. + +The spirits of _Sangasang_ make use of other birds and animals to +warn the builders of a house, if the location selected does not please +them. All the Tinguian know that the arrival of snakes, big lizards, +deer, or wild hogs at the site of a new house is a bad sign. + +If a party or an individual is starting on a journey, and the +kingfisher _(salaksak)_ flies from in front toward the place just +left, it is a command to return at once; else illness in the village +or family will compel a later return. [126] Should the _koling_ cry +_awit, awit_ ("to carry, to carry"), an immediate return is necessary, +or a member of the party will die, and will be carried home. When a +snake crawls across the trail, and goes into a hole, it is a certain +warning that, unless the trip is given up, some of the party will die, +and be buried in the ground. + +The falling of a tree across the trail, when the groom is on his +way to the home of his bride, threatens death for the couple, while +the breaking or falling of an object during the marriage ceremony +presages misfortune. + +Not all the signs are evil; for, if a man is starting to hunt, +or trade, and he sees a hawk fly in front of him and catch a bird +or chicken, he may on that day secure all the game he can carry, +or can trade on his own terms. + +All the foregoing are important, but the most constantly employed +method of foretelling the future is to examine the gall and liver +of slain pigs. These animals are killed in all great ceremonies, +at the conclusion of a medium's probation period, at birth, death, +and funeral observances, and for other important events. If a +head-hunt is to be attempted, the gall sack is removed, and is +carefully examined, for if it is large and full, and the liquor in +it is bitter, the enemy will be powerless; but if the sack is small, +and only partially filled with a weak liquor, it will fare ill with +the warriors who go into battle. For all other events, the liver +itself gives the signs. When it is full and smooth, the omens are +favorable; but if it is pitted, has black specks on it, is wrinkled, +or has cross lines on it, the spirits are ill-disposed, and the +project should be delayed. If, however, the matter is very urgent, +another pig or a fowl may be offered in the hope that the attitude +of the spirits may be changed. If the liver of the new sacrifice is +good, the ceremony or raid may continue. The blood of these animals +is always mixed with rice, and is scattered about for the superior +beings, but the flesh is cooked, and is consumed by the mortals. [127] + +To recover stolen and misplaced articles or animals, one of three +methods is employed. The first is to attach a cord to a jar-cover or +the shells used by a medium. This is suspended so that it hangs freely, +and questions are put to it. If the answer is "yes," it will swing to +and fro. The second method is to place a bamboo stick horizontally on +the ground and then to stand an egg on it. As the question is asked, +the egg is released. If it falls, the answer is in the negative; +if it stands, it replies "yes." The third and more common way is to +place a head-axe on the ground, then to blow on the end of a spear +and put it point down on the blade of the axe. If it balances, the +answer is "yes." + +_Ceremonial Structures and Paraphernalia_.--As has been indicated, +the Tinguian holds many ceremonies in honor of the superior beings; +and, in connection with these, builds numerous small structures, +and employs various paraphernalia, most of which bear definite names, +and have well established uses. Since a knowledge of these structures +and devices is necessary to a full understanding of the ceremonies, +an alphabetical list is here furnished, before proceeding to the +detailed discussion of the rites. + +_Alalot_: Two arches of bamboo, which support a grass roof. A small jar +of _basi_ stands in this structure for the use of visiting spirits. Is +generally constructed during the _Sayang_ ceremony, but in Bakaok +it is built alone to cure sickness or to change a bad disposition +(Plate XX, No. 4). + +_Aligang_: A four-pronged fork of a branch in which a jar of _basi_ +and other offerings are placed for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg +(Salegseg). It is placed at the corner of the house during _Sayang_. + +_Ansisilit_: The framework placed beside the guardian stones on the +sixteenth morning of _Sayang_. It closely resembles the _Inapapayag_. + +_Balabago_ (known in Manabo as Talagan): A long bamboo bench with a +roofing of betel leaves. It is intended as a seat for guests, both +spirit and human, during important ceremonies. + +_Balag_: A seat of wood or bamboo, placed close to the house-ladder +during the _Sayang_ ceremony. Above and beside it are _alangtin_ +leaves, branches of the _lanoti_ tree, sugar-cane, and a leafy branch +of bamboo. Here also are found a net equipped with lead sinkers, a +top-shaped device, and short sections of bamboo filled with liquor. In +some towns this is the seat of the honored guest, who dips _basi_ +for the dancers. In San Juan this seat is called _Patogau_. + +_Balaua_: This, the largest and most important of the spirit +structures, is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony. The roofing is +of plaited bamboo, covered with cogon grass. This is supported by +eight uprights, which likewise furnish attachment for the bamboo +flooring. There are no sides to the building, but it is so sturdily +constructed that it lasts through several seasons. Except for the +times of ceremony, it is used as a lounging place for the men, or +as a loom-room by the women. Quite commonly poles are run lengthwise +of the structure, at the lower level of the roof; and this "attic," +as well as the space beneath the floor, is used for the storage of +farming implements, bundles of rattan and thatching (Plate XXI). + +_Balitang_: A large seat like the _Balabago_, but with a grass +roofing. It is used as a seat for visitors during great ceremonies +and festivals. This name is applied, in Manabo, to a little house, +built among the bananas for the spirit Imalbi. + +_Bani-it_ or _Bunot_: Consists of a coconut husk suspended from a +pole. The feathers of a rooster are stuck into the sides. It is made +as a cure for sick-headache, also for lameness. + +_Bangbangsal_: Four long bamboo poles are set in the ground, and are +roofed over to make a shelter for the spirits of Sayaw, who come in +the _Tangpap_ ceremony. + +_Batog_: An unhusked coconut, resting on three bamboo sticks, goes +by this name. It always appears in the _Sayang_ ceremony, close to +the _Balag_, but its use and meaning are not clear. + +_Bawi_, also called _Babawi, Abarong_, and _Sinaba-an_: A name applied +to any one of the small houses, built in the fields or gardens as +a home for the spirits Kaiba-an, Abat, Selday, and some others of +lesser importance (Plate XXII). + +_Idasan_: A seat or bench which stands near the house-ladder during +the _Sayang_. A roof of cogon grass protects ten bundles of unthreshed +rice, which lie on it. This rice is later used as seed. In the San Juan +district, the place of the Idasan seems to be taken by three +bamboo poles, placed in tripod fashion, so as to support a basket of +rice. This is known as _Pinalasang_. + +_Inapapayag_: Two-forked saplings or four reeds are arranged so as to +support a shield or a cloth "roof" (Plate XVIII). During _Sayang_ and +some other ceremonies, it stands in the yard, or near to the town gate; +and on it food and drink are placed for visiting spirits. During the +celebration of _Layog_ (cf. p. 290), it is built near to the dancing +space, and contains offerings for the spirit of the dead. A spear +with a colored clout is stuck into the ground close by; and usually +an inverted rice mortar also stands here, and supports a dish of +_basi_. In the mountain village of Likuan it is built alone as a cure +for sickness. A pig is killed and the mediums summon the spirits as +in _Dawak_ (cf. p. 316). + +_Kalang_: A wooden box, the sides of which are cut to resemble the +head and horns of a carabao. The spirits are not thought to reside +here, but do come to partake of the food and drink placed in it. It is +attached to the roof of the dwelling or in the _balaua_ or _kalangan._ +New offerings are placed in the _kalang_, before the men go to fight, +or when the _Sayang_ ceremony is held. It also holds the head-bands +worn by the mediums, when making _Dawak_ (Fig. 4, No. 2). + +_Kalangan_: the place of the _kalang_. This is similar to the _balaua_, +but is smaller and, as a rule, has only four supporting timbers +(Plate XXIII). + +_Pala-an_: Four long poles, usually three of bamboo, and one of a +resinous tree known as _anteng_ (_Canarium villosum_ Bl.) are set +in a square and support, near the top, a platform of bamboo (Plate +XXIV). Offerings are made both on and below the _Pala-an_ during the +ceremony of that name, and in the more important rites. + +_Pangkew_: Three bamboo poles are planted in the ground in a triangle, +but they lean away from each other at such an angle, as to admit of +a small platform midway of their length. A roofing of cogon grass +completes the structure. It is built during _Sayang_, and contains a +small jar of _basi_. The roof is always adorned with coconut blossoms +(Plate XX). + +_Sagang_: Sharpened bamboo poles about eight feet in length on which +the skulls of enemies were formerly exhibited. The pointed end was +pushed through the _foramen magnum_, and the pole was then planted +near the gate of the town. + +_Saloko_, also called _Salokang_ and _Sabut_: This is a bamboo pole +about ten feet long, one end of which is split into several strips; +these are forced apart, and are interwoven with other strips, thus +forming a sort of basket. When such a pole is erected near to a house, +or at the gate of the town, it is generally in connection with a +ceremony made to cure headache. It is also used in the fields as a +dwelling place for the spirit Kaiba-an (Plate XXV). + +The _Saloko_ ceremony and the _diam_, which accompanies it, seem to +indicate that this pole originated in connection with head-hunting; +and its presence in the fields gives a hint that in former times a +head-hunt may have been a necessary preliminary to the rice-planting. + +_Sogayob_: A covered porch, which is built along one side of the house +during the _Sayang_ ceremony. In it hang the vines and other articles, +used by the female dancers in one part of the rite. A portion of one +of the slaughtered pigs is placed here for the spirits of Bangued. In +Lumaba the _Sogayob_ is built alone as a part of a one-day ceremony; +while in Sallapadan it follows _Kalangan_ after an interval of about +three months. + +_Taltalabong_: Following many ceremonies a small bamboo raft with +arched covering is constructed. In it offerings are placed for spirits, +who have been unable to attend the rite. In Manabo it is said that the +raft is intended particularly for the sons of Kadaklan (Plate XXVI). + +_Tangpap_: Two types of structure appear under this name. When it is +built as a part of the _Tangpap_ ceremony, it is a small house with a +slanting roof resting on four poles. About three feet above the ground, +an interwoven bamboo floor is lashed to the uprights (Plate XXVII). In +the _Sayang_ ceremony, there are two structures which go by this name +(Plate XX, Nos. 2 and 3). The larger has two floors, the smaller only +one. On each floor is a small pot of _basi_, daubed with white. + +_Taboo Gateway_: At the gate of a town, one sometimes finds a defensive +wall of bamboo, between the uprights of which are thrust bamboo spears +in order to catch evil spirits, while on the gate proper are vines +and leaves pleasing to the good spirits. Likewise in the _saloko_, +which stands close by, are food and drink or betel-nut. All this +generally appears when an epidemic is in a nearby village, in order +to frighten the bearers of the sickness away, and at the same time +gain the aid of well-disposed spirits. At such a time many of the +people wear wristlets and anklets of bamboo, interwoven with roots +and vines which are displeasing to the evil beings (Plate XXVIII). + +_Ceremonial Paraphernalia_.--_Akosan_ (Fig. 4, No. 4): A prized +shell, with top and bottom cut off, is slipped over a belt-like +cloth. Above it are a series of wooden rings and a wooden imitation +of the shell. This, when hung beside the dead, is both pleasing to +the spirit of the deceased, and a protection to the corpse against +evil beings. + +_Aneb_ (Fig. 4, No. 1): The name usually given to a protective +necklace placed about the neck of a young child to keep evil spirits +at a distance. The same name is also given to a miniature shield, +bow and arrow, which hang above the infant. + +_Dakidak_ (Fig. 4, Nos. 3-3a): Long poles, one a reed, the other +bamboo, split at one end so they will rattle. The medium strikes +them on the ground to attract the spirits to the food served on +the _talapitap_. + +_Igam_: Notched feathers, often with colored yarn at the ends, attached +to sticks. These are worn in the hair during the _Pala~an_ and _Sayang_ +ceremonies, to please the spirits of the east, called Idadaya. + +_Inalson_: A sacred blanket made of white cotton. A blue or blue +and red design is formed, where the breadths join, and also along +the borders. It is worn over the shoulders of the medium during the +_Gipas_ ceremony (cf. p. 263). + +_Lab-labon_: Also called _Adug_. In Buneg and nearby towns, whose +inhabitants are of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood, small incised +pottery houses are found among the rice jars, and are said to be the +residences of the spirits, who multiply the rice. They are sometimes +replaced with incised jars decorated with vines. The idea seems to +be an intrusion into the Tinguian belt. The name is probably derived +from _labon_, "plenty" or "abundance" (Plate XXIX). + +_Piling_ (Plate XIX): A collection of large sea-shells attached to +cords. They are kept in a small basket together with one hundred +fathoms of thread and a Chinese plate, usually of ancient make. The +whole makes up the medium's outfit, used when she is summoning the +spirits. + +_Pinapa_: A large silk blanket with yellow strips running +lengthwise. Such blankets are worn by certain women when dancing +_da-eng_, and they are also placed over the feet of a corpse. + +_Sado_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): The shallow clay dishes in which the spirits +are fed on the _talapitap_. + +_Salogeygey_: The outside bark of a reed is cut at two points, from +opposite directions, so that a double fringe of narrow strips stands +out. One end is split, _saklag_ leaves are inserted, and the whole +is dipped or sprinkled in sacrificial blood, and placed in each house +during the _Sagobay_ ceremony. The same name is applied to the magical +sticks, which are placed in the rice seed-beds to insure lusty plants +(cf. p. 399). + +_Sangadel_: The bamboo frame on which a corpse is placed during +the funeral. + +_Tabing_: A large white blanket with which one corner of the room +is screened off during the _Sayang_ and other ceremonies. In this +"room" food and other offerings are made for the black, deformed, +and timid spirits who wish to attend the ceremony unobserved. + +_Takal_: Armlets made of boar's tusks, which are worn during certain +dances in _Sayang_. + +_Talapitap_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): A roughly plaited bamboo frame on which +the spirits are fed during the more important rites. Used in connection +with the _dakidak_ and clay dishes _(sado)._ + +_Tongatong_ (Fig. 4, No. 5): The musical instrument, which appears +in many ceremonials. It consists of six or more bamboo tubes of +various lengths. The players hold a tube in each hand, and strike +their ends on a stone, which lies between them, the varying lengths +of the cylinders giving out different notes. + + + +CHAPTER V + +THE CEREMONIES + +A visitor, who enters the Tinguian territory in the period following +the rice-harvest, quickly gains the impression that the ceremonial +life of this people is dominant. In nearly every village, he finds one +or more ceremonies in progress, while work is almost forgotten. This +condition exists until the coming of the rains in May, when all is +changed. Men and women go to the fields before daybreak, and return +only when darkness forces them to cease their toil. During the +period when the fields are in preparation, or the rice is growing, +few ceremonials are held, except those intended to promote the growth +of the crops, to cure sickness, or to ward off impending misfortune. + +Aside from the rites, which attend birth, marriage, and similar events, +the ceremonies may be placed in two divisions: first, those which +may be celebrated by all people; second, those restricted to certain +families. The first class we shall designate as the minor ceremonies. + + +SECTION 1 + +The Minor Ceremonies + +_Dawak_ (also called Boni and Alopag).--The name _Dawak_ is applied +to that part of important ceremonies in which the spirits enter +the bodies of the mediums. It is also given as a separate ceremony, +usually to cure sickness, but in some settlements it follows a birth. + +According to tradition, it was taught, together with the _Sayang_ +ceremony, by the spirit Kaboniyan to a woman Dayapan; and she, in turn, +taught it to others, who were then able to cure sickness. + +It is probable that the name comes from _dawat_ (a "request" or +"petition"); yet there is little in it which corresponds to prayer +or entreaty. + +As there was considerable variation in each _Dawak_ witnessed by +the writer, the complete ceremony is given for the village of Ba-ak, +together with striking variations from other towns. + +In this instance, the rite was held to effect the cure of a sick woman +and to learn the desires of the spirits. Two mediums, assisted by +several men and women, spent the first afternoon preparing the things +to be used. First, a short cane was fashioned out of black wood, +rattan rings were slipped over this, and all were placed inside a +Chinese jar. A dish of cooked rice was put over the top, as a cover, +and a blanket spread over the whole. This was brought close to the +patient, the medium recited a _dam_ over it, [128] and then ordered +that it remain there throughout the ceremony. On a large mat in the +center of the room were placed betel-nuts, coconuts, and leaves, two +jars--one empty, the other filled with _basi_--, a large and small +head-axe, two spears, and some shells. An empty jar had a string +of beads tied around its neck, and inside it was placed a switch, +care being taken that a portion of it hung outside. Beside the jar +was a basket containing five bundles of unthreshed rice, on which was +a skein of thread supporting a new jar. All this was covered with a +woman's skirt. Finally a bound pig was laid just inside the door. + +When all was complete, three men played on the _tongatong_ +(cf. p. 314), until one of the mediums took her place beside the +mat. Raising a plate above her head, she struck it repeatedly with +a small head-axe, to call attention of the spirits. [129] Then she +began to chant and wail calling the spirits to enter her body. After +two or three moments of song, she was possessed by a spirit, who +announced that his name was Ibalinsogwan. He placed a rooster at one +end of a spear, and a bundle of rice at the other, did a short dance, +and departed. The mediums then seated themselves on opposite sides +of the jar of _basi_; each drank of the liquor, and the chant began +again. Spirit after spirit took possession of one of the mediums, +who then conversed with the other, asked questions concerning the +patient, or other matters, and occasionally offered advice. Before +his departure, each spirit would drink of the _basi_. + +The members of the family were present during most of the day; friends +came, and went as they pleased, stopped to listen to or talk with +the spirits, drank _basi_, and then went about their work. + +Early the second morning, the mediums went to a bound pig in the house, +and after placing betel-nut on its back, they poured water into its +ear. This caused the animal to shake its head; and, as the water was +thrown out, one of the mediums caught it in her hand, and applied it to +the sick woman, at the same time chanting, "Go away sickness, be thrown +out like this water; let this person be well, for she is now following +the custom." As soon as she had finished, two men carried the animal to +the river bank, where they killed and singed it. Upon their return to +the house, they removed and carefully examined its liver; for, by the +markings on it, the people were assured that the spirits were pleased +with the manner in which the ceremony was being conducted, and hence +the prospects for the patient's recovery were very bright. _Gipas_, +the dividing, followed. An old man divided the pig with the medium, +but by sly manipulation managed to get a little more than she did. A +betel-nut, beeswax, and a lead net-sinker were tied together with +a string, and were divided, but again the old man received a little +more than his share. Betel-nut was offered to the pair. Apparently +each piece was the same, but only one was supplied with lime, and +the mortal secured that. He then challenged the medium to see whose +spittle was the reddest. Both expectorated on the head-axe, but since +the spittle of the medium was not mixed with lime, it was uncolored. In +all instances the human being came out victor over the spirit, who +sought to take the woman's life. Hence her recovery was assured. + +A new spirit possessed the medium, and under her directions the +family was placed beneath a blanket, and a coconut was cut in two over +their heads. In addition to the fluid of the nut, water was emptied +over them, "so that the sickness would be washed away." As soon as +the family emerged from the blanket, they went to their _balaua_, +[130] and offered food, after which the medium again summoned several +spirits. From this time until well into the evening, the guests danced +_tadek_, stopping only to be served with food and drink. + +The morning of the third and last day was spent in preparing food and +other offerings, which were placed on a mat and left, for a time, to be +used by the immortals. Later the offerings were consumed by the guests, +and the medium summoned the spirit Agkabkabayo. This being directed +four men to carry the blanket on which the medium was seated to the +_balaua_, when they were met by another medium, possessed by the spirit +Balien. For a time they busied themselves making repairs to the spirit +structure, then decorated it by tying strips of shredded coconut leaves +to the slats of the floor. They also attached leaves to the _kalang_ +(cf. p. 310), and inserted betel-nut and leaf. The final act of the +ceremony was to prepare four _soloko_ (cf. p. 310). In the first was +placed a half coconut; in the second was rice mixed with blood; in +the third cooked flesh of a fowl; and in the last were four stalks +of rice, and some pine-sticks. One was placed at each gate of the +town as an offering, and the people returned to their homes. + +As payment for their services, the mediums received a small portion +of the pig, some rice, beads, a little money, and cloth. + +The acts and conversation of the spirits when summoned in _Dawak_ +are well illustrated by the following. + +A woman of Lagangilang was ill with dysentery; and a medium, in this +instance, a man, was instructed to make _Dawak_. He began summoning +the spirits by striking a dish with his head-axe. Soon he covered +his face with his hands, began to sway to and fro, and to chant +unintelligible words. Suddenly he stopped and announced that he was +the spirit Labotan, and that it was his wish that blood and rice +be placed on a head-axe, and be laid on the woman's abdomen. Next +he ordered that they should feed some rice to the small pig which +lay bound on the floor. "If he eats, this is the right ceremony, +and you will get well," he said. The pig refused the food, and, after +expressing regret that he was unable to help, the spirit departed, to +be succeeded by Binongon. He at once directed that the pig be killed, +and the palpitating heart be put on the woman's stomach, and then +be pressed against each person in the room, as a protection against +illness. At first he refused to drink the liquor which was offered to +him, for it was new and raw; but when he learned that no other could be +obtained, he drank, and then addressed the patient. "You ate something +forbidden. It is easy to cure you if the spirits have made you ill; +but if some one is practising magic, perhaps you will die." With +this cheering message the spirit departed, and Ayaonwan appeared. He +directed an old woman to feed rice and water to the patient, and +then, without further advice, he said, "The other spirits do not +like me very well, so I cannot go to their places. I went to their +places, but they said many bad words to me. I offered them _basi_, +but they did not wish to take; so I asked the way, and they showed +me to the other spirits' place. I was poor, and had nothing to eat +for noon or night. When I was in the road, I met many long snakes, +and I had to push them apart so I could walk. And I met many eels, +and asked of them the road; but the eels bit me, and took me into +their stomachs, and carried me to Luluaganan to the well there; then +I died. The people, who go to the well, say, 'Why is Ayaonwan dead? We +have a bad odor now;' and the eels say, 'Whose son is this?' and they +rubbed my dead spirit, and I received life again. Then I took blood +and rice with me to the sky to the other eels to make _Sayang_. The +eels gave me gold for my wrists; the monkeys gave me gold for my teeth +and hair; the wild pig gave me bracelets. There is much more I can +tell you, but now I must go." The spirit departed, and a new one was +summoned. This spirit took the spear in his hand, and after chanting +about the illness of the woman, he drank _basi_ out of a dish, sitting +on the head-axe. Then singing again he dipped the spear in the oil, +and allowed it to fall drop by drop on the stomach of the sick woman; +later he touched the heads of all present with the spear, saying, +"You will not be sick any more," and departed. + +_Pinaing_ or _Pinading_ (Plate XXX).--At the gate or entrance of +nearly every village will be found a number of peculiarly shaped, +water-worn stones, either beneath a small shelter, or nestling among +the roots of some great tree. These are the "guardian stones," and +in them lives Apdel ("the spirit who guards the town"). Many stories +cluster about these _pinaing_, [131] but all agree that, if proper +offerings are made to them at the beginning of a great ceremony; +when the men are about to undertake a raid; or, when sickness is in a +nearby village, the resident spirit will protect the people under his +care. Thus it happens that several times each year a group of people +may be seen early in the morning, gathered at the stones. They anoint +the head of each one with oil, put new bark bands on their "necks," +after which they kill a small pig. The medium mixes the blood of +the slain animal with rice, and scatters it on the ground while she +recites the story of their origin. Then she bids the spirits from +near and far to come and eat, and to be kindly disposed. + +In Bakaok and some other villages it is customary for the medium +to summon several spirits at this time, and this is followed by the +dancing of _tadek_. The people of Luluno always hold a ceremony at +the _pinaing_ before the planting of the rice and after the harvest. + +Following this ceremony in the village of San Juan, a miniature raft +(_taltalabong_) was loaded with food and other presents, and was +set afloat, to carry provisions to any spirit, who might have been +prevented from enjoying the feast. + +These stones are of particular interest, in that they present one +of the few instances in which the Tinguian associates supernatural +beings with natural objects. + +_Saloko_ (Plate XXV).--Besides the houses, in the fields, and at +the gate of many villages, one often sees long bamboo poles with +one end converted into a basket-like receptacle. Offerings of food +and betel-nut are now found in them; but, according to some of the +older men, these were, until recently, used to hold the heads of +slain enemies, as is still the case among the neighboring Apayao. + +The ritual of the _Saloko_ ceremony seems, in part, to bear out this +claim; yet the folk-tales and equally good informants assure us that +the heads were placed on sharpened bamboo poles, which passed through +the _foramen magnum_. It is probable that both methods of exhibiting +skulls were employed in the Tinguian belt. + +Nowadays the _saloko_ found near to the villages are usually erected, +during a short ceremony of the same name, as a cure for headache. A +medium is summoned; and, after securing a chicken, she strokes it, +as she chants: + + +"You spirits of the _sagang_, [132] who live above. +"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live on the level ground. +"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the east. +"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the west. +"You Lalaman [133] above. +"You Lalaman on the wooded hill. +"You Lalaman in the west. +"If you took the head of the sick man, +"You must now grant him health, as you please." + + +The fowl is killed; and its blood, together with rice and some other +gift, is placed in the _saloko_, and is planted near the house or +gate. Oftentimes a string of feathers runs from the pole to the +dwelling, or to the opposite side of the gate. The family cooks and +eats the chicken, and the affected member is expected to recover at +once. Should the trouble persist, a more elaborate ceremony, probably +_Dawak_, will follow. + +In some instances betel-nut prepared for chewing takes the place of +the fowl; rice-stalks hang from the sides of the basket, and bits of +pine are added "to make bright and clear." All of this is rubbed on +the patient's head, while the medium recites the _diam_. + +_Bawi_, also called _Sinaba-an_ and _Ababong_.--This name is often +applied to the small houses built in the rice-fields for the spirit +Kaiba-an, but more commonly it refers to the little structures of +bamboo and grass, which nestle among the banana plantings near the +village (Plate XXII). When such a structure is built or repaired, +it is accompanied by a ceremony of the same name. The usual purpose +of this event is to cure sore feet, but in Patok and other valley +towns it is celebrated before the rice harvest and the pressing of the +sugar-cane, so that the spirits will keep the workers in good health, +and save them from injury. + +One of the most common ailments is sore or cracked feet caused, +no doubt, by standing for long periods in the mud and water of the +rice-fields, and then tramping over the rough, hot trails to the +village. The Tinguian, however, know that the spirits, called Abat and +Selday bring about this affliction, unless they are kept in good humor, +and have something to occupy their time other than disturbing human +beings; hence these houses are built for them, suitable offerings are +placed inside, and finally a few banana suckers are planted close by, +so that the spirits will be kept busy caring for them. + +The origin of the ceremony is ascribed to a woman of ancient +times, named Bagutayka, who, lacking certain organs, appears as an +outcast. She at first caused passers-by to have trouble with their +feet and limbs, but later taught them how to effect a cure by building +the _bawi_ and performing the ceremony. [134] + +To-day, when a person is afflicted, he summons a medium, the +spirit-house is built, and then the following _diam_ is recited over +a rooster: + + +"You abat above, +"You abat in the ground, +"You abat in the corner of the house, +"You abat in the center pole, +"You abat below the stair, +"You abat in the door, +"You Selday in the wooded hill, +"You Selday above, +"Make the sick person well, if you please!" [135] + + +When the recital is finished, the fowl is killed, and its blood +mixed with rice is placed in nine dishes and one polished coconut +shell. From these it is transferred to nine other dishes and one +bamboo basket. These are placed in a row, and nine dishes and one +unpolished shell are filled with water, and placed opposite. In the +center of this double line is a dish, containing the cooked flesh +of the rooster, also some rice, and one hundred fathoms of thread, +while between the dishes are laid ten half betel-nuts, prepared for +chewing. Later, all these things are returned to a single receptacle, +except those in the shell cups and basket, which are placed in the +spirit-house. The underlying idea in this procedure seems to be that +frequently found in other ceremonies, namely, that food and water +symbolizes the life of the patient, which is partially taken away by +the spirits; but when they are returned to one place, the life must +be replaced in a like manner. + +In Manabo a piece of banana bark is taken from one of the plantings +beside a _bawi_; and, after being washed in the water, is applied to +the affected limb. + +The final act is to take a coconut husk, stick feathers in its sides, +and hang it beside the _bawi_ as a sign to all that the ceremony has +been held. + +No spirits are summoned at this time, neither is there singing +or dancing. + +_Bakid_. [136]--This ceremony is held to celebrate the completion +of a new dwelling, or to remove any bad sign, which may have been +received during the building operations. + +The medium and her assistants fasten a bamboo pole or rattan cord +across one portion of the room, and on it place numerous pieces of +cloth-skirts, blankets, belts, a fish-net, and a quantity of false +hair. This serves first as an offering to the spirits, but it is also +explained that, if the immortals are unable to count all the gifts, +they will be powerless to injure the occupants of the dwelling. Should +an evilly disposed being desire to make trouble for the owner, he +must count every hair in the switches, as well as every hole in the +fish-net. Failing in this, he will be compelled by the other spirits +to celebrate the _Bakid_ ceremony five times at his own expense. + +Beneath the line of offerings, a bound pig is laid; and, as she strokes +the side of the animal, with oiled fingers, the medium repeats a _diam_ +[137] in which she tells of misfortunes of a family, which failed to +observe the signs sent by Kaboniyan, and of his instructions as to how +best to overcome their troubles. The family listens respectfully until +the story is finished, then they lift a door from its socket, place +it in the middle of the floor, and proceed to sacrifice the pig upon +it. Some of the blood is immediately sprinkled on the house timbers, +particularly those which may have given the builders trouble, either +in transportation, or during the erection of the structure. The greater +part of the blood is mixed with rice, and is dropped through the slits +in the floor, or scattered about for the spirits; while for an hour +or more a portion of the meat, the heart, and the head, are placed +below the offerings on the cord or on the house-beams. Later, these +portions will be cooked and served to the guests. Immediately after +the killing, the liver is removed, and is examined for a sign. Should +the omens be unfavorable, another animal will be killed, or the +family will celebrate _Sangasang_ within a few days. If the signs +are satisfactory, the host begins to distribute _basi_, and soon good +fellowship reigns. One after another of the guests sings the _daleng_, +in which they bespeak for the owner a long and prosperous life in his +new home. The _Bakid_ always ends with a feast, in which the flesh of +slaughtered animals plays the important part. Upon its completion, the +medium is given a portion of the meat, some unthreshed rice, and other +small gifts, as payment for her services. The guests return to their +homes, and for two or three days following are barred from entering +the new dwelling. During this period the family must remain indoors. + +_Sangasang_.--_Sangasang_ is often so similar to the _Bakid_, that +one description might cover both. This is particularly true, if it +is held to remove a bad sign. Should a large lizard or a bird enter +a new building, it is considered as a messenger of Kaboniyan; and the +foregoing ceremony is carried out, the only variation being that the +bird or lizard is caught, if possible, is anointed with oil, a bead +is attached to a leg, and it is then released to go back to its master. + +Continued misfortunes to the members of a household would also be an +excuse for the ceremony. In this instance, the only variation from the +procedure just given would be in the _diams_. The first to be recited +tells how the spirit Maganawan sent many snakes and birds to the gate +of a town to demand the blood of a rooster mixed with rice. The people +celebrated _Sangasang_, and sent blood and rice to Maganawan, who, +in turn, spat it out on the ground. As he did so, the sickness and +misfortunes of the mortals vanished. The second _diam_ [138] relates +a quarrel between the various parts of the house, each insisting on +its own importance. At last they recognize their mutual dependence, +and the people of the dwelling are again in good health. [139] + +In Lumaba and nearby villages, unpleasant dreams, or a bad disposition +are overcome by a ceremony called _Sangasang_; but, as this varies +somewhat from the others, it is given in detail. + +The medium, who is summoned for this event, calls for oil and a +rooster with long spurs. When these are brought, she strokes the fowl +with the oil, and chants the following _diam_. "There is a very old +woman in the sea, and she says to her spirits, who are Dapeg (a spirit +which kills people), Balingenngen (a spirit which causes bad dreams), +and Benisalsal (a spirit which throws things and is unpleasant), 'Go +beyond the sea and spread your sickness,' The spirits are going. They +arrive and begin their work, and if the people do not make _Sangasang_, +many will die. Now it is morning, and the spirits are going to the +river to see what the people have offered to the old woman, who is +Inawen. If they do not find anything, they will say, 'All the people +in this town shall die,' and then they will go on to another place." + +"Inawen, who is waiting, sends Kideng (a servant) to search for +the spirits, who are killing people, to tell them to return. Dapeg +leaves the first town. He goes to another, and the dogs bark so that +the people cannot sleep. A man opens the door, to learn the cause of +the barking, and he sees a man, fat and tall, with nine heads, and +he carries many kinds of cakes. The man says, 'Now take these cakes, +and if you do not make _Sangasang_ for my mistress, at the river, +you shall die. You must find a rooster with long tail and spurs; you +must mix its blood with rice, and put it in the river at dawn when no +one can see you,' The man makes _Sangasang_ the next night, and puts +the blood, mixed with rice, in a well dug by the river, so that the +spirits may take it to their mistress. Kideng also arrives and says, +'you must come with me now, for she awaits you who are bearing this +offering.' They go and arrive. Their mistress eats and says, 'I did +not think that the blood of people tasted so badly, now I shall not +send you again, for you have already killed many people.'" + +When this chant is completed, the chicken is killed, as directed +in the song; and at night the blood and rice are offered beside the +stream. [140] The chicken is eaten by the family, and its feathers +are tied to a string, stretched across the room. Leaves are attached +to the house-ladder as a warning that all visitors are barred, and +for three days the family remains quietly indoors. + +_Sagobay_. [141]--This is one of the most widespread of the ceremonies, +for it not only covers the entire Tinguian belt, but extends into the +Igorot villages of the Upit river region and Ilocos Sur, as well as +into the Kalinga villages of the Malokbot valley. + +Its occurrence in connection with the rice-culture is fully, described +elsewhere (cf. p. 400), so that at this place only its second function, +that of keeping illness from the town, is described. + +When an epidemic appears in a nearby settlement, the _lakay_ summons +the old men in council, and they decide on the number of pigs, and +the amount of rice, _basi_, and other articles required, after which +the necessary funds are secured by levying a tax on all the people +of the village. + +To keep the evil spirits, who bear the sickness, out of the town, +a cord of bamboo or rattan is stretched around the whole settlement, +while at the gate a high fence is erected. Through the uprights of +this fence are stuck bamboo spikes with the sharpened ends facing +outward, so as to catch or pierce the intruders (Plate XXVIII); +while in the _saloko_ and along the gateway are placed leaves, roots, +and other offerings acceptable to the friendly spirits. Similar cords +and leaves are also strung around the entrances to the houses. + +The cord and gateway form an adequate protection, and no human +being or spirit will violate this taboo. Should a human do so, the +least penalty would be a tax sufficient to pay all the expense of +the ceremony; but should the sickness afterwards invade the town, +it is quite possible that more serious punishment might be exacted +by the families of the victims. + +When all is prepared, the men and boys arm themselves, and with shouts +and hostile demonstrations drive the sickness toward the town whence it +is thought to come. [142] Returning to the center of the village, the +people dance _tadek_, and the mediums may summon several spirits. Next, +the pigs are killed, and their livers are examined for a sign. Should +the omens be unfavorable, one or more fowls will be sacrificed, +until it seems certain that the help of the spirits is assured, +after which the flesh is cooked and eaten. Then a small covered raft +_(taltalabong)_ is constructed, and a portion of the food is placed +inside. Late in the afternoon, this is carried through the village, +while one or more drummers keep up a din to frighten evil spirits +away. Just as the sun is sinking, the raft is carried to the river, +and is set afloat, in order that any interested spirits, who may have +been prevented from attending the ceremony, may still receive their +share of the offering. In Likuan a different explanation is offered +for the _taltalabong_. Here they say that the offerings are placed +on the raft, so as to induce any hostile spirits who may be near to +enter, and then they are carried out and away from the town. + +The blood of the slaughtered animals has been saved, and upon their +return from the river the people dip leaves into it, and attach these +near to the doors of their dwellings. For at least one day following, +no work is done, and all visitors are barred. During this time the +people only converse in low tones, and take special precautions against +even animals making a noise. The beaks of roosters are tied, or they +are placed in small baskets, so that they cannot stand up to crow. + +In Lakub a new house or protection is placed above the guardian stones, +and offerings are made to them at the time of the _Sagobay_, while +in Likuan the participants wear neck and ankle bands of bamboo as a +further protection from the sickness. + +_Ngorong-or_.--Lumaba and the Tinguian villages of Ilokos Sur hold +this ceremony, whenever a person is seriously ill with stomach +trouble. As the rite does not extend far into the Tinguian belt, +but is found in the Igorot villages farther south, it seems likely +that it is an importation from that region. + +The members of the family gather in the afternoon, and kill a small +pig by cutting off its head. A part of the blood is saved, and the +balance is sprinkled against the house posts and ladder. The pig +itself is hung from one round of the ladder, so that its blood will +drip to the ground. The medium has been standing quietly to one side +watching, but now she calls upon the spirits, "You (calling one or +more by name), come out; be vomited up, for now you are being fed." She +allows them a few minutes for their repast, then cuts open the carcass +and removes the liver. A bit is cut from the top, then she splits open +the animal's skull, and removes a little of the brain. This she places +on a banana leaf; and, after adding a small piece of gold, wraps it up +and buries it beside the center post of the dwelling. The animal is +now cooked and served to the guests, but liberal portions are placed +on the house rafters and other places convenient for the spirits. + +Next morning a piece is cut from a dog's ear, is smeared with blood, +and is placed in a small split bamboo, together with two stalks of +rice. A clout is tied to a spear, and all are rubbed on the body of +the patient, while the medium explains that this is the betel-nut +of the spirits, and that, when she takes it from the village, they +will go also, and the recovery be assured. The family follows her to +the gate of the town, and watches closely, as she thrusts the spear +and pole into the ground; for if they are firmly set in the ground, +yet lean away from the village, it is certain that the spirits have +departed, and the sick will recover. + +Following the ceremony, members of the family may not work for +five days, neither may they lead a horse or carabao, or eat of wild +meat. Should they do any of the things forbidden, they will be struck +by lightning. + +_Sapata the Oath_.--If a theft has been committed, and it has been +impossible to detect the guilty person, the following procedure +takes place. A rice-mortar is placed in the yard, and on it a dish of +_basi_. All the people are summoned to gather, and one by one they +drink of the liquor, meanwhile calling on the snakes to bite them, +the lightning to strike them, or their abdomens to swell up and burst +if they are guilty. Soon the people will know the culprit, for one +of these disasters will befall him. When that occurs, his family +will be compelled to make good the theft, as well as the expense of +this gathering. + + + +SECTION 2 + +The Great Ceremonies + +In addition to the ceremonies and rites which may be celebrated by +all the people there are a number of more elaborate observances, +which can only be given by those who have the hereditary right, +or who have gained the privilege by a certain definite procedure. + +In general these ceremonies are restricted to the villages in or +close to the valley of the Abra, the lower reaches of the Tineg, +Malanas, and Sinalong rivers. As one proceeds up the tributary +streams into such settlements as Baay, Likuan, and Lakub, it is +noticeable that the typical spirit houses become fewer in number, +while the participants in the accompanying ceremonies are limited to +recent emigrants from the lower valleys. The same thing is found to +be true on the western side of the coast range of mountains, as one +goes north or south from the Abra river, although there is evidence +here that some of the settlements formerly had these rites, but have +allowed them to fall into disuse, as a result of Ilocano influence. + +This distribution of the great ceremonies seems to give a hint that +they are intrusive; that they probably were at one time restricted +to the families of emigrants and even to-day are barred from a part +of the people. They have not yet extended far into the interior, +despite the fact that in the lower valleys they almost completely +dominate the life of the people during a portion of the year. + +In all the valley towns one sees little houses and platforms, +apparently of no practical value, yet occupying important places, +while in the period following the rice-harvest elaborate festivals are +carried on about them. Soon it develops that each of these structures +has a definite name, is associated with a particular ceremony, and +is built and kept in repair in honor of certain powerful spirits. + +The culmination of these rites is the great _Sayang_ ceremony which +extends over seventeen days and nights. When this is held, it includes +all the minor events of this class, and the smaller spirit structures +are then built or repaired. This supreme event can only be celebrated +by a few families, but all the townpeople are welcome guests, and all, +regardless of age and sex, may witness or take part in the proceedings. + +Since all the great events occur after the harvest, a time of leisure +and plenty, they become the great social events of the year. A person +who does not have the hereditary right to the ceremonies may gain the +liberty if he be warned in a dream or be notified by the spirits that +it is their wish. Since all the expenses of such a gathering fall on +the giver, it is imperative that he be well-to-do. Such a one gives +the ceremonies, in order, during a term of years, and eventually +obtains the right to the _Sayang_, the greatest social and religious +event in Tinguian life. + +Adoption entitles an individual to all the privileges of the family, +and as the writer and his wife were adopted into a family possessing +the right to all the ceremonies, they became at once participants in +all the events which are here described. In this way it was possible +to obtain information and instruction on many points which observation +alone could scarcely afford. + +The _Pala-an_ ceremony is the first round on the social and religious +ladder. It is here given in some detail, and is then followed by +others, in the order of their importance. + +_Pala-an_.--The _Pala-an_ is held when some member of the family is +ill, or when the structure of that name needs repair. Many spirits +visit the people during this rite, but the one chiefly interested is +Idadaya, the spirit of the east. He and his ten grandchildren wear in +their hair the notched tail-feathers of a rooster, which are known +as _igam._ From time to time these lose their luster, and they can +only be refreshed by having some mortal celebrate _Pala-an_. + +When it appears that these ornaments need attention, the Idadaya will +notify some family, either through a medium or by sending illness +to them. + +A family having received such a notification summons a medium, +and she at once begins to gather _saklag_ (_Justicia gendarussa_ +L.) and _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ sp. near _scandens_) and a grass known +as _bildis_, while the men secure the bamboo and other materials used +in building the spirit structure. One corner of the living room is +screened off with a large white blanket called _tabing_, and behind +it the medium places unthreshed rice and jars which she has decked +with vines and leaves. + +While she is thus engaged, the men are busy building the _pala-an_ +(Plate XXIV). This consists of four long poles--three of bamboo and +one of a resinous tree, _anteng_, [143] set in a square and supporting, +near the top, a platform of bamboo. + +A number of women have been invited to assist the family, and they +now proceed to beat out sufficient rice to serve the guests. When +the pounding is finished, a rice-mortar is set out in the open, and +a little rice is placed in it. The women, armed with long pestles, +gather around and, keeping time to the music of copper gongs, they +circle the mortar contra-clockwise, striking its edge three times +in regular beats of 1, 2, 3; on the next beat the leader strikes the +bottom of her pestle against that of her neighbor, on the first and +second beats, but on the third she pounds the rice in the mortar. This +is repeated by the woman on her right and so on around the circle. Then +the leader strikes the top of her pestle against the top of the one +held by the women next her on two beats and on the third pounds rice, +and this is repeated by all. The music now becomes much faster, and, +keeping time with it, the leader strikes first into the rice, then +whirls clear around and strikes the pestle of the woman on her left; +again she turns and strikes that of the woman on her right. Each +follows her in turn, and soon all are in motion about the mortar, +alternately pounding the rice and clashing pestles. This is known as +_kitong_, and is the method prescribed by the great spirit Kaboniyan +for the breaking of a part of the rice to be used in this and other +ceremonies (Plate XXXI). + +As soon as the pounding is finished, the medium places some of +the newly broken rice in a bamboo dish, and places this on a rice +winnower. She also adds a skirt, five pieces of betel-nut, two piper +leaves, and a little dish of oil, and carries the collection below +the _pala-an_, where a bound pig lies. The betel-nut and leaf are +placed on the animal, then the medium dips her fingers in the oil, +and strokes its side while she recites the following _diam_:-- + +"The spirit who lives in Dadaya lies in bed; he looks at his _igam_, +and they are dull. He looks again, 'Why are my _igam_ dull? Ala, +let us go to Sudipan, where the Tinguian live, and let us take our +_igam_, so that some one may make them bright again.' After that they +laid them (the _igam_) on the house of the Ipogau, and they are all +sick who live in that house. Kaboniyan looked down on them. 