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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tinguian, by Fay-Cooper Cole
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Tinguian
+ Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe
+
+Author: Fay-Cooper Cole
+
+Release Date: July 8, 2004 [EBook #12849]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE TINGUIAN ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Distributed Proofreaders Team
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+The Tinguian
+Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe
+
+
+
+By
+Fay-Cooper Cole
+Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology
+
+
+
+1922
+
+
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+
+ List of Illustrations
+ Introduction
+ I. Geographical Relations and History
+ II. Physical Type and Relationships
+ III. The Cycle of Life
+
+ Birth
+ Childhood
+ Engagement and Marriage
+ Death and Burial
+ The Layog
+
+ IV. Religion and Magic
+ V. The Ceremonies
+
+ 1. The Minor Ceremonies
+ 2. The Great Ceremonies
+ 3. Special Ceremonies
+
+ VI. Social Organization. Government. The Village
+ VII. Warfare, Hunting, and Fishing
+VIII. Economic Life
+
+ Rice Culture
+ Cultivated Plants and Trees
+ Wild Plants and Trees
+ Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease
+ Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants
+ Domestic Animals
+
+ IX. Products of Industry
+
+ Iron-Working
+ Spinning and Weaving
+ Manufacture of Rope and String
+ Bark Cloth
+ Basket Making
+ Mats
+ Dyes
+ Net Making
+ Manufacture of Pottery
+ Pipe Making
+ Method of Drying Hides
+
+ X. Decorative Art
+ XI. Personal Adornment, Dances, and Musical Instruments
+ XII. Music, By Albert Gale
+ Conclusions
+
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+Text-Figures
+
+ 1. Child's Cradle and Jumper
+ 2. Diagram of a Game
+ 3. Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves
+ 4. Ceremonial Paraphernalia
+ 5. Household Objects
+ 6. Spoons and Ladles
+ 7. Types of Knives
+ 8. Head-axes
+ 9. Spears
+10. Shields
+11. Chicken Snare
+12. Bird Snares
+13. Fishing Devices
+14. Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter
+15. Agricultural Implements
+16. Devices Used in Spinning and Weaving
+17. Rope-Making Appliances
+18. Bark Beater
+19. Basket Weaves
+20. Net Needle and Mesh Stick
+21. Tobacco-Pipes
+22. Designs on Pipes and Pottery
+23. Decorative Designs
+24. Patterns Used in Weaving
+25. Blanket Designs
+26. Musical Instruments
+
+
+
+PLATES
+
+
+Frontispiece: Map of Northwestern Luzon.
+I. The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.
+II. Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera
+ Central.
+III. Manabo Man.
+IV. Man of Ba-ak.
+V. Manabo Woman.
+VI. Woman of Patok.
+VII. A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.
+VIII. A Young Man from Likuan.
+IX. Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw (Photograph from
+ Philippine Bureau of Science).
+X. A Woman from Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
+ of Science).
+XI. A Typical Small Boy (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
+ of Science).
+XII. The Baby Tender.
+XIII. A Betrothed Maiden.
+XIV. The Wedding.
+XV. Mothers and Babies.
+XVI. Funeral of Malakay.
+XVII. The Whipping at a Funeral.
+XVIII. Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.
+XIX. The Medium's Outfit.
+XX. Ceremonial Houses.
+XXI. Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.
+XXII. Spirit Houses in a Garden.
+XXIII. The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.
+XXIV. The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are
+ Placed. Ceremonies.
+XXV. The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.
+XXVI. Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.
+XXVII. The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.
+XXVIII. Gateway at Likuan.
+XXIX. Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.
+XXX. A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.
+XXXI. Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.
+XXXII. Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield.
+XXXIII. Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony.
+XXXIV. Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits.
+XXXV. The Sayang Ceremony.
+XXXVI. Potters at Work.
+XXXVII. A Family of Laba-an.
+XXXVIII. The Village of Sallapadin.
+XXXIX. Typical Houses.
+XL. House Building.
+XLI. Roofing a House.
+XLII. Water Carriers (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).
+XLIII. A Tinguian Housewife (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
+ of Science).
+XLIV. A Warrior.
+XLV. Hunter Fitted for the Trail.
+XLVI. Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey.
+XLVII. Shooting the Blowgun.
+XLVIII. Highland Field and Terraces at Patok.
+XLIX. The Rice Terraces near Likuan.
+L. Plowing in the Lower Terraces.
+LI. Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds.
+LII. Transplanting the Rice.
+LIII. Bird Scarers in the Fields.
+LIV. Harvesting the Rice.
+LV. The Rice Granary.
+LVI. Pounding Rice (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).
+LVII. Winnowing and Sifting (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
+ of Science).
+LVIII. Drying Corn.
+LIX. Breaking the Corn between Two Stones.
+LX. Preparing Tobacco.
+LXI. Feeding the Pigs.
+LXII. A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers.
+LXIII. Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread.
+LXIV. Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide.
+LXV. Spinning (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).
+LXVI. Weaving a Blanket.
+LXVII. Basket Making.
+LXVIII. Basket Types.
+LXIX. Basket Types.
+LXX. The Net Maker.
+LXXI. Ceremonial Blanket.
+LXXII. Blankets Showing Designs.
+LXXIII. Blankets Showing Designs.
+LXXIV. Woven Belts and Clouts.
+LXXV. Men of Sallapadin.
+LXXVI. Typical Dress of the Man.
+LXXVII. Women in Full Dress.
+LXXVIII. Customary Dress of the Woman.
+LXXIX. Women's Arm Beads.
+LXXX. Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout (Photograph from Philippine
+ Bureau of Science).
+LXXXI, 1. Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony.
+LXXXI, 2. Beating the Copper Gongs.
+LXXXII. The Nose Flute.
+LXXXIII. Playing on Bamboo Guitars.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+THE TINGUIAN
+
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+It seems desirable, at the outset, to set forth certain general
+conclusions regarding the Tinguian and their neighbors. Probably no
+pagan tribe of the Philippines has received more frequent notice in
+literature, or has been the subject of more theories regarding its
+origin, despite the fact that information concerning it has been
+exceedingly scanty, and careful observations on the language and
+physical types have been totally lacking.
+
+According to various writers, these people are descended from Chinese,
+Japanese, or Arabs; are typical Malay; are identical with the Igorot;
+are pacific, hospitable, and industrious; are inveterate head-hunters,
+inhospitable, lazy, and dirty. The detailed discussion of these
+assertions will follow later in the volume, but at this point I wish
+to state briefly the racial and cultural situation, as I believe it
+to exist in northwestern Luzon.
+
+I am under the impression that at one time this whole region was
+inhabited by pygmy blacks, known as Aeta or Negrito, small groups of
+whom still retain their identity. With the coming of an alien people
+they were pressed back from the coasts to the less hospitable regions
+of the interior, where they were, for the most part, exterminated,
+but they intermarried with the invaders to such an extent that to-day
+there is no tribe or group in northwestern Luzon but shows evidence
+of intermixture with them. I believe that the newcomers were drawn
+from the so-called primitive Malay peoples of southeastern Asia; that
+in their movement eastward and northward they met with and absorbed
+remnants of an earlier migration made up of a people closely related
+to the Polynesians, and that the results of this intermixture are
+still evident, not only in Luzon, but in every part of the Archipelago.
+
+In northern Luzon, I hold, we find evidences of at least two series
+of waves and periods of migration, the members of which are similar
+physical type and language. It appears, however, that they came
+from somewhat different localities of southeastern Asia and had, in
+their old homes, developed social organizations and other elements
+of culture radically different from one another--institutions and
+groupings which they brought with them to the Philippines, and which
+they have maintained up to the present time.
+
+To the first series belong the Igorot [1] with their institutions of
+trial marriage; division of their settlements into social and political
+units known as _ato_; separate dormitories for unmarried men and women;
+government by the federated divisions of a village as represented by
+the old men; and a peculiar and characteristic type of dwelling.
+
+In the second wave series we find the Apayo, the western division at
+least of the people known as Kalinga, the Tinguian, and Ilocano. [2] In
+none of these groups do we find the institutions just mentioned. Trial
+unions are unknown, and marriage restrictions are based solely on
+blood relationship; government is through the headman aided by the
+elders of his village, or is a pure democracy. Considerable variation
+exists between the dwellings of these four peoples, yet they conform
+to a general type which is radically different from that of the Igorot.
+
+The Apayao and Kalinga divisions of this second wave series, by reason
+of their environment, their more isolated localities and consequent
+lack of frequent communication with the coast, have a simpler culture
+than that of the Tinguian; yet they have, during many generations,
+developed certain traits and institutions now apparently peculiar
+to them. The Tinguian and Ilocano, on the other hand, have had the
+advantages of outside communication of extensive trade, and the
+admixture of a certain amount of foreign blood.
+
+These last two groups evidently left their ancient home as a unit,
+at a time prior to the Hindu domination of Java and Sumatra, but
+probably not until the influence of that civilization had begun to
+make itself felt. Traces of Indian culture are still to be found in
+the language, folklore, religion, and economic life of this people,
+while the native script which the Spanish found in use among the
+Ilocano seems, without doubt, to owe its origin to that source.
+
+After reaching Luzon, this people slowly broke up into groups which
+spread out over the provinces of Ilocos Sur and Norte, Union and
+Abra. The partial isolation of some of these divisions, local feuds,
+the universal custom of head-hunting, and the need of human victims to
+accompany the spirits of the dead, all doubtless aided in separating
+the tribe into a number of dialect groups,--groups which nevertheless
+retained the old culture to a surprising degree.
+
+Long before the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese and Japanese
+traders were visiting the Ilocos coasts. We are also informed that
+merchants from Macao and India went there from time to time, while
+trade relations with Pangasinan and the Tagalog provinces were well
+developed.
+
+The leavening influence of trade and contact with other peoples
+resulted in such advancement that this people was early mentioned as
+one of the six "civilized" tribes of the Philippines.
+
+Upon the arrival of Salcedo, the greater portion of the coast people
+accepted the rule of Spain and the Christian religion, while the
+more conservative element retired to the interior, and there became
+merged with the mountain people. To the Spaniards, the Christianized
+natives became known as Ilocano, while the people of the mountain
+valleys were called Tinguian, or mountain dwellers.
+
+If the foregoing sketch is correct, as I believe the data which follow
+prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a people living
+much the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced
+groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them
+early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer.
+
+This second and concluding section of Volume XIV gives the greater part
+of the results of an investigation carried on by me with the assistance
+of Mrs. Cole among the Tinguian, from January, 1907, to June, 1908;
+the funds for which were furnished Field Museum of Natural History by
+the late Robert F. Cummings. The further generosity of Mrs. Cummings,
+in contributing a fund toward the printing of this publication is
+also gratefully acknowledged.
+
+A collection of texts and a study of the language are contemplated
+for a separate volume, as is also the detailed treatment of the
+anthropometric data.
+
+For the transcription of the phonograph records and the chapter on
+Music, I am indebted to Mr. Albert Gale. His painstaking analysis
+establishes beyond question the value of the phonograph as an aid in
+ethnographic research.
+
+The photographs, unless otherwise noted, were taken by the author in
+the field.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+GEOGRAPHICAL RELATIONS AND HISTORY
+
+The Tinguian are a pagan Philippine people who inhabit chiefly the
+mountain province of Abra in northwestern Luzon. From this center
+their settlements radiate in all directions. To the north and west,
+they extend into Ilocos Sur and Norte as far as Kabittaoran. Manabo,
+on the south, is their last settlement; but Barit, Amtuagan,
+Gayaman, and Luluno are Tinguian mixed with Igorot from Agawa
+and Sagada. Villaviciosa is an Igorot settlement from Sagada, but
+Bulilising, still farther south, is predominantly Tinguian. Sigay in
+Amburayan is said to be made up of emigrants from Abra, while a few
+rancherias in Lepanto are likewise much influenced. The non-Christian
+population of Ilocos Sur, south of Vigan, is commonly called Tinguian,
+but only seven villages are properly so classed; [3] four others
+are inhabited by a mixed population, while the balance are Igorot
+colonies from Titipan, Sagada, and Fidilisan. Along the Cordillera
+Central, from the head-waters of the Saltan (Malokbot) river as far
+south as Balatok, is found a population of mixed Tinguian, Kalinga,
+and Igorot blood. Kalinga predominates north of Balbalasang and
+along the Gobang river, while the Igorot is dominant in Guina-an,
+Lubuagan, and Balatok. Tinguian intermarriage has not extended far
+beyond Balbalasang, but their culture and dress have affected the
+whole region. [4] From this belt there have been extensive migrations
+into Abra, the newcomers for the most part marrying with the Tinguian,
+but in the Ikmin river valley emigrants from Balatok formed the towns
+of Danok, Amti, and Doa-angan, which have remained quite isolated up
+to the present time. Agsimao and other towns of the Tineg group, in
+the extreme northern end of Abra, are made up chiefly of Apayao mixed
+with Kalinga, while all the villages on the headwaters of the Binongan
+have received emigrants from the Kagayan side. The population of the
+towns properly classed as Tinguian is approximately twenty thousand
+individuals. [5]
+
+From the foregoing it is seen that, with the exception of a few
+villages of mixed descent, all their territory lies on the western
+side of the Cordillera Central, [6] the great mountain range which
+runs from north to south through northern Luzon.
+
+As one emerges from the jungle, which covers the eastern slopes of
+these mountains, and looks down over the province of Abra, he sees
+an exceedingly broken land (Plates I and II), the subordinate ranges
+succeeding one another like the waves of the sea. The first impression
+is one of barrenness. The forest vanishes, and in its place are long
+grassy slopes, broken here and there by scattered pines and lower
+down by dense growths of the graceful, feathery bamboo. But this lack
+of trees is more fancied than real, for as one proceeds down any of
+the valleys he meets with side canyons, where the tropical jungle
+still holds sway, while many a mountain side is covered with a dense
+undergrowth of shrubs, plants, and vines. It seems probable that the
+forest once covered the western slopes of the mountains, but accident
+and intention on the part of man has cleared broad sections. As soon
+as the shade is removed, the land is invaded by a coarse grass (the
+_cogon_), and this is burned over each year in order to provide feed
+for the stock and to make good hunting grounds. The young trees are
+killed off and reforesting prevented.
+
+Numerous streams plunge from the high mountains toward the coast. In
+places they rush through deep gorges between high mountains, again
+they pass peacefully through mountain valleys. Everywhere they are
+fed by minor streams and waterfalls until at last, as they emerge
+into the broader valleys of the Abra and its tributaries, they are
+rivers of respectable size.
+
+The great central valley of Abra is far from being a level plain. In
+places, as about Manabo, Bukay, and Bangued, there are stretches
+of level land; but, for the most part, the country is rough and
+broken. This valley is cut off from the sea by the Coast Range of
+mountains which forms the provincial line between Abra and Ilocos
+Sur, while another heavy spur forms the northern limits of Abra from
+Ilocos Sur to the Cordillera Central. Two small and rather difficult
+passes afford entrance from the coastal plain into the valley, but
+the chief avenue of communication is the cut through which the Abra
+river reaches the sea. So narrow is this entrance that, at high water,
+the river completely covers the floor and often raises its waters
+ten or fifteen feet up the canyon side. In recent years a road has
+been cut in the rocks above the flood waters, but even to-day most
+of the traffic between Abra and the coast is carried on by means of
+rafts which are poled up the river. [7]
+
+The rainfall averages about one hundred inches, and most of this
+precipitation takes place between May and the end of September. This,
+coupled with the lack of forest, causes the rivers to become rushing
+torrents during the rainy season, while during the balance of the year
+most of them are mere rivulets. Under these conditions there has been
+no development of navigation by the mountaineers. On occasion they may
+construct a bamboo raft, but they possess no boats of any description.
+
+The great fluctuation of the streams makes fishing an uncertain
+occupation; yet at least a dozen varieties of fish are known, and
+enough are taken to add materially to the food supply.
+
+Deer and pig are fairly abundant, and a considerable number is killed
+each year; wild carabao roam the mountain sides and uninhabited
+valleys, but they are dangerous animals, and can seldom be taken with
+the primitive weapons of the natives. Wild chickens are plentiful,
+and many are snared, together with smaller birds. In fact, there
+is sufficient game and fish to support a considerable population,
+if the people would turn seriously to their capture, so that the
+oft repeated statement that the mountaineers of Abra were forced to
+agriculture is not entirely accurate. It seems much more probable that,
+at the time of their entrance into the interior valleys, the Tinguian
+were already acquainted with terraced hillside fields, and that they
+developed them as needed.
+
+The soil is fairly fertile, the rainfall abundant during the growing
+season, and the climate warm enough to insure good crops. The
+thermometer ranges between 80 deg. and 85 deg. during the day, but there is
+generally a land or sea breeze, so that actual discomfort from the
+heat is unusual. The nights are somewhat cooler, but a drop of a few
+degrees is felt so keenly that a person may be uncomfortarble at 70 deg..
+
+Fogs and cold rains are not uncommon during the wet season, while one
+or more typhoons can be expected each year. Earthquakes are likewise
+of occasional occurrence, but the construction of the houses is such
+that storms and earthquakes do much less damage than along the coast.
+
+There is no doubt that the natural ruggedness of the country and the
+long rainy season have had a strong influence on the people, but this
+has been chiefly in isolating them in small groups. The high mountains
+separating the narrow valleys, the lack of water transportation, the
+difficulty of maintaining trails, have all tended to keep the people
+in small communities, while the practice of head-hunting has likewise
+raised a barrier to free communication. Thus, the settlements within
+a limited area have become self-sustaining groups; a condition which
+has existed long enough to allow for the development of five dialects.
+
+The traditions of the Tinguian furnish us with no stories of an earlier
+home than Luzon, but there are many accounts of migrations from the
+coast back into the mountains, after the arrival of the Spaniards
+and the Christianization of the Ilocano. The fact that there is an
+historical background for these tales is amply proven by fragments
+of pottery and the like, which the writer has recovered from the
+reported sites of ancient settlements.
+
+The part played by this people in Philippine history is small indeed,
+and most of the references to them have been of an incidental nature.
+
+Apparently, they first came in contact with the Spanish in 1572 when
+Salcedo was entrusted with the task of subduing that part of Luzon
+now known as the Ilocano provinces. The people he encountered are
+described as being more barbarous than the Tagalog, not so light
+complexioned, nor so well clad, but husbandmen who possessed large
+fields, and whose land abounded in rice and cotton.
+
+Their villages were of considerable size, and each was ruled over by a
+local headman who owed allegiance to no central authority, There was
+a uniform, well recognized code of law or custom, and a considerable
+part of the population could read and write in a native script similar
+to that of the Tagalog. They also possessed gold, which was reported
+to have come from rich mines in the interior, and on primitive forges
+were turning out excellent steel weapons, but the use of fire-arms
+was unknown. According to _Reyes_, their weapons consisted of lances,
+bows and arrows, bolos, great shields which protected them from head
+to foot, blow guns and poisoned arrows. The newcomers also found a
+flourishing trade being carried on with Manila and the settlements
+in Pangasinan, as well as with the Chinese. This trade was of such
+importance that, as early as 1580 pirate fleets from Japan frequently
+scoured the coast in search of Chinese vessels and goods, while from
+time to time Japanese traders visited the Ilocos ports.
+
+Apparently trade relations were not interrupted for a considerable
+time after the arrival of the Spaniards, for in 1629 Medina states
+that ships from China, Macao, and India "are accustomed to anchor in
+these ports--and all to the advantage of this district." [8]
+
+That pre-Spanish trade was not restricted to the Ilocos provinces,
+but was active along the whole northern coast of Luzon has been amply
+proved by many writers. In fact, the inhabitants of Pangasinan not
+only had trade relations with Borneo, Japan, and China, [9] but it
+now seems probable that they can be identified as the Ping-ka-shi-lan
+who, as early as 1406, sent an embassy to China with gifts of horses,
+silver, and other objects for the emperor Yung-lo. [10]
+
+Trade relations of an even earlier date are evident throughout all
+this area, in the presence far in the interior of Chinese pottery of
+the fourteenth century and possibly of the tenth. [11]
+
+With friendly relations so long established, it is to be expected
+that many evidences of Chinese material culture would be found in all
+the northern provinces; and it is not unlikely that a considerable
+amount of Chinese blood may have been introduced into the population
+in ancient times, as it has been during the historic period. It does
+not seem probable, however that either the influence of Chinese blood
+or culture need have been stronger in the Ilocos provinces than in
+the other regions which they visited.
+
+When Salcedo attempted a landing at Vigan, he was at first opposed; but
+the superior weapons of the Spaniards quickly overcame all resistance,
+and the invaders took possession of the city, which they rechristened
+Fernandino. From this center they carried on an energetic campaign
+of reduction and Christianization. As fast as the natives accepted
+the rule of Spain, they were baptized and taken into the church, and
+so rapid was the process that by 1587 the Ilocano were reported to be
+Christianized. [12] In fact, force played such a part that Fray Martin
+de Herrada, who wrote from Ilocos in June, 1574, protested that the
+reduction was accomplished through fear, for if the people remained
+in their villages and received the rule of Spain and the Church, they
+were accepted as friends and forthwith compelled to pay tribute; but
+if they resisted and fled to other settlements, the troops followed
+and pillaged and laid waste their new dwellings. [13]
+
+Paralleling the coast, a few miles inland, is a range of mountains on
+the far side of which lie the broad valleys of the Abra river and its
+tributaries. The more conservative elements of the population retreated
+to the mountain valleys, and from these secure retreats bade defiance
+to the newcomers and their religion. To these mountaineers was applied
+the name Tinguianes--a term at first used to designate the mountain
+dwellers throughout the Islands, but later usually restricted to his
+tribe. [14] The Tinguian themselves do not use or know the appellation,
+but call themselves Itneg, a name which should be used for them but
+for the fact that they are already established in literature under
+the former term.
+
+Although they were in constant feuds among themselves, the mountain
+people do not appear to have given the newcomers much trouble until
+toward the end of the sixteenth century, when hostile raids against the
+coast settlements became rather frequent. To protect the Christianized
+natives, as well as to aid in the conversion of these heathens, the
+Spanish, in 1598, entered the valley of the Abra and established a
+garrison at the village of Bangued. [15]
+
+As before, the natives abandoned their homes and retreated several
+miles farther up the river, where they established the settlement
+of Lagangilang.
+
+From Bangued as a center, the Augustinian friars worked tirelessly to
+convert the pagans, but with so little success that _San Antonio_,
+[16] writing in 1738, says of the Tinguian, that little fruit was
+obtained, despite extensive missions, and that although he had made
+extraordinary efforts, he had even failed to learn their number.
+
+In the mountains of Ilocos Sur, the missionaries met with somewhat
+better success, and in 1704 _Olarte_ states that in the two preceding
+years one hundred and fifty-six "infidel Tinguianes" had been converted
+and baptized. Again, in 1760, four hundred and fifty-four converts are
+reported to have been formed into the villages of Santiago, Magsingal,
+and Batak. [17] About this time the work in Abra also took on a more
+favorable aspect; by 1753 three Tinguian villages, with a combined
+population of more than one thousand, had been established near
+Bangued, and in the next century five more settlements were added to
+this list. [18]
+
+In general the relations between the pagan and Christianized natives
+were not cordial, and oftentimes they were openly hostile; but
+despite mutual distrust the coast people have on several occasions
+enlisted the aid of the mountaineers against outside enemies. In
+1660 a serious revolt occurred in Pangasinan and Zambales, and
+the rebels, after gaining control of these provinces, started on a
+looting expedition in the northern districts. In the face of strong
+resistance they proceeded as far north as Badok, in Ilocos Sur,
+burning and pillaging many villages including the capital city of
+Vigan (Fernandino). The Tinguian came to the aid of the hard-pressed
+Ilocano, and their combined forces fell upon the enemy just outside
+the village of Narbacan. The tribesmen had previously made the road
+almost impassable by planting it thickly with sharpened sticks; and,
+while the invaders were endeavoring to remove these obstacles, they set
+upon them with great fury and, it is said, succeeded in killing more
+than four hundred of the Zambal, a part of whom they beheaded. [19]
+
+As Spanish rule was extended into the Tinguian territory, Ilocano
+settlers pressed in and acquired holdings of land. This led to many
+bitter disputes which were consistently settled in favor of the
+converts; but at the same time many inducements were offered the
+pagans to get them into the Christianized village. All converts were
+to be exempted from paying tribute, while their villages received
+many favors withheld from the pagan settlements. This failing to
+bring the desired results, all the nearby villages of the Tinguian
+were incorporated with the civilized pueblos, and thereafter they had
+to furnish the major part of all taxes and most of the forced labor.
+
+Following the appointment of Gov. Esteban de Pennarubia in 1868,
+the tribesmen suffered still greater hardships. Under his orders all
+those who refused baptism were to be expelled from the organized
+communities, an edict which meant virtual banishment from their
+old homes and confiscation of their property. Further, no Tinguian
+in native dress was to be allowed to enter the towns. "Conversions"
+increased with amazing rapidity, but when it was learned that many of
+the new converts still practiced their old customs, the governor had
+the apostates seized and imprisoned. The hostile attitude of Pennarubia
+encouraged adventurers from the coast in the seizure of lands and
+the exploitation of the pagans, and thus a deep resentment was added
+to the dislike the Tinguian already held for "the Christians." Yet,
+despite the many causes for hostility, steady trade relations have been
+maintained between the two groups, and the influence of the Ilocano
+has been increasingly strong. A little more than a half century ago
+head-hunting was still common even in the valley of Abra, where it is
+now practically unknown. As a matter of dire necessity the mountain
+people made raids of reprisal against the hostile Igorot villages
+on the eastern side of the great mountain range, and it is still the
+proud boast of many a man in the vicinity of Manabo that he took part
+in the raid which netted that village a score of heads from the towns
+of Balatok and Lubuagan. But, as will be seen later, head-hunting
+was by no means limited to forays against other tribes; local feuds,
+funeral observances, and the desire for renown, all encouraged the
+warriors to seek heads even from nearby settlements. Those incentives
+have not been entirely removed, and an occasional head is still taken
+in the mountain districts, but the influence of the Ilocano, backed
+by Spanish and American authority, is rapidly making this sport a
+thing of the past.
+
+The rule of Governor Pennarubia had so embittered the Tinguian against
+the "white man" that a considerable number joined the insurrecto
+troops to fight against the Spaniards and Americans. These warriors,
+armed with spears, shields, and head-axes, made their way to Malolos,
+where they joined the Filipino troops the day of the first American
+bombardment. The booming of cannon and the bursting of shells was
+too much for the warriors, and, as they express it, "the first gun
+was the beginning of their going home."
+
+Friendly relations with the insurgents were early destroyed by bands
+of armed robbers who, posing as Filipino troops, looted a number of
+Tinguian villages. In several localities the tribesmen retaliated by
+levying tribute on the Christianized villages, and in some instances
+took a toll of heads to square accounts. At this juncture the Americans
+appeared in Abra, and the considerate treatment of the pagans by the
+soldiers soon won for them a friendly reception. Later, as the result
+of the efforts of Commissioner Worcester, the Tinguian villages were
+made independent of Ilocano control, and the people were given the
+full right to conduct their own affairs, so long as they did not
+disturb the peace and welfare of the province.
+
+Under American rule the Tinguian have proved themselves to be
+quiet, peaceable citizens; a few minor disturbances have occurred,
+but none of sufficient importance to necessitate the presence of
+troops in their district. They have received less attention from the
+Government than most of the pagan tribes, but, even so, a measure of
+progress is discernible. They still stoutly resist the advances of
+the missionaries, but the few schools which have been opened for their
+children have always been crowded to overflowing; trade relations are
+much freer and more friendly than a decade ago; and with the removal
+of unequal taxes and labor requirements, the feelings of hostility
+towards "the Christians" are rapidly vanishing. It now seems probable
+that within one or two generations the Tinguian will again merge with
+the Ilocano.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+PHYSICAL TYPE AND RELATIONSHIPS
+
+From the time of the Spanish invasion up to the present, nearly every
+author who has mentioned the people of northern Luzon has described the
+Tinguian as being different from other Philippine tribes. The majority
+of these writers has pictured them as being of larger stature than
+their neighbors; as lighter in color, possessing aquiline features
+and mongoloid eyes; as being tranquil and pacific in character, and
+having a great aptitude for agriculture. From these characteristics
+they have concluded that they are probably descended from early Chinese
+traders, emigrants, or castaways, or are derived from the remnants of
+the pirate band of the Chinese corsair Limahon (Lin-fung), which fled
+into the mountains of Pangasinan after his defeat by Salcedo in 1574.
+
+These conjectures are strengthened by the reported discovery,
+in early times, of graves in northwestern Luzon, which contained
+bodies of men of large stature accompanied by Chinese and Japanese
+jewels. The undisputed fact that hundreds of ancient Chinese jars and
+dishes are still among the cherished possessions of the Tinguian is
+also cited as a further proof of a close relationship between these
+peoples. Finally it is said that the head-bands, jackets, and wide
+trousers of the men resemble closely those of the fishermen of Fukien,
+one of the nearest of the Chinese provinces. [20]
+
+Two writers, [21] basing their observations on color, physical
+resemblances, and the fact that the Tinguian blacken their teeth
+and tattoo their bodies, are convinced that they are the descendants
+of Japanese castaways; while _Moya_ [22] states that the features,
+dress, and customs of this people indicate their migration from the
+region of the Red Sea in pre-Mohammedan times.
+
+Finally, _Quatrefages_ and _Hamy_ are quoted as regarding the Tinguian
+as modern examples of "the Indonesian, an allophylic branch of the
+pure white race, non-Aryan, therefore, who went forth from India
+about 500 B.C." [23]
+
+_Dr. Barrows_ [24] classes all the pagan tribes of northern Luzon--the
+pygmies excepted--with the Igorot, a position assailed by _Worcester_,
+[25] particularly in regard to the Tinguian; but the latter writer
+is convinced that the Apayao and Tinguian are divisions of the same
+people, who have been separated only a comparatively short time.
+
+In the introduction to the present volume (p. 236) I have expressed
+the opinion that the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical, and that
+they form one of the waves of a series which brought the Apayao and
+western Kalinga to northern Luzon, a wave which reached the Islands
+at a later period than that represented by the Igorot, and which
+originated in a somewhat different region of southeastern Asia. [26]
+
+In order to come to a definite decision concerning these various
+theories, we shall inquire into the cultural, linguistic, and physical
+types of the people concerned.
+
+The most striking cultural differences between the Igorot and the
+Tinguian, indicated in the introduction, will be brought out in more
+detail in the following pages, as will also the evidence of Chinese
+influence in this region. Here it needs only to be restated, that
+there are radical differences in social organization, government,
+house-building, and the like, between the Igorot-Ifugao groups,
+and the Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga divisions.
+
+All the tribes of northwestern Luzon belong to the same linguistic
+stock which, in turn, is closely related to the other Philippine
+languages. There are local differences sufficiently great to make it
+impossible for people to communicate when first brought together,
+but the vocabularies are sufficiently alike, and the morphology of
+the dialects is so similar that it is the task of only a short time
+for a person conversant with one idiom to acquire a speaking and
+understanding knowledge of any other in this region. It is important
+to note that these dialects belong to the Philippine group, and there
+seems to be very little evidence of Chinese influence [27] either in
+structure or vocabulary. [28]
+
+The various descriptions of the physical types have been of such
+a conflicting nature that it seems best at this point to present
+rather detailed descriptions of the Tinguian, Ilocano, and Apayao,
+and to compare these with the principal measurements of the other
+tribes and peoples under discussion.
+
+For purposes of comparison, the Tinguian have been divided into a
+valley and mountain group; for, as already indicated, there has been a
+considerable movement of the mixed Kalinga-Igorot people of the upper
+Saltan (Malokbot) river, of Guinaan Lubuagan and Balatok, into the
+mountain districts of Abra, and these immigrants becoming merged into
+the population have modified the physical type to a certain extent.
+
+In the detailed description of the Ilocano, all the subjects have
+been drawn from the cities of Bangued in Abra, and Vigan in Ilocos
+Sur, in order to eliminate, so far as possible, the results of recent
+intermixture with the Tinguian,--a process which is continually taking
+place in all the border towns. The more general tabulation includes
+Ilocano from all the northern provinces.
+
+Aged and immature individuals have been eliminated from all the
+descriptions here presented. [29]
+
+
+_Ilocano_
+
+
+Observations on 19 Males from Vigan and Bangued
+
+ Range Average
+Height, standing meters 1.510 to 1.714 1.607
+Length of head " .164 to .191 .1787
+Breadth of head " .146 to .158 .1522
+Height of head " .120 to .144 .1316
+Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1373
+Length of nose " .043 to .054 .0485
+Breadth of nose " .034 to .046 .0382
+
+Cephalic index 85.1
+Length-Height index 73.0
+Breadth-Height index 86.2
+Nasal index 78.7
+
+
+_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin scale.
+
+_Hair_--Often black, but usually brown-black. 50 per cent straight
+and about 50 per cent slightly wavy. One case closely curled.
+
+_Forehead_--Usually high, broad, and moderately retreating, but
+sometimes vaulted.
+
+_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases flat.
+
+_Face_--Moderately high; broad and oval. Three cases angular.
+
+_Eye-slit_--Generally slightly oblique, moderately open, almond
+shape. Mongolian fold present in 45 per cent.
+
+_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high.
+Bridge:--Inclined to be concave, but often straight.
+Wings:--Middle thick and slightly arched or swelled.
+
+_Lips_:--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).
+
+_Ears_:--Outstanding. Lobes generally small and close growing, but
+are sometimes free.
+
+
+
+_Ilocano_ [30]
+
+_Observations Made By Folkmar_ (_See Album of Philippine Types,
+Manila_, 1904)
+
+
+37 Males of Ilocos Norte
+
+ Average
+Height, standing meters 1.593
+Length of head " .180
+Breadth of head " .151
+Length of nose " .055
+Breadth of nose " .040
+
+Cephalic index 84.39
+Nasal index 73.12
+
+
+
+59 Males of Ilocos Sur
+
+ Average
+Height, standing meters 1.596
+Length of head " .177
+Breadth of head " .150
+Length of nose " .053
+Breadth of nose " .039
+
+Cephalic index 85.06
+Nasal index 72.95
+
+
+31 Males of Union Province
+
+ Average
+Height, standing meters 1.590
+Length of head " .176
+Breadth of head " .151
+Length of nose " .050
+Breadth of nose " .039
+
+Cephalic index 85.72
+Nasal index 78.63
+
+
+193 Males from All Provinces
+
+ Average
+Height, standing meters 1.602
+Length of head " .178
+Breadth of head " .151
+Length of nose " .052
+Breadth of nose " .040
+
+Cephalic index 84.81
+Nasal index 75.44
+
+
+_Valley Tinguian_
+
+
+
+Observations on 83 Males (See Plates III, IV)
+
+ Range Average
+Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.572
+Length of head " 1.65 to .195 .1811
+Breadth of head " .140 to .164 .1507
+Height of head, 39 cases " .116 to .144 .1337
+Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1387
+Length of nose " .042 to .060 .0499
+Breadth of nose " .030 to .043 .0384
+
+Cephalic index 83.2
+Length-Height index 72.5
+Breadth-Height index 86.5
+Nasal index 76.9
+
+
+_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
+
+_Hair_--Varies from black to brownish black. Usually wavy, but straight
+in about one third.
+
+_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; slightly retreating, but
+sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in three
+cases.
+
+_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.
+
+_Face_--Moderately high and broad; cheek bones sufficiently outstanding
+to give face angular appearance, tapering from above, but oval faces
+are common.
+
+_Eye-slit_--Straight or slightly oblique; moderately wide open and
+inclined to be almond shaped; Mongolian fold slightly developed in
+about 20 per cent.
+
+_Nose_--Root:--middle broad and high, seldom small or flat.
+Bridge:--middle broad and usually straight, but 25 per cent are
+slightly concave, while two cases are convex.
+Wings:--In most cases are thin, but are commonly thick; both are
+slightly arched.
+
+_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).
+
+_Ears_--Outstanding, with small close-growing lobes.
+
+_Valley Tinguian_
+
+
+Observations on 35 Females (See Plates V, VI)
+
+ Range Average
+Height, standing meters 1.42 to 1.58 1.474
+Length of head " .161 to .186 .1743
+Breadth of head " .136 to .155 .1460
+Height of head (22 cases) " .119 to .138 .1301
+Breadth of zygomatic arches " .123 to .139 .1304
+Length of nose " .039 to .056 .046
+Breadth of nose " .030 to .042 .0354
+
+Cephalic index 83.7
+Length-Height index 74.6
+Breadth-Height index 88.6
+Nasal index 76.9
+
+
+_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
+
+_Hair_--Usually brown black, but black is common. Sometimes straight,
+but generally slightly wavy.
+
+_Forehead_--Considerable variation. Usually moderately high, broad,
+and vaulted, but is sometimes low and moderately retreating.
+
+_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.
+
+_Face_--Moderately high and oval. In a few cases angular, tapering
+from above.
+
+_Eye-slit_--Generally oblique, moderately open and almond shape. Is
+sometimes straight and narrowly open. Mongolian fold slightly developed
+in about 25 per cent.
+
+_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and either flat or slightly elevated.
+Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly concave. In five cases is straight
+and in two is convex.
+Wings:--Equally divided between thick and thin. Slightly arched.
+
+_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).
+
+_Ears_--Outstanding, with small, close growing lobes.
+
+_Mountain Tinguian_
+
+
+Observations on 62 Males (See Plates VII-VIII)
+
+ Range Average
+Height, standing meters 1.45 to 1.71 1.57
+Length of head " .171 to .203 .1856
+Breadth of head " .140 to .161 .1493
+Height of head (59 cases) " .115 to .154 .1316
+Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .149 .1385
+Length of nose (60 cases) " .043 to .059 .0512
+Breadth of nose (60 cases) " .033 to .046 .0399
+
+Cephalic index 80.4
+Length-Height index 70.9
+Breadth-Height index 87.4
+Nasal index 77.9
+
+
+_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
+
+_Hair_--Brown black, and slightly wavy.
+
+_Forehead_--Middle high to high, moderately broad, moderately
+retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly
+developed in five cases.
+
+_Crown and back of head_--Middle or strongly arched.
+
+_Face_--Moderately high. Cheek bones moderately outstanding giving face
+angular appearance, tapering from above. In seven cases face is oval.
+
+_Eye-slit_--Sometimes straight, but usually slightly oblique,
+moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in five cases.
+
+_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high, but sometimes high.
+Bridge:--Middle broad and straight. Seven cases concave and three
+convex.
+Wings:--Middle thick and arched.
+
+_Lips_--Middle thick, sometimes thin; double bowed.
+
+_Ears_--Outstanding; lobes generally small and close growing.
+
+_Mountain Tinguian_
+
+
+Observations on 16 Females (See Plates IX-X)
+
+ Range Average
+Height, standing meters 1.38 to 1.53 1.482
+Length of head " .163 to .188 .1782
+Breadth of head " .137 to .155 .1452
+Height of head " .119 to .137 .1303
+Breadth of zygomatic arches " .125 to .138 .1327
+Length of nose " .039 to .054 .0461
+Breadth of nose " .034 to .042 .0368
+
+Cephalic index 80.1
+Length-Height index 73.1
+Breadth-Height index 90.0
+Nasal index 79.8
+
+
+_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
+
+_Hair_--Brown-black and slightly wavy.
+
+_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; moderately retreating.
+
+_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched.
+
+_Face_--Moderately high and generally oval; sometimes angular tapering
+from above.
+
+_Eye-slit_--About equally divided between straight and oblique;
+moderately open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in one third
+of cases.
+
+_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and nearly flat, but sometimes
+moderately high.
+Bridge:--Middle broad and inclined to be concave. Straight noses occur.
+Wings:--Usually thin and inclined to be swelled.
+
+_Lips_--Middle thick and inclined to be double bowed.
+
+_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.
+
+_Apayao_
+
+
+Observations on 32 Males
+
+ Range Average
+Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.587
+Length of head " .175 to .199 .1877
+Breadth of head " .137 to .158 .1492
+Height of head " .119 to .155 .1331
+Breadth of zygomatic arches " .130 to .149 .1418
+Length of nose " .040 to .054 .0466
+Breadth of nose " .035 to .044 .0390
+
+Cephalic index 79.5
+Length-Height index 70.9
+Breadth-Height index 89.2
+Nasal index 83.6
+
+
+_Eyes_--Dark brown, 1 to 4 in Martin table.
+
+_Hair_--Brown black and wavy.
+
+_Forehead_--High and generally moderately retreating, but in about one
+third is vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in six cases.
+
+_Crown and back of head_--Rather strongly arched. Six cases (all from
+one village) showed slight flattening of occipital region.
+
+_Face_--Usually high. The cheek bones are moderately outstanding
+giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In eight cases
+face tapers from below, and in nine is oval.
+
+_Eye-slit_--Usually oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian
+fold in about 50 per cent.
+
+_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and flat or slightly elevated.
+Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly or strongly concave. Seven instances
+of straight noses occur.
+Wings:--Middle thick, arched or swelled.
+
+_Lips_--Middle thick and slightly double bowed.
+
+_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.
+
+_Bontoc Igorot_ [31]
+
+_Observations By Jenks_ (_See The Bontoc Igorot, Manila_, 1905)
+
+
+32 males Average Range
+Height, standing meters 1.6028
+Length of head " .1921
+Breadth of head " .1520
+Length of nose " .0525
+Breadth of nose " .0462
+
+Cephalic index 79.13 67.48 to 91.48
+Nasal index 79.19 58.18 to 104.54
+
+In this group 9 are brachycephalic
+ 20 are mesaticephalic
+ 3 are dolichocephalic
+
+
+_Color_--Ranges from light brown, with strong saffron undertone,
+to very dark brown or bronze.
+
+_Eyes_--Black to hazel brown. "Malayan" fold in large majority.
+
+_Hair_--Coarse, straight and black. A few individuals possess curly
+or wavy hair.
+
+_Nose_--Jenks gives no statement, but his photos show the root of the
+nose to be rather high; the bridge appears to be broad and straight,
+although in some individuals it tends toward concave.
+
+
+29 females Average Range
+Height, standing meters 1.4580
+Length of head " .1859
+Breadth of head " .1470
+Length of nose " .0458
+Breadth of nose " .0360
+
+Cephalic index 79.09 64.89 to 87.64
+Nasal index 78.74 58.53 to 97.56
+
+In this group 12 are brachycephalic
+ 12 are mesaticephalic
+ 5 are dolichocephalic
+
+
+Very different results were obtained by _Kroeber_ [32] from the group
+of Igorot exhibited in San Francisco in 1906. His figures may possibly
+be accounted for by the fact that about one third of the party came
+from Alap near the southern end of the Bontoc area, also, as he has
+suggested, by the preponderance of very young men. The figures for
+this group are as follows:
+
+
+Observations on 18 Males
+
+Average height 1.550 Range 1.46 to 1.630 "
+ length of head .186 .176 to .194 "
+ breadth of head .146 .138 to .153 "
+ bizygomatic width .135 .129 to .142 "
+ length of nose .041 .031 to .046 "
+ breadth of nose .040 .036 to .046 "
+
+ cephalic index 78.43
+ nasal index 99.8
+
+
+Observations on 7 Females
+
+Average height 1.486 Range 1.440 to 1.530 "
+ length of head .182 .171 to .191 "
+ breadth of head .143 .136 to .150 "
+ bizygomatic width .131 .127 to .136 "
+ length of nose .037 .033 to .042 "
+ width of nose .037 .036 to .038 "
+
+ cephalic index 78.59
+ nasal index 99.7
+
+
+From these descriptive sheets it is obvious that each tribe is made
+up of very heterogeneous elements, and each overlaps the other to a
+considerable extent; however, the number of individuals measured is
+sufficiently great for us to draw certain general conclusions from
+the averages of each group.
+
+It is at once evident that the differences between the Ilocano and the
+Valley Tinguian are very slight, in fact are less than those between
+the valley and mountain people of the latter tribe. The Ilocano
+appear to be slightly taller, the length of head a little less, and
+the breadth a bit more; yet there is an average difference of only
+two points in the cephalic indices of the two groups. The only other
+points of divergence are: the greater percentage among the Ilocano of
+eyes showing the Mongolian fold, and the occurrence of straight hair
+in about half the individuals measured. However, this latter feature
+may be more apparent than real; for the Ilocano cut the hair short,
+and a slight degree of waviness might readily pass unobserved.
+
+As we pass from the Valley to the Mountain Tinguian, and from them
+to the Apayao, we find the average stature almost constant, but the
+head becomes longer; there is a greater tendency for the cheekbones
+to protrude and the face to be angular, and there is a more frequent
+development of the supra-orbital ridges. The root of the nose is
+often flat and the bridge concave; while wavy hair becomes the rule
+in the mountains. There is a slight decrease, in the Tinguian groups,
+of eyes showing the Mongolian fold, but in the Apayao the percentage
+again equals that of the Ilocano.
+
+The Apayao present no radical differences to the Mountain Tinguian;
+yet, as already noted, the length and height of the head are
+slightly greater; the zygomatic arches more strongly developed;
+the face more angular; and the nose is broader as compared with its
+length. Evidences of former extensive intermixture are here apparent,
+while at the present time there is rather free marriage with the
+neighboring Kalinga and Negrito.
+
+Comparing these four groups with the Igorot, we find that the latter
+averages slightly taller than all but the Ilocano. The breadth of the
+head is about the same as the Ilocano; but the length is much greater,
+and there is, in consequence, a considerable difference in the cephalic
+index. Reference to our tables will show the Ilocano and both Tinguian
+divisions to be brachycephalic, while the Igorot is mesaticephalic. The
+average index of the Apayao also falls in the latter classification;
+but the variation from Igorot is greater than is indicated, for the
+Apayao skull is actually considerably shorter and narrower. In the
+length and breadth of the nose, the Igorot exceeds any of the groups
+studied, while the Malayan (Mongolian?) fold of the eye is reported
+in the great majority of cases. The bodily appearance of the Tinguian
+and Bontoc Igorot differs little, although the latter are generally of
+a slightly heavier build. Both are lithe and well proportioned, their
+full rounded muscles giving them the appearance of trained athletes;
+neither is as stocky or heavy set as are the Igorot of Amburayan,
+Lepanto, and Benguet.
+
+There is great variation in color among the members of all these
+tribes, the tones varying from a light olive brown to a dark reddish
+brown; but in general the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian are of a lighter
+hue than the mountain people.
+
+Observations on the Southern Chinese and the South Perak Malay are
+given below, not with the intention of connecting them with any one
+of the tribes of Luzon, but in order to test, by comparison, the
+theory of the Chinese origin of the Tinguian, and also to secure,
+if possible, some clue as to the relationships of both peoples.
+
+_The Southern Chinese_
+
+_Dr. Girard_, [33] as a result of his studies on the Chinese of
+Kwang-si, a province of southern China, expresses the belief that
+the population is greatly mixed, but all considered they appear more
+like Indo-Chinese than like the Chinese proper (that is, Northern
+Chinese). _Deniker_ [34] comes to a similar conclusion from a study
+of the results obtained by many observers.
+
+_Girard_ gives the following measurements for 25 males of Kwang-si:
+
+
+ Range Average
+Height, standing meters 1.528 to 1.748 1.616
+Length of head " .1815
+Breadth of head " .1435
+Height of head " .1270
+Length of nose " .04648
+Breadth of nose " .03876
+
+Cephalic index 73. to 85. 79.52
+Length-Height index 69.9
+Breadth-Height index 88.5
+Nasal index 67. to 95. 82.98
+
+
+_Deniker_ (p. 578) gives the average height of 15,582 males, mostly
+Hakka of Kwang-tung, as 1.622. The cephalic index of 61 living subjects
+and 84 crania, principally from Canton, he finds to be--Living 81.2;
+crania 78.2.
+
+_Martin_ [35] presents the following data: Average height of
+males--1.614; average height of females--1.498. Cephalic index
+(49 males)--81.8. Length-Height index (49 males)--66.5. Nasal index
+(49 males)--77.7. [36]
+
+_South Perak Malay_ [37]
+
+_Observations by Annandale and Robinson_ (_Fasciculi Malayenses,
+Pt_. I, pp. 105 _et seq_., _London_, 1903).
+
+
+37 males Range
+Average
+Height, standing meters 1.488 to 1.763 1.594
+Length of head " .173 to .198 .182
+Breadth of head " .141 to .162 .149
+Height of head (tragus to vertex) " .119 to .146 .135
+Breadth of zygomatic arches " .120 to .150 .139
+Length of nose " .0413 to .0525 .0477
+Breadth of nose " .0337 to .0437 .0358
+
+Cephalic index 82.3
+Length-Height index 73.9
+Nasal index 81.2
+
+
+_Color_--Varies from dark olive to red; less commonly olive or
+yellowish
+white.
+
+_Eyes_--Black, sometimes reddish brown.
+
+_Hair_--Appears to be straight in most cases, but being cut short a
+slight waviness might not be noticed. Black.
+
+A comparison of these figures with those of our Luzon groups brings out
+several interesting points. It shows that the Tinguian are not related
+to the Chinese, "because of their tall stature;" for they are, as a
+matter of fact, shorter than either the Chinese or Igorot. It is also
+evident that they resemble the southern Chinese no more than do the
+people of Bontoc. Further it is seen that both the Tinguian-Ilocano
+and the Chinese show greater likeness to the Perak Malay than they
+do to each other. As a matter of fact, we find no radical differences
+between any of the peoples discussed; despite evident minor variations,
+the tribes of northwestern Luzon approach a common type, and this type
+appears not to be far removed from the dominant element in southern
+China, Indo-China, and Malaysia generally, a fact which probably can
+be attributed to a common ancestry in times far past. [38]
+
+With this data before us, we might readily dismiss most of the theories
+of early writers as interesting speculations based on superficial
+observation; but the statement that the Tinguian are derived from
+the pirate band of Limahon has received such wide currency that it
+deserves further notice. It should be borne in mind that the scene
+of the Chinese disaster was in Pangasinan, a march of three days
+to the south of the Tinguian territory. It is unlikely that a force
+sufficiently large to impress its type on the local population could
+have made its way into Abra, without having been reported to Salcedo,
+who then had his headquarters at Vigan.
+
+As early as 1598 the Tinguian were so powerful and aggressive that
+active steps had to be taken to protect the coast people from their
+raids. Had they been recognized as being essentially Chinese--a
+foreign, hostile population--some mention of that fact must certainly
+have crept into the Spanish records of that period. Such data are
+entirely wanting, while the exceedingly rich traditions of the Tinguian
+[39] likewise fail to give any evidence of such an invasion.
+
+The presence of large quantities of ancient Chinese pottery in Abra
+must be ascribed to trade, for it is inconceivable that a fugitive band
+of warriors would have carried with them the hundreds of jars--many
+of large size--which are now found in the interior.
+
+The reputed similarity of the garments of the men to those of Fukien
+fishermen is likewise without value, for at the time of the Spanish
+invasion both Ilocano and Tinguian were innocent of trousers. It
+was not until the order of Gov. Pennarubia, in 1868, barring all
+unclad pagans from the Christianized towns, that the latter donned
+such garments. To-day many of the men possess full suits, but the
+ordinary dress is still the head-band, breech-cloth, and belt.
+
+Finally, it seems curious that the Tinguian should be of "a pacific
+character" because of the fact that they are descended from a band
+of Chinese pirates.
+
+Summarizing our material, we can say of the Tinguian, that they are a
+rather short, well-built people with moderately high, brachycephalic
+heads, fairly high noses, and angular faces. Their hair is brown black
+and inclined to be wavy, while the skin varies from a light olive
+brown to a dark reddish brown. A study of our tables shows that within
+this group there are great extremes in stature, head and nasal form,
+color, and the like, indicating very heterogeneous elements in its
+make-up. We also find that physically the Tinguian conform closely to
+the Ilocano, while they merge without a sharp break into the Apayao
+of the eastern mountain slopes. When compared to the Igorot, greater
+differences are manifest; but even here, the similarities are so many
+that we cannot classify the two tribes as members of different races.
+
+We have seen that this people approaches the southern Chinese in
+many respects, but this is likewise true of all the other tribes
+under discussion and, hence, we are not justified, on anatomic
+grounds, in considering the Tinguian as distinct, because of Chinese
+origin. The testimony of historical data and language leads us to the
+same conclusions. Chinese influence, through trade, has been active
+for many centuries along the north and west coast of Luzon, but it
+has not been of a sufficiently intimate nature to introduce such
+common articles of convenience and necessity as the composite bow,
+the potter's wheel, wheeled vehicles, and the like.
+
+The anatomical data likewise prevent us from setting this tribe apart
+from the others, because of Japanese or Indonesian origin.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+THE CYCLE OF LIFE
+
+_Birth_.--The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian,
+but coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship
+to the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are
+frequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted as true by
+the mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility
+of the husband and wife by magical acts, performed in connection with
+the marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be
+affected if she eats peculiar articles of food, [40] and unappeased
+desires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the
+expectant mother and the child. [41] The close relationship which
+exists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out
+by various facts; for instance, the husband of a pregnant woman is
+never whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result
+in injury to the child.
+
+The fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not
+agree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the Tinguian. It is
+doubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to
+his attention, he would explain it by reference to the tales of former
+times, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized
+society, he seldom rationalizes about the well-known facts--religious
+or otherwise--generally held by his group to be true.
+
+It is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, an _anito_
+woman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same
+time. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not seem to be
+closely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow
+the same procedure for a time after delivery (cf. p. 268).
+
+According to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed
+at times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which under their
+care developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy a prominent
+place in the tribal mythology. [42] In the tales we are told that a
+frog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up
+the spittle of Aponitolau, [43] a maid conceived when the head-band
+of her lover rested on her skirt, [44] while the customary delivery
+of children during the mythical period seems to have been from between
+the fingers of the expectant mother. [45] _Anitos_ and, in a few cases,
+the shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women, [46]
+but children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a
+miscarriage is thought to be the result of union with the inhabitants
+of the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to
+become angry or sorrowful lest her "blood become strong and the child
+be born." Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried
+women; but such instances are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much
+desired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in
+no way injured by the possession of an illegitimate child. [47]
+
+Except for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any
+offerings or to cause any changes in the daily life of the pregnant
+woman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a
+family gathering is held about a month before the anticipated event,
+at which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look
+on. After completing this meal, she places two bundles of grass, some
+bark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The
+significance of the act is not clear to the people, but it is "an
+old custom, and is pleasing to the spirits."
+
+Shortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are
+summoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of the room,
+they place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts [48] for all
+the spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars
+covered with _alin_ leaves are distributed about the house and yard;
+one sits on a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the
+dwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with
+a bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance
+is placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are later used
+to hold the cooked rice which is offered to the _Inginlaod_, spirits
+of the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and
+to it is attached a long narrow cloth of many colors. Last of all, a
+bound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east.
+
+When all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on the _tong-a-tong_
+(cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its
+side with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriate _diams_
+(cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their
+bodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure the health
+and happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear,
+that "as it shakes out the water, so may the evil spirits be thrown out
+of the place." [49] Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal
+and, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart,
+which he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the
+expectant woman, "so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection
+against harm," and also touches the other members of the family. [50]
+She next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it
+is possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307).
+
+While the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends
+and relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which is now
+served. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are
+placed in a wooden dish and set among other gifts intended for the
+superior beings.
+
+Following the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until
+late afternoon when the ceremony known as _Gipas_--the dividing--is
+held. [51] The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit,
+covers her shoulder with a sacred blanket, [52] and in company with
+the oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of
+the room, where a bound pig lies with a narrow cloth extending along
+its body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the
+exact center of the animal, and then with her left hand each seizes a
+leg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which
+they hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. In this way the
+mortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth
+they have no claims to it. The spirit and the old man drink _basi_,
+to cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end.
+
+The small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the
+sacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they remain until
+the child is born, "so that all the spirits may know that _Gipas_
+has been held." A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small
+present are given to the mediums, who then depart.
+
+In San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid
+betel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided with
+the head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains
+for her own use the share given to the spirits.
+
+In the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is
+generally a small section in one corner, where the flooring is of
+bamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the
+ordinary dwellings there is no specified location.
+
+The patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a
+rope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter about the height
+of her shoulders. [53] She draws on this, while one or more old women,
+skilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on
+the abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with
+a bamboo knife, [54] and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery
+be hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and
+flesh offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid.
+
+If the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese
+dish close to its ear, and strikes against it several times with a
+lead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped
+in a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the house. There is no belief
+here, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the
+spirits of unborn or still-born children form the chief recruits for
+the army of evil spirits.
+
+The after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves,
+"so that the child will grow like that lusty plant," and is then
+intrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the
+greatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while the jar is in
+his possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired
+that the infant shall become a great hunter, the jar is hung in the
+jungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman,
+it is placed in the river; but ill fortune is in store for the baby
+if the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree
+or to ascend a mountain.
+
+These close ties between the infant and the after-birth are
+easily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close
+relationship between a person and any object recently handled by him
+(cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth soon
+disappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the
+folk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of spirits, known
+as _alan_, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real
+child, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals. [55]
+
+Immediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo
+framework (_baitken_), [56] which he fills with ashes, and places in
+the room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly
+for twenty-nine days [57] For this fire he must carefully prepare each
+stick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would
+have lumps on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire;
+firstly, "to keep the mother warm;" secondly, as a protection against
+evil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and
+dominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits are wont to frequent
+a house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always
+kept burning below the house or beside the ladder at such a time. [58]
+
+When the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted
+rice-winnower, and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to
+bear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the
+woman asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it,
+pronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised and
+dropped, with the injunction, "When your mother sends you, you go,"
+or "You must not be lazy." If it is a boy, it may be instructed,
+"When your father sends you to plow, you go."
+
+Among the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person
+who is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the winnower,
+meanwhile saying, if to a boy, "Here is your light when you go to
+fight. Here is your light when you go to other towns." If the child
+is a girl, she says, "Here is your light when you go to sell things."
+
+In the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for
+"the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear to
+the spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child
+hard and sturdy." Just before the naming, the rice winnower is circled
+above the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying,
+"Come and take this child, or I shall take it." Then, as the infant
+still remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name. [59]
+
+A Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often
+it receives two names--one for a relative in the father's family,
+and one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some
+event, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently added. [60]
+Certain names, such as Abacas ("worthless"), Inaknam ("taken up"),
+and Dolso ("rice-chaff") are common. If the infant is ailing, or if
+the family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is
+named in the regular way, then is placed on an old rice winnower,
+and is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing
+this will think that the child is dead, and will pay no more heed
+to it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child
+up and carry it back to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such
+a case it is probable that the new name will recall the event. [61]
+
+If a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive
+its name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few days. In this
+manner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor
+for which it was named; yet the newborn is not forced to bear a title
+which is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness
+may also result in the giving of a new name. [62] In such a case a
+small plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which
+have caused the illness.
+
+According to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and
+the medium says, "Your name is ----;" at the same time she strikes the
+tree with a knife. If the tree "sweats," the name is satisfactory;
+otherwise, other names are mentioned until a favorable sign is
+obtained. [63] The writer found no trace of such procedure in any
+part of the Tinguian belt.
+
+For a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict
+set of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in which certain herbs
+and leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled. [64] Beginning
+with the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each
+day, at least one of which is in cold water. From the tenth to the
+twenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then
+to the end of the month she continues the one hot bath. Until these
+are completed, the family must keep a strip of _ayabong_ bark burning
+beneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As
+an additional defence, a miniature bow and arrow, and a bamboo shield,
+with a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (Fig. 4, No. 1).
+
+On the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks,
+and a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders is an old
+blanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which "helps her
+in her weakness, and protects her from evil beings." She carries a
+coconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped
+she goes to the village spring. Arriving there, she cleans the dishes
+"as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care
+for herself;" then she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it
+burning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When
+she returns to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are
+placed above the spot, where she and the baby sleep.
+
+On the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame
+is fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's mat,
+"so that all can see that the family has followed the custom." As
+the frame is carried out, the mother calls to the _anito_ mother
+(cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire.
+
+In the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits
+are besought to look to the child's welfare is held about the third
+day after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken
+or a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered up. At
+the conclusion a small _saloko_ [65] containing an egg is attached
+to one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day
+event attended by all the friends and relatives of the family. Here,
+in place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the
+roof, for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits
+what the people are doing.
+
+In the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just
+related, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman is one
+of those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have
+been wont to describe as giving birth to her children without bodily
+discomfort. _Reyes_ [66] tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord,
+after which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing
+soiled during the birth. _Lerena_ likewise credits her with delivering
+herself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then,
+without further ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as
+before. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child;
+or, if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and
+then gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao. [67]
+
+Throughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing
+further of importance takes place for about two years, providing
+the child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium
+will be summoned to conduct the _Ibal_ ceremony. [68] For this a pig
+or rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the
+medium squats before it and, stroking its side with oiled fingers,
+she chants the following _diam_.