'Ala, +I shall go down to the Ipogau,' He truly went down to them, 'What is +the matter with you?' 'We are all sick who live in the same place,' +said those sick ones. 'That is true, and the cause of your sickness +is that they (the spirits) laid down their _igam_ on you. It is best +that you make _Pala-an_, since you have received their _igam_, for +that is the cause of your illness,' After that they made _Pala-an_, +and they recovered from their sickness, those who lived in the same +place. (Here the medium calls the spirits of Dadaya by name and then +continues.) 'Now those who live in the same place make bright again +those _igam_ which you left in their house. Make them well again, +if you please'." + +As soon as she finishes her recital, the pig is stabbed in the throat, +its blood is collected, and is mixed with cooked rice. The carcass is +singed at once. Five men then carry it to the top of the _pala-an_, +where it is cut up. The suet and the hind legs are handed to the +medium, who places them behind the screen in the room, and the family +may then rest assured that the spirits thus remembered will free them +from headache and sore eyes. After the flesh has been cut into small +pieces, most of it is carried into the dwelling to be cooked for +the guests, but a portion is placed in a bamboo tube, and is cooked +beneath the _pala-an_. When it is ready to serve, the five men again +go to the top of the structure and eat it, together with cooked rice, +then they take the bamboo cooking tube, tie some of the sacred vines +from behind the curtain about it, and fasten it to one pole of the +_pala-an_. The men in the house are free to eat, and when they are +finished, the women dine. + +In the cool of the afternoon, the people begin to assemble in the +yard, where they are soon joined by the medium carrying a spear in +one hand, a rooster in the other, and with a rice winnower atop her +head. She places the latter on a rice-mortar close to the _pala-an_, +and uncovering it reveals a small head-axe, notched chicken feathers, +her shells, five pieces of betel-nut and two leaves, a jar cover, +a dish of oil, and a coconut shell filled with rice and blood. + +At the command of the medium, four or five men begin to play on +copper gongs, while the wife of the host comes forward and receives +the spear and rooster in one hand. The medium takes the head-axe, +and then the two women take hold of the winnower with their free +hands. Keeping time to the music, they lift it from the mortar, +take one step, then stop, strike the spear and head-axe together, +then step and stop again. At each halt the medium takes a little of +the rice and blood from the winnower and sprinkles it on the ground +for the spirits to eat. [144] When they have made half the circuit +of the mortar, they change places and retrace their steps; for "as +they take the gifts partly away and then replace them, in the same +manner the spirits will return that part of the patient's life which +they had removed, and he will become well and strong again." + +The blood and rice which remain after this dance is placed on nine +pieces of banana bark. Five of these are carried to the _pala-an_; +one to the east and one to the west gate of the town; one is put on +the _talagan_, a miniature seat erected near by for the convenience of +visiting spirits, and one in a little spirit house known as _tangpap_ +(cf.p.311). For an hour or more, the medium makes _dawak_, and summons +many spirits into her body. When the last of superior beings has made +his call, the medium goes to her home, carrying her payment for the +day's work, [145] but the townspeople remain to drink _basi_ and to +sing _da-eng_ until well into the night. + +Early the next morning, the medium goes to the house, and removing +the jars and the bundle of decorated rice from the _tabing_, carries +them to the family's rice granary, and places them in the center of +that structure, covering them with six bundles of rice. This is an +offering to the spirit residing there, and for the next five days +the granary must not be opened. + +Nothing more of importance takes place during the morning, but late +in the afternoon the people assemble in the dwelling to drink _basi_, +while one or more mediums summon the spirits. After a time a sterile +female pig is brought in and placed in the center of the room. Two +men armed with long knives slice the animal open along the length of +its stomach. An old man quickly slips in his hand, draws out the still +palpitating heart, and hands it to a medium, who in turn strokes the +stomachs of members of the family, thus protecting them from intestinal +troubles. She also touches the guests and the articles which have +been used during the day. For this second day this medium receives, +as pay, the head and two legs of the pig, a hundred fathoms of thread, +a dish of broken rice, and five bundles of unthreshed rice. She also +is given a small present in exchange for each bead she received when +the spirits entered her body. + +Following the ceremony, the members of the family are barred from work, +usually for one moon, and during this period they may not eat of wild +pig or carabao, of lobsters or eels. An infraction of this rule would +incur, the wrath of the spirits and result in sickness and disaster. + +_Tangpap_.--In many of the valley towns Tangpap is only a part +of _Sayang_ (cf.p.345), and is never given alone, but in Manabo, +Lagangilang, and nearby settlements it is recognized as one of the +ceremonies which must be celebrated before a family acquires the +right to _Sayang_. In these villages it follows _Pala-an_ after a +lapse of two or three years. It was during the progress of this +ceremony in the village of Manabo, in 1908, that the writer and +his wife were made members of the tribe, and since the mediums were +particularly anxious that we know all the details, the information +in this instance is unusually complete. It is here given in full, +as an excellent example of how all are conducted. + +A Manabo woman, the wife of Sagasag, was seized with an illness which +deprived her of the use of her limbs, and when other means of relief +failed, was told by the spirits to give the _Tangpap_ ceremony, to +which she already had a hereditary right. A medium was summoned, +and she, with two assistants, began to prepare many presents for +the spirits who were expected to attend the ceremony. From previous +experience it was known the sort of gift each would appreciate, and +by the end of the second day the following things were in readiness. + +For the spirits Bakod and Olak, [146] a rice winnower was loaded with +a shield, a clay dish, a coconut shell filled with _basi_, a string of +beads, a small basket, two bundles of rice, and leaves of the _atilwag_ +(_Breynia acuminata_), later the half of a slain pig was also added. + +Cords were attached at each corner of the living room, and beneath +the points where they crossed was a mat on which the mediums were to +sit when summoning the spirits. On the cords were leaves, grasses, +and vines, the whole forming a decoration pleasing to the superior +beings, I-anayan and I-angawan. + +For Gapas they provided two small baskets of rice, a shell called +_gosipeng_, and a rattan-like vine, _tanobong_, betel-nuts and +piper-leaf. + +Bogewan received a basket of rice, some white thread, sections of +_posel_--a variety of bamboo--, _atilwag_ leaves, and some beads. For +Bognitan, a jar was partly filled with _tanobong_, and for Gilin, a +jar of _basi_. Cooked rice was moulded into the form of an alligator, +and was spotted with red, betel saliva. This, when placed on a basket +of rice, was intended for Bolandan. + +Soyan was provided with a basket which contained the medium's +shells and a cloth, while Ibaka received a jar cover filled with +salt. Dandawila had to be content with a stem of young betel-nuts, +and Bakoki with two fish baskets filled with pounded rice, also a +spear. A large white blanket was folded into a neat square, and on +it was laid a lead sinker for the use of Mamonglo. + +As a rule, three spirits named Mabeyan attended this ceremony. For +the first, a bamboo frame was constructed, and on it was placed a +female pig, runo (a reed), and prepared betel nut. For the second, +a shield, fish net, rice and a rice winnower, and a bit of string; +while for the third, a rice winnower was set with eight coconut shells, +a small dish, and a gourd dipper. + +During a considerable portion of the time that these articles +were being prepared, several men sat in the yard and played on +the _tongatong_, but when the mediums finally gave the signal that +everything was in readiness, they moved their instrument up on the +porch of the dwelling, where they continued playing softly. + +One of the mediums took her place in the mat in the middle of the room, +and raising a Chinese plate above her head, began to strike against +it with her shells, in order to notify the spirits that the ceremony +was about to begin. Next she placed two dishes on the mat in front +of her, and as she sang a monotonous chant, she touched each one with +a small stick. The host was then ordered to shuffle his feet between +the lines of dishes and to step over each one. As soon as he did so, +the medium pulled the mat from beneath them, rolled it up, and used +it as a whip with which she struck the head of each member of the +family. The spirit who had caused the woman's illness was supposed to +be near by, and after he witnessed this whipping, he would be afraid +to remain longer. As a promise of future reward to the well-disposed +immortals, a bound pig was then placed beside the door of the dwelling. + +Going to the hearth, the medium withdrew burning sticks, and placed +them in a jar, and held this over the head of the sick woman, for +"a spirit has made her sick, but the fire will frighten him away, +and she will get well." After she had made the circuit of the family, +she held a bundle of rice above the flames, and with it again went +to each person in the room; then she did the same thing with broken +rice and with the _atilwag_ vine. + +Two mediums then seated themselves on the mat, and covering their +faces with their hands, began to chant and wail, beseeching the +spirits to enter their bodies. One after another the spirits came +and possesed the mediums, so that they were no longer regarded as +human beings, but as the spirits themselves. First came Kakalonan, +also known as Boboyonan, a friendly being whose chief duty it is +to find the cause of troubles. Addressing the sick woman, he said, +"Now you make this ceremony, and I come to make friends and to tell +you the cause of your trouble. I do not think it was necessary for you +to hold this ceremony now, for you built your _balaua_ only two years +ago; yet it is best that you do so, for you can do nothing else. You +are not like the spirits. If we die, we come to life again; if you +die, you do not." At this point an old man interrupted, and offered +him a drink of _basi_. At first Kakalonan refused, saying he did not +want to accept any payment; but finally he yielded and drained the +coconut shell of liquor. After assuring the family that all would be +well with them when the ceremony was complete, he took his departure. + +The next spirit to come was Sagangan [147] of Anayan. He appeared to +be in a rage, because the proper present had not been prepared for his +coming, and was expressing himself vigorously when a passing woman +happened to touch him, and he at once departed. The medium chanted +for a long time, urging him to return, and finally he did so. At once +he demanded that two bundles of rice have wax heads moulded on them, +and that black beads be inserted for eyes. These, he assured them, +would serve him as well as the woman's life, so he would make the +exchange, and she would get well. + +When the dolls were prepared, he addressed the husband, "My other +name is Ingalit, and I live in the sky. What is the matter with the +woman?" "I do not know," replied the man. "We ask you." "You ask me, +what is the matter with this woman, and I will tell you. How does +it happen that Americans are attending the ceremony?" The husband +replied that the Americans wished to learn the Tinguian customs, and +this finally seemed to satisfy the superior being. Turning toward the +door where the men were still softly playing on the _tongatong_, he +called out peevishly, "Tell the people not to play on the _tongatong_, +for the spirits who wish to hear it are not present, and we are ashamed +to have the Americans hear it. You make this ceremony now because you +are sick and do not wish to die, but you could have waited two years." + +While this spirit was talking, another, who said he lived in +Langbosan, and had been sent by Gilen, came to the body of the +second medium. Paying no attention to the other spirit, he began +to give instructions for the conduct of the ceremony. The _tangpap_ +was to be build the next morning, also two _balags_ (p.308), and for +them they were to prepare one pig. "Do not fail to prepare this pig, +but you may use it for both _tangpap_ and _balag_. You will also make +a _taltalabong_ (p.311). For this you must prepare a different pig, +for this is for the sons and servants of Kadaklan." + +After the departure of these beings, ten other spirits came in quick +succession. Two of the latter claimed to be Igorot spirits, and both +talked with the peculiar stacatto accent of the people who live along +the Kalinga-Igorot border. [148] + +After the departure of the Igorot spirits, both mediums were possessed, +one by Sanadan, a male spirit, and the other by the female spirit +of Pangpangdan. At their request the men began again to play on the +_tongatong_, and the spirits danced. Soon Sanadan began to fondle the +woman, to rub her face with his, to feel of her body and at last of +her privates. Other spirits, who stayed only long enough to drink, +followed them, and then Gonay appeared. The spectators had been +openly bored by the last few visitors, but the name of Gonay quickly +revived their interest. She began to sing a wailing song in which she +told of her sad plight. Time after time she repeated the sentence, +"Gongay has no husband, for her mother put a stone in her vagina, +yet she loves all young men." From time to time she would pause, and +make ludicrous attempts to fondle the young boys, and then when they +resisted her, she again took up her plaint. At last she succeeded in +getting one young fellow to exchange cigars and headbands with her, +and began to rub her hands on his body, urging him not to leave +her. Just when she seemed on the verge of success in winning him, +another spirit Baliwaga came to the medium, and the fun-maker had +to depart. The newcomer placed an agate bead in a dish, and held it +high above his head while he danced. Finally he called out that the +bead had vanished, but when he lowered the plate, it was still there, +and he left in chagrin. He was succeeded by a dumb female spirit named +Damolan, who undertook to do the trick in which her predecessor had +failed. Holding the plate high above her head, she danced furiously, +and from time to time struck against the side of the dish with the +medium's shells. Twice when she lowered the dish, the bead was there, +but on the third attempt it had vanished. The trick was so cleverly +done that, although we were beside her and watching closely, we did +not detect the final movement. With much satisfaction, the medium +assured us that the bead would be found in the hair of the man who +broke the first ground for the _tangpap_, a boast which was made good +the following morning. + +Adadog came next, and not finding the chicken which should have been +placed on the mat for him, he broke out in a great fury and tried to +seize a man in its place. He was restrained from doing injury to his +victim, and soon left, still highly indignant. Seven other spirits +stopped only for a drink, and then Daliwaya appeared. Upon her arrival, +one of the headmen gravely informed her that the people wished to adopt +four Americans, but that only one was then present. The spirit bade the +writer to arise from the mat, where he was lying, and after stroking +his head for a time, said, "You wish to make this American an _Itneg_, +[149] but before you can do anything, the spirits must approve and +give him a name. I will give him a name now, and then to-morrow all +the people must say if they wish to give him another name and make him +Ipogau. [150] His name shall be Agonan, for that is the name of the +spirit who knows many languages." Again she stroked the writer's head, +and then taking a large porcelain platter, she filled it with _basi_, +and together we drank the liquor, alternately, a swallow at a time. + +After her departure, an Alzado [151] came and danced with high knee +action, meantime saying, she was there to make some one ill, and that +she would do so unless the American gave her a cloth for her clout +when she returned the following day. + +The next visitor was Sanadan, the spirit who owns and guards the deer +and wild pig. Up to this time the people had been mildly interested in +the arrivals, but when this important being appeared, the men at once +became alert; they told him of their troubles in the hunts, of the +scarcity of deer, and urged him to send more of them to Mt. Posoey, +where they were accustomed to hunt. He offered much good advice +concerning the methods of hunting, but refused to take any action +regarding the game on the nearby mountain, for, he said, the spirit +Dapwanay who owns Posoey was watching the game there. Just before he +departed, he called to the headmen, "I am very rich and very bold. I am +not afraid to go anywhere. I can become the sunset sky. I am going to +Asbinan in Kalaskigan to have him make me a shoe of gold. To-morrow +you must not use any of the things you have had out-of-doors, but +you may make use of them when you build the _taltalabong_." + +The last spirit to come that night was Ablalansa who keeps guard +over the sons of Kadaklan. He paused only for a drink and to tell the +people that America was very near to the place, where the big birds +live who eat people. + +It was midnight when the medium informed us that no more spirits +would come that evening, and we went to rest. + +About six o'clock the next morning, the women began the ceremonial +pounding of the rice known as _kitong_ (cf. p. 329) in the yard, while +one of the mediums went to the bound pig lying in the dwelling and +recited a _diam_ as she stroked its side; she also poured a little +_basi_ through the slits in the floor for the use of any visiting +spirits. While the women were thus engaged, the men were busy +constructing spirit houses in the yard. Of greatest importance was +the _tangpap_ (Plate XXVII), a small bamboo structure with a slanting +roof, resting on four poles, and an interwoven bamboo floor fastened +about three feet above the ground. [152] Near one of the house poles +a funnel-shaped basket was tied, and in it was set a forked stick, +within the crotch of which was a little floor and roof, the whole +forming a resting place for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg. The +_pala-an_ needed a few repairs, and two of the old men looked after +these, while others made two long covered bamboo benches which might +be used either by visiting men or spirits. [153] Four long bamboo +poles were set in the ground, and a roof placed over them to form +the _bang-bangsal_, a shelter always provided for the spirits of Soyau. + +By ten o'clock all was in readiness, and the people then gathered +in the dwelling, where the mediums began summoning the spirits. The +first to arrive was Omgbawan, a female spirit whose conversation +ran as follows: "I come now because you people ought to make this +ceremony. I did not come last night, for there were many spirits here, +and I was busy. You people who build _tangpap_ must provide all the +necessary things, even though they are costly. It is good that the +Americans are here. I never talked with one before." + +Manaldek [154] was the next arrival, and as he was one of the spirits +who was supposed to have caused the patient's illness, his visit was +of considerable importance. He was presented with a spear and prepared +betel-nut. The latter was attached to the point of the weapon, and +this was pressed against the body of the pig, then the spirit touched +each member of the family in order to drive the sickness from them. + +Mamonglo ordered the family under a white blanket, and then touched +the head of each person with a lead sinker, while his companion +spirit waved a bundle of rice and a firebrand over them, "To take +away the sickness which they had sent." Six other spirits came +long enough to drink, then Bisangolan occupied the attention of +all for a time. He is an old man, a giant who lives near the river, +and with his head-axe keeps the trees and driftwood from jamming, +and thus prevents floods. For quite a time he chatted about himself, +then finally blew smoke over the people, at the same time assuring +them that the sickness would now vanish like the smoke. Just before +departing he informed the family that a spirit named Imalbi had caused +the trouble in the patient's eyes, and that on the next morning they +must build a little house, called _balitang_, among the banana trees, +and place in it a live chicken. + +Gayangayan, a female spirit from Lagayan, followed, rubbed the head +of each person, blew smoke over them, and then announced thus: "The +people of Layogan [155] must not close their doors when it rains, +or it will stop." + +The attitude of the people toward the weaker and less important spirits +was well shown when Ambayau, a wild female spirit, arrived. She +demanded to know where she could secure heads, and immediately the +people began to tell her all sorts of impossible places, and made jests +about her and her family. Finally they told her to take the head of +a certain Christianized native; but she refused, since she had short +hair, and it would be hard for her to carry the skull. While she +was still talking, the men started to carry the pig from the room, +but she detained them, to explain that the people cut the meat into +too large pieces, for "we spirits eat only so much," indicating a +pinch. The spirit Soyau came for a drink, and then all the people +went out to the _tangpap_, where the pig was killed, singed, and cut +up. A small pig was laid beside the _pala-an_, and for a time was +guarded by the son of the sick woman, who for this event had placed +the notched chicken-feathers in his hair, and had put on bracelets +of boar's tusks. As soon as she had finished at the _tangpap_, the +medium came to the _pala-an_, and having recited the proper _diam_ +over the pig lying there, ordered it killed in the manner already +described for this structure (cf. p. 329). Both animals were then +cooked, and soon all the guests were eating, drinking and jesting. + +Late in the afternoon, the spirit mat was spread in the yard near to +the _tangpap_, and the mediums began summoning the spirits. The first +to come was Mamabeyan, an Igorot spirit for whom the people showed +the utmost contempt. They guyed him, threw dirty water on his body, +and in other ways insulted him, until in his fury he tried to climb the +house posts to punish a group of girls, the worst offenders, but men +and women rushed up with sticks and clubs, and drove him back. After +a time he calmed down, and going to a bound pig, he addressed it as +"a pretty lady," and tried to caress it. + +While this clown spirit was amusing the crowd, a second medium +brought out ten coconut shells, one of which was filled with blood +and rice. These she placed on a winnower, which in turn was set on a +rice-mortar. Soon the spirit Ilongbosan entered her body, and commanded +the son of the patient to take some of the blood and rice from the +one dish, place it in all the others, and then put it back again, +"for when the spirits make a man sick, they take part of his life, +and when they make him well, they put it back. So the boy takes a part +of the blood and rice away, and gives it to the spirits, then puts +it back." The spirit was followed, by Gilen, who bade the lad take +hold of one side of the winnower, while he held the other. Raising +it in the air, they danced half way round the mortar, then retraced +their steps. "This is because the spirits only partially took the +life away. Now they put it back." As they finished dancing, Gilen +struck his spear against the boy's head-axe and departed. + +The medium, now with her own personality, leaned a shield against the +rice-mortar, and in the [Lambda] thus formed she hung a small bundle +of rice and a burning cord, while over the whole she spread a fish +net. Scarcely had she completed this task, when she was possessed +by the spirit of Kibayen, this being walked round and round the +net, seeking for an opening, but without success. Later the medium +explained, "The rice and fire represent the woman's life, which the +spirit wishes to take; but she cannot, since she is unable to pass +through the fish net." + +The next visitor was Yangayang, who began to boast of his power to make +persons ill. Suddenly the medium fell to the ground in convulsions, +and then stretched out in a dead faint. The writer examined her +closely, but could not detect her breathing. After a moment, the +second medium seized a rooster and waved it over the prostrate form, +while an old man gave a sharp stroke on a gong close to her head. The +medium awoke from her faint and thus "the death was frightened away." + +Mamonglo, who had been present during the morning, returned for a +moment to again rub the family and guests with his lead sinker. While +he was thus engaged, the second medium was possessed by Baniyat, +a female who made a bit of fun by trying to steal the beads of the +young girls, "so the men would love her." Several times she tried +to scale the house ladder, but was always repulsed, and each failure +was greeted with jeers and ridicule. + +Gomogopos, who causes stomach troubles, came, and after dancing +before the rice-mortar, demanded that a small pig be laid before the +_tangpap_. Scarcely had the animal been deposited, when the spirit +seized a head-axe and cut it in two at one blow. Then he dipped the +weapon in its blood and applied it to the stomach of each member +of the family. "The pig is his pay, and now he takes away his kind +of sickness." + +The second medium secured a live rooster, and using its wings as a +brush, she took up the blood and the two halves of the pig, and put +them in the _tangpap_. "The rooster is the spirits' brush, and when +the dirt In front of the _tangpap_ is cleaned up, then the people will +be clean and well inside their bodies." At the command of the medium, +the husband of the patient went to the opposite side of the _tangpap_; +then she threw a bundle of rice over the structure to him. He caught +it, and immediately threw it back. This was repeated six times, but +on the seventh the bundle lighted on the roof, where it was allowed +to remain. "The spirit threw away the lives of the people, but the +man returned them. The bundle is now on the _tangpap_, so now the +people's lives will remain safe." + +An unnamed spirit was next to appear, and at his command the fore part +of the pig was stood upright in the winnower, and a stick was placed in +each nostril. These were seized by the spirit, who pumped them up and +down, then withdrew them, and stroked each member of the family, while +he chanted, "I did this to your lives, so now I must do it to you." + +Saking, a lame spirit, called for one of the pig's legs, and with +it rubbed the limbs of each member of the family, "so that they will +not become ill in their legs." + +One of the mediums now became possessed by Mangamian, who carried +a feather which he used as a fighting knife. The onlookers seized +similar weapons and defended themselves, or drove the spirit away +by threatening him with a small dog. A fire had been built near +the _tangpap_, and from time to time the spirit would rush up to +this, thrust his feather into the flames, and then put it into his +mouth. Later it was explained, "He is an evil spirit who tries to +kill people. The feather is his bolo. He is like a blacksmith, and +when his knife gets dull, he puts it in the fire, then puts it in his +mouth to wet it, so as to make it ring." Three spirits now appeared in +quick succession, and discussed with the old men the advisability of +adopting the Americans [156] as Ipogau. Finally the leader Ilabdangan +called them to the mat before him and told them their names, and also +recited a list of their relations. Then, filling a coconut shell with +_basi_, he drank half and presented the shell to each candidate, who +had to drain it to the last drop. A circle was formed, and for the +balance of the afternoon the new members of the tribe had to dance +_tadek_ with their relations. + +Just before dusk, the Igorot spirit Daliwaya, who had been present the +night before, appeared and demanded that the American give her cloth +for her clout. When she received this, she sang and then instructed +the men how to dance in Igorot fashion. When finally they were doing +her bidding, she danced beside them with outstretched arms in the +manner of the Igorot women. Later, when the medium was again herself, +we questioned her concerning her knowledge of this dance, but she +professed absolute ignorance. + +That evening the people danced _tadek_, for a short time, near to the +_pala-an_, then a fire was built beside the _tangpap_, and by its light +the visitors danced _da-eng_ until far into the night (cf.p. 440). + +Early the next morning, the men went to some banana trees near +to a rice granary, and there constructed a little spirit house, +which resembled the _pala-an_, except that it was only about four +feet high. This was called _balitang_, and was made in fulfilment of +the orders given by the spirit Imalbi on the previous evening. When +it was finished, the medium placed a dish of broken rice on it, and +then tied a rooster with a belt close enough, so that the fowl could +eat of the rice. Returning to the dwelling, she took down a small +shield which was attached to the wall, placed new leaves and a dish +of oil on it. Then as she stirred the oil, she sang the _Talatal_ +(Plate XXXII). The significance of this song, which consists only +of mentioning the names of prominent men of various villages, seems +to be lost. The _kalang_, or spirit box, was then redecorated, food +was dropped through the slits in the floor for visiting spirits, +and finally the medium held the shield over the heads of the family, +beat upon it with a head-axe, while in a loud voice she asked the +spirits that, since the family was now celebrating _tangpap_, they +would please make them well again. The shield was fastened to the +wall, new offerings of _basi_ were placed in the _kalang_, and after +it had been swung over the head of the patient, it was again fastened +above the house beam near to the roof. + +For the next hour the mediums summoned spirits to them. The first five +had little of interest to offer, except that each demanded that his +liquor be served to him on a head-axe. When the spirit Amangau arrived, +he spent the time boasting of his head-hunting exploits; he told of how +he had gone to one village, and had killed all the people, except one +pregnant woman, and of the dance which followed. Finally he claimed +the credit of having killed a man who had recently died in Manabo, +and assured the people that his friends were then dancing about the +head. The spirit Banbanyalan, who followed, disclaimed any part in the +killing just mentioned, but verified the statement of his predecessor. + +Tomakdeg came, and after filling his mouth with rice, blew it out +over the people, in the same way that the sickness was to be spit +out. Meanwhile Bebeka-an, armed with a wooden spoon, tried to dig +up the floor and the people on it, "for that is the way she digs +up sickness." Awa-an, a spirit of the water, came to inform the +people that the spirit of a man recently drowned was just passing the +house. Everything else was abandoned for a few moments, while _basi_ +was poured out of the window, so that the dead might receive drink. + +Two female spirits, Dalimayawan and Ginlawan, came at the same +time and danced together, while they informed the people of their +beauty and their expertness in dancing. Suddenly they stopped, +and said that Andayau, the mother of Lakgangan, was near by; then +they instructed the host that he should wrap a gourd in a cloth and +tell Andayau that it was her son's head, and that he had been killed, +because he had stolen carabao. Scarcely had the two visitors departed, +when the mother appeared, and being informed of her son's death, she +began to wail, "He is lost. No one works the fields, where we planted +calabasa. Lakgangan is lost, he who has been killed. Why did you go +to steal carabao? We have put Lakgangan in a hammock; we take him to +Tomakdang. The _basi_ put out for Lakgangan is good. He is lost whom +they went to kill. Lakgangan is lost. We take him to Tomakdang." + +The song was interrupted by a head-hunting spirit, who demanded the +heads of two visiting girls from Patok, but she finally went away +satisfied with a piece of cloth which they gave her. Blood and oil +were sprinkled liberally over the ground and the gathering broken up +for the morning. + +All the forenoon, a small group of men and women, had been constructing +a small covered bamboo raft, and had placed in it a sack of rice, +which had been contributed by all the people. [157] + +By four o'clock a large number of people had gathered in the yard near +the house, and soon the spirit mats were spread on an old bedstead, +and the mediums started again to summon the superior beings. The first +two to appear were Esteban from Cagayan and Maria from Spain. They wore +gay handkerchiefs about their shoulders, and when they danced, gave +an imitation of the Spanish dances now seen among the Christianized +natives of the coast. It was quite evident that these foreign spirits +were not popular with the people, and they were distinctly relieved +when Mananako replaced them. This spirit has the reputation of being +a thief, and the guests had great sport preventing him from stealing +the gifts intended for other spirits. + +In the midst of this revelry, the other medium was suddenly possessed +by Kadaklan--the supreme being. The laughter and jesting ceased, and +breathlessly the people listened, while the most powerful being said, +"I am Kadaklan. Here in this town where I talk, you must do the things +you ought to do. I hear what you say you desire, and I see what you are +able to do. Something ill will befall you unless you quickly celebrate +_Sagobay_ (cf. p. 324), when there are no strangers or Christians in +your town. Where is the _basi_ which should have been in the place +where I first came?" [158] Without awaiting an answer he vanished, +and his wife Agemem took his place and repeated his remarks with +little variation. + +Sopo, a gambler, next appeared and tossed handfuls of coins into a +blanket. He stated that if heads came up, the people won and would +have good health, but if they lost, their lives were his. As soon as +he threw, the people rushed up, and if they saw any tails they were +quickly turned, and the spirit was informed that he had lost. + +Kimat, lightning, came and demanded a drink, which was given. As he is +usually considered as a dog, the writer inquired why he had appeared +as a man, but was rewarded only by a shrug of the shoulders and the +word--_kadauyan_ ("custom"). + +Another spirit, Andeles, quickly replaced lightning, and with Sopo +danced on the spirit raft, while the old men put dishes of water and +coins inside, and fastened a small live chicken to the roof. The people +then tried to induce the spirits to leave, but they refused. Suddenly +they were flung aside, and two strong men seized the raft and started +to run with it. Immediately the two spirits gave chase and fought +viciously all who tried to get in their way, but when, finally, +their opponents were joined by an old woman carrying a bundle of +burning rice straw and an old man beating a drum, they gave up the +chase and vanished. The party proceeded on to the Abra river, where +they waded out into deep water and set the raft afloat (Plate XXVI). + +That evening the guests danced _da-eng_, and the ceremony was over. + +Throughout the three days, the mediums had been constantly drinking +of _basi_, and while under the strain of the ceremony, they had not +appeared intoxicated, but at its conclusion both were hopelessly +drunk. The payment for the service was one half of the largest pig, +unthreshed rice, and about two pesos in money, which was given in +exchange for the beads which different spirits had demanded. + +Kalangan.--In Manabo and the villages of that vicinity a period +of about seven years elapses between the building of _tangpap_ and +the celebration of _Kalangan_, but in most of the valley towns the +latter ceremony follows _Pala-an_ after two or three years. [159] +The ceremony is so similar to the _Tangpap_ just described that only +the barest outline will be given here. The chief difference in the +two is the type of structure built for the spirits. _Kalangan_ has +four supporting timbers to which the flooring is lashed, and from +which kingposts go to ridge poles. A bamboo frame rests on this and, +in turn, supports an overhanging grass roof (Plate XXIII). + +The procedure is as follows: Late in the afternoon, all the necessary +articles are brought to the house, then the mediums dance for a time to +the music of the _tongatong_. _Basi_ is served to the guests, and for +an hour or more the spirits are summoned. Next morning the _kalangan_ +is built, and two pigs are sacrificed beside it. Their blood mixed with +oil is offered to the spirits, and many acts, such as distributing the +rice into ten dishes and then replacing it in the original container, +the churning of sticks in the nose of a slaughtered animal and the +like, are performed. Spirits are summoned in the afternoon, and in +the evening _da-eng_ is danced. On the third day new offerings are +placed on the spirit shield and hanger; offerings are made at the +new structure, numerous spirits appear, talk to and amuse the people, +and finally _da-eng_ is danced until late evening. + +Following the ceremony, all members of the family are barred from work +for about one month. They may not eat the meat of the wild carabao, +wild hog, beef, eels, nor may they use peppers in their food. Wild +fowl are barred for a period of one year. + +_Kalangan_ is much more widespread than either _Tangpap_ or the +_Sayang_ ceremony, and this spirit structure is often found in +villages, where the other great ceremonies are lacking. + +_Sayang_.--The greatest of all the ceremonies is the _Sayang_, +the ability to celebrate which proclaims the family as one of +wealth and importance. In most cases the right is hereditary, but, +as already indicated, a person may gain the privilege by giving, +in order, and through a term of years, all the minor ceremonies. In +such circumstances _Sayang_ follows _Kalangan_ after a lapse of from +four to eight years. Otherwise the ceremony will be held about once +in seven years, or when the spirit structure known as _balaua_ is in +need of repairs. + +Originally this appears to have been a seventeen-day ceremony, as +it still is in Manabo, Patok, Lagangilang, and neighboring villages, +but in San Juan, Lagayan, Danglas, and some other settlements it now +lasts only five or seven days. However, even in those towns where it +occupies full time, the first twelve days are preliminary in nature. + +On the first day, the mediums go to the family dwelling and take +great pains to see that all forbidden articles are removed, for wild +ginger, peppers, shrimps, carabao flesh, and wild pork are tabooed, +both during the ceremony and for the month following. The next duty +is to construct a woven bamboo frame known as _talapitap_ on which +the spirits are fed, and to prepare two sticks known as _dakidak_, +one being a thin slender bamboo called _bolo_, the other a reed. These +are split at one end, so they will rattle when struck on the ground, +and thus call the attention of the spirit for whom food is placed on +the rack. + +That evening a fire is built in the yard, and beside it the mediums +dance _da-eng_ alone. Meanwhile a number of women gather in the yard +and pound rice out of the straw. This pounding of rice continues +each evening of the first five days. The first night they beat out +ten bundles, the second, twenty, and so on, until they clean fifty +on the fifth day. + +Little occurs during the second and third days, but on these evenings +the young men and girls join the mediums and dance _da-eng_ by the +fire in the yard. The fourth and fifth nights are known as _ginitbet_ +("dark"), for then no fires are lighted, and the mediums dance +alone. It is supposed that the black spirits, those who are deformed, +or who are too shy to appear before the people, will come out at this +time and enjoy the ceremony. + +Beginning with the sixth day the women pound rice in the early +morning. Starting with ten bundles, they increase the number by +ten each day until on the thirteenth morning they pound out eighty +bundles. A fire is lighted in the yard on the sixth day, and is kept +burning continuously through the eighth, but the ninth and tenth are +nights of darkness. When the fire is burning, it is a sign for all who +wish, to come and dance, and each evening finds a jolly party of young +people gathered in the yard, where they take part in the festivities, +or watch the mediums, as they offer rice to the superior beings. + +On the eleventh day, a long white blanket (_tabing_) is stretched +across one corner of the room, making a private compartment for the use +of visiting spirits. That evening, as it grows dark, a jar of _basi_ +is carried up into the house. All lights are extinguished both in +the yard and the dwelling, so that the guests have to grope their way +about. After the liquor is consumed, they go down into the yard, where, +in darkness, they join the medium in dancing _da-eng._ The twelfth day +is known as _Pasa-ad_--"the building." During the preliminary days, +the men have been bringing materials for use in constructing the great +spirit-house called _balaua_, and on this morning the actual work is +started. In form the _balaua_ resembles the _kalangan_, but it is large +enough to accommodate a dozen or more people, and the supporting posts +are trunks of small trees (Plate XXI). After the framework is complete, +one side of the roof is covered with cogon grass, but the other is +left incomplete. Meanwhile the women gather near by and pound rice in +the ceremonial manner described in the _Pala-an_ ceremony (cf. p. 329). + +As soon as the building is over for the day, a jar of _basi_ is +carried into the structure, a little of the liquor is poured into +bamboo tubes and tied to each of the corner poles. The balance of the +liquor is then served to the men who sit in the _balaua_ and play +on copper gongs. Next, a bound pig is brought in, and is tied to a +post decorated with leaves and vines. Soon the medium appears, and +after placing prepared betel-nut and lime on the animal, she squats +beside it, dips her fingers into coconut oil, and strokes its side, +then later dips a miniature head-axe into the oil, and again strokes +the animal, while she repeats a _diam_. This is a recital of how in +ancient times Kadaklan and Agemen instructed the Tinguian as to the +proper method of celebrating the _Sayang_ ceremony. [160] A little +later the pig is removed from the _balaua_, and its throat is cut, +first with a metal blade, but the deep, mortal thrust is made with a +bamboo spike. The animal is then singed, but its blood is carefully +saved for future use (Plate XXXIII). While all this is taking place, +the men in the _balaua_ drink _basi_ and sing _dalengs_ in which they +praise the liberality of their hosts, tell of the importance of the +family, and express hope for their continued prosperity. As they sing, +the chief medium goes from one to another of the guests, and after +dipping a piece of lead in coconut oil, holds it to their nostrils +as a protection against evil. When finally the pig has been singed +and scraped, it is again brought into the _balaua_, and its body is +opened by a transverse cut at the throat and two slits lengthwise of +its abdomen. The intestines are removed and placed in a tray, but the +liver is carefully examined for an omen. If the signs are favorable, +the liver is cooked and is cut up, a part is eaten by the old men, and +the balance is attached to the corner pole of the spirit structure. The +head, one thigh, and two legs are laid on a crossbeam for the spirits, +after which the balance of the meat is cooked and served with rice +to the guests. That evening many friends gather in the yard to dance +_da-eng_, to drink _basi_, or to sing _daleng_. According to tradition, +it was formerly the custom to send golden betel-nuts to invite guests +whom they wished especially to honor. [161] Nowadays one or more +leading men from other villages may be especially invited by being +presented with a bit of gold, a golden earring or bead. When such +a one arrives at the edge of the yard, he is placed in a chair, is +covered with a blanket, and is carried to the center of the dancing +space by a number of women singing _diwas_ (cf. p. 452). At frequent +intervals the merry-making is interrupted by one of the mediums who +places the _talapitap_ on the ground, puts rice and water on it, +and then summons the spirits with the split sticks. Once during the +evening, she places eight dishes and two coconut shells of water on +the rack. Reaching into one of the dishes which contains rice, she +takes out a handful and transfers it, a little at a time, into each +of the others, then extracting a few grains from each, she throws +it on the ground and sprinkles it with water from the two cups. The +remaining rice is returned to the original holder, and the act is +repeated eight times. The significance of this seems to be the same +as in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, where the life of the individual is +symbolized by the rice, which is only partially taken away and is again +returned. The next act is always carried out, but its meaning appears +to be lost. The eight dishes are filled with rice, and are placed on +the frame together with sixteen coconut shells of water, and eight men +and eight women seat themselves on opposite sides. First they eat a +little of the food, then taking a small amount in their fingers, they +dip it into the water and place it in the mouth of the person opposite. + +The fourteenth day is known as _Palay-lay_--"the seasoning"--and +during the next twenty-four hours the people remain quietly in the +village while the bamboo used in the _balaua_ "becomes good." + +Next day is one of great activity. The roofing of the _balaua_ is +completed, all necessary repairs are made to the dwelling, for dire +results would follow should any part of the house break through during +the concluding days of the ceremony. The balance of the day is taken +up in dancing and in the construction of the following spirit-houses: +the _Aligang, Balabago, Talagan, Idasan, Balag, Batog, Alalot, Pangkew_ +and _Sogayob_ (cf. pp. 308-311). Also a little bench is built near +the hearth, and on it are placed coconut shell cups and drinks for +the use of the Igorot spirits who usually come this night. + +The evening of this day is known as _Libon_--"plenty" or +"abundance." Toward nightfall the mediums, and their helpers enter the +dwelling and decorate it in a manner already described for the great +ceremonies. Cords cross the room from opposite corners and beneath, +where they meet, the medium's mat is spread. On the cords are hung +grasses, flowers, girdles, and wreaths of young coconut leaves. When +all is ready, a small pig is brought into the room, while the men +play frantically on their gongs and drums. On the medium's mat are +many articles, _alangtin_ leaves, a rooster, a branch filled with +young betel-nuts, cooked rice moulded into the form of an alligator, +but with a wax head and seeds for eyes, a spear, and a bundle of +rice straw. Taking up a dish of water, the medium pours a part of it +into the pig's ear; then, as the animal shakes its head, she again +catches it in the dish. Rolling up a mat, she dips it into the water, +and with it touches the heads of all members of the family, for in +the same manner that the pig has thrown the water out of its ear, +so in a like fashion will illness and misfortune be thrown from +all the family who have been sprinkled with it. This act finished, +the medium dances before the doors and windows, while she waves the +chicken, betel-nuts, or other objects taken from the mat. + +At her invitation, the host and his wife join her, but previously +they have dressed themselves in good garments, and on their heads +and at their waists they wear girdles and wreaths of _alangtin_, +or wild grasses. The host is handed a long knife, and is instructed +to cut the throat of the pig. His wife takes a rice winnower and +a stick, and going to each window strikes the winnower five times, +then drops it to the floor, at the same time crying, "Wa-hui." Next, +she strikes a jar of liquor with the winnower, then shakes a coconut +shell filled with rice against her abdomen; when finished she is +handed a live chicken and again she approaches the jar. Soon she is +joined by her husband, armed with a spear and head-axe. As he passes +the liquor, he stamps on the ground, while his wife waves the fowl, +and all this time the medium continues to sprinkle them with a grass +brush dipped in water. No explanation is given for the individual acts, +but the purpose of the whole is to drive away sickness, "just as the +rooster flaps his wings." Ten dishes are placed on the spirit mat, +and as the medium sings, she touches each one in turn with a split +bamboo; after which she piles the dishes up and has the host come and +squat over them three times. Another sprinkling with water follows +this act, and then the medium swings a bundle of rice and a lighted +torch over the head of each member of the family, while she assures +them that all evil spirits will now depart. + +The guests go down to the yard, where they are served with liquor, +and where they dance _da-eng_ and _tadek_. On all former occasions, +the liquor has been served in shell cups, but on this night a sort +of pan-pipe, made of bamboo tubes, is filled with liquor. The guest +drinks from the lowest of the series, and as he does so, the liquor +falls from one to another, so that he really drinks from all at one +time. Bamboo tubes attached to poles by means of cords are likewise +filled with _basi_ and served to the dancers. + +While the others are enjoying themselves, the mediums and the hosts +are attending strictly to the business in hand. Dressed in their best +garments, the husband and wife go to each one of the spirit houses, +and touch them with their feet, a circuit which has to be repeated +ten times. Each time as they pass the little porch-like addition, +known as _sogayob_, the mediums sprinkle them with water. When they +have completed their task, the mediums spread a mat in front of the +pig, which lies below the _sogayob_, and on it they dance, pausing +now and then to give the animal a vicious kick or to throw broken +rice over it. And so the night is passed without sleep or rest for +any of the principals in the ceremony. + +The sixteenth day is _Kadaklan_,--"the greatest." Soon after daybreak, +the people accompany the medium to the guardian stones near the gate +of the village, and watch her in silence, while she anoints the head +of each stone with oil, and places a new yellow bark band around its +"neck." As soon as she finishes, the musicians begin to play vigorously +on their gongs and drums, while two old men kill a small pig and +collect its blood. The carcass is brought to the medium, who places +it beside four dishes, one filled with _basi_, one with salt, one with +vinegar, and the last with the pig's blood. She drinks of the liquor, +dips her fingers in coconut oil, and strokes the pig's stomach, after +which it is cut up in the usual manner. The liver is studied eagerly, +for by the markings on it the fate of the host can be foretold. Should +the signs be unfavorable, a chicken will be sacrificed in the hope that +the additional offering may induce the spirits to change their verdict; +but if the omens are good, the ceremony proceeds without a halt. The +intestines and some pieces of meat are placed on the _ansi-silit,_--a +small spirit frame or table near the stones. The host, who has been +watching from a distance, is summoned, and is given a piece of the +flesh to take back to his house for food, and then the rest of the +meat is cooked and served to the guests. But before anything is eaten, +the medium places prepared betel-nuts before the stones, mixes blood +with rice, and scatters it broadcast, meanwhile calling the spirits +from near and far to come and eat, and to go with her to the village, +where she is to continue the ceremony. As the company approaches the +_balaua_, the musicians begin to beat on their gongs, while women in +the yard pound rice in ceremonial fashion. When they have finished, +the family goes up into the _balaua_ and dances to the music of the +gongs until the medium bids them stop. + +The pig which has been lying in front of the _sogayob_, and another +from the yard, are killed, and are laid side by side near to the +_balaua_ in a spot indicated by the medium. She places a bamboo tube +of water between them, on their backs she lays several pieces of +prepared betel-nut, then strokes their sides with oiled fingers. Her +next duty is to sprinkle _basi_ from the jar onto the ground with +a small head-axe, at the same time calling the spirits to come and +drink. (Plate XXXIV). A bundle which has been lying beside the animals +is opened, and from it the medium takes a red and yellow headband +with chicken feathers attached, and boar's tusk armlets. These she +places on the host, then hands him a blanket. Holding the latter in +his outstretched arms, as he would do if dancing _tadek_, he squats +repeatedly over a dish of water. As he finishes, the medium takes +the tube of water from between the pigs, and pouring a little of it +on her hand, she applies it to the abdomen of the man's wife and +children. The animals are now cooked in yard, while a quantity of +rice is made ready in the house. During the preparation of the meal, +the musicians play incessantly, but as the food is brought out, +they cease and join the others in the feast. + +It is late in the afternoon before much activity is again manifest. At +first a few gather and begin to dance _tadek_; little by little +others come in until by nightfall the yard is full. _Basi_ is served +to all, and soon, above the noisy laughter of the crowd, is heard the +voice of some leading man singing the _daleng_. The visitors listen +respectfully to the song and to the reply, then resume the music and +dancing. After a time a huge fire is built in the yard, and by the +flickering light two lines of boys and girls or older people will +form to sing and dance the _daeng._ [162] + +On the morning of the seventeenth day, the men kill two pigs, usually +by chasing them through the brush and spearing them to death. They +are prepared in the usual way, and are placed, one in the _balaua_, +the other in the _sogayob_, where they are cut up. A bit of the flesh +is left in each structure, the fore half of one animal is carried +into the yard, but the rest is prepared for food. + +On an inverted rice-mortar, in the yard, is placed a jar of _basi_, +notched chicken feathers, and boar's tusks. The man and his wife are +summoned before this, are decorated as on the day before, and are +instructed to dance three times around the mortar. While this is going +on, a shield and a rice winnower are leaned against each other so as +to form an arch on which lies a sheaf of rice. From the middle hangs +a piece of burning wood, while over all a fish net is thrown. As in a +former ceremony (cf. p. 347), the rice and fire represent the life of +some member of the family, which the evil spirits may desire to seize, +but they are prevented, since they are unable to pass through the +meshes of the net. Going to the half of the pig, which stands upright +in a rice winnower, the medium places a string of beads--agate and +gold--around its neck and attaches bits of gold to its legs. Then +she places a thin stick in each nostril and pumps them alternately +up and down, as a smith would work his forge. After a little she +removes the plungers, and with them strokes the bodies of members of +the family. Near to the pig stands a dish of water in which the heart +is lying. The host goes to this, removes the heart, and placing it on +his head-axe, takes it in front of the animal, where it lies, while +he pumps the nostril-sticks up and down ten times. Meanwhile his wife +is decorated with wreathes of leaves and vines; a leaf containing +the pig's tail and some of the flesh is placed on her head, and a +spear is put in her left hand. As her husband completes his task, +she goes to the mortar, where she finds one dish full of blood and +rice and the empty coconut shells. The rice and blood represent the +lives of the family, and following the instructions of the medium, +she takes these lives and places them little by little on the shells, +but before all is gone, the medium bids her return them to the big +dish. In a like manner the spirits may take a part of the life of the +family, but will return it again. This act is repeated ten times. Next +she takes a piece of woven bamboo, shaped like two triangles set end +on end [163], and goes to the _batog_, where her daughter sits under +a fish-net holding a similar "shield." They press these together, +and the mother returns to the mortar eight times. The mediums who +have gathered beneath the _sogayob_ begin to sing, while one of them +beats time with a split bamboo stick. At the conclusion of the song, +one of them offers _basi_ to the spirits and guests, and then placing +a bundle of green leaves on the ground, she pours water over it, +while the host and his wife are made to tramp in the mud. The man is +now carrying the spear, while the woman holds a cock in one hand, and +an empty dish in the other. As they are stamping on the damp leaves, +old women stand near by showering them with rice and water. + +Since early morning a dog has been tied at the end of the house. It +is now brought up to the bundle of leaves, and is knocked on the head +with a club, its throat is cut, and some of its blood is applied with a +head-axe to the backs of the man and woman. More water is poured on the +bundle, again they tramp in the mud, and again they are showered with +rice and water. The man goes to one side of the _balaua_, and throws +a bundle of rice over it to his wife, who returns it eight times. + +A strange procession now forms and winds its way to the stream. In the +lead is the host armed with spear, shield, and head-axe; next comes +the medium carrying the bamboo rack--_talapitap_--like a shield, +and the split bamboo--_dakidak_--as a spear; next is an old woman +with a coconut shell dish, then another with a bundle of burning +rice straw; behind her is the wife followed by a man who drags the +dead dog. They stop outside of the village, while the medium hides +the rack and split bamboo near the trail. Soon the man with the dog +leaves the line and drags the animal to a distant tree, where he ties +it in the branches. As they arrive at the stream, the people pause, +while the medium holds the shell cup beside the burning straw, and +recites a _diam_. The writer tried on two occasions to get this _diam_, +but it was given so low and indistinctly that its full content was +not secured, neither was it possible to get the medium to repeat it +after the ceremony. From what was heard it seems probable it is the +_dawak diam_, [164] a guess made more probable by the killing of the +dog and the bathing which follows. As soon as the medium finishes, +the whole party disrobes and bathes. + +Upon their return to the village, they are met by a company of men and +boys who assail them by throwing small green nuts. The host secures +the spirit rack which the medium had hidden, and with it attempts to +ward off the missiles. Despite this show of hostility, the company +proceeds to the _sogayob_, where the man and his wife wash their faces +in water containing pieces of coconut leaves. During all the morning +a number of women have been preparing food, and this is now served +to the guests, a considerable company of whom have collected. Late +in the afternoon, all the spirits are remembered in a great offering +of food. A framework is constructed in the yard, [165] and on it +are placed eggs, meat, fish, rice cakes, sugar, betel-nut, tobacco, +_basi_, and rice mixed with blood. After allowing the superior beings +a few moments to finish their repast, the viands are removed, and from +then until sunset all the guests dance _tadek_. As darkness comes, +a great fire is lighted in the yard, and within the circle of its +light the company gathers, while the more important men sing _daleng_. + +In some of the villages men gather the next morning to do any necessary +work on the _balaua_, and then the mediums celebrate the _dawak_, +[166] which always forms a part of this ceremony. In Manabo the _dawak_ +follows after an interval of three days. + +This great and final event is so much like the procedure which makes +up the _Tangpap_ ceremony that it seems necessary to give it only +in skeleton form, adding explanations whenever they appear to be +necessary. In the _balaua_ is spread a mat covered with gifts for +the spirits who are expected. Here also is the spirit shield from +the dwelling, and a great heap of refuse made up of the leaves, +vines and other articles used in the preceding days. + +When all is ready, a medium seats herself by the mat, dips oil from a +shallow dish with a small head-axe, and lets it drip onto the ground; +then she does the same with _basi_, and finally strokes a rooster +which lies beside the jar, all the while reciting the proper _diam_. + +Taking the spirit shield, which belongs in the dwelling, she puts +oil at each corner, and then touches the heads of all the family with +it. Beads and betel-leaf are added, and the shield is carried to the +house, where it is again fastened to the wall, as a testimony to all +passing spirits that the ceremony has been made, and food provided +for them. + +The time has now arrived for the spirits to appear. Seating herself +beside the mat, the medium strikes on a plate with her shells or a +piece of lead, and then starts her song. She rubs her hands together +with a revolving motion, swings her arms, and begins to tremble from +head to foot. Suddenly she is possessed by a spirit, and under his +direction holds oil to the nostrils of the host, and beats him with a +small whip of braided betel-leaf. This done, she drinks for the spirit, +and it departs. Again she sings, and again she is possessed. One +spirit takes the rooster, and with its wings cleans up the rubbish +in the _balaua_ and in the yard, empties it in a tray, and orders it +taken from the village. In the same way all sickness and misfortune +will be removed from the settlement. + +Several spirits follow, and as the morning wears on, the medium becomes +more and more intense. The muscles of her neck and the veins of her +forehead stand out like cords, while perspiration streams from her +bod. Taking a shield and head-axe in her hand, she does a sort of +muscle dance, then goes to each member of the family, and strikes the +weapons together over their heads; from them she goes to the doors +and windows, and strikes at them with the axe. Finally she returns to +the mat, balances a cup of _basi_ on the weapon, and causes the host +to drink. Another attack on the doors follows, and then in exhaustion +she sinks beside the mat. After a short rest, she dips beads in oil, +and with them touches the heads of the family. The musicians strike +up a lively tattoo at this point, and again seizing her weapons, +the medium dances in front of the spirit shield. Going to the rooster +on the mat, she cuts off a part of its comb, and presses the bloody +fowl against the back or leg of each person in the room. The spirit +drinks and disappears. + +The next visitor dances with the host, and then wrestles with him, but +upon getting the worst of the match takes leave. As in the _Tangpap_, +large number of minor beings call for a moment or two and pass on. One +spirit places the family beneath a blanket, cuts a coconut in two +above their heads, and first allows the water to run over them; then +finally the halves are allowed to drop. She waves burning rice-straw +above them, and removes the blanket. It is explained that the water +washes all evil away, and that as the shells fall from the family, +so will sickness leave them. Evil spirits are afraid of the fire, +and leave when the burning rice-straw is waved about the blanket. + +As a final act the members of the family are instructed to hold, +in their hands the head-axe, chicken feathers, agate beads, and +other articles, and then to mount the rice-mortar in the yard. Soon +one or more of the mediums is possessed by spirits, who rush toward +the mortar, and strive to seize the prized objects. Before they can +accomplish their design, they are met by old men and women, who fight +them off. At last they abandon the attempt and, together with the +host and his wife, go to the edge of the town, where they pick sweet +smelling leaves and vines. These they carry back to the village to +give to the guests, and to place in the house and spirit dwellings. + +As a final act _basi_ is served to all, and _tadek_ is danced until +the guests are ready to return to their homes. + +In San Juan they make the spirit raft--_taltalabong_--as in _Tangpap_, +and set it afloat at sunset. + +The mediums are paid off in rice, a portion of the slaughtered animals, +beads, one or two blankets, and perhaps a weapon or piece of money. + +During the succeeding month the family is prevented from doing +any work, from approaching a dead body, or entering the house of +death. Wild carabao, pig, beef, eels, and wild peppers may not be +eaten during this period, and wild chickens are taboo for one year. + + +SECTION 3 + +Special Ceremonies + +The two ceremonies which follow do not have a wide distribution, +neither are they hereditary. They are given at this time because of +their similarity to the great ceremonies just described. + +_Pinasal_.--This rather elaborate rite seems to be confined to San +Juan and nearby settlements. The right to it is not hereditary, and +any one who can afford the expense involved may celebrate it. However, +it usually follows the _Sayang_, if some member of the family is ill, +and is not benefited by that ceremony, for "all the spirits are not +present at each ceremony, and so it may be necessary to give others, +until the one who caused the sickness is found." + +On the first day the house is decorated as in _Tangpap_ and _Sayang;_ +a bound pig is placed beside the door, and over it the mediums recite +a _diam_ and later summon several spirits. Liquor is served to the +guests, who dance _tadek_ or sing songs in praise of the family. + +Early the next day, the pig is killed and, after its intestines have +been removed, it is covered with a colored blanket, and is carried +into the dwelling. Here it is met by the mediums who wave rain coats +above the animal, and then wail over the carcass. "The pig and its +covering are in part payment for the life of the sick person. They +cry for the pig, so they will not need to cry for the patient." Later +the pig is cut up and prepared as food, only the head and feet being +left for the spirits. + +_Gipas_, the dividing, follows. A Chinese jar is placed on its side, +and on each end a spear is laid, so that they nearly meet above +the center of the jar. Next a rolled mat is laid on the spears, +and finally four beads and a headband are added. The mat then is +cut through the middle, so as to leave equal parts of the headband +and two beads on each half. "This shows that the spirit is now paid, +and is separated from the house." + +The next act is to stretch a rattan cord across the center of the +room and to place on it many blankets and skirts. A man and a woman, +who represent the good spirits Iwaginan and Gimbagon, are dressed in +fine garments, and hold in their hands pieces of gold, a fine spear, +and other prized articles. They are placed on one side of the cord, +and in front of them stand a number of men with their hands on each +others' shoulders. Now the mediums enter the other end of the room, +spread a mat, and begin to summon the spirits. Soon they are possessed +by evil beings who notice the couple representing the good spirits, +and seizing sticks or other objects, rush toward them endeavoring +to seize their wealth. When they reach the line of men, they strive +to break through, but to no avail. Finally they give this up, but +now attempt to seize the objects hanging on the line. Again they +are thwarted. "If the evil spirits get these things, they will come +often, their children will marry, and they also will harm the family; +but if the good beings keep their wealth, their children will marry, +and will aid the owner of the house." + +Later one of the mediums and an old woman count the colors in a fine +blanket. Usually there are five colors, so "the spirit is powerless +to injure the people for five years." Next the couple gamble, but +the medium always loses. Finally the spirit becomes discouraged +and departs. The decorations are now taken from the room, and +the sick person is carried down to the river by the members of the +family. Arrived at the water's edge, the oldest relative will cut off +a dog's head as final payment for the life of the invalid. Since the +act is carried on beside the river, the spirits will either witness +the act, or see the blood as it floats away, and hence will not need +to visit the town. The rattan cord and vines used in the dwelling +are thrown onto the water for the same reason. + +The whole family is covered with a large blanket, and a medium swings +a coconut over them, then resting the halves on the head of each one +for a moment, she releases them, meanwhile calling to the spirit, +"You see this; this is your share; do not come any more." After +assuring them that the sickness will now fall away from them, she +waves burning _cogon_ grass over their heads while she cries, "Go +away, sickness." The blanket is removed, and the family bathes. While +they are still in the water, the medium takes a spear and shield +in her hands, and going to the edge of the stream, she begins to +summon spirits, but all the while she keeps sharp watch of the +old man who killed the dog, for he is now armed and appears to be +her enemy. However, she is not molested until she starts toward the +village. When quite near to the settlement, she is suddenly attacked by +many people carrying banana stalks which they hurl at her. She succeeds +in warding these off, but while she is thus engaged, an old man runs +in and touches her with a spear. Immediately she falls as if dead, +and it is several moments before she again regains consciousness. This +attack is made to show the spirit how unwelcome it is, and in hopes +that such bad treatment will induce it to stay away. + +After the return of the family to the village, the guests drink +_basi_, sing and dance, and usually several spirits are summoned by +the mediums. + +The next morning two _Pinalasang_ [167] are constructed in the +yard. Each supports a plate containing beads, a string of beads +is suspended from one of the poles, and a jar of _basi_ is placed +beneath. In front of them the mediums call the spirits, then offer the +heart, livers, and intestines, while they call out, "Take me and do not +injure the people." The final act of the ceremony is to construct the +spirit raft _taltalabong_, load it with food, and set it afloat on the +river, "so that all the spirits may see and know what has been done." + +In addition to the regular pay for their services, the mediums divide +the jaw of a pig and carry the portions home with them, as their +protection against lightning, and the spirits whose hostility they +may have incurred. + +_Binikwau_.--This ceremony, like the one just described, seems +to be limited to the San Juan region, and is given under similar +circumstances. + +The room is decorated as usual, and a bound pig is laid in the +center. This is known as "the exchange," since it is given in place +of the patient's life. Two mediums place betel-nut on the animal, +then stroke it with oil, saying, "You make the liver favorable," +i.e., give a good omen. After a time they begin summoning the spirits, +and from then until late evening the guests divide their time between +the mediums and the liquor jars. Soon all are in a jovial mood, and +before long are singing the praises of their hosts, or are greeting +visiting spirits as old time friends. + +The pig is killed early next morning, and its liver is eagerly examined +to learn whether or no the patient is destined to recover. A part of +the flesh is placed on the house rafters, for the use of the spirits, +while the balance is cooked and served. Following the meal, the gongs +and drums are brought up into the house, and the people dance or sing +until the mediums appear, ready to summon the spirits. The first to +come is Sabian, the guardian of the dogs. He demands that eight plates +and a coconut shell be filled with blood and rice; another shell is +to be filled with uncooked rice, in which a silver coin is hidden; and +finally a bamboo dog-trough must be provided. When his demands are met, +he begins to call, "Come, my dogs, come and eat." Later the blood and +rice are placed in the trough, and are carried to the edge of the town, +where they are left. This done, the spirit pierces the pig's liver with +a spear and, placing it on a shield, dances about the room. Finally, +stopping beside the mat, he lays them on the patient's stomach. The +next and final act is to scrape up a little of the liver with a small +head-axe, and to place this, mixed with oil, on the sick person. + +On the third and last day, the medium leads a big dog to the edge of +the village, and then kills it with a club. A piece of the animal's ear +is cut off, is wrapped in a cloth, and is hung around the patient's +neck as a protection against evil, and as a sign to all spirits that +this ceremony has been held. + +Throughout the rest of the day many spirits visit the mediums, and at +such a time Kakalonan is sure to appear to give friendly advice. The +final act is to set the spirit raft afloat on the stream. + + + +CHAPTER VI + +SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. GOVERNMENT. THE VILLAGE + +The village is the social unit within which there are no clans, +no political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar with the +Igorot town, made up of several _ato_ [168] but there is no indication +that they have ever had such an institution. + +The head of the village is known as _lakay_. He is usually a man +past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him +the confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the +village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for +cause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him, +but this is by no means certain. + +The _lakay_ is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the +ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are +brought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon +the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at +issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the +force of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until +he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is +actually very great. Should a _lakay_ deal unjustly with the people, +or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from +office and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are +connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely +through the esteem in which he is held by his people. + +In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to +form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with +the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies +have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to +organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers, +but these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local +self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been +established in many towns. The contest for office and government +recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system +and to concentrate the power in the _presidente_ or mayor. + +It is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of one +or more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so +strong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical +tables, to trace back the family history five or six generations. + +These families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits, +or stories of supernatural origin, but the right to conduct the +more important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through +both the male and female lines, and inheritance is likewise through +both sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the +father's or mother's side, nor are there other traces of matriarchal +institutions. + +Families of means attain a social standing above that of their +less fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification of +the community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue +along many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish conquest, +neither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The +wealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact usury of about fifty +per cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting +and harvesting, so that the labor problem is, to a large extent, +solved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the +workers in the fields and take their share in all kinds of labor. + +The concubines, known as _pota_ (cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain +rights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women, +but they are in no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their +children may become leaders in Tinguian society. + +The only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed +of the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the ceremonial +periods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other +members of the community. + +On three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women, +doing women's work, and spending their time with members of that +sex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by +accident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent to talk about +them. In Plate XXXVI is shown a man in woman's dress, who has become +an expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is +that he donned women's clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road +work, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory +and unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned. + +It should be noted that similar individuals have been described from +Zambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from Borneo. [169] +It has been suggested, with considerable probability, that at least +a part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act +as priests, _Roth_ states that they are unsexed before assuming +their roles. + +_Laws_.--Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the +ancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. The _lakay_ +and his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees +of the past, if that is possible, but when precedent is lacking, +they will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be +taken as typical of the laws or customs which regulate the actions +of the people, within a group, toward one another. + +_Rules governing the family._--A man may have only one wife, but +he may keep concubines. If the wife's relatives suspect that a +mistress is causing the husband's affections to wane, they may hold +the _Nagkakalonan_ or "trial of affection" (cf. p. 282), and if their +charges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount, +and, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is +shown that they are not justified in their suspicions, the expense +falls on the accusers. + +The wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband, +and if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to complete the +marriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on +the part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, justifies the aggrieved in +killing one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied +by having the marriage gift returned to him, together with a fine +and a decree of divorce. + +A man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not a _pota_, must +give the girl's people about one hundred pesos, and must support the +infant. Later the child comes into his keeping, and is recognized as +an heir to his estate. + +Marriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted +sister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with a second cousin +is also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the +village; no one would associate with them, and their children would +be disinherited. + +A widow may remarry after the _Layog_ ceremony (cf. p. 290), but all +the property of her first husband goes to his children. + +If a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may +be compelled to remain under two blankets, while the body is in the +house (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos +to his family. + +Children must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be +no children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative. + +_Inheritance_.--Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian +woman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her +parents, hold it through life, and pass it on to her children. + +Following the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay +up any part of the marriage agreement which may still be due, and +the balance is divided among his children. If there are no children, +it is probable that his personal possessions will go to his father +or mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and +sisters. However, the old men in council may decide that the wife +is entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her +second husband, she cannot give any part of this property to them, +but upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or +reverts to the relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys +and girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the +girls their mother's beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest +child the largest share, "since he has helped his parents longest." + +Whatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their +married life is divided, and the man's portion is disposed of, as +just indicated. Illegitimate children and those of a _pota_ receive a +share of their father's property, but not in the same proportion as +the children of the wife. No part of the estate goes to a concubine +unless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide +for her, because of sickness or infirmity. + +_Transfer and sharing of property._--Land and houses are seldom +transferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or +trade be desired, the parties to the contract will make the bargain +before the _lakay_ and old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast +is given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or +the buyer. The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and +beads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal +property is purely a matter between the parties concerned. + +If a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and +labor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals in the +care of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second +to the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker must skin +it, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from +responsibility, but he is liable for the loss, theft, or injury to +his charges. + +_Murder and Theft._--The relatives of a murdered man may kill his +assailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing, +the guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars, +carabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one hundred +pesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject +to a small fine. + +The practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered +serious crimes, but as they have been treated under Religion and Magic, +they will not be repeated here. + +_Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette._--Falling outside the realm +of law are those things which may be considered right and wrong, +but the infraction of which carries with it no penalty. Lying, for +instance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend, +but falsifying without purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating +is not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that +you are the smarter man. + +It is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to +expose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor with one +leg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing +or dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until it has been offered to +every one present, especially the elders. + +Before eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him, +even though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor should never +eat with the wife of another during his absence. + +Always call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when +the owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. Never +enter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up. +Only dogs enter the houses without bathing. + +_The Village_ (Plate XXXVIII).--A village generally consists of two +or three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority +of a single _lakay_ or headman. There is no plan or set arrangement +for the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house, +spirit structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together, +while at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries and garden +plots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement, +but in recent years these have disappeared, and at the time of our +visit only one town, Abang, was so protected. + +The dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to +two types. The first and most common is a single room with a door +at one end opening off from an uncovered porch (Plate XXXIX). The +second consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which +is a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There is seldom an outer +door to this entry way, but each room has its own door, and oftentimes +windows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have +here two houses joined by the covered porch. In such buildings this +entry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco. + +In one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the +other is the family sleeping-room. + +The construction of the dwelling is shown in Plates XL-XLI. A number +of heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project +upward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or 5 feet above the ground, +crossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while +at the tops are other beams on which the roof rests. Plate XL shows +the skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is +unnecessary. This framework, generally constructed on the ground, is +raised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely +woven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo beaten flat, covers each +side of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles of _cogon_ +grass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid +at the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second row of +thatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering +is provided. + +Another type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles, +removing the sectional divisions and then lashing them to the +framework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs +from the ridge pole to a point a few inches below the framework, so +as to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid +convex side up, the edges resting in the concavity of those below, +thus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof. + +For the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used +(Plate LXXVIII). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a +crude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a +wall affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the +others are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have the side +walls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks +are, or have been until recently, cut out with knives, head-axes, +or adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a +dwelling. When completed, it is less well adapted to the needs of +the people than the structures just described, but its possession is +a source of gratification to the owner, and aids in establishing him +as a man of affairs in his town. + +The floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips +of bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between them. This +assists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is swept through +the openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is +customary to leave one corner to be finished off in the bamboo slits, +and it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This +is not compulsory, but it is custom, and indicates clearly that the +planked floor is a recent introduction. + +Entrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is +raised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are merely square +holes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a +bamboo-covered framework which turns in wooden sockets. + +Such a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches, +or white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes find friendly +shelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes +are encouraged to take up their residence in the cook room, as their +presence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards +are always present, and not infrequently a large lizard makes its +home on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry. + +The ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and +is used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used as a chicken +coop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling, +and above the grave are the boxes in which are placed supplies for +the spirits of the deceased. + +With some modification this description of the Tinguian house and +village would apply to those of the western Kalinga and the Apayao, +[170] and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very +different type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring +Igorot. [171] It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any +trace of tree dwellings, such as were described by _La Gironiere_ [172] +at the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses +are placed near to the mountain fields, and it is possible that in +times of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge +in or near to their villages, but the old men emphatically deny that +they were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales +to justify such a belief; on the contrary, the tales-indicate that +the type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times. [173] + +_House Furnishings_.--The average house has only one room. Inside the +door, at the left, one usually finds the stove, three stones sunk in a +box of ashes or dirt, or a similar device of clay (Fig 5, No. 1). Above +the fire is suspended a hanger on which are placed dishes and food, in +order that they may not be disturbed by insects. Along the wall stands +a small caldron, jars for water and rice, and the large Chinese jars, +tke latter as a general rule heirlooms or marriage gifts. These are +sometimes used for _basi_, but more often they contain broken rice, +cotton, or small articles. Above the jars is a rack or hangar on which +dishes or coconut shells are placed. At one end of the room a set of +pegs, deer horns, or a cord supports a variety of clothes, blankets, +a woman's switch, and perhaps a man's belt. The sleeping-mats either +hang here or occupy a rack of their own. Below the cord stand chests +secured in early years through trade with the Chinese. In these are +the family treasures, valuable beads, coins, blankets, ceremonial +objects, and the like. Piled on the boxes is a variety of pillows, +for no Tinguian house is complete without a number of these (Plate +LXVI). The other house furnishings, consisting of a spinning wheel, +loom, coconut rasp, and clothes beater (Fig. 5, No. 10) find space +along the other wall. Behind the door, except in the valley towns, +stand the man's spear and shield; above or near the door will be the +spirit offering in the form of a small hanger or a miniature shield +fastened against the wall. The center of the floor affords a place +for working, eating, and sleeping. If there are small children in +the family a cradle or jumper will be found suspended from a beam or +a bamboo pole placed across one corner of the room (cf. p. 272). + +The type of jars made by the Tinguian is shown in Fig. 5, No. 7, +while those of foreign introduction have been fully described in a +previous publication. [174] + +The native jars are used both for cooking and as water containers. With +them will be found pot rings and lifters. The first is a simple ring of +plaited bamboo, which fits on the head or sets on the floor, and forms +a support for the rounded bottom of the jar. The second (Figure 5, +No. 3) consists of a large rattan loop, which is placed over the neck +of the jar. The hands are drawn apart, and the weight closes the loop, +causing it to grip the jar. Long bamboo tubes with sections removed are +used as water containers, while smaller sections often serve as cups +or dippers. Gourds are also used in this manner (Fig. 5, Nos. 8-9). + +Food is removed from the jars with spoons and ladles (Fig. 6) made of +wood or coconut shells, but they are never put to the mouth. Meat is +cut up into small pieces, and is served in its own juice. The diner +takes a little cooked rice in his fingers, and with this dips or scoops +the meat and broth into his mouth. Greens are eaten in the same manner. + +Halved coconut shells serve both as cups and as dishes (Fig. 5, +No. 6). Wooden dishes are likewise used, but they are employed chiefly +in ceremonies for the feeding of the spirits or to hold the rice from +which a bride and groom receive the augury of the future (Fig. 5, +Nos. 4-5). + +Baskets, varying considerably in material, size and type, are +much used, and are often scattered about the dwelling or, as in +the case of the men's carrying baskets, are hung on pegs set into +the walls. Somewhere about the house will be found a coconut rasp +(Fig. 5, No. 11). When this is used, the operator kneels on the wooden +standard, and draws the half coconut toward her over the teeth of +the blade. The inside of the shell is thus cleaned and prepared for +use as an eating or drinking dish. Torches or bamboo lamps formerly +supplied the dwellings with light. Lamps consisting of a section +of bamboo filled with oil and fitted with a cord wick are still in +use, but for the most part they have been superseded by tin lamps of +Chinese manufacture. Oil for them is extracted from crushed seeds of +the _tau-tau_ (_Jatropha grandulifera_ Roxb.) + +A very necessary article of house furnishing is the fire-making +device. In many instances, the housewife will go to a neighboring +dwelling and borrow a light rather than go to the trouble of building +a fire, but if that is not convenient, a light may be secured by one +or two methods. The first is by flint and steel, a method which is +probably of comparatively recent introduction. The second and older is +one which the Tinguian shares with all the neighboring tribes. Two +notches are cut through a section of bamboo, and tree cotton is +placed below them. A second section of bamboo is cut to a sharp edge, +and this is rubbed rapidly back and forth in the notches until the +friction produces a spark, which when caught on tinder can be blown +into a flame. [175] At the door of the house will be found a foot +wiper (Fig. 5, No. 12) made of rice-straw drawn through an opening +cut in a stick, or it may consist of coconut husks fastened together +to make a crude mat, while near by is the broom made of rice-straw or +grass. Rice-mortars, pestles, and similar objects are found beneath +the dwellings. + +_The Village Spring_.--Each village is situated near to a spring or +on the banks of a stream. In the latter case deep holes are dug in the +sands, and the water that seeps in is used for household purposes. In +the morning, a number of women and girls gather at the springs, +carrying with them the plates and dishes used in the meals, also +garments which need to be laundered. The pots and dishes are thoroughly +scoured with sand and water, applied with a bundle of rice-straw or +grass. The garments to be washed are laid in the water, generally in +a little pool near to the main spring or beside the stream. Ashes from +rice-straw are then mixed with water and, after being strained through +a bunch of grass, are applied to the cloth in place of soap. After +being thoroughly soaked, the cloth is laid on a clean stone, and is +beaten with a stick or wooden paddle. The garment is again rinsed, +and later is hung up on the fence near the dwelling to dry. + +Before returning to her home, the woman fills her pots with water, and +then takes her bath in a pool below the main spring (Plate XLII). All +garments are removed except the girdle and clout, and then water, +dipped up in a coconut shell, is poured on to the face, shoulders, +and body. In some cases sand is applied to the body, and is rubbed in +with the hand or a stone; rinsing water is applied and the garments +are put back on without drying the body. Every one, men, women, +and children, takes a daily bath, and visitors will always stop to +bathe at the spring or river before entering a village. Promiscuous +bathing is common, and is accepted as a matter of course, but there +is no indication of embarrassment or self-consciousness. When she +returns to the village, the woman will often be seen carrying one +or two jars of water on her head, her washing under her arm, while +a child sets astride her hip or lies against her back (Plate XLIII). + + + +CHAPTER VII + +WARFARE, HUNTING, AND FISHING + +Head-hunting and warfare are practically synonymous. To-day both are +suffering a rapid decline, and a head is seldom taken in the valley of +the Abra. In the mountain district old feuds are still maintained, and +sometimes lead to a killing, and here too the ancient funerary rites +are still carried out in their entirety on rare occasions. However, +this peaceful condition is not of long standing. In every village the +older men tell with pride of their youthful exploits, of the raids +they indulged in, the heads they captured; and they are still held +in high esteem as men "who fought in the villages of their enemies." + +During the time of our stay in Abra, the villages of the Buklok +valley were on bad terms with the people of the neighboring Ikmin +valley, and were openly hostile to the Igorot on the eastern side of +the mountain range. Manabo and Abang were likewise hostile to their +Igorot neighbors, and the latter village was surrounded with a double +bamboo stockade, to guard against a surprise attack. Manabo at this +time anticipated trouble with the warriors of Balatok and Besao, as a +result of their having killed six men from those towns. The victims +had ostensibly come down to the Abra river to fish, but, judging by +previous experience, the Tinguian believed them to be in search of +heads, and acted accordingly. This feud is of old standing and appears +to have grown out of a dispute over the hunting grounds on Mt. Posoey, +the great peak which rises only a few miles from Manabo. There have +been many clashes between the rival hunters, the most serious of +which occurred in 1889, when the Tinguian had twenty-nine of their +number killed, and lost twenty-five heads to the Igorot of Besao. + +The people of Agsimo and Balantai suffered defeat in a raid carried on +against Dagara in 1907, and at the time of our visit a number of the +warriors still bore open wounds received in that fight. In the same +year at least three unsuccessful attacks, probably by lone warriors, +were made against individuals of Lagangilang, Likuan, and Lakub. + +Accounts of earlier travelers offer undoubted proof that head-hunting +was rampant a generation ago; while the folk-tales feature the taking +of heads as one of the most important events in Tinguian life. + +The first incentive for head-taking is in connection with funeral +rites. According to ancient custom it was necessary, following +the death of an adult, for the men of the village to go out on a +headhunt, and until they had done so, the relatives of the deceased +were barred from wearing good clothing, from taking part in any +pastimes or festivals, and their food was of the poorest and meanest +quality. To remove this ban, the warriors would don white head-bands, +arm themselves, and sally forth either to attack a hostile village +or to ambush an unsuspecting foe. Neighboring villages were, out +of necessity, usually on good terms, but friendly relations seldom +extended beyond the second or third settlement, a distance of ten or +fifteen miles. Beyond these limits most of the people were considered +enemies and subject to attack. + +While such a raid was both justifiable and necessary to the village +in which a death had occurred, it was considered an unprovoked attack +by the raided settlement; a challenge and an insult which had to be +avenged. Thus feuds were established, some of which ran through many +years, and resulted in considerable loss of life. A town, which had +lost to another a greater number of heads than they had secured, was +in honor bound to even the score, and thus another cause for battle +was furnished. The man who actually succeeded in taking a head was +received with great acclaim upon his return to the village; he was +the hero in the festival which followed, and thereafter was held in +high esteem, and so another motive was furnished. [176] + +There is an indication in the _Saloko_ ceremony that heads may have +been taken to cure headache and similar ills (cf. p. 319); while the +presence of the head-basket, of the same name, in the fields suggests +a possible connection between head-hunting and the rice culture, +such as still exists among the neighboring Kalinga. [177] + +The Tinguian do not now, and apparently never have practised human +sacrifice, but this custom and head-hunting seem to be closely +related, and to have as a primary cause the desire to furnish slaves +or companions for the dead. This idea was found among the ancient +Tagalog, Visayan, and Zambal, and still exists among the Apayao +of Northern Luzon; the Bagobo, Mandaya, Bila-an, and Tagakaola of +Mindanao; as well as in Borneo and the islands to the south. [178] +That it once had a strong hold on the Ilocano of the coast is made +evident by the mysterious cult known as _axibrong_, which at times +terrifies whole communities. In 1907 the region about Bangui, in +Ilocos Norte, was greatly excited over several attempts to kill people +of that settlement, and it was whispered that when a leading man, +who had recently died, was placed in his coffin, his right hand had +suddenly raised up with four fingers extended. This, it was said, was a +demand on the part of the dead for four companions, and the subsequent +attacks on the villagers were thought to be due to the activities of +the bereaved family in complying with the wishes of the deceased. + +The raids following a death were usually carried out as a village +affair, and many warriors participated, but it seems that by far the +greater number of heads were secured by individuals or couples, who +would lie in ambush near to the trails, or to the places, where the +women had to pass in carrying water from the streams to the village. + +While the Tinguian always chose to attack from ambush, yet he did +not hesitate to fight in the open when occasion demanded it. For a +distance of fifteen or twenty feet he depended on his spear, but for +close quarters he relied on his shield and head-axe. An examination of +Plate XLIV will show that the shield has three prongs at the top. These +the warrior seeks to slip between the legs of his enemy to trip him +up, then one stroke downward with the axe, and the opponent is put out +of the fight. The two lower prongs are meant to be slipped about the +neck. One more stroke of the head-axe, and the victor takes his trophy +and starts for home, while the relatives of the dead man seek to secure +the remains to carry them back to their village. As the loss of a head +reflects on the whole party, and in a like manner its acquisition adds +distinction to the victors, a hot fight usually develops over a man +who is stricken down, and only ceases when the enemy is beaten off, +or has been successful in getting away with the trophy. + +If a war party finds it necessary to make a night camp, or if they +are hard pressed by the foe, they plant long, thin strips of bamboo +or _palma brava_ [179] in the grass. The ends of these are cut to +sharp points, and they are so cleverly concealed that pursuers must +use great care, and consequently lose much time, or they will have +their legs and feet pierced with these needle-like blades. + +Upon their return to the village, the warriors were formerly met +at the gate by their relatives, who held two ladders in A shape, +thus forming a pathway over which each had to climb. Once inside +the town, the heads were placed on a bamboo spike known as _sagang_ +(cf. p. 310), or in the _saloko_ (cf. p. 310), and for three days +were exhibited beside the gate. In the meantime messages were sent +to friendly villages to invite the people to the celebration. + +On the morning of the last day, the heads were carried up to the center +of the village, where, amid great rejoicing, the men sang the praises +of the victors or examined the skulls of the victims. Sometime during +the morning, the men who had taken the heads split them open with +their axes and removed the brains. To these they added the lobes of +the ears and joints of the little fingers, and they placed the whole +in the liquor which was afterwards served to the dancers. There seems +to be no idea here of eating the brains of the slain as food. They are +consumed solely to secure a part of their valor, an idea widespread +among the tribes of Mindanao. [180] The writer does not believe that +any people of the Philippines indulges in cannibalism, if that term +is used to signify the eating of human flesh as food. Several, like +the Tinguian, have or still do eat a portion of the brain, the heart +or liver of brave warriors, but always, it appears, with the idea of +gaining the valor, or other desirable qualities of the victims. + +The balance of the head festival consisted in the drinking of sugar +cane rum, of songs of praise by the headmen, and finally all joined +in dancing _da-eng_. Just before the guests were ready to depart, the +skulls were broken into small bits, and the fragments were distributed +to the guests so that they might taken them to their homes, and thus +be reminded of the valor of the takers. [181] This disposition of +the skull agrees with that of many Apayao towns, [182] but it does +not conform with the description of ancient times afforded us in the +tales, [183] nor with the practices of the Kalinga and Igorot people, +both of whom preserve the trophy. + +The weapons of the warriors consists of a spear, head-axe, and shield, +and the small bamboo spikes known as _soga_. They do not make use +of the bow and arrow, although they have been credited as possessing +them. [184] The old men claim it has not been used in their lifetime, +nor is mention made of it in the folk-tales. The only time it appears +is in the crude weapons used in shooting fish in the rice-fields, +and in the miniature bow and arrow, which hang above the heads of a +newborn child. + +Bolos, or long knives, are carried at the side suspended from the belt, +and upon occasion may be used as weapons. However, they are generally +considered as tools (Fig. 7). + +_The Head-Axe_, _aliwa_ or _gaman_ (see Fig. 8).