+
+"Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After
+they arrive, those who live in the same town, 'We go and dance with
+the heads,' said the people, who live in the same town, 'because they
+make a celebration, those who went to kill.' 'When the sun goes down,
+you come to join us,' said the mother and baby (to her husband who
+goes to the celebration). After that the sun truly went down; she
+went truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there),
+the mother and the baby (i.e., when the father arrived where they
+had agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there).
+
+"He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the
+mother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed
+them. 'Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I
+get them?' When he raises the mother and the baby, they go (back)
+into the ground. After that Kaboniyan above, looking down (said),
+'What can you do? The spirits of Ibal in Daem are the cause of their
+trouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law,
+and you go and prepare the things needed in Ibal,' said Kaboniyan.
+
+"They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things)
+to the gate. After that the mother and child came out of the
+ground. 'After this when there is a happening like this, of which you
+Ipogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., make the Ibal ceremony);
+and I alone, Kaboniyan am the one you summon,' said Kaboniyan.
+
+"After that they got well because they came up, the mother and
+the baby."
+
+When the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is
+prepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions
+of Kaboniyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village;
+after which it is possible that this powerful spirit will visit the
+gathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions
+for the care of the infant.
+
+In the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this
+ceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the pregnancy
+is not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into
+the form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, was placed on the
+mat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature
+shield and bow and arrow which hung above the baby, and attempted to
+shoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the
+image, and after a sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They
+then secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure,
+which was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained
+that, in the first place, the figure represented the child, and
+had the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died;
+later, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when that being
+saw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the
+village. Several other spirits then entered the body of the medium,
+and after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice.
+
+When the child is about two years old, a ceremony known as _Olog_
+[69] is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat,
+[70] and at once begin to recite _diams_ over the body of a bound
+pig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is
+rubbed against the breast of each member of the family. The medium
+then resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit
+who takes charge of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is
+rubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, "so
+that it will not cry any more;" next, he orders that the intestines
+of the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be carried
+to the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot,
+the mediums make a "stove" by driving three sticks into the ground,
+so as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle
+of rice-straw. Beside the "stove" is placed a branch, each leaf of
+which is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is
+brought up to the fire, and is crowned with the intestines; while one
+of the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick, [71]
+to attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster,
+and with this in one hand and a spear in the other, she marches five
+times around the fire meanwhile reciting a _diam_. At the conclusion of
+this performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice,
+is scattered on the ground. At the same time the medium calls to
+all the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the
+child to become ill. The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered,
+but after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people.
+
+At the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for
+the intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes the
+ceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their
+home, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile calling
+out eight times, "You are in a heavy storm." The significance of
+this sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, and is
+evidently very ancient.
+
+In the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat
+takes the child to a nearby _saloko_. As he returns, he is sprinkled
+by a medium, who says, "You are wet from the rain; in what place
+did you get wet?" He replies, "Yes, we are wet from the rain; we
+were wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);" then placing two small
+baskets in the _saloko_, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon
+the father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child;
+suddenly spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the
+house, saying, "Here are the mother and the child."
+
+The following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts,
+ready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk with many
+branches. This is then planted beside the spring, "so that the child
+will grow and be strong like the bamboo." The sight of all these
+good things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be
+inclined to grant to the child many favors.
+
+When the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut
+shell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's face
+"to keep it from crying, and to keep it well." This done, they tie
+a knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign that no person
+may enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day. [72]
+
+A ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when
+evil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and the child,
+when the delivery is long overdue, or when an _anito_ child [73]
+has been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm
+themselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the dwelling,
+where they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this,
+together with nine coconut shells filled with _basi_, is placed beneath
+the house for the _anitos_ to eat. While the spirits are busy with
+this repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out
+a window and taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting,
+and at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts
+with their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept
+from noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven to a
+distance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which
+they return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon as they reach the
+top of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes "to blind the eyes
+of the _anitos_, so that they cannot see to come up." [74] She likewise
+breaks a number of small jars, "which look like heads," as a threat of
+the treatment which awaits them if they attempt to return to the house.
+
+Within the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits,
+and all who have participated in the _anito_ driving are feasted.
+
+Next morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evil
+_anito_, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon,
+bamboo, and _atis_ leaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice
+straw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected
+against any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying
+events of the previous night.
+
+_Childhood_.--When outside the house, small babies are always carried
+by their mothers or older sisters (Plate XV). The little one either
+sits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back,
+and is held in place by her arm or by a blanket which passes over one
+shoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that
+it can nurse whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for
+feeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children
+continue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by
+newcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such as rice,
+while very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and
+sweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see a mother take the pipe
+from her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus
+acquire the habit of using tobacco at a very early age, and continue
+it through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is
+accomplished by rubbing the breasts with powdered chile peppers,
+or plants with sour flavor.
+
+A crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and
+this is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which is
+suspended across one corner of the room (Fig. 1, No. 2). The pole
+bends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to
+sleep. Another device in which small children are kept is known as
+_galong-galong_. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip
+of split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips
+are vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an
+open box-like frame (Fig. 1, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child
+is put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is
+suspended from a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either
+as a swing or walker, as desired.
+
+When the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, she
+carries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the
+cold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, and
+frequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the
+water. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal any more than
+European youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon
+overcome, and they go to the streams to paddle and play, and quickly
+become excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide
+beneath large rocks; and oftentimes a whole troop of naked youngsters
+may be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones,
+and occasionally shouting with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn
+out with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps,
+and their catch often adds variety to the family meal.
+
+Children are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real
+affection for the youngsters, and find time to devote to them. A
+man is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress
+the babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a similar sign of
+affection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the
+breath in suddenly. A mother is often heard singing to her babes,
+but the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a
+single sentence repeated over and over. Aside from the daily bath,
+the child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years
+of its life. It has no birthdays, its hair is never cut, unless it be
+that it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing
+only on very special occasions. The children are by no means innocent
+in sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed
+all curiosity and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes
+are no freer than in civilized communities.
+
+When garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the
+elders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing without
+any sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance,
+the fording of a stream, or when a number of both sexes happen to be
+bathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to
+immodesty or lewdness, and a person who is careless about the acts,
+which are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of
+scorn quite as much as he would be in a more advanced community.
+
+The first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by
+sticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A more elaborate
+plaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened
+together with cords at top, center, and bottom. When this is held near
+the middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as
+if alive.
+
+Stilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes
+used by the older children, but the more popular local variety is
+made by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The
+youth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells with the lines
+passing between the first two toes, and then walks.
+
+Flat boards with cords attached become "carabao sleds," and in
+these immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. A
+similar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a
+"plough" or "horse," as is desired. Imitation carabao yokes are much
+prized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals
+or drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting a thin piece of bamboo
+on a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise,
+and is excellent to use in frightening stray horses. Blow-guns, made
+out of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with
+a pop-gun of similar construction. A wad of leaves is driven through
+with a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled.
+
+Tops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun,
+or are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those of other
+players, with the intention of splitting or marking them.
+
+Quite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which
+they industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their mothers.
+
+While still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives
+made of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years of
+age, they are permitted to carry long _bolos_, and before puberty
+they are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (Plate XI). In
+the mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for
+groups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark shields,
+to carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and
+oftentimes they return to the village with a good catch of small birds.
+
+Full grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies,
+small chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao make excellent
+playfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth,
+the young carabao is taken possession of by the children, who will
+fondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head
+or tail. Soon they gain confidence, and find similar amusements with
+the full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious,
+especially around white men, but they recognize their masters in the
+little brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the
+greater part of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys.
+
+When not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it
+is probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked little
+savages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming
+hole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which sleeping pigs can be
+easily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess
+a tin can, secured from some visiting traveller, they quickly convert
+it into a drum or _gansa_, and forthwith start a celebration. All can
+dance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps.
+
+In addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs,
+which are heard whenever the children are at play. They make a swing
+by tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then,
+as they swing, they sing:
+
+
+"Pull swing. My swing is a snake.
+Do not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake.
+Do not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard.
+Do not tremble or shake."
+
+
+When a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice
+chaff, they chant:
+
+
+"Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman.
+Make a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar.
+Pop, pop, like the coconut shell dish.
+Sagai, sagai, [75] make a noise like the big jar."
+
+
+When the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing
+over and over:
+
+
+"Deep water here; high land there."
+
+
+A favorite game is played by a number of children. Part stand on the
+edge of a bank, part below. Those above sing, "Jump down, where the
+big stone is, the big stone which swallows people. Big stone, which
+swallows people, where are you?" To this the children below reply,
+"I am here. I am the big rock which swallows men. Come down here." As
+those on the bank jump down, they are piled upon, and a free-for-all
+tussel ensues. In the midst of this, one of the players suddenly sings
+out, "I am a deer in--, I am very fat." With this he starts off on a
+run, and the rest of the party, now suddenly transformed into dogs,
+take up the chase, yelping and barking. When the deer becomes tired,
+he makes for the water, where he is considered safe; but if he is
+caught, he is rolled and bitten by the dogs.
+
+Another game played by both boys and girls is known as _maysansani_,
+and is much like hide-and-go-seek. One boy holds out an open hand,
+and the others lay their fingers in his palm, while the leader counts,
+_maysansani_, _duan-nani_, _mataltali_, [76] _ocop_. As _ocop_ ("four"
+or "ready") is pronounced, the boy quickly closes his hand in order to
+catch a finger. If he succeeds, the prisoner puts his hands over his
+eyes, and the leader holds him, while the others run and hide. When
+all are ready, he is released, and then must find all the players;
+or he is beaten on the forearm with the first and second fingers of
+all the participants, or they may pick him up by his head and feet,
+and whirl him about.
+
+Like European children, they have a set of small sayings or acts for
+use on appropriate occasions. A youngster may come up to another who
+is eating a luscious mango; when requested for a bite, he is apt to
+draw down the lower lid of his eye and coolly answer, "I will make a
+sound like swallowing for you," and then go on with the feast. He may
+even hold out the tempting fruit, as if to comply with the request,
+then suddenly jerk it back and shout "kilat." [77] This is often the
+signal for a scuffle.
+
+As the children grow older, they begin more and more to take their
+place in the village life. The little girl becomes the chief guardian
+of a new arrival in the family; and with the little one strapped on
+her back, she romps and plays, while the baby enjoys it all or sleeps
+serenely (Plate XII). The boy also assists his father and mother in
+the fields, but still he finds some time for games of a more definite
+character than those just described. Probably the most popular of
+these is known as _agbita_ or _lipi_.
+
+This is played with the large disk-shaped seeds of the _lipi_ plant
+(Ilocano _lipai_). Each player puts two disks in line, then all go
+to a distance and shoot toward them. The shooter is held between the
+thumb and first finger of the left hand, and is propelled forward by
+the index finger of the right. The one whose seed goes the farthest
+gets first shot, and the others follow in order. All seeds knocked
+down belong to the player, and if any are still in line after each
+has had his turn, the leader shoots again. When each boy has had two
+shots, or when all the disks are down, a new line is made; and he
+whose seed lies at the greatest distance shoots first.
+
+Another common game is _patpatinglad_, which has certain resemblances
+to cricket. A small cylinder-shaped missel, called _papa-anak_
+("little duck"), about four inches long, is set in a shallow groove,
+so that one end stands free; it is then struck and batted with a bamboo
+stock--_papa-ina_ ("mother duck"). The lad who has driven his missel
+the farthest is the winner, and hence has the privilege of batting
+away the _papa-anak_ of the other players, so that they will have to
+chase them. If he likes, he may take hold of the feet of a looser
+and compel him to walk on his hands to secure this missel. A loser
+is sometimes taken by the head and feet, and is swung in a circle,
+
+A game frequently seen in the lowland valleys is also common to the
+Ilocano children, who call it San Pedro. Lines are drawn on the ground
+to enclose a space about thirty feet square (see diagram Fig. 2). The
+boys at d try to run between the lines, and at the same time evade
+the guards a, b, and c. Guard a can run along line 1, or 4 as far
+as 2. Guard b must stay on line 2; and c must keep on 3. When the
+runners are captured, they become the guards.
+
+From the preceding paragraphs it may be surmized that the youth is
+quite untrained and untaught. It is true that he spends no time in a
+class-room; he passes through no initiation at the time of puberty,
+neither are there ceremonies or observances of any kind which reveal
+to him the secret knowledge of the tribe, yet he quickly learns his
+place in society, and at an early age begins to absorb its customs and
+beliefs. He sits about the village fires in the evenings, and listens
+to the tales of long ago, or hears the elders discuss the problems
+of their daily life. During the hot midday hours, he lounges in the
+field-houses, while his parents relate the fate of lazy children;
+or tell of punishments sent by the spirits on those who fail to
+follow the customs of the ancestors, or give heed to the omens. He
+attends the ceremonies, where he not only learns the details of these
+important events, but with his own eyes sees the bodies of the mediums
+possessed by superior beings, and thus the close relationship of the
+spirit world to his people is forcibly brought to his notice. He is
+never debarred from the dances or other activities; in fact, he is
+encouraged to take part in them or to imitate his elders. Soon custom
+gathers him into its net, and unless he is the exceptional individual,
+or comes in intimate contact with outsiders, he never escapes.
+
+It has already been seen that he begins very early to take an active
+part in the village life, but it is many years before he assumes a
+position of importance in the group. It is only when age and experience
+have gained for him the respect of his fellows that he begins to have
+a voice in the more weighty affairs of Tinguian life.
+
+_Engagement and Marriage_.--Since there are no clans or other
+groupings to limit the number of families in which unions may be
+contracted, the only impediments are former marriage ties or blood
+relationship. Cousins may not marry, neither is a man allowed to wed
+his step-sister, his wife's sister, or her mother.
+
+Engagement takes place while the children are very young, sometimes
+while they are still babes-in-arms; but usually the contract is made
+when they are six or eight years of age.
+
+The boy's parents take the initiative, and having selected a suitable
+girl, they broach the subject to her family. This is not done directly,
+but through an intermediary, generally a relative, "who can talk much
+and well." He carries with him three beads--one red, one yellow,
+and one agate, [78] which he offers "as an evidence of affection,"
+and then proceeds to relate the many desirable qualities of the
+groom and his family, as well as the advantages to be gained by the
+union. If the suit is favored, the beads are attached to the girl's
+wrist as a sign of her engagement, and a day is set for the _pakalon_
+[79] or price fixing.
+
+On the appointed day, friends and relatives gather at the girl's
+home and, after several hours of feasting and drinking, settle down
+to the real business on hand. A large pig is slaughtered, and its
+liver is carefully examined; for, should the omens be unfavorable,
+it would be useless to continue the negotiations further at that time
+(cf. p. 307). If the signs are good, the happy crowd forms a circle,
+and then begins a long and noisy discussion of the price which the girl
+should bring. Theoretically, the payment is made in horses, carabao,
+jars, blankets, and rice, but as each article is considered as having
+a value of five pesos ($2.50), the money is frequently substituted,
+especially by people in poor circumstances.
+
+A portion of the agreed price is paid at once, and is distributed
+between the girl's parents and her relatives, who thus become vitally
+interested in the successful termination of the match; for should
+it fail of consummation, they must return the gifts received. The
+balance of the payment is often delayed for a considerable time,
+and it not infrequently happens that there is still a balance due
+when the man dies. In such a case no division of his property can be
+made until the marriage agreement is settled in full.
+
+The completion of the list is the signal for great rejoicing; liquor
+circulates freely, the men sing _daleng_ (cf. p. 440), and _tadek_
+(cf. p. 440) is danced far into the night.
+
+In the yard where the dancing takes place, three inverted rice-mortars
+are placed one above the other, "to serve as a table for the spirits
+who always attend." A dish of liquor is placed on it, while at its
+side is a spear decorated with a man's belt.
+
+These engagement-parties are the great social affairs of the year,
+and friends will journey long distances to be present, but the
+betrothed couple is seldom in evidence, and in many instances the
+groom is absent.
+
+Following their engagement the children live with their parents until
+such a time as they are considered old enough to maintain their own
+home. If the lad comes from a well-to-do family, it is probable that
+the final ceremony will take place before either of the couple reaches
+puberty; but, if the groom must earn a living, the marriage may be
+delayed until he is eighteen or nineteen years old (Plate XIII).
+
+When the time for the fulfillment of the agreement arrives, the boy
+goes, in company, at night to the girl's house. He has a headaxe
+hanging from his belt, but he is the only one so armed. An earlier
+writer [80] has described a feigned attack on the house of the bride
+as a part of the marriage ceremony, but the present writer did not
+witness anything of the sort, nor could he learn of any such action.
+
+The groom carries with him a small part of the marriage payment and a
+valuable jar; these he presents to his parents-in-law, and from that
+time on he may never call them or their near relatives by name. Should
+he do so, "he will have boils and the first child will be insane."
+
+The bride's people have provided a coconut shell filled with water
+and a wooden dish [81] containing cooked rice. These are placed
+between the couple, as they sit in the center of the room (Plate
+XIV). The boy's mother drops two beads into the shell cup, and bids
+them drink; for, "as the two beads always go together at the bottom,
+so you will go together and will not part. The cool water will keep
+you from becoming angry."
+
+Great care must be exercised in handling the cup; for should the
+contents be shaken the couple will become dizzy, and in old age
+their heads and hands will shake. After they have drunk, each takes
+a handful of rice, and squeezes it into a ball. The girl drops hers
+through the slits in the bamboo floor as an offering to the spirits,
+but the boy tosses his into the air. If it breaks or rolls, it is a
+bad sign, and the couple is apt to part, or their children die. In
+such a circumstance, the marriage is usually deferred, and tried
+again at a later date; but repeated scattering of the rice generally
+results in the annulling of the agreement. [82] Should anything in the
+dwelling fall or be broken during the ceremony, it is halted at once;
+to proceed further that night would be to court misfortune. However,
+it may be undertaken again a few days later.
+
+The guests depart immediately after the rice ceremony. No food or
+drink is offered to them, nor is there any kind of celebration. [83]
+
+That night the couple sleep with a pillow between them, [84] and
+under the groom's pillow is a head-axe. Early in the morning, the
+girl's mother or some other elderly female of her family awakens
+them, and leads the way to the village spring. Arriving there, she
+pours water in a coconut shell, which contains a cigar from which the
+couple have drawn smoke; [85] she adds leaves of bamboo and _agiwas_,
+and washes their faces with the liquid, "to show that they now have
+all in common; that the tobacco may keep them and their children from
+becoming insane; that the _agiwas_ will keep them in health; and the
+bamboo will make them strong and insure many children, the same as it
+has many sprouts." On their way home, the boy cuts a _dangla_ shrub
+(_Vitex negundo_ L.) with his head-axe, and later attaches it to the
+door of their home, "so that they may have many children."
+
+Throughout that day the doors and windows are kept tightly closed;
+for should the young people see birds or chickens having intercourse,
+they are apt to become insane, and their first born have sore or
+crossed eyes.
+
+The next morning is known as _sipsipot_ ("the watching"). Accompanied
+by the girl's parents, the couple goes to the father's fields. On
+the way they carefully observe any signs which animals, birds, or
+nature, may give them. When they reach the fields, the boy shows his
+respect for his elders by cutting the grass along the borders with
+his head-axe. This service also counteracts any bad sign which they
+may have received that morning. He next takes a little of the soil on
+his axe, and both he and his bride taste of it, "so that the ground
+will yield good harvests" for them, and they will become rich. [86]
+
+Nowadays the couple goes to the home, prepared by the groom and his
+parents, as soon as it is ready, but the tales indicate [87] that in
+former times they lived for a time with the boy's parents. They are
+accompanied by the groom's mother, and go very early in the morning,
+as they are then less apt to receive bad signs from the birds. The girl
+carries her sleeping mat and two pillows; but before she has deposited
+these in her new dwelling, she seats herself on the bamboo floor with
+her legs stretched out in front. It then becomes necessary for the
+groom to present her with a string of agate beads equal in length to
+the combined width of the bamboo slats which she covers. Before she
+can eat of her husband's rice, he must give her a string of beads,
+or she will become ill; she may not open his granary until a like
+present has been given, or the resident spirit will make her blind;
+neither may she take food from the pots or water from the jars,
+until other beads have been presented to her.
+
+If the girl comes from another village, it is customary to make a
+payment to her parents for each stream crossed on the journey to the
+new home; another is demanded before she goes up the house ladder,
+and still others when she enters the house, and her belongings are
+brought in. [88]
+
+A common occurrence in Ba-ak and the San Juan district is for the
+parents of the girl to spread rows of baskets, Chinese plates or jars
+on the floor and to offer them to the groom. Before he can accept
+them, he must make a return gift of money, beads, and the like for
+each one. It is explained by the elders that, when the young people
+see all the gifts spread out on the floor, they will appreciate the
+expense involved, and will be less likely to separate.
+
+If at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the
+husband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering known
+as _nagkakalo-nan_. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets
+on the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other
+gifts for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued
+love. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate;
+and should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess
+the whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the
+gifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the price of
+the pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets
+and dishes.
+
+Divorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that
+just described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is made, but if that
+fails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of
+the gathering to that one. If blame attaches to the husband, he must
+complete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is
+guilty, her parents and relatives must return the gifts distributed at
+the time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty
+or laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman.
+
+Small children are generally left with the mother, but when they are
+old enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. However,
+the father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share
+in his property when he dies. Either party to a divorce may remarry
+at any time.
+
+The Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many
+concubines (_pota_), as he can secure. The _pota_ lives in a house
+of her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman,
+and is seldom seen in the social gatherings or in other homes. Her
+children belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to
+the old men, except in cases of cruelty. Men with concubines do not
+suffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever
+to have won two or three women.
+
+The _pota_ is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is
+almost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or
+wife, or even a _pota_ is almost certain to cause serious trouble,
+and is likely to end in a murder.
+
+The early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit
+sexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes happens
+that an unbetrothed girl, not a _pota_, is found to be pregnant. In
+such a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred
+pesos to the girl's people, and he must support the child when finally
+it comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses
+standing in the community unless the father should fail to redeem
+the child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule
+in the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome
+of such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the _pota_ of her
+child's father.
+
+_Death and Burial_.--Sickness and death are usually caused by
+unfriendly spirits; [89] sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes
+those who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought
+about by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves as
+punishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized
+as coming from human agency.
+
+The methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and
+thwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. pp. 295
+_et seq_.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and
+relatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning,
+while friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse.
+
+A funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed,
+"so that his spirit [90] may be clean," and is placed in a bamboo seat
+at the end of the house. This seat, which is known as _sangadel_,
+is constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall
+and resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height of about
+three feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the
+floor in front.
+
+The corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire
+surround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable blankets,
+belts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take
+with him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his future home. A live chicken
+is placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral
+it becomes the property of the friend, who removes the poles from
+the house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits,
+while the intestines are hung just outside the door, until the body
+is buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an
+inverted rice-mortar on which is a dish of _basi_,--an offering to the
+spirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry.
+
+The needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members
+of the family. It is their duty to place two small jars of liquor
+near to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating.
+
+Up to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with
+friendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian realize
+that there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be
+compelled to leave the body unharmed. The first of these evil beings
+to be guarded against is Kadongayan, [91] who in former times used
+to attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the
+corpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly
+instruction of Kaboniyan it was learned that, if a live chicken, with
+its mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the
+house, its suffering would be noticed by the evil spirit, who, fearing
+similar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling. [92]
+
+The spirit Ibwa is also much feared. [93] Long ago he used to
+mingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but
+the thoughtless act of a mourner started him on the evil course
+he has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was
+kept in the dwelling seven days; and, as the body decomposed, the
+liquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the
+grave. On the occasion referred to, he was handed a cup of the "lard"
+to drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting
+dish, and frequently even devoured the body as well. Since he fears
+iron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is
+also necessary to guard the grave against him and the spirit Selday,
+who demands blood or the corpse.
+
+Akop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and
+legs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, awaiting an
+opportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the
+living feel his cold embrace, death is sure to follow. So a barricade
+of pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the
+wife is compelled to remain during the three days the body is kept in
+the house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in
+the meshes of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become
+entangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse
+fanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close
+watch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body or the widow
+(Plate XVI). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse,
+and wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart. [94]
+According to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put
+on old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over her head
+a large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial. [95]
+Likewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all
+work. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. Corn is their
+only food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing
+their arms as they walk. They are prohibited from mounting a horse,
+and under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village
+or join in merry-making. Failure to obey these rules is followed by
+swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead. [96]
+Except for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and
+oil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but the widow continues
+in mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year.
+
+According to many informants among the older men, it was formerly
+necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men to put on
+white head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was
+impossible to hold the ceremony which released the relatives from the
+taboo. [97] During the first two days that the body is in the house,
+the friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to partake
+of the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time;
+but there is neither music, singing, or dancing. [98]
+
+On the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the
+yard, and after drinking _basi_ they select one of their number
+and proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod
+(Plate XVII). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is
+split at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping is
+not severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh
+to swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes the rod and
+then proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes [99] to each man
+present, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one
+of the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. The
+avowed purpose of this whipping is "to make all the people feel as
+sorry as the relatives of the dead man."
+
+Burial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, "as it is
+much easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and the grave
+is also protected against the rain." In Manabo and many mountain
+villages, however, burial is in the yard. It is customary to open a
+grave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased.
+
+Toward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the
+bamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove the dirt.
+
+The grave is generally of one of the forms indicated in Fig. 3,
+and when a depth of about three feet has been reached, the workers
+encounter stone slabs which protect a lower chamber. [100] When
+these are reached, the diggers make an opening and thrusting in
+burning pine-sticks, they call to the dead within, "You must light
+your pipes with these." As soon as the slabs are raised, the oldest
+female relative of the deceased goes into the grave, gathers up
+the bones of the last person interred, ties them into a bundle,
+and reburies them in one corner. There is at present no such type
+of burial chamber, as is described by _La Gironiere_, [101] nor is
+there a memory or tradition of such an arrangement. As his visit took
+place less than a century ago, it is unlikely that all trace of it
+would have been lost. The heavy rainfall in this district would make
+the construction and maintenance of such a chamber almost impossible,
+while the dread of leaving the corpses thus exposed to hostile spirits
+and the raids of enemies in search of heads would also argue against
+such a practice. His description of the mummifying or drying of the
+corpse by means of fires built around it [102] is likewise denied by
+the old men of Manabo, who insist that they never had such a custom. It
+certainly does not exist to-day. In a culture, in which the influence
+of custom is as strong as it is here, it would seem that the care of
+the corpse, which is intimately related to the condition of the spirit
+in its final abode, would be one of the last things to change, while
+the proceedings following a death are to-day so uniform throughout
+the Tinguian belt, that they argue for a considerable antiquity.
+
+When the grave is ready, the fact is announced in the dwelling, and is
+the signal for renewed lamentation. The wife and near relatives throw
+themselves on the corpse, caressing it and crying wildly. Whatever
+there may have been of duty or respect in the wailing of the first two
+days, this parting burst of sorrow is genuine. Tears stand in the eyes
+of many, while others cease their wailing and sob convulsively. After
+a time an old woman brings in some _oldot_ seeds, each strung on a
+thread, and fastens one on the wrist of each person, as a protection
+against the evil spirit Akop, who, having been defeated in his designs
+against the widow, may seek to vent his anger on others.
+
+When this has been done, a medium seats herself in front of the
+body; and, covering her face with her hands, begins to chant and
+wail, bidding the spirit to enter her body. Suddenly she falls back
+in a faint, while suppressed excitement is manifested by all the
+onlookers. After a moment or two, fire and water are placed at her
+head and feet, "in order to frighten the spirit away," and then the
+medium gives the last message of the dead man to his family. This is,
+except for very rare exceptions, the only time that the spirits of the
+deceased communicate with mortals; and it is, so far as the writer has
+been able to learn, the only occasion when the medium repeats messages
+given to her. At other times she is possessed by natural spirits,
+[103] who then talk directly with mortals.
+
+As a last preparation for the grave, a small hole is burned in each
+garment worn by the dead person, for otherwise the spirit Ibwa will
+envy him his clothing and attempt to steal them. The corpse is then
+wrapped in a mat, and is carried from the house. [104] The bearers
+go directly to the _balaua,_ [105] and rest the body in it for a
+moment. Unless this is done, the spirit will be poor in its future
+life and unable to build _balaua_.
+
+The body is deposited full length in the grave, the stone slabs are
+relaid, the chinks between them filled in with damp clay, and the
+grave is refilled. [106] As the last earth is pushed in, a small pig
+is killed, and its blood is sprinkled on the loose soil. Meanwhile
+Selday is besought to respect the grave and leave it untouched. The
+animal is cut up, and a small piece is given to each guest, who will
+stop on the way to his home, and place the meat on the ground as an
+offering, meanwhile repeating a _diam_. Should he fail to do this,
+sickness or death is certain to visit his home or village.
+
+As a further protection against evily disposed spirits, especially
+Ibwa, an iron plough-point is placed over the grave, "for most evil
+spirits fear iron;" and during this night and the nine succeeding,
+a fire is kept burning at the grave and at the foot of the
+house-ladder. [107]
+
+That night the men spend about an hour in the house of mourning,
+singing _sang-sangit_, a song in which they praise the dead man,
+encourage the widow, and bespeak the welfare of the family. The wailers
+still remain in the dwelling to protect the widow, and a male relative
+is detailed to see that the fire at the foot of the ladder is kept
+burning brightly.
+
+Early the next morning, the widow, closely guarded by the wailers,
+goes to the river, throws her headband into the water, and then goes
+in herself. As she sinks in the water, an old man throws a bundle
+of burning rice-straw on her. "The water will wash away some of
+the sorrow, and the fire will make her thoughts clear." Upon her
+return to the village, the grave is enclosed with a bamboo fence,
+and above it is hung a shallow box-like frame, known as _patay_, in
+which are placed the articles needed by the spirit. [108] Within the
+house the mat and pillow of the dead are laid ready for use, and at
+meal time food is placed beside it. The length of time that the mat
+is left spread out differs somewhat between towns and families. In
+some cases it is taken up at the end of the period of taboo, while in
+others it is not rolled up; nor are the windows of the house opened
+until after the celebration of the _Layog_ ceremony, a year later.
+
+The taboo is usually strictly observed through ten days; but should
+there be some urgent reason, such as planting or reaping, it may
+be raised somewhat earlier. It is concluded by the blood and oil
+ceremony. The _lakay_, the other old men of the settlement, and all
+the relatives, gather in the house of mourning, while the mediums
+prepare for the ceremony. They kill a small pig and collect its blood
+in a dish; in another receptacle they place oil. A brush has been
+made out of a variety of leaves, and this the medium dips into the
+blood and oil, then draws it over the wrists or ankles of each person
+present, meanwhile saying, "Let the _lew-lew_ (_Fiscus hauili_ Blanco)
+leaves take the sickness and death to another town; let the _kawayan_
+("bamboo") make them grow fast and be strong as it is, and have many
+branches; let the _atilwag_ (_Breynia acuminata_ Nuell. Arg.) turn
+the sickness to other towns." A little oil is rubbed on the head
+of each person present; and all, except the widow, are then freed
+from restrictions. She must still refrain from wearing her beads,
+ornaments, or good clothing; and she is barred from taking part in
+any merry-making until after the _Layog_ ceremony. [109]
+
+At the conclusion of the anointing, the old men discuss the disposal
+of the property and other matters of importance in connection with
+the death.
+
+_The Layog_. [110]--Several months after the burial (generally after
+the lapse of a year), the friends and relatives are summoned in the
+_Layog_,--a ceremony held with the avowed intention "to show respect
+for the dead and to cause the family to forget their sorrow." Friends
+come from near and far; and rice, pigs, cows or carabaos are prepared
+for food, while _basi_ flows freely. It is said that the liquor
+served at this time is "like tears for the dead." A medium goes to
+the guardian stones of the village, and there offers rice mixed with
+blood; she oils the stones, places new yellow headbands on each one,
+and after dancing _tadek_, returns to the gathering. Often she is
+accompanied by a number of men, who shout on their return trip "to
+frighten away evil spirits."
+
+Near the house a chair is made ready for the deceased, and in it are
+placed clothing and food. In the yard four crossed spears form the
+frame-work on which a shield rests (Plate XVIII) [111] and on this
+are beads, food, and garments--offerings for the spirits; while near
+the house ladder is the spirits' table made of inverted rice mortars.
+
+The duration of this ceremony depends largely on the wealth of the
+family, for the relatives must furnish everything needed at this
+time. Games are played, and there is much drinking and singing; but
+before the members of the family may take part, they are dressed in
+good garments, and the blood and oil ceremony is repeated on them. At
+the conclusion of the dancing, they go into the house, roll up the mat
+used by the dead, open the doors and windows, and all are again free
+to do as they wish. Should they fail to roll up the mat at this time,
+it must remain until another _Layog_ is held; and during the interval
+all the former restrictions are in force. [112]
+
+About twenty years ago, a great number of people in Patok died
+of cholera; and since then the people of that village have held a
+_Layog_ in their honor each November, to the expense of which all
+contribute. As this is just before the rice-harvest, a time when all
+the people wear their best garments, it is customary for the old men
+to allow bereaved families to participate in this ceremony and then
+release them from mourning.
+
+_Beliefs Concerning the Spirit of the Dead_.--Direct questioning brings
+out some differences of opinion, in the various districts, concerning
+the spirit of the dead. In Manabo, a town influenced both by the
+Igorot of the Upit River valley and the Christianized Ilocano of San
+Jose, the spirit is said to go at once to the great spirit Kadaklan,
+and then to continue on "to the town where it lives." "It is like a
+person, but is so light that it can be carried along by the wind when
+it blows." [113] The people of Ba-ay, a mountain village partially
+made up of immigrants from the eastern side of the Cordillera Central,
+claim that the spirits of the dead go to a mountain called Singet,
+where they have a great town. Here, it is also stated, the good are
+rewarded with fine houses, while the bad have to be content with
+hovels. The general belief, however, is that the spirit (_kalading_)
+has a body like that of the living person, but is usually invisible,
+although spirits have appeared, and have even sought to injure living
+beings. Immediately following death, the spirit stays near to its
+old home, ready to take vengeance on any relative, who fails to show
+his body proper respect. After the blood and oil ceremony, he goes to
+his future home, Maglawa, carrying with him gifts for the ancestors,
+which the people have placed about his corpse. In Maglawa he finds
+conditions much the same as on earth; people are rich and poor;
+they need houses; they plant and reap; and they conduct ceremonies
+for the superior beings, just as they had done during their life
+on earth. Beyond this, the people do not pretend to be posted, "for
+Kaboniyan did not tell." With the exception of the people of Ba-ay
+and a few individuals influenced by Christianity, the Tinguian has no
+idea of reward or punishment in the future life, but he does believe
+that the position of the spirit in its new home can be affected by the
+acts of the living (cf. p. 289). No trace of a belief in re-incarnation
+was found in any district inhabited by this tribe.
+
+_Life and Death_.--The foregoing details concerning birth, childhood,
+sickness, and death, seem to give us an insight into the Tinguian
+conception of life and death. For him life and death do not
+appear to be but incidents in an endless cycle of birth, death,
+and re-incarnation ad infinitum, such as pictured by _Levy-Bruhl_;
+[114] yet, in many instances, his acts and beliefs fit in closely
+with the theory outlined by that author. In this society, there is
+only a weak line of demarcation between the living and the dead, and
+the dead for a time at least participate more or less in the life of
+the living. This is equally true of the unborn child, whose future
+condition, physical and mental, may be largely moulded by the acts of
+others. According to _Levy-Bruhl_, this would indicate that the child
+at delivery is not fully born, is not as yet a member of the group;
+and the succeeding ceremonies are necessary to its full participation
+in life. Death is likewise of long duration. Following the last breath,
+the spirit remains near by until the magic power of the funeral severs,
+to an extent, his participation with society. The purpose of the final
+ceremony is to complete the rupture between the living and the dead.
+
+To the writer, the facts of Tinguian life and beliefs suggest a
+somewhat different explanation. We have seen how strong individuals
+may be affected by magical practices. The close connection between an
+individual, his garments, or even his name, must be considered to apply
+with quite as much force to the helpless infant and the afterbirth. So
+strong is this bond, that even unintentional acts may injure the
+babe. Evil spirits are always near; and, unless great precautions are
+taken, they will injure adults if they can get them at a disadvantage,
+particularly when they are asleep. The child is not able to protect
+itself from these beings; therefore the adults perform such acts, as
+they think will secure the good will and help of friendly spirits,
+while they bribe or buy up those who might otherwise be hostile;
+and lastly they make use of such magical objects and ceremonies,
+as will compel the evil spirits to leave the infant alone. As the
+child grows in size and strength, he is less in need of protection;
+and at an early age he is treated like the other younger members of
+the community. Naming follows almost immediately after birth, while
+puberty and initiation ceremonies are entirely lacking. Apparently
+then, a child is considered as being fully alive at birth, and at no
+time does he undergo any rites or ceremonies which make him more a
+part of the community than he was on the first day he saw the light.
+
+When death occurs, the spirit remains near to the corpse until after
+the funeral, and even then is close by until the ten days of taboo are
+over. He still finds need of nourishment, and hence food is placed
+near to his mat. As at birth, he is not in a position to protect
+his body from the designs of evil spirits, and if his relatives
+fail to give the corpse proper care, it is certain to be mutilated;
+likewise certain acts of the living towards the corpse can affect the
+position of the spirit in Maglawa. Hence it is of supreme importance
+that the former owner guards against any possible neglect or injury
+to the body, and it seems plausible that the presence of the spirit
+near its old haunts may be for the purpose of seeing that its body
+is carefully attended to. The folktales tell of several instances,
+in which the spirits took vengeance on relatives who neglected their
+bodies, or violated the period of taboo. [115]
+
+When the danger period is past, the spirit at once leaves its old home,
+and returns again only at the time of the _Layog_. From that time on,
+he continues his existence in the upper world, neither troubling,
+nor being troubled by mortals on earth. [116] Ancestor worship does
+not occur here, nor are offerings made to the dead, other than those
+described above.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+RELIGION AND MAGIC
+
+The Tinguian has been taught by his elders that he is surrounded by
+a great body of spirits, some good, some malevolent. The folk-tales
+handed down from ancient times add their authority to the teachings of
+older generations, while the individual himself has seen the bodies
+of the mediums possessed by the superior beings; he has communicated
+with them direct, has seen them cure the sick and predict coming
+events. At many a funeral, he has seen the medium squat before the
+corpse, chanting a weird song, and then suddenly become possessed by
+the spirit of the deceased; and, finally, he or some of his friends
+or townspeople are confident that they have seen and talked to ghosts
+of the recently departed. All these beings are real to him; he is so
+certain of their existence that he seldom speculates about them or
+their acts.
+
+Some of these spirits are always near; and a part of them, at least,
+take more than an ordinary interest in human affairs. Thanks to the
+teachings of the elders, the Tinguian knows how to propitiate them;
+and, if necessary, he may even compel friendly action on the part
+of many. Toward the less powerful of the evily disposed beings, he
+shows indifference or insolence; he may make fun of, or lie to, and
+cheat them during the day, but he is careful to guard himself at night
+against their machinations. To the more powerful he shows the utmost
+respect; he offers them gifts of food, drink, and material objects;
+and conducts ceremonies in the manner demanded by them. Having done
+these things, he feels that he is a party to a bargain; and the spirits
+must, on their part, repay by granting the benefits desired. Not
+entirely content with these precautions, he performs certain magical
+acts which prevent evil spirits from doing harm to an individual
+or a community, and by the same means he is able to control storms,
+the rise of streams, and the growth of crops. It is doubtful if the
+Tinguian has ever speculated in regard to this magical force, yet he
+clearly separates it from the power resident in the spirit world. It
+appears to be a great undifferentiated force to which spirits, nature,
+and men are subject alike.
+
+If a troublesome question arises, or an evident inconsistency in
+his beliefs is called to his attention, he disposes of it by the
+simple statement that it is _kadauyan_ ("custom"), "was taught by
+the ancestors," and hence is not subject to question.
+
+His religion holds forth no threat of punishment in a future world,
+neither are there rewards in that existence to urge men to better
+deeds. The chief teaching is that the customs of ancient times must be
+faithfully followed; to change is to show disrespect for the dead, for
+the spirits who are responsible for the customs, which are synonymous
+with law.
+
+Custom and religion have become so closely interwoven in this society
+that it is well-nigh impossible to separate them. The building of a
+house, the planting, harvesting and care of the rice, the procedure at
+a birth, wedding, or funeral, in short, all the events of the social
+and economic life, are so governed by custom and religious beliefs,
+that it is safe to say that nearly every act in the life of the
+Tinguian is directed or affected by these forces.
+
+Two classes of spirits are recognized; first, those who have existed
+through all time, whom we shall call natural spirits; second, the
+spirits of deceased mortals. The latter reside forever in Maglawa,
+a place midway between earth and sky; but a small number of them have
+joined the company of the natural spirits. Except for these few, they
+are not worshiped, and no offerings are made to them, after the period
+of mourning is past. The members of the first class cover a wide range,
+from Kadaklan, the great spirit who resides above, to Kaboniyan,
+the teacher and helper, to those resident in the guardian stones,
+to the half human, half bird-like _alan_, to the low, mean spirits
+who delight to annoy mortals. These beings are usually invisible,
+but at times of ceremonies they enter the bodies of the mediums,
+possess them, and thus communicate with the people. On rare occasions
+they are visible in their own forms, as when Kaboniyan appeared as
+the antagonist and later as the friend of Sayen. [117]
+
+These beings are addressed, first through certain semi-magical
+formulas, know as _diams_. These are seldom prayers or supplications,
+but are a part of a definite ritual, the whole of which is expected
+to gain definite favors.
+
+At the beginning, and during the course of all ceremonies, animals are
+killed. A part of the flesh and the blood is mixed with rice, and is
+offered to the spirits; but the bulk of the offering is eaten by the
+participants. Liquor is consumed in great quantities at such a time,
+but a small amount is always poured out for the use of the superior
+beings. Finally, the mediums summon the spirits into their bodies;
+and, when possessed, they are no longer considered as persons,
+but are the spirits themselves. The beings who appear in this way
+talk directly with the people; they offer advice, give information
+concerning affairs in the spirit world, and oftentimes they mingle
+with the people on equal terms, joining in their dances and taking
+a lively interest in their daily affairs.
+
+The people seldom pray to or supplicate the invisible spirits; but when
+they are present in the bodies of the mediums, they make requests, and
+ask advice, as they would from any friend or acquaintance. With many,
+the Tinguian is on amicable terms, while toward Kaboniyan he exhibits
+a degree of respect and gratitude which is close to affection. He
+realizes that there are many unfriendly spirits, but he has means of
+controlling or thwarting their evil designs; and hence he does not
+live in that state of perpetual fear which is so often pictured as
+the condition of the savage.
+
+_The Spirits_.--A great host of unnamed spirits are known to exist;
+they often attend the ceremonies and sometimes enter the bodies of
+the mediums, and in this way new figures appear from time to time. In
+addition to these, there are certain superior beings who are well
+known, and who, as already indicated, exercise a potent influence on
+the daily life of the people. The following list will serve to give
+some idea of these spirits and their attributes; while the names
+of the less important will be found in connection with the detailed
+description of the ceremonies.
+
+Kadaklan ("the greatest"), a powerful male spirit, who lives in the
+sky, created the earth, sun, moon, and stars. The stars are only
+stones, but the sun and moon are lights. At times Kadaklan enters
+the body of a favored medium, and talks directly with the people;
+but more frequently he takes other means of communication. Oftentimes
+he sends his dog Kimat, the lightening, to bite a tree or strike a
+field or house, and in this way makes known his wish that the owner
+celebrate the _Padiam_ ceremony (cf. p. 401). All other beings are
+in a measure subservient to him, and his wishes are frequently made
+known through them. Thunder is his drum with which he amuses himself
+during stormy weather, but sometimes he plays on it even on clear days.
+
+Agemem is the wife of Kadaklan. She lives in the ground. Little is
+known of her except that she has given birth to two sons, [118] whose
+chief duty is to see that the commands of their father are obeyed.
+
+Adam and Baliyen are the sons of Kadaklan. The name of the first boy
+is suggestive of Christian influence, but there are no traditions or
+further details to link him with the Biblical character.
+
+Kaboniyan is the friend and helper of the people, and by many is
+classed above or identified with Kadaklan. At times he lives in the
+sky; again in a great cave near Patok. [119] From this cave came the
+jars which could talk and move, here were found the copper gongs used
+in the dances, and here too grew the wonderful tree which bore the
+agate beads so prized by the women. This spirit gave the Tinguian
+rice and sugar-cane, taught them how to plant and reap, how to foil
+the designs of ill-disposed spirits, the words of the _diams_ and the
+details of many ceremonies. Further to bind himself to the people,
+it is said, he married "in the first times" a woman from Manabo. He
+is summoned in nearly every ceremony, and there are several accounts
+of his having appeared in his own form. According to one of these,
+he is of immense proportions; his spear is as large as a tree, and
+his head-axe the size of the end of the house. [120]
+
+Apdel is the spirit who resides in the guardian stones (_pinaing_)
+at the gate of the town. During a ceremony, or when the men are away
+for a fight, it becomes his special duty to protect the village from
+sickness and enemies. He has been known to appear as a red rooster
+or as a white dog.
+
+Idadaya, who lives in the east (_daya_), is a powerful spirit who
+attends the _Pala-an_ ceremony. He rides a horse, which he ties to
+the little structure built during the rite. Ten grand-children reside
+with him, and they all wear in their hair the _igam_ (notched feathers
+attached to a stick). When these feathers lose their lustre, they can
+only be restored by the celebration of _Pala-an_(cf. p. 328). Hence the
+owners cause some mortal, who has the right to conduct the ceremony,
+to become ill, and then inform him through the mediums as to the cause
+of his affliction. The names of the grand-children are as follows:
+Pensipenondosan, Logosen, Bakoden, Bing-gasan, Bakdangan, Giligen,
+Idomalo, Agkabkabayo, Ebloyan, and Agtabtabokal.
+
+Kaiba-an is the spirit who lives in the little house or _saloko_
+in the rice-fields, and who protects the growing crops. Offerings
+are made to him, when a new field is constructed, when the rice is
+transplanted, and at harvest time. "The ground which grows" (that is
+the nest of the white ant) is said to be made by him.
+
+Makaboteng, also called Sanadan, is the guardian of the deer and wild
+hogs. His good will is necessary if the dogs are to be successful in
+the chase; consequently he is summoned to many ceremonies, where he
+receives the most courteous treatment. In one ceremony he declared,
+"I can become the sunset sky."
+
+Sabian or Isabian is the guardian of the dogs.
+
+Bisangolan ("the place of opening or tearing") is a gigantic spirit,
+who lives near the river, and who in time of floods uses his head-axe
+and walking-stick to keep the logs and refuse from jamming. "He is
+very old, like the world, and he pulls out his beard with his finger
+nails and his knife. His seat is a wooden plate." He appears in the
+_Dawak_, _Tangpap_, and _Sayang_ ceremonies, holding a rooster and a
+bundle of rice. In Ba-ak he is called Ibalinsogoan, and is the first
+spirit summoned in _Dawak_.
+
+Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, is the one who makes friends, and
+who learns the source of troubles. When summoned at the beginning of
+a ceremony, he tells what needs to be done, in order to insure the
+results desired.
+
+Sasagangen, sometimes called Ingalit, are spirits whose business
+it is to take heads and put them on the _saga_ or in the _saloko_
+(cf. p. 310). Headache is caused by them.
+
+Abat are numerous spirits who cause sore feet and headache. _Salono_
+and _bawi_ are built for them (cf. pp. 309-310). The spirits of Ibal,
+who live in Daem, are responsible for most sickness among children,
+but they are easily appeased with blood and rice. The Ibal ceremony
+is held for them.
+
+Maganawan, who lives in Nagbotobotan ("the place near which the rivers
+empty into the hole, where all streams go") is one of the spirits,
+called in the _Sangasang_ ceremony, and for whom the blood of the
+rooster mixed with rice is put into the _saloko_, which stands in
+the yard.
+
+Inawen is a pregnant female spirit, who lives in the sea, and
+who demands the blood of a chicken mixed with rice to satisfy her
+capricious appetite. She also attends the _Sangasang_.
+
+Kideng is a tall, fat spirit with nine heads. He is the servant of
+Inawen, and carries the gifts of mortals to his mistress.
+
+Ibwa is an evil spirit, who once mingled with the people in human
+form. Due to the thoughtless act of a mourner at a funeral, he became
+so addicted to the taste of human flesh, that it has since then been
+necessary to protect the corpse from him. He fears iron, and hence
+a piece of that metal is always laid on the grave. Holes are burned
+in each garment placed on the body to keep him from stealing them.
+
+Akop is likewise evil. He has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no
+body. He always frequents the place of death, and seeks to embrace the
+spouse of the deceased. Should he succeed, death follows quickly. To
+defeat his plans, the widow is closely guarded by the wailers; she
+also sleeps under a fish net as an additional protection against his
+long fingers, and she wears seeds which are disliked by this being.
+
+Kadongayan indulges in the malicious sport of slitting the mouth of
+the corpse back to the ears. In order to frighten him away, a live
+chicken, with its mouth split to its throat, is placed by the door,
+during the time the body is in the house. When he sees the sufferings
+of the bird, he fears to enter the dwelling lest the people treat
+him in the same manner.
+
+Selday is an ill-disposed being. He causes people to have sore feet,
+and only relieves them, when offerings are made to him in the _saloko_
+or _bawi_. He lives in the wooded hill, but quickly learns of a
+death, and appears at the open grave. Unless he is bought off with an
+offering, the blood of a small pig, he is almost certain to make away
+with the body, or cause a great sickness to visit the village. As
+the mourners return home, after the burial, they place bits of the
+slaughtered animal by the trail, so that he will not make them ill.
+
+Bayon is a male spirit, who dwells in the sky, and who comes to
+earth as a fresh breeze. He once stole a girl from Layogan, changed
+her two breasts into one, placed this in the center of her chest,
+and married her.
+
+Lokadaya is the human wife of Bayon. She now appears to have joined
+the company of the natural spirits and to be immortal. At times,
+both she and her husband enter the bodies of the mediums.
+
+Agonan is the spirit who knows many dialects. He lives in Dingolowan.
+
+Gilen attends many ceremonies, and occupies an important place in
+_Tangpap_; yet little is known of him.
+
+Inginlaod are spirits who live in the west.
+
+Ginobayan is a female spirit, always present in the _Tangpap_ ceremony.
+
+Sangalo is a spirit who gives good and bad signs.
+
+Dapeg, Balingen-ngen, Benisalsal, and Kikiba-an, are all disturbers
+and mischief-makers. They cause illness, sore feet, headache, and bad
+dreams. They are important only because of the frequency with which
+they appear.
+
+Al-lot attends festivals and prevents quarrels.
+
+Liblibayan, Banbanayo, and Banbantay, are lesser spirits, who formerly
+aided "the people of the first times."
+
+The term "Alan" comprises a large body of spirits with half human,
+half bird-like forms. They have wings and can fly; their toes are
+at the back of their feet, and their fingers attach to the wrists
+and point backward. Often they hang from the branches of trees,
+like bats, but they are also pictured as having fine houses and great
+riches. They are sometimes hostile or mischievous, but more frequently
+are friendly. They play a very important part in the mythology,
+but not in the cult. [121]
+
+Komau is a giant spirit, who, according to tradition, was killed
+by the hero Sayen. Among the Ilocano and some of the Tinguian, the
+Komau is known as a great invisible bird, which steals people and
+their possessions. He does not visit the people through the bodies
+of the mediums.
+
+Anito is a general term used to designate members of the spirit world.
+
+A survey of the foregoing list brings out a noticeable lack of
+nature-spirits; of trees, rocks, and natural formations considered as
+animate; and of guardian spirits of families and industries. There is
+a strong suggestion, however, in the folk-tales to the effect that
+this has not always been the case; and even to-day there are some
+conflicts regarding the status of certain spirits. In the village of
+Manabo, thunder is known as Kidol; in Likuan and Bakaok, as Kido-ol;
+and in each place he is recognized as a powerful spirit. In Ba-ay,
+two types of lightning are known to be spirits. The flash from the sky
+is Salit, that "from the ground" is Kilawit. Here thunder is Kadaklan,
+but the sun is the all powerful being. He is male, and is "so powerful
+that he does not need or desire ceremonies or houses." The moon is
+likewise a powerful spirit, but female.
+
+In the discussion of the tales [122] it was suggested that these and
+other ideas, which differ from those held by the majority of the tribe,
+may represent older conceptions, which have been swamped, or may have
+been introduced into Abra by emigrants from the north and east.
+
+_The Mediums_.--The superior beings talk with mortals through the aid
+of mediums, known individually and collectively as _alopogan_ ("she who
+covers her face"). [123] These are generally women past middle life,
+though men are not barred from the profession, who, when chosen, are
+made aware of the fact by having trembling fits when they are not cold,
+by warnings in dreams, or by being informed by other mediums that they
+are desired by the spirits. A woman may live the greater part of her
+life without any idea of becoming a medium, and then because of such a
+notification will undertake to qualify. She goes to one already versed,
+and from her learns the details of the various ceremonies, the gifts
+suitable for each spirit, and the chants or _diams_ which must be used
+at certain times. This is a considerable task, for the _diams_ must be
+learned word for word; and, likewise, each ceremony must be conducted,
+just as it was taught by the spirits to the "people of the first
+times." The training occupies several months; and when all is ready,
+the candidate secures her _piling_. This is a collection of large
+sea-shells attached to cords, which is kept in a small basket together
+with a Chinese plate and a hundred fathoms of thread (Plate XIX). New
+shells may be used, but it is preferable to secure, if possible, the
+_piling_ of a dead medium. Being thus supplied, the novice seeks the
+approval of the spirits and acceptance as a medium. The wishes of the
+higher beings are learned by means of a ceremony, in the course of
+which a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is scattered
+on the ground. The liver of the animal is eagerly examined; for,
+if certain marks appear on it, the candidate is rejected, or must
+continue her period of probation for several months, before another
+trial can be made. During this time she may aid in ceremonies, but
+she is not possessed by the spirits. When finally accepted, she may
+begin to summon the spirits into her body. She places offerings on a
+mat, seats herself in front of them, and calls the attention of the
+spirits by striking her _piling_, or a bit of lead, against a plate;
+then covering her face with her hands, she begins to chant. Suddenly
+she is possessed; and then, no longer as a human, but as the spirit
+itself, she talks with the people, asking and answering questions,
+or giving directions, as to what shall be done to avert sickness and
+trouble, or to bring good fortune.
+
+Certain mediums are visited only by low, mean spirits; others, by both
+good and bad; while still others may be possessed even by Kadaklan, the
+greatest of all. It is customary for the spirit of a deceased mortal to
+enter the body of a medium, just before the corpse is to be buried, to
+give messages to the family; but he seldom comes again in this manner.
+
+The pay of a medium is small, usually a portion of a sacrificed
+animal, a few bundles of rice, and some beads; but this payment is
+more than offset by the restrictions placed on her. At no time may
+she eat of carabao, wild pig, wild chicken, or shrimp; nor may she
+touch peppers--all prized articles of food.
+
+The inducements for a person to enter this vocation are so few that a
+candidate begins her training with reluctance; but, once accepted by
+the spirits, the medium yields herself fully and sincerely to their
+wishes. When possessed by a spirit, her own personality is submerged,
+and she does many things of which she is apparently ignorant, when
+she emerges from the spell. Oftentimes, as she squats by the mat,
+summoning the spirits, her eyes take on a far-away stare; the veins
+of her face and neck stand out prominently, while the muscles of
+her arms and legs are tense; then, as she is possessed, she assumes
+the character and habits of the superior being. If it is a spirit
+supposed to dwell in Igorot or Kalinga land, she speaks in a dialect
+unfamiliar to her hearers, orders them to dance in Igorot fashion,
+and then instructs them in dances, which she or her townspeople could
+never have seen. [124] At times she carries on sleight-of-hand tricks,
+as when she places beads in a dish of oil, and dances with it high
+above her head, until the beads vanish. A day or two later she will
+recover them from the hair of some participant in the ceremony. Most
+of her acts are in accordance with a set procedure; yet at times she
+goes further, and does things which seem quite inexplainable.
+
+One evening, in the village of Manabo, we were attending a
+ceremony. Spirit after spirit had appeared, and at their order dances
+and other acts had taken place. About ten o'clock a brilliant flash
+of lightning occurred, although it was not a stormy evening. The body
+of the medium was at that time possessed by Amangau, a head-hunting
+spirit. He at once stopped his dance, and announced that he had
+just taken the head of a boy from Luluno, and that the people of
+his village were even then dancing about the skull. Earlier in the
+evening we had noticed this lad (evidently a consumptive) among
+the spectators. When the spirit made this claim, we looked for him,
+but he had vanished. A little later we learned that he had died of
+a hemorrhage at about the time of the flash.
+
+Such occurrences make a deep impression on the mind of the people,
+and strengthen their belief in the spirit world; but, so far as could
+be observed, the prestige of the medium was in nowise enhanced.
+
+Since most of the ceremonies are held to keep the family or individual
+in good health, the medium takes the place of a physician. She often
+makes use of simple herbs and medicinal plants, but always with the
+idea that the treatment is distasteful to the being, who has caused
+the trouble, and not with any idea of its curative properties. Since
+magic and religion are practically the same in this society, the
+medium is the one who usually conducts or orders the magic rites;
+and for the same reason she, better than all others, can read the
+signs and omens sent by members of the spirit world.
+
+_Magic and Omens_.--The folk-tales are filled with accounts of magical
+acts, performed by "the people of the first times." They annihilated
+time and space, commanded inanimate objects to do their will, created
+human beings from pieces of betel-nut, and caused the magical increase
+of food and drink. Those days have passed, yet magical acts still
+pervade all the ceremonies; nature is overcome, while the power to
+work evil by other than human means is a recognized fact of daily
+life. In the detailed accounts of the ceremonies will be found many
+examples of these magical acts, but the few here mentioned will give
+a good idea of all.
+
+In one ceremony, a blanket is placed over the family, and on their
+heads a coconut is cut in two, and the halves are allowed to fall;
+for, "as they drop to the ground, so does sickness and evil fall away
+from the people." A bound pig is placed in the center of the floor,
+and water is poured into its ear that, "as it shakes out the water,
+so may evil spirits and sickness be thrown out of the place." At one
+point in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, a boy takes the sacrificial blood
+and rice from a large dish, and puts it in a number of smaller ones,
+then returns it again to the first; for, "when the spirits make a
+man sick, they take a part of his life. When they make him well, they
+put it back, just as the boy takes away a part of the food, gives it
+to the spirits, and then replaces it," The same idea appears in the
+dance which follows. The boy and the medium take hold of a winnower,
+raise it in the air, and dance half way around a rice-mortar; then
+return, as they came, and replace it, "just as the spirits took away
+a part of the patient's life, but now will put it back."
+
+The whole life of a child can be determined, or at least largely
+influenced, by the treatment given the afterbirth, while the use
+of bamboo and other prolific plants, at this time and at a wedding,
+promote growth and fertility.
+
+A piece of charcoal attached to a certain type of notched stick is
+placed in the rice-seed beds, and thus the new leaves are compelled
+to turn the dark green color of sturdy plants.
+
+If a river is overflowing its banks, it can be controlled by cutting
+off a pig's head and throwing it into the waters. An even more certain
+method is to have a woman, who was born on the other side of the river,
+take her weaving baton and plant it on the bank. The water will not
+rise past this barrier.
+
+Blackening of the teeth is a semi-magical procedure. A mixture of
+tan-bark and iron salts is twice applied to the teeth, and is allowed
+to remain several hours; but, in order to obtain the desired result,
+it is necessary to use the mixture after nightfall and to remove it,
+before the cocks begin to crow, in the morning. If the fowls are heard,
+while the teeth are being treated, they will remain white; likewise
+they will refuse to take the color, should their owner approach a
+corpse or grave.
+
+On well-travelled trails one often sees, at the tops of high hills,
+piles of stones, which have been built up during many years. As he
+ascends a steep slope, each traveller picks up a small stone, and
+carries it to the top, where he places it on the pile. As he does so,
+he leaves his weariness behind him, and continues his journey fresh
+and strong.