--The axes made by +the Tinguian and Kalinga are identical, probably due to the fact that +the center of distribution, as well as the best iron work of this +region, is found in Balbalasang--a town of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga +blood. The blade is long and slender with a crescent-shape cutting +edge on one end, and a long projecting spine on the other. This +projection is strictly utilitarian. It is driven into the ground +so as to support the blade upright, when it is desired to have both +hands free to draw meat or other articles over the cutting edge. It +is also driven into the soil, and acts as a support when its owner +is climbing steep or slippery banks. + +The blade fits into a long steel ferrule which, in turn, slips onto +a wooden handle. The latter may be straight or plain, but commonly +it has a short projection midway of its length, which serves as a +finger-hold and as a hook for attachment to the belt. Quite frequently +the handle is decorated with thin circles or bands of brass, while +ornamental designs sometimes appear on the blade. + +While the axe is primarily a weapon, its use is by no means confined +to warfare. It is used in house and fence building, in cutting up +game and forest products, and in many other ways. Fig. 8 shows three +types of head-axes, the first two, the Tinguian-Kalinga axe; third, +the Igorot; fourth, the Apayao. There is a noticeable difference +between the slender blades of the first group and the short, thick +blade of the Igorot, yet they are of the same general type. The +Apayao weapon, on the other hand, presents a radical difference in +form. Despite these variations, the axes of these three tribes present +an interesting problem. So far as it known, these are the only tribes +in the Philippines which make use of a head-axe, and it is believed +that no similar weapon is found in the Malayan Islands. However, +blades of striking resemblance do occur among the Naga of Assam. [185] +It is possible that the weapons of these far separated regions may hark +back to a common source, from which they received their instruction +in iron working. + +_The Spear_, _pika_.--The various types of spears used by the Tinguian +are shown in Fig. 9. + +A considerable part of these are made in the villages along the upper +reaches of the Buklok river and in Balbalasang, but many come into +Abra through trade with the Igorot and Kalinga. They are used for +hunting and fighting, and are intended both as thrusting and throwing +weapons. In the lowlands the older type of spear-head is a modified +leaf shape, attached to a ferrule which slips over the shaft. In the +mountains, heads with two or more barbs are set into the handles, +and are held in place by means of wooden wedges and by metal rings +which surround the ends of the shafts. A metal end or shoe covers the +butt end of the weapon, thus converting it into an excellent staff +for mountain climbing. + +Occasionally a hunting spear is fitted with a detachable head, which +will pull out of the socket when an animal is struck. The shaft is +attached to the point by means of a heavy line, and as this drags +through the undergrowth, it becomes entangled and thus delays the +flight of the game. + +_Shields_, _kalasag_.--Mention has already been made of the typical +Tinguian-Kalinga shield (cf. p. 373). While this is the common type +of the region (Fig. 10, Nos. 1-1a), others, which approach those of +the Bontoc Igorot, are frequently used (Fig. 10, No. 2). As a rule, +these come from Balatok, Lubuagan, Guinaan and the villages along +the Malokbot river, all of which are strongly influenced in blood +and culture by the Igorot. In the latter shields we find the prongs +at the top and bottom, but they are no longer of sufficient size and +opening to be of practical value. The clue to their origin is probably +afforded us in their use by the Tinguian. + +Across the top and bottom of each shield, near to the prongs, are two +or three braided bands which appear to be ornamental, or to strengthen +the weapon. Their real use, however, is to hold the _soga_, the pointed +bamboo sticks which are planted in the grass to delay pursuers. A half +dozen or more of these are usually to be found under the braiding at +the back of the shield. + +All shields are of very light wood, and can easily be pierced by +a spear. They are intended to be used in deflecting missels rather +than actually to stop them. To aid in this purpose, there is a hand +grip cut into the center of the back. This is large enough to admit +the first three fingers, while the thumb and little finger are left +outside to tilt the shield to the proper angle. + +_Hunting_ (Plates XLV-XLVI).--Hunting must be considered more in the +nature of a sport than as a necessity, for, while a considerable amount +of game is taken each year, it is not enough to furnish an important +part of the food supply. As we have already noted, a great part of the +country occupied by this tribe is devoid of forests. Dense growths +do occur in some valleys and ravines, and a few of the mountains, +like Posoey, are heavily forested, but for the most part the western +slopes of the Cordillera Central are covered with rank _cogon_ +grass. In the ravines and on the wooded slopes are deer, pig, wild +carabao, and wild chickens, and during the dry season of the year it +is no uncommon thing to see a considerable number of men leaving the +village at daybreak with their dogs, spears, and nets. The customary +method of hunting the larger animals is to stretch long nets across +the runway of the game. A number of the hunters, armed with spears, +conceal themselves near by, while the balance of the party take the +dogs to a distance and then, spreading out fan-shape, will converge +on the net, beating the brush and shouting in order to stir up the +game. The dogs, sullen, half-starved brutes, take little interest +in the chase until an animal is started, then they begin to bay, +and the whole pack is in pursuit. As the quarry rushes into the net, +the concealed hunters fall upon it and spear it to death, at the +same time fighting back the hungry dogs which would quickly devour +it. Sometimes an animal escapes from the net, but if wounded, it is +almost certain to fall a prey to the pack. Many deer are taken by +this method in the course of a year. Sometimes a wild pig is netted, +and on exceedingly rare occasions a carabao. However, the wild carabao +is a dangerous animal, and hunters will not attack it unless it is so +entangled in the nets that it is practically helpless. Still hunting +for deer, near to the feeding grounds, yields a few animals each year, +and during the period when the _lumboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.) are +in fruit, the hunters often hide themselves in the trees at night, +and spear the pigs which come below them to feed. + +Wild hogs are also secured by placing a close fence about a field. One +or two small entrances are left open and inside of these, deep pits +are dug, and are covered with brush. As the animal pushes in, it +steps on the frail covering, and is hurled to the bottom of the pit, +where it is easily dispatched with the spear. + +Among the smaller game, the wild chicken is the most important. These +fowls seldom fly, but seek safety by running through the +underbrush. The Tinguian takes advantage of this trait, and stretches +nets loosely in the probable runway of the birds, and then drives +them toward it in the same manner, as he does the deer. As the fowl +runs full speed into the loose net, it folds about him, and he is +easily taken. + +The most common method of securing wild roosters is by means of a +series of slip nooses attached to a main cord or band (Fig. 11). This +is set up so as to enclose a square or triangular space, and a tame +rooster is put inside. The crowing of this bird attracts the attention +of the wild fowl who comes in to fight. Soon, in the excitement of +the combat, one is caught in a noose, and the harder it pulls, the +more securely it is held. At times the trap is baited with worms or +grain. The snare is carried in a basket-like case, which is often +fitted with a compartment for the decoy rooster. [186] + +Another type of chicken snare consists of a single noose, which +rests on two elevated strips of bamboo. The other end of the cord +is attached to a bent limb, held down by means of a small trigger, +which slips under a cross strip. The game is led onto the trap by +scattering grain. The weight of the bird releases the trigger, the +bent twig flies up, and the noose is drawn tightly. + +Small birds are captured in considerable numbers by the boys who, for +this purpose, make use of three types of snares. The first and most +common is a simple slip noose made of human or horse hair attached to +a stick. Several of these are driven into the ground close together, +and grain is scattered between them. A second type of noose trap +is shown in Fig. 12, No. 1. A Bamboo pole _a_ with sharpened end +has a spring _b_ of the same material attached to its side. A cord +from this passes through a small hole in the top of _a_, and then +forms a slip noose. A small stick or trigger _c_ is forced into the +hole until firm enough to keep the line held taut, and the noose is +spread on it. Bait is placed on the point of _a_ in such a manner +that the bird has to alight on _c_ to secure it. Its weight releases +the trigger, and the noose is drawn tightly around its legs. Another +trap of this nature is illustrated by Fig. 12, No. 2. Here a branch is +bent down and a line is attached. The trigger stick _a_ slips outside +_b_, and the pressure holds the free stick _c_ in place against the +crotch. Bait is so placed on _d_ that a bird coming to secure it must +stand inside the slip noose which is spread on _c_. The weight and +movement of the victim releases the trigger, draws the line taut, +and closes the noose about its legs. + +In the lowland villages, blowguns (_salbalana_) are used to a limited +extent in hunting birds. Two long strips of palm wood are grooved and +fitted together. Over these the intestines of a carabao are drawn, and +the whole is wrapped tightly with cord and covered with beeswax. The +guns vary from 12 to 16 feet in length, and are often excellently made, +yet they are little better than toys, for the missels used are only +clay balls. Poison darts are unknown in this region, and the weapon +is confined to the villages near to the coast. This, together with +the fact that the blowgun does not appear in the lore or ceremonies, +suggests that it of recent introduction (Plate XLVII). + +Locusts are considered excellent food, and when they are flying in +great numbers, are taken by means of small nets. These are attached +to poles, and are swung into the swarm. Sometimes nearly the whole +village will unite in such a hunt, the catch being stored in large +bottle-shaped baskets until needed. + +Bats and rats are not eaten, but the latter are trapped and killed +because of the grain they destroy and the injury they do to the houses +and their contents. The most common trap is made from a section of +bamboo in one side of which a spring is inserted. A line attached +to this leads to a slip noose which fits inside the tube. Bait is +attached to a trigger which, when disturbed, releases the spring and +closes the loop around the intruder. + +_Fishing_.--Mention has already been made of the capture of fish +by the children. Older people likewise devote some time to fishing, +but not to the extent of making it an occupation. Nearly every family +has a collection of traps and lines, and at times quite a number of +fish and eels are secured. + +The common trap is shown in Fig. 13, No. 1. The entrance is made of +sharp bamboo splints, which converge toward a small hole opening into +the trap proper. The device is then placed in the water in such a way +that fish coming downstream will be diverted into the opening. The +current and the natural inclination of the fish to go into a dark +hiding-place causes them to force their way into the trap, and once +in they cannot emerge. The water escapes through the bamboo slits, +but the fish can only be released by opening the small end of the trap. + +Many of the women carry baskets attached to the belt at the hip. The +tops of these baskets have funnel-shaped openings, and are immediately +available for use as traps, if a good catch is in prospect (Fig. 13, +No. 2). These are usually employed for shrimps and minnows. Eels are +caught in long, round traps of rattan and bamboo. A frog is fastened +in the far end of the tube, usually with a fish-hook. This is attached +to a rattan spring, which is connected with the door of the trap. The +eel enters and seizes the frog, but as it starts to back out, it +releases the bent rattan, and the door is pulled shut. + +Small hand nets, spread apart by means of sticks held in the hands, +are used by women in scooping up small fish. Ordinarily, it is scooped +away from the body, but if a fish takes refuge under a rock, the net +is placed under the opposite side, and the stone is turned over with +the foot. + +The most effective fishing-device is a large throw net made +cornucopia shape. The large net is open and weighted with many +sinkers of lead. The man throws the net with a full arm sweeping +motion, so that it spreads to its full extent, and all the sinkers +strike the water at the same time. The splash causes all the fish +inside the circle to dart inward, and as it sinks, the net settles +over them. The fisherman draws in the cord attached to the small end, +causing the sinkers to drag along to the bottom until directly beneath +him, when their weight closes the net. It requires much skill and +practice to throw this net properly, but once the art is mastered, +the fisherman is very successful. + +Blanket fishing similar to that in use by the neighboring Igorot is +found here. A large blanket is weighed down with stones, and is placed +in the river. After one or two hours have elapsed, a number of men form +a wide circle around it. Often they drag between them a rope to which +many corn husks are attached. As they advance toward the blanket, they +turn the larger stones with their feet so that any fish hiding beneath +them will be frightened away. The circle of men and corn husks causes +the fish to go toward the blanket, and finally to take refuge under +the stones piled upon it. When the blanket is reached, the men seize +the corners and lift it out of the water on to the bank, where the +stones are thrown out and the fish secured. A somewhat similar idea +is found in the _lama_. Quantities of leaf branches are sunk into a +still pool, and are left for a few days until the fish have come to +use them as a hiding-place. A number of men make a close fence of +bamboo sticks about them, then go inside, throw out the branches, +and catch the fish with their hands or with the nets. Streams are +often diverted from their course, for a time, and then returned, +leaving the fish in the artificial channels stranded. + +A curious method of fishing was seen in the Ikmin river. A hook was +fastened in the end of a bamboo pole, and close to this a minnow +was attached to a short line, to act as a lure. When the other fish +approached the captive, the pole was jerked sharply, in an attempt +to snag them. On one occasion the writer saw fifty fish taken by this +method in less than an hour. + +Short lines attached to sticks are often baited, and are set along +the embankments of the flooded rice-fields. Small fish spears with +detachable heads are also used in the rice lands, as well as in +the clear pools. The only occasion when the bow and arrow is used +in this region is when the rice fields are flooded. At such times a +short bow and an arrow with fork-shaped head are employed (Fig. 13, +Nos. 3-3a). A fish poison or stupifier is occasionally used. A small +red berry known as _baiyatin_ is crushed, and the powder is thrown +into or just above quiet pools, where fish abound. Some of the fish +become stupified and float on the surface, where they are quickly +speared or scooped up. They are eaten without any ill effects. + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +ECONOMIC LIFE + +_Rice Culture_.--The most important crop raised by the Tinguian is +rice, and to its cultivation he devotes a considerable portion of +his time. Two distinct methods of growing are now found throughout +the district--the mountain or upland fields, in which the rice is +raised without irrigation; and the rice terraces with irrigation [187] +(Plate XLVIII). To prepare the first type of field, a piece of forest +land is chosen if possible, or lacking this, a plot covered with +second growth is selected. The purpose in using timber land is to +escape the cogon grass (_Imperata koenigii_), which quickly invades +all open fields, and flourishes until the trees again shut out the +sunlight. The trees and underbrush are cut down during the dry season, +so that they may be ready for burning before the arrival of the first +rains. Should no timber land be available, an open piece will be +selected, and after the grass is burned, the soil will be partially +cleared of its stubborn roots by means of a large knife or adze-like +instrument known as _pal'lek_ (Fig. 14, No. 2). + +After the clearing, the field is fenced in so as to protect it +from deer, wild pigs, and carabao. The rudest type of protection +consists of a barricade of brush, strengthened with forked sticks, +in the crotches of which poles are laid. The more common method is +to set bamboo tubes, at intervals, around the whole plot and to lash +to them other tubes which have been split in half. A still better +fence is made by cutting three holes, about a foot apart, through +each upright and to insert smaller bamboo through these. + +When the rains begin, the men go to the fields, each with two hardwood +sticks whittled to tapering rounded ends. These are driven alternately +into the soil making shallow holes an inch or so in depth, into each of +which the women drop several seed rice. The whole field is gone over in +this way; soil is pushed into the holes with the feet, and frequently +the task is finished by sowing a few handfuls of seed broadcast and +distributing it by brushing back and forth with a leafy branch. [188] + +In the valley districts the planting sticks are cut as needed, but in +the mountains, where the upland rice is more important, strong bamboo +poles fitted with hardwood points are in general use. These implements, +known as _tepon_ (Fig. 15, No. 1), are invariably carefully decorated +with incised designs, and are preserved from year to year. Commonly, +the divisions between the sections of the bamboo are knocked out and +the tube used as a receptacle for the seed rice. + +As the mountain fields need special protection, it is customary to +build near them little elevated houses in which the workers may rest, +and in which the watchers can live during the time the grain must +be guarded. If the plots are near to a village, such a house seldom +consists of more than a rude framework of poles, which support a grass +roof, and to which a bamboo floor is lashed, two or three feet above +the ground; but if the fields are at a distance, these structures are +provided with sides, and are raised high on strong logs. Such high, +well built houses are necessary, both to protect the occupants from +surprise attacks of enemies, and to afford shelter against driving +winds or rains. It is not an uncommon occurrence for a whole family +to go to one of these isolated mountain dwellings and reside for +a considerable period, particularly when the rice is approaching +maturity. + +These upland fields produce much smaller crops than do the wet lands, +and as they are quickly exhausted, it is not customary to plant +them to rice for more than two seasons. At the end of this time, +they may be used for _camotes_ (_Convolvulus batatas_), sugar-cane, +or cotton, but in the majority of cases they are allowed to lie unused +for several seasons, when the grass or undergrowth is again removed +and the fields replanted. + +The wet fields produce by far the greater part of the rice, and it is +about them that most of the agricultural labors center. In the broad +valleys, low embankments, of sufficient height to maintain the water +at a depth of two or three inches, separate the fields. The lower +plots are often of considerable length and width, some covering as +much as an acre of ground, but as they begin to ascend the slopes, +the walls rise higher, and the fields become narrower until they +may be only a few feet in width. In the rugged mountain districts, +the terraces often begin just above the flood water of the stream. At +this point, a stone wall, four or five feet in height, is erected, +and back of this the mountain side is cut away and filled in until +it forms a step or terrace. Back of this another wall is raised, and +the process is repeated until at last the terraces extend for two or +three hundred feet up the mountain side (Plate XLIX). When the field +is first made, top soil, enriched with vegetable growth, is laid on +the surface, often to a depth of several inches, but from this time +on no fertilizer, other than the decaying straw of the previous crop, +is added, although the field is used continuously for many years. + +Water is conducted to many of the fields by means of ditches, usually +by diverting the flow of some of the numerous springs or streams but in +a few instances, stone dams have been thrown across the rivers and the +water carried for considerable distances by flumes and ditches. The +highest terraces are first inundated to the desired depth, and then +openings are made in the side walls--so as to allow the lower fields +to be flooded. This method of irrigation provides for the maximum +use of the water, and also supplies a constant current which prevents +the formation of stagnant pools. + +Some of the fields are situated too far up the mountain side to +be reached by ditches, and in such cases the growth of the rice is +entirely dependent on the rainfall; however, in normal years, the +precipitation is sufficient to mature the crop. + +At the beginning of the rainy season, some of the seed rice is sprouted +in specially prepared beds in the villages. In such cases a small plot +is surrounded with low dirt walls, the soil is enriched with manure, +water is added, and the whole is worked until it becomes a thin mud, +on which the rice is thickly sown. Around this bed, a bamboo frame +is erected to keep out pigs and chickens, while from time to time +water is poured on the growing shoots. The more common method of +sprouting, however, is to select a piece of land, which will receive +the full benefit of the rainfall and to break this with a plow drawn +by a carabao. + +When the seed beds have been planted, the people go to the fields, +repair the embankments, and admit the water. The straw remaining +from the previous crop is allowed to rot, for a time, and then the +ground is gone over with a bamboo harrow (_pali-id_), [189] as shown +in Fig. 15, No. 3, to remove weeds, branches, and the like. Wherever +it is possible, the soil is broken with a plow, _alado_ (Plate L), +but in fields to which animals cannot be taken, the ground is turned by +means of sharpened sticks, or poles tipped with iron, which are driven +into the soil and forced forward, thus pushing the earth above them +into the water. [190] As will be seen from the accompanying drawing +(Fig. 15, Nos. 2-2a), the plow is constructed entirely of wood except +for the iron share, and conforms closely to that used in Java, Celebes, +Sumatra, Burma, and Annam. [191] + +Within a few days after the plowing, the soil is further broken by +dragging it with a harrow, made by driving wooden pegs into a heavy +board, or into large bamboo tubes (Fig. 15, No. 4). A worker stands +on this, and is dragged about the field, leveling it, and at the same +time pulling out sticks, roots, and any other matter of sufficient +bulk to interfere with the planting. + +Two types of sleds (Fig. 15, Nos. 5-6) are used in connection +with the rice culture, as well as in general transportation. The +first consists of rude wooden runners on which a bamboo flooring is +laid. The second has narrow runners, which are hewn with considerable +care, while sides of flattened bamboo convert the sled into an open +box. The first type (_pasagad_) is used principally during the wet +season for the transportation of plows, harrows, and the like, the +wide runners slipping through the mud without becoming mired. The use +of the latter (_kalison_) is restricted to the dry-season, when it +is of particular advantage in moving the rice. Wheeled vehicles are +not employed in any part of the Tinguian belt, although their use is +now fairly common among the Ilocano. + +It requires a month or six weeks to make ready the fields, and in the +meantime the rice in the seed beds has grown to a height of twelve +or fourteen inches. The shoots are then pulled up by the roots, are +tied into bundles, and the tops are cut off (Plate LI). The bundles +are distributed about the fields at convenient distances, and the +workers then transplant the young rice--three or four together--in the +soft ooze, using the thumb and fore-finger of the right hand for that +purpose (Plate LII). The preparation of the field is looked after by +the men and boys, and oftentimes they aid in transplanting, but the +latter is considered to be women's work, and is generally left to them. + +The rice is set so thickly that when a plot is planted it presents to +the eye a solid mass of green. It is hard to imagine a more beautiful +sight than to look down on these fields, which rise in wave above +wave of brilliant green, until at last they give way to the yellower +billows of _cogon_ grass which cover the mountain slopes. + +After the transplanting, the grain needs constant attention; at +first, to keep it properly weeded and flooded; later, to protect it +from animals and birds. Hence many workers are always in the fields, +but it is, nevertheless, the happy time for the people, and if one +approaches a group of workers unawares, he will hear one or more +singing the _daleng_, a song in which they compliment or chide the +other workers, or relate some incident of the hunt or of village +life. Toward midday little groups will gather in the field shelters +to partake of their lunches, to smoke, or to rest, and usually in +such a gathering will be a good story-teller who amuses with fables, +or tales of adventure. [192] + +When the rice begins to mature, an even stricter watch must be kept, +for, in addition to its other enemies, the rice birds [193] now seek +to feed on the crop and, while they are small in size, they often +appear in such numbers that they work great havoc. + +The usual device employed in frightening both birds and animals is +a bamboo pole cut into strips at the top, so that, as it is shaken, +these strike together, producing a great clatter. Many of these +poles are planted, and then all are connected by means of rattan +lines which finally lead to the little watch house. Here a man or boy +sits and occasionally gives the lines a sudden jerk, which sets up a +clapping over the whole field (Plate LIII). A clever development of +this device was seen by the writer in the Ikmin river valley. Here +the stream flows swiftly and plunges headlong into pools every few +yards. The rattan cord attached to the clappers is fastened to a small +raft which is then set afloat in the pool. After a whirl in the eddy +it is caught by the swift current, and is carried a few feet down +stream, at the same time bending the clappers nearly to the ground; +then as the raft enters calmer water, the tension is released, and it +is thrown violently back into the pool from which it has just drifted; +at the same time the clappers fly back into place with a great noise. + +Another contrivance, used in keeping small birds from the fields, is +a bird-like form cut from the bark of a banana or palm tree. Many of +these are suspended by lines from bamboo poles, and, as the wind blows +them to and fro, they appear like giant birds hovering over the rice. + +A simple protection against deer is made by bending the white inner +bark of bamboo into arches and planting these at intervals along +possible places of entry, for it is said that these animals will not +approach such a contrivance. + +Soon after the water is turned into the fields, shells and fish begin +to appear even in the higher terraces. Doubtless a considerable part +of these come in through the ditches, but the natives insist that most +of the fish bury themselves deep in the mud at the approach of the dry +season and hibernate until water again appears in the fields. [194] +These intruders are prized as food, and to secure them, short baited +lines are placed along the edges of the terraces, while each woman +has, attached to her belt, a small basket into which she places shells +discovered during her work. The men likewise secure fish by means of +hooks and lines, and also pierce them with short spears fitted with +detachable points, but more commonly they shoot them with a small +bow and peculiar arrows, the heads of which resemble flattened spoons +cut into four or five teeth. [195] + +As the grain begins to ripen, the land is allowed to dry, and when +all is ready for the cutting, the people put on their best garments +and go to the fields. Each stalk is cut separately by means of a +crescent-shaped blade (_lakom_ or _lakem_) attached to a small wooden +cylinder (Fig. 14, Nos. 3-3a). This handle is held between the thumb, +first and fifth fingers, while the stalk is caught by the second and +third fingers, and is pulled inward against the steel blade. [196] +Many workers grasp the stalk near the head with the left hand, while +the cutting blade is used with the right. + +Both men and women may engage in cutting the rice, but as the latter +are much the more dexterous workers, this task is generally assigned +to them (Plate LIV). The grain is cut so as to leave stalks about +ten inches in length; these are laid in the free hand until a bunch +of considerable size has accumulated, when they are bound together +with strips of bark. [197] At the end of the day these bundles +are carried to the drying yards, where they remain until the whole +crop is harvested. A drying yard is a plot of ground surrounded by +a bamboo fence of such a height that it is impossible for fowls and +the like to gain entrance. When all the bundles are thoroughly dried, +they are placed in the granary, and from that time on the handling +of the rice is given over to the women. + +The granaries, or store-houses, of the Tinguian and Ilocano are +identical (Plate LV), but, barring the Apayao, are different from any +of the surrounding groups, except when their influence may have spread +this peculiar type to a limited degree. It is worthy of note, however, +that the granaries of some Sumatran groups are of similar design and +construction. Such a store-house is raised high above the ground on +four hard-wood poles; the framework is of bamboo, and the sides flare +sharply from the floor to the grass roof. Within the framework is a +closely woven matting of flattened bamboo, which is nearly water-tight; +but to secure still further protection from moisture, and also to +allow for free circulation of air, a rack is built in such a way that +the rice is kept several inches from the outside walls. Just below +the floor, each post supports a close-fitting pottery jar--without +top or bottom--or a broad disk of wood, which effectually prevents +the entrance of rodents. + +To thrash the grain, the woman places a bundle on a piece of carabao +hide, and, as she rolls it beneath her feet, she pounds it with a long +wooden pestle (_hala_) until all the kernels are beaten loose from +the straw. [198] It is then placed in a wooden mortar (_luson_) +of hourglass form or with straight sides, where it is again beaten +until the outside husks are loosened, and the grain is somewhat broken +(Plate LVI). Winnowing is accomplished by tossing the contents of the +mortar in shallow traps (_igau_), so that the chaff is blown away, +while the grain falls back into the winnower (Plate LVII). + +The rice is now ready for cooking; the chaff is collected, and is +used as food for the pigs and dogs, while the stalks are saved to be +burned, for the ashes are commonly used in lieu of soap. + +Rice has also come to have great importance, both as a standard of +value and as a medium of exchange. A single stalk is known as _sanga +dawa_. When the stalks are equal in size to the leg, just above the +ankle, the bundle is called _sang-abtek_. [199] Ten _sang-abtek_ equal +_sanga-baal_. One hundred _sang-abtek_ make _sanga-oyon_. The measure +of cleaned rice is as follows: Two full hands (one coconut shell +full)--1 _sopa_ (Ilocano _supa_; Spanish 1/8 _ganta_). 8 _sopa_--1 +_salop_ (Spanish _ganta_ or about 2 quarts). 25 _salop_--1 _kaban_. + +It is customary to pay laborers in rice; likewise the value of animals, +beads, and the like are reckoned and paid in this medium. During +the dry season rice is loaned, to be repaid after the harvest with +interest of about fifty per cent. + +According to tradition, the Tinguian were taught to plant and reap +by a girl named Dayapan. This woman, who was an invalid, was one +day bathing in the stream, when the great spirit Kaboniyan entered +her body. He carried with him sugar-cane and unthreshed rice which +he gave to the girl with explicit directions for its use. Likewise +he taught her the details of the _Sayang_, the most important of +the ceremonies. Dayapan followed instructions faithfully, and after +the harvest and conclusion of the ceremony, she found herself to be +completely cured. After that she taught others, and soon the Tinguian +became prosperous farmers. [200] + +In Part I of this volume a reconstruction of the early life of this +people was attempted from their mythology. The results seemed to +indicate that the tales reflect a time before the Tinguian possessed +terraced rice-fields, when domestic work animals were still unknown, +and the horse had not yet been introduced into the land. But it was +also noted that we are not justified in considering these as recent +events. + +At this time, with the more complete data before us, it may be well to +again subject the rice culture to careful scrutiny, in the hope that +it may afford some clue as to the source from which it spread into +this region. It is possible that the Tinguian may have brought it +with them from their early home, which may be supposed to have been +in southeastern Asia; they may have acquired it through contact with +Chinese or Japanese traders, or through commercial relations with +the islands to the south; or again it may have developed locally in +the Tinguian, Igorot, and Ifugao territory. + +It should be noted at the outset that highly developed terrace +cultivation is found in Japan and China to the north; in parts of +Borneo, in the Nias archipelago, in Java, Bali, Lombok, Sumatra, +Burma, and India proper, and it is probable that all within this +broad belt developed from a single origin. + +When we compare the construction of Igorot and Tinguian terraces and +the methods of irrigation, we find them quite similar, although those +of the former are somewhat superior and of much greater extent. The +planting of the seed rice and the breaking of the soil in the high +fields are also much alike, but here the resemblances cease. In +the lower fields, the Tinguian employ the carabao, together with +the plow and harrow; the Igorot do not. The Igorot fertilize their +fields, the Tinguian never. In harvesting, the Tinguian make use of +a peculiar crescent-shaped blade to cut the stalk, the Igorot pull +each head off separately. The Tinguian and Ilocano granaries are +of a distinctive type radically different from the Igorot, while the +methods of thrashing in the two groups are entirely different. Finally, +the ceremonial observances of the Tinguian, so far as the rice is +concerned, are much more extensive and intricate than have been +described for the Igorot. In a like manner there are many striking +differences between the methods of handling the grain by the Tinguian +and those found in Japan and China. On the other hand, when we come +to compare the rice culture of this region with the islands to the +south, the similarities are very striking. The short description +given by _Marsden_ for Sumatra [201] would, with a few modifications, +apply to the situation in Abra. The use of the plow and harrow drawn +by carabao is found in Java and Sumatra; the common reaping knife of +both these islands is identical with the Tinguian, although there is +a slight difference in the way it is utilized; the peculiar type of +granary found in Abra again appears in Sumatra, while the Tinguian +ceremonial acts associated with the cultivation and care of the +rice-recall, in several instances, details of such ceremonies in Java. + +If Tinguian rice culture did come from the south, through trade or +migration, in comparatively recent times we should expect to find +evidences of the same culture distributed along the route by which +it must have traveled. We find, however, that few terraces exist in +Mindanao and northern Borneo; and the former, at least, are of recent +introduction. [202] There is also negative evidence that such fields +were rare along the coasts at the time of the Spanish invasion. In +the early documents we meet with frequent statements that the people +were agriculturists and raised considerable quantities of rice and +vegetables in their clearings; but the writer has discovered only +two instances in which mention is made of terraced fields. [203] Had +extensive terraces existed on the coast, it seems certain that some +notice must have been taken of them. Yet in the mountains of central +and northwestern Luzon, in districts remote from coast influences, +are found some of the most remarkable fields of this type in Malaysia; +terraces representing such an expenditure of labor that they argue +for a long period of construction. + +The proof is not absolute, but, in view of the foregoing, the writer is +inclined to the belief that the Igorot and the Tinguian brought their +rice culture with them from the south, and that the latter received +it from a source common to them and to the people of Java and Sumatra. + +Many writers who have discussed the rice culture of the East Indies +are inclined to credit its introduction to Indian colonists, [204] +but _Campbell_ [205] holds to the belief that it was practised +centuries before the Christian era and prior to the Hindu invasion of +Java. There seems to be no dissent, however, among these writers to +the belief that its introduction antedated the arrival of the European +in the Orient by several centuries. The fact that dry land farming, +carried on with planting sticks and the like, is still found among the +Igorot and Tinguian, and for that matter all over the Philippines, +cannot be advanced as an argument that the irrigated fields are of +recent date, for upland fields and primitive tools are still used in +Java and Sumatra, where, as we have just seen, the wet field culture +is an old possession. + +_Magical Rites and Ceremonies Connected with the Rice_.--The importance +of rice to this people is nowhere better evidenced than in the numerous +and, in some cases, elaborate rites with which its cultivation and +care is attended. Some of these observances appear to be purely +magical, while others are associated with the consulting of omens, +acts of sacrifice, propitiation, and finally of thanksgiving. All +are interwoven with tribal law and custom to such an extent that +neglect, on the part of the individual, amounts to a crime against the +community, and hence is punished with public indignation and ostracism. + +When a new field is to be prepared, or a granary erected, strict watch +must be kept for omens, for should the inhabitants of the spirit world +be unfavorable to the project, they will indicate their feelings by +sending snakes, large lizards, deer, wild hogs, or certain birds to +visit the workers. Should any of these appear, as the task is begun, +the place is generally abandoned at once, but if doubt still exists, or +it is deemed abvisable to try to persuade the spirits to reconsider, a +small pig will be sacrificed. Its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered +about on the ground as an offering, while the medium recites a proper +_diam_. [206] After a suitable time has elapsed for the spirits to +partake, the liver of the animal is removed, and is carefully examined +(cf. p. 307). If the omens are now favorable, the work may be resumed, +but should they still be unpropitious, it is folly to proceed, for +disaster is certain to follow. + +The next anxiety is to secure a lusty growth of plants in the seed +beds, and to accomplish this, sticks known as _salogegey_, are stuck +in each plot. The surface of such a stick has been pared so that +shavings stand out on it in opposite directions, for such a decoration +"is pleasing to the spirits;" while a piece of charcoal, placed in the +notched end, compels the new leaves to turn the dark green of sturdy +plants. The first seeds to be planted must always be sowed by the wife +of the owner, "so that they will be fertile and yield a good crop." + +When a field has been constructed, or when the terraces are ready to +receive the plants, a ceremony known as _Dalau_, [207] is held. The +purpose of this is to secure the good will of the spirits in general, +but more particularly to provide a dwelling place for the powerful +being Kaiba-an, who guards the crops. A medium, accompanied by +the family and any others who may be interested, goes to the field +carrying a large bamboo pole, _bolo_ [208] branches, stalks of _lono +[209] bakon_, and _saklak_. [210] The end of the bamboo is split +open, and a _saloko_ [211] is constructed to which are attached the +other leaves and stalks. The _saloko_ is then placed on the dividing +ridge of the field, and all is ready for the ceremony, unless it is +considered wise to also construct a small house (_baubauwi_). If the +field is near the village, the latter is generally dispensed with, +but if it is distant, the house is erected so that the spirit will +accept it as its dwelling, while it is guarding the crop. It is further +explained that the spirit then stays in the small house or _saloko_ +instead of in the rice stalks, and so they are able to grow. + +A female pig is presented to the medium who, after reciting a proper +_diam_ above it, stabs the animal and collects its blood. This is +mixed with rice, and a part is at once deposited in the _saloko_, +while the balance is placed on a head-axe, and is carried about the +field. When the whole plot has been traversed, this rice and blood +is scattered in all directions, while the spirits are besought to +come and eat. A part of the company has meanwhile been cooking the +flesh of the slain animal, but before any of it is served, a skirt +(_kinomayan_) is spread at the foot of the _saloko_, and on it are +placed dishes of oil and of cooked rice. + +After the meal has been eaten, the family gathers up the skirt and +dishes, to return them to the village, but the other offerings remain. + +Rain, like all other things needed, is sent by Kadaklan or +Kaboniyan. If it does not come as desired, or if the crop is not +progressing favorably, a ceremony known as _Komon_ or _Ubaiya_ [212] +is held. Each person of the village is assessed a _sopa_ of rice, +a bundle of _palay_, or a small coin with which pigs, _basi_, and +other things necessary, can be purchased. + +Early in the morning of the appointed day, the mediums, accompanied +by many people, go to the guardian stones, oil the head of each, and +place a bark band around it. Then having recited a proper _diam_ over +a small pig, they slaughter it and scatter its blood mixed with rice +among the stones. Likewise they place a dish of _basi_ among them for +the use of the spirits. A part of the slain animal is then cooked and +eaten, after which all go back to the village. At some appointed place, +rice, eggs, betel-nuts, and a large pig have been assembled, and to +this spot the mediums go to conduct the rite known as _Dawak_. [213] +Before its conclusion a _diam_ is recited over the pig, which is then +killed and prepared for food. Meanwhile the chief medium beseeches the +supreme being Kadaklan to enter her body. He comes, and after telling +the people what must be done to insure the crop, he designates some +one man who must, on the following morning, celebrate _Padiam_. + +After all the visiting spirits have been given food and drink, a small +covered raft (_taltalabong_) is constructed, and in it are placed a +live chick, a cooked rooster, and other articles of food. Four sturdy +men carry this to the river and set it afloat, while the people shout +and beat on gongs to drive away evil spirits who might wish to steal +the raft and its contents. The purpose of this offering is to supply +food to any spirits who may be unable to attend the ceremony. + +Early the next morning, the man who has been designated by Kadaklan +to perform the _Padiam_ makes ready, at his own expense, a large +pig and cooked rice, and carries these to the fields. He must be +dressed in striped garments known as _ginalit_, must carry a headaxe, +and wear on his head the cloth band of the medium, beneath which are +thrust two _igam_, that is, chicken feathers notched or decorated with +bits of colored thread (cf. p. 313). He is accompanied by his wife, +attired in a red jacket (_sinasaya_) and a skirt (_pinapa_), and by a +medium who also wears the _igam_ beneath a headband of _sikag_; [214] +while the townspeople follow behind. Arrived at the field, the medium +squats before the bound pig, and holding a spear, betel-nuts, and oil, +begins to recite a _diam_, meanwhile she strokes the animal from time +to time with oiled fingers. This concluded, she stabs the pig, and +having mixed its blood with rice, scatters it over the field, calling +to the spirits to come and eat, and then to grant a full harvest. The +people eat part of the animal while in the field, but before returning +home, the head of each family receives a small strip of uncooked flesh, +which he fastens above the door as a sign that the ceremony has been +held. [215] The following day, the owner and the medium return to +the field and break a little soil with a spear, and the ceremony is +complete, but for some days these two are barred from eating shrimp, +carabao, or wild pig. The owner must also pay the medium ten bundles +of rice for her assistance in insuring his own crops, as well as those +of the community. Should lightning strike a field or a tree in it, +this ceremony is repeated, with the exception that the strips of +flesh are not distributed, nor is the soil broken with a spear. [216] + +In Lumaba, a town strongly influenced by the Igorot, the _Ubaiya_ +regularly precedes the rice planting, as well as the first use of a +newly constructed field. While conforming, in general, to that already +described, a part of the procedure is somewhat different. On the day +before the ceremony, the men go to the mountains and gather _lono_ +stalks, one for each house and two for the town gate. The two reeds are +placed crosswise of the entrance to the village and serve as a sign +of taboo, and thereafter no one may enter until they are officially +removed. To do so would necessitate the repetition of the ceremony, +and the offender would be obliged to provide all the things necessary +for it. Likewise, no one may wear a hat or prepare food during the +period of taboo. + +The next day is known as _Bignas_, and at dawn all the men arm +themselves with bamboo poles. With these they beat about under the +houses and throughout the town, in order to drive away any evil +spirits who may be lurking about. Having effectively rid the town, +they force the invisible beings ahead of them to the river, where they +deposit the poles. They return to the village singing and shouting, +and are met at the gate by the women, who hold ladders, one on each +side of the entrance, so that they meet at the top and thus form a +path by which the men may enter without breaking the interdict. At +the guardian stones, they pause long enough to sacrifice a pig and a +rooster, and offer blood and rice to the spirits, and then they proceed +to the center of the village, where they dance _tadek_ and _da-eng_ +until dusk. At nightfall a pig is killed, its flesh is divided among +the people, and a _lono_ stalk, after being dipped in the blood, +is given to a member of each family. This is carried home, and is +placed on the outside wall as a sign that the ceremony has been held. + +If the sun is shining the following morning, the _lakay_ will go +outside the town to gather wood. Upon his return the people are again +free to fish and hunt, but work is forbidden until evening. Should +the sun fail to appear, all remain quietly in the village until the +_lakay_ can remove the taboo by his wood gathering. + +In Manabo the ceremony is a mixture of the two types just described, +and is always held at the time of planting and when droughts +occur. [217] + +The procedure at harvest time varies considerably in different +districts, but the usual custom is for a woman, from each family, to +go to the fields and cut alone until she has harvested one hundred +bundles. During this time she may use no salt, but a little sand +is placed in her food as a substitute. No outsider may enter the +dwelling during this preliminary cutting. So strictly is this rule +observed that the writer has been absolutely excluded from homes where, +on other occasions, he was a welcome guest. In Lumaba and vicinity +it is the custom to sacrifice a chicken two days before the harvest +begins, and to cook its neck and intestines without salt. These are +then divided into nine parts, are placed in dishes, and are carried +to the spirit house in the field. At the end of the second day, +the feathers of the fowl are stuck into the sides of the structure, +and the spirits are entreated to grant a good harvest and health for +the workers. The dishes are then returned to the village, and on the +following morning the women may begin cutting. + +When the rice is ready to be stored, the _Palpalaem_ [218] ceremony +is held in honor of the spirit of the granary. Vines and shrubs [219] +are tied to each supporting post of the granary and above the door, +while a bit of _sikag_ is also hidden inside a bundle of rice, which +has been placed at each corner pole. Near one post is a small pig with +its head toward the east, and over it the medium recites a _diam_. As +usual, the animal is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered +to the spirits. A part of the flesh is wrapped in banana leaves, and +a bundle is buried at the foot of each post. The skull is cooked, +and after being cleaned, is hung up inside the roof. The rest of +the meat is cooked, and is served with rice to the little company of +friends who have gathered. Each guest is also given a few stalks of +the rice from the bundles at the corner posts. + +Just before the new rice is placed in the granary, a jar of _basi_ +is placed in the center of the structure, and beside it a dish filled +with oil and the dung of worms. Five bundles of _palay_ are piled +over these, and the whole is presented to the spirit, who will now +allow the rice to multiply until it is as plentiful as the dung. + +In Buneg and nearby villages, all of which are strongly influenced +by immigrants from the Cagayan valley, a small clay house known as +_lablabon_ or _adug_ is placed with the rice, and from time to time +offerings are put in them for the spirit who multiplies the rice +(Plate XXIX). + +Certain restrictions always apply to the granary. It may never be +opened after dark, for evil spirits are certain to enter, and the crop +will vanish quickly. It can be opened only by a member of the family +"whom the spirit knows;" and should another attempt to remove the +grain, sickness or blindness will befall him. So rigorously is this +enforced that a bride never opens her husband's granary until he has +presented her with a string of beads, which she wears about her neck to +identify her. It is further necessary that she receive a similar gift +before she eats of his rice, otherwise she will become ill. However, +this does not apply to others, even strangers being fed without this +gift being made. + +A custom which formerly prevailed, but is now falling into disuse, +was for the bride and groom to visit the family fields, where the +youth cut a little grass along the dividing ridges. He then took up +a bit of earth on his head-axe, and both tasted of it, "so that the +ground would yield them good harvests, and they would become wealthy," + +_Cultivated Plants and Trees_.--Near every settlement will be found +a number of small gardens, in which a variety of vegetables are +grown. Occasionally a considerable planting of bananas will be found, +while many villages are buried beneath the shade of coconut trees, +but in comparison with rice the cultivation of other crops becomes +insignificant. Nevertheless, a considerable amount of food stuff, +as well as of plants and trees used in household industries, are +planted in prepared land; while many of wild growths are utilized. The +following list is doubtless incomplete, but still contains those of +special value to this people. [220] + +Next to rice the _camote_ (_Convolvulus batatas_) is the most +important food product. Occasionally it is raised in the gardens or +rice terraces, but, as a rule, it is planted in hillside clearings from +which one or two crops of rice have been removed. The tuber is cut +into pieces, or runners from old plants are stuck into the ground, +and the planting is complete. The vine soon becomes very sturdy, +its large green leaves so carpeting the ground that it even competes +successfully with the _cogon_ grass. If allowed, the plants multiply +by their runners far beyond the space originally allotted to them. The +tubers, which are about the size of our sweet potatoes, are dug up as +needed, to replace or supplement rice in the daily menu. Both roots +and plants are also cooked and used as food for the pigs and dogs. + +_Aba_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott) is raised, [221] but as it +requires a moist soil, and hence would occupy land adapted to rice, +it is chiefly limited to the gardens. It has large fleshy roots +which are used like those of the _camote_, while the leaves and +young shoots are also cooked and eaten. Other tubers known as _obi_ +(_Dioscorea sp_.), _gakad_ (_Dioscorea divaricata_ Blanco), _annaeg_ +(_Dioscorea fasciculata_), and _kamas_ (_Pachyrhizus angulatus_ +D.C.) are raised to a limited extent in the gardens. + +Corn, _mais, bukel_, and red corn, _gasilan_ (_Zea mays_ L.) seems +to have been introduced into Abra in comparatively late times, for +despite the fact that it is one of the most important crops, it has +neither gathered to itself ceremonial procedure, nor has it acquired a +place in the folk-lore. A considerable amount is raised in the village +gardens, but generally it is planted by dibbling in the high land. When +ripe, the ears are broken from the stalk, the husks are turned back, +and several are tied together. These bunches are then placed over +horizontal poles, raised several feet from the ground (Plate LVIII), +and after being thoroughly dried, are hung from the house rafters. The +common method of grinding is to place the corn on a large stone, +over which a smaller stone is rocked until a fine flour is produced +(Plate LIX). Stone disk grinders, imported from the coast, are also +in use. These consist of grooved stones, the upper of which revolves +on the lower. Grain is fed into an opening at the top as needed. Dried +corn, popped in the embers of a fire, is much relished by the children. + +Several varieties of squash, [222] and beans, as well as peanuts +(_mani_) are among the common products of the garden. The former are +trained to run over a low trellis or frame to prevent injury to the +blossoms from a driving rain. Both blossoms and the mature vegetables +are used as food. + +Among the minor products are ginger, _laya_ (_Zingiber officinale_ +Rosc.) and a small melon, locally known as _melod_, which is used +as a sweetening. Sugar cane, _onas_ (_Saccharum_), is raised in +considerable quantity, and is used in making an intoxicating drink +known as _basi_. It is also eaten raw in place of a sweetmeat, but +is never converted into sugar. Nowadays the juice is extracted by +passing the cane between two cylinders of wood with intermeshing +teeth. Motive power is furnished by a carabao attached to a long +sweep. This is doubtless a recent introduction, but it has entirely +superseded any older method. + +The cane is raised from cuttings which are set in mud-beds until +ready to be transferred to the mountain-side clearings. These lands +are prepared in the same manner as the upland rice fields already +described. The men dig shallow holes and set each plant upright, +while the women follow, filling the hole with water and then pressing +earth in with fingers or toes. + +In addition to these food crops, considerable plantings of cotton or +_kapas_ (_Gossypium_ sp.) and tobacco or _taba-o_ (_Nicotiana tabacum_) +are raised in the clearings. The former is planted on the hillsides, +where it matures in three or four months. The plant seldom reaches +a height of two feet, and the bolls are small, doubtless due to lack +of care and suitable fertilization. [223] + +Tobacco seeds are sprouted in beds similar to those used for the rice, +and the same magical device is used to insure a lusty growth. The young +plants are carefully watered and shaded until they reach a height of +five or six inches. They are then transplanted to hillside clearings, +or to unused rice fields, where they are set out about three to a +foot. This transfer generally takes place near the beginning of +the dry season, so that the crop will be sure to mature without +the damaging effect of water on the leaves. The plants while lusty +do not attain the size of those grown in the valley regions of the +interior. As soon as the leaves begin to turn a dark yellow, they are +cut off and are strung on slender bamboo sticks (Plate LX), which are +then hung up in the house. When nearly dry, they are laid in piles, +and are occasionally turned to prevent rust or mildew from forming. + +A small amount of indigo, _tayum_ (_Indigofera tinctoria_) is raised, +generally in open spots near the villages. The plants receive little +or no attention, yet still attain a height of about three feet. The +leaves and branches are placed in water for a few days, and are then +boiled, together with a little lime, the resultant liquor being used +as a dye for cotton thread. + +No product receives more attention in the lore of the Tinguian than the +climbing vine known as _lawed_ (_Piper sp_.). [224] It was formerly +in universal use in connection with the chewing of betel-nut. To-day +betel-nut is less common in this region, but this leaf and the +areca-nut still play an important part in all ceremonies. According +to tradition, it was possible in the old times to tell the fate of +an absent friend by noting the condition of a _lawed_ vine planted +by him prior to his departure. [225] The vine is now trained on poles +and trellises, near to many houses. + +Among the larger cultivated plants and trees, the banana (_Musa +paradisiaca_), coconut (_Cocos nucifera_), and bamboo (_Bambusa +sp_.) are the most important. + +At least twenty varieties of bananas are raised in Abra. The fruit +of some of these is scarcely larger than the forefinger, while +others are quite large. The common type bears a rather small, yellow +fruit locally known as _saba_. In Manabo and several other villages, +plantings covering three or four acres are to be found, but the usual +plot is small, and is situated near to the house of the owner. + +Suckers, which sprout from the roots of mature plants, are set out as +needed, either to make new groves or to replace the old stalks, which +are cut down after bearing. Both bud and fruit are eaten. The latter +are cut on the stem while still green, and are hung in the house to +ripen, in order to protect them from bats and fruit-feeding birds. + +The coconut (_niog_) is not raised in groves, as in the Christianized +districts, but in many villages every house has two or three trees +towering above it. Even the interior mountain settlements, like Lingey, +Ba-ay, and Likuan, are hidden beneath these trees, thus incidentally +disposing of the fable that "the coconut tree will not grow out of +sight of the sea." Young trees have to be protected by fences during +the first two or three years of growth, or they will be uprooted by the +pigs, but from that time on they require little or no care. They are +not tapped for sap, as is customary in most parts of the Philippines, +but notches are cut in the tree trunks in order to supply foothold for +the fruit gatherer. The nuts are cut off with a knife as soon as ripe, +else they may fall and cause death or injury to people below. + +No other fruit serves the people in so many ways. The juice is relished +as a drink, the meat as a food, the oil as a food and hair dressing; +the shells serve as dishes and cups, or are carved into ladles, +while the fibrous covering of the nut is converted into foot wipers, +thread brushes, and the like. + +The betel-nut, _bwa_ (_Areca catechu_ L.), is also found in some +villages, particularly in the mountains. It is a tall, slender palm +which yields the nut so prized throughout the Islands for chewing. + +Mango-treees, _mangga_ (_Mangifera indica_ L.) appear here and there +in valleys and on mountain sides, where the seeds have doubtless been +carried by birds or travelers, but considerable groves are found in +many districts. The fruit is picked before it is ripe, and is eaten +as it becomes mellow. + +Other trees and shrubs which are occasionally planted are: _Atis_ +(_Anona squamosa_ L., an American plant) prized both for its fruit +and bark--the latter being used in rope-making. + +_Atatawa_ (_Jathropha multifida_ L.). Also found in a wild state. The +fruit is used as a purgative. The _Jathropha curcas_ L. is also used. + +_Daligan_ (_Averrhoa carambola_ L.) or Coromandel gooseberry. The +fruit is eaten without cooking. + +_Lanka_ (_Artocarpus integrifola_ L.). Jackfruit. + +_Maling-kapas_ or _kapas to insit_ (_Ceiba pantadra_ Gaertn.), also +known by the Ilocano as _kapas sanglay_. This so-called "Chinese +cotton" is a small tree with few, but perfectly straight, branches, +which radiate from the trunk in horizontal lines. It produces +elliptical pods which burst open when ripe, exposing a silky white +cotton. The fiber is too short for spinning, but is used as tinder +and as stuffing for pillows. + +Orange (_lokban_) and lime (_lolokisen_) trees are greatly prized, +but appear only occasionally. They receive no care, and consequently +yield only inferior fruit. + +The _pias_ (_Averrhoa bilimbi_ L.) is a garden tree which produces +an acid fruit used in cooking. + +_Santol_ (_Sandoricum indicum_ Cav.) trees are raised both for the +fruit and for timber. It is said that house posts of this wood are +not attacked by white ants. + +_Wild Plants and Trees_.--Few of the wild growths have escaped the +attention of this people, and many are used as food and medicine, +as well as for fiber materials and bark cloth. Among those used for +food, the following are the most important:-- + +_Apang_ or _sapang_ (_Bixa orellana_ L.). + +_Alloseup_ (_Antidesma ghesaembilla_ Gaertn.). + +_Bayabas_, or lemon guava (_Psidium guayava_ L.), an American shrub +which now grows wild, and in great abundance, in the mountains. + +_Balatong_ (_Phaseolus mungo_ L.). Only the seeds are used. + +_Damokes_ (_Pithecolobium dulce_ Benth.), an American tree which now +grows spontaneously in northern Luzon. The fruit is eaten, while the +bark is sometimes used for tanning. + +_Ipako_ (_Psophocarpus tetragonolobus_ D.C.), a herbaceous vine +infrequently seen in the gardens. The young pods are used as a +condiment. + +_Kochai_ (_Alliuni tricoccum_) or wild leek. + +_Katodai_ (_Sesbania grandiflora_ P.). Only the flowers are eaten. + +_Kama-al_ (_Allaeanthus luzonicus_ Blanco. Vill.). + +_Kalot_ (_Dioscorea daemona_ Roxb.), a tuber, poisonous if eaten +without special preparation. It is cut into small pieces, and is +placed in running water for several days, after which it is cooked. + +_Kamatis_ (_Lycopersicum esculentum_ Mill.), tiny tomatoes which are +eaten raw or cooked. + +_Labok_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott). + +_Longboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.). + +_Olo_ (_Cissus sp_.), a low climbing herb, the stems and leaves of +which are used in place of vinegar. + +_Palda_ (_Phaseolus lunatus_ L.), civet bean. + +_Sili_ (_Capsicum frutescens_ L.), small red peppers. The American +chile. Used as a condiment. + +Specimens of about twenty other food plants and trees were obtained, +but their identification was impossible. + +The wild growths used as medicines, or in the manufacture of string, +rope, and bark cloth, will be mentioned under those headings. + +_Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease_.--Most sickness +is thought to be caused by spirits, either with evil intent or to +punish some wrong-doing or oversight on the part of the people. To +placate or bribe these superior beings, elaborate ceremonies are held, +but in addition to these a number of simple remedies are made use +of. The efficacy of some of these medicines is explained by the fact +that certain leaves or infusions are distasteful to the spirits of +disease, which, consequently, take their departure. Again, a trouble +such as a tooth-ache is caused by a small worm which is gnawing at +the tooth. To overcome this, the bark and leaves of the _alem_ tree +are thoroughly beaten, and are applied to the face. The worm smells +the crushed leaves, and straightway enters the poultice which is then +burned. The spirits which bring the cholera can be driven away by +burning the leaves of _sobosob_ (_Blumea balsamifera_), _bangbangsit_ +(_Hyptis suavolens_ Poir.) and _dala_ (?) beneath the house; likewise, +the bark of the _bani_ (?) keeps the bearers of constipation at a +distance. _Bangbangsit_ is also considered as a cure for stomachache, +diarrhoea, and is an aid in bringing on menstruation. When used +for these purposes, the root is boiled, and the liquor is drunk. The +fresh leaves will also relieve a pain in the stomach if applied to it, +while the fruit is eaten to cure diarrhoea. If the patient is already +affected with cholera or dysentery, the leaves of the _sobosob_ +are placed in a jar of water at the mouth of which a clay ball is +suspended, and the whole is then completely covered with banana +leaves. The pot it placed over a fire, and the steam being unable +to escape is absorbed by the clay. Later this is crushed, is mixed +with water, and is swallowed by the patient. Lard burned to a crisp +is likewise mixed with water, and is drunk to relieve diarrhoea. + +Fever is a frequent ailment, and several medicines are employed +against it. The most common is to crush the leaves of the _dangla_ +(_Vitex negundo_ L.) in vinegar made from _basi_, and to add to +this a fourth part of urine. The patient drinks a shell cup of the +liquor, is washed in cold water, and then is briskly rubbed with fine +salt. Young banana leaves are applied to the flesh, and over these +blankets are placed. This is repeated twice daily until the fever +is broken. Wild tomato leaves, pounded and applied to the abdomen, +are also considered valuable in causing the patient to sweat. If the +trouble is unusually severe, a hot bath is prepared by boiling the +leaves of the lemon, _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.), and _toltolang_ +(?) trees in water. After the patient has been bathed in this, he is +wrapped in blankets. The same remedy is used to cure fits. + +Snake bite is treated by chewing the bark of the _alonen_ (_Streblus_ +_asper_ Lour.), or _kasabong_ (_Argemone mexicana_ L.), or the root +of the _talabatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.), all of which cause +vomiting. + +The fruit of the _soloyot_ (_Corchorus olitorius_ L.), when baked +and ground to a powder, likewise produces vomiting, and is used for +any kind of poisoning. + +To relieve the itch, the juice of the _kabatiti_ (_Luffa acutangula_ +Roxb.), _Bayabas_ (_Psidium guajava_ L.) or _lew-lew_ (_Ficus haulili_ +Blanco) is mixed with vinegar and soot, and is applied to the skin. The +milky exudation of the _kalinbwaya_ (_Euphorbia neruefolia_ L.) is +also placed on the affected parts. + +During the rainy season the people are greatly troubled with small +blisters which form between the toes and quickly break down, leaving +open sores. To "harden" the feet, they hold them over burning straw. + +Certain other aids against disease are also employed. Cracked +feet are treated with carabao dung; the nest of a small cave bird +(_nido_) is crushed in water, and is drunk as a cure for coughs; +while the flesh of the shell fish (_kool_) is applied to boils. A +further cure for the itch is made by pounding a coconut shell into +a fine powder. This is placed in a jar, over a hot fire, and a piece +of iron is laid over the top. The "sweat" which collects on the iron +is said to give instant relief. + +An infected ("bad") finger or limb is tightly bound "to keep the +sickness from going up." + +_Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants_.--A study of the tales and +ceremonies makes it evident that the betel-nut (_bwa_) was at one time +extensively used. To-day it occupies an exceedingly important place +in the religious rites, but is seldom chewed. When it is offered +to the spirits, it is still prepared in the way that is universal +throughout Malaysia. The nut of the areca palm (_Areca catechu_ +L.) is split into four pieces, fresh lime is spread on a piper leaf +(_Piper betel_ L.), this is wrapped about the piece of nut, and is +ready for chewing. The areca palm grows well in this territory, and +quite an extensive grove is to be found near the village of Bakaok, +yet this is the only place where any number of the people are addicted +to its use. Tobacco (_tabao_), on the other hand, is in universal +use, although it certainly was introduced after the arrival of the +Spaniards. The leaf is dried, and is rolled into thin cigars which +are placed in tiny pipes (Fig. 21). The cigar itself is never held in +the lips, nor is the leaf chewed. Young and old of both sexes smoke +frequently, but not a great deal at a time. After taking a few puffs, +the pipe is stuck into the hair, or under the inner band of the hat, +until again needed. + +The only intoxicating drink made and used by this people is the +fermented juice of the sugar-cane, known as _basi_. The juice when +extracted from the cane is boiled with water for four or five hours. It +is placed in a large jar together with cinnamon bark, and is tightly +covered over with leaves. Fermentation begins almost at once, but for +a month the drink is raw and little prized. In three or four months, +it becomes quite mellow and pleasant to the taste. Jars are sometimes +stored away to be opened only for some important event, such as a +marriage festival or the celebration of a great ceremony. At such a +time a very definite procedure is followed. The most honored guest +is invited to do the serving. He removes the covering, dips into the +liquor, pours a little on the sides of the jar, and then a few drops +on the ground as an offering to the spirits. A coconut shell cup +is then dipped out, and is carried to the _lakay_ or some other old +man. Before he drinks, he raises the cup to the level of his face, and, +beginning at his right, offers it to each person in the circle. The +one saluted makes a gesture away from his body with his right hand, +the palm upturned. When all have refused the cup, the man drinks, +often he stops to sing the _daleng_, an improvised song in which he +compliments his host, bespeaks the welfare of his family, or praises +the other members of the gathering. One after another the guests are +served, but always according to age and importance, the women and +young people being left to the last. The liquor is quite intoxicating, +two or three drinks being sufficient to put the company in a jovial +mood. It often happens that one or more will become gloriously drunk, +but, as a rule, they are not quarrelsome, and there seems to be no +unpleasant after-effects. [226] + +_Domestic Animals_.--Dogs, pigs, chickens, and carabao appear to +have been long in the possession of this tribe. Horses, goats, and +cattle are now owned by some of the people, but only the former are +of sufficient number to be considered important. + +The dogs _(aso)_are surly, ill-kept creatures of mongrel breed. They +are seldom treated as pets, but are kept for hunting. Well-fed dogs +are considered lazy, and hence they are fed only with a rice gruel, +which seems to be neither fattening nor satisfactory. When in the +village, the miserable creatures wander about under the houses, there +to pick up and fight over morsels which may drop from above, or they +lie in the ashes of the bonfires, the better to protect themselves from +fleas and other enemies. When used in hunting, they are kept in leash +until the game is started. When released, they follow the quarry at +full cry, and if the game has been injured, they will seldom give up +the chase. It is necessary for the hunters to follow the dogs closely +and beat them off a slain animal, otherwise they will quickly devour +it. They are always rewarded with a part of the intestines and some +other portions, so that they may be keen for the next hunt. + +Pigs (_babuy_) run at large throughout the villages or in the +neighboring underbrush. They are fed at night close to the dwellings, +and thus become at least half tame (Plate LXI). Many spend the hot +hours of mid-day beneath the houses, from which they are occasionally +driven by the irate housewives, when their squealing and fighting +become unbearable. The domestic pigs are probably all descended from +the wild stock with which they still constantly mix. Most of the young +pigs are born with yellow stripes like the young of the wild, but +they lose these marks in a short time. Castration of the young males +is usually accomplished when the animals are about two months old. + +Considerable numbers of chickens (_manok_) are raised. Nets or coops +are arranged for them beneath the houses, but they run at large during +the day time. Eggs are an important part of the food supply, but the +fowls themselves are seldom killed or eaten, except in connection with +the ceremonies. The domestic birds closely resemble the wild fowl of +the neighborhood, and probably are descended from them. Except for a +few strongly influenced settlements, cock-fighting has no hold upon +this people. + +The carabao or water buffalo (_nuang_) is the most prized and valuable +animal possessed by this tribe. As a rule, it is handled and petted +by the children from the time of its birth, and hence its taming +and breaking is a matter of little moment. In the mountain region +about Lakub, where most of the animals are allowed to run half wild, +only the strongest are broken. The animal is driven into a A-shaped +pen, and a heavy pole is fastened across its neck just behind the +horns. It is thus prevented from using its strength, and is loaded +or ridden until it becomes accustomed to the treatment. Carabao are +used for drawing the sleds and for ploughing and harrowing in the +lower fields. Should one be seriously injured, it would be killed +and eaten; but strong animals are slaughtered only on very rare +occasions. Wild carabao are fairly abundant in the mountains. They +closely resemble the tame stock, and are generally considered to be +derived from animals which have escaped. + + + +CHAPTER IX + +PRODUCTS OF INDUSTRY + +_Iron-Working_.--Little iron work is now done in the valley of the +Abra for the competition of the Ilocano smiths of Santa and Narvacan, +in Ilocos Sur, and the cheap products brought to the coast, and as +far inland as Bangued, by Chinese traders, have swamped the native +industry. + +Forges are still found in many villages of eastern Abra, particularly +those of the upper Buklok river, but the real center of the industry is +in and around Balbalasang, on the eastern side of the mountain range. + +We have in northern Luzon a situation similar to that found throughout +the archipelago, namely, that the most flourishing smithies are usually +those farthest removed from the coast traders. Where communication +is easy and trade unrestricted, the native industry has vanished, +or is on the wane. To-day the forges of the Bontoc Igorot, of the +Tinguian-Kalinga border villages, and of Apayao, are turning out +superior weapons, but elsewhere in the northwestern districts the pagan +people have either lost the art, or make only very inferior articles. + +It is certain that iron-working has long been known, not only in the +Philippines, but throughout Malaysia, and it is likewise evident that +these regions secured the art from the same source as did the people +of Assam, Burma, and eastern Madagascar, for the description of the +Tinguian forge and iron-working which follows would, with very little +modification, apply equally well to those in use in Southern Mindanao, +Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Assam, Burma, and Madagascar. [227] + +Long before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines, the Chinese +had built up such a lively trade in iron bars and caldrons that it was +no longer necessary for the natives to smelt their own iron ore; if +indeed they ever did so. [228] This trade metal was widely distributed, +and then reworked by the local smiths. Even to-day the people of +Balbalasang make the long journey to Bangued, or even to Vigan, +to secure Chinese iron, which they carry back to their mountain forges. + +There is no positive proof that the Filipinos formerly mined and +smelted iron, but there is a strong probability that they did so, prior +to the introduction of trade metal. It has already been noted that the +Tinguian type of forge and the method of handling and tempering iron +is widespread in Malaysia; and, as will be seen later, this process +is not that in use among the Chinese, so that it is unlikely that the +art was introduced by them. In furnishing iron ready for forging, +they were simply supplying in a convenient form an article already +in use, and for which there was an urgent demand. In the islands to +the south we find that many of the pagan tribes do now, or did until +recently, mine and smelt the ore. _Beccari_ [229] tells us that the +Kayan of Borneo extract iron ore found in their own country. _Hose_ +and _McDougall_ say that thirty years ago nearly all the iron worked +by the tribes of the interior of Borneo was from ore found in the +river beds. At present most of the pagans obtain the metal from the +Chinese and Malay traders, but native ore is still smelted in the far +interior. [230] Foreign iron is now used by the Battak of Sumatra, +but deserted iron-works are known to exist in their country, while the +Menangkabau still possess smelting furnaces. [231] It seems probable +that the whole industry had a common source, and was spread or carried +as a unit, but when trade relations made the arduous work of mining +and smelting unnecessary, it was quickly given up. That native iron +might have supplied the needs of many Philippine tribes, including +the Tinguian, is certain, for important deposits of magnetite and +hematite are found in Abra, in Ilocos Norte, Angat, Bulacan, Albay, +and other parts of the Islands. [232] On several occasions, when +on the trail, the natives have called our attention to boulders, +apparently of hematite, which they recognized as iron. + +The smithies are small structures with grass roofs, but no sides or +floors (Plate LXII). At one end is a raised bamboo bench in front of +which stands the forge. This consists of two upright wooden cylinders, +usually logs hollowed out, known as _po-opan._ In each of these is +a piston or plunger (_doeydoyog_) at the lower end of which is a +wooden ring packed with corn husks and chicken feathers. When this +is pushed downward in the cylinder, it compresses the air and forces +it out of the small opening in the base, but when it is drawn up, +the packing collapses and allows the plunger to be raised without +effort. These pistons are worked so that one is rising, while the +other is falling. The cylinders stand in a wooden block out of which +bamboo tubes (_tolongon_) conduct the air into a tube of fire clay +(_ibong_), and this in turn carries it into the charcoal fire. There +are no valves, as in the Chinese bellows, but the bamboo tubes fit +loosely, and the fire is not drawn back. Near to the hearth is a stone +anvil (_dalisdisan_), while a heavy stone hammer, a small iron hammer, +and iron pinchers complete the outfit. + +The fire is lighted, and the operator sitting on the bench alternately +raises and lowers the plungers in the cylinders until the fire burns +brightly; then the smith puts metal into the coals and allows it +to remain until it reaches a white heat. It is then removed and +placed on the anvil, where his helper beats it out with the large +hammer. This is a stone weighing twenty or more pounds, fitted inside +the handles so that it can be used with both hands. As a rule, it +is swung between the legs, and is allowed to strike the metal as it +descends, but some of the men raise it above the shoulder and strike +a much more powerful blow. If two pieces of metal are to be welded +together, as is often the case when broken caldrons are used, they +are laid, one overlapping the other, and are held together with damp +fire-clay. In this condition they are placed in the fire and heated, +and are then beaten together. It often takes several firings to bring +about a perfect weld. + +After the initial shaping, the smith completes the work with the small +hammer, and the blade is ready for tempering. A bamboo tube of water +is placed near by, and the blade is again inserted in the fire and +brought to a white heat. Then the smith withdraws it and watches it +intently until the white tone begins to turn to a greenish-yellow, when +he plunges it into the water. The tempered blade is now smoothed down +with sandstone, and is whetted to a keen edge. Head-axes, spear-heads, +adzes, a few knives, and the metal ends for the spear-shafts are the +principal products of the forge. + +The blades are by no means of equal temper or perfection, but the +smiths of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages seldom turn out poor +weapons, and as a result, their spears and head-axes have a wide +distribution over northwestern Luzon. + +In view of the wide distribution of this type of forge and method of +iron-working; of its persistence in isolated communities, while it +has vanished from the coast, or has been superseded by the Chinese +methods of work; as well as of other details here described, the +writer is of the opinion that the art has not been introduced into +the Philippines through trade, but is a possession which many or all +of the tribes brought with them from their ancient home, probably +somewhere in southeastern Asia. The effects of trade, in historic +times, are evident throughout the Christianized regions, in Chinese +and European forges and in foreign types of utensils. Likewise the +influence of the Mohammedanized tribes is very marked in the Sulu +archipelago, the western coasts of Mindanao, and even among many of +the pagan tribes of that island, but the isolated forges throughout +Malaysia and the methods described by early explorers in this field, +are practically identical with those just reviewed. + +_Spinning and Weaving_.--That cotton (_kapas_) was being raised and +the fibre spun into cloth at the time of the Spanish occupation +of the Islands, is amply proved by many references in the early +chronicles. Also there was a considerable trade in cotton, silk, +and the like, carried on by the Chinese and the Brunei Moro. [233] + +The weaving industry seems to have reached its height in the Ilocos +provinces, where the processes of ginning, carding, spinning, and +weaving were, for the most part, identical with those found in Borneo, +Java, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, and a large part of India. [234] +The same methods and utensils are used among the Tinguian, but side by +side with the more complicated devices, such as the ginning machine +and spinning wheel, are found more simple contrivances; so it would +appear that we are here dealing with older and more primitive methods +of work than are found on the coast. [235] + +Every step in the manufacture of cloth is looked after by the women, +who raise a limited amount of cotton in the upland fields, pick and dry +the crop, and prepare it for weaving. The bolls are placed on racks, +and are sun-dried, after which the husks are removed by hand. + +Ginning is accomplished by two methods. The simplest, and doubtless the +older, is to place the cotton on a smooth wooden block and to roll over +it a wooden cylinder which tapers slightly toward each end (Fig. 16, +No. 1). The palm of the hand, at the base of the fingers, is placed on +the roller and the weight of the body applied, as the cylinder is moved +slowly forward, forcing the seeds from the floss. [236] The more common +instrument (_lilidsan_) acts on the principle of a clothes wringer +(Plate LXIII). Two horizontal cylinders of wood are geared together at +one end, and are mounted in a wooden frame in such a manner that they +are quite close together, yet not in contact. A handle is attached to +the lower roller at the end opposite the gears, and as it is turned, +it rotates the cylinders in opposite directions. A piece of cotton +is pressed between the rollers, which seize the fibres and carry them +through, while the seeds are forced back and fall to the ground. + +The cleaned cotton is never bowed or otherwise separated with a +vibrating string, as is the case in Java, India, and China, but the +same result is obtained by placing it on a piece of carabao hide and +beating it with two rattan sticks until it becomes soft and fluffy +(Plate LXIV). + +After the carding, the cotton is spun by placing it in a hollow +cylinder of palm bark attached to a bamboo stick (_tibtibean_). A bit +of thread is twisted from the cotton at the bottom of the cylinder, +and is attached to a spindle, which is rubbed rapidly against the +naked thigh, and is then allowed to turn in shallow basket, or on +a piece of hide. As it spins it twists out new thread and the arm +of the operator rises higher and higher, until at last the spindle +stops. The position of the extended arm is then altered, and the +spindle again set in motion in order to wind up the new thread on +the shaft. While the spinning is progressing, the free hand of the +operator is passed rapidly up and down the thread, keeping the tension +uniform and rubbing out any inequalities (Plate LXV). + +In many sections the spinning wheel used by the coast natives is +beginning to replace the hand outfit (Fig. 16, No. 5). The mass of +fiber is held in the left hand, and a thread from it is attached to +a horizontal spindle, which is turned by a cord passing over a large +wheel. This method is much more rapid than the hand device, but the +thread is less uniform, and it is seldom utilized when a fine fabric +is to be woven. Bamboo bobbins, consisting of small tubes, are also +wound by attaching them to the spindle shaft, so that the thread is +transferred by the revolution of the wheel. + +As soon as the thread is spun, it is placed on a bamboo frame +(_lalabayan_), Fig. 16, No. 2, on which it is measured and made ready +for the combing and sizing. As it is taken from the measuring frame, +a bamboo rod is passed through each end of the loop, and these +are fastened tightly inside the combing device (_agtatagodan_) by +means of rattan bands. The thread is then carefully combed downward +with a coconut husk which is dipped in a size of rice water (Plate +LXIII). After drying it is transferred to the shuttles and bobbins by +means of the wheel described in the previous paragraph or by a more +primitive device, called _ololau_ (Fig. 16, Nos. 4 and 4a). This +consists of four horn hooks attached to bamboo sticks, which pass +through openings in a bamboo tube in such a manner that they slip +on each other, and thus produce a wheel of any size desired. [237] +The tube fits loosely over a wooden peg sustaining the wheel in a +horizontal position, yet turning readily. The loop of threads from +the sizing frame is laid on the hooks, from which it is drawn by +hand onto the bobbins and shuttles. The next step is to prepare the +warp for the loom. The thread is drawn from bobbins on the floor, +and is first fastened to peg No. 1 of the warp winder (_gaganayan_), +as shown in Fig. 16, No. 3. From here it is carried the length of +the board, around 5, thence to 6 and back to 1, after again passing +around 5. The peg A, which later serves as a lease rod in the loom, +is encircled each time by the threads passing between 6 and 5. As +the warp is carried from 1 toward 5, it passes outside 2, 3 and 4, +but when it is returned to 1, it is inside these pegs. These are the +heddle rods of the loom, and loops from them enclose certain of the +threads, thus determining the order in which the warp is to be raised +in opening the shed. [238] + +The loom, while primitive, is far from simple in its operation. The +warp is attached at both ends to sticks or rollers, the far one of +which is fastened to a cross timber of the living room (Plate LXVI). + +The web is kept stretched by means of a strap or belt, which attaches +to the near roller and then passes around the waist of the operator, +who sits on the floor with her feet against a bamboo brace. [239] +The arrangement of the lease rod and heddle sticks has been already +described; in addition to these the threads are further controlled by +a reed board which acts both as warp spacer and beater-in. All being +ready for the weaving, the shed is opened by raising one of the heddle +sticks, and a heavy knife-shaped batten of wood is slipped into the +opening. This is turned sideways to enlarge the shed, and a shuttle +bearing the weft thread is shot through. By raising and lowering the +heddle rods the position of the warp is changed as desired, while +from time to time the weft threads are forced up against the fabric by +means of the reed board, and are beaten in with the batten. Tangling +is prevented by means of several flat sticks which cross the warp at +some distance from the operator; while threads which show signs of +loosening are carefully rubbed with a waxed stick. + +On this loom the woman produces head-bands, belt, and narrow strips of +cloth which are made up into blankets and the like. These fabrics are +often in several colors and exhibit many tasty and intricate designs, +some of which will be described in the chapter on Decorative Art. + +_Manufacture of Rope and String_.--At least eighteen trees, shrubs, +and vines are used in the making of cordage. [240] When small trees +or limbs are used, and the bark does not adhere too tightly to the +wood, sections about an arm's length are cut, and two or four splices +are made at the top. These are loosened with a knife until there is +enough for the hand to grasp, when the bark can be turned back like a +glove. Very large sections are held by two men, while a third peels +off the bark. With some varieties of trees and shrubs it is found +best to place the sections in the sun to dry, then a sharp bend in +the stalk causes the bark to separate from the wood so that it is +easily peeled off. + +When large trees are used, the bark is slit lengthwise every six of +eight inches, and the log is beaten with hard wood sticks. In a short +time the covering loosens from the wood and is pulled off. The outside +layer is worthless, but the remainder is cut into strips about a half +inch in width, and is then split lengthwise into thin layers. + +In rope-making three strips are laid side by side on the thigh or on a +board, but with their ends at unequal distances (Fig. 17, No. 1). These +are twisted together, toward the right, until a few inches have +been turned, then the cord is put over one end of a double forked +stick (_sikwan_), leaving an equal length on either side (Fig. 17, +No. 3). The two halves are twisted together until the end of one strip +of bark is reached; a new piece is laid on top of the others, and as +they are turned, it becomes part of the twist. As other ends are met +with, new strips are added in a like manner until all the bast desired +has been made. It is then wound up on the forked stick until needed. + +The rope machine (_agtatalian_) consists of three wooden whirls, which +constitute the forming device, and a single whirl for the traveler, +while a grooved block serves to keep the strands apart (Fig. 17, +No. 2). Three equal lengths of the prepared bast are measured, and an +end is attached to each of the whirls of the forming machine (Fig. 17, +No. 2a). However, only one cut is made in the bast, for strand 3. All +are attached to the single whirl of the traveler, and the process +begins. The operator at each end turns his whirl, or set of whirls, +rapidly toward the right, the one with the traveler bracing his foot +against the lower end, to keep the twisting bast under tension. A +third operator guides the grooved piece of wood from the traveler +toward the forming machine, as the three strands twist round each +other into rope. The bast is known as _ginisgis_, the rope as _tali_. + +Vines, rattan, and strips of bamboo are likewise twisted together to +form crude, but strong cordage. + +The making of thread is described under spinning and weaving, but +the cords used in snares and the like are prepared in a different +manner. The operator squats on the ground, and taking a strip of +fiber, places it on his thigh; then with open palm he rolls it +toward the knee. The twisted bast is bent at the center; the thumb +and forefinger of the left hand hold the loop, and the two strands +are placed together. These are now rolled toward the knee as before, +the hand giving extra pressure on the ulnar side, and then are rolled +back toward the body with pressure on the radial side. When the end +of a band is reached, a new one is rolled in, and the process is +continued. A tie at the end keeps the cord from untwisting. + +When very long strips of fiber are used, two men will work +together. One holds the end of the loop, while the other twists each +half of the strip in the same direction. Then placing them together on +his thigh, he turns them, under pressure, in the opposite direction, +thus making a cord. + +_Bark Cloth_.--Bark cloth is still in common use for men's headbands +and for clouts. It is secured from the same trees as the rope +material, but wider strips are taken, and it is customary to beat +the bark thoroughly before it is removed from the wood. It is then +split to the desired thickness, after which it is beaten with wooden +or bone mallets (_gikai_), which are generally grooved transversely +(Fig. 18). The cloth produced is soft and pliable, but is not of the +fineness of tapa, and it is always in comparatively narrow pieces. In +no instance was the operator seen to beat two strips together to gain +greater breadth or to repair breaks. + +_Basket Making_.--In most districts the men are the basket weavers, +but in some towns, especially of Ilocos Norte, the women are skilled +in this industry (Plate LXVII). The materials used are rattan, which +may be gathered at any time, or bamboo, which is cut only during the +dry season and under the waning moon. It is firmly believed that +boring insects will not injure bamboo cut at this time, and it is +known that the dry period stalks are the strongest. + +The tools employed are a short knife or a miniature head-axe and an +awl. With the former the operator scrapes the outer surface, and then +splits the tube into strips of the desired width and thickness. A +certain number of these strips, which are to be used for decoration, +are rubbed with oil, and are held in the smoke of burning pine or of +rice-straw until a permanent black is obtained. [241] + +Five weaves are recognized by the Tinguian, but they are really +variations of two--checkerwork and the diagonal or twilled. + +The first and most simple is known as _laga_, the technic of which +is the passing of each element of the weft under one and over one +of the warp elements. Where the warp and weft are of uniform size, +as in mats, it is impossible to distinguish the one from the other, +but in many cases the weft is the smaller. Fish traps and storage +baskets for mangoes and cotton are generally of this type (Fig. 19, +Nos. 1 and 2). + +A variation of the _laga_ known as _minminata_--"many eyes"--(Fig. 19, +No. 3), is found in certain types of carrying baskets, the woven tops +of hats, and the like. Here the warp is crossed, and the weft passes +through it in regular order so as to produce hexagonal openings. + +Another variant is known as _kalawat_ [242] (Fig. 19, No. 4). In this +the warp stems are in threes. Starting from A they are bent down, +pass over and under similar sets of three, curve on themselves or +other warp stems so as to leave open spaces between. The rattan +wall-hangers for coconut shell dishes are usually in this weave. + +The greater part of the baskets are in the diagonal or twilled +weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more warp +elements. Variations are numerous, either to produce certain effects +or to accommodate designs. Of these the most common are + + + 1 under 2 over 2 etc. + 2 under 2 over 2 etc. + 2 under 4 over 4 etc. + + +The weaver also frequently constructs the bottom with 2 over 4 under +4; then when the sides are made he changes to 1 over 2 under 2, until +the center is reached; then 1 of the warp passes over 3 of the weft; +for the balance the stitch is 1 over 2 under 2. This variation produces +a chevron-like pattern which, in general, is known as _binakol_; but +when it is desired to designate more closely, this name is applied +to the weaving having an oblique effect (Fig. 19, No. 5), while the +horizontal is known as _dinapalig_ (Fig. 19, No. 6). + +_Types of Baskets_:--Plates LXVIII and LXIX show the most common +types of baskets made and used in this territory. Others of Igorot +and Kalinga origin sometimes appear, but are seldom imitated by the +local basket-makers. + +Baskets 1 and 2 of Plate LXVIII are known as _kaba_, and are used +principally to hold unthreshed rice, corn, and vegetables. Smaller +baskets of the same form are for broken rice and cooked vegetables. The +larger specimens are often made of rattan, while the smaller are +usually of bamboo. Shallow bamboo baskets, _pidasen_ or _alodan_ +(Plate LXIX, No. 2) are used as eating dishes for cooked rice. + +Clothing is put away in covered oval or rectangular baskets, _opigan_ +(Plate LXIX, No. 4), while cotton is stored in long cylindrical +baskets _kolang_ (Plate LXVIII, No. 3). + +The _pasikeng_ or _lagpi_(Plate LXIX, No. 3), commonly called the +"head basket," is the chief basket of the men. It is made of rattan, +and is supported on the back by means of bands which pass over the +shoulders. In it are carried extra garments and all necessities for +the trail. Recently some of the men have joined together two of these +baskets by means of a wide, flat band, and this is fitted over the +back of a horse or carabao,--an evident imitation of the saddle bags +used by Spaniards and Americans. Men also carry small containers for +their pipes and trinkets, or else make use of a traveling basket, +such as is shown in Plate LXIX, No. 5. + +Rice winnowers and sieves (Plate LVII) and the fish-traps shown in +Fig. 13 conclude the list. No coiled baskets are made. + +Aside from the decoration produced by variations in the weave, little +ornamentation is found in the basketry from Abra, but the Tinguian +of Ilocos Norte make and distribute large quantities of baskets with +colored patterns. Colored vines are sometimes woven in, but the common +method is to employ blackened bamboo, both in warp and weft. + +The top of the basket is strengthened by two hoops of rattan or +bamboo. One is placed outside, the other inside; on them is laid +a small strip of the same material, and all three are sewed down +by passing a thin strip of rattan through two holes punched in +margin. This strip doubles on itself, encircles the rim, and after +an interval again passes through two more holes, and so on around the +entire basket. A square base, attached in the same manner as the rim, +generally completes the basket. In the mountain districts near to +Apayao, the bases of the smaller eating dishes are drawn in toward +the center at four points, giving the effect of a four-pointed star. + +_Mats_ (_ikamin_).