+
+The use of love-charms is widespread: certain roots and leaves, when
+oiled or dampened with saliva, give forth a pleasant odor, which
+compels the affection of a woman, even in spite of her wishes. [125]
+
+Evil magic, known as _gamot_ ("poison") is also extensively used. A
+little dust taken from the footprint of a foe, a bit of clothing,
+or an article recently handled by him, is placed in a dish of water,
+and is stirred violently. Soon the victim begins to feel the effect
+of this treatment, and within a few hours becomes insane. To make him
+lame, it is only necessary to place poison on articles recently touched
+by his feet. Death or impotency can be produced by placing poison on
+his garments. A fly is named after a person, and is placed in a bamboo
+tube. This is set near the fire, and in a short time the victim of the
+plot is seized with fever. Likewise magical chants and dances, carried
+on beneath a house, may bring death to all the people of the dwelling.
+
+A combination of true poisoning and magical practice is also found. To
+cause consumption or some wasting disease, a snake is killed, and
+its head cut off; then the body is hung up, and the liquor coming
+from the decomposing flesh is caught in a shell cup. This fluid
+is introduced into the victim's food, or some of his belongings are
+treated with it. If the subject dies, his relatives may get revenge on
+the poisoner. This is accomplished by taking out the heart of a pig
+and inserting it in the mouth or stomach of the victim. This must be
+done under the cover of darkness, and the corpse be buried at once. A
+high bamboo fence is then built around the grave, so that no one can
+reach it. The person responsible for the death will fall ill at once,
+and will die unless he is able to secure one of the victim's garments
+or dirt from the grave.
+
+The actual introduction of poison in food and drink is thought to be
+very common. The writer attended one ceremony following which a large
+number of the guests fell sick. The illness was ascribed to magic
+poisoning, yet it was evident that the cause was over-indulgence in
+fresh pork by people, who for months had eaten little if any meat.
+
+_Omens_.--The ability to foretell future events by the flight or calls
+of birds, actions of animals, by the condition of the liver and gall
+of sacrificed pigs, or by the movements of certain articles under
+the questioning of a medium, is an undoubted fact in this society.
+
+A small bird known as _labeg_, is the messenger of the spirits,
+who control the _Bakid_ and _Sangasang_ ceremonies. When this bird
+enters the house, it is caught at once, its feathers are oiled; beads
+are attached to its feet, and it is released with the promise that
+the ceremony will be celebrated at once. This bird accompanies the
+warriors, and warns or encourages them with its calls. If it flies
+across their path from right to left, all is well; but if it comes
+from the left, they must return home, or trouble will befall the party.
+
+The spirits of _Sangasang_ make use of other birds and animals to
+warn the builders of a house, if the location selected does not please
+them. All the Tinguian know that the arrival of snakes, big lizards,
+deer, or wild hogs at the site of a new house is a bad sign.
+
+If a party or an individual is starting on a journey, and the
+kingfisher _(salaksak)_ flies from in front toward the place just
+left, it is a command to return at once; else illness in the village
+or family will compel a later return. [126] Should the _koling_ cry
+_awit, awit_ ("to carry, to carry"), an immediate return is necessary,
+or a member of the party will die, and will be carried home. When a
+snake crawls across the trail, and goes into a hole, it is a certain
+warning that, unless the trip is given up, some of the party will die,
+and be buried in the ground.
+
+The falling of a tree across the trail, when the groom is on his
+way to the home of his bride, threatens death for the couple, while
+the breaking or falling of an object during the marriage ceremony
+presages misfortune.
+
+Not all the signs are evil; for, if a man is starting to hunt,
+or trade, and he sees a hawk fly in front of him and catch a bird
+or chicken, he may on that day secure all the game he can carry,
+or can trade on his own terms.
+
+All the foregoing are important, but the most constantly employed
+method of foretelling the future is to examine the gall and liver
+of slain pigs. These animals are killed in all great ceremonies,
+at the conclusion of a medium's probation period, at birth, death,
+and funeral observances, and for other important events. If a
+head-hunt is to be attempted, the gall sack is removed, and is
+carefully examined, for if it is large and full, and the liquor in
+it is bitter, the enemy will be powerless; but if the sack is small,
+and only partially filled with a weak liquor, it will fare ill with
+the warriors who go into battle. For all other events, the liver
+itself gives the signs. When it is full and smooth, the omens are
+favorable; but if it is pitted, has black specks on it, is wrinkled,
+or has cross lines on it, the spirits are ill-disposed, and the
+project should be delayed. If, however, the matter is very urgent,
+another pig or a fowl may be offered in the hope that the attitude
+of the spirits may be changed. If the liver of the new sacrifice is
+good, the ceremony or raid may continue. The blood of these animals
+is always mixed with rice, and is scattered about for the superior
+beings, but the flesh is cooked, and is consumed by the mortals. [127]
+
+To recover stolen and misplaced articles or animals, one of three
+methods is employed. The first is to attach a cord to a jar-cover or
+the shells used by a medium. This is suspended so that it hangs freely,
+and questions are put to it. If the answer is "yes," it will swing to
+and fro. The second method is to place a bamboo stick horizontally on
+the ground and then to stand an egg on it. As the question is asked,
+the egg is released. If it falls, the answer is in the negative;
+if it stands, it replies "yes." The third and more common way is to
+place a head-axe on the ground, then to blow on the end of a spear
+and put it point down on the blade of the axe. If it balances, the
+answer is "yes."
+
+_Ceremonial Structures and Paraphernalia_.--As has been indicated,
+the Tinguian holds many ceremonies in honor of the superior beings;
+and, in connection with these, builds numerous small structures,
+and employs various paraphernalia, most of which bear definite names,
+and have well established uses. Since a knowledge of these structures
+and devices is necessary to a full understanding of the ceremonies,
+an alphabetical list is here furnished, before proceeding to the
+detailed discussion of the rites.
+
+_Alalot_: Two arches of bamboo, which support a grass roof. A small jar
+of _basi_ stands in this structure for the use of visiting spirits. Is
+generally constructed during the _Sayang_ ceremony, but in Bakaok
+it is built alone to cure sickness or to change a bad disposition
+(Plate XX, No. 4).
+
+_Aligang_: A four-pronged fork of a branch in which a jar of _basi_
+and other offerings are placed for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg
+(Salegseg). It is placed at the corner of the house during _Sayang_.
+
+_Ansisilit_: The framework placed beside the guardian stones on the
+sixteenth morning of _Sayang_. It closely resembles the _Inapapayag_.
+
+_Balabago_ (known in Manabo as Talagan): A long bamboo bench with a
+roofing of betel leaves. It is intended as a seat for guests, both
+spirit and human, during important ceremonies.
+
+_Balag_: A seat of wood or bamboo, placed close to the house-ladder
+during the _Sayang_ ceremony. Above and beside it are _alangtin_
+leaves, branches of the _lanoti_ tree, sugar-cane, and a leafy branch
+of bamboo. Here also are found a net equipped with lead sinkers, a
+top-shaped device, and short sections of bamboo filled with liquor. In
+some towns this is the seat of the honored guest, who dips _basi_
+for the dancers. In San Juan this seat is called _Patogau_.
+
+_Balaua_: This, the largest and most important of the spirit
+structures, is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony. The roofing is
+of plaited bamboo, covered with cogon grass. This is supported by
+eight uprights, which likewise furnish attachment for the bamboo
+flooring. There are no sides to the building, but it is so sturdily
+constructed that it lasts through several seasons. Except for the
+times of ceremony, it is used as a lounging place for the men, or
+as a loom-room by the women. Quite commonly poles are run lengthwise
+of the structure, at the lower level of the roof; and this "attic,"
+as well as the space beneath the floor, is used for the storage of
+farming implements, bundles of rattan and thatching (Plate XXI).
+
+_Balitang_: A large seat like the _Balabago_, but with a grass
+roofing. It is used as a seat for visitors during great ceremonies
+and festivals. This name is applied, in Manabo, to a little house,
+built among the bananas for the spirit Imalbi.
+
+_Bani-it_ or _Bunot_: Consists of a coconut husk suspended from a
+pole. The feathers of a rooster are stuck into the sides. It is made
+as a cure for sick-headache, also for lameness.
+
+_Bangbangsal_: Four long bamboo poles are set in the ground, and are
+roofed over to make a shelter for the spirits of Sayaw, who come in
+the _Tangpap_ ceremony.
+
+_Batog_: An unhusked coconut, resting on three bamboo sticks, goes
+by this name. It always appears in the _Sayang_ ceremony, close to
+the _Balag_, but its use and meaning are not clear.
+
+_Bawi_, also called _Babawi, Abarong_, and _Sinaba-an_: A name applied
+to any one of the small houses, built in the fields or gardens as
+a home for the spirits Kaiba-an, Abat, Selday, and some others of
+lesser importance (Plate XXII).
+
+_Idasan_: A seat or bench which stands near the house-ladder during
+the _Sayang_. A roof of cogon grass protects ten bundles of unthreshed
+rice, which lie on it. This rice is later used as seed. In the San Juan
+district, the place of the Idasan seems to be taken by three
+bamboo poles, placed in tripod fashion, so as to support a basket of
+rice. This is known as _Pinalasang_.
+
+_Inapapayag_: Two-forked saplings or four reeds are arranged so as to
+support a shield or a cloth "roof" (Plate XVIII). During _Sayang_ and
+some other ceremonies, it stands in the yard, or near to the town gate;
+and on it food and drink are placed for visiting spirits. During the
+celebration of _Layog_ (cf. p. 290), it is built near to the dancing
+space, and contains offerings for the spirit of the dead. A spear
+with a colored clout is stuck into the ground close by; and usually
+an inverted rice mortar also stands here, and supports a dish of
+_basi_. In the mountain village of Likuan it is built alone as a cure
+for sickness. A pig is killed and the mediums summon the spirits as
+in _Dawak_ (cf. p. 316).
+
+_Kalang_: A wooden box, the sides of which are cut to resemble the
+head and horns of a carabao. The spirits are not thought to reside
+here, but do come to partake of the food and drink placed in it. It is
+attached to the roof of the dwelling or in the _balaua_ or _kalangan._
+New offerings are placed in the _kalang_, before the men go to fight,
+or when the _Sayang_ ceremony is held. It also holds the head-bands
+worn by the mediums, when making _Dawak_ (Fig. 4, No. 2).
+
+_Kalangan_: the place of the _kalang_. This is similar to the _balaua_,
+but is smaller and, as a rule, has only four supporting timbers
+(Plate XXIII).
+
+_Pala-an_: Four long poles, usually three of bamboo, and one of a
+resinous tree known as _anteng_ (_Canarium villosum_ Bl.) are set
+in a square and support, near the top, a platform of bamboo (Plate
+XXIV). Offerings are made both on and below the _Pala-an_ during the
+ceremony of that name, and in the more important rites.
+
+_Pangkew_: Three bamboo poles are planted in the ground in a triangle,
+but they lean away from each other at such an angle, as to admit of
+a small platform midway of their length. A roofing of cogon grass
+completes the structure. It is built during _Sayang_, and contains a
+small jar of _basi_. The roof is always adorned with coconut blossoms
+(Plate XX).
+
+_Sagang_: Sharpened bamboo poles about eight feet in length on which
+the skulls of enemies were formerly exhibited. The pointed end was
+pushed through the _foramen magnum_, and the pole was then planted
+near the gate of the town.
+
+_Saloko_, also called _Salokang_ and _Sabut_: This is a bamboo pole
+about ten feet long, one end of which is split into several strips;
+these are forced apart, and are interwoven with other strips, thus
+forming a sort of basket. When such a pole is erected near to a house,
+or at the gate of the town, it is generally in connection with a
+ceremony made to cure headache. It is also used in the fields as a
+dwelling place for the spirit Kaiba-an (Plate XXV).
+
+The _Saloko_ ceremony and the _diam_, which accompanies it, seem to
+indicate that this pole originated in connection with head-hunting;
+and its presence in the fields gives a hint that in former times a
+head-hunt may have been a necessary preliminary to the rice-planting.
+
+_Sogayob_: A covered porch, which is built along one side of the house
+during the _Sayang_ ceremony. In it hang the vines and other articles,
+used by the female dancers in one part of the rite. A portion of one
+of the slaughtered pigs is placed here for the spirits of Bangued. In
+Lumaba the _Sogayob_ is built alone as a part of a one-day ceremony;
+while in Sallapadan it follows _Kalangan_ after an interval of about
+three months.
+
+_Taltalabong_: Following many ceremonies a small bamboo raft with
+arched covering is constructed. In it offerings are placed for spirits,
+who have been unable to attend the rite. In Manabo it is said that the
+raft is intended particularly for the sons of Kadaklan (Plate XXVI).
+
+_Tangpap_: Two types of structure appear under this name. When it is
+built as a part of the _Tangpap_ ceremony, it is a small house with a
+slanting roof resting on four poles. About three feet above the ground,
+an interwoven bamboo floor is lashed to the uprights (Plate XXVII). In
+the _Sayang_ ceremony, there are two structures which go by this name
+(Plate XX, Nos. 2 and 3). The larger has two floors, the smaller only
+one. On each floor is a small pot of _basi_, daubed with white.
+
+_Taboo Gateway_: At the gate of a town, one sometimes finds a defensive
+wall of bamboo, between the uprights of which are thrust bamboo spears
+in order to catch evil spirits, while on the gate proper are vines
+and leaves pleasing to the good spirits. Likewise in the _saloko_,
+which stands close by, are food and drink or betel-nut. All this
+generally appears when an epidemic is in a nearby village, in order
+to frighten the bearers of the sickness away, and at the same time
+gain the aid of well-disposed spirits. At such a time many of the
+people wear wristlets and anklets of bamboo, interwoven with roots
+and vines which are displeasing to the evil beings (Plate XXVIII).
+
+_Ceremonial Paraphernalia_.--_Akosan_ (Fig. 4, No. 4): A prized
+shell, with top and bottom cut off, is slipped over a belt-like
+cloth. Above it are a series of wooden rings and a wooden imitation
+of the shell. This, when hung beside the dead, is both pleasing to
+the spirit of the deceased, and a protection to the corpse against
+evil beings.
+
+_Aneb_ (Fig. 4, No. 1): The name usually given to a protective
+necklace placed about the neck of a young child to keep evil spirits
+at a distance. The same name is also given to a miniature shield,
+bow and arrow, which hang above the infant.
+
+_Dakidak_ (Fig. 4, Nos. 3-3a): Long poles, one a reed, the other
+bamboo, split at one end so they will rattle. The medium strikes
+them on the ground to attract the spirits to the food served on
+the _talapitap_.
+
+_Igam_: Notched feathers, often with colored yarn at the ends, attached
+to sticks. These are worn in the hair during the _Pala~an_ and _Sayang_
+ceremonies, to please the spirits of the east, called Idadaya.
+
+_Inalson_: A sacred blanket made of white cotton. A blue or blue
+and red design is formed, where the breadths join, and also along
+the borders. It is worn over the shoulders of the medium during the
+_Gipas_ ceremony (cf. p. 263).
+
+_Lab-labon_: Also called _Adug_. In Buneg and nearby towns, whose
+inhabitants are of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood, small incised
+pottery houses are found among the rice jars, and are said to be the
+residences of the spirits, who multiply the rice. They are sometimes
+replaced with incised jars decorated with vines. The idea seems to
+be an intrusion into the Tinguian belt. The name is probably derived
+from _labon_, "plenty" or "abundance" (Plate XXIX).
+
+_Piling_ (Plate XIX): A collection of large sea-shells attached to
+cords. They are kept in a small basket together with one hundred
+fathoms of thread and a Chinese plate, usually of ancient make. The
+whole makes up the medium's outfit, used when she is summoning the
+spirits.
+
+_Pinapa_: A large silk blanket with yellow strips running
+lengthwise. Such blankets are worn by certain women when dancing
+_da-eng_, and they are also placed over the feet of a corpse.
+
+_Sado_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): The shallow clay dishes in which the spirits
+are fed on the _talapitap_.
+
+_Salogeygey_: The outside bark of a reed is cut at two points, from
+opposite directions, so that a double fringe of narrow strips stands
+out. One end is split, _saklag_ leaves are inserted, and the whole
+is dipped or sprinkled in sacrificial blood, and placed in each house
+during the _Sagobay_ ceremony. The same name is applied to the magical
+sticks, which are placed in the rice seed-beds to insure lusty plants
+(cf. p. 399).
+
+_Sangadel_: The bamboo frame on which a corpse is placed during
+the funeral.
+
+_Tabing_: A large white blanket with which one corner of the room
+is screened off during the _Sayang_ and other ceremonies. In this
+"room" food and other offerings are made for the black, deformed,
+and timid spirits who wish to attend the ceremony unobserved.
+
+_Takal_: Armlets made of boar's tusks, which are worn during certain
+dances in _Sayang_.
+
+_Talapitap_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): A roughly plaited bamboo frame on which
+the spirits are fed during the more important rites. Used in connection
+with the _dakidak_ and clay dishes _(sado)._
+
+_Tongatong_ (Fig. 4, No. 5): The musical instrument, which appears
+in many ceremonials. It consists of six or more bamboo tubes of
+various lengths. The players hold a tube in each hand, and strike
+their ends on a stone, which lies between them, the varying lengths
+of the cylinders giving out different notes.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+THE CEREMONIES
+
+A visitor, who enters the Tinguian territory in the period following
+the rice-harvest, quickly gains the impression that the ceremonial
+life of this people is dominant. In nearly every village, he finds one
+or more ceremonies in progress, while work is almost forgotten. This
+condition exists until the coming of the rains in May, when all is
+changed. Men and women go to the fields before daybreak, and return
+only when darkness forces them to cease their toil. During the
+period when the fields are in preparation, or the rice is growing,
+few ceremonials are held, except those intended to promote the growth
+of the crops, to cure sickness, or to ward off impending misfortune.
+
+Aside from the rites, which attend birth, marriage, and similar events,
+the ceremonies may be placed in two divisions: first, those which
+may be celebrated by all people; second, those restricted to certain
+families. The first class we shall designate as the minor ceremonies.
+
+
+SECTION 1
+
+The Minor Ceremonies
+
+_Dawak_ (also called Boni and Alopag).--The name _Dawak_ is applied
+to that part of important ceremonies in which the spirits enter
+the bodies of the mediums. It is also given as a separate ceremony,
+usually to cure sickness, but in some settlements it follows a birth.
+
+According to tradition, it was taught, together with the _Sayang_
+ceremony, by the spirit Kaboniyan to a woman Dayapan; and she, in turn,
+taught it to others, who were then able to cure sickness.
+
+It is probable that the name comes from _dawat_ (a "request" or
+"petition"); yet there is little in it which corresponds to prayer
+or entreaty.
+
+As there was considerable variation in each _Dawak_ witnessed by
+the writer, the complete ceremony is given for the village of Ba-ak,
+together with striking variations from other towns.
+
+In this instance, the rite was held to effect the cure of a sick woman
+and to learn the desires of the spirits. Two mediums, assisted by
+several men and women, spent the first afternoon preparing the things
+to be used. First, a short cane was fashioned out of black wood,
+rattan rings were slipped over this, and all were placed inside a
+Chinese jar. A dish of cooked rice was put over the top, as a cover,
+and a blanket spread over the whole. This was brought close to the
+patient, the medium recited a _dam_ over it, [128] and then ordered
+that it remain there throughout the ceremony. On a large mat in the
+center of the room were placed betel-nuts, coconuts, and leaves, two
+jars--one empty, the other filled with _basi_--, a large and small
+head-axe, two spears, and some shells. An empty jar had a string
+of beads tied around its neck, and inside it was placed a switch,
+care being taken that a portion of it hung outside. Beside the jar
+was a basket containing five bundles of unthreshed rice, on which was
+a skein of thread supporting a new jar. All this was covered with a
+woman's skirt. Finally a bound pig was laid just inside the door.
+
+When all was complete, three men played on the _tongatong_
+(cf. p. 314), until one of the mediums took her place beside the
+mat. Raising a plate above her head, she struck it repeatedly with
+a small head-axe, to call attention of the spirits. [129] Then she
+began to chant and wail calling the spirits to enter her body. After
+two or three moments of song, she was possessed by a spirit, who
+announced that his name was Ibalinsogwan. He placed a rooster at one
+end of a spear, and a bundle of rice at the other, did a short dance,
+and departed. The mediums then seated themselves on opposite sides
+of the jar of _basi_; each drank of the liquor, and the chant began
+again. Spirit after spirit took possession of one of the mediums,
+who then conversed with the other, asked questions concerning the
+patient, or other matters, and occasionally offered advice. Before
+his departure, each spirit would drink of the _basi_.
+
+The members of the family were present during most of the day; friends
+came, and went as they pleased, stopped to listen to or talk with
+the spirits, drank _basi_, and then went about their work.
+
+Early the second morning, the mediums went to a bound pig in the house,
+and after placing betel-nut on its back, they poured water into its
+ear. This caused the animal to shake its head; and, as the water was
+thrown out, one of the mediums caught it in her hand, and applied it to
+the sick woman, at the same time chanting, "Go away sickness, be thrown
+out like this water; let this person be well, for she is now following
+the custom." As soon as she had finished, two men carried the animal to
+the river bank, where they killed and singed it. Upon their return to
+the house, they removed and carefully examined its liver; for, by the
+markings on it, the people were assured that the spirits were pleased
+with the manner in which the ceremony was being conducted, and hence
+the prospects for the patient's recovery were very bright. _Gipas_,
+the dividing, followed. An old man divided the pig with the medium,
+but by sly manipulation managed to get a little more than she did. A
+betel-nut, beeswax, and a lead net-sinker were tied together with
+a string, and were divided, but again the old man received a little
+more than his share. Betel-nut was offered to the pair. Apparently
+each piece was the same, but only one was supplied with lime, and
+the mortal secured that. He then challenged the medium to see whose
+spittle was the reddest. Both expectorated on the head-axe, but since
+the spittle of the medium was not mixed with lime, it was uncolored. In
+all instances the human being came out victor over the spirit, who
+sought to take the woman's life. Hence her recovery was assured.
+
+A new spirit possessed the medium, and under her directions the
+family was placed beneath a blanket, and a coconut was cut in two over
+their heads. In addition to the fluid of the nut, water was emptied
+over them, "so that the sickness would be washed away." As soon as
+the family emerged from the blanket, they went to their _balaua_,
+[130] and offered food, after which the medium again summoned several
+spirits. From this time until well into the evening, the guests danced
+_tadek_, stopping only to be served with food and drink.
+
+The morning of the third and last day was spent in preparing food and
+other offerings, which were placed on a mat and left, for a time, to be
+used by the immortals. Later the offerings were consumed by the guests,
+and the medium summoned the spirit Agkabkabayo. This being directed
+four men to carry the blanket on which the medium was seated to the
+_balaua_, when they were met by another medium, possessed by the spirit
+Balien. For a time they busied themselves making repairs to the spirit
+structure, then decorated it by tying strips of shredded coconut leaves
+to the slats of the floor. They also attached leaves to the _kalang_
+(cf. p. 310), and inserted betel-nut and leaf. The final act of the
+ceremony was to prepare four _soloko_ (cf. p. 310). In the first was
+placed a half coconut; in the second was rice mixed with blood; in
+the third cooked flesh of a fowl; and in the last were four stalks
+of rice, and some pine-sticks. One was placed at each gate of the
+town as an offering, and the people returned to their homes.
+
+As payment for their services, the mediums received a small portion
+of the pig, some rice, beads, a little money, and cloth.
+
+The acts and conversation of the spirits when summoned in _Dawak_
+are well illustrated by the following.
+
+A woman of Lagangilang was ill with dysentery; and a medium, in this
+instance, a man, was instructed to make _Dawak_. He began summoning
+the spirits by striking a dish with his head-axe. Soon he covered
+his face with his hands, began to sway to and fro, and to chant
+unintelligible words. Suddenly he stopped and announced that he was
+the spirit Labotan, and that it was his wish that blood and rice
+be placed on a head-axe, and be laid on the woman's abdomen. Next
+he ordered that they should feed some rice to the small pig which
+lay bound on the floor. "If he eats, this is the right ceremony,
+and you will get well," he said. The pig refused the food, and, after
+expressing regret that he was unable to help, the spirit departed, to
+be succeeded by Binongon. He at once directed that the pig be killed,
+and the palpitating heart be put on the woman's stomach, and then
+be pressed against each person in the room, as a protection against
+illness. At first he refused to drink the liquor which was offered to
+him, for it was new and raw; but when he learned that no other could be
+obtained, he drank, and then addressed the patient. "You ate something
+forbidden. It is easy to cure you if the spirits have made you ill;
+but if some one is practising magic, perhaps you will die." With
+this cheering message the spirit departed, and Ayaonwan appeared. He
+directed an old woman to feed rice and water to the patient, and
+then, without further advice, he said, "The other spirits do not
+like me very well, so I cannot go to their places. I went to their
+places, but they said many bad words to me. I offered them _basi_,
+but they did not wish to take; so I asked the way, and they showed
+me to the other spirits' place. I was poor, and had nothing to eat
+for noon or night. When I was in the road, I met many long snakes,
+and I had to push them apart so I could walk. And I met many eels,
+and asked of them the road; but the eels bit me, and took me into
+their stomachs, and carried me to Luluaganan to the well there; then
+I died. The people, who go to the well, say, 'Why is Ayaonwan dead? We
+have a bad odor now;' and the eels say, 'Whose son is this?' and they
+rubbed my dead spirit, and I received life again. Then I took blood
+and rice with me to the sky to the other eels to make _Sayang_. The
+eels gave me gold for my wrists; the monkeys gave me gold for my teeth
+and hair; the wild pig gave me bracelets. There is much more I can
+tell you, but now I must go." The spirit departed, and a new one was
+summoned. This spirit took the spear in his hand, and after chanting
+about the illness of the woman, he drank _basi_ out of a dish, sitting
+on the head-axe. Then singing again he dipped the spear in the oil,
+and allowed it to fall drop by drop on the stomach of the sick woman;
+later he touched the heads of all present with the spear, saying,
+"You will not be sick any more," and departed.
+
+_Pinaing_ or _Pinading_ (Plate XXX).--At the gate or entrance of
+nearly every village will be found a number of peculiarly shaped,
+water-worn stones, either beneath a small shelter, or nestling among
+the roots of some great tree. These are the "guardian stones," and
+in them lives Apdel ("the spirit who guards the town"). Many stories
+cluster about these _pinaing_, [131] but all agree that, if proper
+offerings are made to them at the beginning of a great ceremony;
+when the men are about to undertake a raid; or, when sickness is in a
+nearby village, the resident spirit will protect the people under his
+care. Thus it happens that several times each year a group of people
+may be seen early in the morning, gathered at the stones. They anoint
+the head of each one with oil, put new bark bands on their "necks,"
+after which they kill a small pig. The medium mixes the blood of
+the slain animal with rice, and scatters it on the ground while she
+recites the story of their origin. Then she bids the spirits from
+near and far to come and eat, and to be kindly disposed.
+
+In Bakaok and some other villages it is customary for the medium
+to summon several spirits at this time, and this is followed by the
+dancing of _tadek_. The people of Luluno always hold a ceremony at
+the _pinaing_ before the planting of the rice and after the harvest.
+
+Following this ceremony in the village of San Juan, a miniature raft
+(_taltalabong_) was loaded with food and other presents, and was
+set afloat, to carry provisions to any spirit, who might have been
+prevented from enjoying the feast.
+
+These stones are of particular interest, in that they present one
+of the few instances in which the Tinguian associates supernatural
+beings with natural objects.
+
+_Saloko_ (Plate XXV).--Besides the houses, in the fields, and at
+the gate of many villages, one often sees long bamboo poles with
+one end converted into a basket-like receptacle. Offerings of food
+and betel-nut are now found in them; but, according to some of the
+older men, these were, until recently, used to hold the heads of
+slain enemies, as is still the case among the neighboring Apayao.
+
+The ritual of the _Saloko_ ceremony seems, in part, to bear out this
+claim; yet the folk-tales and equally good informants assure us that
+the heads were placed on sharpened bamboo poles, which passed through
+the _foramen magnum_. It is probable that both methods of exhibiting
+skulls were employed in the Tinguian belt.
+
+Nowadays the _saloko_ found near to the villages are usually erected,
+during a short ceremony of the same name, as a cure for headache. A
+medium is summoned; and, after securing a chicken, she strokes it,
+as she chants:
+
+
+"You spirits of the _sagang_, [132] who live above.
+"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live on the level ground.
+"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the east.
+"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the west.
+"You Lalaman [133] above.
+"You Lalaman on the wooded hill.
+"You Lalaman in the west.
+"If you took the head of the sick man,
+"You must now grant him health, as you please."
+
+
+The fowl is killed; and its blood, together with rice and some other
+gift, is placed in the _saloko_, and is planted near the house or
+gate. Oftentimes a string of feathers runs from the pole to the
+dwelling, or to the opposite side of the gate. The family cooks and
+eats the chicken, and the affected member is expected to recover at
+once. Should the trouble persist, a more elaborate ceremony, probably
+_Dawak_, will follow.
+
+In some instances betel-nut prepared for chewing takes the place of
+the fowl; rice-stalks hang from the sides of the basket, and bits of
+pine are added "to make bright and clear." All of this is rubbed on
+the patient's head, while the medium recites the _diam_.
+
+_Bawi_, also called _Sinaba-an_ and _Ababong_.--This name is often
+applied to the small houses built in the rice-fields for the spirit
+Kaiba-an, but more commonly it refers to the little structures of
+bamboo and grass, which nestle among the banana plantings near the
+village (Plate XXII). When such a structure is built or repaired,
+it is accompanied by a ceremony of the same name. The usual purpose
+of this event is to cure sore feet, but in Patok and other valley
+towns it is celebrated before the rice harvest and the pressing of the
+sugar-cane, so that the spirits will keep the workers in good health,
+and save them from injury.
+
+One of the most common ailments is sore or cracked feet caused,
+no doubt, by standing for long periods in the mud and water of the
+rice-fields, and then tramping over the rough, hot trails to the
+village. The Tinguian, however, know that the spirits, called Abat and
+Selday bring about this affliction, unless they are kept in good humor,
+and have something to occupy their time other than disturbing human
+beings; hence these houses are built for them, suitable offerings are
+placed inside, and finally a few banana suckers are planted close by,
+so that the spirits will be kept busy caring for them.
+
+The origin of the ceremony is ascribed to a woman of ancient
+times, named Bagutayka, who, lacking certain organs, appears as an
+outcast. She at first caused passers-by to have trouble with their
+feet and limbs, but later taught them how to effect a cure by building
+the _bawi_ and performing the ceremony. [134]
+
+To-day, when a person is afflicted, he summons a medium, the
+spirit-house is built, and then the following _diam_ is recited over
+a rooster:
+
+
+"You abat above,
+"You abat in the ground,
+"You abat in the corner of the house,
+"You abat in the center pole,
+"You abat below the stair,
+"You abat in the door,
+"You Selday in the wooded hill,
+"You Selday above,
+"Make the sick person well, if you please!" [135]
+
+
+When the recital is finished, the fowl is killed, and its blood
+mixed with rice is placed in nine dishes and one polished coconut
+shell. From these it is transferred to nine other dishes and one
+bamboo basket. These are placed in a row, and nine dishes and one
+unpolished shell are filled with water, and placed opposite. In the
+center of this double line is a dish, containing the cooked flesh
+of the rooster, also some rice, and one hundred fathoms of thread,
+while between the dishes are laid ten half betel-nuts, prepared for
+chewing. Later, all these things are returned to a single receptacle,
+except those in the shell cups and basket, which are placed in the
+spirit-house. The underlying idea in this procedure seems to be that
+frequently found in other ceremonies, namely, that food and water
+symbolizes the life of the patient, which is partially taken away by
+the spirits; but when they are returned to one place, the life must
+be replaced in a like manner.
+
+In Manabo a piece of banana bark is taken from one of the plantings
+beside a _bawi_; and, after being washed in the water, is applied to
+the affected limb.
+
+The final act is to take a coconut husk, stick feathers in its sides,
+and hang it beside the _bawi_ as a sign to all that the ceremony has
+been held.
+
+No spirits are summoned at this time, neither is there singing
+or dancing.
+
+_Bakid_. [136]--This ceremony is held to celebrate the completion
+of a new dwelling, or to remove any bad sign, which may have been
+received during the building operations.
+
+The medium and her assistants fasten a bamboo pole or rattan cord
+across one portion of the room, and on it place numerous pieces of
+cloth-skirts, blankets, belts, a fish-net, and a quantity of false
+hair. This serves first as an offering to the spirits, but it is also
+explained that, if the immortals are unable to count all the gifts,
+they will be powerless to injure the occupants of the dwelling. Should
+an evilly disposed being desire to make trouble for the owner, he
+must count every hair in the switches, as well as every hole in the
+fish-net. Failing in this, he will be compelled by the other spirits
+to celebrate the _Bakid_ ceremony five times at his own expense.
+
+Beneath the line of offerings, a bound pig is laid; and, as she strokes
+the side of the animal, with oiled fingers, the medium repeats a _diam_
+[137] in which she tells of misfortunes of a family, which failed to
+observe the signs sent by Kaboniyan, and of his instructions as to how
+best to overcome their troubles. The family listens respectfully until
+the story is finished, then they lift a door from its socket, place
+it in the middle of the floor, and proceed to sacrifice the pig upon
+it. Some of the blood is immediately sprinkled on the house timbers,
+particularly those which may have given the builders trouble, either
+in transportation, or during the erection of the structure. The greater
+part of the blood is mixed with rice, and is dropped through the slits
+in the floor, or scattered about for the spirits; while for an hour
+or more a portion of the meat, the heart, and the head, are placed
+below the offerings on the cord or on the house-beams. Later, these
+portions will be cooked and served to the guests. Immediately after
+the killing, the liver is removed, and is examined for a sign. Should
+the omens be unfavorable, another animal will be killed, or the
+family will celebrate _Sangasang_ within a few days. If the signs
+are satisfactory, the host begins to distribute _basi_, and soon good
+fellowship reigns. One after another of the guests sings the _daleng_,
+in which they bespeak for the owner a long and prosperous life in his
+new home. The _Bakid_ always ends with a feast, in which the flesh of
+slaughtered animals plays the important part. Upon its completion, the
+medium is given a portion of the meat, some unthreshed rice, and other
+small gifts, as payment for her services. The guests return to their
+homes, and for two or three days following are barred from entering
+the new dwelling. During this period the family must remain indoors.
+
+_Sangasang_.--_Sangasang_ is often so similar to the _Bakid_, that
+one description might cover both. This is particularly true, if it
+is held to remove a bad sign. Should a large lizard or a bird enter
+a new building, it is considered as a messenger of Kaboniyan; and the
+foregoing ceremony is carried out, the only variation being that the
+bird or lizard is caught, if possible, is anointed with oil, a bead
+is attached to a leg, and it is then released to go back to its master.
+
+Continued misfortunes to the members of a household would also be an
+excuse for the ceremony. In this instance, the only variation from the
+procedure just given would be in the _diams_. The first to be recited
+tells how the spirit Maganawan sent many snakes and birds to the gate
+of a town to demand the blood of a rooster mixed with rice. The people
+celebrated _Sangasang_, and sent blood and rice to Maganawan, who,
+in turn, spat it out on the ground. As he did so, the sickness and
+misfortunes of the mortals vanished. The second _diam_ [138] relates
+a quarrel between the various parts of the house, each insisting on
+its own importance. At last they recognize their mutual dependence,
+and the people of the dwelling are again in good health. [139]
+
+In Lumaba and nearby villages, unpleasant dreams, or a bad disposition
+are overcome by a ceremony called _Sangasang_; but, as this varies
+somewhat from the others, it is given in detail.
+
+The medium, who is summoned for this event, calls for oil and a
+rooster with long spurs. When these are brought, she strokes the fowl
+with the oil, and chants the following _diam_. "There is a very old
+woman in the sea, and she says to her spirits, who are Dapeg (a spirit
+which kills people), Balingenngen (a spirit which causes bad dreams),
+and Benisalsal (a spirit which throws things and is unpleasant), 'Go
+beyond the sea and spread your sickness,' The spirits are going. They
+arrive and begin their work, and if the people do not make _Sangasang_,
+many will die. Now it is morning, and the spirits are going to the
+river to see what the people have offered to the old woman, who is
+Inawen. If they do not find anything, they will say, 'All the people
+in this town shall die,' and then they will go on to another place."
+
+"Inawen, who is waiting, sends Kideng (a servant) to search for
+the spirits, who are killing people, to tell them to return. Dapeg
+leaves the first town. He goes to another, and the dogs bark so that
+the people cannot sleep. A man opens the door, to learn the cause of
+the barking, and he sees a man, fat and tall, with nine heads, and
+he carries many kinds of cakes. The man says, 'Now take these cakes,
+and if you do not make _Sangasang_ for my mistress, at the river,
+you shall die. You must find a rooster with long tail and spurs; you
+must mix its blood with rice, and put it in the river at dawn when no
+one can see you,' The man makes _Sangasang_ the next night, and puts
+the blood, mixed with rice, in a well dug by the river, so that the
+spirits may take it to their mistress. Kideng also arrives and says,
+'you must come with me now, for she awaits you who are bearing this
+offering.' They go and arrive. Their mistress eats and says, 'I did
+not think that the blood of people tasted so badly, now I shall not
+send you again, for you have already killed many people.'"
+
+When this chant is completed, the chicken is killed, as directed
+in the song; and at night the blood and rice are offered beside the
+stream. [140] The chicken is eaten by the family, and its feathers
+are tied to a string, stretched across the room. Leaves are attached
+to the house-ladder as a warning that all visitors are barred, and
+for three days the family remains quietly indoors.
+
+_Sagobay_. [141]--This is one of the most widespread of the ceremonies,
+for it not only covers the entire Tinguian belt, but extends into the
+Igorot villages of the Upit river region and Ilocos Sur, as well as
+into the Kalinga villages of the Malokbot valley.
+
+Its occurrence in connection with the rice-culture is fully, described
+elsewhere (cf. p. 400), so that at this place only its second function,
+that of keeping illness from the town, is described.
+
+When an epidemic appears in a nearby settlement, the _lakay_ summons
+the old men in council, and they decide on the number of pigs, and
+the amount of rice, _basi_, and other articles required, after which
+the necessary funds are secured by levying a tax on all the people
+of the village.
+
+To keep the evil spirits, who bear the sickness, out of the town,
+a cord of bamboo or rattan is stretched around the whole settlement,
+while at the gate a high fence is erected. Through the uprights of
+this fence are stuck bamboo spikes with the sharpened ends facing
+outward, so as to catch or pierce the intruders (Plate XXVIII);
+while in the _saloko_ and along the gateway are placed leaves, roots,
+and other offerings acceptable to the friendly spirits. Similar cords
+and leaves are also strung around the entrances to the houses.
+
+The cord and gateway form an adequate protection, and no human
+being or spirit will violate this taboo. Should a human do so, the
+least penalty would be a tax sufficient to pay all the expense of
+the ceremony; but should the sickness afterwards invade the town,
+it is quite possible that more serious punishment might be exacted
+by the families of the victims.
+
+When all is prepared, the men and boys arm themselves, and with shouts
+and hostile demonstrations drive the sickness toward the town whence it
+is thought to come. [142] Returning to the center of the village, the
+people dance _tadek_, and the mediums may summon several spirits. Next,
+the pigs are killed, and their livers are examined for a sign. Should
+the omens be unfavorable, one or more fowls will be sacrificed,
+until it seems certain that the help of the spirits is assured,
+after which the flesh is cooked and eaten. Then a small covered raft
+_(taltalabong)_ is constructed, and a portion of the food is placed
+inside. Late in the afternoon, this is carried through the village,
+while one or more drummers keep up a din to frighten evil spirits
+away. Just as the sun is sinking, the raft is carried to the river,
+and is set afloat, in order that any interested spirits, who may have
+been prevented from attending the ceremony, may still receive their
+share of the offering. In Likuan a different explanation is offered
+for the _taltalabong_. Here they say that the offerings are placed
+on the raft, so as to induce any hostile spirits who may be near to
+enter, and then they are carried out and away from the town.
+
+The blood of the slaughtered animals has been saved, and upon their
+return from the river the people dip leaves into it, and attach these
+near to the doors of their dwellings. For at least one day following,
+no work is done, and all visitors are barred. During this time the
+people only converse in low tones, and take special precautions against
+even animals making a noise. The beaks of roosters are tied, or they
+are placed in small baskets, so that they cannot stand up to crow.
+
+In Lakub a new house or protection is placed above the guardian stones,
+and offerings are made to them at the time of the _Sagobay_, while
+in Likuan the participants wear neck and ankle bands of bamboo as a
+further protection from the sickness.
+
+_Ngorong-or_.--Lumaba and the Tinguian villages of Ilokos Sur hold
+this ceremony, whenever a person is seriously ill with stomach
+trouble. As the rite does not extend far into the Tinguian belt,
+but is found in the Igorot villages farther south, it seems likely
+that it is an importation from that region.
+
+The members of the family gather in the afternoon, and kill a small
+pig by cutting off its head. A part of the blood is saved, and the
+balance is sprinkled against the house posts and ladder. The pig
+itself is hung from one round of the ladder, so that its blood will
+drip to the ground. The medium has been standing quietly to one side
+watching, but now she calls upon the spirits, "You (calling one or
+more by name), come out; be vomited up, for now you are being fed." She
+allows them a few minutes for their repast, then cuts open the carcass
+and removes the liver. A bit is cut from the top, then she splits open
+the animal's skull, and removes a little of the brain. This she places
+on a banana leaf; and, after adding a small piece of gold, wraps it up
+and buries it beside the center post of the dwelling. The animal is
+now cooked and served to the guests, but liberal portions are placed
+on the house rafters and other places convenient for the spirits.
+
+Next morning a piece is cut from a dog's ear, is smeared with blood,
+and is placed in a small split bamboo, together with two stalks of
+rice. A clout is tied to a spear, and all are rubbed on the body of
+the patient, while the medium explains that this is the betel-nut
+of the spirits, and that, when she takes it from the village, they
+will go also, and the recovery be assured. The family follows her to
+the gate of the town, and watches closely, as she thrusts the spear
+and pole into the ground; for if they are firmly set in the ground,
+yet lean away from the village, it is certain that the spirits have
+departed, and the sick will recover.
+
+Following the ceremony, members of the family may not work for
+five days, neither may they lead a horse or carabao, or eat of wild
+meat. Should they do any of the things forbidden, they will be struck
+by lightning.
+
+_Sapata the Oath_.--If a theft has been committed, and it has been
+impossible to detect the guilty person, the following procedure
+takes place. A rice-mortar is placed in the yard, and on it a dish of
+_basi_. All the people are summoned to gather, and one by one they
+drink of the liquor, meanwhile calling on the snakes to bite them,
+the lightning to strike them, or their abdomens to swell up and burst
+if they are guilty. Soon the people will know the culprit, for one
+of these disasters will befall him. When that occurs, his family
+will be compelled to make good the theft, as well as the expense of
+this gathering.
+
+
+
+SECTION 2
+
+The Great Ceremonies
+
+In addition to the ceremonies and rites which may be celebrated by
+all the people there are a number of more elaborate observances,
+which can only be given by those who have the hereditary right,
+or who have gained the privilege by a certain definite procedure.
+
+In general these ceremonies are restricted to the villages in or
+close to the valley of the Abra, the lower reaches of the Tineg,
+Malanas, and Sinalong rivers. As one proceeds up the tributary
+streams into such settlements as Baay, Likuan, and Lakub, it is
+noticeable that the typical spirit houses become fewer in number,
+while the participants in the accompanying ceremonies are limited to
+recent emigrants from the lower valleys. The same thing is found to
+be true on the western side of the coast range of mountains, as one
+goes north or south from the Abra river, although there is evidence
+here that some of the settlements formerly had these rites, but have
+allowed them to fall into disuse, as a result of Ilocano influence.
+
+This distribution of the great ceremonies seems to give a hint that
+they are intrusive; that they probably were at one time restricted
+to the families of emigrants and even to-day are barred from a part
+of the people. They have not yet extended far into the interior,
+despite the fact that in the lower valleys they almost completely
+dominate the life of the people during a portion of the year.
+
+In all the valley towns one sees little houses and platforms,
+apparently of no practical value, yet occupying important places,
+while in the period following the rice-harvest elaborate festivals are
+carried on about them. Soon it develops that each of these structures
+has a definite name, is associated with a particular ceremony, and
+is built and kept in repair in honor of certain powerful spirits.
+
+The culmination of these rites is the great _Sayang_ ceremony which
+extends over seventeen days and nights. When this is held, it includes
+all the minor events of this class, and the smaller spirit structures
+are then built or repaired. This supreme event can only be celebrated
+by a few families, but all the townpeople are welcome guests, and all,
+regardless of age and sex, may witness or take part in the proceedings.
+
+Since all the great events occur after the harvest, a time of leisure
+and plenty, they become the great social events of the year. A person
+who does not have the hereditary right to the ceremonies may gain the
+liberty if he be warned in a dream or be notified by the spirits that
+it is their wish. Since all the expenses of such a gathering fall on
+the giver, it is imperative that he be well-to-do. Such a one gives
+the ceremonies, in order, during a term of years, and eventually
+obtains the right to the _Sayang_, the greatest social and religious
+event in Tinguian life.
+
+Adoption entitles an individual to all the privileges of the family,
+and as the writer and his wife were adopted into a family possessing
+the right to all the ceremonies, they became at once participants in
+all the events which are here described. In this way it was possible
+to obtain information and instruction on many points which observation
+alone could scarcely afford.
+
+The _Pala-an_ ceremony is the first round on the social and religious
+ladder. It is here given in some detail, and is then followed by
+others, in the order of their importance.
+
+_Pala-an_.--The _Pala-an_ is held when some member of the family is
+ill, or when the structure of that name needs repair. Many spirits
+visit the people during this rite, but the one chiefly interested is
+Idadaya, the spirit of the east. He and his ten grandchildren wear in
+their hair the notched tail-feathers of a rooster, which are known
+as _igam._ From time to time these lose their luster, and they can
+only be refreshed by having some mortal celebrate _Pala-an_.
+
+When it appears that these ornaments need attention, the Idadaya will
+notify some family, either through a medium or by sending illness
+to them.
+
+A family having received such a notification summons a medium,
+and she at once begins to gather _saklag_ (_Justicia gendarussa_
+L.) and _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ sp. near _scandens_) and a grass known
+as _bildis_, while the men secure the bamboo and other materials used
+in building the spirit structure. One corner of the living room is
+screened off with a large white blanket called _tabing_, and behind
+it the medium places unthreshed rice and jars which she has decked
+with vines and leaves.
+
+While she is thus engaged, the men are busy building the _pala-an_
+(Plate XXIV). This consists of four long poles--three of bamboo and
+one of a resinous tree, _anteng_, [143] set in a square and supporting,
+near the top, a platform of bamboo.
+
+A number of women have been invited to assist the family, and they
+now proceed to beat out sufficient rice to serve the guests. When
+the pounding is finished, a rice-mortar is set out in the open, and
+a little rice is placed in it. The women, armed with long pestles,
+gather around and, keeping time to the music of copper gongs, they
+circle the mortar contra-clockwise, striking its edge three times
+in regular beats of 1, 2, 3; on the next beat the leader strikes the
+bottom of her pestle against that of her neighbor, on the first and
+second beats, but on the third she pounds the rice in the mortar. This
+is repeated by the woman on her right and so on around the circle. Then
+the leader strikes the top of her pestle against the top of the one
+held by the women next her on two beats and on the third pounds rice,
+and this is repeated by all. The music now becomes much faster, and,
+keeping time with it, the leader strikes first into the rice, then
+whirls clear around and strikes the pestle of the woman on her left;
+again she turns and strikes that of the woman on her right. Each
+follows her in turn, and soon all are in motion about the mortar,
+alternately pounding the rice and clashing pestles. This is known as
+_kitong_, and is the method prescribed by the great spirit Kaboniyan
+for the breaking of a part of the rice to be used in this and other
+ceremonies (Plate XXXI).
+
+As soon as the pounding is finished, the medium places some of
+the newly broken rice in a bamboo dish, and places this on a rice
+winnower. She also adds a skirt, five pieces of betel-nut, two piper
+leaves, and a little dish of oil, and carries the collection below
+the _pala-an_, where a bound pig lies. The betel-nut and leaf are
+placed on the animal, then the medium dips her fingers in the oil,
+and strokes its side while she recites the following _diam_:--
+
+"The spirit who lives in Dadaya lies in bed; he looks at his _igam_,
+and they are dull. He looks again, 'Why are my _igam_ dull? Ala,
+let us go to Sudipan, where the Tinguian live, and let us take our
+_igam_, so that some one may make them bright again.' After that they
+laid them (the _igam_) on the house of the Ipogau, and they are all
+sick who live in that house. Kaboniyan looked down on them. 'Ala,
+I shall go down to the Ipogau,' He truly went down to them, 'What is
+the matter with you?' 'We are all sick who live in the same place,'
+said those sick ones. 'That is true, and the cause of your sickness
+is that they (the spirits) laid down their _igam_ on you. It is best
+that you make _Pala-an_, since you have received their _igam_, for
+that is the cause of your illness,' After that they made _Pala-an_,
+and they recovered from their sickness, those who lived in the same
+place. (Here the medium calls the spirits of Dadaya by name and then
+continues.) 'Now those who live in the same place make bright again
+those _igam_ which you left in their house. Make them well again,
+if you please'."
+
+As soon as she finishes her recital, the pig is stabbed in the throat,
+its blood is collected, and is mixed with cooked rice. The carcass is
+singed at once. Five men then carry it to the top of the _pala-an_,
+where it is cut up. The suet and the hind legs are handed to the
+medium, who places them behind the screen in the room, and the family
+may then rest assured that the spirits thus remembered will free them
+from headache and sore eyes. After the flesh has been cut into small
+pieces, most of it is carried into the dwelling to be cooked for
+the guests, but a portion is placed in a bamboo tube, and is cooked
+beneath the _pala-an_. When it is ready to serve, the five men again
+go to the top of the structure and eat it, together with cooked rice,
+then they take the bamboo cooking tube, tie some of the sacred vines
+from behind the curtain about it, and fasten it to one pole of the
+_pala-an_. The men in the house are free to eat, and when they are
+finished, the women dine.
+
+In the cool of the afternoon, the people begin to assemble in the
+yard, where they are soon joined by the medium carrying a spear in
+one hand, a rooster in the other, and with a rice winnower atop her
+head. She places the latter on a rice-mortar close to the _pala-an_,
+and uncovering it reveals a small head-axe, notched chicken feathers,
+her shells, five pieces of betel-nut and two leaves, a jar cover,
+a dish of oil, and a coconut shell filled with rice and blood.
+
+At the command of the medium, four or five men begin to play on
+copper gongs, while the wife of the host comes forward and receives
+the spear and rooster in one hand. The medium takes the head-axe,
+and then the two women take hold of the winnower with their free
+hands. Keeping time to the music, they lift it from the mortar,
+take one step, then stop, strike the spear and head-axe together,
+then step and stop again. At each halt the medium takes a little of
+the rice and blood from the winnower and sprinkles it on the ground
+for the spirits to eat. [144] When they have made half the circuit
+of the mortar, they change places and retrace their steps; for "as
+they take the gifts partly away and then replace them, in the same
+manner the spirits will return that part of the patient's life which
+they had removed, and he will become well and strong again."
+
+The blood and rice which remain after this dance is placed on nine
+pieces of banana bark. Five of these are carried to the _pala-an_;
+one to the east and one to the west gate of the town; one is put on
+the _talagan_, a miniature seat erected near by for the convenience of
+visiting spirits, and one in a little spirit house known as _tangpap_
+(cf.p.311). For an hour or more, the medium makes _dawak_, and summons
+many spirits into her body. When the last of superior beings has made
+his call, the medium goes to her home, carrying her payment for the
+day's work, [145] but the townspeople remain to drink _basi_ and to
+sing _da-eng_ until well into the night.
+
+Early the next morning, the medium goes to the house, and removing
+the jars and the bundle of decorated rice from the _tabing_, carries
+them to the family's rice granary, and places them in the center of
+that structure, covering them with six bundles of rice. This is an
+offering to the spirit residing there, and for the next five days
+the granary must not be opened.
+
+Nothing more of importance takes place during the morning, but late
+in the afternoon the people assemble in the dwelling to drink _basi_,
+while one or more mediums summon the spirits. After a time a sterile
+female pig is brought in and placed in the center of the room. Two
+men armed with long knives slice the animal open along the length of
+its stomach. An old man quickly slips in his hand, draws out the still
+palpitating heart, and hands it to a medium, who in turn strokes the
+stomachs of members of the family, thus protecting them from intestinal
+troubles. She also touches the guests and the articles which have
+been used during the day. For this second day this medium receives,
+as pay, the head and two legs of the pig, a hundred fathoms of thread,
+a dish of broken rice, and five bundles of unthreshed rice. She also
+is given a small present in exchange for each bead she received when
+the spirits entered her body.
+
+Following the ceremony, the members of the family are barred from work,
+usually for one moon, and during this period they may not eat of wild
+pig or carabao, of lobsters or eels. An infraction of this rule would
+incur, the wrath of the spirits and result in sickness and disaster.
+
+_Tangpap_.--In many of the valley towns Tangpap is only a part
+of _Sayang_ (cf.p.345), and is never given alone, but in Manabo,
+Lagangilang, and nearby settlements it is recognized as one of the
+ceremonies which must be celebrated before a family acquires the
+right to _Sayang_. In these villages it follows _Pala-an_ after a
+lapse of two or three years. It was during the progress of this
+ceremony in the village of Manabo, in 1908, that the writer and
+his wife were made members of the tribe, and since the mediums were
+particularly anxious that we know all the details, the information
+in this instance is unusually complete. It is here given in full,
+as an excellent example of how all are conducted.
+
+A Manabo woman, the wife of Sagasag, was seized with an illness which
+deprived her of the use of her limbs, and when other means of relief
+failed, was told by the spirits to give the _Tangpap_ ceremony, to
+which she already had a hereditary right. A medium was summoned,
+and she, with two assistants, began to prepare many presents for
+the spirits who were expected to attend the ceremony. From previous
+experience it was known the sort of gift each would appreciate, and
+by the end of the second day the following things were in readiness.
+
+For the spirits Bakod and Olak, [146] a rice winnower was loaded with
+a shield, a clay dish, a coconut shell filled with _basi_, a string of
+beads, a small basket, two bundles of rice, and leaves of the _atilwag_
+(_Breynia acuminata_), later the half of a slain pig was also added.
+
+Cords were attached at each corner of the living room, and beneath
+the points where they crossed was a mat on which the mediums were to
+sit when summoning the spirits. On the cords were leaves, grasses,
+and vines, the whole forming a decoration pleasing to the superior
+beings, I-anayan and I-angawan.
+
+For Gapas they provided two small baskets of rice, a shell called
+_gosipeng_, and a rattan-like vine, _tanobong_, betel-nuts and
+piper-leaf.
+
+Bogewan received a basket of rice, some white thread, sections of
+_posel_--a variety of bamboo--, _atilwag_ leaves, and some beads. For
+Bognitan, a jar was partly filled with _tanobong_, and for Gilin, a
+jar of _basi_. Cooked rice was moulded into the form of an alligator,
+and was spotted with red, betel saliva. This, when placed on a basket
+of rice, was intended for Bolandan.
+
+Soyan was provided with a basket which contained the medium's
+shells and a cloth, while Ibaka received a jar cover filled with
+salt. Dandawila had to be content with a stem of young betel-nuts,
+and Bakoki with two fish baskets filled with pounded rice, also a
+spear. A large white blanket was folded into a neat square, and on
+it was laid a lead sinker for the use of Mamonglo.
+
+As a rule, three spirits named Mabeyan attended this ceremony. For
+the first, a bamboo frame was constructed, and on it was placed a
+female pig, runo (a reed), and prepared betel nut. For the second,
+a shield, fish net, rice and a rice winnower, and a bit of string;
+while for the third, a rice winnower was set with eight coconut shells,
+a small dish, and a gourd dipper.
+
+During a considerable portion of the time that these articles
+were being prepared, several men sat in the yard and played on
+the _tongatong_, but when the mediums finally gave the signal that
+everything was in readiness, they moved their instrument up on the
+porch of the dwelling, where they continued playing softly.
+
+One of the mediums took her place in the mat in the middle of the room,
+and raising a Chinese plate above her head, began to strike against
+it with her shells, in order to notify the spirits that the ceremony
+was about to begin. Next she placed two dishes on the mat in front
+of her, and as she sang a monotonous chant, she touched each one with
+a small stick. The host was then ordered to shuffle his feet between
+the lines of dishes and to step over each one. As soon as he did so,
+the medium pulled the mat from beneath them, rolled it up, and used
+it as a whip with which she struck the head of each member of the
+family. The spirit who had caused the woman's illness was supposed to
+be near by, and after he witnessed this whipping, he would be afraid
+to remain longer. As a promise of future reward to the well-disposed
+immortals, a bound pig was then placed beside the door of the dwelling.
+
+Going to the hearth, the medium withdrew burning sticks, and placed
+them in a jar, and held this over the head of the sick woman, for
+"a spirit has made her sick, but the fire will frighten him away,
+and she will get well." After she had made the circuit of the family,
+she held a bundle of rice above the flames, and with it again went
+to each person in the room; then she did the same thing with broken
+rice and with the _atilwag_ vine.
+
+Two mediums then seated themselves on the mat, and covering their
+faces with their hands, began to chant and wail, beseeching the
+spirits to enter their bodies. One after another the spirits came
+and possesed the mediums, so that they were no longer regarded as
+human beings, but as the spirits themselves. First came Kakalonan,
+also known as Boboyonan, a friendly being whose chief duty it is
+to find the cause of troubles. Addressing the sick woman, he said,
+"Now you make this ceremony, and I come to make friends and to tell
+you the cause of your trouble. I do not think it was necessary for you
+to hold this ceremony now, for you built your _balaua_ only two years
+ago; yet it is best that you do so, for you can do nothing else. You
+are not like the spirits. If we die, we come to life again; if you
+die, you do not." At this point an old man interrupted, and offered
+him a drink of _basi_. At first Kakalonan refused, saying he did not
+want to accept any payment; but finally he yielded and drained the
+coconut shell of liquor. After assuring the family that all would be
+well with them when the ceremony was complete, he took his departure.
+
+The next spirit to come was Sagangan [147] of Anayan. He appeared to
+be in a rage, because the proper present had not been prepared for his
+coming, and was expressing himself vigorously when a passing woman
+happened to touch him, and he at once departed. The medium chanted
+for a long time, urging him to return, and finally he did so. At once
+he demanded that two bundles of rice have wax heads moulded on them,
+and that black beads be inserted for eyes. These, he assured them,
+would serve him as well as the woman's life, so he would make the
+exchange, and she would get well.
+
+When the dolls were prepared, he addressed the husband, "My other
+name is Ingalit, and I live in the sky. What is the matter with the
+woman?" "I do not know," replied the man. "We ask you." "You ask me,
+what is the matter with this woman, and I will tell you. How does
+it happen that Americans are attending the ceremony?" The husband
+replied that the Americans wished to learn the Tinguian customs, and
+this finally seemed to satisfy the superior being. Turning toward the
+door where the men were still softly playing on the _tongatong_, he
+called out peevishly, "Tell the people not to play on the _tongatong_,
+for the spirits who wish to hear it are not present, and we are ashamed
+to have the Americans hear it. You make this ceremony now because you
+are sick and do not wish to die, but you could have waited two years."
+
+While this spirit was talking, another, who said he lived in
+Langbosan, and had been sent by Gilen, came to the body of the
+second medium. Paying no attention to the other spirit, he began
+to give instructions for the conduct of the ceremony. The _tangpap_
+was to be build the next morning, also two _balags_ (p.308), and for
+them they were to prepare one pig. "Do not fail to prepare this pig,
+but you may use it for both _tangpap_ and _balag_. You will also make
+a _taltalabong_ (p.311). For this you must prepare a different pig,
+for this is for the sons and servants of Kadaklan."
+
+After the departure of these beings, ten other spirits came in quick
+succession. Two of the latter claimed to be Igorot spirits, and both
+talked with the peculiar stacatto accent of the people who live along
+the Kalinga-Igorot border. [148]
+
+After the departure of the Igorot spirits, both mediums were possessed,
+one by Sanadan, a male spirit, and the other by the female spirit
+of Pangpangdan. At their request the men began again to play on the
+_tongatong_, and the spirits danced. Soon Sanadan began to fondle the
+woman, to rub her face with his, to feel of her body and at last of
+her privates. Other spirits, who stayed only long enough to drink,
+followed them, and then Gonay appeared. The spectators had been
+openly bored by the last few visitors, but the name of Gonay quickly
+revived their interest. She began to sing a wailing song in which she
+told of her sad plight. Time after time she repeated the sentence,
+"Gongay has no husband, for her mother put a stone in her vagina,
+yet she loves all young men." From time to time she would pause, and
+make ludicrous attempts to fondle the young boys, and then when they
+resisted her, she again took up her plaint. At last she succeeded in
+getting one young fellow to exchange cigars and headbands with her,
+and began to rub her hands on his body, urging him not to leave
+her. Just when she seemed on the verge of success in winning him,
+another spirit Baliwaga came to the medium, and the fun-maker had
+to depart. The newcomer placed an agate bead in a dish, and held it
+high above his head while he danced. Finally he called out that the
+bead had vanished, but when he lowered the plate, it was still there,
+and he left in chagrin. He was succeeded by a dumb female spirit named
+Damolan, who undertook to do the trick in which her predecessor had
+failed. Holding the plate high above her head, she danced furiously,
+and from time to time struck against the side of the dish with the
+medium's shells. Twice when she lowered the dish, the bead was there,
+but on the third attempt it had vanished. The trick was so cleverly
+done that, although we were beside her and watching closely, we did
+not detect the final movement. With much satisfaction, the medium
+assured us that the bead would be found in the hair of the man who
+broke the first ground for the _tangpap_, a boast which was made good
+the following morning.