--Mats are used as beds, never as floor +coverings. They are rectangular in form, usually about six feet long +and three wide, and are undecorated. They are made from strips of +_pandanus_ in the _laga_ weave (cf. p. 423). + +_Dyes_.--In recent years analine dyes have come into favor in some +villages, and a variety of colors appears in the articles made by +their weavers, but the vegetable dyes used by the ancestors are +still employed by most of the women. The commonest colors are blue, +pink--"black red"--, red, and yellow. + +Blue is ordinarily produced by placing the leaves and branches of the +indigo plant, _tayuni (Indigofera tinctoria)_in water for a few days; +then to boil them, together with a little lime. The thread is dipped +in the liquid. + +Pink is secured by crushing _lynga_ (_Sesamum indicum_ L.) seeds and +boiling them in water. Threads are placed in this for five nights, +while during the day they are dried in the sun. The root of the +_apatot_ (_Morinda citrifolia_ or _umbellata_) is next crushed, +and water is added. The threads are now transferred to this liquid, +and for ten days and nights are alternately soaked and sunned. A +copper color results, but this soon changes to pink. It is said that +the _apatot_ alone produces a red dye. It is also claimed that the +seeds of the _apang_ (_Bixa Orellana_ L.) and of a variety of rattan, +when boiled, give a permanent red. [243] + +A yellow dye is produced by boiling the leaves of the _Tamarindus +indica_ L. in water until a strong liquor is obtained. + +Bark head-bands are stained a purplish-red by applying a liquid +secured through boiling _kelyan_ (_Diospyros cunalon_ D.C.?) bark. For +ceremonial purposes they are also colored yellow by applying the juice +of the _konig_ (_Curcuma longa_), but as this has a disagreeable odor, +and the color is not permanent, it is not much used in every-day +garments. Lemon juice is also applied to bark to give it a yellow hue. + +Fish nets are colored brown by dipping them into a dye made by +crushing the _katakot_ vine in water, or by staining with the juice +of the _taotawa_ (_Jatropha curcas_ L,). + +The bamboo strips used in decorating basketry are blackened by +holding them in the smoke of burning rice-straw. Black designs, +such as appear in the ornamentation of lime holders and the like, +are secured by rubbing oil and soot into incised lines, and then +holding the object in the smoke of burning rice-straw. + +_Net Making_.--Nets are used in fishing, in catching wild chickens +and grasshoppers, and in hunting deer and pigs. The first three types +are made of twine, but the fourth is of strong rope. + +All net work is done by the man who, for this purpose, employs a mesh +stick and a needle of bamboo or carabao horn (Fig. 20). The needle +(No. 1) also serves as a shuttle, since it carries a considerable +amount of thread between the tongue and notch. The size of the loop +is determined by the width of the mesh stick or spreader (No. 2). The +operator generally sits on a rice winnower or squats on the ground with +a net suspended above him (Plate LXX). He forms the mesh by running +the needle over and around the spreader, and up and through the loop +above, thus forming a loop on the mesh stick. This is drawn tightly, +the needle is again passed through, but without encircling the stick, +and thus a knot is tied. This is repeated until a row of loops has +been completed, when another series is started. + +_Manufacture of Pottery_.--In nearly every village there are two or +three women who make jars and dishes, but the potters of Abang and +Lakub are the only ones whose wares have a wide distribution. + +The clay is dampened, and is carefully kneaded with the hands to remove +lumps and gravel, and to reduce it to the proper consistency. A handful +is taken from the mass, and is roughly modeled with the fingers to +form the base of the pot. This is set on a wooden plate which, in +turn, is placed in a rice winnower (Plate XXXVI). The plate takes +the place of a potter's wheel, for it is turned with the right hand +while with the left the woman shapes the clay, and smoothes it off +with a dampened cloth. From time to time, she rolls out a coil of clay +between the palms of her hands, lays it along the top of the vessel, +and works and pinches it in. Further shaping and thinning is done with +a wooden paddle and the dampened hand, and then the jar is allowed to +dry slightly. Before the drying has progressed far enough to render +the sides rigid, a smooth stone is placed inside, and the sides are +tapped gently with a paddle until properly thinned and shaped. + +After allowing a couple of days for drying, the potter rubs the jar +inside and out with smooth stones or _lipi_ seeds, so as to give it +an even surface. + +When several jars or dishes have been prepared, they are placed in +carabao dung or other slow burning material and fired. This generally +takes place at night, and the jars are left undisturbed until morning, +when they are ready for service. Occasionally resin is rubbed over a +jar while it is hot, thus giving it a glazed surface; this, however, +is not common, as the resin quickly melts off the cooking utensils, +while porous jars are preferred as water containers, since the seepage +lowers the temperature of the contents. + +Vessels made in Lakub are often decorated with incised patterns +(Fig. 22, No. 8), but otherwise the Tinguian ware is plain. Chinese +jars are found in every village, and are highly prized, but the native +potters do not imitate them in form or decoration. Had Chinese blood +or influence ever been strong in the region, we might expect to find +the potter's wheel and traces of true glazing, but both are lacking. + +_Pipe Making_.--Both men and women smoke pipes, consisting of a short +reed handle and a small bowl. Men are the pipe makers, and often show +considerable skill in the decoration of their product. + +The common pipe-bowl is of clay, which has been carefully shaped +with the fingers and a short bamboo spatula. Designs are incised, +and the raised portions are further embellished by the addition of +small pieces of brass wire (Fig. 21, Nos. 4-5). The bowls are baked +in a slow fire, and the mouthpieces are added. + +A second type of pipe, or cigar holder, is made of bamboo (Fig. 21, +Nos. 1-3). Designs are incised in the sides, oil is applied, and the +pipe is held in the smoke of burning rice-straw until the lines become +permanently blackened (Fig. 22, Nos. 1-3). + +In recent years, Ilocano jewelers have introduced silver pipes, made +from coins. One Tinguian pipe maker has learned the trade, and does a +lively business. He has further beautified his product by attaching +pendants representing fish (Fig. 21, No. 6). Brass pipes of Igorot +origin are sometimes seen, but are not made in this region. + +_Method of Drying Hides_.--Hides of carabao, and sometimes of other +animals, are stretched on bamboo frames and are sun-dried (Plate +LV). Later they are placed in water containing tanbark, and are roughly +cured. Such leather is used in the manufacture of the back straps used +by the weavers, and in making sheathes for knives, but more commonly +it is placed on the ground, and on it rice and cotton are beaten out. + + + +CHAPTER X + +DECORATIVE ART + +In decorative art the Tinguian offers sharp contrast to the Igorot and +Ifugao, both of whom have developed wood carving to a considerable +extent. They also have their bodies tattooed, while the colored +lashings on spear shafts, pipe stems, and other objects show a +nice appreciation for color and design. In all these the Tinguian +is deficient or lacking; he does no wood carving, tattooing is +scanty, while his basket work, except that from two small regions, is +plain. At times he does make some simple designs on canes, on bamboo +rice-planters and weaving sticks, on lime boxes and pipe stems, but +these are exceptions rather than the rule. In the region about Lakub, +he decorates his jars by cutting the ends of sticks to form small +dies which he presses into the newly fashioned clay (Fig. 22, No. 8), +while in Manabo and some other villages the pipe makers cut the bowls +of the clay pipes in floral designs or inlay small pieces of brass to +form scroll patterns (Fig. 22, Nos. 4-7). These last mentioned designs +are so restricted in their manufacture, and are so different from those +found elsewhere in Abra, that they cannot be considered as typical. + +The figures incised in bamboo show some realistic motives, such as +the fish, birds, and flowers in Fig. 23, No. 1; the snake and lizard +in No. 2; the man in No. 5; but the strictly geometrical is dominant +in nearly every case. Probably the most typical of this class of work +is shown in Nos. 3 and 4 and Fig. 22, Nos. 1, 2, and 3. It should be +noted, however, that, where one decorated object is seen, many more +entirely plain will be found. In short, ornamentation is uncommon +and of minor importance. + +The one place where decoration is dominant is in the weaving, and +this is done entirely by the women. Figures 24 and 25 show typical +designs which occur in the blankets. Except for No. 8 in Fig. 24, +they do not appear to be copies from nature, but all have realistic +interpretations. Fig. 24 shows eight designs drawn by native weavers, +which are identified as follows: + + + 1. A fish. + 2. Weaving on a Spanish bed or chair seat. + 3. Pineapple. + 4. A heart. + 5. Fishhooks. + 6. A crab. + 7. Cross section of a pineapple. + 8. A horse. + + +In Fig. 25 are five typical patterns taken from blankets, while +No. 6 is the ornamental stitching which unites two breadths of cloth, +the latter is identified as "fingers and finger nails." No. 1 is the +turtle, No. 2 a crab, No. 3 a rice-mortar, No. 4 the bobbin winder +shown in Fig. 16, No. 4; No. 5 pineapple. + +Plate LXXI is a ceremonial blanket, such as is hung up over the +dead. The figures are identified as _a_ a deer, _b_ horse, _c_ carabao +calf, _d_ man. The textile in Plate LXXII, No. 1 is likewise used +chiefly as a ceremonial piece, the designs representing _a_ man, _b_ +horse, _c_ star. + +A very pleasing blanket is shown in Plate LXXII, No. 2 in which the +designs are identified as a rice cake, and _b_ as a star, while the +whole pattern is known as _kalayan_--the river. The textile in Plate +LXXIII, No. 1 imitates a mat, while No. 2 is known as _kosikos_--the +circle. + +A part of these designs are evidently copies from real objects, +others appear to be merely pattern names, while the weavers do not +hesitate to borrow any likely patterns which strike their fancy. One +quite frequently sees a blanket which shows a "lion," or some other +animal or object, with which the people could only become acquainted +through pictures or descriptions from outside sources. + +In addition to these designs already mentioned, there are certain +common types of decoration effected through weaving or embroidery, +for which no explanations are given. They are said to be only "to +make pretty." Among these are the ends of belts and clouts, as shown +in Plate LXXIV, or the raised diamond pattern shown in No. 2 of the +same Plate, or the plaid effect in colors, which appear in some of +the skirts. + +It has already been noted (cf. p. 416) that the weaving methods of +the Tinguian are similar to those of the Ilocano, and the same is true +of a considerable part of the decorative patterns. The Christianized +natives have less of the realistic, a greater variety of geometrical +designs, and a greater fondness for bright colors, made possible by +the use of analine dyes, than the mountaineers. + +It seems probable that the Tinguian-Ilocano peoples brought the +weaving industry with them into northern Luzon, that the Ilocano branch +has borrowed improved methods of manufacture, as well as decorative +motives from the people with whom they have been in contact through +trade. The Tinguian in turn have borrowed from them, but, in the +main, they still retain the more primitive methods of weaving, and +it is probable their types of ornamentation likewise approximate more +closely those in use in earlier times. + + + +CHAPTER XI + +PERSONAL ADORNMENT, DANCES, AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS + +The dress of the man is the clout (_ba-al_), either of beaten +bark or of cloth, and a woven belt (_balikes_) in which he keeps +small articles (Plates LXXV-LXXVI). On special occasions he wears a +long-sleeved jacket (_bado_), open in front, and in a few instances, +trousers. Both these garments are recent acquisitions, and the latter, +in particular, are not in favor, except where Ilocano influence is very +strong. The man is not inclined to adorn himself with brass and gold, +neither does he use tattooing to any extent, as do his Kalinga and +Igorot neighbors. Some have small patterns on an arm or thigh, but +these are usually property marks with which he brands his animals or +other possessions. Tattooing as an evidence of a successful head-hunt +is not found in this region, nor are there other marks or garments +to identify the warriors. + +The hair is worn long, and is parted straight down the middle; the +two strands are twisted, crossed in the back, then carried to the +forehead, where they are again crossed, and the ends are fastened +by intertwining on each side of the head. A bark band (_ayabong_) +holds the hair in place, but at times it is replaced by a cloth or +a narrow ring of interwoven grass and rattan. Round bamboo hats, +with low dome-shaped tops, are commonly worn (Plate XLV), but these +are sometimes displaced by hats which go to a sharp peak, or by those +made of a gourd or of wood. + +The woman's hair is parted in the middle, and is combed straight down +to the nape of the neck, where it is caught by strings of beads; +these are crossed in the back and encircle the head; the strand of +hair is then twisted and a loop formed which is carried to the left +side, where it is again caught under the beads, near to or above +the ear. Most of the Tinguian have luxuriant heads of hair, but, +nevertheless, switches are commonly used by both sexes. The hair is +often washed with the ashes of rice-straw, or with the bark of the +_gogo_ tree (_Entada purseta_), and is moistened with coconut oil. + +Strings of beads encircle the women's necks, but the typical ornament +consists of strands above strands of beads reaching from the wrist +to the elbow, and if the wealth of the owner permits, even covering +the upper arm as well (Plate LXXIX). The strands are fastened tightly +above the wrist, causing that portion of the arm to swell. Slits of +bamboo are usually placed under the beads, and may be removed if the +pain or annoyance of the constriction is too severe. The upper arm +beads are removed with little difficulty; but those on the forearm are +taken off only once or twice a year, when new threads are substituted, +or when the owner is in mourning. Beneath these ornaments a delicate +fretwork of blue lines is tattooed, so that the woman's arms may not +be white and unsightly when she is without her beads. [244] + +Most of the women have their ears pierced, but in the valley towns +only a small proportion wear earrings. In the mountain sections heavy +ornaments of gold or copper are worn, the weight often drawing the +lobe of the ear far down on the neck. + +When at work, the woman discards all clothing from the upper portion +of her body, but at other times wears a short-sleeved jacket which +reaches to her waist (Plate LXXVII). The waist is cut so low in the +neck that the head can pass through. There is no shoulder seam. A +straight piece set over the shoulder extends down in square, both +front and back, to a line about even with the breast, where it is +sewed to the garment proper. A narrow skirt (_dingwa_), with colored +border, extends from the waist to the knees. It is held in place by +drawing it tightly and then tucking one corner under the upper edge, +or by pressing it beneath the girdle (Plate LXXVIII). + +When a girl becomes a woman, she dons a girdle (_palingtan_) of +braided grass or rattan which fits over the hips, and to which a +clout is attached (Plate LXXX). As a rule, the girdle and clout are +not removed when bathing, as are the other garments. + +The woman seldom wears a hat, except when she is working in the +fields, where sunshades large enough to protect the entire body are +used (Plate LIV). Frequently a cloth or a skirt is twisted about the +head as a protection against the sun. + +On chilly mornings one often sees the people covered from head to +ankles with their sleeping blankets, or a woman may draw a particularly +wide skirt about her body just below the armpits so that she is +protected from her breasts to the knees. + +The teeth of both sexes are blackened with iron salts and tan bark, +[245] but they are not cut or mutilated, as is common with many +Philippine peoples. + +While both sexes are proud of heavy heads of hair, they do not look +with equal favor on face and body hairs. These are plucked out either +by grasping them between a knife blade and the thumb nail, or with a +bamboo device known as _iming_. This consists of a section of bamboo +split into several strips at one end. A hair is placed in one end of +the slits, and the bamboo is bent into a half circle, causing it to +take a firm hold, when it is jerked outwards. + +Prized necklaces (_paliget_) made of small strands of twisted silver +wire, are placed on the neck of a corpse, and on some occasions are +worn by the living. During dances the hair is adorned with notched +chicken feathers attached to sticks, while circlets made of boar's +tusks are placed on the arms. + +_Dances_.--Two dances, one ceremonial, the other suitable for all +occasions, are very popular. + +The ceremonial dance known as _da-eng_ takes place at night, and is +carried on to the accompaniment of a song. [246] An equal number of +men and women take part. The women form a line facing a similar row +of men, about twenty feet distant. Locking arms about one another's +waists and with one foot advanced, they begin to sway their bodies +backwards and forwards. Suddenly they burst into song, at the same +time stepping forward with the left foot. Keeping perfect time to the +music, they take three steps toward the men, then retreat to their +original positions. The men then take up the song and in a similar +manner advance and retreat. This is repeated several times, after +which the two lines join to form a circle. With arms interlocked +behind one another's backs, and singing in unison, they begin to +move contra-clockwise. The left foot is thrown slightly backward +and to the side, and the right is brought quickly up to it, causing +a rising and falling of the body. The step, at first slow, becomes +faster and faster till the dancers have reached the limit of their +vocal and physical powers. + +The _da-eng_ is sacred in character, is danced only at night and +then under the direction of the mediums. It is, however, in great +favor, and often so many of the younger people wish to take part +that double lines, or two or more groups, may be dancing at the same +time. It sometimes happens, when the _basi_ has been flowing freely, +that the participants become so boisterous and the pace so fast +that spectators are run down or the dancers are piled in a heap, +from which they emerge laughing and shouting. + +The common dance, the _tadek_, is a part of nearly all gatherings of +a social and religious nature. The music for this dance usually is +made with three _gansas_ [247] and a drum. The _gansas_ are pressed +against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground. Two of the +coppers are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand, while the +third is played by the hands alone (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 2). The stick +or left hand gives the initial beat which is followed by three rapid +strokes with the right palm. A man and a woman enter the circle, each +holding a cloth about the size of a skirt. The man extends his cloth +toward the woman, and bringing it suddenly down, causes it to snap, +which is the signal to begin. With almost imperceptible movement of +the feet and toes and a bending at the knees, he approaches the woman, +who in a like manner goes toward him. They pass and continue until +at a distance about equal to the start, when they again turn and +pass. Occasionally the man will take a few rapid steps toward the +woman, with exaggerated high knee action and much stamping of feet, +or he will dance backward a few steps. At times the cloth is held +at arm's length in front or at the side; again it is wrapped about +the waist, the woman always following the actions of the man. At +last they meet; the man extends his hand, the woman does likewise, +but instead of taking his, she moves her own in a circle about his, +avoiding contact. Again they dance away, only returning to repeat +the performance. Finally she accepts the proffered hand, the headman +brings _basi_ for the couple to drink, and the dance is over. The +man sometimes ends the dance by the sharp snapping of his cloth, +or by putting it on his extended arms and dancing toward the woman, +who places her cloth upon his (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 1). + +_Musical Instruments, Songs, and Dances_.--The Tinguian is naturally +musical. He sings at his work, he beats time with his head-axe against +his shield as he tramps the mountain trails, he chants the stories of +long ago as the workers gather about the fires each evening of the dry +season, he sings the praises of his host at feasts and festivals, [248] +joins with others in the dirge which follows a burial, and he and many +others will sing together as they dance the _da-eng_. But his music +does not stop with his vocal accomplishments. In the folk-tales the +pan pipe (_dew-dew-as_) occupies a most important place, and to-day +the maidens still play them in the evening hours. It is a simple +device made of reeds of various lengths lashed together (Fig. 26, +No. 1). The player holds the instrument just in front of her lips, +and blows into the reeds, meanwhile moving them to and fro, producing +a series of low notes without tune. + +Another instrument of great importance in the legends is the nose +flute (_kalaleng_). This is a long reed with holes cut in the side, +to be stopped by the fingers in producing the notes. The player closes +one nostril with a bit of cotton, and then forces the air from the +other into a small hole cut in the end of the tube. The instrument +is popular with the men, and often one can hear the plaintive note +of the nose flute far into the night (Plate LXXXII). + +The mouth flute (_tulali_) is similar to that found in civilized lands, +but is constructed from a reed. + +A peculiar device used solely by the women is the _bunkaka_ (Fig. 26, +No. 2). This consists of a bamboo tube with one end cut away so as +to leave only two thin vibrating strips. These, when struck against +the palm of the left hand, give out a note which can be changed by +placing a finger over the opening at x. + +A Jew's harp is constructed like a netting needle, but with a tongue of +bamboo cut so that it will vibrate when struck, or when a cord attached +to the end is jerked sharply (Fig. 26, No. 3). If made of bamboo, +the instrument is known as _kolibau_; if brass, _agiweng_. It is often +mentioned in the tales, and to-day is played by nearly all the men. + +Bamboo guitars (_kuliteng_) are made by cutting narrow strips +throughout the length of a section of bamboo, but not detaching them +at the ends. They are raised and tuned by inserting small wedges of +wood at the ends. Small sections of thin bamboo are sometimes fitted +over two strings, and are beaten with sticks, or the strings can be +fingered like a guitar (Plate LXXXIII). + +Music for dances is furnished by an orchestra consisting of four men, +three with copper gongs (_gangsas_), and one with a drum. The gongs +are tambourine shape, with sides about an inch and a half high. They +are placed against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground, +and are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand or by the hands +alone. [249] They doubtless came into this region through trade, +but at a time so remote that their origin is now credited to the +spirits. The drum (_tambor_) is made of a short section of a tree +hollowed out. The ends are covered with cow's hide or pig's skin. + + + +CHAPTER XII + +MUSIC + +_Introduction_.--That the songs might be delivered as nearly as +possible at the same pitch which the singers used when making +the records, investigation was made as to the usual speed used by +manufacturers while recording. It was found to be 160 revolutions per +minute. Accordingly the phonograph was carefully set at this speed +during transcription. + +In determining the keys in which to transcribe the various songs, the +pitch-pipe used was that of the "International," which was adopted +at the Vienna Congress in Nov. 1887. This congress established c2 = +522 double vibrations per second. All the records proved to be a +shade flat by this standard, but were found to be almost exactly in +accord with an instrument of fixed pitch, which in turn was found to +be approximately eleven beats at variance with the pitch-pipe on c2. + +Assuming that the recording and transcribing speeds of the machines +were the same, this would place the original singing almost exactly in +accord with the old "philosophical standard of pitch" which places c2 +at 512 double vibrations per second. Though the singing was not always +in perfect accord with the notes set down in transcriptions, with the +exception of those very marked departures especially indicated in the +music, the variations were so slight that, so far as true intonation +goes, the performances were fully up to the standard of those of the +average natural singer. + +Special ear tubes were used while transcribing the records, and resort +made to a special device wherewith any order of whole, or even part +measures could be consecutively played. Thus it was possible to +closely compare parts which were similar in either words or music. + +In some of the records two or more voices can be distinguished singing +in unison. Such unisons are shown in the transcription by single +notes. No attempt has been made to indicate the several voices. But +when such single notes are shown accompanied by the word "solo," +it is to be understood that all of the performers have dropped out +but one, probably the leader. When the voices split up into parts, +it is so notated in the music. + +Primitive people display more or less timidity in giving their +songs for scientific purposes. Such timidity is especially apt +to be manifested in their attacks. In the _Da-eng_, Girls' Part +(Record J), the delayed attack at the beginning of each new verse +is very marked. The delay varies considerably from verse to verse, +as indicated by the number of beats rest shown at the ends of the +lines. Similar pauses are found in the Boys' Part of the same ceremony +(see Record A). These beats rest or pauses are not to be taken as +part of the legitimate rhythm, for it is more than likely that if the +singers were giving their songs in their regular ceremonial and the +performers unconscious of observation, these pauses would not occur. + +In transcribing those songs which have several verses on the record, +the notation has been so arranged on the page that the measures line +up vertically, making comparison easy between corresponding measures +of the different verses. + +To indicate peculiar qualities, special signs are used in connection +with the regular musical symbols. The table which follows shows these +signs and also lists the qualities for which they stand. Some of these +qualities could have been represented by regular musical symbols, +but it was thought best to use the special signs to make them stand +out more prominently. The qualities thus indicated as well as those +which are represented by the regular musical notation will be found +listed and defined after the tabulation of qualities. + + + +Words of the Da-Eng + +_Part I_. Sung in line. [250] + + + Ma-li-dom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom + Yom-ma-yom ta yom-ma-yom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom. + Ma-la-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas + Ma-sa-nas ta ma-sa-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas. + Si On-na-i in-no-bi-yan ki-not-ko-tan Na-to-tan + Na-to-tan ta na-to-tan ki-not ko-tan na-to-tan. + Kol-kol-dong si gi-nol-bat nga ag-moli-moli-yat + Mo-li-yat ta mo-li-yat ag-mo-li mo-li-yat. + Ka-lan-tag kal-la-yan-nen ag-ka-idig-na-yan + dig-na-yan ta dig-na-yan ag-ka-i dig-na-yan. + A-na-on si Tak-la-yan na-is-ti-lo ai bolo + Bin-no-lo ta bin-no-lo na-is-ti-lo ai bo-lo. + Sok-bot ni ka-bin-bin-an adi ma-sil-si-li-ban + si-li-ban ta si-li-ban adi ma-sil-si-liban + Ba-gai-ba-yem dem-ma-ngen si-nol-bo-dan ni kolat. + ki-no-lat ta ki-no-lat ai ag-ki-no ki-no-lat. + Sabak ni am-mo-ga-wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen + di-kai-wen ta ki-kai wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen. + Sabak ni an-na-a-wen mi-ka-li-ya li-ya-wen. + Li-ya-wen ta li-ya-wen ai ag-li-ya li-ya-wen + + +_Part II_. Sung in line. + + + alin-to-bo ni ni-og ag-lam-pi-yok + lam-pi-yok ta lam-pi-yok ag-lam-pi lam-pi-yok. + al-in-to-bo ni aba ai adi nag-pada + pi-na-da ta pi-na-da ai adi nag-pa-da. + al-in-to-bo ni no-nang ag-ba-li ba-li-yang + ba-li-yang ta ba-li-yang ai ag-ba-li ba-li-yang. + al-in-to-bo ni lamai um-al-ali ma-ya-mai + ma-ya-mai ta ma-ya-mai umal ali ma-ya-mai. + al-in-to-bo ni bang-on ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon + ba-la-ngon ta ba-la-ngon ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon. + al-in-to-bo ni oway pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai + i-nom-lai ta i-nom-lai pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai. + al-in-to-bo ni oling bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing + boom-li-sing ta boom-li-sing bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing. + al-in-to-bo ni ba-kan umal ali ka-na-kan + ka-na-kan ta ka-na-kan umal ali ka-na-kan. + al-in-to-bo ni anis ai adi na-gi-nis + gi-ni-nis ta gi-ni-nis ai adi nedey na-gi-nis. + + +_Part III_. Sung as they dance in circle. + + + A-ya-mem si pa-ni-ki ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi + ni la-bi ta ni labi ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi. + A-ya-mem si bat-ta-teng ag-tiya ti ya-deng + ti-ya-deng ta ti-ya-deng ag-ti-ya ti-ya-deng. + A-ya-mem si bang-nga-an nga dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan + din-na-lan ta din-na-lan dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan. + A-ya-mem si om-om-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek + si nim-bek ta si-nim-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek. + A-ya-mem si po-na-yen nga omas-asi gai-ga-yen + gai-ga-yen ta gai-ga-yen om-as asi gai-ga-yen. + A-ya-mem si la-ga-dan nga tomal-la tal-la-dan + tal-la-dan ta tal-la-dan nga ag-ta-la tal-la-dan. + A-ya-mem si bal-ga-si nga agka-a ka-a-si + ka-a-si ta ka-a-si nga ag-ka-a ka-a-si. + + +_Part IV_. + + + Bwa di la-od to-mo-bo nga lo-mok-bot + lo-mok-bot ta lo-mok-bot to-mo-bo wa lo-mok-bot. + Bwa di Ba-li-la-si-bis nga gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis + i-ni-mis ta i-ni-mis gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis. + Bwa di Mal-la-pa-ai gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ey + te-ga-ey ta te-ga-ey gi-i-tem ket tom ga-ey. + Bwa di Mal-lo-sa-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak + te-ga-ak ta te-ga-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak. + Bwa di Tom-mo nga kom-ma-lab ket tom-mo-bo + tom-mo-bo ta tom-mo-bo kom-ma-la-lab ket tom-mo-bo. + + +_Part V_. + + + Adi yo pai lau-lau-den lawed-ko nga do-la-wen + do-la-wen ta do-la-wen adi yo pai lau-lau-den. + La-wed ngaita di al-yo pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o + bi-na-o ta bi-na-o pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o. + La-wed di po-dok pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod + bi-no-kod ta bi-no-kod pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod. + La-wed di Sab-lang, pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang + bi-na-sang ta bi-na-sang pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang. + La-wed di Pa-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai + in-na-wai ta in-na-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai. + + +_Part VI_. + + + Ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan + na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan. + Ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan om-mi-weyan + Om-mi-weyan ta om-mi-weyan ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan. + Ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an ko-ma omi-na-lan + i-na-lan ta i-na-lan ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an. + Sol-kod-ko nga ka-wa-yan na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang + di dem-mang ta di dem-mang na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang. + Kawayan di Pa-la-i ag-ka-i dong-la don-la-li + dong-la-li ta dong-la-li ag-ka-i dong-la dong-la-li. + + + +_Part VII_. + + + Da-num di la-od kom-mog-nod ket kom-mog-nod + Kom-mog-nod ta kom-mog-nod danum di la-od. + Dagsi-yan di Pa-la-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi na-wang + si-na-wang ta si-na-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi-na-wang. + Dagsi-yan di Langiden mi-ka si-li si-li-ten + sili-ten ta si-li-ten dag-si-yan di Lang-i-den. + Dagsi-yan di Ka-ba-lang-gan na-kal kalong go-kong-an + ga-kong-an taga-kong-an na-kal ka-long ga-kong-an. + Danum di Pa-da-ngi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-witan + ka-wi-tan ta ka-wi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-wi-tan. + Dag-si-yan di Lai-og-an nan-gol la-ol la-yo-san + la-yo-san ta la-yo-san o-mal-la al-lo-yo-san. + Danum di Abang sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai + Sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai da-num di A-bang. + Danum di Abas inum-bas ket inum-bas + inum-bas ta i-num-bas da-num di A-bas. + Danum di Ba-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai + Sa-long-ai ta sa-long-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai. + Danum di Da-ya nag-kil-la-yos nga si-pa + Si-ni-pa ta si-ni-pa nag-kil-la-yos nga sipa. + Danum di ngato ti-nung-dai ta a-nito + A-nito ta a-nito ti-nun-dai ta a-nito. + Danum di aging ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding + Ka-lad-ing ta ka-la-ding ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding. + Danum di A-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng + ba-yeng-yeng ta ba-yeng-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng. + Adi ka-pai man-gi-mon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon + bin-no-bon ta bin-no-bon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon. + + +_Approximate Translation of the Da-Eng_ [251] + +I + + + ? + ? + The Malanus flows. + Flows, flows, flows onward. + Si (Mr.) On-na-i and Na-to-tan dig obi (taro) with their hands. + Dig, dig, dig with the hands. + The firefly in the woods opens his eyes. + Opens, opens, opens his eyes. + The bank caves into the river. + Caves, caves, caves in. + Here, your arm pretty bamboo (?) + Bamboo, bamboo, pretty bamboo. + Do not disturb the rest of the kabibinan (a bird). + Disturb, disturb, do not disturb. + Help the kolat (a plant) to grow. + Become kolat, become kolat, stir up to become kolat. + The flower of the Amogawen falls on you. + On you, on you, falls on you. + The flower of the Ana-an plays with you. + Plays, plays, it plays. + + +II. + + + The young leaves of the coconut wave. + Wave, wave, they wave. + The leaves of the aba are not alike. + Alike, alike, are not alike. + The leaves of the nonang turn back and forth. + Back and forth, back and forth, turn back and forth. + The leaves of the lamay quake. + Quake, quake, they quake. + The leaves of the bangon arise(?). + Arise, arise, they arise. + The leaves of the rattan cut and twist. + Twist, twist, cut, and twist. + The leaves of the oling rustle and rattle. + Rattle, rattle, rustle and rattle. + The leaves of the bakan fall before time. + Fall, fall, fall before time. + The leaves of the anis (a low shrub) are not clean. + Clean, clean, not clean. + + +III. + + + You play Mr. bat who fly by night. + Night, night, fly by night. + You play grasshopper whose back is concave. + Concave, concave, whose back is concave. + You play Bang-nga-an who shines like gold by the trail. + By the trail, by the trail, shines like gold by the trail. + You play onombek who hiccoughs. + Hiccough, hiccough, who hiccoughs. + You play dove who falls. + Falls, falls, who falls. + You play lagadan (a bird) who flees(?). + Flees, flees, who flees. + You play balgasi (?) who mourns for the dead. + Mourns, mourns, mourns for the dead. + + +IV. + + + Betel-nut of the west which grows up like the gourd. + Grows up, grows up like the gourd. + Betel-nut of Balasibis which smiles when it is cut. (Literally--is + cut and smiles.) + It smiles, it smiles, is cut, and smiles. + Betel-nut of Malapay which chuckles (like a woman) when it is cut. + Chuckles, chuckles, is cut, and chuckles. + Betel-nut of Malosak which laughs (like a man) when it is cut. + Laughs, laughs, is cut, and laughs. + Betel-nut of Tomo which climbs and grows. + Grows, grows, climbs, and grows. + + +V. + + + Do not take the leaves of my lawed, who am rich. + Rich, rich, do not take lawed leaves. + The widower takes often the top (best) lawed of Alyo. + The widower, the widower, the widower takes often. + The lawed of the wooded hill the widow takes often. + The widow, the widow, the widow takes often. + The lawed of Sablang the maiden takes often. + The maiden, the maiden, the maiden takes often. + The lawed of Paway the hermit (country man) takes often. + The hermit, the hermit, the hermit takes often. + + +VI. + + + Bamboo of Podayan, ever living, ever living. + Ever living, ever living, bamboo of Podayan. + Bamboo of Baliweyan sigh (literally "go wey") when the wind blows. + Sigh, sigh, bamboo of Baliweyan. + Bamboo of Bataan, like the sunshine. + Sunshine, sunshine, bamboo of Bataan. + My cane of bamboo gives out a clang. + Clang, clang, gives out a clang. + Bamboo of Palai wave up and down. + Wave, wave, wave up and down. + + +VII. + + + Water of the west, become less and less. + Less, less, water of the west. + Spring of Palawang overflow. + Overflow, overflow, be like the overflow. + Spring of Langiden flow fast. (Literally "like lightning".) + Flow, flow, spring of Langiden. + Spring of Ka-ba-lang, flow like a chain. + Chain, chain, flow like a chain. + Water of Padangitah be knee deep to the rooster. + Rooster, rooster, knee deep to the rooster. + Spring of Layogan flow on. + Flow, flow, flow on. + Water of Abang (?) + ? + Water of Abas, become dry. + Become dry, become dry, water of Abas. + Water of Ba-ay has three branches. + Branches, branches, has three branches. + Water of the East shaped like a ball. + Ball, ball, shaped like a ball. + Water from above the anito holds (stops). + Anito, anito, the anito holds. + Water of the uninhabited place the ghost holds. + Ghost, ghost, the ghost holds. + Water of Ayeng the bamboo tube holds. + Bamboo tube, bamboo tube, the bamboo tube holds. + Do not be jealous, pretty spring. + Spring, spring, pretty spring. + + + +_Da-Eng_. Boys' part. + +Record A. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. + +There are at least two voices in this record. Possibly there were +three or more singers taking part, though it is not possible to +distinguish more than two. + +The song is cast in the pentatonic scale of A major. The notes +G-natural and D-flat do not belong to this scale. At those places +where they are put down in the notation, they are used to better define +the glissandos. The singers pass over them rapidly, sliding from the +topmost note of the group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling +on any of the intermediate tones. The glissandos are indicated by +straight lines drawn obliquely underneath such groups (see _Definition +of Qualities_, p. 478). + +In each of measures 2 and 6 of verses 1, 2, and 3; and in measure +6 of verse 4, is shown a group of three notes with an asterisk +above. These groups, as shown in the notation, are B, A, G; but in +measure 2 of verse 4, the corresponding group is C, B, A. In those +measures marked *, the singers are very plainly striving to reach +the tones C, B, A. There is that quality of tension in the voices +with the accompanying forcing of tone which is peculiar to untrained +singers striving for a tone near the limit of their highest range. As +the tones actually sounded are neither B, A, G, nor C, B, A, but are +instead a sort of compromise between the two, it is quite evident that +the succession intended in each of the seven measures is the same +as in the eighth or odd one, viz. C, B, A. If we assume this to be +the case, it eliminates seven of the foreign G naturals shown in the +notation. If, however, this conjecture is wrong, and the performers +really feel that the groups in question all start on B, then the G +naturals are eliminated by the glissandos. The only other G-natural +is shown in measure 7 of verse 4. By comparing this measure with the +corresponding measure in each of the other three verses, it will be +seen that the singers have taken great pains in those verses to avoid +this note which does not belong to the pentatonic scale which they are +using,--evidence that they do not sense the tone in the fourth verse, +where it is taken glissando. The D-flat, also foreign to the scale, +occurs but once. It is in measure 3 of the top line. The glissando +here eliminates this tone also, but, by comparing this measure with +the corresponding measure of each of the other verses, we find the +same avoidance as in the case of the G-natural,--evidence that the +performers do not sense this other foreign tone. The song is therefore +very markedly pentatonic in character. + +The assumption that the seven groups marked with asterisks do not +represent the real intent of the singers, is based entirely on the +"stress" heard in the record. This "stress" cannot be represented +in notation. Relying on the notation alone, one would be warranted +in drawing a contrary conclusion and assuming that the odd measure +should be made to conform to the other seven and all read, B, A, G; or, +from the phonographic record, one might assume that the compromise, +previously mentioned, was the intonation really intended. Primitive +peoples frequently do sing and play, quite intentionally, tones out of +conformity with scale tones of present-day concert music. Such tones +cannot be represented by our musical notation without resort to special +signs. This is not necessary in the present case, as the falling short +of true intonation does not appear to be from deliberate intent on +the part of the singers, but seems to be due to lack of ability. + +In eight of the measures, at least one of the voices departs from the +melody proper, producing the harmony-intervals so frequently heard +in the music of primitive peoples, namely, that of a 5th without +the 3rd to complete the triad, and that of a 4th without the 6th +to complete the chord. Such thirdless 5ths are found in measures 5 +(verse 1), 1 and 8 (verse 2), 5 (verse 3), and 1 and 5 (verse 4); and +the interval of a 4th without the 6th is found in measures 3 and 8 of +verse 4. In the last measure of the notation, however, the interval +of a 4th there shown is caused by the leader's voice departing from +the regular melodic succession instead of the accompanying voice or +voices, as is the case in each of the other measures mentioned. + +In measures 1 and 5 of each of the four verses of the song, and also +in measure 3 of the second verse, the sign, "....." (mezzo staccato +marks), is used to indicate the pulsating of the voice of one of the +singers, probably the leader, marking the rhythm of the song. + +The metronome tempo is mostly 88, but varies at times and runs as-high +as 92 per minute in the last half of the 4th verse. + +Between verses 2 and 3 the phonograph shows that the singers paused +eight beats (two whole measures), and between verses 3 and 4 there was +a similar, though shorter, pause of two beats (one-half measure). These +pauses are not shown in the notation. + +There was no special change in dynamics throughout the song except +as indicated by the sforzando marks in measures 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and +8 of verse 4. + +In general character this song resembles most the _Dang-dang-ay_ +(Record M). + + +_Diwas_ + +Record B. Sung at night by the friends of a sick man. + +There are two singers on this record, both men with bass voices. One +seems to be the leader, the accompanying singer dragging along +behind. As the tempo is very slow and many of the tones long drawn +out, this uncertainty on the part of the second performer is not so +noticeable, except on the quick runs as the leader passes to another +principal tone. + +The song is cast in the natural minor scale of D. The E-flat near the +beginning of the second line does not belong to the scale. It is not +well defined on the record, and so is indicated in the transcription +with an interrogation-mark beneath. + +Although not confined to the intervals of the pentatonic scale, the +number is distinctly pentatonic in character. It is made up mostly +of the tones A, C, D, and E. These tones belong to the pentatonic +scales of C major and its relative minor A. In tonality, the song +cannot be considered as belonging to either of these keys, as there +is a very distinct feeling of B-flat in it, notwithstanding that the +tone is seldom dwelt upon, but passed over quickly, almost glissando, +in nearly every place where it occurs. + +The song ends on A. This is not the key note, however, but is the +fifth of the key. + +The song is like a mournful chant. Throughout there is a peculiar +wailing which leaves a strange, haunting impression. The music +admirably suits the hour when it is used. It would be decidedly +incongruous given in broad daylight. These untutored savages could +hardly have conjured up a more typical tone-picture of the "shadowy +valley" than the song heard on this record. + +The peculiarly weird character is due in large part to the swelling out +and dying away of the tones on certain syllables. (For comparison to +effects found in Igorot music, see "Swelled Tones" under _Definition +of Qualities_, p. 479). + +_Sang-Sangit_ + +Record C. Sung during the evening following a funeral. + +In this record we hear but one voice--a man's. The song is cast in +the minor scale of G, but whether the natural minor or the harmonic, +cannot be determined, as the singer does not use the 7th of the +scale. It is not pentatonic in character. + +The song is given in the recitative style. There are several verses +which vary but little in the music, except for the changes in the +reiterated staccato tones which are made greater or less in number to +accommodate the difference in number of syllables. With the exception +of those starting the glissandos or trills, the repeated tones were +given with a very decided staccato punch. + +Much of the intonation is vague. In taking the glissandos shown near +the middle of the top line, the upper tone is sung about half way +between B-flat and B-natural. There is some abandon in the rhythm also. + +The group of six notes marked with an asterisk are trilled on the +semitone interval. + +_Dawak_ + +Record D. The song of a medium when calling spirits into her (his) +body. + +This song is doubtless the invention of the singer. It has that abandon +which usually characterizes the songs of workers in the occult among +primitive folk. + +The song is cast mostly in the relative minor (G-sharp) of the +pentatonic scale of B-natural major. A-sharp does not belong to this +scale. There are five measures, where this note appears, but in each +instance the tonality of the phrase momentarily rests in D-sharp minor, +the relative of the pentatonic major of F-sharp. A-sharp belongs to +this scale, but B-natural does not. The singer, with his instinct for +the five-note scale, avoids the B-natural until the tonality shifts +back to the original key. The song is therefore classed as pentatonic +in character. + +The melody is distinctly harmonic in structure, as nearly all of the +successions are made up of triad intervals. + +Though the song runs but a minute and a half, the tempo changes eight +times. The performer takes nearly every new tempo with a well-defined +rhythm. There is considerable freedom shown in the first movement +when the tremolos between B-natural and the G-sharp below are taken. + +The singer shows quite remarkable flexibility of voice, excellent +breath control, and a rather surprising quality of tone and accuracy +of intonation. As a demonstration of flexibility, about the middle of +the first movement, he takes the quarter note B-natural in falsetto +and immediately drops into the waver a tenth below, at the same time +assuming his natural voice. The falsetto tone is indicated in the +transcription by a tiny circle above the note. All of the wavered +tones, as well as the falsetto at the beginning and the turn at the +end are sung with one breath to a single syllable. This is quite +a remarkable performance considering that the singer had no voice +training. + +Near the opening of the first 2/4 movement is shown a group of five +notes given in the time of four,--a rhythmic effect few trained +musicians can execute well. + +Of the various performers who took part in making the fourteen records, +this singer shows the best voice technic and control. + +The fact that the singer scarcely repeats a single motive throughout +the extent of the song, but is constantly introducing new tonal ideas +argues an extempore performance. It would be interesting to have for +comparison another record of the same song made at another time. + +_Song of a Spirit_ + +Record E. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit. + +Melodically this song is quite in contrast with the _Dawak_. This +one is distinctly melodic in structure, though there are suggested +harmonies. These harmonies are mostly tonic and dominant alternating +one with the other. + +Using a two-measure motive, which he announces at the very start, +the singer works the material over and over, first in one harmonic +mode and then in the other, frequently changing the form of the motive +through embellishments or altered metric values, but always leaving +an impression which harks back to the original motive. + +Arrange the various tones of this melody in any order that we will, +we cannot make them conform to any diatonic scale used in modern +music. If, however, we ignore the C-flat, which occurs twice in the +song, it gives us an incomplete ascending melodic-minor scale in +D-flat. But the song is not minor in mode. It is distinctly major +in tonality. It is formed mostly of the four tones D-flat, E-flat, +A-flat, and B-flat. All of these belong to the pentatonic major scale +of D-flat. This gives a very marked pentatonic flavor, yet the song +is not in the pentatonic scale, for the singer introduces half steps, +and there are no such intervals in the pentatonic scale. + +Casting about among the scales used by various peoples, the nearest +approach I find to the tonal succession of this song is one of the +numerous scales or "tunings" used by the Japanese. It is that known +as the "Hirajoshi." To make comparison easy, I have transposed this +Japanese koto-tuning into the same key as that of the song. Along +with it I show the tonal material of the Tinguian song arranged in +corresponding sequence. + +It will be seen that every note in the Japanese scale is found also +in the Tinguian, though not always in the same octave. All of the +Tinguian tones are found in the Japanese scale except the C-flat and +D-flat. These exceptions are shown with their stems turned down. The +notes shown in white in the Tinguian scale are not sung at the pitch +indicated, but occur in the song as octaves of these tones. The black +notes therefore show the actual tones sung. It will be noticed that +in the arrangement of the notes the opening tone is repeated a few +notes later on. This is because the Japanese usually tune the koto +with the first and fifth strings in unison to facilitate the execution +of certain passages in their music. + +The "Jog," heard so frequently in the Igorot songs, occurs eight times +in this number. It is not quite so well defined here, however, as in +the _Dang-dang-ay,_ being modified in this song either by syncopation, +by phrasing, or by lack of accent. It is interesting to note however, +that it is always given on the tonic or the dominant, and also that +it is repeated in true Igorot style. + +The unconcern and skill with which the performer of this song unravels +the mixed up duplet and triplet groups, is evidence of his inherent +sense of rhythm, as it pertains to the symetry of note groups and +their embodiment as beat-units into larger, varying measure-units; +but his indifference, as he juggles his metric values of 2/4, 3/8, and +3/4 time, shows an entire absence of appreciation for form as revealed +in even-measured sections, phrases, and periods of modern music. + +Considered in the light of an oracle from the spirit himself speaking +through the medium, the music would indicate that the spectre is not +one of the gentle and kind disposition, but on the contrary is very +domineering. He is of frightful mien, and tries to terrorize all who +come under his sway. + +_Song of a Spirit_ + +Record F. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit. + +This song is very similar in general character to the _Dawak_, +and many qualities in it indicate that it is given by the same +performer. It has the same general formation as the _Dawak_. It is +harmonic in construction. Nearly all of its tones follow the triad +intervals of either the minor or its relative major tonic chords or +the minor dominant chord. There is no well-marked motive development +but instead a succession of tones first from one triad, then from +another, and so on, grouped in ever varying fashion. + +The key is G minor, but closes in the relative major B. While singing +in the minor, the performer follows modern methods and raises his +seventh or "leading tone," when the progression is upwards into the +tonic (see measures 10, 13, 25, and 27). + +The tempo is mostly 108, but at the tenth measure the movement +slows down to 80. At this point is shown a note with a large circle +above. This tone was taken with a very wide open mouth quite in +contrast with the one preceeding. The next measure following shows +two tones taken falsetto. + +Like the Dawak, this song is probably the composition of the +singer. Although very primitive in its general aspect, it has absorbed +from some source a bit of modern influence. + +If the surmise is correct that the performer of this song is the same +as the one who made the record of the _Dawak_, and if the two songs +were made at distinct times with a considerable period elapsing in +which other records were made, it would indicate, as is frequently the +case among primitive singers, that this performer almost invariably +sings at the same pitch. In other words, he has to some degree the +sense of absolute pitch. + +_Bagoyas_ + +Record G. A song of praise and compliment sung by a guest at a feast +or party. Words are extempore, but music constant. + +The singer is a tenor with considerable dramatic quality in his +voice. The words of the song must be extemporized to suit each new +occasion; so also, must the elemental tonal forms be extemporaneously +combined, for the music must fit the words, and these will vary in +rhythm and meter with each performance. The music may be considered +constant, however, in that the form of each component motive is more +or less fixed. + +The following five group-ingredients, used either in the pure form +as shown, or with slight alterations, make up approximately one-half +of the entire song. + +Reiterated tones and glissandos pad out between these and make up +practically the remainder of the number. + +Turning our attention to the first of the above groups, which I have +marked "M.M.1." (melodic motive), we find that it is used nearly a +score of times throughout the extent of the song. + +A motive may be modified in ten different recognized ways and each form +of modification employed in varying degrees, within certain limits, +and yet the motive will not loose its identity. As an example of this +we find in this song the first melodic motive _transposed_ from the +fourth degree of the scale (where it is originally announced) to the +first, the fifth, and the sixth degrees. We find the same motive +given with _omissions_, with _additions_, with _augmentations_, +with _contractions_, and with _altered rhythmic values_; in short, +the composer has turned this motive over and over, and unwittingly +developed it much after the manner used by musicians trained in the +art of composition. The fact that this motive is given four times +rhythmically and melodically intact, besides recurring frequently +throughout the composition in one or another of the accepted forms of +modification, argues that this melodic germ was a familiar tone-figure +to the singer, one that he could apply to most any syllable on which +he wished to dwell. In this connection it is interesting to note that +this motive, in its purest form, is always used in a transitional way, +not only musically, but rhetorically, thus "marking time," as it were, +while the improvisator chooses his next words of praise. + +The second melodic motive (M.M.2.) occurs at least five times, with +some transformations to be sure, and sometimes even overlapping the +first motive. The third (R.M.) is purely rhythmic, but seems to be +a pet device of the singer and helps him out with syllables needing +special emphasis. The fourth can hardly be dignified by the name of +motive, in this case, but is simply a musical device (M.D.), used by +the singer mostly in his terminations. + +I surmise that the song in its entirety, including the above elemental +groups, is the invention of the singer. He has equipped himself with +these particular tonal fragments, because they not only suit his fancy, +but lie well within the range of his vocal attainments. He has used +them so frequently and in such varied forms that he can instantly +twist, turn, or alter them to fit the requirements of the various +syllables of his ever changing flatteries. + +With a few such elemental groups of his own invention at command, +any singer would be well equipped to extemporize for the delectation +of his host and the entertainment of the other guests. + +The song is exceptional for strongly accented notes. The triplets +giving the value of three quarter notes in the time of two are rather +unusual in modern music. It is cast in the natural minor scale +of B-flat. The singer never uses either the raised 6th or 7th in +ascending, as do moderns in the melodic minor, but adheres strictly +to the old _normal_ or _natural minor_ form. + +Although diatonic, in that both the G-flat and C-natural appear +frequently, yet the number savors much of the pentatonic. + +At three places where the singer uses one or the other of the tones +foreign to the pentatonic scale, he makes half-step progressions. + +In the fourth line of the song we find the single instance in these +records, where the performer takes an upward glissando. It is on the +two-note embellishment F-natural G-flat shown in the last measure of +that line. It is immediately followed by a downward glissando. + +Balalognimas + +Record II. + +Two singers are heard on this record. They seem to be women. Possibly +there are more than the two voices. As the song has such a well-defined +swing and such a martial character, it must be wonderfully inspiring +when given by a large company of singers. + +It is cast in the natural minor diatonic scale of C-sharp, though it +is strongly pentatonic in character. + +The rhythm is partly 5/8 and partly 4/8, but it swings along so +naturally that it seems as if it could not be otherwise. + +The distribution of the accents, sometimes falling on the first +and third beats and again on the second and fourth, helps to give +it a character which puts it in a class by itself. It has the most +character of any of the women's songs in this group. + +There are several verses to the song almost precisely alike in words +and music. + +_Da-Eng_. Boys and Girls Alternating. + +Record I. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. + +This song is in two distinct movements or parts varying one from the +other in meter, in tempo, and in general style. + +Part 1 + +There are at least two voices discernible in this part. They seem to +be the voices of girls or women. + +It is cast in the relative minor (C) of the pentatonic scale of E-flat +major. The tones of this scale given in order are C, E-flat, F, G, +B-flat, and then the octave C. The tones D-natural and A-flat are +missing, thus avoiding the half step between D and E-flat, and between +G and A-flat (see remarks in pentatonic scale under _Definition of +Qualities_, p. 480). + +The A-flat shown in the third from the last measure of this part is +written there to define more clearly that particular glissando which +seems to be of slightly different rhythmic construction than the one +in the corresponding measure above. The fact that the tone is passed +over glissando eliminates it from the scale. + +In the fourth measure of each line we find a peculiar splitting up of +the parts, one voice holding the C, while the other skips to the E-flat +above, thus producing the harmony-interval of a minor third. This +behavior seems to be intentional on the part of the performers, as +it occurs precisely the same in each of the four lines of the song, +though not quite so well defined the last time owing to the fact that +the upper voice does not come out so strong on the E-flat. This is +indicated in the notation by a small square note. + +Part 1 is in the very unusual rhythm of 5/4. The rhythm is not +well defined, however, as there is considerable abandon in the +style of rendition. The metronome tempo of 69 applies practically +throughout. Sometimes the singers are a trifle in advance of the count +and at others drag behind, but always sooner or later drop into the +regular beat. A stress on each fifth count gives the number a rhythm +of five. It is unique also in that each line has but five measures. + +Part 2 + +In this, the same number of voices is heard as in the first part. The +performers seem to be the same ones who sang from the beginning. + +The scale is the same as that of part 1. The intonation is very +distinct and the character unmistakably pentatonic. + +In measure 2 there is the harmony-interval of a perfect fourth +followed immediately by that of a minor third, the same succession +as was used in the _Da-eng_, Girls' part (Record J). In the fourth +and fifth measures of this part are found unprepared minor thirds, +which also appear in Record J. These harmonies are not so primitive +as those found in the boys' part of the same ceremony (see Record A). + +The tempo throughout this part is 80 and the rhythm strongly +marked. There is a wait between the two lines. The machine was +evidently stopped at this point or the needle raised and started +again. Each line has the uncommon number of five measures the same +as the first part, but metrically the part is in 4/4 rhythm. + +The second time through, the singers seem to be striving to repeat +the first line of the movement with embellishments consisting of +inverted mordents, appogiature, and trills. + +Musically, there seems to be absolutely no connection between this +song and the other two of the same ceremony. In many ways this song +is the most interesting of those submitted. In origin it probably +dates between the other two. + +It is not given consecutively on the record, as there were breaks +between each two lines while the needle was raised. + +_Da-Eng_. Girls' part. + +Record J. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony. + +The record shows but two voices one of which is greatly predominant +in strength and confidence as if it were the leader's voice. + +The song is cast in the scale of B minor. It is not pentatonic. The +singers would employ, so an interrogation-mark is; placed below that +be either A-natural or A-sharp, according to whether the scale is +the _natural_ minor or the _harmonic_ minor, it is not possible to +determine which tone the singers would employ, so an interrogation mark +is placed below that note. The raised fourth (E-sharp), shown in the +fifth measure of four out of the six verses, is perfectly intentional +on the part of the singers, but musically, is to be interpreted as +an accidental, and does not affect the scale of the song. + +In this song we again have the interval of a fourth without the sixth +above. It occurs four times, each time followed immediately by the +less primitive and more harmonious interval of a minor third. The +minor third harmony also occurs in three other measures,--in these +without preparation. + +These minor thirds are all the same,--B-D, the foundation of the +tonic chord of the key,--evidence that the singers have a keen sense +of the minor tonality. + +The tempo alternates between 96 and 108. The first half of each line +is given at 96, but the second half is taken more rapidly at 108 beats +per minute. Each of these rhythms is very evenly preserved, the time +being well marked by accented notes and pulsations of the voice as +shown in the score. The figures at the ends of the lines indicate +the number of beats rest actually taken by the performers. Twice +they take the normal number four, which, if preserved throughout, +would place the song in the regular eight-measure form. Some of the +measures are 4/4, and some are 3/4. + +In each verse of this song we find an example of the characteristic +which I have termed a "jog." It is seen in each next-to-last measure +with special sign beneath. The jogs in the 2nd, 4th, and 6th measures +are the best defined (see table of special signs under _Introduction_, +p. 444). + +There are three qualities in this song, which indicate that it is of +more modern origin than either of the other two which belong to the +same ceremony. The frequent and undoubtedly intentional use of the +raised fourth giving the half step E-sharp to F-sharp; the persistent +recurrence of the hardly primitive, minor-third harmony; and the fact +that the song is not cast in the pentatonic scale, as are the other +two records of the same ceremony, point to a more modern origin. + +It may be that in the earliest practice of this ceremony the girls +or women did not participate, their parts having been a later +addition. This could not be determined musically, however, without +examining more records of songs from this or similar ceremonies. + +_Bogoyas_ + +Record K. Sung by a woman. + +This is a woman's song of praise, complimentary to the host at a party. + +The singer makes use of all the scale tones of the major key of E-flat, +except the D-natural. The B-natural found in the next-to-last measure +is a passing tone, and does not affect the scale or tonality. At that +point the suggested supporting harmony is an augmented triad upon +the tonic leading into the subdominant. With the exception of this +one measure, the song is in the five-note scale. Notwithstanding that +this measure contains two A-flats and also the passing tone B-natural, +both of which tones are foreign to this particular five-note scale, +the song is not robbed of its pentatonic character. + +The rhythm of this song is interesting. It alternates throughout +between 4/4 and 5/4. It might have been notated in 9/4 time instead, +in which case it would have but five measures. + +The singer uses the downward glissandos, so characteristic of nearly +all of the Tinguian songs of this group. These glissandos are indicated +by oblique lines drawn beneath the tones covered by the slide. + +In the second measure there is an almost inaudible tone at the end +of the glissando. It is indicated by a small, square note. Careful +listening to the record at this point shows that the singer really +leaves the principal tone E-flat and slides with a sudden dying-down +of volume. The abruptness with which the sound of the voice fades as it +starts the glissando, leaves the impression of E-flat still sounding. + +One tone in this song is given on the inhaled breath. It is indicated +by a circle with a dot in the center placed beneath the note. This +tone was produced well back in the throat, while the singer sharply +inhaled the breath. This artifice, occasionally used by the Tinguian, +is seldom, if ever, heard in the singing of civilized peoples (for +other examples, see analysis of Record M, _Dang-dang-ay_). + +This song, given by a woman, has not the well-marked motive development +shown in the other _Bogoyas_, sung by a man. However, we find two quite +distinct, prevailing ideas set forth. The first includes the whole of +the first measure and the first beat of the second. It seems to be +in the nature of a question which finds its answer in the remainder +of the second measure, and again in the third, and again in the +fourth measure. It is the same answer, but expressed each time in a +little different manner. In the fifth measure and carrying over into +the sixth, the questioning is heard again. Although put forth in a +different arrangement of tones, it is the same musical thought as that +expressed in the first measure. This time it is answered but once. The +answer takes parts of two measures. Now follows another query similar +to the first, and again comes the answer fully expressed in each of +the two concluding measures. + +The principal interest in this centers around the B-natural, indicating +that the singer has a very decided appreciation of the half step +and of the upward leading tendency of a tone raised a semitone by +an accidental. + +_Na-Way_ + +Record L. Sung at the celebration which closes the period of mourning +for the dead. + +There are two voices heard in the record, probably women. In ten +of the measures there is a splitting up of the parts. In the first +measure of each of the second and third lines, and also in the third +measure of the third line, the difference in the parts is owing to +uncertainty of attack, one of the singers, usually the leader, starting +the syllable ahead of the other performer. In the second measure of +the last line, the first divergence is caused by the leader taking E +by way of embellishment; and the second divergence, producing a minor +third, is caused by the other voice dropping to B too soon. These are +not intentional harmonies. The other six departures from unison are +caused by the leader embellishing her part. The appogiatura, shown +with a tiny circle above, has the quality of falsetto. The singer +yodles down to the principal tone B. + +The song is strictly pentatonic. Peculiarly enough, it may be +considered as belonging to any one of the following tonalities, B +minor, E minor, or G major, though there is no G in the melody. The +song seems the most primitive, however, when considered in the key +of E minor, for the harmonies required to place it in this tonality +carry more of the primitive atmosphere than do the chords which are +required in either of the other tonalities. + +In this connection it would be interesting to know just how these +various harmonizations would appeal to the Tinguian. It is a well-known +fact among musicians who have recorded the songs of primitive peoples, +that though the songs are used with practically no harmonies, yet the +singers feel an harmonic support which they do not express. Experiments +along this line have been tried with the American Indians. Various +harmonizations of a given melody have been played for them, a melody +which they themselves sing only in unison, and they have been very +quick to choose the particular harmonic support which appeals to them +as being an audible expression of the vague something which they feel +within, but do not attempt to voice. + +The tones of this song when arranged to represent the scale of E minor +coincide exactly with the scale tones of two of the tunings of the +Japanese 13 stringed _koto_. These tunings were both borrowed by the +Japanese from the Chinese by whom they were used as special tunings of +the _ch'in_, or _kin_, one of the most ancient of musical instruments. + +In each of the eleven glissandos shown in the notation, the voices drop +suddenly to approximately the tone shown by the small square note. The +glides are taken diminuendo, the tone dying away completely. The +sudden diminuation of tone taken with a glissando gives an effect +something like a short groan. The song is in seven-measure periods. + +_Dang-Dang-Ay_ + +Record M. Sung by women while pounding rice out of the straw and husks. + +Only one voice can be distinguished in the record. It is that of +a woman. + +Though strongly pentatonic in character, the song is cast in +the diatonic scale of F major. Metrically there is considerable +freedom. 3/4, 4/4, and 5/4 rhythms are thrown in with the most +haphazard abandon, yet it has the even pulsing which should dominate +a song of this character. + +The song is in two rather distinct movements. The first, in spite +of the two triplets thrown in at the first and third measures, has +a straight-away motion which offers a striking contrast to the more +graceful, swaying second part which is mostly in triplets. The change +from one style to the other is made by the singer with no variation +in tempo. It is therefore admirably adapted to accompany the regular +falling of the pestles while beating out the rice. + +Near the close of the song are two notes with [Sun] over them. These +were vocalized on the inhaled breadth (for other examples of Inhaled +Tones, see analysis of Record K, _Bogoyas_). + +This song contains seven examples of the "Jog" (see _Definition +of Qualities_, p. 479). Those in the second part of the song are +the best defined. One of these is shown with open head. This jog is +given the most nearly like the Igorot manner of execution of any of +the examples found in these fourteen songs. + +In general character, this song somewhat resembles the Boys' Part of +the _Da-eng_ ceremony (Record A). + +_Kuilay-Kuilay_ + +Record N. Sung by women while passing liquor. + +There is one singer only on this record. It is a woman. The song is +given in a lively, jolly, rollicking style. + +It is cast in the F major scale. The melody has good variety. At +times it defines quite clearly the harmonic outline by following the +tonal framework of the tonic, dominant, or subordinant chords. Passing +tones are used more freely and naturally in this song than in any of +the others. + +In the third measure of the fifth line, the singer very plainly +vocalizes a half step from F to E. The second and fourth lines also +show semitones, though these are not so distinctly given on the record +as the other example. + +In the last measure of the third line there is a modulation into the +tonality of B-flat which carries through two measures. + +In the fifth line are three accents which make the meter rather elusive +at that point. The two small notes shown at the beginning of the +third line seem to be spoken with no attempt at vocalization. They are +notated, however, at the pitch of the speaking voice. The small note +shown in the bottom line is given very faintly in the record and seems +more like a muffled exclamation than an intentionally vocalized tone. + +The tempo throughout is quite regular, following the indicated pulse +of 92 in both the 6/8 and 2/4 rhythms. + +In the latter part of the song there are a number of changes between +duple and triple rhythm. The singer makes these changes with perfect +ease and sings the groups with that exactness of proportion which +characterizes the performance of most of the singers in these records. + +Musically this song is strikingly adapted to the purpose for which +it is intended. + +_Tabulation of Qualities and Characteristics_.--The qualities found +in the records have been tabulated under two main headings. Under the +caption, "Rarely or Never Heard in Modern Music," are listed those +qualities which, so far as present research goes, are so very unusual +that they may be termed musical idiosyncrasies of the race. These +qualities are so eccentric that if found in several of the songs, +even if the number of songs be much in the minority, the qualities +may be accepted as characteristics. [252] + +To receive recognition as a characteristic, any quality found under the +other heading, "Commonly Heard," would necessarily have to show that it +quite persistently occurred throughout a large majority of the songs. + +The columns of the large table, when read horizontally, show which +qualities appear in a given song. Read vertically they show the +degrees of dominance of the various qualities. + +The songs are grouped under two heads, those given by men and boys, and +those given by women and girls. This will facilitate comparison of the +degrees of dominance of the qualities found in the songs of each. [253] + +Numbers have been put down in some of the columns of the table. These +figures indicate the number of times the quality appeared in the +song. If the song has several verses on the record, and the quality +appears the same number of times in each, then the tabulation gives the +number of times in but a single verse. If the verses vary in the use +of the quality, then an average has been struck and figure put down in +the tabulation. In those songs where a certain quality occurs with such +irregularity that it was impossible to represent the average without +fractions, only the mark X has been put down in the table, simply to +indicate that the quality was present. Such qualities as Tonality, +Character, Structure, Scale, etc., naturally, with few exceptions, run +through the whole song, and they are indicated by the X. Some songs +have both of two opposed qualities. When this occurs, it is shown +by checking both qualities. [254] Some qualities which were present, +but indeterminable are indicated by an interrogation-point. [255] + +Following the tabulation is given a detailed explanation or definition +of each of the qualities listed at the heads of the vertical columns. + +_Dying Tones_.--Found only at the end of some few glissandos. On +the glide, the volume of sound diminishes so rapidly that when the +final tone of the group is reached, the sound has practically died +out. The effect is something like a short groan with no anguish in +it. Sign,--same as a muted note, but written at the end of a glissando. + +_Muted Tones_.--Sort of half-articulated tones, if I may use that +expression. Without more records of the same songs in which these are +shown, it is not possible to determine whether they are intended by +the singers as necessary parts of the records. Sign,--note with small +square head. + +_Inhaled Tones_.--Tones produced well back in the throat while +sharply inhaling the breath rather than exhaling it, as practiced +almost universally by singers. Sign,--circle with dot in center. + +_Pulsated Tones_.--Tones of more than one beat sung with a rythmic +stressing usually in accord with the time meter or some multiple +of that meter. Pulsation is rarely heard among modern musicians, +except in drilling ensemble singing. It is heard quite frequently in +the singing of our American Indians and in the songs of several other +primitive peoples. It occurs to some extent in nearly every one of the +Tinguian men's songs. It is found in but one of those sung by women. + +Though pusation does serve to define the rhythm, I believe it is used +by primitive peoples mostly as a purely aesthetic touch. It is indicated +in the notation by the usual musical staccato sign thus, --..... + +_Swelled Tones_.--Tones usually of from two to four beats which are +sung with increasing volume to the center, finishing with a decrescendo +to the end. The Swell is sometimes applied to tones of more than four +beats, but when so used, it looses some of its character. Swelled +tones must be given to single syllables only, and they are the most +effective when introduced several times in succession with but few, if +any, intervening tones. The sign which I have used is double diverging +lines followed by double converging lines placed under the note. + +In 1905 it was my privilege to transcribe a number of native songs +from the singing of a group of Igorot. In these songs they made +frequent use of swelled tones. + +_Downward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice from the topmost +tone of a group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any +intermediate tone and without in any manner defining any of the tones +lying between the extremes. Sign,--a straight line drawn obliquely +downward beneath the group. + +_Upward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice upward without +sounding any of the intermediate tones. Sign,--a straight line drawn +obliquely upward beneath the group. + +_Notes in Group, Beats in Measure, or Measures in Period_.--Groups of +five seem to have no terrors for these people. In modern music it is +extremely unusual to find notes grouped in fives, or measures having +the rhythmic value of five beats, or periods made up of measures in +fives. A study of the tabulation shows that the Tinguian have a rather +natural bent for groupings in this number. It seems easy for them +to drop into that metric form. I consider this trait, evidenced in +their melodies, one of the marked characteristics of their music. [256] + +Groups of notes, beats, or measures in seven are so few in these +records that we are not warranted in accepting it as a characteristic. + +_Jog_.--An over-emphasized short-appoggiatura with always either the +tonic or dominant of the key as the principal tone. The first tone +is usually an eighth or sixteenth in value, and must stand on the +next degree above the principal tone. The principal tone is usually +a quarter note or longer in value. + +In singing the jog, the short note is given a very pointed accent, the +voice dropping quickly with a sort of jerk to the second, unaccented, +sustained tone. It is executed without sliding, both tones being +well-defined. To be most effective, it should be given two, three, +or four times consecutively without intervening tones. + +This device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact, +some of their songs consisted of little else than the jog sounded +first on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on +the dominant, then again on the tonic, then on the dominant, and so +on back and forth. + +It would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used +in the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music of other tribes +of these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of +other tribes with the Igorot. + +Japanese Scales.--For structure of these scales, see analysis of those +songs using one or another of the Japanese "tunings" or approximations +to them. + +Tonality.--That entire group of harmonies which, intimately related to +a foundation or "tonic" chord, may be considered as clustered around +and drawn to it. + +Major Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones +constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation +tone, are found at distances of four and seven semitones respectively +from it. + +Minor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones +constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation +tone, are found at distances of three and seven semitones respectively +from it. + +Pentatonic Character. That peculiar essence or quality which a melody +has when it is built up entirely or almost wholly of the tones of +the pentatonic or five-note scale. The melody may employ sparingly +one or both of the two tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, and +yet its pentatonic character will not be destroyed. + +Diatonic Character. That quality which a melody takes on when the +two tones which are foreign to the pentatonic scale of the same key +or tonality are freely employed. + +I use this term in contradistinction to "Pentatonic Character," and +not in contradistinction to "Chromatic," as it is usually employed +in musical literature. + +Melodic Structure. That form of flowing succession of tones in +which the accented tones, if considered in sequence, show dominant +non-adherence to chord intervals. + +_Harmonic Structure_. That form of tonal succession in which the +tones of the melody follow rather persistently the structural outline +of chords. + +_Major Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent +tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following +arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half-step intervals,--(whole) +(whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole-and-a-half). + +_Minor Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones, +if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement +of whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,--(whole-and-a-half) +(whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole). + +The pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known +to have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, which +would give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century. [257] + +Rowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians +who, striving for greater variety in their one-toned chants, added +first one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another. [258] +The pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting. + +Most of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel +or "hear mentally" the half step. If musicians of early days had this +same failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval +by eliminating from their songs one or the other of each couplet of +tones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would +be pentatonic. + +Not only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step, +but also people in modern environment who have heard very infrequently +this smallest interval of modern music. + +Inability to sense this interval may be better understood when we +stop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult +to hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of +the even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which some peoples +have come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in +their music. + +This tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of +pentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children when they +follow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation +that children with some musical creative ability, but unaccustomed +to hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum +their bits of improvised melody in the pentatonic scale. + +_Major Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones if +considered in upward sequence would show the following arrangement +of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (whole) (half) (whole) +(whole) (whole) (half). + +_Natural Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent +tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following +arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) +(whole) (half) (whole) (whole). + +_Harmonic Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the +constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show +the following arrangement of half, whole and whole-and-a-half step +intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole-and-a-half) +(half). + +_Melodic Minor Diatonic Scale_ (_Ascending_). That scale in which +the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show +the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) +(half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half). + +_Falsetto_. Artificial or strained head-tones which sound an octave +above the natural tone. Sign,--a tiny circle above the note. + +In record L. _Naway_ is shown one falsetto tone. It is unusual to +find this effect in a woman's voice. + +_Semitones Sung_. This needs no definition. The classification is put +down to show to what extent these singers appreciate the half-step +intervals, and are able to vocalize it (see preceeding definition +of Pentatonic Scale for footnote relative to appreciation of this +interval). Sign,--curved bracket above or below the notes. + +In these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their +seven songs, while the women make use of it in but three of their +eight songs. + +_Appoggiature_. These, with the exception of one double one shown in +the _Bagoyas_ (Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The +singers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music, +but with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura +and the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated by +the usual musical symbol,--a small eighth note with a slanting stroke +through the hook. + +_Mordents_. Those used in these songs are all of the "inverted" +kind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern +musicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the +principal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated in the score +by the usual musical symbol. + +_Trills and Wavers_. These need no comment except to call attention +to the fact that there are none found in the regular songs of +the women. The one shown in Record I (_Da-eng,_ Boys and Girls +alternating) is in the boys' part. + +_Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm_. I consider this quite a +striking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little +concern over such rhythmic changes, in fact, among some races where +percussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently +hear the two rhythms at the same time fitted perfectly one against +the other. This is especially true among our American Indians. + +While it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using +these two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather sparingly. A +great many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to +the other, preserving perfect proportions in the note values. + +In noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have +put down under each song, not the number of duple or triple or +quadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of "changes" +which occur. After one has made the transition from one style of +rhythm to the other, and has the new "swing" established, manifestly +it is no special feat to follow along in that same kind of measure; +but the real test is the "change" to the rhythm of the other sort. For +instance, in the Song of the Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures +and parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had +to change his meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand, +the _Dang-dang-ay_ (Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and +triplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple +rhythm, when once established in the second part, the song requires +a changing of swing but 17 times. + +Because of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs, +and noting, as heard in the records, the precision with which, in +nearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the +Tinguian have a remarkable grasp of different metric values, which +enables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this +trait would stamp itself upon their music, and I consider the use of +such frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic. + +Although frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic +of the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated elsewhere, +it is important to tabulate it here to differentiate the Tinguian +from those peoples who do not make use of it. + +_Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths_. These are the only +intentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note +that the only examples are in the _Da-eng_ ceremony, where all three +are used, some in one part and some in another. + +Among some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The +early chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. Probably the +most primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt +of men with different ranges to sing together. The difference between +a bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and +a soprano it is about a fourth. The difference in these voices made +it impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the +basses and tenors sang in consecutive fifths. When women took up the +chanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths. + +These harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when +there was no exigency on account of restricted range. + +Referring again to the _Da-eng_ ceremony, it is interesting to observe +that the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales, +and that the part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character +while the other two parts are pentatonic. + +_Conclusion_.--I have long been of the opinion that the music of +different peoples should be given more consideration by scientists +in their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by, +ethnologists have attached too little importance to the bearing which +music has on their science. + +I am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest +element that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has some +influence back of it which has determined the element and shaped +it into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough study of +the music would reveal these influences, and through them establish +hitherto unknown ethnological facts. + +I believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or +instrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite general +scheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of +that people alone; and if such an analysis be made of the music of +many peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will +be comprehensible to ethnologists trained to that branch of musical +research, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown +on the question of tribal relationship. + +I realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the +characteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples +of the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless +I believe the work should be undertaken in this large way, and when +it is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment. + +I appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which +may prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold scientific +symbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each +one of us knows perfectly the various qualities of the different +speaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can +so accurately describe those qualities to a stranger that he also may +be able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation +of such elusive qualities would have to be in very general terms. Such +indefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend +for comparison upon the memory of those workers who had received +first-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day +musician identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the +"French school," the "Italian school," or the "Russian school;" +and yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with +definiteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called +"school." + +Though I have held these opinions for several years, I am more +than ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records, +that something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from +the music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this branch of +ethnology will soon receive more serious recognition. + +Manifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions +from the examination of but fourteen records of a people. But even +in this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do +over such a variety of applications and uses, it is possible to +see tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as +definite characteristics. + +While it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a +Tinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may prove valuable +in summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other +surveys are made; and if perchance, the findings here set down and +the conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any +obscure ethnological point, the effort has been well spent. + +_Albert Gale_. + + + +CONCLUSIONS + + +The first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology +is that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine peoples, the +Negrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious +beliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, and industries. It is +realized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured +the older modes of thought, and has often swamped native crafts, +while each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs +on Philippine soil; yet it seems that enough of the old still remains +to proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent +this belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material +in the preceding pages. + +A study of the physical types has shown that each group considered +is made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere +evident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic +and a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater tendency +than with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones +are more outstanding, while there is a greater length and breadth +of the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups +considered, but taken in the average, it is found that the Ilocano +and Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the +Bontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, while between them are the mountain +Tinguian and Apayao. + +Judging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that +the Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic +Ilocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast, +and that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate +peoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the +people of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to believe +that the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to +the dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia in +general, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent. + +The dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible, +are similar in morphology, and have a considerable part of their +vocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the +Ilocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while the intervening groups +are intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue. + +Considering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is +found that both have certain elements of culture which are doubtless +old possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields, +iron-working, a peculiar type of shield, and a battle-axe which they +share with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam. + +A part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate, +they help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times these +peoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social +organizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; of their customs +at birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as +well as the details of certain occupations, such as the rice culture, +pottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been +long separated, but that they have been subjected to very different +outside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines. + +It is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable +affiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention to attempt +to locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with +any existing groups. However, our information seems to justify us in +certain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions +of Chinese ancestry are without foundation. It shows that, while trade +with China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some +other objects into this region, yet Chinese influence had not been +of an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs, +or to introduce any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant +evidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one +time strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day +show much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and +through them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure +at birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the Peninsular Malay +in at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning +of a fire beside the mother and newborn babe for a month or more, +the frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs, +the "fumigating" of the baby, the throwing of ashes to blind evil +spirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source, +particularly when they still occur together in connection with one +of the great events of life. + +Frequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian +customs and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods of +rice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same +source. In the weaving the influence of India seems evident, despite +the fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method +of spinning seems unique. These methods, apparently distinctive, +may once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by +more efficient instruments. The primitive method of ginning cotton by +rolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the +Philippines outside of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections +of Burma. + +Part I of this volume presented a body of tales which showed many +resemblances to the Islands of the south, as well as incidents of +Indian lore. There is, in fact, a distinct feeling of Indian influence +in the tales of the mythical period; yet they lack the epics of that +people, and the typical trickster tales are but poorly represented. + +The vocabulary