+
+Adadog came next, and not finding the chicken which should have been
+placed on the mat for him, he broke out in a great fury and tried to
+seize a man in its place. He was restrained from doing injury to his
+victim, and soon left, still highly indignant. Seven other spirits
+stopped only for a drink, and then Daliwaya appeared. Upon her arrival,
+one of the headmen gravely informed her that the people wished to adopt
+four Americans, but that only one was then present. The spirit bade the
+writer to arise from the mat, where he was lying, and after stroking
+his head for a time, said, "You wish to make this American an _Itneg_,
+[149] but before you can do anything, the spirits must approve and
+give him a name. I will give him a name now, and then to-morrow all
+the people must say if they wish to give him another name and make him
+Ipogau. [150] His name shall be Agonan, for that is the name of the
+spirit who knows many languages." Again she stroked the writer's head,
+and then taking a large porcelain platter, she filled it with _basi_,
+and together we drank the liquor, alternately, a swallow at a time.
+
+After her departure, an Alzado [151] came and danced with high knee
+action, meantime saying, she was there to make some one ill, and that
+she would do so unless the American gave her a cloth for her clout
+when she returned the following day.
+
+The next visitor was Sanadan, the spirit who owns and guards the deer
+and wild pig. Up to this time the people had been mildly interested in
+the arrivals, but when this important being appeared, the men at once
+became alert; they told him of their troubles in the hunts, of the
+scarcity of deer, and urged him to send more of them to Mt. Posoey,
+where they were accustomed to hunt. He offered much good advice
+concerning the methods of hunting, but refused to take any action
+regarding the game on the nearby mountain, for, he said, the spirit
+Dapwanay who owns Posoey was watching the game there. Just before he
+departed, he called to the headmen, "I am very rich and very bold. I am
+not afraid to go anywhere. I can become the sunset sky. I am going to
+Asbinan in Kalaskigan to have him make me a shoe of gold. To-morrow
+you must not use any of the things you have had out-of-doors, but
+you may make use of them when you build the _taltalabong_."
+
+The last spirit to come that night was Ablalansa who keeps guard
+over the sons of Kadaklan. He paused only for a drink and to tell the
+people that America was very near to the place, where the big birds
+live who eat people.
+
+It was midnight when the medium informed us that no more spirits
+would come that evening, and we went to rest.
+
+About six o'clock the next morning, the women began the ceremonial
+pounding of the rice known as _kitong_ (cf. p. 329) in the yard, while
+one of the mediums went to the bound pig lying in the dwelling and
+recited a _diam_ as she stroked its side; she also poured a little
+_basi_ through the slits in the floor for the use of any visiting
+spirits. While the women were thus engaged, the men were busy
+constructing spirit houses in the yard. Of greatest importance was
+the _tangpap_ (Plate XXVII), a small bamboo structure with a slanting
+roof, resting on four poles, and an interwoven bamboo floor fastened
+about three feet above the ground. [152] Near one of the house poles
+a funnel-shaped basket was tied, and in it was set a forked stick,
+within the crotch of which was a little floor and roof, the whole
+forming a resting place for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg. The
+_pala-an_ needed a few repairs, and two of the old men looked after
+these, while others made two long covered bamboo benches which might
+be used either by visiting men or spirits. [153] Four long bamboo
+poles were set in the ground, and a roof placed over them to form
+the _bang-bangsal_, a shelter always provided for the spirits of Soyau.
+
+By ten o'clock all was in readiness, and the people then gathered
+in the dwelling, where the mediums began summoning the spirits. The
+first to arrive was Omgbawan, a female spirit whose conversation
+ran as follows: "I come now because you people ought to make this
+ceremony. I did not come last night, for there were many spirits here,
+and I was busy. You people who build _tangpap_ must provide all the
+necessary things, even though they are costly. It is good that the
+Americans are here. I never talked with one before."
+
+Manaldek [154] was the next arrival, and as he was one of the spirits
+who was supposed to have caused the patient's illness, his visit was
+of considerable importance. He was presented with a spear and prepared
+betel-nut. The latter was attached to the point of the weapon, and
+this was pressed against the body of the pig, then the spirit touched
+each member of the family in order to drive the sickness from them.
+
+Mamonglo ordered the family under a white blanket, and then touched
+the head of each person with a lead sinker, while his companion
+spirit waved a bundle of rice and a firebrand over them, "To take
+away the sickness which they had sent." Six other spirits came
+long enough to drink, then Bisangolan occupied the attention of
+all for a time. He is an old man, a giant who lives near the river,
+and with his head-axe keeps the trees and driftwood from jamming,
+and thus prevents floods. For quite a time he chatted about himself,
+then finally blew smoke over the people, at the same time assuring
+them that the sickness would now vanish like the smoke. Just before
+departing he informed the family that a spirit named Imalbi had caused
+the trouble in the patient's eyes, and that on the next morning they
+must build a little house, called _balitang_, among the banana trees,
+and place in it a live chicken.
+
+Gayangayan, a female spirit from Lagayan, followed, rubbed the head
+of each person, blew smoke over them, and then announced thus: "The
+people of Layogan [155] must not close their doors when it rains,
+or it will stop."
+
+The attitude of the people toward the weaker and less important spirits
+was well shown when Ambayau, a wild female spirit, arrived. She
+demanded to know where she could secure heads, and immediately the
+people began to tell her all sorts of impossible places, and made jests
+about her and her family. Finally they told her to take the head of
+a certain Christianized native; but she refused, since she had short
+hair, and it would be hard for her to carry the skull. While she
+was still talking, the men started to carry the pig from the room,
+but she detained them, to explain that the people cut the meat into
+too large pieces, for "we spirits eat only so much," indicating a
+pinch. The spirit Soyau came for a drink, and then all the people
+went out to the _tangpap_, where the pig was killed, singed, and cut
+up. A small pig was laid beside the _pala-an_, and for a time was
+guarded by the son of the sick woman, who for this event had placed
+the notched chicken-feathers in his hair, and had put on bracelets
+of boar's tusks. As soon as she had finished at the _tangpap_, the
+medium came to the _pala-an_, and having recited the proper _diam_
+over the pig lying there, ordered it killed in the manner already
+described for this structure (cf. p. 329). Both animals were then
+cooked, and soon all the guests were eating, drinking and jesting.
+
+Late in the afternoon, the spirit mat was spread in the yard near to
+the _tangpap_, and the mediums began summoning the spirits. The first
+to come was Mamabeyan, an Igorot spirit for whom the people showed
+the utmost contempt. They guyed him, threw dirty water on his body,
+and in other ways insulted him, until in his fury he tried to climb the
+house posts to punish a group of girls, the worst offenders, but men
+and women rushed up with sticks and clubs, and drove him back. After
+a time he calmed down, and going to a bound pig, he addressed it as
+"a pretty lady," and tried to caress it.
+
+While this clown spirit was amusing the crowd, a second medium
+brought out ten coconut shells, one of which was filled with blood
+and rice. These she placed on a winnower, which in turn was set on a
+rice-mortar. Soon the spirit Ilongbosan entered her body, and commanded
+the son of the patient to take some of the blood and rice from the
+one dish, place it in all the others, and then put it back again,
+"for when the spirits make a man sick, they take part of his life,
+and when they make him well, they put it back. So the boy takes a part
+of the blood and rice away, and gives it to the spirits, then puts
+it back." The spirit was followed, by Gilen, who bade the lad take
+hold of one side of the winnower, while he held the other. Raising
+it in the air, they danced half way round the mortar, then retraced
+their steps. "This is because the spirits only partially took the
+life away. Now they put it back." As they finished dancing, Gilen
+struck his spear against the boy's head-axe and departed.
+
+The medium, now with her own personality, leaned a shield against the
+rice-mortar, and in the [Lambda] thus formed she hung a small bundle
+of rice and a burning cord, while over the whole she spread a fish
+net. Scarcely had she completed this task, when she was possessed
+by the spirit of Kibayen, this being walked round and round the
+net, seeking for an opening, but without success. Later the medium
+explained, "The rice and fire represent the woman's life, which the
+spirit wishes to take; but she cannot, since she is unable to pass
+through the fish net."
+
+The next visitor was Yangayang, who began to boast of his power to make
+persons ill. Suddenly the medium fell to the ground in convulsions,
+and then stretched out in a dead faint. The writer examined her
+closely, but could not detect her breathing. After a moment, the
+second medium seized a rooster and waved it over the prostrate form,
+while an old man gave a sharp stroke on a gong close to her head. The
+medium awoke from her faint and thus "the death was frightened away."
+
+Mamonglo, who had been present during the morning, returned for a
+moment to again rub the family and guests with his lead sinker. While
+he was thus engaged, the second medium was possessed by Baniyat,
+a female who made a bit of fun by trying to steal the beads of the
+young girls, "so the men would love her." Several times she tried
+to scale the house ladder, but was always repulsed, and each failure
+was greeted with jeers and ridicule.
+
+Gomogopos, who causes stomach troubles, came, and after dancing
+before the rice-mortar, demanded that a small pig be laid before the
+_tangpap_. Scarcely had the animal been deposited, when the spirit
+seized a head-axe and cut it in two at one blow. Then he dipped the
+weapon in its blood and applied it to the stomach of each member
+of the family. "The pig is his pay, and now he takes away his kind
+of sickness."
+
+The second medium secured a live rooster, and using its wings as a
+brush, she took up the blood and the two halves of the pig, and put
+them in the _tangpap_. "The rooster is the spirits' brush, and when
+the dirt In front of the _tangpap_ is cleaned up, then the people will
+be clean and well inside their bodies." At the command of the medium,
+the husband of the patient went to the opposite side of the _tangpap_;
+then she threw a bundle of rice over the structure to him. He caught
+it, and immediately threw it back. This was repeated six times, but
+on the seventh the bundle lighted on the roof, where it was allowed
+to remain. "The spirit threw away the lives of the people, but the
+man returned them. The bundle is now on the _tangpap_, so now the
+people's lives will remain safe."
+
+An unnamed spirit was next to appear, and at his command the fore part
+of the pig was stood upright in the winnower, and a stick was placed in
+each nostril. These were seized by the spirit, who pumped them up and
+down, then withdrew them, and stroked each member of the family, while
+he chanted, "I did this to your lives, so now I must do it to you."
+
+Saking, a lame spirit, called for one of the pig's legs, and with
+it rubbed the limbs of each member of the family, "so that they will
+not become ill in their legs."
+
+One of the mediums now became possessed by Mangamian, who carried
+a feather which he used as a fighting knife. The onlookers seized
+similar weapons and defended themselves, or drove the spirit away
+by threatening him with a small dog. A fire had been built near
+the _tangpap_, and from time to time the spirit would rush up to
+this, thrust his feather into the flames, and then put it into his
+mouth. Later it was explained, "He is an evil spirit who tries to
+kill people. The feather is his bolo. He is like a blacksmith, and
+when his knife gets dull, he puts it in the fire, then puts it in his
+mouth to wet it, so as to make it ring." Three spirits now appeared in
+quick succession, and discussed with the old men the advisability of
+adopting the Americans [156] as Ipogau. Finally the leader Ilabdangan
+called them to the mat before him and told them their names, and also
+recited a list of their relations. Then, filling a coconut shell with
+_basi_, he drank half and presented the shell to each candidate, who
+had to drain it to the last drop. A circle was formed, and for the
+balance of the afternoon the new members of the tribe had to dance
+_tadek_ with their relations.
+
+Just before dusk, the Igorot spirit Daliwaya, who had been present the
+night before, appeared and demanded that the American give her cloth
+for her clout. When she received this, she sang and then instructed
+the men how to dance in Igorot fashion. When finally they were doing
+her bidding, she danced beside them with outstretched arms in the
+manner of the Igorot women. Later, when the medium was again herself,
+we questioned her concerning her knowledge of this dance, but she
+professed absolute ignorance.
+
+That evening the people danced _tadek_, for a short time, near to the
+_pala-an_, then a fire was built beside the _tangpap_, and by its light
+the visitors danced _da-eng_ until far into the night (cf.p. 440).
+
+Early the next morning, the men went to some banana trees near
+to a rice granary, and there constructed a little spirit house,
+which resembled the _pala-an_, except that it was only about four
+feet high. This was called _balitang_, and was made in fulfilment of
+the orders given by the spirit Imalbi on the previous evening. When
+it was finished, the medium placed a dish of broken rice on it, and
+then tied a rooster with a belt close enough, so that the fowl could
+eat of the rice. Returning to the dwelling, she took down a small
+shield which was attached to the wall, placed new leaves and a dish
+of oil on it. Then as she stirred the oil, she sang the _Talatal_
+(Plate XXXII). The significance of this song, which consists only
+of mentioning the names of prominent men of various villages, seems
+to be lost. The _kalang_, or spirit box, was then redecorated, food
+was dropped through the slits in the floor for visiting spirits,
+and finally the medium held the shield over the heads of the family,
+beat upon it with a head-axe, while in a loud voice she asked the
+spirits that, since the family was now celebrating _tangpap_, they
+would please make them well again. The shield was fastened to the
+wall, new offerings of _basi_ were placed in the _kalang_, and after
+it had been swung over the head of the patient, it was again fastened
+above the house beam near to the roof.
+
+For the next hour the mediums summoned spirits to them. The first five
+had little of interest to offer, except that each demanded that his
+liquor be served to him on a head-axe. When the spirit Amangau arrived,
+he spent the time boasting of his head-hunting exploits; he told of how
+he had gone to one village, and had killed all the people, except one
+pregnant woman, and of the dance which followed. Finally he claimed
+the credit of having killed a man who had recently died in Manabo,
+and assured the people that his friends were then dancing about the
+head. The spirit Banbanyalan, who followed, disclaimed any part in the
+killing just mentioned, but verified the statement of his predecessor.
+
+Tomakdeg came, and after filling his mouth with rice, blew it out
+over the people, in the same way that the sickness was to be spit
+out. Meanwhile Bebeka-an, armed with a wooden spoon, tried to dig
+up the floor and the people on it, "for that is the way she digs
+up sickness." Awa-an, a spirit of the water, came to inform the
+people that the spirit of a man recently drowned was just passing the
+house. Everything else was abandoned for a few moments, while _basi_
+was poured out of the window, so that the dead might receive drink.
+
+Two female spirits, Dalimayawan and Ginlawan, came at the same
+time and danced together, while they informed the people of their
+beauty and their expertness in dancing. Suddenly they stopped,
+and said that Andayau, the mother of Lakgangan, was near by; then
+they instructed the host that he should wrap a gourd in a cloth and
+tell Andayau that it was her son's head, and that he had been killed,
+because he had stolen carabao. Scarcely had the two visitors departed,
+when the mother appeared, and being informed of her son's death, she
+began to wail, "He is lost. No one works the fields, where we planted
+calabasa. Lakgangan is lost, he who has been killed. Why did you go
+to steal carabao? We have put Lakgangan in a hammock; we take him to
+Tomakdang. The _basi_ put out for Lakgangan is good. He is lost whom
+they went to kill. Lakgangan is lost. We take him to Tomakdang."
+
+The song was interrupted by a head-hunting spirit, who demanded the
+heads of two visiting girls from Patok, but she finally went away
+satisfied with a piece of cloth which they gave her. Blood and oil
+were sprinkled liberally over the ground and the gathering broken up
+for the morning.
+
+All the forenoon, a small group of men and women, had been constructing
+a small covered bamboo raft, and had placed in it a sack of rice,
+which had been contributed by all the people. [157]
+
+By four o'clock a large number of people had gathered in the yard near
+the house, and soon the spirit mats were spread on an old bedstead,
+and the mediums started again to summon the superior beings. The first
+two to appear were Esteban from Cagayan and Maria from Spain. They wore
+gay handkerchiefs about their shoulders, and when they danced, gave
+an imitation of the Spanish dances now seen among the Christianized
+natives of the coast. It was quite evident that these foreign spirits
+were not popular with the people, and they were distinctly relieved
+when Mananako replaced them. This spirit has the reputation of being
+a thief, and the guests had great sport preventing him from stealing
+the gifts intended for other spirits.
+
+In the midst of this revelry, the other medium was suddenly possessed
+by Kadaklan--the supreme being. The laughter and jesting ceased, and
+breathlessly the people listened, while the most powerful being said,
+"I am Kadaklan. Here in this town where I talk, you must do the things
+you ought to do. I hear what you say you desire, and I see what you are
+able to do. Something ill will befall you unless you quickly celebrate
+_Sagobay_ (cf. p. 324), when there are no strangers or Christians in
+your town. Where is the _basi_ which should have been in the place
+where I first came?" [158] Without awaiting an answer he vanished,
+and his wife Agemem took his place and repeated his remarks with
+little variation.
+
+Sopo, a gambler, next appeared and tossed handfuls of coins into a
+blanket. He stated that if heads came up, the people won and would
+have good health, but if they lost, their lives were his. As soon as
+he threw, the people rushed up, and if they saw any tails they were
+quickly turned, and the spirit was informed that he had lost.
+
+Kimat, lightning, came and demanded a drink, which was given. As he is
+usually considered as a dog, the writer inquired why he had appeared
+as a man, but was rewarded only by a shrug of the shoulders and the
+word--_kadauyan_ ("custom").
+
+Another spirit, Andeles, quickly replaced lightning, and with Sopo
+danced on the spirit raft, while the old men put dishes of water and
+coins inside, and fastened a small live chicken to the roof. The people
+then tried to induce the spirits to leave, but they refused. Suddenly
+they were flung aside, and two strong men seized the raft and started
+to run with it. Immediately the two spirits gave chase and fought
+viciously all who tried to get in their way, but when, finally,
+their opponents were joined by an old woman carrying a bundle of
+burning rice straw and an old man beating a drum, they gave up the
+chase and vanished. The party proceeded on to the Abra river, where
+they waded out into deep water and set the raft afloat (Plate XXVI).
+
+That evening the guests danced _da-eng_, and the ceremony was over.
+
+Throughout the three days, the mediums had been constantly drinking
+of _basi_, and while under the strain of the ceremony, they had not
+appeared intoxicated, but at its conclusion both were hopelessly
+drunk. The payment for the service was one half of the largest pig,
+unthreshed rice, and about two pesos in money, which was given in
+exchange for the beads which different spirits had demanded.
+
+Kalangan.--In Manabo and the villages of that vicinity a period
+of about seven years elapses between the building of _tangpap_ and
+the celebration of _Kalangan_, but in most of the valley towns the
+latter ceremony follows _Pala-an_ after two or three years. [159]
+The ceremony is so similar to the _Tangpap_ just described that only
+the barest outline will be given here. The chief difference in the
+two is the type of structure built for the spirits. _Kalangan_ has
+four supporting timbers to which the flooring is lashed, and from
+which kingposts go to ridge poles. A bamboo frame rests on this and,
+in turn, supports an overhanging grass roof (Plate XXIII).
+
+The procedure is as follows: Late in the afternoon, all the necessary
+articles are brought to the house, then the mediums dance for a time to
+the music of the _tongatong_. _Basi_ is served to the guests, and for
+an hour or more the spirits are summoned. Next morning the _kalangan_
+is built, and two pigs are sacrificed beside it. Their blood mixed with
+oil is offered to the spirits, and many acts, such as distributing the
+rice into ten dishes and then replacing it in the original container,
+the churning of sticks in the nose of a slaughtered animal and the
+like, are performed. Spirits are summoned in the afternoon, and in
+the evening _da-eng_ is danced. On the third day new offerings are
+placed on the spirit shield and hanger; offerings are made at the
+new structure, numerous spirits appear, talk to and amuse the people,
+and finally _da-eng_ is danced until late evening.
+
+Following the ceremony, all members of the family are barred from work
+for about one month. They may not eat the meat of the wild carabao,
+wild hog, beef, eels, nor may they use peppers in their food. Wild
+fowl are barred for a period of one year.
+
+_Kalangan_ is much more widespread than either _Tangpap_ or the
+_Sayang_ ceremony, and this spirit structure is often found in
+villages, where the other great ceremonies are lacking.
+
+_Sayang_.--The greatest of all the ceremonies is the _Sayang_,
+the ability to celebrate which proclaims the family as one of
+wealth and importance. In most cases the right is hereditary, but,
+as already indicated, a person may gain the privilege by giving,
+in order, and through a term of years, all the minor ceremonies. In
+such circumstances _Sayang_ follows _Kalangan_ after a lapse of from
+four to eight years. Otherwise the ceremony will be held about once
+in seven years, or when the spirit structure known as _balaua_ is in
+need of repairs.
+
+Originally this appears to have been a seventeen-day ceremony, as
+it still is in Manabo, Patok, Lagangilang, and neighboring villages,
+but in San Juan, Lagayan, Danglas, and some other settlements it now
+lasts only five or seven days. However, even in those towns where it
+occupies full time, the first twelve days are preliminary in nature.
+
+On the first day, the mediums go to the family dwelling and take
+great pains to see that all forbidden articles are removed, for wild
+ginger, peppers, shrimps, carabao flesh, and wild pork are tabooed,
+both during the ceremony and for the month following. The next duty
+is to construct a woven bamboo frame known as _talapitap_ on which
+the spirits are fed, and to prepare two sticks known as _dakidak_,
+one being a thin slender bamboo called _bolo_, the other a reed. These
+are split at one end, so they will rattle when struck on the ground,
+and thus call the attention of the spirit for whom food is placed on
+the rack.
+
+That evening a fire is built in the yard, and beside it the mediums
+dance _da-eng_ alone. Meanwhile a number of women gather in the yard
+and pound rice out of the straw. This pounding of rice continues
+each evening of the first five days. The first night they beat out
+ten bundles, the second, twenty, and so on, until they clean fifty
+on the fifth day.
+
+Little occurs during the second and third days, but on these evenings
+the young men and girls join the mediums and dance _da-eng_ by the
+fire in the yard. The fourth and fifth nights are known as _ginitbet_
+("dark"), for then no fires are lighted, and the mediums dance
+alone. It is supposed that the black spirits, those who are deformed,
+or who are too shy to appear before the people, will come out at this
+time and enjoy the ceremony.
+
+Beginning with the sixth day the women pound rice in the early
+morning. Starting with ten bundles, they increase the number by
+ten each day until on the thirteenth morning they pound out eighty
+bundles. A fire is lighted in the yard on the sixth day, and is kept
+burning continuously through the eighth, but the ninth and tenth are
+nights of darkness. When the fire is burning, it is a sign for all who
+wish, to come and dance, and each evening finds a jolly party of young
+people gathered in the yard, where they take part in the festivities,
+or watch the mediums, as they offer rice to the superior beings.
+
+On the eleventh day, a long white blanket (_tabing_) is stretched
+across one corner of the room, making a private compartment for the use
+of visiting spirits. That evening, as it grows dark, a jar of _basi_
+is carried up into the house. All lights are extinguished both in
+the yard and the dwelling, so that the guests have to grope their way
+about. After the liquor is consumed, they go down into the yard, where,
+in darkness, they join the medium in dancing _da-eng._ The twelfth day
+is known as _Pasa-ad_--"the building." During the preliminary days,
+the men have been bringing materials for use in constructing the great
+spirit-house called _balaua_, and on this morning the actual work is
+started. In form the _balaua_ resembles the _kalangan_, but it is large
+enough to accommodate a dozen or more people, and the supporting posts
+are trunks of small trees (Plate XXI). After the framework is complete,
+one side of the roof is covered with cogon grass, but the other is
+left incomplete. Meanwhile the women gather near by and pound rice in
+the ceremonial manner described in the _Pala-an_ ceremony (cf. p. 329).
+
+As soon as the building is over for the day, a jar of _basi_ is
+carried into the structure, a little of the liquor is poured into
+bamboo tubes and tied to each of the corner poles. The balance of the
+liquor is then served to the men who sit in the _balaua_ and play
+on copper gongs. Next, a bound pig is brought in, and is tied to a
+post decorated with leaves and vines. Soon the medium appears, and
+after placing prepared betel-nut and lime on the animal, she squats
+beside it, dips her fingers into coconut oil, and strokes its side,
+then later dips a miniature head-axe into the oil, and again strokes
+the animal, while she repeats a _diam_. This is a recital of how in
+ancient times Kadaklan and Agemen instructed the Tinguian as to the
+proper method of celebrating the _Sayang_ ceremony. [160] A little
+later the pig is removed from the _balaua_, and its throat is cut,
+first with a metal blade, but the deep, mortal thrust is made with a
+bamboo spike. The animal is then singed, but its blood is carefully
+saved for future use (Plate XXXIII). While all this is taking place,
+the men in the _balaua_ drink _basi_ and sing _dalengs_ in which they
+praise the liberality of their hosts, tell of the importance of the
+family, and express hope for their continued prosperity. As they sing,
+the chief medium goes from one to another of the guests, and after
+dipping a piece of lead in coconut oil, holds it to their nostrils
+as a protection against evil. When finally the pig has been singed
+and scraped, it is again brought into the _balaua_, and its body is
+opened by a transverse cut at the throat and two slits lengthwise of
+its abdomen. The intestines are removed and placed in a tray, but the
+liver is carefully examined for an omen. If the signs are favorable,
+the liver is cooked and is cut up, a part is eaten by the old men, and
+the balance is attached to the corner pole of the spirit structure. The
+head, one thigh, and two legs are laid on a crossbeam for the spirits,
+after which the balance of the meat is cooked and served with rice
+to the guests. That evening many friends gather in the yard to dance
+_da-eng_, to drink _basi_, or to sing _daleng_. According to tradition,
+it was formerly the custom to send golden betel-nuts to invite guests
+whom they wished especially to honor. [161] Nowadays one or more
+leading men from other villages may be especially invited by being
+presented with a bit of gold, a golden earring or bead. When such
+a one arrives at the edge of the yard, he is placed in a chair, is
+covered with a blanket, and is carried to the center of the dancing
+space by a number of women singing _diwas_ (cf. p. 452). At frequent
+intervals the merry-making is interrupted by one of the mediums who
+places the _talapitap_ on the ground, puts rice and water on it,
+and then summons the spirits with the split sticks. Once during the
+evening, she places eight dishes and two coconut shells of water on
+the rack. Reaching into one of the dishes which contains rice, she
+takes out a handful and transfers it, a little at a time, into each
+of the others, then extracting a few grains from each, she throws
+it on the ground and sprinkles it with water from the two cups. The
+remaining rice is returned to the original holder, and the act is
+repeated eight times. The significance of this seems to be the same
+as in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, where the life of the individual is
+symbolized by the rice, which is only partially taken away and is again
+returned. The next act is always carried out, but its meaning appears
+to be lost. The eight dishes are filled with rice, and are placed on
+the frame together with sixteen coconut shells of water, and eight men
+and eight women seat themselves on opposite sides. First they eat a
+little of the food, then taking a small amount in their fingers, they
+dip it into the water and place it in the mouth of the person opposite.
+
+The fourteenth day is known as _Palay-lay_--"the seasoning"--and
+during the next twenty-four hours the people remain quietly in the
+village while the bamboo used in the _balaua_ "becomes good."
+
+Next day is one of great activity. The roofing of the _balaua_ is
+completed, all necessary repairs are made to the dwelling, for dire
+results would follow should any part of the house break through during
+the concluding days of the ceremony. The balance of the day is taken
+up in dancing and in the construction of the following spirit-houses:
+the _Aligang, Balabago, Talagan, Idasan, Balag, Batog, Alalot, Pangkew_
+and _Sogayob_ (cf. pp. 308-311). Also a little bench is built near
+the hearth, and on it are placed coconut shell cups and drinks for
+the use of the Igorot spirits who usually come this night.
+
+The evening of this day is known as _Libon_--"plenty" or
+"abundance." Toward nightfall the mediums, and their helpers enter the
+dwelling and decorate it in a manner already described for the great
+ceremonies. Cords cross the room from opposite corners and beneath,
+where they meet, the medium's mat is spread. On the cords are hung
+grasses, flowers, girdles, and wreaths of young coconut leaves. When
+all is ready, a small pig is brought into the room, while the men
+play frantically on their gongs and drums. On the medium's mat are
+many articles, _alangtin_ leaves, a rooster, a branch filled with
+young betel-nuts, cooked rice moulded into the form of an alligator,
+but with a wax head and seeds for eyes, a spear, and a bundle of
+rice straw. Taking up a dish of water, the medium pours a part of it
+into the pig's ear; then, as the animal shakes its head, she again
+catches it in the dish. Rolling up a mat, she dips it into the water,
+and with it touches the heads of all members of the family, for in
+the same manner that the pig has thrown the water out of its ear,
+so in a like fashion will illness and misfortune be thrown from
+all the family who have been sprinkled with it. This act finished,
+the medium dances before the doors and windows, while she waves the
+chicken, betel-nuts, or other objects taken from the mat.
+
+At her invitation, the host and his wife join her, but previously
+they have dressed themselves in good garments, and on their heads
+and at their waists they wear girdles and wreaths of _alangtin_,
+or wild grasses. The host is handed a long knife, and is instructed
+to cut the throat of the pig. His wife takes a rice winnower and
+a stick, and going to each window strikes the winnower five times,
+then drops it to the floor, at the same time crying, "Wa-hui." Next,
+she strikes a jar of liquor with the winnower, then shakes a coconut
+shell filled with rice against her abdomen; when finished she is
+handed a live chicken and again she approaches the jar. Soon she is
+joined by her husband, armed with a spear and head-axe. As he passes
+the liquor, he stamps on the ground, while his wife waves the fowl,
+and all this time the medium continues to sprinkle them with a grass
+brush dipped in water. No explanation is given for the individual acts,
+but the purpose of the whole is to drive away sickness, "just as the
+rooster flaps his wings." Ten dishes are placed on the spirit mat,
+and as the medium sings, she touches each one in turn with a split
+bamboo; after which she piles the dishes up and has the host come and
+squat over them three times. Another sprinkling with water follows
+this act, and then the medium swings a bundle of rice and a lighted
+torch over the head of each member of the family, while she assures
+them that all evil spirits will now depart.
+
+The guests go down to the yard, where they are served with liquor,
+and where they dance _da-eng_ and _tadek_. On all former occasions,
+the liquor has been served in shell cups, but on this night a sort
+of pan-pipe, made of bamboo tubes, is filled with liquor. The guest
+drinks from the lowest of the series, and as he does so, the liquor
+falls from one to another, so that he really drinks from all at one
+time. Bamboo tubes attached to poles by means of cords are likewise
+filled with _basi_ and served to the dancers.
+
+While the others are enjoying themselves, the mediums and the hosts
+are attending strictly to the business in hand. Dressed in their best
+garments, the husband and wife go to each one of the spirit houses,
+and touch them with their feet, a circuit which has to be repeated
+ten times. Each time as they pass the little porch-like addition,
+known as _sogayob_, the mediums sprinkle them with water. When they
+have completed their task, the mediums spread a mat in front of the
+pig, which lies below the _sogayob_, and on it they dance, pausing
+now and then to give the animal a vicious kick or to throw broken
+rice over it. And so the night is passed without sleep or rest for
+any of the principals in the ceremony.
+
+The sixteenth day is _Kadaklan_,--"the greatest." Soon after daybreak,
+the people accompany the medium to the guardian stones near the gate
+of the village, and watch her in silence, while she anoints the head
+of each stone with oil, and places a new yellow bark band around its
+"neck." As soon as she finishes, the musicians begin to play vigorously
+on their gongs and drums, while two old men kill a small pig and
+collect its blood. The carcass is brought to the medium, who places
+it beside four dishes, one filled with _basi_, one with salt, one with
+vinegar, and the last with the pig's blood. She drinks of the liquor,
+dips her fingers in coconut oil, and strokes the pig's stomach, after
+which it is cut up in the usual manner. The liver is studied eagerly,
+for by the markings on it the fate of the host can be foretold. Should
+the signs be unfavorable, a chicken will be sacrificed in the hope that
+the additional offering may induce the spirits to change their verdict;
+but if the omens are good, the ceremony proceeds without a halt. The
+intestines and some pieces of meat are placed on the _ansi-silit,_--a
+small spirit frame or table near the stones. The host, who has been
+watching from a distance, is summoned, and is given a piece of the
+flesh to take back to his house for food, and then the rest of the
+meat is cooked and served to the guests. But before anything is eaten,
+the medium places prepared betel-nuts before the stones, mixes blood
+with rice, and scatters it broadcast, meanwhile calling the spirits
+from near and far to come and eat, and to go with her to the village,
+where she is to continue the ceremony. As the company approaches the
+_balaua_, the musicians begin to beat on their gongs, while women in
+the yard pound rice in ceremonial fashion. When they have finished,
+the family goes up into the _balaua_ and dances to the music of the
+gongs until the medium bids them stop.
+
+The pig which has been lying in front of the _sogayob_, and another
+from the yard, are killed, and are laid side by side near to the
+_balaua_ in a spot indicated by the medium. She places a bamboo tube
+of water between them, on their backs she lays several pieces of
+prepared betel-nut, then strokes their sides with oiled fingers. Her
+next duty is to sprinkle _basi_ from the jar onto the ground with
+a small head-axe, at the same time calling the spirits to come and
+drink. (Plate XXXIV). A bundle which has been lying beside the animals
+is opened, and from it the medium takes a red and yellow headband
+with chicken feathers attached, and boar's tusk armlets. These she
+places on the host, then hands him a blanket. Holding the latter in
+his outstretched arms, as he would do if dancing _tadek_, he squats
+repeatedly over a dish of water. As he finishes, the medium takes
+the tube of water from between the pigs, and pouring a little of it
+on her hand, she applies it to the abdomen of the man's wife and
+children. The animals are now cooked in yard, while a quantity of
+rice is made ready in the house. During the preparation of the meal,
+the musicians play incessantly, but as the food is brought out,
+they cease and join the others in the feast.
+
+It is late in the afternoon before much activity is again manifest. At
+first a few gather and begin to dance _tadek_; little by little
+others come in until by nightfall the yard is full. _Basi_ is served
+to all, and soon, above the noisy laughter of the crowd, is heard the
+voice of some leading man singing the _daleng_. The visitors listen
+respectfully to the song and to the reply, then resume the music and
+dancing. After a time a huge fire is built in the yard, and by the
+flickering light two lines of boys and girls or older people will
+form to sing and dance the _daeng._ [162]
+
+On the morning of the seventeenth day, the men kill two pigs, usually
+by chasing them through the brush and spearing them to death. They
+are prepared in the usual way, and are placed, one in the _balaua_,
+the other in the _sogayob_, where they are cut up. A bit of the flesh
+is left in each structure, the fore half of one animal is carried
+into the yard, but the rest is prepared for food.
+
+On an inverted rice-mortar, in the yard, is placed a jar of _basi_,
+notched chicken feathers, and boar's tusks. The man and his wife are
+summoned before this, are decorated as on the day before, and are
+instructed to dance three times around the mortar. While this is going
+on, a shield and a rice winnower are leaned against each other so as
+to form an arch on which lies a sheaf of rice. From the middle hangs
+a piece of burning wood, while over all a fish net is thrown. As in a
+former ceremony (cf. p. 347), the rice and fire represent the life of
+some member of the family, which the evil spirits may desire to seize,
+but they are prevented, since they are unable to pass through the
+meshes of the net. Going to the half of the pig, which stands upright
+in a rice winnower, the medium places a string of beads--agate and
+gold--around its neck and attaches bits of gold to its legs. Then
+she places a thin stick in each nostril and pumps them alternately
+up and down, as a smith would work his forge. After a little she
+removes the plungers, and with them strokes the bodies of members of
+the family. Near to the pig stands a dish of water in which the heart
+is lying. The host goes to this, removes the heart, and placing it on
+his head-axe, takes it in front of the animal, where it lies, while
+he pumps the nostril-sticks up and down ten times. Meanwhile his wife
+is decorated with wreathes of leaves and vines; a leaf containing
+the pig's tail and some of the flesh is placed on her head, and a
+spear is put in her left hand. As her husband completes his task,
+she goes to the mortar, where she finds one dish full of blood and
+rice and the empty coconut shells. The rice and blood represent the
+lives of the family, and following the instructions of the medium,
+she takes these lives and places them little by little on the shells,
+but before all is gone, the medium bids her return them to the big
+dish. In a like manner the spirits may take a part of the life of the
+family, but will return it again. This act is repeated ten times. Next
+she takes a piece of woven bamboo, shaped like two triangles set end
+on end [163], and goes to the _batog_, where her daughter sits under
+a fish-net holding a similar "shield." They press these together,
+and the mother returns to the mortar eight times. The mediums who
+have gathered beneath the _sogayob_ begin to sing, while one of them
+beats time with a split bamboo stick. At the conclusion of the song,
+one of them offers _basi_ to the spirits and guests, and then placing
+a bundle of green leaves on the ground, she pours water over it,
+while the host and his wife are made to tramp in the mud. The man is
+now carrying the spear, while the woman holds a cock in one hand, and
+an empty dish in the other. As they are stamping on the damp leaves,
+old women stand near by showering them with rice and water.
+
+Since early morning a dog has been tied at the end of the house. It
+is now brought up to the bundle of leaves, and is knocked on the head
+with a club, its throat is cut, and some of its blood is applied with a
+head-axe to the backs of the man and woman. More water is poured on the
+bundle, again they tramp in the mud, and again they are showered with
+rice and water. The man goes to one side of the _balaua_, and throws
+a bundle of rice over it to his wife, who returns it eight times.
+
+A strange procession now forms and winds its way to the stream. In the
+lead is the host armed with spear, shield, and head-axe; next comes
+the medium carrying the bamboo rack--_talapitap_--like a shield,
+and the split bamboo--_dakidak_--as a spear; next is an old woman
+with a coconut shell dish, then another with a bundle of burning
+rice straw; behind her is the wife followed by a man who drags the
+dead dog. They stop outside of the village, while the medium hides
+the rack and split bamboo near the trail. Soon the man with the dog
+leaves the line and drags the animal to a distant tree, where he ties
+it in the branches. As they arrive at the stream, the people pause,
+while the medium holds the shell cup beside the burning straw, and
+recites a _diam_. The writer tried on two occasions to get this _diam_,
+but it was given so low and indistinctly that its full content was
+not secured, neither was it possible to get the medium to repeat it
+after the ceremony. From what was heard it seems probable it is the
+_dawak diam_, [164] a guess made more probable by the killing of the
+dog and the bathing which follows. As soon as the medium finishes,
+the whole party disrobes and bathes.
+
+Upon their return to the village, they are met by a company of men and
+boys who assail them by throwing small green nuts. The host secures
+the spirit rack which the medium had hidden, and with it attempts to
+ward off the missiles. Despite this show of hostility, the company
+proceeds to the _sogayob_, where the man and his wife wash their faces
+in water containing pieces of coconut leaves. During all the morning
+a number of women have been preparing food, and this is now served
+to the guests, a considerable company of whom have collected. Late
+in the afternoon, all the spirits are remembered in a great offering
+of food. A framework is constructed in the yard, [165] and on it
+are placed eggs, meat, fish, rice cakes, sugar, betel-nut, tobacco,
+_basi_, and rice mixed with blood. After allowing the superior beings
+a few moments to finish their repast, the viands are removed, and from
+then until sunset all the guests dance _tadek_. As darkness comes,
+a great fire is lighted in the yard, and within the circle of its
+light the company gathers, while the more important men sing _daleng_.
+
+In some of the villages men gather the next morning to do any necessary
+work on the _balaua_, and then the mediums celebrate the _dawak_,
+[166] which always forms a part of this ceremony. In Manabo the _dawak_
+follows after an interval of three days.
+
+This great and final event is so much like the procedure which makes
+up the _Tangpap_ ceremony that it seems necessary to give it only
+in skeleton form, adding explanations whenever they appear to be
+necessary. In the _balaua_ is spread a mat covered with gifts for
+the spirits who are expected. Here also is the spirit shield from
+the dwelling, and a great heap of refuse made up of the leaves,
+vines and other articles used in the preceding days.
+
+When all is ready, a medium seats herself by the mat, dips oil from a
+shallow dish with a small head-axe, and lets it drip onto the ground;
+then she does the same with _basi_, and finally strokes a rooster
+which lies beside the jar, all the while reciting the proper _diam_.
+
+Taking the spirit shield, which belongs in the dwelling, she puts
+oil at each corner, and then touches the heads of all the family with
+it. Beads and betel-leaf are added, and the shield is carried to the
+house, where it is again fastened to the wall, as a testimony to all
+passing spirits that the ceremony has been made, and food provided
+for them.
+
+The time has now arrived for the spirits to appear. Seating herself
+beside the mat, the medium strikes on a plate with her shells or a
+piece of lead, and then starts her song. She rubs her hands together
+with a revolving motion, swings her arms, and begins to tremble from
+head to foot. Suddenly she is possessed by a spirit, and under his
+direction holds oil to the nostrils of the host, and beats him with a
+small whip of braided betel-leaf. This done, she drinks for the spirit,
+and it departs. Again she sings, and again she is possessed. One
+spirit takes the rooster, and with its wings cleans up the rubbish
+in the _balaua_ and in the yard, empties it in a tray, and orders it
+taken from the village. In the same way all sickness and misfortune
+will be removed from the settlement.
+
+Several spirits follow, and as the morning wears on, the medium becomes
+more and more intense. The muscles of her neck and the veins of her
+forehead stand out like cords, while perspiration streams from her
+bod. Taking a shield and head-axe in her hand, she does a sort of
+muscle dance, then goes to each member of the family, and strikes the
+weapons together over their heads; from them she goes to the doors
+and windows, and strikes at them with the axe. Finally she returns to
+the mat, balances a cup of _basi_ on the weapon, and causes the host
+to drink. Another attack on the doors follows, and then in exhaustion
+she sinks beside the mat. After a short rest, she dips beads in oil,
+and with them touches the heads of the family. The musicians strike
+up a lively tattoo at this point, and again seizing her weapons,
+the medium dances in front of the spirit shield. Going to the rooster
+on the mat, she cuts off a part of its comb, and presses the bloody
+fowl against the back or leg of each person in the room. The spirit
+drinks and disappears.
+
+The next visitor dances with the host, and then wrestles with him, but
+upon getting the worst of the match takes leave. As in the _Tangpap_,
+large number of minor beings call for a moment or two and pass on. One
+spirit places the family beneath a blanket, cuts a coconut in two
+above their heads, and first allows the water to run over them; then
+finally the halves are allowed to drop. She waves burning rice-straw
+above them, and removes the blanket. It is explained that the water
+washes all evil away, and that as the shells fall from the family,
+so will sickness leave them. Evil spirits are afraid of the fire,
+and leave when the burning rice-straw is waved about the blanket.
+
+As a final act the members of the family are instructed to hold,
+in their hands the head-axe, chicken feathers, agate beads, and
+other articles, and then to mount the rice-mortar in the yard. Soon
+one or more of the mediums is possessed by spirits, who rush toward
+the mortar, and strive to seize the prized objects. Before they can
+accomplish their design, they are met by old men and women, who fight
+them off. At last they abandon the attempt and, together with the
+host and his wife, go to the edge of the town, where they pick sweet
+smelling leaves and vines. These they carry back to the village to
+give to the guests, and to place in the house and spirit dwellings.
+
+As a final act _basi_ is served to all, and _tadek_ is danced until
+the guests are ready to return to their homes.
+
+In San Juan they make the spirit raft--_taltalabong_--as in _Tangpap_,
+and set it afloat at sunset.
+
+The mediums are paid off in rice, a portion of the slaughtered animals,
+beads, one or two blankets, and perhaps a weapon or piece of money.
+
+During the succeeding month the family is prevented from doing
+any work, from approaching a dead body, or entering the house of
+death. Wild carabao, pig, beef, eels, and wild peppers may not be
+eaten during this period, and wild chickens are taboo for one year.
+
+
+SECTION 3
+
+Special Ceremonies
+
+The two ceremonies which follow do not have a wide distribution,
+neither are they hereditary. They are given at this time because of
+their similarity to the great ceremonies just described.
+
+_Pinasal_.--This rather elaborate rite seems to be confined to San
+Juan and nearby settlements. The right to it is not hereditary, and
+any one who can afford the expense involved may celebrate it. However,
+it usually follows the _Sayang_, if some member of the family is ill,
+and is not benefited by that ceremony, for "all the spirits are not
+present at each ceremony, and so it may be necessary to give others,
+until the one who caused the sickness is found."
+
+On the first day the house is decorated as in _Tangpap_ and _Sayang;_
+a bound pig is placed beside the door, and over it the mediums recite
+a _diam_ and later summon several spirits. Liquor is served to the
+guests, who dance _tadek_ or sing songs in praise of the family.
+
+Early the next day, the pig is killed and, after its intestines have
+been removed, it is covered with a colored blanket, and is carried
+into the dwelling. Here it is met by the mediums who wave rain coats
+above the animal, and then wail over the carcass. "The pig and its
+covering are in part payment for the life of the sick person. They
+cry for the pig, so they will not need to cry for the patient." Later
+the pig is cut up and prepared as food, only the head and feet being
+left for the spirits.
+
+_Gipas_, the dividing, follows. A Chinese jar is placed on its side,
+and on each end a spear is laid, so that they nearly meet above
+the center of the jar. Next a rolled mat is laid on the spears,
+and finally four beads and a headband are added. The mat then is
+cut through the middle, so as to leave equal parts of the headband
+and two beads on each half. "This shows that the spirit is now paid,
+and is separated from the house."
+
+The next act is to stretch a rattan cord across the center of the
+room and to place on it many blankets and skirts. A man and a woman,
+who represent the good spirits Iwaginan and Gimbagon, are dressed in
+fine garments, and hold in their hands pieces of gold, a fine spear,
+and other prized articles. They are placed on one side of the cord,
+and in front of them stand a number of men with their hands on each
+others' shoulders. Now the mediums enter the other end of the room,
+spread a mat, and begin to summon the spirits. Soon they are possessed
+by evil beings who notice the couple representing the good spirits,
+and seizing sticks or other objects, rush toward them endeavoring
+to seize their wealth. When they reach the line of men, they strive
+to break through, but to no avail. Finally they give this up, but
+now attempt to seize the objects hanging on the line. Again they
+are thwarted. "If the evil spirits get these things, they will come
+often, their children will marry, and they also will harm the family;
+but if the good beings keep their wealth, their children will marry,
+and will aid the owner of the house."
+
+Later one of the mediums and an old woman count the colors in a fine
+blanket. Usually there are five colors, so "the spirit is powerless
+to injure the people for five years." Next the couple gamble, but
+the medium always loses. Finally the spirit becomes discouraged
+and departs. The decorations are now taken from the room, and
+the sick person is carried down to the river by the members of the
+family. Arrived at the water's edge, the oldest relative will cut off
+a dog's head as final payment for the life of the invalid. Since the
+act is carried on beside the river, the spirits will either witness
+the act, or see the blood as it floats away, and hence will not need
+to visit the town. The rattan cord and vines used in the dwelling
+are thrown onto the water for the same reason.
+
+The whole family is covered with a large blanket, and a medium swings
+a coconut over them, then resting the halves on the head of each one
+for a moment, she releases them, meanwhile calling to the spirit,
+"You see this; this is your share; do not come any more." After
+assuring them that the sickness will now fall away from them, she
+waves burning _cogon_ grass over their heads while she cries, "Go
+away, sickness." The blanket is removed, and the family bathes. While
+they are still in the water, the medium takes a spear and shield
+in her hands, and going to the edge of the stream, she begins to
+summon spirits, but all the while she keeps sharp watch of the
+old man who killed the dog, for he is now armed and appears to be
+her enemy. However, she is not molested until she starts toward the
+village. When quite near to the settlement, she is suddenly attacked by
+many people carrying banana stalks which they hurl at her. She succeeds
+in warding these off, but while she is thus engaged, an old man runs
+in and touches her with a spear. Immediately she falls as if dead,
+and it is several moments before she again regains consciousness. This
+attack is made to show the spirit how unwelcome it is, and in hopes
+that such bad treatment will induce it to stay away.
+
+After the return of the family to the village, the guests drink
+_basi_, sing and dance, and usually several spirits are summoned by
+the mediums.
+
+The next morning two _Pinalasang_ [167] are constructed in the
+yard. Each supports a plate containing beads, a string of beads
+is suspended from one of the poles, and a jar of _basi_ is placed
+beneath. In front of them the mediums call the spirits, then offer the
+heart, livers, and intestines, while they call out, "Take me and do not
+injure the people." The final act of the ceremony is to construct the
+spirit raft _taltalabong_, load it with food, and set it afloat on the
+river, "so that all the spirits may see and know what has been done."
+
+In addition to the regular pay for their services, the mediums divide
+the jaw of a pig and carry the portions home with them, as their
+protection against lightning, and the spirits whose hostility they
+may have incurred.
+
+_Binikwau_.--This ceremony, like the one just described, seems
+to be limited to the San Juan region, and is given under similar
+circumstances.
+
+The room is decorated as usual, and a bound pig is laid in the
+center. This is known as "the exchange," since it is given in place
+of the patient's life. Two mediums place betel-nut on the animal,
+then stroke it with oil, saying, "You make the liver favorable,"
+i.e., give a good omen. After a time they begin summoning the spirits,
+and from then until late evening the guests divide their time between
+the mediums and the liquor jars. Soon all are in a jovial mood, and
+before long are singing the praises of their hosts, or are greeting
+visiting spirits as old time friends.
+
+The pig is killed early next morning, and its liver is eagerly examined
+to learn whether or no the patient is destined to recover. A part of
+the flesh is placed on the house rafters, for the use of the spirits,
+while the balance is cooked and served. Following the meal, the gongs
+and drums are brought up into the house, and the people dance or sing
+until the mediums appear, ready to summon the spirits. The first to
+come is Sabian, the guardian of the dogs. He demands that eight plates
+and a coconut shell be filled with blood and rice; another shell is
+to be filled with uncooked rice, in which a silver coin is hidden; and
+finally a bamboo dog-trough must be provided. When his demands are met,
+he begins to call, "Come, my dogs, come and eat." Later the blood and
+rice are placed in the trough, and are carried to the edge of the town,
+where they are left. This done, the spirit pierces the pig's liver with
+a spear and, placing it on a shield, dances about the room. Finally,
+stopping beside the mat, he lays them on the patient's stomach. The
+next and final act is to scrape up a little of the liver with a small
+head-axe, and to place this, mixed with oil, on the sick person.
+
+On the third and last day, the medium leads a big dog to the edge of
+the village, and then kills it with a club. A piece of the animal's ear
+is cut off, is wrapped in a cloth, and is hung around the patient's
+neck as a protection against evil, and as a sign to all spirits that
+this ceremony has been held.
+
+Throughout the rest of the day many spirits visit the mediums, and at
+such a time Kakalonan is sure to appear to give friendly advice. The
+final act is to set the spirit raft afloat on the stream.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. GOVERNMENT. THE VILLAGE
+
+The village is the social unit within which there are no clans,
+no political, or other divisions. The Tinguian are familiar with the
+Igorot town, made up of several _ato_ [168] but there is no indication
+that they have ever had such an institution.
+
+The head of the village is known as _lakay_. He is usually a man
+past middle age whose wealth and superior knowledge have given him
+the confidence of his people. He is chosen by the older men of the
+village, and holds his position for life unless he is removed for
+cause. It is possible that, at his death, his son may succeed him,
+but this is by no means certain.
+
+The _lakay_ is supposed to be well versed in the customs of the
+ancestors, and all matters of dispute or questions of policy are
+brought to him. If the case is one of special importance he will summon
+the other old men, who will deliberate and decide the question at
+issue. They have no means of enforcing their decisions other than the
+force of public opinion, but since an offender is ostracised, until
+he has met the conditions imposed by the elders, their authority is
+actually very great. Should a _lakay_ deal unjustly with the people,
+or attempt to alter long established customs, he would be removed from
+office and another be selected in his stead. No salary or fees are
+connected with this office, the holder receiving his reward solely
+through the esteem in which he is held by his people.
+
+In former times two or three villages would occasionally unite to
+form a loose union, the better to resist a powerful enemy, but with
+the coming of more peaceful times such beginnings of confederacies
+have vanished. During the Spanish regime attempts were made to
+organize the pagan communities and to give titles to their officers,
+but these efforts met with little success. Under American rule local
+self government, accompanied by several elective offices, has been
+established in many towns. The contest for office and government
+recognition of the officials is tending to break down the old system
+and to concentrate the power in the _presidente_ or mayor.
+
+It is probable that the early Tinguian settlement consisted of one
+or more closely related groups. Even to-day the family ties are so
+strong that it was found possible, in compiling the genealogical
+tables, to trace back the family history five or six generations.
+
+These families are not distinguished by any totems, guardian spirits,
+or stories of supernatural origin, but the right to conduct the
+more important ceremonies is hereditary. Descent is traced through
+both the male and female lines, and inheritance is likewise through
+both sexes. There are no distinguishing terms for relations on the
+father's or mother's side, nor are there other traces of matriarchal
+institutions.
+
+Families of means attain a social standing above that of their
+less fortunate townsmen, but there is no sharp stratification of
+the community into noble and serf, such as was coming into vogue
+along many parts of the coast at the time of the Spanish conquest,
+neither has slavery ever gained a foothold with this people. The
+wealthy often loan rice to the poor, and exact usury of about fifty
+per cent. Payment is made in service during the period of planting
+and harvesting, so that the labor problem is, to a large extent,
+solved for the land-holders. However, they customarily join the
+workers in the fields and take their share in all kinds of labor.
+
+The concubines, known as _pota_ (cf. p. 283), are deprived of certain
+rights, and they are held somewhat in contempt by the other women,
+but they are in no sense slaves. They may possess property, and their
+children may become leaders in Tinguian society.
+
+The only group which is sharply separated from the mass is composed
+of the mediums, and they are distinctive only during the ceremonial
+periods. At other times they are treated in all respects as other
+members of the community.
+
+On three occasions the writer has found men dressing like women,
+doing women's work, and spending their time with members of that
+sex. Information concerning these individuals has always come by
+accident, the people seeming to be exceedingly reticent to talk about
+them. In Plate XXXVI is shown a man in woman's dress, who has become
+an expert potter. The explanation given for the disavowal of his sex is
+that he donned women's clothes during the Spanish regime to escape road
+work, and has since then retained their garb. Equally unsatisfactory
+and unlikely reasons were advanced for the other cases mentioned.
+
+It should be noted that similar individuals have been described from
+Zambales, Panay, from the Subanun of Mindanao, and from Borneo. [169]
+It has been suggested, with considerable probability, that at least
+a part of these are hermaphrodites, but in Borneo, where they act
+as priests, _Roth_ states that they are unsexed before assuming
+their roles.
+
+_Laws_.--Law, government, and custom are synonymous. Whatever the
+ancestors did is right, and hence has religious sanction. The _lakay_
+and his advisors will give their decisions according to the decrees
+of the past, if that is possible, but when precedent is lacking,
+they will deliberate and decide on a course. The following may be
+taken as typical of the laws or customs which regulate the actions
+of the people, within a group, toward one another.
+
+_Rules governing the family._--A man may have only one wife, but
+he may keep concubines. If the wife's relatives suspect that a
+mistress is causing the husband's affections to wane, they may hold
+the _Nagkakalonan_ or "trial of affection" (cf. p. 282), and if their
+charges are sustained, the husband must pay them a considerable amount,
+and, in addition, stand all the expenses of the gathering. If it is
+shown that they are not justified in their suspicions, the expense
+falls on the accusers.
+
+The wife may bring a charge of cruelty or laziness against her husband,
+and if it is substantiated, he will be compelled to complete the
+marriage agreement and give the woman her freedom. Unfaithfulness on
+the part of a wife, or a betrothed girl, justifies the aggrieved in
+killing one or both of the offenders. He may, however, be satisfied
+by having the marriage gift returned to him, together with a fine
+and a decree of divorce.
+
+A man who has a child by an unmarried woman, not a _pota_, must
+give the girl's people about one hundred pesos, and must support the
+infant. Later the child comes into his keeping, and is recognized as
+an heir to his estate.
+
+Marriage is prohibited between cousins, between a man and his adopted
+sister, his sister-in-law, or mother-in-law. Union with a second cousin
+is also tabooed. It is said that offenders would be cut off from the
+village; no one would associate with them, and their children would
+be disinherited.
+
+A widow may remarry after the _Layog_ ceremony (cf. p. 290), but all
+the property of her first husband goes to his children.
+
+If a wife has neglected her husband during his final illness, she may
+be compelled to remain under two blankets, while the body is in the
+house (cf. p. 286), unless she pays a fine of ten or fifteen pesos
+to his family.
+
+Children must care for and support infirm parents. Should there be
+no children, this duty falls upon the nearest relative.
+
+_Inheritance_.--Although a price is paid for the bride, the Tinguian
+woman is in no sense a slave. She may inherit property from her
+parents, hold it through life, and pass it on to her children.
+
+Following the death of a man, enough is taken from his estate to pay
+up any part of the marriage agreement which may still be due, and
+the balance is divided among his children. If there are no children,
+it is probable that his personal possessions will go to his father
+or mother, if they are still living; otherwise, to his brothers and
+sisters. However, the old men in council may decide that the wife
+is entitled to a share. Should she remarry and bear children to her
+second husband, she cannot give any part of this property to them,
+but upon her death it goes to the offspring of the first marriage, or
+reverts to the relatives. Land is divided about equally between boys
+and girls, but the boys receive the major part of the animals, and the
+girls their mother's beads. Oftentimes the old men will give the oldest
+child the largest share, "since he has helped his parents longest."
+
+Whatever the husband and wife have accumulated in common during their
+married life is divided, and the man's portion is disposed of, as
+just indicated. Illegitimate children and those of a _pota_ receive a
+share of their father's property, but not in the same proportion as
+the children of the wife. No part of the estate goes to a concubine
+unless, in the judgment of the old men, it is necessary to provide
+for her, because of sickness or infirmity.
+
+_Transfer and sharing of property._--Land and houses are seldom
+transferred, except at the death of the owner, but should a sale or
+trade be desired, the parties to the contract will make the bargain
+before the _lakay_ and old men, who thus become witnesses. A feast
+is given at such a time, and is paid for by either the seller or
+the buyer. The sale or barter of carabao, horses, valuable jars, and
+beads may be witnessed in this manner, but the transfer of personal
+property is purely a matter between the parties concerned.
+
+If a man works the property of another, he furnishes the seed and
+labor, and the crop is divided. If an owner places his animals in the
+care of another, the first of the increase goes to him, the second
+to the caretaker. Should an animal die, the caretaker must skin
+it, and give the hide to the owner, after which he is freed from
+responsibility, but he is liable for the loss, theft, or injury to
+his charges.
+
+_Murder and Theft._--The relatives of a murdered man may kill his
+assailant without fear of punishment, but, if they are willing,
+the guilty party may settle with them by paying in Chinese jars,
+carabao, or money. The usual payment varies from fifty to one hundred
+pesos. A thief is compelled to make restitution, and is also subject
+to a small fine.
+
+The practice of evil magic, and the breaking of a taboo, are considered
+serious crimes, but as they have been treated under Religion and Magic,
+they will not be repeated here.
+
+_Lying, Cheating, Breaches of Etiquette._--Falling outside the realm
+of law are those things which may be considered right and wrong,
+but the infraction of which carries with it no penalty. Lying, for
+instance, is not bad, if it is done to protect yourself or a friend,
+but falsifying without purpose is mean and to be despised. Cheating
+is not wrong. Your ability to outwit the other person is proof that
+you are the smarter man.
+
+It is bad manners for a man to sit with his legs far apart or to
+expose all of his clout, or for a woman to sit on the floor with one
+leg drawn up. A person should not walk about while others are singing
+or dancing. Basi should never be drunk, until it has been offered to
+every one present, especially the elders.
+
+Before eating, a person should invite all in the room to join him,
+even though he does not expect them to accept. A visitor should never
+eat with the wife of another during his absence.
+
+Always call before entering a house. Never enter a dwelling, when
+the owner is away, and has removed the ladder from the door. Never
+enter a village dirty; stop and bathe at the spring before going up.
+Only dogs enter the houses without bathing.