shows comparatively little of Indian influence; yet, +at the time of the conquest, the Ilocano was one of the coast groups +making use of a native script which was doubtless of Hindu origin. + +The many instances of Indian influence do not justify the +supposition that the Tinguian were ever directly in contact with +that people. The Malay islands to the south were pretty thoroughly +under Hindu domination by the second century of the Christian era, +and it is probable that they were influenced through trade at a +considerably earlier date. Judging from our data, it would seem that +the Ilocano-Tinguian group had left its southern home at a time after +this influence was beginning to make itself felt, but before it was +of a sufficiently intimate nature to stamp itself indelibly on the +lore, the ceremonial and economic life of this people, as it did in +Java and some parts of Sumatra. It is possible that these points of +similarity may be due to trade, but if so, the contact was at a period +antedating the fourteenth century, for in historic times the sea trade +of the southern islands has been in the hands of the Mohammedanized +Malay. Their influence is very marked in the southern Philippines, +but is not evident in northwestern Luzon. + +Concerning the time of their arrival in Luzon, and the course +pursued by them, we have no definite proof; but it is evident that +the Tinguian did not begin to press inland until comparatively recent +times. Historical references and local traditions indicate that most +of this movement has taken place since the arrival of the Spaniards, +while the distribution of the great ceremonies gives a further +suggestion that the dominant element in the Tinguian population has +been settled in Abra for no great period. The probable explanation for +this distribution is that the interior valleys were sparsely settled +with a population more akin to the Igorot than to the Tinguian, +prior to the inland movement of the latter people; that the Tinguian +were already possessed of the highly developed ceremonial life, +before they entered Abra, and that this has been spread slowly, +through intermarriage and migration, to the people on the outskirts +of their territory. + +These ceremonies are still practised by some families now residing +in Christianized settlements in Abra and Ilocos Sur, while discreet +questioning soon brings out the fact that they were formerly present +in towns which have long been recognized as Ilocano. The relationship +of the Tinguian and Ilocano has already been shown by the physical +data and historical references; but were these lacking, it requires +but a little inquiry and the compilation of geneaological tables to +show that many Ilocano families are related to the Tinguian. It is +a matter of common observation that the chief barrier between the +two groups is religion, and, once let the pagan accept Christianity, +he and his family are quickly absorbed by the Ilocano. + +Uninterrupted trade with the coast in recent years, Spanish and +American influence, have doubtless affected considerable changes in +the Tinguian. If, however, we subtract recent introductions, it is +probable that we have in the life of this tribe an approximate picture +of conditions among the more advanced of the northern Philippine +groups prior to the entry of the European into their islands. + + + +NOTES + +[1] The _Bontoc_ Igorot is taken as one of the least influenced and +most typical of the Igorot groups. + +[2] On this point see _Cole_, The Distribution of the Non-Christian +Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_American Anthropologist_, N.S., Vol. XI, +1909, pp. 329-347). + +[3] These are Ballasio, Nagbuquel, Vandrell, Rizal, Mision, Mambog, +and Masingit. Kadangla-an, Pila, Kolongbuyan (Sapang) and Montero +are mixed Tinguian and Igorot. + +[4] See _Cole_, The Tinguian (_Philippine Journal of Science_, +Vol. III, No. 4, Sect. A, 1908, pp. 197, _et seq_.). + +[5] _Beyer_ (Population of the Philippine Islands in 1916, p. 74, +Manila, 1917) gives the population as 27,648. + +[6] North of Abra it is known as the Cordillera Norte. + +[7] This river traffic is entirely in the hands of the Christianized +Ilocano. Rafts seldom proceed up the river beyond Bangued, the capital, +and at low water even this distance is negotiated with difficulty. + +[8] Historical references to this trade, as well as to the Spanish +invasion of Ilocos, will be found in _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, +Manila, 1890; _Fray Gaspar De S. Augustin_, Conquista de las Islas +Filipinas (Manila, 1698), p. 267; _Medina_, Historia, translated +in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XXIII, +pp. 279, _et seq_. See also translation of _Loarca_ and others in +same publication, Vol. III, p. 73, note; Vol. V, p. 109; Vol. XV, +p. 51; Vol. XVII, p. 285. + +[9] _Loraca_, 1582, translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., +Vol. V, p. 105. + +[10] _Laufer_, Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands +(_Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections_, Vol. I, pp. 256, et seq.) + +[11] _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field +Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1). + +[12] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XVII, p. 285; also III, +p. 73, note; V, p. 109; XV, p. 51. + +[13] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 287, +_et seq._ + +[14] _Colin_ (Labor Evangelica, Chap. IV, Madrid 1663), calls the +Manguian of Mindoro and the Zambal, Tingues. _Morga, Chirino_, and +_Ribera_ also use the same name for the natives of Basilan, Bohol, +and Mindanao (see _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op cit_., Vols. IV, +p. 300; X, p. 71; XIII, pp. 137,205). Later writers have doubtless +drawn on these accounts to produce the weird descriptions sometimes +given of the Tinguian now under discussion. It is said (_op. cit_., +Vol. XL, p. 97, note) that the radical _ngian_, in Pampanga, indicates +"ancient," a meaning formerly held in other Philippine languages, +and hence Tinguian would probably mean "old or ancient, or aboriginal +mountain dwellers." + +[15] _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, p. 151 (Manila, 1890), also Filipinas +articulos varios, p. 345 (Manila, 1887); _Blair_ and _Robertson_, +_op. cit_., Vol. XIV, pp. 158-159; Vol. XXVIII, p. 167. + +[16] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXVIII, p. 158. + +[17] _Antonio Mozo_, _Noticia_ historico-natural (Madrid, 1763), +in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XLVIII, p. 69. + +[18] These were: Tayum 1803; Pidigan 1823; La Paz and San Gregorio +1832; Bukay (Labon) 1847. For further details of this mission see +_Villacorta_, Breve resumen de los progresos de la Religion Catolica +en la admirable conversion de los indios Igorotes y Tinguianes +(Madrid, 1831). + +[19] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 199. + +[20] Discussions concerning the Chinese origin of the Tinguian will +be found in _Mallat_, Les Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 212-213; Vol. II, +pp. 104-7, 345 (Paris, 1846); _Plauchet_, L'Archipel des Philippines +(_Revue des deux Mondes_, 1887, p. 442); _Buzeto y Bravo_, Diccionario +geografico estadistico historico; _Semper_, Die Philippinen und ihre +Bewohner (Wuerzburg, 1869); _Blumentritt_, Versuch einer Ethnographie +der Philippinen (_Peterman's Mittheilungen_, 1882, No. 67); _Reyes_, +Die Tinguianen (_Mittheilungen K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien_, +1887, p. 5, _et seq._); _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios (Manila, +1887); _Sanchez y Ruiz_, Razas de Filipinas, usos y custombres, Memoria +Exposicion General, pp. 51, 60, 138 (Manila, 1887); _Montblanc_, +Les Isles Philippines, p. 22 (Paris, 1887); _Montero y Vidal_, El +Archipelago Filipino, p. 289 (Manila, 1886); _Bowring_, A Visit to +the Philippines, p. 171 (London, 1859); _Sawyer_, The Inhabitants of +the Philippines, p. 276 (London, 1900); _Zuniga_, Historia, pp. 19-38 +(Sampaloc, 1803); _Colin_, Labor evangelica, Vol. I, chaps. 4, 12-14 +(Madrid, 1663); _Blair_ and _Robertson_ (The Philippine Islands, +Vol. XL, pp. 316, _et seq._) give a translation of _San Antonio_ +Chronicas, written in Manila between 1738-44, also of _Colin_, Labor +evangelica, of 1663; _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines +(_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302). + +[21] _Paul De La Gironiere_, Vingt annees aux Philippines (Paris, +1853); _Stuntz_, The Philippines and the Far East, p. 36 (New York, +1904). + +[22] Quoted by _Paterno_, La antigua civilizacion Tagalog, pp. 122-123 +(Madrid, 1887). + +[23] _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines (_Am. Anthropologist_, +Vol. XI, 1892, p. 297). See also _De Quatrefages_, Histoire generale +des races humaines, pp. 515-517, 527-528. + +[24] Census of the Philippine Islands of 1903, pp. 453-477. + +[25] The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (_Philippine Journal +of Science_, Vol. I, pp. 798, 851, Manila, 1906). + +[26] _Blumentritt_ (Ethnographie der Philippinen, Introduction; +also _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 296) has advanced +the theory of three Malay invasions into the Philippines. To the +first, which is put at about 200 B.C., belong the Igorot, Apayao, and +Tinguian, but the last are considered as of a later period. The second +invasion occurred about A.D. 100-500, and includes the Tagalog, Visaya, +Ilocano, and other alphabet-using peoples. The third is represented +by the Mohammedan groups which began to enter the Islands in the +fourteenth century. + +[27] _Brinton_ (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302) +states that the Ilocano of northwestern Luzon are markedly Chinese +in appearance and speech, but he fails to give either authorities or +examples to substantiate this claim. For Indian influence on Philippine +dialects, see _Pardo De Tavera_, El sanscrito e la lingua tagalog +(Paris, 1887); also _Williams_, Manual and Dictionary of Ilocano +(Manila, 1907). + +[28] A detailed study of the language is not presented in this +volume. The author has a large collection of texts which will be +published at a later date, together with a study of the principal +Tinguian dialects. A short description of the Ilocano language, +by the writer, will be found in the New International Encyclopaedia. + +[29] A more detailed study of these tribes will be given in a +forthcoming volume on Philippine Physical Types. + +[30] Observations on 13 Ilocano skulls are tabulated by _Koeze_ +(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 56-57, Haarlem, 1901-4). + +[31] A short series of Igorot skull measurements is given by _Koeze_ +(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 42-43, Haarlem, 1901-4). + +[32] _Am. Anthropologist_, 1906, pp. 194-195. + +[33] Notes sur les Chinois du Quang-si (_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. IX, +1898, pp. 144-170). + +[34] The Races of Man, pp. 384, 577, _et seq_.(London, 1900). + +[35] _Martin_, Inlandstaemme der Malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 237, 351, +358, 386 (Jena, 1905). + +[36] For measurements on the Northern Chinese and the Formosa +Chinese see _Koganei_, Messungen an chinesischen Soldaten +(_Mitt. med. Fak. k. japan. Univ. Tokio_, 1903, Vol. VI, No. 2), und +Messungen an maennlichen Chinesen-Schaedeln (_Internat. Centralblatt +fuer Anthropologie_, 1902, pp. 129, _et seq_.). + +[37] For other observations on Malaysia, in general, see _Annandale_ +and _Robinson_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst.,_ Vol. XXXII, 1902); _Keane_, +Ethnology (Cambridge, 1907); _Duckworth_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst._, +Vol. XXXII); _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, +Vol. II, pp. 311, _et seq._) give results by _Haddon_; _Hamy_ +(_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. VII, Paris, 1896); _Hagen_, Anthropologische +Studien aus Insulinde (Amsterdam, 1890); _Sullivan_, Racial Types in +the Philippine Islands (_Anth. Papers, American Museum of Nat. Hist._, +Vol. XIII, pt. 1, New York, 1918). + +[38] _Sullivan_ (_Anthropological Papers, American Museum +Nat. History_, Vol. XXIII, pt. 1, p. 42) gives a graphic correlation of +Stature, Cephalic and Nasal Indices, which shows a striking similarity +between the Tagalog and Pangasinan of the Philippines, and the Southern +Chinese. Had he made use of Jenks's measurements of the Bontoc Igorot, +that group would also have approached quite closely to those already +mentioned. The same method applied to the Ilocano and Tinguian shows +them to conform to this type. + +[39] See Traditions of the Tinguian (this volume, No. 1). + +[40] The eating of double bananas or vegetables is avoided, as it is +thought to result in the birth of twins. The birth of twin girls is +a particular misfortune; for their parents are certain to fare badly +in any trades or sales to which they may be parties. + +[41] The importance of gratifying the longings of pregnant women +appears in the legends of the Malay Peninsula. See _Wilkinson_, Malay +Beliefs, p. 46 (London, 1906). _Hildebrandt_ states that the Indian +law books such as Yajnavalkya (III, 79) make it a duty to fulfill +the wishes of a woman at this time, since otherwise the embryo would +be exposed to injury. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II, +p. 650. + +[42] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 124, 185. + +[43] See _op. cit_., p. 105. + +[44] See _op. cit_., pp. 144, _et seq_. + +[45] See _op. cit_., p. 18. + +[46] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180. + +[47] To produce a miscarriage, a secret liquor is made from the bark +of a tree. After several drinks of the brew, the abdomen is kneaded +and pushed downward until the foetus is discharged. A canvass of forty +women past the child-bearing age showed an average, to each, of five +children, about 40 per cent of whom died in infancy. Apparently about +the same ratio of births is being maintained at present. + +[48] The gifts vary according to the ceremony. For this event, the +offerings consist of a Chinese jar with earrings fastened into the +handles--"ears"--, a necklace of beads and a silver wire about its +neck; a wooden spoon, a weaving stick, and some bone beads. + +[49] This is known as _palwig_. + +[50] This action is called _tolgi_. + +[51] In the San Juan district _Gipas_ is a separate two-day ceremony, +which takes place about nine months after the birth. In Baak a part +of the _Dawak_ ceremony goes by this name. + +[52] This is known as _inalson_, and is "such a blanket as is always +possessed by a spirit." See p. 313. + +[53] This is also the method of delivery among the Kayan of Borneo. See +_Hose_ and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 154 +(London, 1912), also _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, +Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII. No. 2, +p. 100). _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 334, London, 1900) describes a +similar method among the Malay. + +[54] Among the Bukidnon and Bila-an of Mindanao a bamboo blade is +always employed for this purpose. The same is true of the Kayan +of Borneo. _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 155; +_Cole_, _op. cit._, p. 143. + +[55] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. It is +also the belief of the Peninsular Malay that the incidental products +of a confinement may be endowed with life (_Wilkinson_, Malay Beliefs, +p. 30). + +[56] The character e, which appears frequently in the native names, +is used to indicate a sound between the obscure vowel _e_, as in sun, +and the _ur_, in burrow. + +[57] The number of days varies somewhat in different sections, and +is generally longer for the first child than for the succeeding. + +[58] The custom of building a fire beside the mother is practised +among the Malay, Jakun and Mantri of the Peninsula. In India, +the practice of keeping a fire beside the newborn infant, in order +to protect it from evil beings, is widespread. See _Tawney_, Katha +Sarit Sagara, Vol. I, pp. 246, 305, note; Vol. II, p. 631 (Calcutta, +1880). According to _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 343), the Malay keep the +fire burning forty-four days. The custom is called the "roasting of +the mother." The same custom is found in Cambodia (see Encyclopaedia +of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 32, 164, 347; Vol. VIII, p. 32). + +[59] This may be related to the Malay custom of fumigating the infant +(see _Skeat_, _op. cit._, p. 338). + +[60] The following names are typical of this last class. For boys: +Ab'beng, a child's song; Agdalpen, name of a spirit; Baguio, a storm; +Bakileg, a glutton; Kabato, from _bato_, a stone; Tabau, this name is +a slur, yet is not uncommon; it signifies "a man who is a little crazy, +who is sexually impotent, and who will mind all the women say;" Otang, +the sprout of a vine; Zapalan, from _zapal_, the crotch of a tree. +For girls: Bangonan, from _bangon_, "to rise, to get up;" Igai, from +_nigai_, a fish; Giaben, a song; Magilai, from _gilai_ the identifying +slit made in an animal's ear; Sabak, a flower; Ugot, the new leaf. + +[61] In Madagascar children are oftentimes called depreciative names, +such as Rat, with the hope that evil spirits will leave tranquil +an infant for which the parents have so little consideration +(_Grandidier_, Ethnologie de Madagascar, Vol. II). + +[62] In Selangor, a sick infant is re-named (_Skeat_, _op. cit._, +p. 341). + +[63] _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios, 1st ed., pp. 144-5 (Manila, +1887). + +[64] The Malay of the Peninsula bathe both mother and child morning +and evening, in hot water to which certain leaves and blossoms are +added. It is here described as an act of purification (_Skeat_, +_op. cit._, pp. 334-5). + +[65] Also called _salokang_ (cf. p. 310). + +[66] Filipinas articulos varios, p. 144. + +[67] _F. De Lerena_, _Ilustracion Filipina_, No. 22, p. 254 (Manila, +Nov. 15, 1860). An equally interesting account of Tinguian procedure +at the time of birth will be found in the account of _Polo De Lara_, +Islas Filipinas, tipos y costumbres, pp. 213, _et seq._ + +[68] In San Juan. Ibal is always held in six months, unless illness +has caused an earlier celebration. At this time the liver of a pig +is carefully examined, in order to learn of the child's future. + +[69] In Likuan this takes place five days after the birth; in +Sallapadan it occurs on the first or second day. + +[70] On the mat are placed, in addition to the medium's regular outfit, +a small jar of _basi_, five pieces of betel-nut and pepper-leaf, +two bundles of rice (_palay_) in a winnower, a head-axe, and a spear. + +[71] This is a _dakidak_ (cf. p. 311). + +[72] Such a taboo sign is here known as _kanyau_. It is not always +used at the conclusion of this ceremony, but is strictly observed +following the cutting of the first rice. + +[73] That is, a premature child. + +[74] Ashes are used against evil spirits by the Peninsular Malay +(_Skeat_, Malay Magic, p. 325). + +[75] Sagai is the sound made when scratching away the embers of a fire. + +[76] From _maysa_, one; _dua_, two; _talo_, three. + +[77] This is also used as mockery. It has no exact English equivalent, +but is similar to our slang "rubber." + +[78] In Patok only the agate bead (_napodau_) is used. + +[79] The less pretentious gathering, held by the very poor, is known +as _polya_. + +[80] _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon +(_Philippine Jour. of Science_, Vol. I, No. 8, 1906, p. 858). + +[81] It is necessary to use a shallow dish with a high pedestal known +as _dias_ (Fig. 5, No. 5). + +[82] In Ba-ak the breaking and scattering of the rice ball is +considered a good omen, as it presages many children. In San Juan +the youth throws a rice ball at the ridge pole of the house, and the +girl's mother does the same. In this instance, each grain of rice +which adheres to the pole represents a child to be born. + +[83] The similarity of the Tinguian rice ceremony to that of many +other Philippine tribes is so great that it cannot be due to mere +chance. Customs of a like nature were observed by the writer among the +Bukidnon, Bagobo, Bila-an, Kulaman, and Mandaya of Mindanao, and the +Batak of Palawan; they are also described by _Reed_ and _Worcester_ +for the Negrito of Zambales and Bataan; while _Loarca_, writing late +in the sixteenth century, records a very like ceremony practised by a +coast group, probably the Pintados. At the same time it is worthy of +note that _Jenks_ found among the Bontoc Igorot a great divergence both +in courtship and marriage. Among the Dusun of British North Borneo the +marriage of children of the well-to-do is consummated by the eating +of rice from the same plate. Other instances of eating together, as a +part of the marriage ceremony in Malaysia, are given by _Crawley_. See +_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of +Natural History. Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 102, 144, 157, 192); _Reed_, +Negritos of Zambales (_Pub. Ethnological Survey,_ Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 58 +(Manila, 1904)); _Worcester_, _Philippine Journal of Science_, Vol. I, +p. 811 (Manila, 1906); _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, +Chap. X (Arevalo, 1580), translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The +Philippine Islands, Vol. V, pp. 157, _et seq_.; _Jenks_, The Bontoc +Igorot (_Pub. Ethnological Survey_, Vol. I, pp. 68, _et seq_., +Manila, 1905); _Evans_, _Journ. Royal Anth. Inst_., Vol. XLVII, +p. 159; _Crawley_, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), pp. 379, _et seq._ + +[84] In Manabo an old woman sleeps between them. Among the Bagobo and +Kulaman, of Mindanao, a child is placed between the pair. See _Cole_, +_op. cit_., pp. 102, 157. + +[85] In Likuan they chew of the same betel-nut. Among the Batak of +Palawan they smoke of the same cigar. + +[86] This part of the ceremony is now falling into disuse. + +[87] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 12. + +[88] Here again the Tinguian ceremony closely resembles the ancient +custom described by _Loarca_. In his account, the bride was carried +to the house of the groom. At the foot of the stairway she was given +a present to induce her to proceed; when she had mounted the steps, +she received another, as she looked in upon the guests, another. Before +she could be induced to set down, to eat and drink, she was likewise +given some prized object. _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas, +Chap. X; also _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 157. + +[89] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 172. The +origin of death is also given in the tales, _ibid_., p. 177. + +[90] The spirit of the dead is generally known as _kalading_, but in +Manabo it is called _kal-kolayo_ and in Likuan _alalya_; in Ilokano, +_al-alia_ means "phantom" or "ghost." + +[91] In some villages Selday is the spirit against whom this precaution +is taken. + +[92] In Daligan and some other villages in Ilocos Norte, a chicken +is killed, is burned in a fire, and then is fastened beside the door +in place of the live bird. + +[93] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 181. + +[94] During the funeral of Malakay, in Patok, August 16, 1907, the +wife kept wailing, "Malakay, Malakay, take me with you where you +go. Malakay, Malakay, take me with you. I have no brother. We were +together here, do not let us part. Malakay, take me with you where +you go." + +[95] In Manabo the wife is covered at night with a white blanket, but +during the day she wears it bandoleer fashion over one shoulder. In +Ba-ak a white blanket with black border is used in a similar way. If +the wife has neglected her husband during his illness, his relatives +may demand that she be punished by having a second blanket placed +over her, unless she pays them a small amount. It sometimes occurs +that the Lakay or old men impose both fine and punishment. In Likuan +the blanket is placed over the corpse and the wife. + +[96] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180. + +[97] This is still the case among the Apayao who live to the north +of the Tinguian (_Cole_, _Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. ii, No. 3, 1909, +p. 340). The custom is reflected in the folk-tales (Traditions of +the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 190; cf. also p. 372). + +[98] The writer has known of instances, where towns were deserted +following an epidemic of smallpox, and the dead were left unburied in +the houses. Such instances are unusual even for this dread disease, +and the funeral observances usually expose large numbers of the people +to infection. + +[99] In San Juan only thirty strokes are given. + +[100] In Manabo a rectangular hole is dug to about five feet, +then at right angles to this a chamber is cut to receive the body. +This is cut off from the main grave by a stone. A similar type of +grave is found in Sumatra (_Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3d ed., +p. 287, London, 1811). + +[101] According to this author, the Tinguian put the dried remains +of their dead in subterranean tombs or galleries, six or seven yards +in depth, the entrance being covered with a sort or trap door (_La +Gironiere_, Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 115, London, 1853). + +[102] _Op. cit.,_ p. 121. + +[103] As distinguished from those of the dead. + +[104] Several times the writer has seen friends place money inside +the mat, "so that the spirit may have something to spend." + +[105] The large spirit house, built only by well-to-do families having +the hereditary right. + +[106] In the folk tales a very different method of disposing of the +dead is indicated (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, +pp. 23-24, and note). + +[107] Among the Tuaran Dusun of British North Borneo, a fire is built +near the mat on which the corpse lies, to protect the body from evil +spirits, who are feared as body snatchers (_Evans_, _Jour. Ant. Inst.,_ +Vol. XLVII, 1917, p. 159). + +[108] These consist of dishes, food, tobacco, fire-making outfit, +weapons, clothing, and the like. + +[109] In Ilocos Sur a ceremony which lifts the ban off the relatives +is held about five days after the funeral. Three months later, the +blood and oil are applied to the spouse, who is then released from all +restrictions. In San Juan and Lakub, a ceremony known as _Kilyas_ is +held five days after the funeral. The anointing is done as described +above, and then the medium drops a ball of rice under the house, +saying, "Go away sickness and death, do not come to our relatives." +When she has finished, drums are brought out, all the relatives dance +and "forget the sorrow," and are then released from all taboos. The +Layog is celebrated as in the valley towns. + +[110] Also known as _Waxi_ in San Juan, and _Bagongon_ in Sallapadin. +In the latter village, as well as in Manabo and Ba-ak, this ceremony +occurs a few days after the funeral. + +[111] This is known as _Apapayag_ or _Inapapayag_ (p. 309). + +[112] The foregoing ceremonies follow the death of any adult, male or +female, but not of newborn children. If the first-born dies in infancy, +it is buried in the middle of the night when no one can see the corpse, +otherwise other babies will die. The parents don old garments, and are +barred from leaving the town or engaging in pastimes, until the ten-day +period has passed. No fire is built at the grave, nor are offerings +placed over it. When some one else is holding a _Layog_, the parents +may join them "to relieve their sorrow and show respect for the dead." + +[113] A folk-tale recorded in this town gives quite a different +idea of the abode of the spirits (Traditions of the Tinguian, +this volume, No. 1, p. 185; also p. 28, note 2). + +[114] Functions mentales dans les societes inferieures (Paris, +1910). + +[115] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. +180-182 + +[116] For a full discussion of this subject, see _Cole_, Relations +between the Living and the Dead (_Am. Jour. of Sociology,_ Vol. XXI, +No. 5, 1916, pp. 610, et seq.). + +[117] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. + +[118] In Manabo it is said that there are five sons, who reside in +the spirit houses known as _tangpap, alalot,_ and _pungkew_. + +[119] The people of Manabo say, he resides in the spirit-structures +known as _balaua, sogayab, batog,_and _balag_ (cf. pp. 308, _et seq.)_ + +[120] Among the Ifugao, Kabunian is the lowest of the three layers +which make up the heavens (_Beyer_, Origin Myths among the Mountain +Peoples of the Philippines, _Phil. Jour. of Science,_ Vol. viii, +No. 2, 1913, p. 99). + +[121] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 15. + +[122] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume. No. 1, p. 32. + +[123] The medium is also sometimes called _manganito_. + +[124] Similar mediums and possession were observed among the ancient +Visayans. See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V, +p. 133; _Perez_ writing concerning Zambales says of their mediums, +"He commences to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many +faces by means of his eyes; he generally talks, sometimes between +his teeth, without any one understanding him. Sometimes he contents +himself with wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the trembling +of all his body. After a few moments he strikes himself on the knee, +and says he is the _anito_ to whom the sacrifice is being made." See +_Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit.,_Vol. XLVII, p. 301. + +[125] Among the ancient Tagalog, charms made of herbs, stones, and +wood, were used to infuse the heart with love (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, +The Philippine Islands, Vol VII, p. 194). Similar practices are +found in India, among the Selangor of the Malay Peninsula, among +the Bagobo of Mindanao and in Japan: see _Roy_, _Jour. Royal Anth, +Inst.,_Vol. XLIV, 1914, p. 337; _Skeat_ and _Blagden_, Pagan Races of +the Malay Peninsula, p. 312; _Benedict_, Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and +Myth, p. 220 _(Annals N. Y. Academy of Sciences,_ Vol. XXV, 1916); +_Hildburgh_, _Man_, Nov. 1915, pp. 168, _et seq.; Trans. Japan Soc,_ +Vol. VIII, pp. 132, _et seq._ + +[126] The _salaksak_ was also the omen bird of the Zambales (_Blair_ +and _Robertson_, Philippine Islands, Vol. XLVII, p. 307). + +[127] Predicting of the future through the flight of birds, or by +means of the entrails of slain animals, is widespread, not only in +the Philippines and Malaysia generally, but was equally important in +ancient Babylonia and Rome. The resemblances are so many that certain +writers, namely, _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _Kroeber_, and _Laufer_ are +inclined to credit them to common historical influences. See _Hose_ +and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 255 (London, +1912); _Kroeber_, Peoples of the Philippines (_American Museum of +Natural History,_ Handbook Series, No. 8, p. 192, New York, 1919); +_Laufer_, _Toung Pao, _1914, pp. 1-51. + +[128] For the _diam_ recited at this time, see Traditions of the +Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171. + +[129] More frequently the medium uses a piece of lead or one of the +shells of her _piling_ for this purpose. In many villages the medium, +while calling the spirits, wears one head-band for each time the +family has made this ceremony. + +[130] Had they not possessed a _balaua_, they would have made this +offering in the dwelling. + +[131] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. I, pp. 178-179. + +[132] The _sagang_ is the sharpened pole, which was passed through +the _foramen magnum_ of a captured skull. + +[133] Female spirits, who always stay in one place. + +[134] See Tradition of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 178. + +[135] This _diam_ is sometimes repeated for the _saloko_ (see p. 319). + +[136] Known as Palasod in Bakaok. + +[137] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 175. + +[138] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 174. + +[139] _Op. cit._, p. 175. + +[140] In Patok this offering is placed in a _saloko_, which is planted +close to the stream. + +[141] Known in Ba-ak and Langiden as Daya, in Patok and vicinity as +Komon or Ubaiya. + +[142] This part of the ceremony is often omitted in the valley towns. + +[143] _Canarium villosum_ Bl. The resinous properties of this tree are +supposed to make bright or clear, to the spirits, that the ceremony has +been properly conducted. According to some informants, the _pala-an_ +is intended as a stable for the horse of Idadaya when he attends the +ceremony, but this seems to be a recent explanation. + +[144] This feeding of the spirits with blood and rice is known as +_pisek_, while the whole of the procedure about the mortar is called +_sangba_. + +[145] This consists of two bundles of rice, a dish of broken rice, +a hundred fathoms of thread, one leg of the pig, and a small coin. + +[146] Many spirits which appear here and in _Sayang_ are not mentioned +in the alphabetical list of spirits, as they play only a local or +minor role in the life of the people. + +[147] The spirit who lives in the _sagang_, the sharpened bamboo +sticks on which the skulls of enemies were displayed. + +[148] This is of particular interest, as the Tinguian are hostile +to the people of this region, and it is unlikely that either of the +mediums had ever seen a native of that region. + +[149] The name by which the Tinguian designate their own people. + +[150] The spirits' name for the Tinguian. + +[151] The term Alzado is applied to the wilder head-hunting groups +north and east of Abra. + +[152] When the _tangpap_ is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony, +it is a little house with two raised floors. On the lower are small +pottery jars, daubed with white, and filled with _basi_ (Plate XX). + +[153] The _talagan_ (see p. 308). + +[154] This being lives in Binogan. His brothers are Gilen, Ilongbosan, +Idodosan, Iyangayang, and Sagolo. + +[155] The site of the old village of Bukay. + +[156] In addition to the writer and his wife, Lieut. and +Mrs. H.B. Rowell were initiated at this time. The Lieutenant +had long been a friend and adviser of the tribe, and was held in +great esteem by them. The writer's full name was Agonan Dumalawi, +Mrs. Cole's--Ginobayan Gimpayan, Lieut. Rowell's--Andonan Dogyawi, +and Mrs. Rowell's--Gayankayan Gidonan. + +[157] This raft is the _Taltalabong_, and is intended for the sons +and servants of Kadaklan. + +[158] It is customary to place a jar of _basi_ under or near the house, +so that Kadaklan may drink, before he reaches the function. This +offering had been neglected, hence his complaint. + +[159] This is the case if a person is just acquiring the right to +the ceremony. If the family is already privileged to give this rite, +it will occur in about three years, and _Sayang_ will follow some +four years later. + +[160] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171. + +[161] See _ibid._, p. 24. + +[162] In Patok, _diwas_ is sung as a part of _da-eng_ on the night +of _Libon_. + +[163] This is the same form as the "shield," which hangs above the +newborn infant (p. 312). + +[164] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177. + +[165] On two occasions an old bedstead of Spanish type served instead +of the frame. + +[166] See p. 315. In some towns the spirits are summoned at different +times during the ceremony, as in _Tangpap_. + +[167] See under Idasan, p. 309. + +[168] Each with its dormitory for bachelors, and usually for unmarried +girls. See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 49 (Manila, 1905). + +[169] _Combes_, Historia de las islas de Mindanao (Madrid, 1667), +translated by _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XL, p. 160; Vol. XLVII, +p. 300. _Ling Roth_, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, +Vol. II, p. 270, _et seq._(London, 1896). + +[170] For description of these villages, see _Cole_, Distribution of +the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_, +Vol. XI, p. 329). + +[171] See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1906). + +[172] Twenty years in the Philippines, p. 109 (London, 1853). + +[173] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 8. + +[174] See _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines +(Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1). + +[175] Despite frequent assertions to the contrary, the fire syringe +is not used by the Tinguian. It is found among the Tiagan Igorot, +the similarity of whose name has doubtless given rise to the error. + +[176] Head-hunting is widespread in this part of the world. It +is found in Assam, in the Solomon Islands, in Borneo, Formosa, +and, it is said, was formerly practiced in Japan. See _Hodson_ +(_Folklore,_ June, 1909, p. 109); _Rivers_, History of Melanesian +Society, Vol. II, p. 259 (Cambridge, 1914); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, +Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vols. I-II (London, 1912); _Shinji Ishii_ +(_Transactions Japan Soc. of London,_ Vol. XIV, pp. 7, _et seq.)._ + +[177] See _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon +(_Philippine Journal of Science,_ Vol. I, p. 824, Manila, 1906). + +[178] See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vols. V, +p. 137; XXI, p. 140; XXXIV, p. 377; XL, pp. 80-81; XLVII, p. 313; +XLVIII, p. 57. _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes +of Northwestern Luzon _(Am. Anth_., N. S., Vol. XI, 1909, p. 340); +_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (pub. Field Museum +of Natural History, Vol. XII No. 2, p. 114, _et seq._). + +[179] These are called _soga_. Their use is widespread in the +Philippines, in Malaysia generally, and even extends into upper +Burma. See _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and +Northeastern Frontier, pp. 186, _et seq._(London, 1914). _Marsden_, +Hist. of Sumatra, p. 310 (London, 1811). + +[180] See _Cole_, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of +Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94). + +[181] This description is partially taken from the account of _Paul +P. de La Gironiere_, probably the one white man, who has witnessed +this rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853), +and from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated +in the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations. + +[182] See _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of +Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3, +1909, p. 340). + +[183] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22. + +[184] _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905); _Kroeber_, +The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series, +No. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919). + +[185] _Egerton_, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London, +1880), p. 84; _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Burma and +Northeastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration. + +[186] This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes, +and it is also widespread in Malaysia. + +[187] The mountain rice is known as _langpadan_, the lowland rice as +pagey (Ilocano _palay_). + +[188] This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. See _Marsden_, +History of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71-72 (London, 1811). + +[189] A similar device is employed in Java. See _Freeman_ and +_Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911). + +[190] The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. See +_Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94. + +[191] _Raffles_, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate +VIII (London, 1820); _Marsden_, _op. cit_., p. 74; _Freeman_ and +_Chandler_, _op. cit_., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider +this type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian name _alado_ +is doubtless a corruption of the Spanish _arado_, but this of course +would not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards. + +[192] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195, +_et seq_. + +[193] _Munia jagori_ (martens). Locally known as _tikgi_. + +[194] Probably the _ophiocephalus_. See _Dean_, _American Museum +Journal_, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22. + +[195] This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow. + +[196] The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks +with the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by the Apayao, +in parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. See _Marsden_, History of +Sumatra, p. 73; _Raffles_, History of Java, pp. 125-6, also Plate 8; +_Mayer_, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452, +(Leiden, 1897); _Van der Lith_, Nederlandsch Oost Indie, Vol. II, +p. 353, (Leiden, 1894). + +[197] Rice in the bundle is known as _palay_ or _pagey_. + +[198] The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands. + +[199] Ilocano _sanga-reppet_ or the Spanish _monojo_. + +[200] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177. + +[201] History of Sumatra, pp. 65, _et seq_. + +[202] _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, +pp. 246-7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern +Borneo, a recent acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam. + +[203] _Lavezaris_, writing in 1569-76, states that the natives, of no +specified district, "have great quantities of provisions which they +gathered from irrigated fields" (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, Philippine +Islands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250-251, of the same +publication, is a record of the expedition to Tue, in the mountains +at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the +natives of that section were, in 1592, gathering two crops of rice, +"one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself." + +[204] For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture, +see _Freeman_ and _Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products +(Boston, 1911); _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426, _et +seq_. (London, 1896); _Ferrars_, Burma, pp. 48, _et seq_. (London, +1901); _Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indie, p. 232 (Groningen, +1906); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246; +_Perry_, _Manchester Memoirs_, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915-16; _Wallace_, The +Malay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894); _Cabaton_, Java and the +Dutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911); _Meyier_, Irrigation +in Java, _Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers,_ +Vol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908); _Bernard_, Amenagement des eaux a +Java, irrigation des rizieres (Paris 1903); _Crawfurd_, History of +the Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358, _et seq_. (Edinburgh, 1820). + +[205] _Campbell_, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London, +1915). + +[206] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177. + +[207] Also known as Singa and Baubauwi. In Likuan it is held only +in case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan, +Patikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated +both before the planting and after the harvesting. + +[208] A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color. + +[209] _runo_, a reed. + +[210] _Justicia gendarussa_ L. + +[211] Also called _salokang_. See p. 310. + +[212] The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if +it is too abundant. + +[213] At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and +through them talk with the people. + +[214] _Lygodium_ near _scandens_. + +[215] In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached +to split sticks, (_sinobung_), and are fastened to a side wall of +the house. + +[216] Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan. + +[217] The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar +ceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo. +Should the bird known as _koling_ fly over the town during this period, +uttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise, +all is well. + +[218] Literally, "to give a taste." + +[219] Those used are _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ near _scandens_), +_talabibatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.) and _pedped_ (?). + +[220] Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer +D. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from +specimens collected by the writer. + +[221] Known generally throughout the Philippines as _gabi_. + +[222] The three common varieties of squash are _kalabasa_ (_Benincasa +certifera_), _tabongau_ and _tankoy_ (_Curcubita sp_.). + +[223] In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount of _maguey_ (_Agave +cantula_ Roxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords. + +[224] A less esteemed species is known as _lalawed ta aso_ ("dog +lawed"). + +[225] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100. + +[226] A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. See +_Aduarte_, Historia; _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It +is still found in many portions of the archipelago. + +[227] _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field +Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 82-83); _Hose_ +and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, pp. 194-195 +(MacMillan and Co., London, 1912); _Raffles_, History of Java, Vol. I, +pp. 192-193; _Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3rd edition (London, 1811), +p. 181; _Ferrais_, Burma, p. 105 (Low, Marston and Co., London, 1901); +_Peal_ (_Journ. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland,_ Vol. XXII, +p. 250, also Plate XIV, fig. No. 2). + +[228] _Rockhill_, _T'oung Pao_, Vol. XVI, 1915, pp. 268-269; _Blair_ +and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vols. II, p. 116; III, p. 209; IV, +p. 74; XXIX, p. 307; XL, p. 48, note; Philippine Census, Vol. I, +p. 482 (Washington, 1905). _De Morga_, Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas +(1609), see Hakluyt Soc. edition, pp. 338, _et seq._ (London, 1868). + +[229] Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo (Constable, London, +1904), pp. 282-283. See also _Low_, Sarawak--Its Inhabitants and +Productions, pp. 158, 209 (London, 1848). + +[230] _Op. cit._, Vol. I, pp. 193-194. + +[231] _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 434; _Marsden_, +_op. cit._, pp. 173, 181, 347 note. + +[232] Fifth Annual Report of the Mining Bureau of the Philippine +Islands, p. 31; Official Catalogue of the Philippine Exhibit, Universal +Exposition, p. 231 (St. Louis, 1904). + +[233] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. II, +pp. 116, 207; Vol. III, pp. 203, 270; Vol. IV, p. 98; Vol. V, p. 145; +Vol. VIII, p. 84; Vol. XII, p. 187; Vol. XVI, p. 106. _Zuniga_, +Estadismo (Retana's edition), Vol. II, pp. 41, 94. + +[234] _Foreman_, The Philippine Islands, p. 361 (London, 1892); +_Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indie, p. 308 (Groningen, 1906); +_Skeat_, _Man_, Vol. I. 1901, p. 178; _Raffles_, History of Java, +2d ed., Vol. I p. 186 (London, 1830); _Brendon_ _(Journal of Indian +Art and Industry,_ Vol. X, No. 82, pp. 17, _et seq._). + +[235] Weaving in cotton is a recent introduction among the neighboring +Bontoc Igorot. Formerly their garments were made of flayed bark, +or were woven from local fiber plants. The threads from the latter +were spun or twisted on the naked thigh under the palm of the +hand. Cf. _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 113 (Manila, 1905). + +[236] A similar device is used in Burma. + +[237] The same type of wheel is found in Java. See _Mayer_, Een Blik +in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 469 (Leiden, 1897). + +[238] A similar warp winder is described for Bombay (_Brendon_, +_Journal of Indian Art and Industry_, Vol. X, No. 82, 1903, pp. 17, +_et seq_.). + +[239] For the distribution of this semi-girdle or back strap, see _Ling +Roth_, Studies in Primitive Looms (_Journal Royal Anthrop. Inst_., +Vol. XLVI, 1916, pp. 294, 299). + +[240] These are: _alinau_ (_Grewia multiflora_ Juss.); _babaket_ +(_Helicteres hirsuta_ Lour.); _laynai_--a large tree, unidentified; +_lapnek_ (_Abroma_ sp.) _ka'a-ka'ag_, an unidentified shrub; _losoban_ +(_grewia_); _pakak_, unidentified; _anabo_ (_Hibiscus pungens_ Roxb.); +_bangal_ (_Sterculia foctida_ L.); _saloyot_ (_Corchoeus olitorius_ +L.) _labtang_ (_Anamirta cocculus_); _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.); +_alagak_ (_anona_); _maling-kapas_ (_Ceiba pentandra_ Gaertn.); +_betning_ and _daldalopang_, unidentified; _maguey_ (_Agave cantula_ +Roxb.); _bayog_--a variety of bamboo. + +[241] It is not essential that the oil be applied, and oftentimes +whole sections are colored before being split. + +[242] From _kawat_, the twisting of vines about a tree. + +[243] This is the Arnatto dye, an American plant. _Watt_, Dictionary, +Vol. I, p. 454. + +[244] This tattooing is accomplished by mixing oil and the black +soot from the bottom of a cooking pot, or the pulverized ashes of +blue cloth. The paste is spread over the place to be treated, and +is driven in with an instrument consisting of three or four needles +set in a piece of bamboo. Sometimes the piercing of the skin is done +before the color is applied; the latter is then rubbed in. + +[245] Blackening of the teeth was practised by the Zambal, also in +Sumatra and Japan. _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XVI, p. 78; _Marsden_, +History of Sumatra, P. 53. + +[246] See pp. 445, 456 for words and music. + +[247] Shallow copper gongs. + +[248] Reyes says that this song, _daleng_, is similar to the _dallot_ +of the Ilocano (Articulos varios, p. 32). + +[249] Similar instruments are used by the Igorot who suspend them +free and beat them as they dance. + +[250] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For +the music see p. 445. + +[251] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. + +[252] I use the word "modern" in this connection, as it pertains to +the music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, and +among whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation. + +[253] By reference to the analysis of Record I, _Da-eng_ (Boys and +girls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have +been made by one set of singers, apparently women and girls, who +sang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been +tabulated with the women's songs. + +[254] Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality +(for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466). + +[255] Record J, _Da-eng_ (Girls' part), shows this mark in the "Scale" +given below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this +song, p. 471). + +[256] I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our +American Indians. _Burton_ ("Primitive American Music") shows its +frequent use among the Chippeway. Miss _Fletcher_ also shows groups in +five in her "Omaha Music," and Miss _Densmore_ gives similar grouping +in her transcriptions of American Indian songs. + +[257] _Grove_, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV. + +[258] _Rowbotham_, History of Music. + + + + + + +End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tinguian, by Fay-Cooper Cole + +*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TINGUIAN *** + +***** This file should be named 12849.txt or 12849.zip ***** +This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: + https://www.gutenberg.org/1/2/8/4/12849/ + +Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team + +Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions +will be renamed. + +Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no +one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation +(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without +permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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