+
+_The Village_ (Plate XXXVIII).--A village generally consists of two
+or three settlements, situated near together, and under the authority
+of a single _lakay_ or headman. There is no plan or set arrangement
+for the dwellings or other structures, but, as a rule, the house,
+spirit structure, and perhaps corrals are clustered closely together,
+while at the edge of the settlement are the rice granaries and garden
+plots. Formerly a double bamboo stockade surrounded each settlement,
+but in recent years these have disappeared, and at the time of our
+visit only one town, Abang, was so protected.
+
+The dwellings vary in size and shape. They conform in general to
+two types. The first and most common is a single room with a door
+at one end opening off from an uncovered porch (Plate XXXIX). The
+second consists of three rooms, or rather two rooms, between which
+is a porch or entry way, all under one roof. There is seldom an outer
+door to this entry way, but each room has its own door, and oftentimes
+windows opening on to it, so that one has the feeling that we have
+here two houses joined by the covered porch. In such buildings this
+entry way is a convenient place for hanging nets or for drying tobacco.
+
+In one room is the hearth, the water pots, and dishes, while the
+other is the family sleeping-room.
+
+The construction of the dwelling is shown in Plates XL-XLI. A number
+of heavy hard-wood posts are sunk deeply into the ground and project
+upward 10 or more feet. At a height of 4 or 5 feet above the ground,
+crossbeams are lashed or pegged to form the floor supports, while
+at the tops are other beams on which the roof rests. Plate XL shows
+the skeleton of this roof so plainly that further description is
+unnecessary. This framework, generally constructed on the ground, is
+raised on to the upright timbers, and is lashed in place. A closely
+woven mat of bamboo strips, or of bamboo beaten flat, covers each
+side of the roof, and on this the thatch is laid. Bundles of _cogon_
+grass are spread clear across the roof, a strip of bamboo is laid
+at the upper ends, and is lashed to the mat below. A second row of
+thatch overlaps the top of the first, and thus a waterproof covering
+is provided.
+
+Another type of roofing is made by splitting long bamboo poles,
+removing the sectional divisions and then lashing them to the
+framework. The first set is placed with the concave sides up, and runs
+from the ridge pole to a point a few inches below the framework, so
+as to overhang it somewhat. A second series of halved bamboos is laid
+convex side up, the edges resting in the concavity of those below,
+thus making an arrangement similar to a tiled roof.
+
+For the side walls this tiled type of construction is commonly used
+(Plate LXXVIII). A coarse bamboo mat is likewise employed, while a
+crude interweaving of bamboo strips is by no means uncommon. Such a
+wall affords little protection against a driving rain or wind, but the
+others are quite effective. Well-to-do families often have the side
+walls and floors of their houses made of hard-wood boards. Since planks
+are, or have been until recently, cut out with knives, head-axes,
+or adzes, much time and wealth is consumed in constructing such a
+dwelling. When completed, it is less well adapted to the needs of
+the people than the structures just described, but its possession is
+a source of gratification to the owner, and aids in establishing him
+as a man of affairs in his town.
+
+The floor is made of poles tied to the side-beams, and on these strips
+of bamboo are laid so as to leave small cracks between them. This
+assists in the house-cleaning, as all dirt and refuse is swept through
+the openings on to the ground. When the floor is made of wood, it is
+customary to leave one corner to be finished off in the bamboo slits,
+and it is here that the mother gives birth to her children. This
+is not compulsory, but it is custom, and indicates clearly that the
+planked floor is a recent introduction.
+
+Entrance to the dwelling is by means of a bamboo ladder which is
+raised at night, or when the family is away. Windows are merely square
+holes over which a bamboo mat is fitted at night, but the door is a
+bamboo-covered framework which turns in wooden sockets.
+
+Such a house offers no barriers to mosquitoes, flies, flying roaches,
+or white ants, while rats, scorpions, and centipedes find friendly
+shelter in the thatch roof. Quite commonly large but harmless snakes
+are encouraged to take up their residence in the cook room, as their
+presence induces the rats to move elsewhere. Little house lizards
+are always present, and not infrequently a large lizard makes its
+home on the ridge pole, and from time to time gives its weird cry.
+
+The ground beneath the house is often enclosed with bamboo slats, and
+is used for storage purposes, or a portion may be used as a chicken
+coop. It is also customary to bury the dead beneath the dwelling,
+and above the grave are the boxes in which are placed supplies for
+the spirits of the deceased.
+
+With some modification this description of the Tinguian house and
+village would apply to those of the western Kalinga and the Apayao,
+[170] and likewise the Christian natives of the coast, but a very
+different type of dwelling and grouping is found among the neighboring
+Igorot. [171] It is also to be noted that we do not find to-day any
+trace of tree dwellings, such as were described by _La Gironiere_ [172]
+at the time of his visit scarcely a century ago. Elevated watch-houses
+are placed near to the mountain fields, and it is possible that in
+times of great danger people might have had similar places of refuge
+in or near to their villages, but the old men emphatically deny that
+they were ever tree-dwellers, and there is nothing in the folk-tales
+to justify such a belief; on the contrary, the tales-indicate that
+the type of dwelling found to-day, was that of former times. [173]
+
+_House Furnishings_.--The average house has only one room. Inside the
+door, at the left, one usually finds the stove, three stones sunk in a
+box of ashes or dirt, or a similar device of clay (Fig 5, No. 1). Above
+the fire is suspended a hanger on which are placed dishes and food, in
+order that they may not be disturbed by insects. Along the wall stands
+a small caldron, jars for water and rice, and the large Chinese jars,
+tke latter as a general rule heirlooms or marriage gifts. These are
+sometimes used for _basi_, but more often they contain broken rice,
+cotton, or small articles. Above the jars is a rack or hangar on which
+dishes or coconut shells are placed. At one end of the room a set of
+pegs, deer horns, or a cord supports a variety of clothes, blankets,
+a woman's switch, and perhaps a man's belt. The sleeping-mats either
+hang here or occupy a rack of their own. Below the cord stand chests
+secured in early years through trade with the Chinese. In these are
+the family treasures, valuable beads, coins, blankets, ceremonial
+objects, and the like. Piled on the boxes is a variety of pillows,
+for no Tinguian house is complete without a number of these (Plate
+LXVI). The other house furnishings, consisting of a spinning wheel,
+loom, coconut rasp, and clothes beater (Fig. 5, No. 10) find space
+along the other wall. Behind the door, except in the valley towns,
+stand the man's spear and shield; above or near the door will be the
+spirit offering in the form of a small hanger or a miniature shield
+fastened against the wall. The center of the floor affords a place
+for working, eating, and sleeping. If there are small children in
+the family a cradle or jumper will be found suspended from a beam or
+a bamboo pole placed across one corner of the room (cf. p. 272).
+
+The type of jars made by the Tinguian is shown in Fig. 5, No. 7,
+while those of foreign introduction have been fully described in a
+previous publication. [174]
+
+The native jars are used both for cooking and as water containers. With
+them will be found pot rings and lifters. The first is a simple ring of
+plaited bamboo, which fits on the head or sets on the floor, and forms
+a support for the rounded bottom of the jar. The second (Figure 5,
+No. 3) consists of a large rattan loop, which is placed over the neck
+of the jar. The hands are drawn apart, and the weight closes the loop,
+causing it to grip the jar. Long bamboo tubes with sections removed are
+used as water containers, while smaller sections often serve as cups
+or dippers. Gourds are also used in this manner (Fig. 5, Nos. 8-9).
+
+Food is removed from the jars with spoons and ladles (Fig. 6) made of
+wood or coconut shells, but they are never put to the mouth. Meat is
+cut up into small pieces, and is served in its own juice. The diner
+takes a little cooked rice in his fingers, and with this dips or scoops
+the meat and broth into his mouth. Greens are eaten in the same manner.
+
+Halved coconut shells serve both as cups and as dishes (Fig. 5,
+No. 6). Wooden dishes are likewise used, but they are employed chiefly
+in ceremonies for the feeding of the spirits or to hold the rice from
+which a bride and groom receive the augury of the future (Fig. 5,
+Nos. 4-5).
+
+Baskets, varying considerably in material, size and type, are
+much used, and are often scattered about the dwelling or, as in
+the case of the men's carrying baskets, are hung on pegs set into
+the walls. Somewhere about the house will be found a coconut rasp
+(Fig. 5, No. 11). When this is used, the operator kneels on the wooden
+standard, and draws the half coconut toward her over the teeth of
+the blade. The inside of the shell is thus cleaned and prepared for
+use as an eating or drinking dish. Torches or bamboo lamps formerly
+supplied the dwellings with light. Lamps consisting of a section
+of bamboo filled with oil and fitted with a cord wick are still in
+use, but for the most part they have been superseded by tin lamps of
+Chinese manufacture. Oil for them is extracted from crushed seeds of
+the _tau-tau_ (_Jatropha grandulifera_ Roxb.)
+
+A very necessary article of house furnishing is the fire-making
+device. In many instances, the housewife will go to a neighboring
+dwelling and borrow a light rather than go to the trouble of building
+a fire, but if that is not convenient, a light may be secured by one
+or two methods. The first is by flint and steel, a method which is
+probably of comparatively recent introduction. The second and older is
+one which the Tinguian shares with all the neighboring tribes. Two
+notches are cut through a section of bamboo, and tree cotton is
+placed below them. A second section of bamboo is cut to a sharp edge,
+and this is rubbed rapidly back and forth in the notches until the
+friction produces a spark, which when caught on tinder can be blown
+into a flame. [175] At the door of the house will be found a foot
+wiper (Fig. 5, No. 12) made of rice-straw drawn through an opening
+cut in a stick, or it may consist of coconut husks fastened together
+to make a crude mat, while near by is the broom made of rice-straw or
+grass. Rice-mortars, pestles, and similar objects are found beneath
+the dwellings.
+
+_The Village Spring_.--Each village is situated near to a spring or
+on the banks of a stream. In the latter case deep holes are dug in the
+sands, and the water that seeps in is used for household purposes. In
+the morning, a number of women and girls gather at the springs,
+carrying with them the plates and dishes used in the meals, also
+garments which need to be laundered. The pots and dishes are thoroughly
+scoured with sand and water, applied with a bundle of rice-straw or
+grass. The garments to be washed are laid in the water, generally in
+a little pool near to the main spring or beside the stream. Ashes from
+rice-straw are then mixed with water and, after being strained through
+a bunch of grass, are applied to the cloth in place of soap. After
+being thoroughly soaked, the cloth is laid on a clean stone, and is
+beaten with a stick or wooden paddle. The garment is again rinsed,
+and later is hung up on the fence near the dwelling to dry.
+
+Before returning to her home, the woman fills her pots with water, and
+then takes her bath in a pool below the main spring (Plate XLII). All
+garments are removed except the girdle and clout, and then water,
+dipped up in a coconut shell, is poured on to the face, shoulders,
+and body. In some cases sand is applied to the body, and is rubbed in
+with the hand or a stone; rinsing water is applied and the garments
+are put back on without drying the body. Every one, men, women,
+and children, takes a daily bath, and visitors will always stop to
+bathe at the spring or river before entering a village. Promiscuous
+bathing is common, and is accepted as a matter of course, but there
+is no indication of embarrassment or self-consciousness. When she
+returns to the village, the woman will often be seen carrying one
+or two jars of water on her head, her washing under her arm, while
+a child sets astride her hip or lies against her back (Plate XLIII).
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+WARFARE, HUNTING, AND FISHING
+
+Head-hunting and warfare are practically synonymous. To-day both are
+suffering a rapid decline, and a head is seldom taken in the valley of
+the Abra. In the mountain district old feuds are still maintained, and
+sometimes lead to a killing, and here too the ancient funerary rites
+are still carried out in their entirety on rare occasions. However,
+this peaceful condition is not of long standing. In every village the
+older men tell with pride of their youthful exploits, of the raids
+they indulged in, the heads they captured; and they are still held
+in high esteem as men "who fought in the villages of their enemies."
+
+During the time of our stay in Abra, the villages of the Buklok
+valley were on bad terms with the people of the neighboring Ikmin
+valley, and were openly hostile to the Igorot on the eastern side of
+the mountain range. Manabo and Abang were likewise hostile to their
+Igorot neighbors, and the latter village was surrounded with a double
+bamboo stockade, to guard against a surprise attack. Manabo at this
+time anticipated trouble with the warriors of Balatok and Besao, as a
+result of their having killed six men from those towns. The victims
+had ostensibly come down to the Abra river to fish, but, judging by
+previous experience, the Tinguian believed them to be in search of
+heads, and acted accordingly. This feud is of old standing and appears
+to have grown out of a dispute over the hunting grounds on Mt. Posoey,
+the great peak which rises only a few miles from Manabo. There have
+been many clashes between the rival hunters, the most serious of
+which occurred in 1889, when the Tinguian had twenty-nine of their
+number killed, and lost twenty-five heads to the Igorot of Besao.
+
+The people of Agsimo and Balantai suffered defeat in a raid carried on
+against Dagara in 1907, and at the time of our visit a number of the
+warriors still bore open wounds received in that fight. In the same
+year at least three unsuccessful attacks, probably by lone warriors,
+were made against individuals of Lagangilang, Likuan, and Lakub.
+
+Accounts of earlier travelers offer undoubted proof that head-hunting
+was rampant a generation ago; while the folk-tales feature the taking
+of heads as one of the most important events in Tinguian life.
+
+The first incentive for head-taking is in connection with funeral
+rites. According to ancient custom it was necessary, following
+the death of an adult, for the men of the village to go out on a
+headhunt, and until they had done so, the relatives of the deceased
+were barred from wearing good clothing, from taking part in any
+pastimes or festivals, and their food was of the poorest and meanest
+quality. To remove this ban, the warriors would don white head-bands,
+arm themselves, and sally forth either to attack a hostile village
+or to ambush an unsuspecting foe. Neighboring villages were, out
+of necessity, usually on good terms, but friendly relations seldom
+extended beyond the second or third settlement, a distance of ten or
+fifteen miles. Beyond these limits most of the people were considered
+enemies and subject to attack.
+
+While such a raid was both justifiable and necessary to the village
+in which a death had occurred, it was considered an unprovoked attack
+by the raided settlement; a challenge and an insult which had to be
+avenged. Thus feuds were established, some of which ran through many
+years, and resulted in considerable loss of life. A town, which had
+lost to another a greater number of heads than they had secured, was
+in honor bound to even the score, and thus another cause for battle
+was furnished. The man who actually succeeded in taking a head was
+received with great acclaim upon his return to the village; he was
+the hero in the festival which followed, and thereafter was held in
+high esteem, and so another motive was furnished. [176]
+
+There is an indication in the _Saloko_ ceremony that heads may have
+been taken to cure headache and similar ills (cf. p. 319); while the
+presence of the head-basket, of the same name, in the fields suggests
+a possible connection between head-hunting and the rice culture,
+such as still exists among the neighboring Kalinga. [177]
+
+The Tinguian do not now, and apparently never have practised human
+sacrifice, but this custom and head-hunting seem to be closely
+related, and to have as a primary cause the desire to furnish slaves
+or companions for the dead. This idea was found among the ancient
+Tagalog, Visayan, and Zambal, and still exists among the Apayao
+of Northern Luzon; the Bagobo, Mandaya, Bila-an, and Tagakaola of
+Mindanao; as well as in Borneo and the islands to the south. [178]
+That it once had a strong hold on the Ilocano of the coast is made
+evident by the mysterious cult known as _axibrong_, which at times
+terrifies whole communities. In 1907 the region about Bangui, in
+Ilocos Norte, was greatly excited over several attempts to kill people
+of that settlement, and it was whispered that when a leading man,
+who had recently died, was placed in his coffin, his right hand had
+suddenly raised up with four fingers extended. This, it was said, was a
+demand on the part of the dead for four companions, and the subsequent
+attacks on the villagers were thought to be due to the activities of
+the bereaved family in complying with the wishes of the deceased.
+
+The raids following a death were usually carried out as a village
+affair, and many warriors participated, but it seems that by far the
+greater number of heads were secured by individuals or couples, who
+would lie in ambush near to the trails, or to the places, where the
+women had to pass in carrying water from the streams to the village.
+
+While the Tinguian always chose to attack from ambush, yet he did
+not hesitate to fight in the open when occasion demanded it. For a
+distance of fifteen or twenty feet he depended on his spear, but for
+close quarters he relied on his shield and head-axe. An examination of
+Plate XLIV will show that the shield has three prongs at the top. These
+the warrior seeks to slip between the legs of his enemy to trip him
+up, then one stroke downward with the axe, and the opponent is put out
+of the fight. The two lower prongs are meant to be slipped about the
+neck. One more stroke of the head-axe, and the victor takes his trophy
+and starts for home, while the relatives of the dead man seek to secure
+the remains to carry them back to their village. As the loss of a head
+reflects on the whole party, and in a like manner its acquisition adds
+distinction to the victors, a hot fight usually develops over a man
+who is stricken down, and only ceases when the enemy is beaten off,
+or has been successful in getting away with the trophy.
+
+If a war party finds it necessary to make a night camp, or if they
+are hard pressed by the foe, they plant long, thin strips of bamboo
+or _palma brava_ [179] in the grass. The ends of these are cut to
+sharp points, and they are so cleverly concealed that pursuers must
+use great care, and consequently lose much time, or they will have
+their legs and feet pierced with these needle-like blades.
+
+Upon their return to the village, the warriors were formerly met
+at the gate by their relatives, who held two ladders in A shape,
+thus forming a pathway over which each had to climb. Once inside
+the town, the heads were placed on a bamboo spike known as _sagang_
+(cf. p. 310), or in the _saloko_ (cf. p. 310), and for three days
+were exhibited beside the gate. In the meantime messages were sent
+to friendly villages to invite the people to the celebration.
+
+On the morning of the last day, the heads were carried up to the center
+of the village, where, amid great rejoicing, the men sang the praises
+of the victors or examined the skulls of the victims. Sometime during
+the morning, the men who had taken the heads split them open with
+their axes and removed the brains. To these they added the lobes of
+the ears and joints of the little fingers, and they placed the whole
+in the liquor which was afterwards served to the dancers. There seems
+to be no idea here of eating the brains of the slain as food. They are
+consumed solely to secure a part of their valor, an idea widespread
+among the tribes of Mindanao. [180] The writer does not believe that
+any people of the Philippines indulges in cannibalism, if that term
+is used to signify the eating of human flesh as food. Several, like
+the Tinguian, have or still do eat a portion of the brain, the heart
+or liver of brave warriors, but always, it appears, with the idea of
+gaining the valor, or other desirable qualities of the victims.
+
+The balance of the head festival consisted in the drinking of sugar
+cane rum, of songs of praise by the headmen, and finally all joined
+in dancing _da-eng_. Just before the guests were ready to depart, the
+skulls were broken into small bits, and the fragments were distributed
+to the guests so that they might taken them to their homes, and thus
+be reminded of the valor of the takers. [181] This disposition of
+the skull agrees with that of many Apayao towns, [182] but it does
+not conform with the description of ancient times afforded us in the
+tales, [183] nor with the practices of the Kalinga and Igorot people,
+both of whom preserve the trophy.
+
+The weapons of the warriors consists of a spear, head-axe, and shield,
+and the small bamboo spikes known as _soga_. They do not make use
+of the bow and arrow, although they have been credited as possessing
+them. [184] The old men claim it has not been used in their lifetime,
+nor is mention made of it in the folk-tales. The only time it appears
+is in the crude weapons used in shooting fish in the rice-fields,
+and in the miniature bow and arrow, which hang above the heads of a
+newborn child.
+
+Bolos, or long knives, are carried at the side suspended from the belt,
+and upon occasion may be used as weapons. However, they are generally
+considered as tools (Fig. 7).
+
+_The Head-Axe_, _aliwa_ or _gaman_ (see Fig. 8).--The axes made by
+the Tinguian and Kalinga are identical, probably due to the fact that
+the center of distribution, as well as the best iron work of this
+region, is found in Balbalasang--a town of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga
+blood. The blade is long and slender with a crescent-shape cutting
+edge on one end, and a long projecting spine on the other. This
+projection is strictly utilitarian. It is driven into the ground
+so as to support the blade upright, when it is desired to have both
+hands free to draw meat or other articles over the cutting edge. It
+is also driven into the soil, and acts as a support when its owner
+is climbing steep or slippery banks.
+
+The blade fits into a long steel ferrule which, in turn, slips onto
+a wooden handle. The latter may be straight or plain, but commonly
+it has a short projection midway of its length, which serves as a
+finger-hold and as a hook for attachment to the belt. Quite frequently
+the handle is decorated with thin circles or bands of brass, while
+ornamental designs sometimes appear on the blade.
+
+While the axe is primarily a weapon, its use is by no means confined
+to warfare. It is used in house and fence building, in cutting up
+game and forest products, and in many other ways. Fig. 8 shows three
+types of head-axes, the first two, the Tinguian-Kalinga axe; third,
+the Igorot; fourth, the Apayao. There is a noticeable difference
+between the slender blades of the first group and the short, thick
+blade of the Igorot, yet they are of the same general type. The
+Apayao weapon, on the other hand, presents a radical difference in
+form. Despite these variations, the axes of these three tribes present
+an interesting problem. So far as it known, these are the only tribes
+in the Philippines which make use of a head-axe, and it is believed
+that no similar weapon is found in the Malayan Islands. However,
+blades of striking resemblance do occur among the Naga of Assam. [185]
+It is possible that the weapons of these far separated regions may hark
+back to a common source, from which they received their instruction
+in iron working.
+
+_The Spear_, _pika_.--The various types of spears used by the Tinguian
+are shown in Fig. 9.
+
+A considerable part of these are made in the villages along the upper
+reaches of the Buklok river and in Balbalasang, but many come into
+Abra through trade with the Igorot and Kalinga. They are used for
+hunting and fighting, and are intended both as thrusting and throwing
+weapons. In the lowlands the older type of spear-head is a modified
+leaf shape, attached to a ferrule which slips over the shaft. In the
+mountains, heads with two or more barbs are set into the handles,
+and are held in place by means of wooden wedges and by metal rings
+which surround the ends of the shafts. A metal end or shoe covers the
+butt end of the weapon, thus converting it into an excellent staff
+for mountain climbing.
+
+Occasionally a hunting spear is fitted with a detachable head, which
+will pull out of the socket when an animal is struck. The shaft is
+attached to the point by means of a heavy line, and as this drags
+through the undergrowth, it becomes entangled and thus delays the
+flight of the game.
+
+_Shields_, _kalasag_.--Mention has already been made of the typical
+Tinguian-Kalinga shield (cf. p. 373). While this is the common type
+of the region (Fig. 10, Nos. 1-1a), others, which approach those of
+the Bontoc Igorot, are frequently used (Fig. 10, No. 2). As a rule,
+these come from Balatok, Lubuagan, Guinaan and the villages along
+the Malokbot river, all of which are strongly influenced in blood
+and culture by the Igorot. In the latter shields we find the prongs
+at the top and bottom, but they are no longer of sufficient size and
+opening to be of practical value. The clue to their origin is probably
+afforded us in their use by the Tinguian.
+
+Across the top and bottom of each shield, near to the prongs, are two
+or three braided bands which appear to be ornamental, or to strengthen
+the weapon. Their real use, however, is to hold the _soga_, the pointed
+bamboo sticks which are planted in the grass to delay pursuers. A half
+dozen or more of these are usually to be found under the braiding at
+the back of the shield.
+
+All shields are of very light wood, and can easily be pierced by
+a spear. They are intended to be used in deflecting missels rather
+than actually to stop them. To aid in this purpose, there is a hand
+grip cut into the center of the back. This is large enough to admit
+the first three fingers, while the thumb and little finger are left
+outside to tilt the shield to the proper angle.
+
+_Hunting_ (Plates XLV-XLVI).--Hunting must be considered more in the
+nature of a sport than as a necessity, for, while a considerable amount
+of game is taken each year, it is not enough to furnish an important
+part of the food supply. As we have already noted, a great part of the
+country occupied by this tribe is devoid of forests. Dense growths
+do occur in some valleys and ravines, and a few of the mountains,
+like Posoey, are heavily forested, but for the most part the western
+slopes of the Cordillera Central are covered with rank _cogon_
+grass. In the ravines and on the wooded slopes are deer, pig, wild
+carabao, and wild chickens, and during the dry season of the year it
+is no uncommon thing to see a considerable number of men leaving the
+village at daybreak with their dogs, spears, and nets. The customary
+method of hunting the larger animals is to stretch long nets across
+the runway of the game. A number of the hunters, armed with spears,
+conceal themselves near by, while the balance of the party take the
+dogs to a distance and then, spreading out fan-shape, will converge
+on the net, beating the brush and shouting in order to stir up the
+game. The dogs, sullen, half-starved brutes, take little interest
+in the chase until an animal is started, then they begin to bay,
+and the whole pack is in pursuit. As the quarry rushes into the net,
+the concealed hunters fall upon it and spear it to death, at the
+same time fighting back the hungry dogs which would quickly devour
+it. Sometimes an animal escapes from the net, but if wounded, it is
+almost certain to fall a prey to the pack. Many deer are taken by
+this method in the course of a year. Sometimes a wild pig is netted,
+and on exceedingly rare occasions a carabao. However, the wild carabao
+is a dangerous animal, and hunters will not attack it unless it is so
+entangled in the nets that it is practically helpless. Still hunting
+for deer, near to the feeding grounds, yields a few animals each year,
+and during the period when the _lumboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.) are
+in fruit, the hunters often hide themselves in the trees at night,
+and spear the pigs which come below them to feed.
+
+Wild hogs are also secured by placing a close fence about a field. One
+or two small entrances are left open and inside of these, deep pits
+are dug, and are covered with brush. As the animal pushes in, it
+steps on the frail covering, and is hurled to the bottom of the pit,
+where it is easily dispatched with the spear.
+
+Among the smaller game, the wild chicken is the most important. These
+fowls seldom fly, but seek safety by running through the
+underbrush. The Tinguian takes advantage of this trait, and stretches
+nets loosely in the probable runway of the birds, and then drives
+them toward it in the same manner, as he does the deer. As the fowl
+runs full speed into the loose net, it folds about him, and he is
+easily taken.
+
+The most common method of securing wild roosters is by means of a
+series of slip nooses attached to a main cord or band (Fig. 11). This
+is set up so as to enclose a square or triangular space, and a tame
+rooster is put inside. The crowing of this bird attracts the attention
+of the wild fowl who comes in to fight. Soon, in the excitement of
+the combat, one is caught in a noose, and the harder it pulls, the
+more securely it is held. At times the trap is baited with worms or
+grain. The snare is carried in a basket-like case, which is often
+fitted with a compartment for the decoy rooster. [186]
+
+Another type of chicken snare consists of a single noose, which
+rests on two elevated strips of bamboo. The other end of the cord
+is attached to a bent limb, held down by means of a small trigger,
+which slips under a cross strip. The game is led onto the trap by
+scattering grain. The weight of the bird releases the trigger, the
+bent twig flies up, and the noose is drawn tightly.
+
+Small birds are captured in considerable numbers by the boys who, for
+this purpose, make use of three types of snares. The first and most
+common is a simple slip noose made of human or horse hair attached to
+a stick. Several of these are driven into the ground close together,
+and grain is scattered between them. A second type of noose trap
+is shown in Fig. 12, No. 1. A Bamboo pole _a_ with sharpened end
+has a spring _b_ of the same material attached to its side. A cord
+from this passes through a small hole in the top of _a_, and then
+forms a slip noose. A small stick or trigger _c_ is forced into the
+hole until firm enough to keep the line held taut, and the noose is
+spread on it. Bait is placed on the point of _a_ in such a manner
+that the bird has to alight on _c_ to secure it. Its weight releases
+the trigger, and the noose is drawn tightly around its legs. Another
+trap of this nature is illustrated by Fig. 12, No. 2. Here a branch is
+bent down and a line is attached. The trigger stick _a_ slips outside
+_b_, and the pressure holds the free stick _c_ in place against the
+crotch. Bait is so placed on _d_ that a bird coming to secure it must
+stand inside the slip noose which is spread on _c_. The weight and
+movement of the victim releases the trigger, draws the line taut,
+and closes the noose about its legs.
+
+In the lowland villages, blowguns (_salbalana_) are used to a limited
+extent in hunting birds. Two long strips of palm wood are grooved and
+fitted together. Over these the intestines of a carabao are drawn, and
+the whole is wrapped tightly with cord and covered with beeswax. The
+guns vary from 12 to 16 feet in length, and are often excellently made,
+yet they are little better than toys, for the missels used are only
+clay balls. Poison darts are unknown in this region, and the weapon
+is confined to the villages near to the coast. This, together with
+the fact that the blowgun does not appear in the lore or ceremonies,
+suggests that it of recent introduction (Plate XLVII).
+
+Locusts are considered excellent food, and when they are flying in
+great numbers, are taken by means of small nets. These are attached
+to poles, and are swung into the swarm. Sometimes nearly the whole
+village will unite in such a hunt, the catch being stored in large
+bottle-shaped baskets until needed.
+
+Bats and rats are not eaten, but the latter are trapped and killed
+because of the grain they destroy and the injury they do to the houses
+and their contents. The most common trap is made from a section of
+bamboo in one side of which a spring is inserted. A line attached
+to this leads to a slip noose which fits inside the tube. Bait is
+attached to a trigger which, when disturbed, releases the spring and
+closes the loop around the intruder.
+
+_Fishing_.--Mention has already been made of the capture of fish
+by the children. Older people likewise devote some time to fishing,
+but not to the extent of making it an occupation. Nearly every family
+has a collection of traps and lines, and at times quite a number of
+fish and eels are secured.
+
+The common trap is shown in Fig. 13, No. 1. The entrance is made of
+sharp bamboo splints, which converge toward a small hole opening into
+the trap proper. The device is then placed in the water in such a way
+that fish coming downstream will be diverted into the opening. The
+current and the natural inclination of the fish to go into a dark
+hiding-place causes them to force their way into the trap, and once
+in they cannot emerge. The water escapes through the bamboo slits,
+but the fish can only be released by opening the small end of the trap.
+
+Many of the women carry baskets attached to the belt at the hip. The
+tops of these baskets have funnel-shaped openings, and are immediately
+available for use as traps, if a good catch is in prospect (Fig. 13,
+No. 2). These are usually employed for shrimps and minnows. Eels are
+caught in long, round traps of rattan and bamboo. A frog is fastened
+in the far end of the tube, usually with a fish-hook. This is attached
+to a rattan spring, which is connected with the door of the trap. The
+eel enters and seizes the frog, but as it starts to back out, it
+releases the bent rattan, and the door is pulled shut.
+
+Small hand nets, spread apart by means of sticks held in the hands,
+are used by women in scooping up small fish. Ordinarily, it is scooped
+away from the body, but if a fish takes refuge under a rock, the net
+is placed under the opposite side, and the stone is turned over with
+the foot.
+
+The most effective fishing-device is a large throw net made
+cornucopia shape. The large net is open and weighted with many
+sinkers of lead. The man throws the net with a full arm sweeping
+motion, so that it spreads to its full extent, and all the sinkers
+strike the water at the same time. The splash causes all the fish
+inside the circle to dart inward, and as it sinks, the net settles
+over them. The fisherman draws in the cord attached to the small end,
+causing the sinkers to drag along to the bottom until directly beneath
+him, when their weight closes the net. It requires much skill and
+practice to throw this net properly, but once the art is mastered,
+the fisherman is very successful.
+
+Blanket fishing similar to that in use by the neighboring Igorot is
+found here. A large blanket is weighed down with stones, and is placed
+in the river. After one or two hours have elapsed, a number of men form
+a wide circle around it. Often they drag between them a rope to which
+many corn husks are attached. As they advance toward the blanket, they
+turn the larger stones with their feet so that any fish hiding beneath
+them will be frightened away. The circle of men and corn husks causes
+the fish to go toward the blanket, and finally to take refuge under
+the stones piled upon it. When the blanket is reached, the men seize
+the corners and lift it out of the water on to the bank, where the
+stones are thrown out and the fish secured. A somewhat similar idea
+is found in the _lama_. Quantities of leaf branches are sunk into a
+still pool, and are left for a few days until the fish have come to
+use them as a hiding-place. A number of men make a close fence of
+bamboo sticks about them, then go inside, throw out the branches,
+and catch the fish with their hands or with the nets. Streams are
+often diverted from their course, for a time, and then returned,
+leaving the fish in the artificial channels stranded.
+
+A curious method of fishing was seen in the Ikmin river. A hook was
+fastened in the end of a bamboo pole, and close to this a minnow
+was attached to a short line, to act as a lure. When the other fish
+approached the captive, the pole was jerked sharply, in an attempt
+to snag them. On one occasion the writer saw fifty fish taken by this
+method in less than an hour.
+
+Short lines attached to sticks are often baited, and are set along
+the embankments of the flooded rice-fields. Small fish spears with
+detachable heads are also used in the rice lands, as well as in
+the clear pools. The only occasion when the bow and arrow is used
+in this region is when the rice fields are flooded. At such times a
+short bow and an arrow with fork-shaped head are employed (Fig. 13,
+Nos. 3-3a). A fish poison or stupifier is occasionally used. A small
+red berry known as _baiyatin_ is crushed, and the powder is thrown
+into or just above quiet pools, where fish abound. Some of the fish
+become stupified and float on the surface, where they are quickly
+speared or scooped up. They are eaten without any ill effects.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+ECONOMIC LIFE
+
+_Rice Culture_.--The most important crop raised by the Tinguian is
+rice, and to its cultivation he devotes a considerable portion of
+his time. Two distinct methods of growing are now found throughout
+the district--the mountain or upland fields, in which the rice is
+raised without irrigation; and the rice terraces with irrigation [187]
+(Plate XLVIII). To prepare the first type of field, a piece of forest
+land is chosen if possible, or lacking this, a plot covered with
+second growth is selected. The purpose in using timber land is to
+escape the cogon grass (_Imperata koenigii_), which quickly invades
+all open fields, and flourishes until the trees again shut out the
+sunlight. The trees and underbrush are cut down during the dry season,
+so that they may be ready for burning before the arrival of the first
+rains. Should no timber land be available, an open piece will be
+selected, and after the grass is burned, the soil will be partially
+cleared of its stubborn roots by means of a large knife or adze-like
+instrument known as _pal'lek_ (Fig. 14, No. 2).
+
+After the clearing, the field is fenced in so as to protect it
+from deer, wild pigs, and carabao. The rudest type of protection
+consists of a barricade of brush, strengthened with forked sticks,
+in the crotches of which poles are laid. The more common method is
+to set bamboo tubes, at intervals, around the whole plot and to lash
+to them other tubes which have been split in half. A still better
+fence is made by cutting three holes, about a foot apart, through
+each upright and to insert smaller bamboo through these.
+
+When the rains begin, the men go to the fields, each with two hardwood
+sticks whittled to tapering rounded ends. These are driven alternately
+into the soil making shallow holes an inch or so in depth, into each of
+which the women drop several seed rice. The whole field is gone over in
+this way; soil is pushed into the holes with the feet, and frequently
+the task is finished by sowing a few handfuls of seed broadcast and
+distributing it by brushing back and forth with a leafy branch. [188]
+
+In the valley districts the planting sticks are cut as needed, but in
+the mountains, where the upland rice is more important, strong bamboo
+poles fitted with hardwood points are in general use. These implements,
+known as _tepon_ (Fig. 15, No. 1), are invariably carefully decorated
+with incised designs, and are preserved from year to year. Commonly,
+the divisions between the sections of the bamboo are knocked out and
+the tube used as a receptacle for the seed rice.
+
+As the mountain fields need special protection, it is customary to
+build near them little elevated houses in which the workers may rest,
+and in which the watchers can live during the time the grain must
+be guarded. If the plots are near to a village, such a house seldom
+consists of more than a rude framework of poles, which support a grass
+roof, and to which a bamboo floor is lashed, two or three feet above
+the ground; but if the fields are at a distance, these structures are
+provided with sides, and are raised high on strong logs. Such high,
+well built houses are necessary, both to protect the occupants from
+surprise attacks of enemies, and to afford shelter against driving
+winds or rains. It is not an uncommon occurrence for a whole family
+to go to one of these isolated mountain dwellings and reside for
+a considerable period, particularly when the rice is approaching
+maturity.
+
+These upland fields produce much smaller crops than do the wet lands,
+and as they are quickly exhausted, it is not customary to plant
+them to rice for more than two seasons. At the end of this time,
+they may be used for _camotes_ (_Convolvulus batatas_), sugar-cane,
+or cotton, but in the majority of cases they are allowed to lie unused
+for several seasons, when the grass or undergrowth is again removed
+and the fields replanted.
+
+The wet fields produce by far the greater part of the rice, and it is
+about them that most of the agricultural labors center. In the broad
+valleys, low embankments, of sufficient height to maintain the water
+at a depth of two or three inches, separate the fields. The lower
+plots are often of considerable length and width, some covering as
+much as an acre of ground, but as they begin to ascend the slopes,
+the walls rise higher, and the fields become narrower until they
+may be only a few feet in width. In the rugged mountain districts,
+the terraces often begin just above the flood water of the stream. At
+this point, a stone wall, four or five feet in height, is erected,
+and back of this the mountain side is cut away and filled in until
+it forms a step or terrace. Back of this another wall is raised, and
+the process is repeated until at last the terraces extend for two or
+three hundred feet up the mountain side (Plate XLIX). When the field
+is first made, top soil, enriched with vegetable growth, is laid on
+the surface, often to a depth of several inches, but from this time
+on no fertilizer, other than the decaying straw of the previous crop,
+is added, although the field is used continuously for many years.
+
+Water is conducted to many of the fields by means of ditches, usually
+by diverting the flow of some of the numerous springs or streams but in
+a few instances, stone dams have been thrown across the rivers and the
+water carried for considerable distances by flumes and ditches. The
+highest terraces are first inundated to the desired depth, and then
+openings are made in the side walls--so as to allow the lower fields
+to be flooded. This method of irrigation provides for the maximum
+use of the water, and also supplies a constant current which prevents
+the formation of stagnant pools.
+
+Some of the fields are situated too far up the mountain side to
+be reached by ditches, and in such cases the growth of the rice is
+entirely dependent on the rainfall; however, in normal years, the
+precipitation is sufficient to mature the crop.
+
+At the beginning of the rainy season, some of the seed rice is sprouted
+in specially prepared beds in the villages. In such cases a small plot
+is surrounded with low dirt walls, the soil is enriched with manure,
+water is added, and the whole is worked until it becomes a thin mud,
+on which the rice is thickly sown. Around this bed, a bamboo frame
+is erected to keep out pigs and chickens, while from time to time
+water is poured on the growing shoots. The more common method of
+sprouting, however, is to select a piece of land, which will receive
+the full benefit of the rainfall and to break this with a plow drawn
+by a carabao.
+
+When the seed beds have been planted, the people go to the fields,
+repair the embankments, and admit the water. The straw remaining
+from the previous crop is allowed to rot, for a time, and then the
+ground is gone over with a bamboo harrow (_pali-id_), [189] as shown
+in Fig. 15, No. 3, to remove weeds, branches, and the like. Wherever
+it is possible, the soil is broken with a plow, _alado_ (Plate L),
+but in fields to which animals cannot be taken, the ground is turned by
+means of sharpened sticks, or poles tipped with iron, which are driven
+into the soil and forced forward, thus pushing the earth above them
+into the water. [190] As will be seen from the accompanying drawing
+(Fig. 15, Nos. 2-2a), the plow is constructed entirely of wood except
+for the iron share, and conforms closely to that used in Java, Celebes,
+Sumatra, Burma, and Annam. [191]
+
+Within a few days after the plowing, the soil is further broken by
+dragging it with a harrow, made by driving wooden pegs into a heavy
+board, or into large bamboo tubes (Fig. 15, No. 4). A worker stands
+on this, and is dragged about the field, leveling it, and at the same
+time pulling out sticks, roots, and any other matter of sufficient
+bulk to interfere with the planting.
+
+Two types of sleds (Fig. 15, Nos. 5-6) are used in connection
+with the rice culture, as well as in general transportation. The
+first consists of rude wooden runners on which a bamboo flooring is
+laid. The second has narrow runners, which are hewn with considerable
+care, while sides of flattened bamboo convert the sled into an open
+box. The first type (_pasagad_) is used principally during the wet
+season for the transportation of plows, harrows, and the like, the
+wide runners slipping through the mud without becoming mired. The use
+of the latter (_kalison_) is restricted to the dry-season, when it
+is of particular advantage in moving the rice. Wheeled vehicles are
+not employed in any part of the Tinguian belt, although their use is
+now fairly common among the Ilocano.
+
+It requires a month or six weeks to make ready the fields, and in the
+meantime the rice in the seed beds has grown to a height of twelve
+or fourteen inches. The shoots are then pulled up by the roots, are
+tied into bundles, and the tops are cut off (Plate LI). The bundles
+are distributed about the fields at convenient distances, and the
+workers then transplant the young rice--three or four together--in the
+soft ooze, using the thumb and fore-finger of the right hand for that
+purpose (Plate LII). The preparation of the field is looked after by
+the men and boys, and oftentimes they aid in transplanting, but the
+latter is considered to be women's work, and is generally left to them.
+
+The rice is set so thickly that when a plot is planted it presents to
+the eye a solid mass of green. It is hard to imagine a more beautiful
+sight than to look down on these fields, which rise in wave above
+wave of brilliant green, until at last they give way to the yellower
+billows of _cogon_ grass which cover the mountain slopes.
+
+After the transplanting, the grain needs constant attention; at
+first, to keep it properly weeded and flooded; later, to protect it
+from animals and birds. Hence many workers are always in the fields,
+but it is, nevertheless, the happy time for the people, and if one
+approaches a group of workers unawares, he will hear one or more
+singing the _daleng_, a song in which they compliment or chide the
+other workers, or relate some incident of the hunt or of village
+life. Toward midday little groups will gather in the field shelters
+to partake of their lunches, to smoke, or to rest, and usually in
+such a gathering will be a good story-teller who amuses with fables,
+or tales of adventure. [192]
+
+When the rice begins to mature, an even stricter watch must be kept,
+for, in addition to its other enemies, the rice birds [193] now seek
+to feed on the crop and, while they are small in size, they often
+appear in such numbers that they work great havoc.
+
+The usual device employed in frightening both birds and animals is
+a bamboo pole cut into strips at the top, so that, as it is shaken,
+these strike together, producing a great clatter. Many of these
+poles are planted, and then all are connected by means of rattan
+lines which finally lead to the little watch house. Here a man or boy
+sits and occasionally gives the lines a sudden jerk, which sets up a
+clapping over the whole field (Plate LIII). A clever development of
+this device was seen by the writer in the Ikmin river valley. Here
+the stream flows swiftly and plunges headlong into pools every few
+yards. The rattan cord attached to the clappers is fastened to a small
+raft which is then set afloat in the pool. After a whirl in the eddy
+it is caught by the swift current, and is carried a few feet down
+stream, at the same time bending the clappers nearly to the ground;
+then as the raft enters calmer water, the tension is released, and it
+is thrown violently back into the pool from which it has just drifted;
+at the same time the clappers fly back into place with a great noise.
+
+Another contrivance, used in keeping small birds from the fields, is
+a bird-like form cut from the bark of a banana or palm tree. Many of
+these are suspended by lines from bamboo poles, and, as the wind blows
+them to and fro, they appear like giant birds hovering over the rice.
+
+A simple protection against deer is made by bending the white inner
+bark of bamboo into arches and planting these at intervals along
+possible places of entry, for it is said that these animals will not
+approach such a contrivance.
+
+Soon after the water is turned into the fields, shells and fish begin
+to appear even in the higher terraces. Doubtless a considerable part
+of these come in through the ditches, but the natives insist that most
+of the fish bury themselves deep in the mud at the approach of the dry
+season and hibernate until water again appears in the fields. [194]
+These intruders are prized as food, and to secure them, short baited
+lines are placed along the edges of the terraces, while each woman
+has, attached to her belt, a small basket into which she places shells
+discovered during her work. The men likewise secure fish by means of
+hooks and lines, and also pierce them with short spears fitted with
+detachable points, but more commonly they shoot them with a small
+bow and peculiar arrows, the heads of which resemble flattened spoons
+cut into four or five teeth. [195]
+
+As the grain begins to ripen, the land is allowed to dry, and when
+all is ready for the cutting, the people put on their best garments
+and go to the fields. Each stalk is cut separately by means of a
+crescent-shaped blade (_lakom_ or _lakem_) attached to a small wooden
+cylinder (Fig. 14, Nos. 3-3a). This handle is held between the thumb,
+first and fifth fingers, while the stalk is caught by the second and
+third fingers, and is pulled inward against the steel blade. [196]
+Many workers grasp the stalk near the head with the left hand, while
+the cutting blade is used with the right.
+
+Both men and women may engage in cutting the rice, but as the latter
+are much the more dexterous workers, this task is generally assigned
+to them (Plate LIV). The grain is cut so as to leave stalks about
+ten inches in length; these are laid in the free hand until a bunch
+of considerable size has accumulated, when they are bound together
+with strips of bark. [197] At the end of the day these bundles
+are carried to the drying yards, where they remain until the whole
+crop is harvested. A drying yard is a plot of ground surrounded by
+a bamboo fence of such a height that it is impossible for fowls and
+the like to gain entrance. When all the bundles are thoroughly dried,
+they are placed in the granary, and from that time on the handling
+of the rice is given over to the women.
+
+The granaries, or store-houses, of the Tinguian and Ilocano are
+identical (Plate LV), but, barring the Apayao, are different from any
+of the surrounding groups, except when their influence may have spread
+this peculiar type to a limited degree. It is worthy of note, however,
+that the granaries of some Sumatran groups are of similar design and
+construction. Such a store-house is raised high above the ground on
+four hard-wood poles; the framework is of bamboo, and the sides flare
+sharply from the floor to the grass roof. Within the framework is a
+closely woven matting of flattened bamboo, which is nearly water-tight;
+but to secure still further protection from moisture, and also to
+allow for free circulation of air, a rack is built in such a way that
+the rice is kept several inches from the outside walls. Just below
+the floor, each post supports a close-fitting pottery jar--without
+top or bottom--or a broad disk of wood, which effectually prevents
+the entrance of rodents.
+
+To thrash the grain, the woman places a bundle on a piece of carabao
+hide, and, as she rolls it beneath her feet, she pounds it with a long
+wooden pestle (_hala_) until all the kernels are beaten loose from
+the straw. [198] It is then placed in a wooden mortar (_luson_)
+of hourglass form or with straight sides, where it is again beaten
+until the outside husks are loosened, and the grain is somewhat broken
+(Plate LVI). Winnowing is accomplished by tossing the contents of the
+mortar in shallow traps (_igau_), so that the chaff is blown away,
+while the grain falls back into the winnower (Plate LVII).
+
+The rice is now ready for cooking; the chaff is collected, and is
+used as food for the pigs and dogs, while the stalks are saved to be
+burned, for the ashes are commonly used in lieu of soap.
+
+Rice has also come to have great importance, both as a standard of
+value and as a medium of exchange. A single stalk is known as _sanga
+dawa_. When the stalks are equal in size to the leg, just above the
+ankle, the bundle is called _sang-abtek_. [199] Ten _sang-abtek_ equal
+_sanga-baal_. One hundred _sang-abtek_ make _sanga-oyon_. The measure
+of cleaned rice is as follows: Two full hands (one coconut shell
+full)--1 _sopa_ (Ilocano _supa_; Spanish 1/8 _ganta_). 8 _sopa_--1
+_salop_ (Spanish _ganta_ or about 2 quarts). 25 _salop_--1 _kaban_.
+
+It is customary to pay laborers in rice; likewise the value of animals,
+beads, and the like are reckoned and paid in this medium. During
+the dry season rice is loaned, to be repaid after the harvest with
+interest of about fifty per cent.
+
+According to tradition, the Tinguian were taught to plant and reap
+by a girl named Dayapan. This woman, who was an invalid, was one
+day bathing in the stream, when the great spirit Kaboniyan entered
+her body. He carried with him sugar-cane and unthreshed rice which
+he gave to the girl with explicit directions for its use. Likewise
+he taught her the details of the _Sayang_, the most important of
+the ceremonies. Dayapan followed instructions faithfully, and after
+the harvest and conclusion of the ceremony, she found herself to be
+completely cured. After that she taught others, and soon the Tinguian
+became prosperous farmers. [200]
+
+In Part I of this volume a reconstruction of the early life of this
+people was attempted from their mythology. The results seemed to
+indicate that the tales reflect a time before the Tinguian possessed
+terraced rice-fields, when domestic work animals were still unknown,
+and the horse had not yet been introduced into the land. But it was
+also noted that we are not justified in considering these as recent
+events.
+
+At this time, with the more complete data before us, it may be well to
+again subject the rice culture to careful scrutiny, in the hope that
+it may afford some clue as to the source from which it spread into
+this region. It is possible that the Tinguian may have brought it
+with them from their early home, which may be supposed to have been
+in southeastern Asia; they may have acquired it through contact with
+Chinese or Japanese traders, or through commercial relations with
+the islands to the south; or again it may have developed locally in
+the Tinguian, Igorot, and Ifugao territory.
+
+It should be noted at the outset that highly developed terrace
+cultivation is found in Japan and China to the north; in parts of
+Borneo, in the Nias archipelago, in Java, Bali, Lombok, Sumatra,
+Burma, and India proper, and it is probable that all within this
+broad belt developed from a single origin.
+
+When we compare the construction of Igorot and Tinguian terraces and
+the methods of irrigation, we find them quite similar, although those
+of the former are somewhat superior and of much greater extent. The
+planting of the seed rice and the breaking of the soil in the high
+fields are also much alike, but here the resemblances cease. In
+the lower fields, the Tinguian employ the carabao, together with
+the plow and harrow; the Igorot do not. The Igorot fertilize their
+fields, the Tinguian never. In harvesting, the Tinguian make use of
+a peculiar crescent-shaped blade to cut the stalk, the Igorot pull
+each head off separately. The Tinguian and Ilocano granaries are
+of a distinctive type radically different from the Igorot, while the
+methods of thrashing in the two groups are entirely different. Finally,
+the ceremonial observances of the Tinguian, so far as the rice is
+concerned, are much more extensive and intricate than have been
+described for the Igorot. In a like manner there are many striking
+differences between the methods of handling the grain by the Tinguian
+and those found in Japan and China. On the other hand, when we come
+to compare the rice culture of this region with the islands to the
+south, the similarities are very striking. The short description
+given by _Marsden_ for Sumatra [201] would, with a few modifications,
+apply to the situation in Abra. The use of the plow and harrow drawn
+by carabao is found in Java and Sumatra; the common reaping knife of
+both these islands is identical with the Tinguian, although there is
+a slight difference in the way it is utilized; the peculiar type of
+granary found in Abra again appears in Sumatra, while the Tinguian
+ceremonial acts associated with the cultivation and care of the
+rice-recall, in several instances, details of such ceremonies in Java.
+
+If Tinguian rice culture did come from the south, through trade or
+migration, in comparatively recent times we should expect to find
+evidences of the same culture distributed along the route by which
+it must have traveled. We find, however, that few terraces exist in
+Mindanao and northern Borneo; and the former, at least, are of recent
+introduction. [202] There is also negative evidence that such fields
+were rare along the coasts at the time of the Spanish invasion. In
+the early documents we meet with frequent statements that the people
+were agriculturists and raised considerable quantities of rice and
+vegetables in their clearings; but the writer has discovered only
+two instances in which mention is made of terraced fields. [203] Had
+extensive terraces existed on the coast, it seems certain that some
+notice must have been taken of them. Yet in the mountains of central
+and northwestern Luzon, in districts remote from coast influences,
+are found some of the most remarkable fields of this type in Malaysia;
+terraces representing such an expenditure of labor that they argue
+for a long period of construction.
+
+The proof is not absolute, but, in view of the foregoing, the writer is
+inclined to the belief that the Igorot and the Tinguian brought their
+rice culture with them from the south, and that the latter received
+it from a source common to them and to the people of Java and Sumatra.
+
+Many writers who have discussed the rice culture of the East Indies
+are inclined to credit its introduction to Indian colonists, [204]
+but _Campbell_ [205] holds to the belief that it was practised
+centuries before the Christian era and prior to the Hindu invasion of
+Java. There seems to be no dissent, however, among these writers to
+the belief that its introduction antedated the arrival of the European
+in the Orient by several centuries. The fact that dry land farming,
+carried on with planting sticks and the like, is still found among the
+Igorot and Tinguian, and for that matter all over the Philippines,
+cannot be advanced as an argument that the irrigated fields are of
+recent date, for upland fields and primitive tools are still used in
+Java and Sumatra, where, as we have just seen, the wet field culture
+is an old possession.
+
+_Magical Rites and Ceremonies Connected with the Rice_.--The importance
+of rice to this people is nowhere better evidenced than in the numerous
+and, in some cases, elaborate rites with which its cultivation and
+care is attended. Some of these observances appear to be purely
+magical, while others are associated with the consulting of omens,
+acts of sacrifice, propitiation, and finally of thanksgiving. All
+are interwoven with tribal law and custom to such an extent that
+neglect, on the part of the individual, amounts to a crime against the
+community, and hence is punished with public indignation and ostracism.
+
+When a new field is to be prepared, or a granary erected, strict watch
+must be kept for omens, for should the inhabitants of the spirit world
+be unfavorable to the project, they will indicate their feelings by
+sending snakes, large lizards, deer, wild hogs, or certain birds to
+visit the workers. Should any of these appear, as the task is begun,
+the place is generally abandoned at once, but if doubt still exists, or
+it is deemed abvisable to try to persuade the spirits to reconsider, a
+small pig will be sacrificed. Its blood, mixed with rice, is scattered
+about on the ground as an offering, while the medium recites a proper
+_diam_. [206] After a suitable time has elapsed for the spirits to
+partake, the liver of the animal is removed, and is carefully examined
+(cf. p. 307). If the omens are now favorable, the work may be resumed,
+but should they still be unpropitious, it is folly to proceed, for
+disaster is certain to follow.
+
+The next anxiety is to secure a lusty growth of plants in the seed
+beds, and to accomplish this, sticks known as _salogegey_, are stuck
+in each plot. The surface of such a stick has been pared so that
+shavings stand out on it in opposite directions, for such a decoration
+"is pleasing to the spirits;" while a piece of charcoal, placed in the
+notched end, compels the new leaves to turn the dark green of sturdy
+plants. The first seeds to be planted must always be sowed by the wife
+of the owner, "so that they will be fertile and yield a good crop."
+
+When a field has been constructed, or when the terraces are ready to
+receive the plants, a ceremony known as _Dalau_, [207] is held. The
+purpose of this is to secure the good will of the spirits in general,
+but more particularly to provide a dwelling place for the powerful
+being Kaiba-an, who guards the crops. A medium, accompanied by
+the family and any others who may be interested, goes to the field
+carrying a large bamboo pole, _bolo_ [208] branches, stalks of _lono
+[209] bakon_, and _saklak_. [210] The end of the bamboo is split
+open, and a _saloko_ [211] is constructed to which are attached the
+other leaves and stalks. The _saloko_ is then placed on the dividing
+ridge of the field, and all is ready for the ceremony, unless it is
+considered wise to also construct a small house (_baubauwi_). If the
+field is near the village, the latter is generally dispensed with,
+but if it is distant, the house is erected so that the spirit will
+accept it as its dwelling, while it is guarding the crop. It is further
+explained that the spirit then stays in the small house or _saloko_
+instead of in the rice stalks, and so they are able to grow.
+
+A female pig is presented to the medium who, after reciting a proper
+_diam_ above it, stabs the animal and collects its blood. This is
+mixed with rice, and a part is at once deposited in the _saloko_,
+while the balance is placed on a head-axe, and is carried about the
+field. When the whole plot has been traversed, this rice and blood
+is scattered in all directions, while the spirits are besought to
+come and eat. A part of the company has meanwhile been cooking the
+flesh of the slain animal, but before any of it is served, a skirt
+(_kinomayan_) is spread at the foot of the _saloko_, and on it are
+placed dishes of oil and of cooked rice.
+
+After the meal has been eaten, the family gathers up the skirt and
+dishes, to return them to the village, but the other offerings remain.
+
+Rain, like all other things needed, is sent by Kadaklan or
+Kaboniyan. If it does not come as desired, or if the crop is not
+progressing favorably, a ceremony known as _Komon_ or _Ubaiya_ [212]
+is held. Each person of the village is assessed a _sopa_ of rice,
+a bundle of _palay_, or a small coin with which pigs, _basi_, and
+other things necessary, can be purchased.
+
+Early in the morning of the appointed day, the mediums, accompanied
+by many people, go to the guardian stones, oil the head of each, and
+place a bark band around it. Then having recited a proper _diam_ over
+a small pig, they slaughter it and scatter its blood mixed with rice
+among the stones. Likewise they place a dish of _basi_ among them for
+the use of the spirits. A part of the slain animal is then cooked and
+eaten, after which all go back to the village. At some appointed place,
+rice, eggs, betel-nuts, and a large pig have been assembled, and to
+this spot the mediums go to conduct the rite known as _Dawak_. [213]
+Before its conclusion a _diam_ is recited over the pig, which is then
+killed and prepared for food. Meanwhile the chief medium beseeches the
+supreme being Kadaklan to enter her body. He comes, and after telling
+the people what must be done to insure the crop, he designates some
+one man who must, on the following morning, celebrate _Padiam_.
+
+After all the visiting spirits have been given food and drink, a small
+covered raft (_taltalabong_) is constructed, and in it are placed a
+live chick, a cooked rooster, and other articles of food. Four sturdy
+men carry this to the river and set it afloat, while the people shout
+and beat on gongs to drive away evil spirits who might wish to steal
+the raft and its contents. The purpose of this offering is to supply
+food to any spirits who may be unable to attend the ceremony.
+
+Early the next morning, the man who has been designated by Kadaklan
+to perform the _Padiam_ makes ready, at his own expense, a large
+pig and cooked rice, and carries these to the fields. He must be
+dressed in striped garments known as _ginalit_, must carry a headaxe,
+and wear on his head the cloth band of the medium, beneath which are
+thrust two _igam_, that is, chicken feathers notched or decorated with
+bits of colored thread (cf. p. 313). He is accompanied by his wife,
+attired in a red jacket (_sinasaya_) and a skirt (_pinapa_), and by a
+medium who also wears the _igam_ beneath a headband of _sikag_; [214]
+while the townspeople follow behind. Arrived at the field, the medium
+squats before the bound pig, and holding a spear, betel-nuts, and oil,
+begins to recite a _diam_, meanwhile she strokes the animal from time
+to time with oiled fingers. This concluded, she stabs the pig, and
+having mixed its blood with rice, scatters it over the field, calling
+to the spirits to come and eat, and then to grant a full harvest. The
+people eat part of the animal while in the field, but before returning
+home, the head of each family receives a small strip of uncooked flesh,
+which he fastens above the door as a sign that the ceremony has been
+held. [215] The following day, the owner and the medium return to
+the field and break a little soil with a spear, and the ceremony is
+complete, but for some days these two are barred from eating shrimp,
+carabao, or wild pig. The owner must also pay the medium ten bundles
+of rice for her assistance in insuring his own crops, as well as those
+of the community. Should lightning strike a field or a tree in it,
+this ceremony is repeated, with the exception that the strips of
+flesh are not distributed, nor is the soil broken with a spear. [216]
+
+In Lumaba, a town strongly influenced by the Igorot, the _Ubaiya_
+regularly precedes the rice planting, as well as the first use of a
+newly constructed field. While conforming, in general, to that already
+described, a part of the procedure is somewhat different. On the day
+before the ceremony, the men go to the mountains and gather _lono_
+stalks, one for each house and two for the town gate. The two reeds are
+placed crosswise of the entrance to the village and serve as a sign
+of taboo, and thereafter no one may enter until they are officially
+removed. To do so would necessitate the repetition of the ceremony,
+and the offender would be obliged to provide all the things necessary
+for it. Likewise, no one may wear a hat or prepare food during the
+period of taboo.
+
+The next day is known as _Bignas_, and at dawn all the men arm
+themselves with bamboo poles. With these they beat about under the
+houses and throughout the town, in order to drive away any evil
+spirits who may be lurking about. Having effectively rid the town,
+they force the invisible beings ahead of them to the river, where they
+deposit the poles. They return to the village singing and shouting,
+and are met at the gate by the women, who hold ladders, one on each
+side of the entrance, so that they meet at the top and thus form a
+path by which the men may enter without breaking the interdict. At
+the guardian stones, they pause long enough to sacrifice a pig and a
+rooster, and offer blood and rice to the spirits, and then they proceed
+to the center of the village, where they dance _tadek_ and _da-eng_
+until dusk. At nightfall a pig is killed, its flesh is divided among
+the people, and a _lono_ stalk, after being dipped in the blood,
+is given to a member of each family. This is carried home, and is
+placed on the outside wall as a sign that the ceremony has been held.
+
+If the sun is shining the following morning, the _lakay_ will go
+outside the town to gather wood. Upon his return the people are again
+free to fish and hunt, but work is forbidden until evening. Should
+the sun fail to appear, all remain quietly in the village until the
+_lakay_ can remove the taboo by his wood gathering.
+
+In Manabo the ceremony is a mixture of the two types just described,
+and is always held at the time of planting and when droughts
+occur. [217]
+
+The procedure at harvest time varies considerably in different
+districts, but the usual custom is for a woman, from each family, to
+go to the fields and cut alone until she has harvested one hundred
+bundles. During this time she may use no salt, but a little sand
+is placed in her food as a substitute. No outsider may enter the
+dwelling during this preliminary cutting. So strictly is this rule
+observed that the writer has been absolutely excluded from homes where,
+on other occasions, he was a welcome guest. In Lumaba and vicinity
+it is the custom to sacrifice a chicken two days before the harvest
+begins, and to cook its neck and intestines without salt. These are
+then divided into nine parts, are placed in dishes, and are carried
+to the spirit house in the field. At the end of the second day,
+the feathers of the fowl are stuck into the sides of the structure,
+and the spirits are entreated to grant a good harvest and health for
+the workers. The dishes are then returned to the village, and on the
+following morning the women may begin cutting.
+
+When the rice is ready to be stored, the _Palpalaem_ [218] ceremony
+is held in honor of the spirit of the granary. Vines and shrubs [219]
+are tied to each supporting post of the granary and above the door,
+while a bit of _sikag_ is also hidden inside a bundle of rice, which
+has been placed at each corner pole. Near one post is a small pig with
+its head toward the east, and over it the medium recites a _diam_. As
+usual, the animal is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered
+to the spirits. A part of the flesh is wrapped in banana leaves, and
+a bundle is buried at the foot of each post. The skull is cooked,
+and after being cleaned, is hung up inside the roof. The rest of
+the meat is cooked, and is served with rice to the little company of
+friends who have gathered. Each guest is also given a few stalks of
+the rice from the bundles at the corner posts.
+
+Just before the new rice is placed in the granary, a jar of _basi_
+is placed in the center of the structure, and beside it a dish filled
+with oil and the dung of worms. Five bundles of _palay_ are piled
+over these, and the whole is presented to the spirit, who will now
+allow the rice to multiply until it is as plentiful as the dung.
+
+In Buneg and nearby villages, all of which are strongly influenced
+by immigrants from the Cagayan valley, a small clay house known as
+_lablabon_ or _adug_ is placed with the rice, and from time to time
+offerings are put in them for the spirit who multiplies the rice
+(Plate XXIX).
+
+Certain restrictions always apply to the granary. It may never be
+opened after dark, for evil spirits are certain to enter, and the crop
+will vanish quickly. It can be opened only by a member of the family
+"whom the spirit knows;" and should another attempt to remove the
+grain, sickness or blindness will befall him. So rigorously is this
+enforced that a bride never opens her husband's granary until he has
+presented her with a string of beads, which she wears about her neck to
+identify her. It is further necessary that she receive a similar gift
+before she eats of his rice, otherwise she will become ill. However,
+this does not apply to others, even strangers being fed without this
+gift being made.
+
+A custom which formerly prevailed, but is now falling into disuse,
+was for the bride and groom to visit the family fields, where the
+youth cut a little grass along the dividing ridges. He then took up
+a bit of earth on his head-axe, and both tasted of it, "so that the
+ground would yield them good harvests, and they would become wealthy,"
+
+_Cultivated Plants and Trees_.--Near every settlement will be found
+a number of small gardens, in which a variety of vegetables are
+grown. Occasionally a considerable planting of bananas will be found,
+while many villages are buried beneath the shade of coconut trees,
+but in comparison with rice the cultivation of other crops becomes
+insignificant. Nevertheless, a considerable amount of food stuff,
+as well as of plants and trees used in household industries, are
+planted in prepared land; while many of wild growths are utilized. The
+following list is doubtless incomplete, but still contains those of
+special value to this people. [220]
+
+Next to rice the _camote_ (_Convolvulus batatas_) is the most
+important food product. Occasionally it is raised in the gardens or
+rice terraces, but, as a rule, it is planted in hillside clearings from
+which one or two crops of rice have been removed. The tuber is cut
+into pieces, or runners from old plants are stuck into the ground,
+and the planting is complete. The vine soon becomes very sturdy,
+its large green leaves so carpeting the ground that it even competes
+successfully with the _cogon_ grass. If allowed, the plants multiply
+by their runners far beyond the space originally allotted to them. The
+tubers, which are about the size of our sweet potatoes, are dug up as
+needed, to replace or supplement rice in the daily menu. Both roots
+and plants are also cooked and used as food for the pigs and dogs.
+
+_Aba_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott) is raised, [221] but as it
+requires a moist soil, and hence would occupy land adapted to rice,
+it is chiefly limited to the gardens. It has large fleshy roots
+which are used like those of the _camote_, while the leaves and
+young shoots are also cooked and eaten. Other tubers known as _obi_
+(_Dioscorea sp_.), _gakad_ (_Dioscorea divaricata_ Blanco), _annaeg_
+(_Dioscorea fasciculata_), and _kamas_ (_Pachyrhizus angulatus_
+D.C.) are raised to a limited extent in the gardens.
+
+Corn, _mais, bukel_, and red corn, _gasilan_ (_Zea mays_ L.) seems
+to have been introduced into Abra in comparatively late times, for
+despite the fact that it is one of the most important crops, it has
+neither gathered to itself ceremonial procedure, nor has it acquired a
+place in the folk-lore. A considerable amount is raised in the village
+gardens, but generally it is planted by dibbling in the high land. When
+ripe, the ears are broken from the stalk, the husks are turned back,
+and several are tied together. These bunches are then placed over
+horizontal poles, raised several feet from the ground (Plate LVIII),
+and after being thoroughly dried, are hung from the house rafters. The
+common method of grinding is to place the corn on a large stone,
+over which a smaller stone is rocked until a fine flour is produced
+(Plate LIX). Stone disk grinders, imported from the coast, are also
+in use. These consist of grooved stones, the upper of which revolves
+on the lower. Grain is fed into an opening at the top as needed. Dried
+corn, popped in the embers of a fire, is much relished by the children.
+
+Several varieties of squash, [222] and beans, as well as peanuts
+(_mani_) are among the common products of the garden. The former are
+trained to run over a low trellis or frame to prevent injury to the
+blossoms from a driving rain. Both blossoms and the mature vegetables
+are used as food.
+
+Among the minor products are ginger, _laya_ (_Zingiber officinale_
+Rosc.) and a small melon, locally known as _melod_, which is used
+as a sweetening. Sugar cane, _onas_ (_Saccharum_), is raised in
+considerable quantity, and is used in making an intoxicating drink
+known as _basi_. It is also eaten raw in place of a sweetmeat, but
+is never converted into sugar. Nowadays the juice is extracted by
+passing the cane between two cylinders of wood with intermeshing
+teeth. Motive power is furnished by a carabao attached to a long
+sweep. This is doubtless a recent introduction, but it has entirely
+superseded any older method.
+
+The cane is raised from cuttings which are set in mud-beds until
+ready to be transferred to the mountain-side clearings. These lands
+are prepared in the same manner as the upland rice fields already
+described. The men dig shallow holes and set each plant upright,
+while the women follow, filling the hole with water and then pressing
+earth in with fingers or toes.
+
+In addition to these food crops, considerable plantings of cotton or
+_kapas_ (_Gossypium_ sp.) and tobacco or _taba-o_ (_Nicotiana tabacum_)
+are raised in the clearings. The former is planted on the hillsides,
+where it matures in three or four months. The plant seldom reaches
+a height of two feet, and the bolls are small, doubtless due to lack
+of care and suitable fertilization. [223]
+
+Tobacco seeds are sprouted in beds similar to those used for the rice,
+and the same magical device is used to insure a lusty growth. The young
+plants are carefully watered and shaded until they reach a height of
+five or six inches. They are then transplanted to hillside clearings,
+or to unused rice fields, where they are set out about three to a
+foot. This transfer generally takes place near the beginning of
+the dry season, so that the crop will be sure to mature without
+the damaging effect of water on the leaves. The plants while lusty
+do not attain the size of those grown in the valley regions of the
+interior. As soon as the leaves begin to turn a dark yellow, they are
+cut off and are strung on slender bamboo sticks (Plate LX), which are
+then hung up in the house. When nearly dry, they are laid in piles,
+and are occasionally turned to prevent rust or mildew from forming.
+
+A small amount of indigo, _tayum_ (_Indigofera tinctoria_) is raised,
+generally in open spots near the villages. The plants receive little
+or no attention, yet still attain a height of about three feet. The
+leaves and branches are placed in water for a few days, and are then
+boiled, together with a little lime, the resultant liquor being used
+as a dye for cotton thread.
+
+No product receives more attention in the lore of the Tinguian than the
+climbing vine known as _lawed_ (_Piper sp_.). [224] It was formerly
+in universal use in connection with the chewing of betel-nut. To-day
+betel-nut is less common in this region, but this leaf and the
+areca-nut still play an important part in all ceremonies. According
+to tradition, it was possible in the old times to tell the fate of
+an absent friend by noting the condition of a _lawed_ vine planted
+by him prior to his departure. [225] The vine is now trained on poles
+and trellises, near to many houses.
+
+Among the larger cultivated plants and trees, the banana (_Musa
+paradisiaca_), coconut (_Cocos nucifera_), and bamboo (_Bambusa
+sp_.) are the most important.
+
+At least twenty varieties of bananas are raised in Abra. The fruit
+of some of these is scarcely larger than the forefinger, while
+others are quite large. The common type bears a rather small, yellow
+fruit locally known as _saba_. In Manabo and several other villages,
+plantings covering three or four acres are to be found, but the usual
+plot is small, and is situated near to the house of the owner.
+
+Suckers, which sprout from the roots of mature plants, are set out as
+needed, either to make new groves or to replace the old stalks, which
+are cut down after bearing. Both bud and fruit are eaten. The latter
+are cut on the stem while still green, and are hung in the house to
+ripen, in order to protect them from bats and fruit-feeding birds.
+
+The coconut (_niog_) is not raised in groves, as in the Christianized
+districts, but in many villages every house has two or three trees
+towering above it. Even the interior mountain settlements, like Lingey,
+Ba-ay, and Likuan, are hidden beneath these trees, thus incidentally
+disposing of the fable that "the coconut tree will not grow out of
+sight of the sea." Young trees have to be protected by fences during
+the first two or three years of growth, or they will be uprooted by the
+pigs, but from that time on they require little or no care. They are
+not tapped for sap, as is customary in most parts of the Philippines,
+but notches are cut in the tree trunks in order to supply foothold for
+the fruit gatherer. The nuts are cut off with a knife as soon as ripe,
+else they may fall and cause death or injury to people below.
+
+No other fruit serves the people in so many ways. The juice is relished
+as a drink, the meat as a food, the oil as a food and hair dressing;
+the shells serve as dishes and cups, or are carved into ladles,
+while the fibrous covering of the nut is converted into foot wipers,
+thread brushes, and the like.
+
+The betel-nut, _bwa_ (_Areca catechu_ L.), is also found in some
+villages, particularly in the mountains. It is a tall, slender palm
+which yields the nut so prized throughout the Islands for chewing.
+
+Mango-treees, _mangga_ (_Mangifera indica_ L.) appear here and there
+in valleys and on mountain sides, where the seeds have doubtless been
+carried by birds or travelers, but considerable groves are found in
+many districts. The fruit is picked before it is ripe, and is eaten
+as it becomes mellow.
+
+Other trees and shrubs which are occasionally planted are: _Atis_
+(_Anona squamosa_ L., an American plant) prized both for its fruit
+and bark--the latter being used in rope-making.
+
+_Atatawa_ (_Jathropha multifida_ L.). Also found in a wild state. The
+fruit is used as a purgative. The _Jathropha curcas_ L. is also used.
+
+_Daligan_ (_Averrhoa carambola_ L.) or Coromandel gooseberry. The
+fruit is eaten without cooking.
+
+_Lanka_ (_Artocarpus integrifola_ L.). Jackfruit.
+
+_Maling-kapas_ or _kapas to insit_ (_Ceiba pantadra_ Gaertn.), also
+known by the Ilocano as _kapas sanglay_. This so-called "Chinese
+cotton" is a small tree with few, but perfectly straight, branches,
+which radiate from the trunk in horizontal lines. It produces
+elliptical pods which burst open when ripe, exposing a silky white
+cotton. The fiber is too short for spinning, but is used as tinder
+and as stuffing for pillows.
+
+Orange (_lokban_) and lime (_lolokisen_) trees are greatly prized,
+but appear only occasionally. They receive no care, and consequently
+yield only inferior fruit.
+
+The _pias_ (_Averrhoa bilimbi_ L.) is a garden tree which produces
+an acid fruit used in cooking.
+
+_Santol_ (_Sandoricum indicum_ Cav.) trees are raised both for the
+fruit and for timber. It is said that house posts of this wood are
+not attacked by white ants.
+
+_Wild Plants and Trees_.--Few of the wild growths have escaped the
+attention of this people, and many are used as food and medicine,
+as well as for fiber materials and bark cloth. Among those used for
+food, the following are the most important:--
+
+_Apang_ or _sapang_ (_Bixa orellana_ L.).
+
+_Alloseup_ (_Antidesma ghesaembilla_ Gaertn.).
+
+_Bayabas_, or lemon guava (_Psidium guayava_ L.), an American shrub
+which now grows wild, and in great abundance, in the mountains.
+
+_Balatong_ (_Phaseolus mungo_ L.). Only the seeds are used.
+
+_Damokes_ (_Pithecolobium dulce_ Benth.), an American tree which now
+grows spontaneously in northern Luzon. The fruit is eaten, while the
+bark is sometimes used for tanning.
+
+_Ipako_ (_Psophocarpus tetragonolobus_ D.C.), a herbaceous vine
+infrequently seen in the gardens. The young pods are used as a
+condiment.
+
+_Kochai_ (_Alliuni tricoccum_) or wild leek.
+
+_Katodai_ (_Sesbania grandiflora_ P.). Only the flowers are eaten.
+
+_Kama-al_ (_Allaeanthus luzonicus_ Blanco. Vill.).
+
+_Kalot_ (_Dioscorea daemona_ Roxb.), a tuber, poisonous if eaten
+without special preparation. It is cut into small pieces, and is
+placed in running water for several days, after which it is cooked.
+
+_Kamatis_ (_Lycopersicum esculentum_ Mill.), tiny tomatoes which are
+eaten raw or cooked.
+
+_Labok_ (_Colocasia antiquorum_ Schott).
+
+_Longboy_ (_Eugenia jambolana_ Lam.).
+
+_Olo_ (_Cissus sp_.), a low climbing herb, the stems and leaves of
+which are used in place of vinegar.
+
+_Palda_ (_Phaseolus lunatus_ L.), civet bean.
+
+_Sili_ (_Capsicum frutescens_ L.), small red peppers. The American
+chile. Used as a condiment.
+
+Specimens of about twenty other food plants and trees were obtained,
+but their identification was impossible.
+
+The wild growths used as medicines, or in the manufacture of string,
+rope, and bark cloth, will be mentioned under those headings.
+
+_Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease_.--Most sickness
+is thought to be caused by spirits, either with evil intent or to
+punish some wrong-doing or oversight on the part of the people. To
+placate or bribe these superior beings, elaborate ceremonies are held,
+but in addition to these a number of simple remedies are made use
+of. The efficacy of some of these medicines is explained by the fact
+that certain leaves or infusions are distasteful to the spirits of
+disease, which, consequently, take their departure. Again, a trouble
+such as a tooth-ache is caused by a small worm which is gnawing at
+the tooth. To overcome this, the bark and leaves of the _alem_ tree
+are thoroughly beaten, and are applied to the face. The worm smells
+the crushed leaves, and straightway enters the poultice which is then
+burned. The spirits which bring the cholera can be driven away by
+burning the leaves of _sobosob_ (_Blumea balsamifera_), _bangbangsit_
+(_Hyptis suavolens_ Poir.) and _dala_ (?) beneath the house; likewise,
+the bark of the _bani_ (?) keeps the bearers of constipation at a
+distance. _Bangbangsit_ is also considered as a cure for stomachache,
+diarrhoea, and is an aid in bringing on menstruation. When used
+for these purposes, the root is boiled, and the liquor is drunk. The
+fresh leaves will also relieve a pain in the stomach if applied to it,
+while the fruit is eaten to cure diarrhoea. If the patient is already
+affected with cholera or dysentery, the leaves of the _sobosob_
+are placed in a jar of water at the mouth of which a clay ball is
+suspended, and the whole is then completely covered with banana
+leaves. The pot it placed over a fire, and the steam being unable
+to escape is absorbed by the clay. Later this is crushed, is mixed
+with water, and is swallowed by the patient. Lard burned to a crisp
+is likewise mixed with water, and is drunk to relieve diarrhoea.
+
+Fever is a frequent ailment, and several medicines are employed
+against it. The most common is to crush the leaves of the _dangla_
+(_Vitex negundo_ L.) in vinegar made from _basi_, and to add to
+this a fourth part of urine. The patient drinks a shell cup of the
+liquor, is washed in cold water, and then is briskly rubbed with fine
+salt. Young banana leaves are applied to the flesh, and over these
+blankets are placed. This is repeated twice daily until the fever
+is broken. Wild tomato leaves, pounded and applied to the abdomen,
+are also considered valuable in causing the patient to sweat. If the
+trouble is unusually severe, a hot bath is prepared by boiling the
+leaves of the lemon, _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.), and _toltolang_
+(?) trees in water. After the patient has been bathed in this, he is
+wrapped in blankets. The same remedy is used to cure fits.
+
+Snake bite is treated by chewing the bark of the _alonen_ (_Streblus_
+_asper_ Lour.), or _kasabong_ (_Argemone mexicana_ L.), or the root
+of the _talabatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.), all of which cause
+vomiting.
+
+The fruit of the _soloyot_ (_Corchorus olitorius_ L.), when baked
+and ground to a powder, likewise produces vomiting, and is used for
+any kind of poisoning.
+
+To relieve the itch, the juice of the _kabatiti_ (_Luffa acutangula_
+Roxb.), _Bayabas_ (_Psidium guajava_ L.) or _lew-lew_ (_Ficus haulili_
+Blanco) is mixed with vinegar and soot, and is applied to the skin. The
+milky exudation of the _kalinbwaya_ (_Euphorbia neruefolia_ L.) is
+also placed on the affected parts.
+
+During the rainy season the people are greatly troubled with small
+blisters which form between the toes and quickly break down, leaving
+open sores. To "harden" the feet, they hold them over burning straw.
+
+Certain other aids against disease are also employed. Cracked
+feet are treated with carabao dung; the nest of a small cave bird
+(_nido_) is crushed in water, and is drunk as a cure for coughs;
+while the flesh of the shell fish (_kool_) is applied to boils. A
+further cure for the itch is made by pounding a coconut shell into
+a fine powder. This is placed in a jar, over a hot fire, and a piece
+of iron is laid over the top. The "sweat" which collects on the iron
+is said to give instant relief.
+
+An infected ("bad") finger or limb is tightly bound "to keep the
+sickness from going up."
+
+_Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants_.--A study of the tales and
+ceremonies makes it evident that the betel-nut (_bwa_) was at one time
+extensively used. To-day it occupies an exceedingly important place
+in the religious rites, but is seldom chewed. When it is offered
+to the spirits, it is still prepared in the way that is universal
+throughout Malaysia. The nut of the areca palm (_Areca catechu_
+L.) is split into four pieces, fresh lime is spread on a piper leaf
+(_Piper betel_ L.), this is wrapped about the piece of nut, and is
+ready for chewing. The areca palm grows well in this territory, and
+quite an extensive grove is to be found near the village of Bakaok,
+yet this is the only place where any number of the people are addicted
+to its use. Tobacco (_tabao_), on the other hand, is in universal
+use, although it certainly was introduced after the arrival of the
+Spaniards. The leaf is dried, and is rolled into thin cigars which
+are placed in tiny pipes (Fig. 21). The cigar itself is never held in
+the lips, nor is the leaf chewed. Young and old of both sexes smoke
+frequently, but not a great deal at a time. After taking a few puffs,
+the pipe is stuck into the hair, or under the inner band of the hat,
+until again needed.
+
+The only intoxicating drink made and used by this people is the
+fermented juice of the sugar-cane, known as _basi_. The juice when
+extracted from the cane is boiled with water for four or five hours. It
+is placed in a large jar together with cinnamon bark, and is tightly
+covered over with leaves. Fermentation begins almost at once, but for
+a month the drink is raw and little prized. In three or four months,
+it becomes quite mellow and pleasant to the taste. Jars are sometimes
+stored away to be opened only for some important event, such as a
+marriage festival or the celebration of a great ceremony. At such a
+time a very definite procedure is followed. The most honored guest
+is invited to do the serving. He removes the covering, dips into the
+liquor, pours a little on the sides of the jar, and then a few drops
+on the ground as an offering to the spirits. A coconut shell cup
+is then dipped out, and is carried to the _lakay_ or some other old
+man. Before he drinks, he raises the cup to the level of his face, and,
+beginning at his right, offers it to each person in the circle. The
+one saluted makes a gesture away from his body with his right hand,
+the palm upturned. When all have refused the cup, the man drinks,
+often he stops to sing the _daleng_, an improvised song in which he
+compliments his host, bespeaks the welfare of his family, or praises
+the other members of the gathering. One after another the guests are
+served, but always according to age and importance, the women and
+young people being left to the last. The liquor is quite intoxicating,
+two or three drinks being sufficient to put the company in a jovial
+mood. It often happens that one or more will become gloriously drunk,
+but, as a rule, they are not quarrelsome, and there seems to be no
+unpleasant after-effects. [226]
+
+_Domestic Animals_.--Dogs, pigs, chickens, and carabao appear to
+have been long in the possession of this tribe. Horses, goats, and
+cattle are now owned by some of the people, but only the former are
+of sufficient number to be considered important.
+
+The dogs _(aso)_are surly, ill-kept creatures of mongrel breed. They
+are seldom treated as pets, but are kept for hunting. Well-fed dogs
+are considered lazy, and hence they are fed only with a rice gruel,
+which seems to be neither fattening nor satisfactory. When in the
+village, the miserable creatures wander about under the houses, there
+to pick up and fight over morsels which may drop from above, or they
+lie in the ashes of the bonfires, the better to protect themselves from
+fleas and other enemies. When used in hunting, they are kept in leash
+until the game is started. When released, they follow the quarry at
+full cry, and if the game has been injured, they will seldom give up
+the chase. It is necessary for the hunters to follow the dogs closely
+and beat them off a slain animal, otherwise they will quickly devour
+it. They are always rewarded with a part of the intestines and some
+other portions, so that they may be keen for the next hunt.
+
+Pigs (_babuy_) run at large throughout the villages or in the
+neighboring underbrush. They are fed at night close to the dwellings,
+and thus become at least half tame (Plate LXI). Many spend the hot
+hours of mid-day beneath the houses, from which they are occasionally
+driven by the irate housewives, when their squealing and fighting
+become unbearable. The domestic pigs are probably all descended from
+the wild stock with which they still constantly mix. Most of the young
+pigs are born with yellow stripes like the young of the wild, but
+they lose these marks in a short time. Castration of the young males
+is usually accomplished when the animals are about two months old.
+
+Considerable numbers of chickens (_manok_) are raised. Nets or coops
+are arranged for them beneath the houses, but they run at large during
+the day time. Eggs are an important part of the food supply, but the
+fowls themselves are seldom killed or eaten, except in connection with
+the ceremonies. The domestic birds closely resemble the wild fowl of
+the neighborhood, and probably are descended from them. Except for a
+few strongly influenced settlements, cock-fighting has no hold upon
+this people.
+
+The carabao or water buffalo (_nuang_) is the most prized and valuable
+animal possessed by this tribe. As a rule, it is handled and petted
+by the children from the time of its birth, and hence its taming
+and breaking is a matter of little moment. In the mountain region
+about Lakub, where most of the animals are allowed to run half wild,
+only the strongest are broken. The animal is driven into a A-shaped
+pen, and a heavy pole is fastened across its neck just behind the
+horns. It is thus prevented from using its strength, and is loaded
+or ridden until it becomes accustomed to the treatment. Carabao are
+used for drawing the sleds and for ploughing and harrowing in the
+lower fields. Should one be seriously injured, it would be killed
+and eaten; but strong animals are slaughtered only on very rare
+occasions. Wild carabao are fairly abundant in the mountains. They
+closely resemble the tame stock, and are generally considered to be
+derived from animals which have escaped.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+PRODUCTS OF INDUSTRY
+
+_Iron-Working_.--Little iron work is now done in the valley of the
+Abra for the competition of the Ilocano smiths of Santa and Narvacan,
+in Ilocos Sur, and the cheap products brought to the coast, and as
+far inland as Bangued, by Chinese traders, have swamped the native
+industry.
+
+Forges are still found in many villages of eastern Abra, particularly
+those of the upper Buklok river, but the real center of the industry is
+in and around Balbalasang, on the eastern side of the mountain range.
+
+We have in northern Luzon a situation similar to that found throughout
+the archipelago, namely, that the most flourishing smithies are usually
+those farthest removed from the coast traders. Where communication
+is easy and trade unrestricted, the native industry has vanished,
+or is on the wane. To-day the forges of the Bontoc Igorot, of the
+Tinguian-Kalinga border villages, and of Apayao, are turning out
+superior weapons, but elsewhere in the northwestern districts the pagan
+people have either lost the art, or make only very inferior articles.
+
+It is certain that iron-working has long been known, not only in the
+Philippines, but throughout Malaysia, and it is likewise evident that
+these regions secured the art from the same source as did the people
+of Assam, Burma, and eastern Madagascar, for the description of the
+Tinguian forge and iron-working which follows would, with very little
+modification, apply equally well to those in use in Southern Mindanao,
+Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Assam, Burma, and Madagascar. [227]
+
+Long before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines, the Chinese
+had built up such a lively trade in iron bars and caldrons that it was
+no longer necessary for the natives to smelt their own iron ore; if
+indeed they ever did so. [228] This trade metal was widely distributed,
+and then reworked by the local smiths. Even to-day the people of
+Balbalasang make the long journey to Bangued, or even to Vigan,
+to secure Chinese iron, which they carry back to their mountain forges.
+
+There is no positive proof that the Filipinos formerly mined and
+smelted iron, but there is a strong probability that they did so, prior
+to the introduction of trade metal. It has already been noted that the
+Tinguian type of forge and the method of handling and tempering iron
+is widespread in Malaysia; and, as will be seen later, this process
+is not that in use among the Chinese, so that it is unlikely that the
+art was introduced by them. In furnishing iron ready for forging,
+they were simply supplying in a convenient form an article already
+in use, and for which there was an urgent demand. In the islands to
+the south we find that many of the pagan tribes do now, or did until
+recently, mine and smelt the ore. _Beccari_ [229] tells us that the
+Kayan of Borneo extract iron ore found in their own country. _Hose_
+and _McDougall_ say that thirty years ago nearly all the iron worked
+by the tribes of the interior of Borneo was from ore found in the
+river beds. At present most of the pagans obtain the metal from the
+Chinese and Malay traders, but native ore is still smelted in the far
+interior. [230] Foreign iron is now used by the Battak of Sumatra,
+but deserted iron-works are known to exist in their country, while the
+Menangkabau still possess smelting furnaces. [231] It seems probable
+that the whole industry had a common source, and was spread or carried
+as a unit, but when trade relations made the arduous work of mining
+and smelting unnecessary, it was quickly given up. That native iron
+might have supplied the needs of many Philippine tribes, including
+the Tinguian, is certain, for important deposits of magnetite and
+hematite are found in Abra, in Ilocos Norte, Angat, Bulacan, Albay,
+and other parts of the Islands. [232] On several occasions, when
+on the trail, the natives have called our attention to boulders,
+apparently of hematite, which they recognized as iron.
+
+The smithies are small structures with grass roofs, but no sides or
+floors (Plate LXII). At one end is a raised bamboo bench in front of
+which stands the forge. This consists of two upright wooden cylinders,
+usually logs hollowed out, known as _po-opan._ In each of these is
+a piston or plunger (_doeydoyog_) at the lower end of which is a
+wooden ring packed with corn husks and chicken feathers. When this
+is pushed downward in the cylinder, it compresses the air and forces
+it out of the small opening in the base, but when it is drawn up,
+the packing collapses and allows the plunger to be raised without
+effort. These pistons are worked so that one is rising, while the
+other is falling. The cylinders stand in a wooden block out of which
+bamboo tubes (_tolongon_) conduct the air into a tube of fire clay
+(_ibong_), and this in turn carries it into the charcoal fire. There
+are no valves, as in the Chinese bellows, but the bamboo tubes fit
+loosely, and the fire is not drawn back. Near to the hearth is a stone
+anvil (_dalisdisan_), while a heavy stone hammer, a small iron hammer,
+and iron pinchers complete the outfit.
+
+The fire is lighted, and the operator sitting on the bench alternately
+raises and lowers the plungers in the cylinders until the fire burns
+brightly; then the smith puts metal into the coals and allows it
+to remain until it reaches a white heat. It is then removed and
+placed on the anvil, where his helper beats it out with the large
+hammer. This is a stone weighing twenty or more pounds, fitted inside
+the handles so that it can be used with both hands. As a rule, it
+is swung between the legs, and is allowed to strike the metal as it
+descends, but some of the men raise it above the shoulder and strike
+a much more powerful blow. If two pieces of metal are to be welded
+together, as is often the case when broken caldrons are used, they
+are laid, one overlapping the other, and are held together with damp
+fire-clay. In this condition they are placed in the fire and heated,
+and are then beaten together. It often takes several firings to bring
+about a perfect weld.
+
+After the initial shaping, the smith completes the work with the small
+hammer, and the blade is ready for tempering. A bamboo tube of water
+is placed near by, and the blade is again inserted in the fire and
+brought to a white heat. Then the smith withdraws it and watches it
+intently until the white tone begins to turn to a greenish-yellow, when
+he plunges it into the water. The tempered blade is now smoothed down
+with sandstone, and is whetted to a keen edge. Head-axes, spear-heads,
+adzes, a few knives, and the metal ends for the spear-shafts are the
+principal products of the forge.
+
+The blades are by no means of equal temper or perfection, but the
+smiths of the Tinguian-Kalinga border villages seldom turn out poor
+weapons, and as a result, their spears and head-axes have a wide
+distribution over northwestern Luzon.
+
+In view of the wide distribution of this type of forge and method of
+iron-working; of its persistence in isolated communities, while it
+has vanished from the coast, or has been superseded by the Chinese
+methods of work; as well as of other details here described, the
+writer is of the opinion that the art has not been introduced into
+the Philippines through trade, but is a possession which many or all
+of the tribes brought with them from their ancient home, probably
+somewhere in southeastern Asia. The effects of trade, in historic
+times, are evident throughout the Christianized regions, in Chinese
+and European forges and in foreign types of utensils. Likewise the
+influence of the Mohammedanized tribes is very marked in the Sulu
+archipelago, the western coasts of Mindanao, and even among many of
+the pagan tribes of that island, but the isolated forges throughout
+Malaysia and the methods described by early explorers in this field,
+are practically identical with those just reviewed.
+
+_Spinning and Weaving_.--That cotton (_kapas_) was being raised and
+the fibre spun into cloth at the time of the Spanish occupation
+of the Islands, is amply proved by many references in the early
+chronicles. Also there was a considerable trade in cotton, silk,
+and the like, carried on by the Chinese and the Brunei Moro. [233]
+
+The weaving industry seems to have reached its height in the Ilocos
+provinces, where the processes of ginning, carding, spinning, and
+weaving were, for the most part, identical with those found in Borneo,
+Java, the Malay Peninsula, Burma, and a large part of India. [234]
+The same methods and utensils are used among the Tinguian, but side by
+side with the more complicated devices, such as the ginning machine
+and spinning wheel, are found more simple contrivances; so it would
+appear that we are here dealing with older and more primitive methods
+of work than are found on the coast. [235]
+
+Every step in the manufacture of cloth is looked after by the women,
+who raise a limited amount of cotton in the upland fields, pick and dry
+the crop, and prepare it for weaving. The bolls are placed on racks,
+and are sun-dried, after which the husks are removed by hand.
+
+Ginning is accomplished by two methods. The simplest, and doubtless the
+older, is to place the cotton on a smooth wooden block and to roll over
+it a wooden cylinder which tapers slightly toward each end (Fig. 16,
+No. 1). The palm of the hand, at the base of the fingers, is placed on
+the roller and the weight of the body applied, as the cylinder is moved
+slowly forward, forcing the seeds from the floss. [236] The more common
+instrument (_lilidsan_) acts on the principle of a clothes wringer
+(Plate LXIII). Two horizontal cylinders of wood are geared together at
+one end, and are mounted in a wooden frame in such a manner that they
+are quite close together, yet not in contact. A handle is attached to
+the lower roller at the end opposite the gears, and as it is turned,
+it rotates the cylinders in opposite directions. A piece of cotton
+is pressed between the rollers, which seize the fibres and carry them
+through, while the seeds are forced back and fall to the ground.
+
+The cleaned cotton is never bowed or otherwise separated with a
+vibrating string, as is the case in Java, India, and China, but the
+same result is obtained by placing it on a piece of carabao hide and
+beating it with two rattan sticks until it becomes soft and fluffy
+(Plate LXIV).
+
+After the carding, the cotton is spun by placing it in a hollow
+cylinder of palm bark attached to a bamboo stick (_tibtibean_). A bit
+of thread is twisted from the cotton at the bottom of the cylinder,
+and is attached to a spindle, which is rubbed rapidly against the
+naked thigh, and is then allowed to turn in shallow basket, or on
+a piece of hide. As it spins it twists out new thread and the arm
+of the operator rises higher and higher, until at last the spindle
+stops. The position of the extended arm is then altered, and the
+spindle again set in motion in order to wind up the new thread on
+the shaft. While the spinning is progressing, the free hand of the
+operator is passed rapidly up and down the thread, keeping the tension
+uniform and rubbing out any inequalities (Plate LXV).
+
+In many sections the spinning wheel used by the coast natives is
+beginning to replace the hand outfit (Fig. 16, No. 5). The mass of
+fiber is held in the left hand, and a thread from it is attached to
+a horizontal spindle, which is turned by a cord passing over a large
+wheel. This method is much more rapid than the hand device, but the
+thread is less uniform, and it is seldom utilized when a fine fabric
+is to be woven. Bamboo bobbins, consisting of small tubes, are also
+wound by attaching them to the spindle shaft, so that the thread is
+transferred by the revolution of the wheel.
+
+As soon as the thread is spun, it is placed on a bamboo frame
+(_lalabayan_), Fig. 16, No. 2, on which it is measured and made ready
+for the combing and sizing. As it is taken from the measuring frame,
+a bamboo rod is passed through each end of the loop, and these
+are fastened tightly inside the combing device (_agtatagodan_) by
+means of rattan bands. The thread is then carefully combed downward
+with a coconut husk which is dipped in a size of rice water (Plate
+LXIII). After drying it is transferred to the shuttles and bobbins by
+means of the wheel described in the previous paragraph or by a more
+primitive device, called _ololau_ (Fig. 16, Nos. 4 and 4a). This
+consists of four horn hooks attached to bamboo sticks, which pass
+through openings in a bamboo tube in such a manner that they slip
+on each other, and thus produce a wheel of any size desired. [237]
+The tube fits loosely over a wooden peg sustaining the wheel in a
+horizontal position, yet turning readily. The loop of threads from
+the sizing frame is laid on the hooks, from which it is drawn by
+hand onto the bobbins and shuttles. The next step is to prepare the
+warp for the loom. The thread is drawn from bobbins on the floor,
+and is first fastened to peg No. 1 of the warp winder (_gaganayan_),
+as shown in Fig. 16, No. 3. From here it is carried the length of
+the board, around 5, thence to 6 and back to 1, after again passing
+around 5. The peg A, which later serves as a lease rod in the loom,
+is encircled each time by the threads passing between 6 and 5. As
+the warp is carried from 1 toward 5, it passes outside 2, 3 and 4,
+but when it is returned to 1, it is inside these pegs. These are the
+heddle rods of the loom, and loops from them enclose certain of the
+threads, thus determining the order in which the warp is to be raised
+in opening the shed. [238]
+
+The loom, while primitive, is far from simple in its operation. The
+warp is attached at both ends to sticks or rollers, the far one of
+which is fastened to a cross timber of the living room (Plate LXVI).
+
+The web is kept stretched by means of a strap or belt, which attaches
+to the near roller and then passes around the waist of the operator,
+who sits on the floor with her feet against a bamboo brace. [239]
+The arrangement of the lease rod and heddle sticks has been already
+described; in addition to these the threads are further controlled by
+a reed board which acts both as warp spacer and beater-in. All being
+ready for the weaving, the shed is opened by raising one of the heddle
+sticks, and a heavy knife-shaped batten of wood is slipped into the
+opening. This is turned sideways to enlarge the shed, and a shuttle
+bearing the weft thread is shot through. By raising and lowering the
+heddle rods the position of the warp is changed as desired, while
+from time to time the weft threads are forced up against the fabric by
+means of the reed board, and are beaten in with the batten. Tangling
+is prevented by means of several flat sticks which cross the warp at
+some distance from the operator; while threads which show signs of
+loosening are carefully rubbed with a waxed stick.
+
+On this loom the woman produces head-bands, belt, and narrow strips of
+cloth which are made up into blankets and the like. These fabrics are
+often in several colors and exhibit many tasty and intricate designs,
+some of which will be described in the chapter on Decorative Art.
+
+_Manufacture of Rope and String_.--At least eighteen trees, shrubs,
+and vines are used in the making of cordage. [240] When small trees
+or limbs are used, and the bark does not adhere too tightly to the
+wood, sections about an arm's length are cut, and two or four splices
+are made at the top. These are loosened with a knife until there is
+enough for the hand to grasp, when the bark can be turned back like a
+glove. Very large sections are held by two men, while a third peels
+off the bark. With some varieties of trees and shrubs it is found
+best to place the sections in the sun to dry, then a sharp bend in
+the stalk causes the bark to separate from the wood so that it is
+easily peeled off.
+
+When large trees are used, the bark is slit lengthwise every six of
+eight inches, and the log is beaten with hard wood sticks. In a short
+time the covering loosens from the wood and is pulled off. The outside
+layer is worthless, but the remainder is cut into strips about a half
+inch in width, and is then split lengthwise into thin layers.
+
+In rope-making three strips are laid side by side on the thigh or on a
+board, but with their ends at unequal distances (Fig. 17, No. 1). These
+are twisted together, toward the right, until a few inches have
+been turned, then the cord is put over one end of a double forked
+stick (_sikwan_), leaving an equal length on either side (Fig. 17,
+No. 3). The two halves are twisted together until the end of one strip
+of bark is reached; a new piece is laid on top of the others, and as
+they are turned, it becomes part of the twist. As other ends are met
+with, new strips are added in a like manner until all the bast desired
+has been made. It is then wound up on the forked stick until needed.
+
+The rope machine (_agtatalian_) consists of three wooden whirls, which
+constitute the forming device, and a single whirl for the traveler,
+while a grooved block serves to keep the strands apart (Fig. 17,
+No. 2). Three equal lengths of the prepared bast are measured, and an
+end is attached to each of the whirls of the forming machine (Fig. 17,
+No. 2a). However, only one cut is made in the bast, for strand 3. All
+are attached to the single whirl of the traveler, and the process
+begins. The operator at each end turns his whirl, or set of whirls,
+rapidly toward the right, the one with the traveler bracing his foot
+against the lower end, to keep the twisting bast under tension. A
+third operator guides the grooved piece of wood from the traveler
+toward the forming machine, as the three strands twist round each
+other into rope. The bast is known as _ginisgis_, the rope as _tali_.
+
+Vines, rattan, and strips of bamboo are likewise twisted together to
+form crude, but strong cordage.
+
+The making of thread is described under spinning and weaving, but
+the cords used in snares and the like are prepared in a different
+manner. The operator squats on the ground, and taking a strip of
+fiber, places it on his thigh; then with open palm he rolls it
+toward the knee. The twisted bast is bent at the center; the thumb
+and forefinger of the left hand hold the loop, and the two strands
+are placed together. These are now rolled toward the knee as before,
+the hand giving extra pressure on the ulnar side, and then are rolled
+back toward the body with pressure on the radial side. When the end
+of a band is reached, a new one is rolled in, and the process is
+continued. A tie at the end keeps the cord from untwisting.
+
+When very long strips of fiber are used, two men will work
+together. One holds the end of the loop, while the other twists each
+half of the strip in the same direction. Then placing them together on
+his thigh, he turns them, under pressure, in the opposite direction,
+thus making a cord.
+
+_Bark Cloth_.--Bark cloth is still in common use for men's headbands
+and for clouts. It is secured from the same trees as the rope
+material, but wider strips are taken, and it is customary to beat
+the bark thoroughly before it is removed from the wood. It is then
+split to the desired thickness, after which it is beaten with wooden
+or bone mallets (_gikai_), which are generally grooved transversely
+(Fig. 18). The cloth produced is soft and pliable, but is not of the
+fineness of tapa, and it is always in comparatively narrow pieces. In
+no instance was the operator seen to beat two strips together to gain
+greater breadth or to repair breaks.
+
+_Basket Making_.--In most districts the men are the basket weavers,
+but in some towns, especially of Ilocos Norte, the women are skilled
+in this industry (Plate LXVII). The materials used are rattan, which
+may be gathered at any time, or bamboo, which is cut only during the
+dry season and under the waning moon. It is firmly believed that
+boring insects will not injure bamboo cut at this time, and it is
+known that the dry period stalks are the strongest.
+
+The tools employed are a short knife or a miniature head-axe and an
+awl. With the former the operator scrapes the outer surface, and then
+splits the tube into strips of the desired width and thickness. A
+certain number of these strips, which are to be used for decoration,
+are rubbed with oil, and are held in the smoke of burning pine or of
+rice-straw until a permanent black is obtained. [241]
+
+Five weaves are recognized by the Tinguian, but they are really
+variations of two--checkerwork and the diagonal or twilled.
+
+The first and most simple is known as _laga_, the technic of which
+is the passing of each element of the weft under one and over one
+of the warp elements. Where the warp and weft are of uniform size,
+as in mats, it is impossible to distinguish the one from the other,
+but in many cases the weft is the smaller. Fish traps and storage
+baskets for mangoes and cotton are generally of this type (Fig. 19,
+Nos. 1 and 2).
+
+A variation of the _laga_ known as _minminata_--"many eyes"--(Fig. 19,
+No. 3), is found in certain types of carrying baskets, the woven tops
+of hats, and the like. Here the warp is crossed, and the weft passes
+through it in regular order so as to produce hexagonal openings.
+
+Another variant is known as _kalawat_ [242] (Fig. 19, No. 4). In this
+the warp stems are in threes. Starting from A they are bent down,
+pass over and under similar sets of three, curve on themselves or
+other warp stems so as to leave open spaces between. The rattan
+wall-hangers for coconut shell dishes are usually in this weave.
+
+The greater part of the baskets are in the diagonal or twilled
+weave, in which each element of the weft passes over two or more warp
+elements. Variations are numerous, either to produce certain effects
+or to accommodate designs. Of these the most common are
+
+
+ 1 under 2 over 2 etc.
+ 2 under 2 over 2 etc.
+ 2 under 4 over 4 etc.
+
+
+The weaver also frequently constructs the bottom with 2 over 4 under
+4; then when the sides are made he changes to 1 over 2 under 2, until
+the center is reached; then 1 of the warp passes over 3 of the weft;
+for the balance the stitch is 1 over 2 under 2. This variation produces
+a chevron-like pattern which, in general, is known as _binakol_; but
+when it is desired to designate more closely, this name is applied
+to the weaving having an oblique effect (Fig. 19, No. 5), while the
+horizontal is known as _dinapalig_ (Fig. 19, No. 6).
+
+_Types of Baskets_:--Plates LXVIII and LXIX show the most common
+types of baskets made and used in this territory. Others of Igorot
+and Kalinga origin sometimes appear, but are seldom imitated by the
+local basket-makers.
+
+Baskets 1 and 2 of Plate LXVIII are known as _kaba_, and are used
+principally to hold unthreshed rice, corn, and vegetables. Smaller
+baskets of the same form are for broken rice and cooked vegetables. The
+larger specimens are often made of rattan, while the smaller are
+usually of bamboo. Shallow bamboo baskets, _pidasen_ or _alodan_
+(Plate LXIX, No. 2) are used as eating dishes for cooked rice.
+
+Clothing is put away in covered oval or rectangular baskets, _opigan_
+(Plate LXIX, No. 4), while cotton is stored in long cylindrical
+baskets _kolang_ (Plate LXVIII, No. 3).
+
+The _pasikeng_ or _lagpi_(Plate LXIX, No. 3), commonly called the
+"head basket," is the chief basket of the men. It is made of rattan,
+and is supported on the back by means of bands which pass over the
+shoulders. In it are carried extra garments and all necessities for
+the trail. Recently some of the men have joined together two of these
+baskets by means of a wide, flat band, and this is fitted over the
+back of a horse or carabao,--an evident imitation of the saddle bags
+used by Spaniards and Americans. Men also carry small containers for
+their pipes and trinkets, or else make use of a traveling basket,
+such as is shown in Plate LXIX, No. 5.
+
+Rice winnowers and sieves (Plate LVII) and the fish-traps shown in
+Fig. 13 conclude the list. No coiled baskets are made.
+
+Aside from the decoration produced by variations in the weave, little
+ornamentation is found in the basketry from Abra, but the Tinguian
+of Ilocos Norte make and distribute large quantities of baskets with
+colored patterns. Colored vines are sometimes woven in, but the common
+method is to employ blackened bamboo, both in warp and weft.
+
+The top of the basket is strengthened by two hoops of rattan or
+bamboo. One is placed outside, the other inside; on them is laid
+a small strip of the same material, and all three are sewed down
+by passing a thin strip of rattan through two holes punched in
+margin. This strip doubles on itself, encircles the rim, and after
+an interval again passes through two more holes, and so on around the
+entire basket. A square base, attached in the same manner as the rim,
+generally completes the basket. In the mountain districts near to
+Apayao, the bases of the smaller eating dishes are drawn in toward
+the center at four points, giving the effect of a four-pointed star.
+
+_Mats_ (_ikamin_).--Mats are used as beds, never as floor
+coverings. They are rectangular in form, usually about six feet long
+and three wide, and are undecorated. They are made from strips of
+_pandanus_ in the _laga_ weave (cf. p. 423).
+
+_Dyes_.--In recent years analine dyes have come into favor in some
+villages, and a variety of colors appears in the articles made by
+their weavers, but the vegetable dyes used by the ancestors are
+still employed by most of the women. The commonest colors are blue,
+pink--"black red"--, red, and yellow.
+
+Blue is ordinarily produced by placing the leaves and branches of the
+indigo plant, _tayuni (Indigofera tinctoria)_in water for a few days;
+then to boil them, together with a little lime. The thread is dipped
+in the liquid.
+
+Pink is secured by crushing _lynga_ (_Sesamum indicum_ L.) seeds and
+boiling them in water. Threads are placed in this for five nights,
+while during the day they are dried in the sun. The root of the
+_apatot_ (_Morinda citrifolia_ or _umbellata_) is next crushed,
+and water is added. The threads are now transferred to this liquid,
+and for ten days and nights are alternately soaked and sunned. A
+copper color results, but this soon changes to pink. It is said that
+the _apatot_ alone produces a red dye. It is also claimed that the
+seeds of the _apang_ (_Bixa Orellana_ L.) and of a variety of rattan,
+when boiled, give a permanent red. [243]
+
+A yellow dye is produced by boiling the leaves of the _Tamarindus
+indica_ L. in water until a strong liquor is obtained.
+
+Bark head-bands are stained a purplish-red by applying a liquid
+secured through boiling _kelyan_ (_Diospyros cunalon_ D.C.?) bark. For
+ceremonial purposes they are also colored yellow by applying the juice
+of the _konig_ (_Curcuma longa_), but as this has a disagreeable odor,
+and the color is not permanent, it is not much used in every-day
+garments. Lemon juice is also applied to bark to give it a yellow hue.
+
+Fish nets are colored brown by dipping them into a dye made by
+crushing the _katakot_ vine in water, or by staining with the juice
+of the _taotawa_ (_Jatropha curcas_ L,).
+
+The bamboo strips used in decorating basketry are blackened by
+holding them in the smoke of burning rice-straw. Black designs,
+such as appear in the ornamentation of lime holders and the like,
+are secured by rubbing oil and soot into incised lines, and then
+holding the object in the smoke of burning rice-straw.
+
+_Net Making_.--Nets are used in fishing, in catching wild chickens
+and grasshoppers, and in hunting deer and pigs. The first three types
+are made of twine, but the fourth is of strong rope.
+
+All net work is done by the man who, for this purpose, employs a mesh
+stick and a needle of bamboo or carabao horn (Fig. 20). The needle
+(No. 1) also serves as a shuttle, since it carries a considerable
+amount of thread between the tongue and notch. The size of the loop
+is determined by the width of the mesh stick or spreader (No. 2). The
+operator generally sits on a rice winnower or squats on the ground with
+a net suspended above him (Plate LXX). He forms the mesh by running
+the needle over and around the spreader, and up and through the loop
+above, thus forming a loop on the mesh stick. This is drawn tightly,
+the needle is again passed through, but without encircling the stick,
+and thus a knot is tied. This is repeated until a row of loops has
+been completed, when another series is started.
+
+_Manufacture of Pottery_.--In nearly every village there are two or
+three women who make jars and dishes, but the potters of Abang and
+Lakub are the only ones whose wares have a wide distribution.
+
+The clay is dampened, and is carefully kneaded with the hands to remove
+lumps and gravel, and to reduce it to the proper consistency. A handful
+is taken from the mass, and is roughly modeled with the fingers to
+form the base of the pot. This is set on a wooden plate which, in
+turn, is placed in a rice winnower (Plate XXXVI). The plate takes
+the place of a potter's wheel, for it is turned with the right hand
+while with the left the woman shapes the clay, and smoothes it off
+with a dampened cloth. From time to time, she rolls out a coil of clay
+between the palms of her hands, lays it along the top of the vessel,
+and works and pinches it in. Further shaping and thinning is done with
+a wooden paddle and the dampened hand, and then the jar is allowed to
+dry slightly. Before the drying has progressed far enough to render
+the sides rigid, a smooth stone is placed inside, and the sides are
+tapped gently with a paddle until properly thinned and shaped.
+
+After allowing a couple of days for drying, the potter rubs the jar
+inside and out with smooth stones or _lipi_ seeds, so as to give it
+an even surface.
+
+When several jars or dishes have been prepared, they are placed in
+carabao dung or other slow burning material and fired. This generally
+takes place at night, and the jars are left undisturbed until morning,
+when they are ready for service. Occasionally resin is rubbed over a
+jar while it is hot, thus giving it a glazed surface; this, however,
+is not common, as the resin quickly melts off the cooking utensils,
+while porous jars are preferred as water containers, since the seepage
+lowers the temperature of the contents.
+
+Vessels made in Lakub are often decorated with incised patterns
+(Fig. 22, No. 8), but otherwise the Tinguian ware is plain. Chinese
+jars are found in every village, and are highly prized, but the native
+potters do not imitate them in form or decoration. Had Chinese blood
+or influence ever been strong in the region, we might expect to find
+the potter's wheel and traces of true glazing, but both are lacking.
+
+_Pipe Making_.--Both men and women smoke pipes, consisting of a short
+reed handle and a small bowl. Men are the pipe makers, and often show
+considerable skill in the decoration of their product.
+
+The common pipe-bowl is of clay, which has been carefully shaped
+with the fingers and a short bamboo spatula. Designs are incised,
+and the raised portions are further embellished by the addition of
+small pieces of brass wire (Fig. 21, Nos. 4-5). The bowls are baked
+in a slow fire, and the mouthpieces are added.
+
+A second type of pipe, or cigar holder, is made of bamboo (Fig. 21,
+Nos. 1-3). Designs are incised in the sides, oil is applied, and the
+pipe is held in the smoke of burning rice-straw until the lines become
+permanently blackened (Fig. 22, Nos. 1-3).
+
+In recent years, Ilocano jewelers have introduced silver pipes, made
+from coins. One Tinguian pipe maker has learned the trade, and does a
+lively business. He has further beautified his product by attaching
+pendants representing fish (Fig. 21, No. 6). Brass pipes of Igorot
+origin are sometimes seen, but are not made in this region.
+
+_Method of Drying Hides_.--Hides of carabao, and sometimes of other
+animals, are stretched on bamboo frames and are sun-dried (Plate
+LV). Later they are placed in water containing tanbark, and are roughly
+cured. Such leather is used in the manufacture of the back straps used
+by the weavers, and in making sheathes for knives, but more commonly
+it is placed on the ground, and on it rice and cotton are beaten out.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+DECORATIVE ART
+
+In decorative art the Tinguian offers sharp contrast to the Igorot and
+Ifugao, both of whom have developed wood carving to a considerable
+extent. They also have their bodies tattooed, while the colored
+lashings on spear shafts, pipe stems, and other objects show a
+nice appreciation for color and design. In all these the Tinguian
+is deficient or lacking; he does no wood carving, tattooing is
+scanty, while his basket work, except that from two small regions, is
+plain. At times he does make some simple designs on canes, on bamboo
+rice-planters and weaving sticks, on lime boxes and pipe stems, but
+these are exceptions rather than the rule. In the region about Lakub,
+he decorates his jars by cutting the ends of sticks to form small
+dies which he presses into the newly fashioned clay (Fig. 22, No. 8),
+while in Manabo and some other villages the pipe makers cut the bowls
+of the clay pipes in floral designs or inlay small pieces of brass to
+form scroll patterns (Fig. 22, Nos. 4-7). These last mentioned designs
+are so restricted in their manufacture, and are so different from those
+found elsewhere in Abra, that they cannot be considered as typical.
+
+The figures incised in bamboo show some realistic motives, such as
+the fish, birds, and flowers in Fig. 23, No. 1; the snake and lizard
+in No. 2; the man in No. 5; but the strictly geometrical is dominant
+in nearly every case. Probably the most typical of this class of work
+is shown in Nos. 3 and 4 and Fig. 22, Nos. 1, 2, and 3. It should be
+noted, however, that, where one decorated object is seen, many more
+entirely plain will be found. In short, ornamentation is uncommon
+and of minor importance.
+
+The one place where decoration is dominant is in the weaving, and
+this is done entirely by the women. Figures 24 and 25 show typical
+designs which occur in the blankets. Except for No. 8 in Fig. 24,
+they do not appear to be copies from nature, but all have realistic
+interpretations. Fig. 24 shows eight designs drawn by native weavers,
+which are identified as follows:
+
+
+ 1. A fish.
+ 2. Weaving on a Spanish bed or chair seat.
+ 3. Pineapple.
+ 4. A heart.
+ 5. Fishhooks.
+ 6. A crab.
+ 7. Cross section of a pineapple.
+ 8. A horse.
+
+
+In Fig. 25 are five typical patterns taken from blankets, while
+No. 6 is the ornamental stitching which unites two breadths of cloth,
+the latter is identified as "fingers and finger nails." No. 1 is the
+turtle, No. 2 a crab, No. 3 a rice-mortar, No. 4 the bobbin winder
+shown in Fig. 16, No. 4; No. 5 pineapple.
+
+Plate LXXI is a ceremonial blanket, such as is hung up over the
+dead. The figures are identified as _a_ a deer, _b_ horse, _c_ carabao
+calf, _d_ man. The textile in Plate LXXII, No. 1 is likewise used
+chiefly as a ceremonial piece, the designs representing _a_ man, _b_
+horse, _c_ star.
+
+A very pleasing blanket is shown in Plate LXXII, No. 2 in which the
+designs are identified as a rice cake, and _b_ as a star, while the
+whole pattern is known as _kalayan_--the river. The textile in Plate
+LXXIII, No. 1 imitates a mat, while No. 2 is known as _kosikos_--the
+circle.
+
+A part of these designs are evidently copies from real objects,
+others appear to be merely pattern names, while the weavers do not
+hesitate to borrow any likely patterns which strike their fancy. One
+quite frequently sees a blanket which shows a "lion," or some other
+animal or object, with which the people could only become acquainted
+through pictures or descriptions from outside sources.
+
+In addition to these designs already mentioned, there are certain
+common types of decoration effected through weaving or embroidery,
+for which no explanations are given. They are said to be only "to
+make pretty." Among these are the ends of belts and clouts, as shown
+in Plate LXXIV, or the raised diamond pattern shown in No. 2 of the
+same Plate, or the plaid effect in colors, which appear in some of
+the skirts.
+
+It has already been noted (cf. p. 416) that the weaving methods of
+the Tinguian are similar to those of the Ilocano, and the same is true
+of a considerable part of the decorative patterns. The Christianized
+natives have less of the realistic, a greater variety of geometrical
+designs, and a greater fondness for bright colors, made possible by
+the use of analine dyes, than the mountaineers.
+
+It seems probable that the Tinguian-Ilocano peoples brought the
+weaving industry with them into northern Luzon, that the Ilocano branch
+has borrowed improved methods of manufacture, as well as decorative
+motives from the people with whom they have been in contact through
+trade. The Tinguian in turn have borrowed from them, but, in the
+main, they still retain the more primitive methods of weaving, and
+it is probable their types of ornamentation likewise approximate more
+closely those in use in earlier times.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+PERSONAL ADORNMENT, DANCES, AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
+
+The dress of the man is the clout (_ba-al_), either of beaten
+bark or of cloth, and a woven belt (_balikes_) in which he keeps
+small articles (Plates LXXV-LXXVI). On special occasions he wears a
+long-sleeved jacket (_bado_), open in front, and in a few instances,
+trousers. Both these garments are recent acquisitions, and the latter,
+in particular, are not in favor, except where Ilocano influence is very
+strong. The man is not inclined to adorn himself with brass and gold,
+neither does he use tattooing to any extent, as do his Kalinga and
+Igorot neighbors. Some have small patterns on an arm or thigh, but
+these are usually property marks with which he brands his animals or
+other possessions. Tattooing as an evidence of a successful head-hunt
+is not found in this region, nor are there other marks or garments
+to identify the warriors.
+
+The hair is worn long, and is parted straight down the middle; the
+two strands are twisted, crossed in the back, then carried to the
+forehead, where they are again crossed, and the ends are fastened
+by intertwining on each side of the head. A bark band (_ayabong_)
+holds the hair in place, but at times it is replaced by a cloth or
+a narrow ring of interwoven grass and rattan. Round bamboo hats,
+with low dome-shaped tops, are commonly worn (Plate XLV), but these
+are sometimes displaced by hats which go to a sharp peak, or by those
+made of a gourd or of wood.
+
+The woman's hair is parted in the middle, and is combed straight down
+to the nape of the neck, where it is caught by strings of beads;
+these are crossed in the back and encircle the head; the strand of
+hair is then twisted and a loop formed which is carried to the left
+side, where it is again caught under the beads, near to or above
+the ear. Most of the Tinguian have luxuriant heads of hair, but,
+nevertheless, switches are commonly used by both sexes. The hair is
+often washed with the ashes of rice-straw, or with the bark of the
+_gogo_ tree (_Entada purseta_), and is moistened with coconut oil.
+
+Strings of beads encircle the women's necks, but the typical ornament
+consists of strands above strands of beads reaching from the wrist
+to the elbow, and if the wealth of the owner permits, even covering
+the upper arm as well (Plate LXXIX). The strands are fastened tightly
+above the wrist, causing that portion of the arm to swell. Slits of
+bamboo are usually placed under the beads, and may be removed if the
+pain or annoyance of the constriction is too severe. The upper arm
+beads are removed with little difficulty; but those on the forearm are
+taken off only once or twice a year, when new threads are substituted,
+or when the owner is in mourning. Beneath these ornaments a delicate
+fretwork of blue lines is tattooed, so that the woman's arms may not
+be white and unsightly when she is without her beads. [244]
+
+Most of the women have their ears pierced, but in the valley towns
+only a small proportion wear earrings. In the mountain sections heavy
+ornaments of gold or copper are worn, the weight often drawing the
+lobe of the ear far down on the neck.
+
+When at work, the woman discards all clothing from the upper portion
+of her body, but at other times wears a short-sleeved jacket which
+reaches to her waist (Plate LXXVII). The waist is cut so low in the
+neck that the head can pass through. There is no shoulder seam. A
+straight piece set over the shoulder extends down in square, both
+front and back, to a line about even with the breast, where it is
+sewed to the garment proper. A narrow skirt (_dingwa_), with colored
+border, extends from the waist to the knees. It is held in place by
+drawing it tightly and then tucking one corner under the upper edge,
+or by pressing it beneath the girdle (Plate LXXVIII).
+
+When a girl becomes a woman, she dons a girdle (_palingtan_) of
+braided grass or rattan which fits over the hips, and to which a
+clout is attached (Plate LXXX). As a rule, the girdle and clout are
+not removed when bathing, as are the other garments.
+
+The woman seldom wears a hat, except when she is working in the
+fields, where sunshades large enough to protect the entire body are
+used (Plate LIV). Frequently a cloth or a skirt is twisted about the
+head as a protection against the sun.
+
+On chilly mornings one often sees the people covered from head to
+ankles with their sleeping blankets, or a woman may draw a particularly
+wide skirt about her body just below the armpits so that she is
+protected from her breasts to the knees.
+
+The teeth of both sexes are blackened with iron salts and tan bark,
+[245] but they are not cut or mutilated, as is common with many
+Philippine peoples.
+
+While both sexes are proud of heavy heads of hair, they do not look
+with equal favor on face and body hairs. These are plucked out either
+by grasping them between a knife blade and the thumb nail, or with a
+bamboo device known as _iming_. This consists of a section of bamboo
+split into several strips at one end. A hair is placed in one end of
+the slits, and the bamboo is bent into a half circle, causing it to
+take a firm hold, when it is jerked outwards.
+
+Prized necklaces (_paliget_) made of small strands of twisted silver
+wire, are placed on the neck of a corpse, and on some occasions are
+worn by the living. During dances the hair is adorned with notched
+chicken feathers attached to sticks, while circlets made of boar's
+tusks are placed on the arms.
+
+_Dances_.--Two dances, one ceremonial, the other suitable for all
+occasions, are very popular.
+
+The ceremonial dance known as _da-eng_ takes place at night, and is
+carried on to the accompaniment of a song. [246] An equal number of
+men and women take part. The women form a line facing a similar row
+of men, about twenty feet distant. Locking arms about one another's
+waists and with one foot advanced, they begin to sway their bodies
+backwards and forwards. Suddenly they burst into song, at the same
+time stepping forward with the left foot. Keeping perfect time to the
+music, they take three steps toward the men, then retreat to their
+original positions. The men then take up the song and in a similar
+manner advance and retreat. This is repeated several times, after
+which the two lines join to form a circle. With arms interlocked
+behind one another's backs, and singing in unison, they begin to
+move contra-clockwise. The left foot is thrown slightly backward
+and to the side, and the right is brought quickly up to it, causing
+a rising and falling of the body. The step, at first slow, becomes
+faster and faster till the dancers have reached the limit of their
+vocal and physical powers.
+
+The _da-eng_ is sacred in character, is danced only at night and
+then under the direction of the mediums. It is, however, in great
+favor, and often so many of the younger people wish to take part
+that double lines, or two or more groups, may be dancing at the same
+time. It sometimes happens, when the _basi_ has been flowing freely,
+that the participants become so boisterous and the pace so fast
+that spectators are run down or the dancers are piled in a heap,
+from which they emerge laughing and shouting.
+
+The common dance, the _tadek_, is a part of nearly all gatherings of
+a social and religious nature. The music for this dance usually is
+made with three _gansas_ [247] and a drum. The _gansas_ are pressed
+against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground. Two of the
+coppers are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand, while the
+third is played by the hands alone (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 2). The stick
+or left hand gives the initial beat which is followed by three rapid
+strokes with the right palm. A man and a woman enter the circle, each
+holding a cloth about the size of a skirt. The man extends his cloth
+toward the woman, and bringing it suddenly down, causes it to snap,
+which is the signal to begin. With almost imperceptible movement of
+the feet and toes and a bending at the knees, he approaches the woman,
+who in a like manner goes toward him. They pass and continue until
+at a distance about equal to the start, when they again turn and
+pass. Occasionally the man will take a few rapid steps toward the
+woman, with exaggerated high knee action and much stamping of feet,
+or he will dance backward a few steps. At times the cloth is held
+at arm's length in front or at the side; again it is wrapped about
+the waist, the woman always following the actions of the man. At
+last they meet; the man extends his hand, the woman does likewise,
+but instead of taking his, she moves her own in a circle about his,
+avoiding contact. Again they dance away, only returning to repeat
+the performance. Finally she accepts the proffered hand, the headman
+brings _basi_ for the couple to drink, and the dance is over. The
+man sometimes ends the dance by the sharp snapping of his cloth,
+or by putting it on his extended arms and dancing toward the woman,
+who places her cloth upon his (Plate LXXXI, Fig. 1).
+
+_Musical Instruments, Songs, and Dances_.--The Tinguian is naturally
+musical. He sings at his work, he beats time with his head-axe against
+his shield as he tramps the mountain trails, he chants the stories of
+long ago as the workers gather about the fires each evening of the dry
+season, he sings the praises of his host at feasts and festivals, [248]
+joins with others in the dirge which follows a burial, and he and many
+others will sing together as they dance the _da-eng_. But his music
+does not stop with his vocal accomplishments. In the folk-tales the
+pan pipe (_dew-dew-as_) occupies a most important place, and to-day
+the maidens still play them in the evening hours. It is a simple
+device made of reeds of various lengths lashed together (Fig. 26,
+No. 1). The player holds the instrument just in front of her lips,
+and blows into the reeds, meanwhile moving them to and fro, producing
+a series of low notes without tune.
+
+Another instrument of great importance in the legends is the nose
+flute (_kalaleng_). This is a long reed with holes cut in the side,
+to be stopped by the fingers in producing the notes. The player closes
+one nostril with a bit of cotton, and then forces the air from the
+other into a small hole cut in the end of the tube. The instrument
+is popular with the men, and often one can hear the plaintive note
+of the nose flute far into the night (Plate LXXXII).
+
+The mouth flute (_tulali_) is similar to that found in civilized lands,
+but is constructed from a reed.
+
+A peculiar device used solely by the women is the _bunkaka_ (Fig. 26,
+No. 2). This consists of a bamboo tube with one end cut away so as
+to leave only two thin vibrating strips. These, when struck against
+the palm of the left hand, give out a note which can be changed by
+placing a finger over the opening at x.
+
+A Jew's harp is constructed like a netting needle, but with a tongue of
+bamboo cut so that it will vibrate when struck, or when a cord attached
+to the end is jerked sharply (Fig. 26, No. 3). If made of bamboo,
+the instrument is known as _kolibau_; if brass, _agiweng_. It is often
+mentioned in the tales, and to-day is played by nearly all the men.
+
+Bamboo guitars (_kuliteng_) are made by cutting narrow strips
+throughout the length of a section of bamboo, but not detaching them
+at the ends. They are raised and tuned by inserting small wedges of
+wood at the ends. Small sections of thin bamboo are sometimes fitted
+over two strings, and are beaten with sticks, or the strings can be
+fingered like a guitar (Plate LXXXIII).
+
+Music for dances is furnished by an orchestra consisting of four men,
+three with copper gongs (_gangsas_), and one with a drum. The gongs
+are tambourine shape, with sides about an inch and a half high. They
+are placed against the thighs of the players who kneel on the ground,
+and are beaten with a stick and the palm of the hand or by the hands
+alone. [249] They doubtless came into this region through trade,
+but at a time so remote that their origin is now credited to the
+spirits. The drum (_tambor_) is made of a short section of a tree
+hollowed out. The ends are covered with cow's hide or pig's skin.
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+MUSIC
+
+_Introduction_.--That the songs might be delivered as nearly as
+possible at the same pitch which the singers used when making
+the records, investigation was made as to the usual speed used by
+manufacturers while recording. It was found to be 160 revolutions per
+minute. Accordingly the phonograph was carefully set at this speed
+during transcription.
+
+In determining the keys in which to transcribe the various songs, the
+pitch-pipe used was that of the "International," which was adopted
+at the Vienna Congress in Nov. 1887. This congress established c2 =
+522 double vibrations per second. All the records proved to be a
+shade flat by this standard, but were found to be almost exactly in
+accord with an instrument of fixed pitch, which in turn was found to
+be approximately eleven beats at variance with the pitch-pipe on c2.
+
+Assuming that the recording and transcribing speeds of the machines
+were the same, this would place the original singing almost exactly in
+accord with the old "philosophical standard of pitch" which places c2
+at 512 double vibrations per second. Though the singing was not always
+in perfect accord with the notes set down in transcriptions, with the
+exception of those very marked departures especially indicated in the
+music, the variations were so slight that, so far as true intonation
+goes, the performances were fully up to the standard of those of the
+average natural singer.
+
+Special ear tubes were used while transcribing the records, and resort
+made to a special device wherewith any order of whole, or even part
+measures could be consecutively played. Thus it was possible to
+closely compare parts which were similar in either words or music.
+
+In some of the records two or more voices can be distinguished singing
+in unison. Such unisons are shown in the transcription by single
+notes. No attempt has been made to indicate the several voices. But
+when such single notes are shown accompanied by the word "solo,"
+it is to be understood that all of the performers have dropped out
+but one, probably the leader. When the voices split up into parts,
+it is so notated in the music.
+
+Primitive people display more or less timidity in giving their
+songs for scientific purposes. Such timidity is especially apt
+to be manifested in their attacks. In the _Da-eng_, Girls' Part
+(Record J), the delayed attack at the beginning of each new verse
+is very marked. The delay varies considerably from verse to verse,
+as indicated by the number of beats rest shown at the ends of the
+lines. Similar pauses are found in the Boys' Part of the same ceremony
+(see Record A). These beats rest or pauses are not to be taken as
+part of the legitimate rhythm, for it is more than likely that if the
+singers were giving their songs in their regular ceremonial and the
+performers unconscious of observation, these pauses would not occur.
+
+In transcribing those songs which have several verses on the record,
+the notation has been so arranged on the page that the measures line
+up vertically, making comparison easy between corresponding measures
+of the different verses.
+
+To indicate peculiar qualities, special signs are used in connection
+with the regular musical symbols. The table which follows shows these
+signs and also lists the qualities for which they stand. Some of these
+qualities could have been represented by regular musical symbols,
+but it was thought best to use the special signs to make them stand
+out more prominently. The qualities thus indicated as well as those
+which are represented by the regular musical notation will be found
+listed and defined after the tabulation of qualities.
+
+
+
+Words of the Da-Eng
+
+_Part I_. Sung in line. [250]
+
+
+ Ma-li-dom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom
+ Yom-ma-yom ta yom-ma-yom ag-dag-da-gi yo-ma-yom.
+ Ma-la-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas
+ Ma-sa-nas ta ma-sa-nas ag-dag-da-gi na-sa-nas.
+ Si On-na-i in-no-bi-yan ki-not-ko-tan Na-to-tan
+ Na-to-tan ta na-to-tan ki-not ko-tan na-to-tan.
+ Kol-kol-dong si gi-nol-bat nga ag-moli-moli-yat
+ Mo-li-yat ta mo-li-yat ag-mo-li mo-li-yat.
+ Ka-lan-tag kal-la-yan-nen ag-ka-idig-na-yan
+ dig-na-yan ta dig-na-yan ag-ka-i dig-na-yan.
+ A-na-on si Tak-la-yan na-is-ti-lo ai bolo
+ Bin-no-lo ta bin-no-lo na-is-ti-lo ai bo-lo.
+ Sok-bot ni ka-bin-bin-an adi ma-sil-si-li-ban
+ si-li-ban ta si-li-ban adi ma-sil-si-liban
+ Ba-gai-ba-yem dem-ma-ngen si-nol-bo-dan ni kolat.
+ ki-no-lat ta ki-no-lat ai ag-ki-no ki-no-lat.
+ Sabak ni am-mo-ga-wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen
+ di-kai-wen ta ki-kai wen mimog-go-mog di-kai-wen.
+ Sabak ni an-na-a-wen mi-ka-li-ya li-ya-wen.
+ Li-ya-wen ta li-ya-wen ai ag-li-ya li-ya-wen
+
+
+_Part II_. Sung in line.
+
+
+ alin-to-bo ni ni-og ag-lam-pi-yok
+ lam-pi-yok ta lam-pi-yok ag-lam-pi lam-pi-yok.
+ al-in-to-bo ni aba ai adi nag-pada
+ pi-na-da ta pi-na-da ai adi nag-pa-da.
+ al-in-to-bo ni no-nang ag-ba-li ba-li-yang
+ ba-li-yang ta ba-li-yang ai ag-ba-li ba-li-yang.
+ al-in-to-bo ni lamai um-al-ali ma-ya-mai
+ ma-ya-mai ta ma-ya-mai umal ali ma-ya-mai.
+ al-in-to-bo ni bang-on ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon
+ ba-la-ngon ta ba-la-ngon ag-ba-la ba-la-ngon.
+ al-in-to-bo ni oway pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai
+ i-nom-lai ta i-nom-lai pel-sa-tem ket i-nom-lai.
+ al-in-to-bo ni oling bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing
+ boom-li-sing ta boom-li-sing bog-yo-ngem ket boom-li-sing.
+ al-in-to-bo ni ba-kan umal ali ka-na-kan
+ ka-na-kan ta ka-na-kan umal ali ka-na-kan.
+ al-in-to-bo ni anis ai adi na-gi-nis
+ gi-ni-nis ta gi-ni-nis ai adi nedey na-gi-nis.
+
+
+_Part III_. Sung as they dance in circle.
+
+
+ A-ya-mem si pa-ni-ki ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi
+ ni la-bi ta ni labi ag-sol-sol-wap si la-bi.
+ A-ya-mem si bat-ta-teng ag-tiya ti ya-deng
+ ti-ya-deng ta ti-ya-deng ag-ti-ya ti-ya-deng.
+ A-ya-mem si bang-nga-an nga dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan
+ din-na-lan ta din-na-lan dum-ang-dang-lap si da-lan.
+ A-ya-mem si om-om-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek
+ si nim-bek ta si-nim-bek nga ag-ma-si ma-sim-bek.
+ A-ya-mem si po-na-yen nga omas-asi gai-ga-yen
+ gai-ga-yen ta gai-ga-yen om-as asi gai-ga-yen.
+ A-ya-mem si la-ga-dan nga tomal-la tal-la-dan
+ tal-la-dan ta tal-la-dan nga ag-ta-la tal-la-dan.
+ A-ya-mem si bal-ga-si nga agka-a ka-a-si
+ ka-a-si ta ka-a-si nga ag-ka-a ka-a-si.
+
+
+_Part IV_.
+
+
+ Bwa di la-od to-mo-bo nga lo-mok-bot
+ lo-mok-bot ta lo-mok-bot to-mo-bo wa lo-mok-bot.
+ Bwa di Ba-li-la-si-bis nga gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis
+ i-ni-mis ta i-ni-mis gi-i-tem ket ma-i-mis.
+ Bwa di Mal-la-pa-ai gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ey
+ te-ga-ey ta te-ga-ey gi-i-tem ket tom ga-ey.
+ Bwa di Mal-lo-sa-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak
+ te-ga-ak ta te-ga-ak gi-i-tem ket tom-ga-ak.
+ Bwa di Tom-mo nga kom-ma-lab ket tom-mo-bo
+ tom-mo-bo ta tom-mo-bo kom-ma-la-lab ket tom-mo-bo.
+
+
+_Part V_.
+
+
+ Adi yo pai lau-lau-den lawed-ko nga do-la-wen
+ do-la-wen ta do-la-wen adi yo pai lau-lau-den.
+ La-wed ngaita di al-yo pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o
+ bi-na-o ta bi-na-o pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-o.
+ La-wed di po-dok pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod
+ bi-no-kod ta bi-no-kod pang-lau-lau-dan ta bo-kod.
+ La-wed di Sab-lang, pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang
+ bi-na-sang ta bi-na-sang pang-lau-lau-dan ta ba-sang.
+ La-wed di Pa-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai
+ in-na-wai ta in-na-wai pang-lau-lau-dan ta a-wai.
+
+
+_Part VI_.
+
+
+ Ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan
+ na-tong-dan ta na-tong-dan ka-wa-yan di Po-da-yan.
+ Ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan om-mi-weyan
+ Om-mi-weyan ta om-mi-weyan ka-wa-yan di Bal-li-weyan.
+ Ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an ko-ma omi-na-lan
+ i-na-lan ta i-na-lan ka-wa-yan di Ba-ta-an.
+ Sol-kod-ko nga ka-wa-yan na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang
+ di dem-mang ta di dem-mang na-kak-la-ang di dem-mang.
+ Kawayan di Pa-la-i ag-ka-i dong-la don-la-li
+ dong-la-li ta dong-la-li ag-ka-i dong-la dong-la-li.
+
+
+
+_Part VII_.
+
+
+ Da-num di la-od kom-mog-nod ket kom-mog-nod
+ Kom-mog-nod ta kom-mog-nod danum di la-od.
+ Dagsi-yan di Pa-la-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi na-wang
+ si-na-wang ta si-na-wang ko-ma ta sum-mi-na-wang.
+ Dagsi-yan di Langiden mi-ka si-li si-li-ten
+ sili-ten ta si-li-ten dag-si-yan di Lang-i-den.
+ Dagsi-yan di Ka-ba-lang-gan na-kal kalong go-kong-an
+ ga-kong-an taga-kong-an na-kal ka-long ga-kong-an.
+ Danum di Pa-da-ngi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-witan
+ ka-wi-tan ta ka-wi-tan ki-na-dang ta ka-wi-tan.
+ Dag-si-yan di Lai-og-an nan-gol la-ol la-yo-san
+ la-yo-san ta la-yo-san o-mal-la al-lo-yo-san.
+ Danum di Abang sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai
+ Sum-mol-wai ta sum-mol-wai da-num di A-bang.
+ Danum di Abas inum-bas ket inum-bas
+ inum-bas ta i-num-bas da-num di A-bas.
+ Danum di Ba-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai
+ Sa-long-ai ta sa-long-ai nag-kat-lo nga sa-long-ai.
+ Danum di Da-ya nag-kil-la-yos nga si-pa
+ Si-ni-pa ta si-ni-pa nag-kil-la-yos nga sipa.
+ Danum di ngato ti-nung-dai ta a-nito
+ A-nito ta a-nito ti-nun-dai ta a-nito.
+ Danum di aging ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding
+ Ka-lad-ing ta ka-la-ding ti-nung-dai ta ka-la-ding.
+ Danum di A-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng
+ ba-yeng-yeng ta ba-yeng-yeng ti-nung-dai ta ba-yeng-yeng.
+ Adi ka-pai man-gi-mon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon
+ bin-no-bon ta bin-no-bon na-sal-li-bon ai bo-bon.
+
+
+_Approximate Translation of the Da-Eng_ [251]
+
+I
+
+
+ ?
+ ?
+ The Malanus flows.
+ Flows, flows, flows onward.
+ Si (Mr.) On-na-i and Na-to-tan dig obi (taro) with their hands.
+ Dig, dig, dig with the hands.
+ The firefly in the woods opens his eyes.
+ Opens, opens, opens his eyes.
+ The bank caves into the river.
+ Caves, caves, caves in.
+ Here, your arm pretty bamboo (?)
+ Bamboo, bamboo, pretty bamboo.
+ Do not disturb the rest of the kabibinan (a bird).
+ Disturb, disturb, do not disturb.
+ Help the kolat (a plant) to grow.
+ Become kolat, become kolat, stir up to become kolat.
+ The flower of the Amogawen falls on you.
+ On you, on you, falls on you.
+ The flower of the Ana-an plays with you.
+ Plays, plays, it plays.
+
+
+II.
+
+
+ The young leaves of the coconut wave.
+ Wave, wave, they wave.
+ The leaves of the aba are not alike.
+ Alike, alike, are not alike.
+ The leaves of the nonang turn back and forth.
+ Back and forth, back and forth, turn back and forth.
+ The leaves of the lamay quake.
+ Quake, quake, they quake.
+ The leaves of the bangon arise(?).
+ Arise, arise, they arise.
+ The leaves of the rattan cut and twist.
+ Twist, twist, cut, and twist.
+ The leaves of the oling rustle and rattle.
+ Rattle, rattle, rustle and rattle.
+ The leaves of the bakan fall before time.
+ Fall, fall, fall before time.
+ The leaves of the anis (a low shrub) are not clean.
+ Clean, clean, not clean.
+
+
+III.
+
+
+ You play Mr. bat who fly by night.
+ Night, night, fly by night.
+ You play grasshopper whose back is concave.
+ Concave, concave, whose back is concave.
+ You play Bang-nga-an who shines like gold by the trail.
+ By the trail, by the trail, shines like gold by the trail.
+ You play onombek who hiccoughs.
+ Hiccough, hiccough, who hiccoughs.
+ You play dove who falls.
+ Falls, falls, who falls.
+ You play lagadan (a bird) who flees(?).
+ Flees, flees, who flees.
+ You play balgasi (?) who mourns for the dead.
+ Mourns, mourns, mourns for the dead.
+
+
+IV.
+
+
+ Betel-nut of the west which grows up like the gourd.
+ Grows up, grows up like the gourd.
+ Betel-nut of Balasibis which smiles when it is cut. (Literally--is
+ cut and smiles.)
+ It smiles, it smiles, is cut, and smiles.
+ Betel-nut of Malapay which chuckles (like a woman) when it is cut.
+ Chuckles, chuckles, is cut, and chuckles.
+ Betel-nut of Malosak which laughs (like a man) when it is cut.
+ Laughs, laughs, is cut, and laughs.
+ Betel-nut of Tomo which climbs and grows.
+ Grows, grows, climbs, and grows.
+
+
+V.
+
+
+ Do not take the leaves of my lawed, who am rich.
+ Rich, rich, do not take lawed leaves.
+ The widower takes often the top (best) lawed of Alyo.
+ The widower, the widower, the widower takes often.
+ The lawed of the wooded hill the widow takes often.
+ The widow, the widow, the widow takes often.
+ The lawed of Sablang the maiden takes often.
+ The maiden, the maiden, the maiden takes often.
+ The lawed of Paway the hermit (country man) takes often.
+ The hermit, the hermit, the hermit takes often.
+
+
+VI.
+
+
+ Bamboo of Podayan, ever living, ever living.
+ Ever living, ever living, bamboo of Podayan.
+ Bamboo of Baliweyan sigh (literally "go wey") when the wind blows.
+ Sigh, sigh, bamboo of Baliweyan.
+ Bamboo of Bataan, like the sunshine.
+ Sunshine, sunshine, bamboo of Bataan.
+ My cane of bamboo gives out a clang.
+ Clang, clang, gives out a clang.
+ Bamboo of Palai wave up and down.
+ Wave, wave, wave up and down.
+
+
+VII.
+
+
+ Water of the west, become less and less.
+ Less, less, water of the west.
+ Spring of Palawang overflow.
+ Overflow, overflow, be like the overflow.
+ Spring of Langiden flow fast. (Literally "like lightning".)
+ Flow, flow, spring of Langiden.
+ Spring of Ka-ba-lang, flow like a chain.
+ Chain, chain, flow like a chain.
+ Water of Padangitah be knee deep to the rooster.
+ Rooster, rooster, knee deep to the rooster.
+ Spring of Layogan flow on.
+ Flow, flow, flow on.
+ Water of Abang (?)
+ ?
+ Water of Abas, become dry.
+ Become dry, become dry, water of Abas.
+ Water of Ba-ay has three branches.
+ Branches, branches, has three branches.
+ Water of the East shaped like a ball.
+ Ball, ball, shaped like a ball.
+ Water from above the anito holds (stops).
+ Anito, anito, the anito holds.
+ Water of the uninhabited place the ghost holds.
+ Ghost, ghost, the ghost holds.
+ Water of Ayeng the bamboo tube holds.
+ Bamboo tube, bamboo tube, the bamboo tube holds.
+ Do not be jealous, pretty spring.
+ Spring, spring, pretty spring.
+
+
+
+_Da-Eng_. Boys' part.
+
+Record A. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.
+
+There are at least two voices in this record. Possibly there were
+three or more singers taking part, though it is not possible to
+distinguish more than two.
+
+The song is cast in the pentatonic scale of A major. The notes
+G-natural and D-flat do not belong to this scale. At those places
+where they are put down in the notation, they are used to better define
+the glissandos. The singers pass over them rapidly, sliding from the
+topmost note of the group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling
+on any of the intermediate tones. The glissandos are indicated by
+straight lines drawn obliquely underneath such groups (see _Definition
+of Qualities_, p. 478).
+
+In each of measures 2 and 6 of verses 1, 2, and 3; and in measure
+6 of verse 4, is shown a group of three notes with an asterisk
+above. These groups, as shown in the notation, are B, A, G; but in
+measure 2 of verse 4, the corresponding group is C, B, A. In those
+measures marked *, the singers are very plainly striving to reach
+the tones C, B, A. There is that quality of tension in the voices
+with the accompanying forcing of tone which is peculiar to untrained
+singers striving for a tone near the limit of their highest range. As
+the tones actually sounded are neither B, A, G, nor C, B, A, but are
+instead a sort of compromise between the two, it is quite evident that
+the succession intended in each of the seven measures is the same
+as in the eighth or odd one, viz. C, B, A. If we assume this to be
+the case, it eliminates seven of the foreign G naturals shown in the
+notation. If, however, this conjecture is wrong, and the performers
+really feel that the groups in question all start on B, then the G
+naturals are eliminated by the glissandos. The only other G-natural
+is shown in measure 7 of verse 4. By comparing this measure with the
+corresponding measure in each of the other three verses, it will be
+seen that the singers have taken great pains in those verses to avoid
+this note which does not belong to the pentatonic scale which they are
+using,--evidence that they do not sense the tone in the fourth verse,
+where it is taken glissando. The D-flat, also foreign to the scale,
+occurs but once. It is in measure 3 of the top line. The glissando
+here eliminates this tone also, but, by comparing this measure with
+the corresponding measure of each of the other verses, we find the
+same avoidance as in the case of the G-natural,--evidence that the
+performers do not sense this other foreign tone. The song is therefore
+very markedly pentatonic in character.
+
+The assumption that the seven groups marked with asterisks do not
+represent the real intent of the singers, is based entirely on the
+"stress" heard in the record. This "stress" cannot be represented
+in notation. Relying on the notation alone, one would be warranted
+in drawing a contrary conclusion and assuming that the odd measure
+should be made to conform to the other seven and all read, B, A, G; or,
+from the phonographic record, one might assume that the compromise,
+previously mentioned, was the intonation really intended. Primitive
+peoples frequently do sing and play, quite intentionally, tones out of
+conformity with scale tones of present-day concert music. Such tones
+cannot be represented by our musical notation without resort to special
+signs. This is not necessary in the present case, as the falling short
+of true intonation does not appear to be from deliberate intent on
+the part of the singers, but seems to be due to lack of ability.
+
+In eight of the measures, at least one of the voices departs from the
+melody proper, producing the harmony-intervals so frequently heard
+in the music of primitive peoples, namely, that of a 5th without
+the 3rd to complete the triad, and that of a 4th without the 6th
+to complete the chord. Such thirdless 5ths are found in measures 5
+(verse 1), 1 and 8 (verse 2), 5 (verse 3), and 1 and 5 (verse 4); and
+the interval of a 4th without the 6th is found in measures 3 and 8 of
+verse 4. In the last measure of the notation, however, the interval
+of a 4th there shown is caused by the leader's voice departing from
+the regular melodic succession instead of the accompanying voice or
+voices, as is the case in each of the other measures mentioned.
+
+In measures 1 and 5 of each of the four verses of the song, and also
+in measure 3 of the second verse, the sign, "....." (mezzo staccato
+marks), is used to indicate the pulsating of the voice of one of the
+singers, probably the leader, marking the rhythm of the song.
+
+The metronome tempo is mostly 88, but varies at times and runs as-high
+as 92 per minute in the last half of the 4th verse.
+
+Between verses 2 and 3 the phonograph shows that the singers paused
+eight beats (two whole measures), and between verses 3 and 4 there was
+a similar, though shorter, pause of two beats (one-half measure). These
+pauses are not shown in the notation.
+
+There was no special change in dynamics throughout the song except
+as indicated by the sforzando marks in measures 1, 2, 5, 6, 7, and
+8 of verse 4.
+
+In general character this song resembles most the _Dang-dang-ay_
+(Record M).
+
+
+_Diwas_
+
+Record B. Sung at night by the friends of a sick man.
+
+There are two singers on this record, both men with bass voices. One
+seems to be the leader, the accompanying singer dragging along
+behind. As the tempo is very slow and many of the tones long drawn
+out, this uncertainty on the part of the second performer is not so
+noticeable, except on the quick runs as the leader passes to another
+principal tone.
+
+The song is cast in the natural minor scale of D. The E-flat near the
+beginning of the second line does not belong to the scale. It is not
+well defined on the record, and so is indicated in the transcription
+with an interrogation-mark beneath.
+
+Although not confined to the intervals of the pentatonic scale, the
+number is distinctly pentatonic in character. It is made up mostly
+of the tones A, C, D, and E. These tones belong to the pentatonic
+scales of C major and its relative minor A. In tonality, the song
+cannot be considered as belonging to either of these keys, as there
+is a very distinct feeling of B-flat in it, notwithstanding that the
+tone is seldom dwelt upon, but passed over quickly, almost glissando,
+in nearly every place where it occurs.
+
+The song ends on A. This is not the key note, however, but is the
+fifth of the key.
+
+The song is like a mournful chant. Throughout there is a peculiar
+wailing which leaves a strange, haunting impression. The music
+admirably suits the hour when it is used. It would be decidedly
+incongruous given in broad daylight. These untutored savages could
+hardly have conjured up a more typical tone-picture of the "shadowy
+valley" than the song heard on this record.
+
+The peculiarly weird character is due in large part to the swelling out
+and dying away of the tones on certain syllables. (For comparison to
+effects found in Igorot music, see "Swelled Tones" under _Definition
+of Qualities_, p. 479).
+
+_Sang-Sangit_
+
+Record C. Sung during the evening following a funeral.
+
+In this record we hear but one voice--a man's. The song is cast in
+the minor scale of G, but whether the natural minor or the harmonic,
+cannot be determined, as the singer does not use the 7th of the
+scale. It is not pentatonic in character.
+
+The song is given in the recitative style. There are several verses
+which vary but little in the music, except for the changes in the
+reiterated staccato tones which are made greater or less in number to
+accommodate the difference in number of syllables. With the exception
+of those starting the glissandos or trills, the repeated tones were
+given with a very decided staccato punch.
+
+Much of the intonation is vague. In taking the glissandos shown near
+the middle of the top line, the upper tone is sung about half way
+between B-flat and B-natural. There is some abandon in the rhythm also.
+
+The group of six notes marked with an asterisk are trilled on the
+semitone interval.
+
+_Dawak_
+
+Record D. The song of a medium when calling spirits into her (his)
+body.
+
+This song is doubtless the invention of the singer. It has that abandon
+which usually characterizes the songs of workers in the occult among
+primitive folk.
+
+The song is cast mostly in the relative minor (G-sharp) of the
+pentatonic scale of B-natural major. A-sharp does not belong to this
+scale. There are five measures, where this note appears, but in each
+instance the tonality of the phrase momentarily rests in D-sharp minor,
+the relative of the pentatonic major of F-sharp. A-sharp belongs to
+this scale, but B-natural does not. The singer, with his instinct for
+the five-note scale, avoids the B-natural until the tonality shifts
+back to the original key. The song is therefore classed as pentatonic
+in character.
+
+The melody is distinctly harmonic in structure, as nearly all of the
+successions are made up of triad intervals.
+
+Though the song runs but a minute and a half, the tempo changes eight
+times. The performer takes nearly every new tempo with a well-defined
+rhythm. There is considerable freedom shown in the first movement
+when the tremolos between B-natural and the G-sharp below are taken.
+
+The singer shows quite remarkable flexibility of voice, excellent
+breath control, and a rather surprising quality of tone and accuracy
+of intonation. As a demonstration of flexibility, about the middle of
+the first movement, he takes the quarter note B-natural in falsetto
+and immediately drops into the waver a tenth below, at the same time
+assuming his natural voice. The falsetto tone is indicated in the
+transcription by a tiny circle above the note. All of the wavered
+tones, as well as the falsetto at the beginning and the turn at the
+end are sung with one breath to a single syllable. This is quite
+a remarkable performance considering that the singer had no voice
+training.
+
+Near the opening of the first 2/4 movement is shown a group of five
+notes given in the time of four,--a rhythmic effect few trained
+musicians can execute well.
+
+Of the various performers who took part in making the fourteen records,
+this singer shows the best voice technic and control.
+
+The fact that the singer scarcely repeats a single motive throughout
+the extent of the song, but is constantly introducing new tonal ideas
+argues an extempore performance. It would be interesting to have for
+comparison another record of the same song made at another time.
+
+_Song of a Spirit_
+
+Record E. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.
+
+Melodically this song is quite in contrast with the _Dawak_. This
+one is distinctly melodic in structure, though there are suggested
+harmonies. These harmonies are mostly tonic and dominant alternating
+one with the other.
+
+Using a two-measure motive, which he announces at the very start,
+the singer works the material over and over, first in one harmonic
+mode and then in the other, frequently changing the form of the motive
+through embellishments or altered metric values, but always leaving
+an impression which harks back to the original motive.
+
+Arrange the various tones of this melody in any order that we will,
+we cannot make them conform to any diatonic scale used in modern
+music. If, however, we ignore the C-flat, which occurs twice in the
+song, it gives us an incomplete ascending melodic-minor scale in
+D-flat. But the song is not minor in mode. It is distinctly major
+in tonality. It is formed mostly of the four tones D-flat, E-flat,
+A-flat, and B-flat. All of these belong to the pentatonic major scale
+of D-flat. This gives a very marked pentatonic flavor, yet the song
+is not in the pentatonic scale, for the singer introduces half steps,
+and there are no such intervals in the pentatonic scale.
+
+Casting about among the scales used by various peoples, the nearest
+approach I find to the tonal succession of this song is one of the
+numerous scales or "tunings" used by the Japanese. It is that known
+as the "Hirajoshi." To make comparison easy, I have transposed this
+Japanese koto-tuning into the same key as that of the song. Along
+with it I show the tonal material of the Tinguian song arranged in
+corresponding sequence.
+
+It will be seen that every note in the Japanese scale is found also
+in the Tinguian, though not always in the same octave. All of the
+Tinguian tones are found in the Japanese scale except the C-flat and
+D-flat. These exceptions are shown with their stems turned down. The
+notes shown in white in the Tinguian scale are not sung at the pitch
+indicated, but occur in the song as octaves of these tones. The black
+notes therefore show the actual tones sung. It will be noticed that
+in the arrangement of the notes the opening tone is repeated a few
+notes later on. This is because the Japanese usually tune the koto
+with the first and fifth strings in unison to facilitate the execution
+of certain passages in their music.
+
+The "Jog," heard so frequently in the Igorot songs, occurs eight times
+in this number. It is not quite so well defined here, however, as in
+the _Dang-dang-ay,_ being modified in this song either by syncopation,
+by phrasing, or by lack of accent. It is interesting to note however,
+that it is always given on the tonic or the dominant, and also that
+it is repeated in true Igorot style.
+
+The unconcern and skill with which the performer of this song unravels
+the mixed up duplet and triplet groups, is evidence of his inherent
+sense of rhythm, as it pertains to the symetry of note groups and
+their embodiment as beat-units into larger, varying measure-units;
+but his indifference, as he juggles his metric values of 2/4, 3/8, and
+3/4 time, shows an entire absence of appreciation for form as revealed
+in even-measured sections, phrases, and periods of modern music.
+
+Considered in the light of an oracle from the spirit himself speaking
+through the medium, the music would indicate that the spectre is not
+one of the gentle and kind disposition, but on the contrary is very
+domineering. He is of frightful mien, and tries to terrorize all who
+come under his sway.
+
+_Song of a Spirit_
+
+Record F. Sung by a medium when possessed by a spirit.
+
+This song is very similar in general character to the _Dawak_,
+and many qualities in it indicate that it is given by the same
+performer. It has the same general formation as the _Dawak_. It is
+harmonic in construction. Nearly all of its tones follow the triad
+intervals of either the minor or its relative major tonic chords or
+the minor dominant chord. There is no well-marked motive development
+but instead a succession of tones first from one triad, then from
+another, and so on, grouped in ever varying fashion.
+
+The key is G minor, but closes in the relative major B. While singing
+in the minor, the performer follows modern methods and raises his
+seventh or "leading tone," when the progression is upwards into the
+tonic (see measures 10, 13, 25, and 27).
+
+The tempo is mostly 108, but at the tenth measure the movement
+slows down to 80. At this point is shown a note with a large circle
+above. This tone was taken with a very wide open mouth quite in
+contrast with the one preceeding. The next measure following shows
+two tones taken falsetto.
+
+Like the Dawak, this song is probably the composition of the
+singer. Although very primitive in its general aspect, it has absorbed
+from some source a bit of modern influence.
+
+If the surmise is correct that the performer of this song is the same
+as the one who made the record of the _Dawak_, and if the two songs
+were made at distinct times with a considerable period elapsing in
+which other records were made, it would indicate, as is frequently the
+case among primitive singers, that this performer almost invariably
+sings at the same pitch. In other words, he has to some degree the
+sense of absolute pitch.
+
+_Bagoyas_
+
+Record G. A song of praise and compliment sung by a guest at a feast
+or party. Words are extempore, but music constant.
+
+The singer is a tenor with considerable dramatic quality in his
+voice. The words of the song must be extemporized to suit each new
+occasion; so also, must the elemental tonal forms be extemporaneously
+combined, for the music must fit the words, and these will vary in
+rhythm and meter with each performance. The music may be considered
+constant, however, in that the form of each component motive is more
+or less fixed.
+
+The following five group-ingredients, used either in the pure form
+as shown, or with slight alterations, make up approximately one-half
+of the entire song.
+
+Reiterated tones and glissandos pad out between these and make up
+practically the remainder of the number.
+
+Turning our attention to the first of the above groups, which I have
+marked "M.M.1." (melodic motive), we find that it is used nearly a
+score of times throughout the extent of the song.
+
+A motive may be modified in ten different recognized ways and each form
+of modification employed in varying degrees, within certain limits,
+and yet the motive will not loose its identity. As an example of this
+we find in this song the first melodic motive _transposed_ from the
+fourth degree of the scale (where it is originally announced) to the
+first, the fifth, and the sixth degrees. We find the same motive
+given with _omissions_, with _additions_, with _augmentations_,
+with _contractions_, and with _altered rhythmic values_; in short,
+the composer has turned this motive over and over, and unwittingly
+developed it much after the manner used by musicians trained in the
+art of composition. The fact that this motive is given four times
+rhythmically and melodically intact, besides recurring frequently
+throughout the composition in one or another of the accepted forms of
+modification, argues that this melodic germ was a familiar tone-figure
+to the singer, one that he could apply to most any syllable on which
+he wished to dwell. In this connection it is interesting to note that
+this motive, in its purest form, is always used in a transitional way,
+not only musically, but rhetorically, thus "marking time," as it were,
+while the improvisator chooses his next words of praise.
+
+The second melodic motive (M.M.2.) occurs at least five times, with
+some transformations to be sure, and sometimes even overlapping the
+first motive. The third (R.M.) is purely rhythmic, but seems to be
+a pet device of the singer and helps him out with syllables needing
+special emphasis. The fourth can hardly be dignified by the name of
+motive, in this case, but is simply a musical device (M.D.), used by
+the singer mostly in his terminations.
+
+I surmise that the song in its entirety, including the above elemental
+groups, is the invention of the singer. He has equipped himself with
+these particular tonal fragments, because they not only suit his fancy,
+but lie well within the range of his vocal attainments. He has used
+them so frequently and in such varied forms that he can instantly
+twist, turn, or alter them to fit the requirements of the various
+syllables of his ever changing flatteries.
+
+With a few such elemental groups of his own invention at command,
+any singer would be well equipped to extemporize for the delectation
+of his host and the entertainment of the other guests.
+
+The song is exceptional for strongly accented notes. The triplets
+giving the value of three quarter notes in the time of two are rather
+unusual in modern music. It is cast in the natural minor scale
+of B-flat. The singer never uses either the raised 6th or 7th in
+ascending, as do moderns in the melodic minor, but adheres strictly
+to the old _normal_ or _natural minor_ form.
+
+Although diatonic, in that both the G-flat and C-natural appear
+frequently, yet the number savors much of the pentatonic.
+
+At three places where the singer uses one or the other of the tones
+foreign to the pentatonic scale, he makes half-step progressions.
+
+In the fourth line of the song we find the single instance in these
+records, where the performer takes an upward glissando. It is on the
+two-note embellishment F-natural G-flat shown in the last measure of
+that line. It is immediately followed by a downward glissando.
+
+Balalognimas
+
+Record II.
+
+Two singers are heard on this record. They seem to be women. Possibly
+there are more than the two voices. As the song has such a well-defined
+swing and such a martial character, it must be wonderfully inspiring
+when given by a large company of singers.
+
+It is cast in the natural minor diatonic scale of C-sharp, though it
+is strongly pentatonic in character.
+
+The rhythm is partly 5/8 and partly 4/8, but it swings along so
+naturally that it seems as if it could not be otherwise.
+
+The distribution of the accents, sometimes falling on the first
+and third beats and again on the second and fourth, helps to give
+it a character which puts it in a class by itself. It has the most
+character of any of the women's songs in this group.
+
+There are several verses to the song almost precisely alike in words
+and music.
+
+_Da-Eng_. Boys and Girls Alternating.
+
+Record I. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.
+
+This song is in two distinct movements or parts varying one from the
+other in meter, in tempo, and in general style.
+
+Part 1
+
+There are at least two voices discernible in this part. They seem to
+be the voices of girls or women.
+
+It is cast in the relative minor (C) of the pentatonic scale of E-flat
+major. The tones of this scale given in order are C, E-flat, F, G,
+B-flat, and then the octave C. The tones D-natural and A-flat are
+missing, thus avoiding the half step between D and E-flat, and between
+G and A-flat (see remarks in pentatonic scale under _Definition of
+Qualities_, p. 480).
+
+The A-flat shown in the third from the last measure of this part is
+written there to define more clearly that particular glissando which
+seems to be of slightly different rhythmic construction than the one
+in the corresponding measure above. The fact that the tone is passed
+over glissando eliminates it from the scale.
+
+In the fourth measure of each line we find a peculiar splitting up of
+the parts, one voice holding the C, while the other skips to the E-flat
+above, thus producing the harmony-interval of a minor third. This
+behavior seems to be intentional on the part of the performers, as
+it occurs precisely the same in each of the four lines of the song,
+though not quite so well defined the last time owing to the fact that
+the upper voice does not come out so strong on the E-flat. This is
+indicated in the notation by a small square note.
+
+Part 1 is in the very unusual rhythm of 5/4. The rhythm is not
+well defined, however, as there is considerable abandon in the
+style of rendition. The metronome tempo of 69 applies practically
+throughout. Sometimes the singers are a trifle in advance of the count
+and at others drag behind, but always sooner or later drop into the
+regular beat. A stress on each fifth count gives the number a rhythm
+of five. It is unique also in that each line has but five measures.
+
+Part 2
+
+In this, the same number of voices is heard as in the first part. The
+performers seem to be the same ones who sang from the beginning.
+
+The scale is the same as that of part 1. The intonation is very
+distinct and the character unmistakably pentatonic.
+
+In measure 2 there is the harmony-interval of a perfect fourth
+followed immediately by that of a minor third, the same succession
+as was used in the _Da-eng_, Girls' part (Record J). In the fourth
+and fifth measures of this part are found unprepared minor thirds,
+which also appear in Record J. These harmonies are not so primitive
+as those found in the boys' part of the same ceremony (see Record A).
+
+The tempo throughout this part is 80 and the rhythm strongly
+marked. There is a wait between the two lines. The machine was
+evidently stopped at this point or the needle raised and started
+again. Each line has the uncommon number of five measures the same
+as the first part, but metrically the part is in 4/4 rhythm.
+
+The second time through, the singers seem to be striving to repeat
+the first line of the movement with embellishments consisting of
+inverted mordents, appogiature, and trills.
+
+Musically, there seems to be absolutely no connection between this
+song and the other two of the same ceremony. In many ways this song
+is the most interesting of those submitted. In origin it probably
+dates between the other two.
+
+It is not given consecutively on the record, as there were breaks
+between each two lines while the needle was raised.
+
+_Da-Eng_. Girls' part.
+
+Record J. Sung while dancing in a religious ceremony.
+
+The record shows but two voices one of which is greatly predominant
+in strength and confidence as if it were the leader's voice.
+
+The song is cast in the scale of B minor. It is not pentatonic. The
+singers would employ, so an interrogation-mark is; placed below that
+be either A-natural or A-sharp, according to whether the scale is
+the _natural_ minor or the _harmonic_ minor, it is not possible to
+determine which tone the singers would employ, so an interrogation mark
+is placed below that note. The raised fourth (E-sharp), shown in the
+fifth measure of four out of the six verses, is perfectly intentional
+on the part of the singers, but musically, is to be interpreted as
+an accidental, and does not affect the scale of the song.
+
+In this song we again have the interval of a fourth without the sixth
+above. It occurs four times, each time followed immediately by the
+less primitive and more harmonious interval of a minor third. The
+minor third harmony also occurs in three other measures,--in these
+without preparation.
+
+These minor thirds are all the same,--B-D, the foundation of the
+tonic chord of the key,--evidence that the singers have a keen sense
+of the minor tonality.
+
+The tempo alternates between 96 and 108. The first half of each line
+is given at 96, but the second half is taken more rapidly at 108 beats
+per minute. Each of these rhythms is very evenly preserved, the time
+being well marked by accented notes and pulsations of the voice as
+shown in the score. The figures at the ends of the lines indicate
+the number of beats rest actually taken by the performers. Twice
+they take the normal number four, which, if preserved throughout,
+would place the song in the regular eight-measure form. Some of the
+measures are 4/4, and some are 3/4.
+
+In each verse of this song we find an example of the characteristic
+which I have termed a "jog." It is seen in each next-to-last measure
+with special sign beneath. The jogs in the 2nd, 4th, and 6th measures
+are the best defined (see table of special signs under _Introduction_,
+p. 444).
+
+There are three qualities in this song, which indicate that it is of
+more modern origin than either of the other two which belong to the
+same ceremony. The frequent and undoubtedly intentional use of the
+raised fourth giving the half step E-sharp to F-sharp; the persistent
+recurrence of the hardly primitive, minor-third harmony; and the fact
+that the song is not cast in the pentatonic scale, as are the other
+two records of the same ceremony, point to a more modern origin.
+
+It may be that in the earliest practice of this ceremony the girls
+or women did not participate, their parts having been a later
+addition. This could not be determined musically, however, without
+examining more records of songs from this or similar ceremonies.
+
+_Bogoyas_
+
+Record K. Sung by a woman.
+
+This is a woman's song of praise, complimentary to the host at a party.
+
+The singer makes use of all the scale tones of the major key of E-flat,
+except the D-natural. The B-natural found in the next-to-last measure
+is a passing tone, and does not affect the scale or tonality. At that
+point the suggested supporting harmony is an augmented triad upon
+the tonic leading into the subdominant. With the exception of this
+one measure, the song is in the five-note scale. Notwithstanding that
+this measure contains two A-flats and also the passing tone B-natural,
+both of which tones are foreign to this particular five-note scale,
+the song is not robbed of its pentatonic character.
+
+The rhythm of this song is interesting. It alternates throughout
+between 4/4 and 5/4. It might have been notated in 9/4 time instead,
+in which case it would have but five measures.
+
+The singer uses the downward glissandos, so characteristic of nearly
+all of the Tinguian songs of this group. These glissandos are indicated
+by oblique lines drawn beneath the tones covered by the slide.
+
+In the second measure there is an almost inaudible tone at the end
+of the glissando. It is indicated by a small, square note. Careful
+listening to the record at this point shows that the singer really
+leaves the principal tone E-flat and slides with a sudden dying-down
+of volume. The abruptness with which the sound of the voice fades as it
+starts the glissando, leaves the impression of E-flat still sounding.
+
+One tone in this song is given on the inhaled breath. It is indicated
+by a circle with a dot in the center placed beneath the note. This
+tone was produced well back in the throat, while the singer sharply
+inhaled the breath. This artifice, occasionally used by the Tinguian,
+is seldom, if ever, heard in the singing of civilized peoples (for
+other examples, see analysis of Record M, _Dang-dang-ay_).
+
+This song, given by a woman, has not the well-marked motive development
+shown in the other _Bogoyas_, sung by a man. However, we find two quite
+distinct, prevailing ideas set forth. The first includes the whole of
+the first measure and the first beat of the second. It seems to be
+in the nature of a question which finds its answer in the remainder
+of the second measure, and again in the third, and again in the
+fourth measure. It is the same answer, but expressed each time in a
+little different manner. In the fifth measure and carrying over into
+the sixth, the questioning is heard again. Although put forth in a
+different arrangement of tones, it is the same musical thought as that
+expressed in the first measure. This time it is answered but once. The
+answer takes parts of two measures. Now follows another query similar
+to the first, and again comes the answer fully expressed in each of
+the two concluding measures.
+
+The principal interest in this centers around the B-natural, indicating
+that the singer has a very decided appreciation of the half step
+and of the upward leading tendency of a tone raised a semitone by
+an accidental.
+
+_Na-Way_
+
+Record L. Sung at the celebration which closes the period of mourning
+for the dead.
+
+There are two voices heard in the record, probably women. In ten
+of the measures there is a splitting up of the parts. In the first
+measure of each of the second and third lines, and also in the third
+measure of the third line, the difference in the parts is owing to
+uncertainty of attack, one of the singers, usually the leader, starting
+the syllable ahead of the other performer. In the second measure of
+the last line, the first divergence is caused by the leader taking E
+by way of embellishment; and the second divergence, producing a minor
+third, is caused by the other voice dropping to B too soon. These are
+not intentional harmonies. The other six departures from unison are
+caused by the leader embellishing her part. The appogiatura, shown
+with a tiny circle above, has the quality of falsetto. The singer
+yodles down to the principal tone B.
+
+The song is strictly pentatonic. Peculiarly enough, it may be
+considered as belonging to any one of the following tonalities, B
+minor, E minor, or G major, though there is no G in the melody. The
+song seems the most primitive, however, when considered in the key
+of E minor, for the harmonies required to place it in this tonality
+carry more of the primitive atmosphere than do the chords which are
+required in either of the other tonalities.
+
+In this connection it would be interesting to know just how these
+various harmonizations would appeal to the Tinguian. It is a well-known
+fact among musicians who have recorded the songs of primitive peoples,
+that though the songs are used with practically no harmonies, yet the
+singers feel an harmonic support which they do not express. Experiments
+along this line have been tried with the American Indians. Various
+harmonizations of a given melody have been played for them, a melody
+which they themselves sing only in unison, and they have been very
+quick to choose the particular harmonic support which appeals to them
+as being an audible expression of the vague something which they feel
+within, but do not attempt to voice.
+
+The tones of this song when arranged to represent the scale of E minor
+coincide exactly with the scale tones of two of the tunings of the
+Japanese 13 stringed _koto_. These tunings were both borrowed by the
+Japanese from the Chinese by whom they were used as special tunings of
+the _ch'in_, or _kin_, one of the most ancient of musical instruments.
+
+In each of the eleven glissandos shown in the notation, the voices drop
+suddenly to approximately the tone shown by the small square note. The
+glides are taken diminuendo, the tone dying away completely. The
+sudden diminuation of tone taken with a glissando gives an effect
+something like a short groan. The song is in seven-measure periods.
+
+_Dang-Dang-Ay_
+
+Record M. Sung by women while pounding rice out of the straw and husks.
+
+Only one voice can be distinguished in the record. It is that of
+a woman.
+
+Though strongly pentatonic in character, the song is cast in
+the diatonic scale of F major. Metrically there is considerable
+freedom. 3/4, 4/4, and 5/4 rhythms are thrown in with the most
+haphazard abandon, yet it has the even pulsing which should dominate
+a song of this character.
+
+The song is in two rather distinct movements. The first, in spite
+of the two triplets thrown in at the first and third measures, has
+a straight-away motion which offers a striking contrast to the more
+graceful, swaying second part which is mostly in triplets. The change
+from one style to the other is made by the singer with no variation
+in tempo. It is therefore admirably adapted to accompany the regular
+falling of the pestles while beating out the rice.
+
+Near the close of the song are two notes with [Sun] over them. These
+were vocalized on the inhaled breadth (for other examples of Inhaled
+Tones, see analysis of Record K, _Bogoyas_).
+
+This song contains seven examples of the "Jog" (see _Definition
+of Qualities_, p. 479). Those in the second part of the song are
+the best defined. One of these is shown with open head. This jog is
+given the most nearly like the Igorot manner of execution of any of
+the examples found in these fourteen songs.
+
+In general character, this song somewhat resembles the Boys' Part of
+the _Da-eng_ ceremony (Record A).
+
+_Kuilay-Kuilay_
+
+Record N. Sung by women while passing liquor.
+
+There is one singer only on this record. It is a woman. The song is
+given in a lively, jolly, rollicking style.
+
+It is cast in the F major scale. The melody has good variety. At
+times it defines quite clearly the harmonic outline by following the
+tonal framework of the tonic, dominant, or subordinant chords. Passing
+tones are used more freely and naturally in this song than in any of
+the others.
+
+In the third measure of the fifth line, the singer very plainly
+vocalizes a half step from F to E. The second and fourth lines also
+show semitones, though these are not so distinctly given on the record
+as the other example.
+
+In the last measure of the third line there is a modulation into the
+tonality of B-flat which carries through two measures.
+
+In the fifth line are three accents which make the meter rather elusive
+at that point. The two small notes shown at the beginning of the
+third line seem to be spoken with no attempt at vocalization. They are
+notated, however, at the pitch of the speaking voice. The small note
+shown in the bottom line is given very faintly in the record and seems
+more like a muffled exclamation than an intentionally vocalized tone.
+
+The tempo throughout is quite regular, following the indicated pulse
+of 92 in both the 6/8 and 2/4 rhythms.
+
+In the latter part of the song there are a number of changes between
+duple and triple rhythm. The singer makes these changes with perfect
+ease and sings the groups with that exactness of proportion which
+characterizes the performance of most of the singers in these records.
+
+Musically this song is strikingly adapted to the purpose for which
+it is intended.
+
+_Tabulation of Qualities and Characteristics_.--The qualities found
+in the records have been tabulated under two main headings. Under the
+caption, "Rarely or Never Heard in Modern Music," are listed those
+qualities which, so far as present research goes, are so very unusual
+that they may be termed musical idiosyncrasies of the race. These
+qualities are so eccentric that if found in several of the songs,
+even if the number of songs be much in the minority, the qualities
+may be accepted as characteristics. [252]
+
+To receive recognition as a characteristic, any quality found under the
+other heading, "Commonly Heard," would necessarily have to show that it
+quite persistently occurred throughout a large majority of the songs.
+
+The columns of the large table, when read horizontally, show which
+qualities appear in a given song. Read vertically they show the
+degrees of dominance of the various qualities.
+
+The songs are grouped under two heads, those given by men and boys, and
+those given by women and girls. This will facilitate comparison of the
+degrees of dominance of the qualities found in the songs of each. [253]
+
+Numbers have been put down in some of the columns of the table. These
+figures indicate the number of times the quality appeared in the
+song. If the song has several verses on the record, and the quality
+appears the same number of times in each, then the tabulation gives the
+number of times in but a single verse. If the verses vary in the use
+of the quality, then an average has been struck and figure put down in
+the tabulation. In those songs where a certain quality occurs with such
+irregularity that it was impossible to represent the average without
+fractions, only the mark X has been put down in the table, simply to
+indicate that the quality was present. Such qualities as Tonality,
+Character, Structure, Scale, etc., naturally, with few exceptions, run
+through the whole song, and they are indicated by the X. Some songs
+have both of two opposed qualities. When this occurs, it is shown
+by checking both qualities. [254] Some qualities which were present,
+but indeterminable are indicated by an interrogation-point. [255]
+
+Following the tabulation is given a detailed explanation or definition
+of each of the qualities listed at the heads of the vertical columns.
+
+_Dying Tones_.--Found only at the end of some few glissandos. On
+the glide, the volume of sound diminishes so rapidly that when the
+final tone of the group is reached, the sound has practically died
+out. The effect is something like a short groan with no anguish in
+it. Sign,--same as a muted note, but written at the end of a glissando.
+
+_Muted Tones_.--Sort of half-articulated tones, if I may use that
+expression. Without more records of the same songs in which these are
+shown, it is not possible to determine whether they are intended by
+the singers as necessary parts of the records. Sign,--note with small
+square head.
+
+_Inhaled Tones_.--Tones produced well back in the throat while
+sharply inhaling the breath rather than exhaling it, as practiced
+almost universally by singers. Sign,--circle with dot in center.
+
+_Pulsated Tones_.--Tones of more than one beat sung with a rythmic
+stressing usually in accord with the time meter or some multiple
+of that meter. Pulsation is rarely heard among modern musicians,
+except in drilling ensemble singing. It is heard quite frequently in
+the singing of our American Indians and in the songs of several other
+primitive peoples. It occurs to some extent in nearly every one of the
+Tinguian men's songs. It is found in but one of those sung by women.
+
+Though pusation does serve to define the rhythm, I believe it is used
+by primitive peoples mostly as a purely aesthetic touch. It is indicated
+in the notation by the usual musical staccato sign thus, --.....
+
+_Swelled Tones_.--Tones usually of from two to four beats which are
+sung with increasing volume to the center, finishing with a decrescendo
+to the end. The Swell is sometimes applied to tones of more than four
+beats, but when so used, it looses some of its character. Swelled
+tones must be given to single syllables only, and they are the most
+effective when introduced several times in succession with but few, if
+any, intervening tones. The sign which I have used is double diverging
+lines followed by double converging lines placed under the note.
+
+In 1905 it was my privilege to transcribe a number of native songs
+from the singing of a group of Igorot. In these songs they made
+frequent use of swelled tones.
+
+_Downward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice from the topmost
+tone of a group to the lowest with no perceptible dwelling on any
+intermediate tone and without in any manner defining any of the tones
+lying between the extremes. Sign,--a straight line drawn obliquely
+downward beneath the group.
+
+_Upward Glissandos_.--An even sliding of the voice upward without
+sounding any of the intermediate tones. Sign,--a straight line drawn
+obliquely upward beneath the group.
+
+_Notes in Group, Beats in Measure, or Measures in Period_.--Groups of
+five seem to have no terrors for these people. In modern music it is
+extremely unusual to find notes grouped in fives, or measures having
+the rhythmic value of five beats, or periods made up of measures in
+fives. A study of the tabulation shows that the Tinguian have a rather
+natural bent for groupings in this number. It seems easy for them
+to drop into that metric form. I consider this trait, evidenced in
+their melodies, one of the marked characteristics of their music. [256]
+
+Groups of notes, beats, or measures in seven are so few in these
+records that we are not warranted in accepting it as a characteristic.
+
+_Jog_.--An over-emphasized short-appoggiatura with always either the
+tonic or dominant of the key as the principal tone. The first tone
+is usually an eighth or sixteenth in value, and must stand on the
+next degree above the principal tone. The principal tone is usually
+a quarter note or longer in value.
+
+In singing the jog, the short note is given a very pointed accent, the
+voice dropping quickly with a sort of jerk to the second, unaccented,
+sustained tone. It is executed without sliding, both tones being
+well-defined. To be most effective, it should be given two, three,
+or four times consecutively without intervening tones.
+
+This device was heard very frequently in the Igorot songs; in fact,
+some of their songs consisted of little else than the jog sounded
+first on tonic two or three times, then the same number of times on
+the dominant, then again on the tonic, then on the dominant, and so
+on back and forth.
+
+It would be interesting to know just how commonly this device is used
+in the singing of the Tinguian and also in the music of other tribes
+of these Islands. From it we might learn something of the contact of
+other tribes with the Igorot.
+
+Japanese Scales.--For structure of these scales, see analysis of those
+songs using one or another of the Japanese "tunings" or approximations
+to them.
+
+Tonality.--That entire group of harmonies which, intimately related to
+a foundation or "tonic" chord, may be considered as clustered around
+and drawn to it.
+
+Major Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones
+constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation
+tone, are found at distances of four and seven semitones respectively
+from it.
+
+Minor Tonality. That tonality in which the upper two of the three tones
+constituting its tonic chord, when ranged upward from its foundation
+tone, are found at distances of three and seven semitones respectively
+from it.
+
+Pentatonic Character. That peculiar essence or quality which a melody
+has when it is built up entirely or almost wholly of the tones of
+the pentatonic or five-note scale. The melody may employ sparingly
+one or both of the two tones foreign to the pentatonic scale, and
+yet its pentatonic character will not be destroyed.
+
+Diatonic Character. That quality which a melody takes on when the
+two tones which are foreign to the pentatonic scale of the same key
+or tonality are freely employed.
+
+I use this term in contradistinction to "Pentatonic Character," and
+not in contradistinction to "Chromatic," as it is usually employed
+in musical literature.
+
+Melodic Structure. That form of flowing succession of tones in
+which the accented tones, if considered in sequence, show dominant
+non-adherence to chord intervals.
+
+_Harmonic Structure_. That form of tonal succession in which the
+tones of the melody follow rather persistently the structural outline
+of chords.
+
+_Major Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent
+tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following
+arrangement of whole and whole-and-a-half-step intervals,--(whole)
+(whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole) (whole-and-a-half).
+
+_Minor Pentatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones,
+if considered in upward sequence, would show the following arrangement
+of whole and whole-and-a-half step intervals,--(whole-and-a-half)
+(whole) (whole) (whole-and-a-half) (whole).
+
+The pentatonic scale is markedly primitive in character. It is known
+to have been in use anterior to the time of Guido d'Arezzo, which
+would give it a date prior to the beginning of the 11th century. [257]
+
+Rowbotham ascribes the invention of scales to those primitive musicians
+who, striving for greater variety in their one-toned chants, added
+first one newly-discovered tone, then another, and another. [258]
+The pentatonic scale might have resulted from such chanting.
+
+Most of the primitive peoples of the present day do not seem to feel
+or "hear mentally" the half step. If musicians of early days had this
+same failing, it was only natural for them to avoid that interval
+by eliminating from their songs one or the other of each couplet of
+tones which if sung would form a half step, thus their chants would
+be pentatonic.
+
+Not only do people in the primitive state fail to sense the half step,
+but also people in modern environment who have heard very infrequently
+this smallest interval of modern music.
+
+Inability to sense this interval may be better understood when we
+stop to consider that most of us find it unnatural and difficult
+to hear mentally the still smaller quarter-step interval or one of
+the even-yet-smaller sub-divisions of the octave which some peoples
+have come to recognize through cultivation, and have embodied in
+their music.
+
+This tendency to avoid the half step and develop along the line of
+pentatonic character is sometimes seen in our own children when they
+follow their natural bent in singing. It has been my observation
+that children with some musical creative ability, but unaccustomed
+to hearing modern music with its half steps, almost invariably hum
+their bits of improvised melody in the pentatonic scale.
+
+_Major Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent tones if
+considered in upward sequence would show the following arrangement
+of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (whole) (half) (whole)
+(whole) (whole) (half).
+
+_Natural Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the constituent
+tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show the following
+arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole)
+(whole) (half) (whole) (whole).
+
+_Harmonic Minor Diatonic Scale_. That scale in which the
+constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show
+the following arrangement of half, whole and whole-and-a-half step
+intervals,--(whole) (half) (whole) (whole) (half) (whole-and-a-half)
+(half).
+
+_Melodic Minor Diatonic Scale_ (_Ascending_). That scale in which
+the constituent tones, if considered in upward sequence, would show
+the following arrangement of whole and half step intervals,--(whole)
+(half) (whole) (whole) (whole) (whole) (half).
+
+_Falsetto_. Artificial or strained head-tones which sound an octave
+above the natural tone. Sign,--a tiny circle above the note.
+
+In record L. _Naway_ is shown one falsetto tone. It is unusual to
+find this effect in a woman's voice.
+
+_Semitones Sung_. This needs no definition. The classification is put
+down to show to what extent these singers appreciate the half-step
+intervals, and are able to vocalize it (see preceeding definition
+of Pentatonic Scale for footnote relative to appreciation of this
+interval). Sign,--curved bracket above or below the notes.
+
+In these records the men use the half-step interval in six of their
+seven songs, while the women make use of it in but three of their
+eight songs.
+
+_Appoggiature_. These, with the exception of one double one shown in
+the _Bagoyas_ (Record G), are all of the single, short variety. The
+singers execute them with the usual quickness heard in modern music,
+but with the accent about equally divided between the appoggiatura
+and the principal tone. In the transcription they are indicated by
+the usual musical symbol,--a small eighth note with a slanting stroke
+through the hook.
+
+_Mordents_. Those used in these songs are all of the "inverted"
+kind, and were executed by the singers in the manner used by modern
+musicians; that is, by giving a quick, single alternation of the
+principal tone with the next scale tone above. Indicated in the score
+by the usual musical symbol.
+
+_Trills and Wavers_. These need no comment except to call attention
+to the fact that there are none found in the regular songs of
+the women. The one shown in Record I (_Da-eng,_ Boys and Girls
+alternating) is in the boys' part.
+
+_Changing Between Duple and Triple Rhythm_. I consider this quite a
+striking quality in these songs. Some primitive peoples show little
+concern over such rhythmic changes, in fact, among some races where
+percussive instruments are used to accompany the singing, we frequently
+hear the two rhythms at the same time fitted perfectly one against
+the other. This is especially true among our American Indians.
+
+While it is not uncommon to find compositions in modern music using
+these two rhythms alternately, they are alternated rather sparingly. A
+great many musicians have difficulty in passing smoothly from one to
+the other, preserving perfect proportions in the note values.
+
+In noting down in the table the findings under this head, I have
+put down under each song, not the number of duple or triple or
+quadruple groups in the song, but rather the number of "changes"
+which occur. After one has made the transition from one style of
+rhythm to the other, and has the new "swing" established, manifestly
+it is no special feat to follow along in that same kind of measure;
+but the real test is the "change" to the rhythm of the other sort. For
+instance, in the Song of the Spirit (Record E), I find but 31 measures
+and parts of measures which are in triple rhythm, yet the singer had
+to change his meter 47 times to execute these. On the other hand,
+the _Dang-dang-ay_ (Record M), has in it 21 triple-time measures and
+triplet groups of notes, but because of the persistence of the triple
+rhythm, when once established in the second part, the song requires
+a changing of swing but 17 times.
+
+Because of the frequency of changes found throughout these songs,
+and noting, as heard in the records, the precision with which, in
+nearly every instance, a new rhythm is taken, I conclude that the
+Tinguian have a remarkable grasp of different metric values, which
+enables them to change readily from one to the other. Naturally this
+trait would stamp itself upon their music, and I consider the use of
+such frequent metric changes a dominant characteristic.
+
+Although frequent rhythmic change is also strongly characteristic
+of the music of some other peoples, as I have indicated elsewhere,
+it is important to tabulate it here to differentiate the Tinguian
+from those peoples who do not make use of it.
+
+_Minor 3rds, Perfect 4ths, and Perfect 5ths_. These are the only
+intentional harmonies found in these songs. It is interesting to note
+that the only examples are in the _Da-eng_ ceremony, where all three
+are used, some in one part and some in another.
+
+Among some primitive peoples, only the men take part in the songs. The
+early chanting of all peoples was quite likely by men. Probably the
+most primitive harmony was a perfect fifth resulting from the attempt
+of men with different ranges to sing together. The difference between
+a bass and a tenor voice is just about a fifth. Between an alto and
+a soprano it is about a fourth. The difference in these voices made
+it impossible to sing melodies of wide range in unison, and so the
+basses and tenors sang in consecutive fifths. When women took up the
+chanting, they sang either in fifths or in fourths.
+
+These harmonies appealed to them, and so continued in use even when
+there was no exigency on account of restricted range.
+
+Referring again to the _Da-eng_ ceremony, it is interesting to observe
+that the three different parts of this ceremony are in distinct scales,
+and that the part sung by the girls alone, is diatonic in character
+while the other two parts are pentatonic.
+
+_Conclusion_.--I have long been of the opinion that the music of
+different peoples should be given more consideration by scientists
+in their endeavor to trace cultural relationships. In years gone by,
+ethnologists have attached too little importance to the bearing which
+music has on their science.
+
+I am of the opinion that every peculiarity, even to the smallest
+element that enters into the make-up of a given melody, has some
+influence back of it which has determined the element and shaped
+it into combination. It is not unlikely that a thorough study of
+the music would reveal these influences, and through them establish
+hitherto unknown ethnological facts.
+
+I believe that a careful study of a large number of the songs or
+instrumental pieces of a people will reveal a quite definite general
+scheme of construction which can be accepted as representative of
+that people alone; and if such an analysis be made of the music of
+many peoples and the findings so tabulated that the material will
+be comprehensible to ethnologists trained to that branch of musical
+research, many interesting and instructive side-lights will be thrown
+on the question of tribal relationship.
+
+I realize that to examine exhaustively and then tabulate the
+characteristics found in the music of just one of the many peoples
+of the globe would be something of an undertaking; but nevertheless
+I believe the work should be undertaken in this large way, and when
+it is, I am sure the results will justify the experiment.
+
+I appreciate that there is an intangible something about music, which
+may prove baffling when it comes to reducing it to cold scientific
+symbols and descriptions. Take, for instance, quality of tone. Each
+one of us knows perfectly the various qualities of the different
+speaking voices of friends and acquaintances, yet how many of us can
+so accurately describe those qualities to a stranger that he also may
+be able to identify the voices among a thousand others. The tabulation
+of such elusive qualities would have to be in very general terms. Such
+indefinable characteristics would, to some extent, have to depend
+for comparison upon the memory of those workers who had received
+first-hand impressions. It would be something like a present-day
+musician identifying an unfamiliar composition as belonging to the
+"French school," the "Italian school," or the "Russian school;"
+and yet, this same musician might not be able to point out with
+definiteness a single characteristic of that particular so-called
+"school."
+
+Though I have held these opinions for several years, I am more
+than ever convinced, since examining these few Tinguian records,
+that something really tangible and worth while can be deduced from
+the music of various primitive peoples, and I trust this branch of
+ethnology will soon receive more serious recognition.
+
+Manifestly it would be unwise to draw any unalterable conclusions
+from the examination of but fourteen records of a people. But even
+in this comparatively small number of songs, ranging as they do
+over such a variety of applications and uses, it is possible to
+see tendencies which the examination of more records may confirm as
+definite characteristics.
+
+While it would be presumptuous at this time to attempt to formulate a
+Tinguian style, I trust that what I have tabulated may prove valuable
+in summing up the total evidence, which will accumulate as other
+surveys are made; and if perchance, the findings here set down and
+the conclusions tentatively drawn from them help to clear up any
+obscure ethnological point, the effort has been well spent.
+
+_Albert Gale_.
+
+
+
+CONCLUSIONS
+
+
+The first impression gained by the student of Philippine ethnology
+is that there is a fundamental unity of the Philippine peoples, the
+Negrito excepted, not only in blood and speech, but in religious
+beliefs and practices, in lore, in customs, and industries. It is
+realized that contact with outside nations has in many ways obscured
+the older modes of thought, and has often swamped native crafts,
+while each group has doubtless developed many of its present customs
+on Philippine soil; yet it seems that enough of the old still remains
+to proclaim them as a people with a common ancestry. To what extent
+this belief is justified can be answered, in part, by the material
+in the preceding pages.
+
+A study of the physical types has shown that each group considered
+is made up of heterogeneous elements. Pigmy blood is everywhere
+evident, but aside from this there is a well-marked brachycephalic
+and a dolichocephalic element. With the latter is a greater tendency
+than with the first for the face to be angular; the cheek bones
+are more outstanding, while there is a greater length and breadth
+of the nose. Individuals of each type are found in all the groups
+considered, but taken in the average, it is found that the Ilocano
+and Valley Tinguian fall into the first or round-headed class, the
+Bontoc Igorot are mesaticephalic, while between them are the mountain
+Tinguian and Apayao.
+
+Judging from their habitat and the physical data, it appears that
+the Igorot groups were the first comers; that the brachycephalic
+Ilocano-Tinguian arrived later and took possession of the coast,
+and that the two groups have intermarried to form the intermediate
+peoples. However, a comparison of our Luzon measurements with the
+people of southern China and the Perak Malay leads us to believe
+that the tribes of northwestern Luzon are all closely related to
+the dominant peoples of southern China, Indo-China, and Malaysia in
+general, in all of which the intermingling of these types is apparent.
+
+The dialects of northwestern Luzon, while not mutually intelligible,
+are similar in morphology, and have a considerable part of their
+vocabularies in common. Here again the Igorot is at one extreme, the
+Ilocano and Valley Tinguian at the other, while the intervening groups
+are intermediate, but with a strong leaning toward the coast tongue.
+
+Considering, for the moment, the Bontoc Igorot and the Tinguian, it is
+found that both have certain elements of culture which are doubtless
+old possessions, as, for instance, head-hunting, terraced rice-fields,
+iron-working, a peculiar type of shield, and a battle-axe which they
+share with the Apayao of Luzon and the Naga of Assam.
+
+A part or all of these may be due to a common heritage, at any rate,
+they help to strengthen the feeling that in remote times these
+peoples were closely related. But a detailed study of their social
+organizations; of their ceremonies, songs, and dances; of their customs
+at birth, marriage, death, and burial; of their house-building; as
+well as the details of certain occupations, such as the rice culture,
+pottery making, and weaving, indicates that not only have they been
+long separated, but that they have been subjected to very different
+outside influences, probably prior to their entry into the Philippines.
+
+It is not in the province of this monograph to deal with the probable
+affiliations of the Igorot, neither is it our intention to attempt
+to locate the ancient home of the Tinguian, nor to connect them with
+any existing groups. However, our information seems to justify us in
+certain general conclusions. It shows that the oft repeated assertions
+of Chinese ancestry are without foundation. It shows that, while trade
+with China had introduced hundreds of pieces of pottery and some
+other objects into this region, yet Chinese influence had not been
+of an intimate enough nature to influence the language or customs,
+or to introduce any industry. On the other hand, we find abundant
+evidence that in nearly every phase of life the Tinguian were at one
+time strongly influenced by the peoples to the south, and even to-day
+show much in common with Java, Sumatra, the Malay Peninsula, and
+through them with India. As a case in point we find in the procedure
+at birth that the Tinguian are in accord with the Peninsular Malay
+in at least eight particulars, some of which, such as the burning
+of a fire beside the mother and newborn babe for a month or more,
+the frequent bathing of both in water containing leaves and herbs,
+the "fumigating" of the baby, the throwing of ashes to blind evil
+spirits, are sufficiently distinctive to indicate a common source,
+particularly when they still occur together in connection with one
+of the great events of life.
+
+Frequent reference has been made to the parallels between Tinguian
+customs and those practiced in Sumatra, while the methods of
+rice-culture are so similar that they can have come only from the same
+source. In the weaving the influence of India seems evident, despite
+the fact that cotton is not bowed in Abra, and the Tinguian method
+of spinning seems unique. These methods, apparently distinctive,
+may once have been practised more broadly, but were superseded by
+more efficient instruments. The primitive method of ginning cotton by
+rolling it beneath a tapering rod appears to be found nowhere in the
+Philippines outside of Abra, but it is used in some remote sections
+of Burma.
+
+Part I of this volume presented a body of tales which showed many
+resemblances to the Islands of the south, as well as incidents of
+Indian lore. There is, in fact, a distinct feeling of Indian influence
+in the tales of the mythical period; yet they lack the epics of that
+people, and the typical trickster tales are but poorly represented.
+
+The vocabulary shows comparatively little of Indian influence; yet,
+at the time of the conquest, the Ilocano was one of the coast groups
+making use of a native script which was doubtless of Hindu origin.
+
+The many instances of Indian influence do not justify the
+supposition that the Tinguian were ever directly in contact with
+that people. The Malay islands to the south were pretty thoroughly
+under Hindu domination by the second century of the Christian era,
+and it is probable that they were influenced through trade at a
+considerably earlier date. Judging from our data, it would seem that
+the Ilocano-Tinguian group had left its southern home at a time after
+this influence was beginning to make itself felt, but before it was
+of a sufficiently intimate nature to stamp itself indelibly on the
+lore, the ceremonial and economic life of this people, as it did in
+Java and some parts of Sumatra. It is possible that these points of
+similarity may be due to trade, but if so, the contact was at a period
+antedating the fourteenth century, for in historic times the sea trade
+of the southern islands has been in the hands of the Mohammedanized
+Malay. Their influence is very marked in the southern Philippines,
+but is not evident in northwestern Luzon.
+
+Concerning the time of their arrival in Luzon, and the course
+pursued by them, we have no definite proof; but it is evident that
+the Tinguian did not begin to press inland until comparatively recent
+times. Historical references and local traditions indicate that most
+of this movement has taken place since the arrival of the Spaniards,
+while the distribution of the great ceremonies gives a further
+suggestion that the dominant element in the Tinguian population has
+been settled in Abra for no great period. The probable explanation for
+this distribution is that the interior valleys were sparsely settled
+with a population more akin to the Igorot than to the Tinguian,
+prior to the inland movement of the latter people; that the Tinguian
+were already possessed of the highly developed ceremonial life,
+before they entered Abra, and that this has been spread slowly,
+through intermarriage and migration, to the people on the outskirts
+of their territory.
+
+These ceremonies are still practised by some families now residing
+in Christianized settlements in Abra and Ilocos Sur, while discreet
+questioning soon brings out the fact that they were formerly present
+in towns which have long been recognized as Ilocano. The relationship
+of the Tinguian and Ilocano has already been shown by the physical
+data and historical references; but were these lacking, it requires
+but a little inquiry and the compilation of geneaological tables to
+show that many Ilocano families are related to the Tinguian. It is
+a matter of common observation that the chief barrier between the
+two groups is religion, and, once let the pagan accept Christianity,
+he and his family are quickly absorbed by the Ilocano.
+
+Uninterrupted trade with the coast in recent years, Spanish and
+American influence, have doubtless affected considerable changes in
+the Tinguian. If, however, we subtract recent introductions, it is
+probable that we have in the life of this tribe an approximate picture
+of conditions among the more advanced of the northern Philippine
+groups prior to the entry of the European into their islands.
+
+
+
+NOTES
+
+[1] The _Bontoc_ Igorot is taken as one of the least influenced and
+most typical of the Igorot groups.
+
+[2] On this point see _Cole_, The Distribution of the Non-Christian
+Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_American Anthropologist_, N.S., Vol. XI,
+1909, pp. 329-347).
+
+[3] These are Ballasio, Nagbuquel, Vandrell, Rizal, Mision, Mambog,
+and Masingit. Kadangla-an, Pila, Kolongbuyan (Sapang) and Montero
+are mixed Tinguian and Igorot.
+
+[4] See _Cole_, The Tinguian (_Philippine Journal of Science_,
+Vol. III, No. 4, Sect. A, 1908, pp. 197, _et seq_.).
+
+[5] _Beyer_ (Population of the Philippine Islands in 1916, p. 74,
+Manila, 1917) gives the population as 27,648.
+
+[6] North of Abra it is known as the Cordillera Norte.
+
+[7] This river traffic is entirely in the hands of the Christianized
+Ilocano. Rafts seldom proceed up the river beyond Bangued, the capital,
+and at low water even this distance is negotiated with difficulty.
+
+[8] Historical references to this trade, as well as to the Spanish
+invasion of Ilocos, will be found in _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos,
+Manila, 1890; _Fray Gaspar De S. Augustin_, Conquista de las Islas
+Filipinas (Manila, 1698), p. 267; _Medina_, Historia, translated
+in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XXIII,
+pp. 279, _et seq_. See also translation of _Loarca_ and others in
+same publication, Vol. III, p. 73, note; Vol. V, p. 109; Vol. XV,
+p. 51; Vol. XVII, p. 285.
+
+[9] _Loraca_, 1582, translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_.,
+Vol. V, p. 105.
+
+[10] _Laufer_, Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands
+(_Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections_, Vol. I, pp. 256, et seq.)
+
+[11] _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines (Field
+Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).
+
+[12] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XVII, p. 285; also III,
+p. 73, note; V, p. 109; XV, p. 51.
+
+[13] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXIV, pp. 287,
+_et seq._
+
+[14] _Colin_ (Labor Evangelica, Chap. IV, Madrid 1663), calls the
+Manguian of Mindoro and the Zambal, Tingues. _Morga, Chirino_, and
+_Ribera_ also use the same name for the natives of Basilan, Bohol,
+and Mindanao (see _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op cit_., Vols. IV,
+p. 300; X, p. 71; XIII, pp. 137,205). Later writers have doubtless
+drawn on these accounts to produce the weird descriptions sometimes
+given of the Tinguian now under discussion. It is said (_op. cit_.,
+Vol. XL, p. 97, note) that the radical _ngian_, in Pampanga, indicates
+"ancient," a meaning formerly held in other Philippine languages,
+and hence Tinguian would probably mean "old or ancient, or aboriginal
+mountain dwellers."
+
+[15] _Reyes_, Historia de Ilocos, p. 151 (Manila, 1890), also Filipinas
+articulos varios, p. 345 (Manila, 1887); _Blair_ and _Robertson_,
+_op. cit_., Vol. XIV, pp. 158-159; Vol. XXVIII, p. 167.
+
+[16] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXVIII, p. 158.
+
+[17] _Antonio Mozo_, _Noticia_ historico-natural (Madrid, 1763),
+in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XLVIII, p. 69.
+
+[18] These were: Tayum 1803; Pidigan 1823; La Paz and San Gregorio
+1832; Bukay (Labon) 1847. For further details of this mission see
+_Villacorta_, Breve resumen de los progresos de la Religion Catolica
+en la admirable conversion de los indios Igorotes y Tinguianes
+(Madrid, 1831).
+
+[19] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit_., Vol. XXXVIII, p. 199.
+
+[20] Discussions concerning the Chinese origin of the Tinguian will
+be found in _Mallat_, Les Philippines, Vol. I, pp. 212-213; Vol. II,
+pp. 104-7, 345 (Paris, 1846); _Plauchet_, L'Archipel des Philippines
+(_Revue des deux Mondes_, 1887, p. 442); _Buzeto y Bravo_, Diccionario
+geografico estadistico historico; _Semper_, Die Philippinen und ihre
+Bewohner (Wuerzburg, 1869); _Blumentritt_, Versuch einer Ethnographie
+der Philippinen (_Peterman's Mittheilungen_, 1882, No. 67); _Reyes_,
+Die Tinguianen (_Mittheilungen K. K. Geogr. Gesellschaft in Wien_,
+1887, p. 5, _et seq._); _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios (Manila,
+1887); _Sanchez y Ruiz_, Razas de Filipinas, usos y custombres, Memoria
+Exposicion General, pp. 51, 60, 138 (Manila, 1887); _Montblanc_,
+Les Isles Philippines, p. 22 (Paris, 1887); _Montero y Vidal_, El
+Archipelago Filipino, p. 289 (Manila, 1886); _Bowring_, A Visit to
+the Philippines, p. 171 (London, 1859); _Sawyer_, The Inhabitants of
+the Philippines, p. 276 (London, 1900); _Zuniga_, Historia, pp. 19-38
+(Sampaloc, 1803); _Colin_, Labor evangelica, Vol. I, chaps. 4, 12-14
+(Madrid, 1663); _Blair_ and _Robertson_ (The Philippine Islands,
+Vol. XL, pp. 316, _et seq._) give a translation of _San Antonio_
+Chronicas, written in Manila between 1738-44, also of _Colin_, Labor
+evangelica, of 1663; _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines
+(_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302).
+
+[21] _Paul De La Gironiere_, Vingt annees aux Philippines (Paris,
+1853); _Stuntz_, The Philippines and the Far East, p. 36 (New York,
+1904).
+
+[22] Quoted by _Paterno_, La antigua civilizacion Tagalog, pp. 122-123
+(Madrid, 1887).
+
+[23] _Brinton_, The Peoples of the Philippines (_Am. Anthropologist_,
+Vol. XI, 1892, p. 297). See also _De Quatrefages_, Histoire generale
+des races humaines, pp. 515-517, 527-528.
+
+[24] Census of the Philippine Islands of 1903, pp. 453-477.
+
+[25] The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon (_Philippine Journal
+of Science_, Vol. I, pp. 798, 851, Manila, 1906).
+
+[26] _Blumentritt_ (Ethnographie der Philippinen, Introduction;
+also _American Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 296) has advanced
+the theory of three Malay invasions into the Philippines. To the
+first, which is put at about 200 B.C., belong the Igorot, Apayao, and
+Tinguian, but the last are considered as of a later period. The second
+invasion occurred about A.D. 100-500, and includes the Tagalog, Visaya,
+Ilocano, and other alphabet-using peoples. The third is represented
+by the Mohammedan groups which began to enter the Islands in the
+fourteenth century.
+
+[27] _Brinton_ (_Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. XI, 1898, p. 302)
+states that the Ilocano of northwestern Luzon are markedly Chinese
+in appearance and speech, but he fails to give either authorities or
+examples to substantiate this claim. For Indian influence on Philippine
+dialects, see _Pardo De Tavera_, El sanscrito e la lingua tagalog
+(Paris, 1887); also _Williams_, Manual and Dictionary of Ilocano
+(Manila, 1907).
+
+[28] A detailed study of the language is not presented in this
+volume. The author has a large collection of texts which will be
+published at a later date, together with a study of the principal
+Tinguian dialects. A short description of the Ilocano language,
+by the writer, will be found in the New International Encyclopaedia.
+
+[29] A more detailed study of these tribes will be given in a
+forthcoming volume on Philippine Physical Types.
+
+[30] Observations on 13 Ilocano skulls are tabulated by _Koeze_
+(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 56-57, Haarlem, 1901-4).
+
+[31] A short series of Igorot skull measurements is given by _Koeze_
+(Crania Ethnica Philippinica, pp. 42-43, Haarlem, 1901-4).
+
+[32] _Am. Anthropologist_, 1906, pp. 194-195.
+
+[33] Notes sur les Chinois du Quang-si (_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. IX,
+1898, pp. 144-170).
+
+[34] The Races of Man, pp. 384, 577, _et seq_.(London, 1900).
+
+[35] _Martin_, Inlandstaemme der Malayischen Halbinsel, pp. 237, 351,
+358, 386 (Jena, 1905).
+
+[36] For measurements on the Northern Chinese and the Formosa
+Chinese see _Koganei_, Messungen an chinesischen Soldaten
+(_Mitt. med. Fak. k. japan. Univ. Tokio_, 1903, Vol. VI, No. 2), und
+Messungen an maennlichen Chinesen-Schaedeln (_Internat. Centralblatt
+fuer Anthropologie_, 1902, pp. 129, _et seq_.).
+
+[37] For other observations on Malaysia, in general, see _Annandale_
+and _Robinson_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst.,_ Vol. XXXII, 1902); _Keane_,
+Ethnology (Cambridge, 1907); _Duckworth_ (_Jour. Anth. Inst._,
+Vol. XXXII); _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (The Pagan Tribes of Borneo,
+Vol. II, pp. 311, _et seq._) give results by _Haddon_; _Hamy_
+(_L'Anthropologie_, Vol. VII, Paris, 1896); _Hagen_, Anthropologische
+Studien aus Insulinde (Amsterdam, 1890); _Sullivan_, Racial Types in
+the Philippine Islands (_Anth. Papers, American Museum of Nat. Hist._,
+Vol. XIII, pt. 1, New York, 1918).
+
+[38] _Sullivan_ (_Anthropological Papers, American Museum
+Nat. History_, Vol. XXIII, pt. 1, p. 42) gives a graphic correlation of
+Stature, Cephalic and Nasal Indices, which shows a striking similarity
+between the Tagalog and Pangasinan of the Philippines, and the Southern
+Chinese. Had he made use of Jenks's measurements of the Bontoc Igorot,
+that group would also have approached quite closely to those already
+mentioned. The same method applied to the Ilocano and Tinguian shows
+them to conform to this type.
+
+[39] See Traditions of the Tinguian (this volume, No. 1).
+
+[40] The eating of double bananas or vegetables is avoided, as it is
+thought to result in the birth of twins. The birth of twin girls is
+a particular misfortune; for their parents are certain to fare badly
+in any trades or sales to which they may be parties.
+
+[41] The importance of gratifying the longings of pregnant women
+appears in the legends of the Malay Peninsula. See _Wilkinson_, Malay
+Beliefs, p. 46 (London, 1906). _Hildebrandt_ states that the Indian
+law books such as Yajnavalkya (III, 79) make it a duty to fulfill
+the wishes of a woman at this time, since otherwise the embryo would
+be exposed to injury. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. II,
+p. 650.
+
+[42] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 124, 185.
+
+[43] See _op. cit_., p. 105.
+
+[44] See _op. cit_., pp. 144, _et seq_.
+
+[45] See _op. cit_., p. 18.
+
+[46] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180.
+
+[47] To produce a miscarriage, a secret liquor is made from the bark
+of a tree. After several drinks of the brew, the abdomen is kneaded
+and pushed downward until the foetus is discharged. A canvass of forty
+women past the child-bearing age showed an average, to each, of five
+children, about 40 per cent of whom died in infancy. Apparently about
+the same ratio of births is being maintained at present.
+
+[48] The gifts vary according to the ceremony. For this event, the
+offerings consist of a Chinese jar with earrings fastened into the
+handles--"ears"--, a necklace of beads and a silver wire about its
+neck; a wooden spoon, a weaving stick, and some bone beads.
+
+[49] This is known as _palwig_.
+
+[50] This action is called _tolgi_.
+
+[51] In the San Juan district _Gipas_ is a separate two-day ceremony,
+which takes place about nine months after the birth. In Baak a part
+of the _Dawak_ ceremony goes by this name.
+
+[52] This is known as _inalson_, and is "such a blanket as is always
+possessed by a spirit." See p. 313.
+
+[53] This is also the method of delivery among the Kayan of Borneo. See
+_Hose_ and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 154
+(London, 1912), also _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District,
+Mindanao (Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII. No. 2,
+p. 100). _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 334, London, 1900) describes a
+similar method among the Malay.
+
+[54] Among the Bukidnon and Bila-an of Mindanao a bamboo blade is
+always employed for this purpose. The same is true of the Kayan
+of Borneo. _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _op. cit._, Vol. II, p. 155;
+_Cole_, _op. cit._, p. 143.
+
+[55] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185. It is
+also the belief of the Peninsular Malay that the incidental products
+of a confinement may be endowed with life (_Wilkinson_, Malay Beliefs,
+p. 30).
+
+[56] The character e, which appears frequently in the native names,
+is used to indicate a sound between the obscure vowel _e_, as in sun,
+and the _ur_, in burrow.
+
+[57] The number of days varies somewhat in different sections, and
+is generally longer for the first child than for the succeeding.
+
+[58] The custom of building a fire beside the mother is practised
+among the Malay, Jakun and Mantri of the Peninsula. In India,
+the practice of keeping a fire beside the newborn infant, in order
+to protect it from evil beings, is widespread. See _Tawney_, Katha
+Sarit Sagara, Vol. I, pp. 246, 305, note; Vol. II, p. 631 (Calcutta,
+1880). According to _Skeat_ (Malay Magic, p. 343), the Malay keep the
+fire burning forty-four days. The custom is called the "roasting of
+the mother." The same custom is found in Cambodia (see Encyclopaedia
+of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, pp. 32, 164, 347; Vol. VIII, p. 32).
+
+[59] This may be related to the Malay custom of fumigating the infant
+(see _Skeat_, _op. cit._, p. 338).
+
+[60] The following names are typical of this last class. For boys:
+Ab'beng, a child's song; Agdalpen, name of a spirit; Baguio, a storm;
+Bakileg, a glutton; Kabato, from _bato_, a stone; Tabau, this name is
+a slur, yet is not uncommon; it signifies "a man who is a little crazy,
+who is sexually impotent, and who will mind all the women say;" Otang,
+the sprout of a vine; Zapalan, from _zapal_, the crotch of a tree.
+For girls: Bangonan, from _bangon_, "to rise, to get up;" Igai, from
+_nigai_, a fish; Giaben, a song; Magilai, from _gilai_ the identifying
+slit made in an animal's ear; Sabak, a flower; Ugot, the new leaf.
+
+[61] In Madagascar children are oftentimes called depreciative names,
+such as Rat, with the hope that evil spirits will leave tranquil
+an infant for which the parents have so little consideration
+(_Grandidier_, Ethnologie de Madagascar, Vol. II).
+
+[62] In Selangor, a sick infant is re-named (_Skeat_, _op. cit._,
+p. 341).
+
+[63] _Reyes_, Filipinas articulos varios, 1st ed., pp. 144-5 (Manila,
+1887).
+
+[64] The Malay of the Peninsula bathe both mother and child morning
+and evening, in hot water to which certain leaves and blossoms are
+added. It is here described as an act of purification (_Skeat_,
+_op. cit._, pp. 334-5).
+
+[65] Also called _salokang_ (cf. p. 310).
+
+[66] Filipinas articulos varios, p. 144.
+
+[67] _F. De Lerena_, _Ilustracion Filipina_, No. 22, p. 254 (Manila,
+Nov. 15, 1860). An equally interesting account of Tinguian procedure
+at the time of birth will be found in the account of _Polo De Lara_,
+Islas Filipinas, tipos y costumbres, pp. 213, _et seq._
+
+[68] In San Juan. Ibal is always held in six months, unless illness
+has caused an earlier celebration. At this time the liver of a pig
+is carefully examined, in order to learn of the child's future.
+
+[69] In Likuan this takes place five days after the birth; in
+Sallapadan it occurs on the first or second day.
+
+[70] On the mat are placed, in addition to the medium's regular outfit,
+a small jar of _basi_, five pieces of betel-nut and pepper-leaf,
+two bundles of rice (_palay_) in a winnower, a head-axe, and a spear.
+
+[71] This is a _dakidak_ (cf. p. 311).
+
+[72] Such a taboo sign is here known as _kanyau_. It is not always
+used at the conclusion of this ceremony, but is strictly observed
+following the cutting of the first rice.
+
+[73] That is, a premature child.
+
+[74] Ashes are used against evil spirits by the Peninsular Malay
+(_Skeat_, Malay Magic, p. 325).
+
+[75] Sagai is the sound made when scratching away the embers of a fire.
+
+[76] From _maysa_, one; _dua_, two; _talo_, three.
+
+[77] This is also used as mockery. It has no exact English equivalent,
+but is similar to our slang "rubber."
+
+[78] In Patok only the agate bead (_napodau_) is used.
+
+[79] The less pretentious gathering, held by the very poor, is known
+as _polya_.
+
+[80] _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon
+(_Philippine Jour. of Science_, Vol. I, No. 8, 1906, p. 858).
+
+[81] It is necessary to use a shallow dish with a high pedestal known
+as _dias_ (Fig. 5, No. 5).
+
+[82] In Ba-ak the breaking and scattering of the rice ball is
+considered a good omen, as it presages many children. In San Juan
+the youth throws a rice ball at the ridge pole of the house, and the
+girl's mother does the same. In this instance, each grain of rice
+which adheres to the pole represents a child to be born.
+
+[83] The similarity of the Tinguian rice ceremony to that of many
+other Philippine tribes is so great that it cannot be due to mere
+chance. Customs of a like nature were observed by the writer among the
+Bukidnon, Bagobo, Bila-an, Kulaman, and Mandaya of Mindanao, and the
+Batak of Palawan; they are also described by _Reed_ and _Worcester_
+for the Negrito of Zambales and Bataan; while _Loarca_, writing late
+in the sixteenth century, records a very like ceremony practised by a
+coast group, probably the Pintados. At the same time it is worthy of
+note that _Jenks_ found among the Bontoc Igorot a great divergence both
+in courtship and marriage. Among the Dusun of British North Borneo the
+marriage of children of the well-to-do is consummated by the eating
+of rice from the same plate. Other instances of eating together, as a
+part of the marriage ceremony in Malaysia, are given by _Crawley_. See
+_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field Museum of
+Natural History. Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 102, 144, 157, 192); _Reed_,
+Negritos of Zambales (_Pub. Ethnological Survey,_ Vol. II, pt. 1, p. 58
+(Manila, 1904)); _Worcester_, _Philippine Journal of Science_, Vol. I,
+p. 811 (Manila, 1906); _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,
+Chap. X (Arevalo, 1580), translated in _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The
+Philippine Islands, Vol. V, pp. 157, _et seq_.; _Jenks_, The Bontoc
+Igorot (_Pub. Ethnological Survey_, Vol. I, pp. 68, _et seq_.,
+Manila, 1905); _Evans_, _Journ. Royal Anth. Inst_., Vol. XLVII,
+p. 159; _Crawley_, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), pp. 379, _et seq._
+
+[84] In Manabo an old woman sleeps between them. Among the Bagobo and
+Kulaman, of Mindanao, a child is placed between the pair. See _Cole_,
+_op. cit_., pp. 102, 157.
+
+[85] In Likuan they chew of the same betel-nut. Among the Batak of
+Palawan they smoke of the same cigar.
+
+[86] This part of the ceremony is now falling into disuse.
+
+[87] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 12.
+
+[88] Here again the Tinguian ceremony closely resembles the ancient
+custom described by _Loarca_. In his account, the bride was carried
+to the house of the groom. At the foot of the stairway she was given
+a present to induce her to proceed; when she had mounted the steps,
+she received another, as she looked in upon the guests, another. Before
+she could be induced to set down, to eat and drink, she was likewise
+given some prized object. _Loarca_, Relacion de las Yslas Filipinas,
+Chap. X; also _Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vol. V, p. 157.
+
+[89] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 172. The
+origin of death is also given in the tales, _ibid_., p. 177.
+
+[90] The spirit of the dead is generally known as _kalading_, but in
+Manabo it is called _kal-kolayo_ and in Likuan _alalya_; in Ilokano,
+_al-alia_ means "phantom" or "ghost."
+
+[91] In some villages Selday is the spirit against whom this precaution
+is taken.
+
+[92] In Daligan and some other villages in Ilocos Norte, a chicken
+is killed, is burned in a fire, and then is fastened beside the door
+in place of the live bird.
+
+[93] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 181.
+
+[94] During the funeral of Malakay, in Patok, August 16, 1907, the
+wife kept wailing, "Malakay, Malakay, take me with you where you
+go. Malakay, Malakay, take me with you. I have no brother. We were
+together here, do not let us part. Malakay, take me with you where
+you go."
+
+[95] In Manabo the wife is covered at night with a white blanket, but
+during the day she wears it bandoleer fashion over one shoulder. In
+Ba-ak a white blanket with black border is used in a similar way. If
+the wife has neglected her husband during his illness, his relatives
+may demand that she be punished by having a second blanket placed
+over her, unless she pays them a small amount. It sometimes occurs
+that the Lakay or old men impose both fine and punishment. In Likuan
+the blanket is placed over the corpse and the wife.
+
+[96] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 180.
+
+[97] This is still the case among the Apayao who live to the north
+of the Tinguian (_Cole_, _Am. Anthropologist_, Vol. ii, No. 3, 1909,
+p. 340). The custom is reflected in the folk-tales (Traditions of
+the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 190; cf. also p. 372).
+
+[98] The writer has known of instances, where towns were deserted
+following an epidemic of smallpox, and the dead were left unburied in
+the houses. Such instances are unusual even for this dread disease,
+and the funeral observances usually expose large numbers of the people
+to infection.
+
+[99] In San Juan only thirty strokes are given.
+
+[100] In Manabo a rectangular hole is dug to about five feet,
+then at right angles to this a chamber is cut to receive the body.
+This is cut off from the main grave by a stone. A similar type of
+grave is found in Sumatra (_Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3d ed.,
+p. 287, London, 1811).
+
+[101] According to this author, the Tinguian put the dried remains
+of their dead in subterranean tombs or galleries, six or seven yards
+in depth, the entrance being covered with a sort or trap door (_La
+Gironiere_, Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 115, London, 1853).
+
+[102] _Op. cit.,_ p. 121.
+
+[103] As distinguished from those of the dead.
+
+[104] Several times the writer has seen friends place money inside
+the mat, "so that the spirit may have something to spend."
+
+[105] The large spirit house, built only by well-to-do families having
+the hereditary right.
+
+[106] In the folk tales a very different method of disposing of the
+dead is indicated (Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1,
+pp. 23-24, and note).
+
+[107] Among the Tuaran Dusun of British North Borneo, a fire is built
+near the mat on which the corpse lies, to protect the body from evil
+spirits, who are feared as body snatchers (_Evans_, _Jour. Ant. Inst.,_
+Vol. XLVII, 1917, p. 159).
+
+[108] These consist of dishes, food, tobacco, fire-making outfit,
+weapons, clothing, and the like.
+
+[109] In Ilocos Sur a ceremony which lifts the ban off the relatives
+is held about five days after the funeral. Three months later, the
+blood and oil are applied to the spouse, who is then released from all
+restrictions. In San Juan and Lakub, a ceremony known as _Kilyas_ is
+held five days after the funeral. The anointing is done as described
+above, and then the medium drops a ball of rice under the house,
+saying, "Go away sickness and death, do not come to our relatives."
+When she has finished, drums are brought out, all the relatives dance
+and "forget the sorrow," and are then released from all taboos. The
+Layog is celebrated as in the valley towns.
+
+[110] Also known as _Waxi_ in San Juan, and _Bagongon_ in Sallapadin.
+In the latter village, as well as in Manabo and Ba-ak, this ceremony
+occurs a few days after the funeral.
+
+[111] This is known as _Apapayag_ or _Inapapayag_ (p. 309).
+
+[112] The foregoing ceremonies follow the death of any adult, male or
+female, but not of newborn children. If the first-born dies in infancy,
+it is buried in the middle of the night when no one can see the corpse,
+otherwise other babies will die. The parents don old garments, and are
+barred from leaving the town or engaging in pastimes, until the ten-day
+period has passed. No fire is built at the grave, nor are offerings
+placed over it. When some one else is holding a _Layog_, the parents
+may join them "to relieve their sorrow and show respect for the dead."
+
+[113] A folk-tale recorded in this town gives quite a different
+idea of the abode of the spirits (Traditions of the Tinguian,
+this volume, No. 1, p. 185; also p. 28, note 2).
+
+[114] Functions mentales dans les societes inferieures (Paris,
+1910).
+
+[115] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp.
+180-182
+
+[116] For a full discussion of this subject, see _Cole_, Relations
+between the Living and the Dead (_Am. Jour. of Sociology,_ Vol. XXI,
+No. 5, 1916, pp. 610, et seq.).
+
+[117] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 185.
+
+[118] In Manabo it is said that there are five sons, who reside in
+the spirit houses known as _tangpap, alalot,_ and _pungkew_.
+
+[119] The people of Manabo say, he resides in the spirit-structures
+known as _balaua, sogayab, batog,_and _balag_ (cf. pp. 308, _et seq.)_
+
+[120] Among the Ifugao, Kabunian is the lowest of the three layers
+which make up the heavens (_Beyer_, Origin Myths among the Mountain
+Peoples of the Philippines, _Phil. Jour. of Science,_ Vol. viii,
+No. 2, 1913, p. 99).
+
+[121] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 15.
+
+[122] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume. No. 1, p. 32.
+
+[123] The medium is also sometimes called _manganito_.
+
+[124] Similar mediums and possession were observed among the ancient
+Visayans. See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. V,
+p. 133; _Perez_ writing concerning Zambales says of their mediums,
+"He commences to shiver, his whole body trembling, and making many
+faces by means of his eyes; he generally talks, sometimes between
+his teeth, without any one understanding him. Sometimes he contents
+himself with wry faces which he makes with his eyes and the trembling
+of all his body. After a few moments he strikes himself on the knee,
+and says he is the _anito_ to whom the sacrifice is being made." See
+_Blair_ and _Robertson_, _op. cit.,_Vol. XLVII, p. 301.
+
+[125] Among the ancient Tagalog, charms made of herbs, stones, and
+wood, were used to infuse the heart with love (_Blair_ and _Robertson_,
+The Philippine Islands, Vol VII, p. 194). Similar practices are
+found in India, among the Selangor of the Malay Peninsula, among
+the Bagobo of Mindanao and in Japan: see _Roy_, _Jour. Royal Anth,
+Inst.,_Vol. XLIV, 1914, p. 337; _Skeat_ and _Blagden_, Pagan Races of
+the Malay Peninsula, p. 312; _Benedict_, Bagobo Ceremonial, Magic and
+Myth, p. 220 _(Annals N. Y. Academy of Sciences,_ Vol. XXV, 1916);
+_Hildburgh_, _Man_, Nov. 1915, pp. 168, _et seq.; Trans. Japan Soc,_
+Vol. VIII, pp. 132, _et seq._
+
+[126] The _salaksak_ was also the omen bird of the Zambales (_Blair_
+and _Robertson_, Philippine Islands, Vol. XLVII, p. 307).
+
+[127] Predicting of the future through the flight of birds, or by
+means of the entrails of slain animals, is widespread, not only in
+the Philippines and Malaysia generally, but was equally important in
+ancient Babylonia and Rome. The resemblances are so many that certain
+writers, namely, _Hose_ and _McDougall_, _Kroeber_, and _Laufer_ are
+inclined to credit them to common historical influences. See _Hose_
+and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 255 (London,
+1912); _Kroeber_, Peoples of the Philippines (_American Museum of
+Natural History,_ Handbook Series, No. 8, p. 192, New York, 1919);
+_Laufer_, _Toung Pao, _1914, pp. 1-51.
+
+[128] For the _diam_ recited at this time, see Traditions of the
+Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.
+
+[129] More frequently the medium uses a piece of lead or one of the
+shells of her _piling_ for this purpose. In many villages the medium,
+while calling the spirits, wears one head-band for each time the
+family has made this ceremony.
+
+[130] Had they not possessed a _balaua_, they would have made this
+offering in the dwelling.
+
+[131] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. I, pp. 178-179.
+
+[132] The _sagang_ is the sharpened pole, which was passed through
+the _foramen magnum_ of a captured skull.
+
+[133] Female spirits, who always stay in one place.
+
+[134] See Tradition of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 178.
+
+[135] This _diam_ is sometimes repeated for the _saloko_ (see p. 319).
+
+[136] Known as Palasod in Bakaok.
+
+[137] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 175.
+
+[138] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 174.
+
+[139] _Op. cit._, p. 175.
+
+[140] In Patok this offering is placed in a _saloko_, which is planted
+close to the stream.
+
+[141] Known in Ba-ak and Langiden as Daya, in Patok and vicinity as
+Komon or Ubaiya.
+
+[142] This part of the ceremony is often omitted in the valley towns.
+
+[143] _Canarium villosum_ Bl. The resinous properties of this tree are
+supposed to make bright or clear, to the spirits, that the ceremony has
+been properly conducted. According to some informants, the _pala-an_
+is intended as a stable for the horse of Idadaya when he attends the
+ceremony, but this seems to be a recent explanation.
+
+[144] This feeding of the spirits with blood and rice is known as
+_pisek_, while the whole of the procedure about the mortar is called
+_sangba_.
+
+[145] This consists of two bundles of rice, a dish of broken rice,
+a hundred fathoms of thread, one leg of the pig, and a small coin.
+
+[146] Many spirits which appear here and in _Sayang_ are not mentioned
+in the alphabetical list of spirits, as they play only a local or
+minor role in the life of the people.
+
+[147] The spirit who lives in the _sagang_, the sharpened bamboo
+sticks on which the skulls of enemies were displayed.
+
+[148] This is of particular interest, as the Tinguian are hostile
+to the people of this region, and it is unlikely that either of the
+mediums had ever seen a native of that region.
+
+[149] The name by which the Tinguian designate their own people.
+
+[150] The spirits' name for the Tinguian.
+
+[151] The term Alzado is applied to the wilder head-hunting groups
+north and east of Abra.
+
+[152] When the _tangpap_ is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony,
+it is a little house with two raised floors. On the lower are small
+pottery jars, daubed with white, and filled with _basi_ (Plate XX).
+
+[153] The _talagan_ (see p. 308).
+
+[154] This being lives in Binogan. His brothers are Gilen, Ilongbosan,
+Idodosan, Iyangayang, and Sagolo.
+
+[155] The site of the old village of Bukay.
+
+[156] In addition to the writer and his wife, Lieut. and
+Mrs. H.B. Rowell were initiated at this time. The Lieutenant
+had long been a friend and adviser of the tribe, and was held in
+great esteem by them. The writer's full name was Agonan Dumalawi,
+Mrs. Cole's--Ginobayan Gimpayan, Lieut. Rowell's--Andonan Dogyawi,
+and Mrs. Rowell's--Gayankayan Gidonan.
+
+[157] This raft is the _Taltalabong_, and is intended for the sons
+and servants of Kadaklan.
+
+[158] It is customary to place a jar of _basi_ under or near the house,
+so that Kadaklan may drink, before he reaches the function. This
+offering had been neglected, hence his complaint.
+
+[159] This is the case if a person is just acquiring the right to
+the ceremony. If the family is already privileged to give this rite,
+it will occur in about three years, and _Sayang_ will follow some
+four years later.
+
+[160] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 171.
+
+[161] See _ibid._, p. 24.
+
+[162] In Patok, _diwas_ is sung as a part of _da-eng_ on the night
+of _Libon_.
+
+[163] This is the same form as the "shield," which hangs above the
+newborn infant (p. 312).
+
+[164] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
+
+[165] On two occasions an old bedstead of Spanish type served instead
+of the frame.
+
+[166] See p. 315. In some towns the spirits are summoned at different
+times during the ceremony, as in _Tangpap_.
+
+[167] See under Idasan, p. 309.
+
+[168] Each with its dormitory for bachelors, and usually for unmarried
+girls. See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 49 (Manila, 1905).
+
+[169] _Combes_, Historia de las islas de Mindanao (Madrid, 1667),
+translated by _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XL, p. 160; Vol. XLVII,
+p. 300. _Ling Roth_, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo,
+Vol. II, p. 270, _et seq._(London, 1896).
+
+[170] For description of these villages, see _Cole_, Distribution of
+the Non-Christian Tribes of Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_,
+Vol. XI, p. 329).
+
+[171] See _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot (Manila, 1906).
+
+[172] Twenty years in the Philippines, p. 109 (London, 1853).
+
+[173] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 8.
+
+[174] See _Cole_ and _Laufer_, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines
+(Field Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 1).
+
+[175] Despite frequent assertions to the contrary, the fire syringe
+is not used by the Tinguian. It is found among the Tiagan Igorot,
+the similarity of whose name has doubtless given rise to the error.
+
+[176] Head-hunting is widespread in this part of the world. It
+is found in Assam, in the Solomon Islands, in Borneo, Formosa,
+and, it is said, was formerly practiced in Japan. See _Hodson_
+(_Folklore,_ June, 1909, p. 109); _Rivers_, History of Melanesian
+Society, Vol. II, p. 259 (Cambridge, 1914); _Hose_ and _McDougall_,
+Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vols. I-II (London, 1912); _Shinji Ishii_
+(_Transactions Japan Soc. of London,_ Vol. XIV, pp. 7, _et seq.)._
+
+[177] See _Worcester_, The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon
+(_Philippine Journal of Science,_ Vol. I, p. 824, Manila, 1906).
+
+[178] See _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vols. V,
+p. 137; XXI, p. 140; XXXIV, p. 377; XL, pp. 80-81; XLVII, p. 313;
+XLVIII, p. 57. _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes
+of Northwestern Luzon _(Am. Anth_., N. S., Vol. XI, 1909, p. 340);
+_Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (pub. Field Museum
+of Natural History, Vol. XII No. 2, p. 114, _et seq._).
+
+[179] These are called _soga_. Their use is widespread in the
+Philippines, in Malaysia generally, and even extends into upper
+Burma. See _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Upper Burmah and
+Northeastern Frontier, pp. 186, _et seq._(London, 1914). _Marsden_,
+Hist. of Sumatra, p. 310 (London, 1811).
+
+[180] See _Cole_, Wild Tribes of Davao District (Field Museum of
+Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 94).
+
+[181] This description is partially taken from the account of _Paul
+P. de La Gironiere_, probably the one white man, who has witnessed
+this rite (see Twenty Years in the Philippines, p. 108, London, 1853),
+and from the stories of many old men, who themselves have participated
+in the head-hunts and subsequent celebrations.
+
+[182] See _Cole_, Distribution of the Non-Christian Tribes of
+Northwestern Luzon (_Am. Anthropologist_, N. S., Vol. XI, No. 3,
+1909, p. 340).
+
+[183] Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 22.
+
+[184] _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 123 (Manila, 1905); _Kroeber_,
+The Peoples of the Philippines (Am. Museum Nat. Hist., Handbook Series,
+No. 3, p. 165, New York, 1919).
+
+[185] _Egerton_, Handbook of Indian Arms (Wm. Allen and Co., London,
+1880), p. 84; _Shakespear_, History of Upper Assam, Burma and
+Northeastern Frontier (MacMillan, London, 1914), p. 197, illustration.
+
+[186] This type of snare is used by nearly all Philippine tribes,
+and it is also widespread in Malaysia.
+
+[187] The mountain rice is known as _langpadan_, the lowland rice as
+pagey (Ilocano _palay_).
+
+[188] This is similar to the method followed in Sumatra. See _Marsden_,
+History of Sumatra, 3d ed., pp. 71-72 (London, 1811).
+
+[189] A similar device is employed in Java. See _Freeman_ and
+_Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products, p. 36 (Boston, 1911).
+
+[190] The latter is the customary method among the Bontoc Igorot. See
+_Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 94.
+
+[191] _Raffles_, History of Java, 2d ed., Vol. I, p. 125, also plate
+VIII (London, 1820); _Marsden_, _op. cit_., p. 74; _Freeman_ and
+_Chandler_, _op. cit_., p. 29. Both Raffles and Marsden consider
+this type of plow of Chinese origin. The Tinguian name _alado_
+is doubtless a corruption of the Spanish _arado_, but this of course
+would not prove that the plow itself was derived from the Spaniards.
+
+[192] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, pp. 195,
+_et seq_.
+
+[193] _Munia jagori_ (martens). Locally known as _tikgi_.
+
+[194] Probably the _ophiocephalus_. See _Dean_, _American Museum
+Journal_, Vol. XII, 1912, p. 22.
+
+[195] This is the only occasion when men use the bow and arrow.
+
+[196] The neighboring Igorot do not use a cutter, but break the stalks
+with the fingers; however, the same instrument is used by the Apayao,
+in parts of Mindanao, in Java and Sumatra. See _Marsden_, History of
+Sumatra, p. 73; _Raffles_, History of Java, pp. 125-6, also Plate 8;
+_Mayer_, Een Blik in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 452,
+(Leiden, 1897); _Van der Lith_, Nederlandsch Oost Indie, Vol. II,
+p. 353, (Leiden, 1894).
+
+[197] Rice in the bundle is known as _palay_ or _pagey_.
+
+[198] The Igorot woman pulls the grain from the straw with her hands.
+
+[199] Ilocano _sanga-reppet_ or the Spanish _monojo_.
+
+[200] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
+
+[201] History of Sumatra, pp. 65, _et seq_.
+
+[202] _Hose_ and _McDougall_ (Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II,
+pp. 246-7) consider the terraced rice culture of the Murut, of northern
+Borneo, a recent acquisition either from the Philippines or from Annam.
+
+[203] _Lavezaris_, writing in 1569-76, states that the natives, of no
+specified district, "have great quantities of provisions which they
+gathered from irrigated fields" (_Blair_ and _Robertson_, Philippine
+Islands, Vol. III, p. 269). In Vol. VIII, pp. 250-251, of the same
+publication, is a record of the expedition to Tue, in the mountains
+at the southern end of Nueva Viscaya. According to this account, the
+natives of that section were, in 1592, gathering two crops of rice,
+"one being irrigated, the other allowed to grow by itself."
+
+[204] For the history and extent of terraced field rice-culture,
+see _Freeman_ and _Chandler_, The World's Commercial Products
+(Boston, 1911); _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, pp. 426, _et
+seq_. (London, 1896); _Ferrars_, Burma, pp. 48, _et seq_. (London,
+1901); _Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indie, p. 232 (Groningen,
+1906); _Hose_ and _McDougall_, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 246;
+_Perry_, _Manchester Memoirs_, Vol. LX, pt. 2, 1915-16; _Wallace_, The
+Malay Archipelago, pp. 117, 126 (London, 1894); _Cabaton_, Java and the
+Dutch East Indies, p. 213, note (London, 1911); _Meyier_, Irrigation
+in Java, _Transactions of the American Soc. of Civil Engineers,_
+Vol. LIV, pt. 6 (New York, 1908); _Bernard_, Amenagement des eaux a
+Java, irrigation des rizieres (Paris 1903); _Crawfurd_, History of
+the Indian Archipelago, Vol. 1, pp. 358, _et seq_. (Edinburgh, 1820).
+
+[205] _Campbell_, Java Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 977 (London,
+1915).
+
+[206] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 177.
+
+[207] Also known as Singa and Baubauwi. In Likuan it is held only
+in case the crops are not growing as they should; but in Sisikan,
+Patikian, and other towns of the Saltan River valley it is celebrated
+both before the planting and after the harvesting.
+
+[208] A slender cane similar to bamboo, but nearly white in color.
+
+[209] _runo_, a reed.
+
+[210] _Justicia gendarussa_ L.
+
+[211] Also called _salokang_. See p. 310.
+
+[212] The same ceremony may be held in order to stop the rainfall if
+it is too abundant.
+
+[213] At this time the spirits enter the bodies of the mediums and
+through them talk with the people.
+
+[214] _Lygodium_ near _scandens_.
+
+[215] In Manabo leaves and grass dipped in the blood are attached
+to split sticks, (_sinobung_), and are fastened to a side wall of
+the house.
+
+[216] Lightning is recognized as the messenger of Kadaklan.
+
+[217] The Igorot villages of Lukuban and vicinity have a similar
+ceremony. It is here followed by a three-day period of taboo.
+Should the bird known as _koling_ fly over the town during this period,
+uttering its peculiar cry, the ceremony will be repeated; otherwise,
+all is well.
+
+[218] Literally, "to give a taste."
+
+[219] Those used are _sikag_ (_Lygodium_ near _scandens_),
+_talabibatab_ (_Capparis micracantha_ D.C.) and _pedped_ (?).
+
+[220] Most of the identifications here given were made by Dr. Elmer
+D. Merrill, botanist of the Philippine Bureau of Science, from
+specimens collected by the writer.
+
+[221] Known generally throughout the Philippines as _gabi_.
+
+[222] The three common varieties of squash are _kalabasa_ (_Benincasa
+certifera_), _tabongau_ and _tankoy_ (_Curcubita sp_.).
+
+[223] In the vicinity of Bakaok a small amount of _maguey_ (_Agave
+cantula_ Roxb.) is raised. It is employed in the making of cords.
+
+[224] A less esteemed species is known as _lalawed ta aso_ ("dog
+lawed").
+
+[225] See Traditions of the Tinguian, this volume, No. 1, p. 100.
+
+[226] A similar drink was used ceremonially in Pangasinan in 1640. See
+_Aduarte_, Historia; _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XXX, p. 186. It
+is still found in many portions of the archipelago.
+
+[227] _Cole_, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Field
+Museum of Natural History, Vol. XII, No. 2, pp. 82-83); _Hose_
+and _McDougall_, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, pp. 194-195
+(MacMillan and Co., London, 1912); _Raffles_, History of Java, Vol. I,
+pp. 192-193; _Marsden_, History of Sumatra, 3rd edition (London, 1811),
+p. 181; _Ferrais_, Burma, p. 105 (Low, Marston and Co., London, 1901);
+_Peal_ (_Journ. Anth. Inst. of Great Britain and Ireland,_ Vol. XXII,
+p. 250, also Plate XIV, fig. No. 2).
+
+[228] _Rockhill_, _T'oung Pao_, Vol. XVI, 1915, pp. 268-269; _Blair_
+and _Robertson_, _op. cit._, Vols. II, p. 116; III, p. 209; IV,
+p. 74; XXIX, p. 307; XL, p. 48, note; Philippine Census, Vol. I,
+p. 482 (Washington, 1905). _De Morga_, Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas
+(1609), see Hakluyt Soc. edition, pp. 338, _et seq._ (London, 1868).
+
+[229] Wanderings in the Great Forests of Borneo (Constable, London,
+1904), pp. 282-283. See also _Low_, Sarawak--Its Inhabitants and
+Productions, pp. 158, 209 (London, 1848).
+
+[230] _Op. cit._, Vol. I, pp. 193-194.
+
+[231] _Ratzel_, History of Mankind, Vol. I, p. 434; _Marsden_,
+_op. cit._, pp. 173, 181, 347 note.
+
+[232] Fifth Annual Report of the Mining Bureau of the Philippine
+Islands, p. 31; Official Catalogue of the Philippine Exhibit, Universal
+Exposition, p. 231 (St. Louis, 1904).
+
+[233] _Blair_ and _Robertson_, The Philippine Islands, Vol. II,
+pp. 116, 207; Vol. III, pp. 203, 270; Vol. IV, p. 98; Vol. V, p. 145;
+Vol. VIII, p. 84; Vol. XII, p. 187; Vol. XVI, p. 106. _Zuniga_,
+Estadismo (Retana's edition), Vol. II, pp. 41, 94.
+
+[234] _Foreman_, The Philippine Islands, p. 361 (London, 1892);
+_Bezemer_, Door Nederlandsch Oost-Indie, p. 308 (Groningen, 1906);
+_Skeat_, _Man_, Vol. I. 1901, p. 178; _Raffles_, History of Java,
+2d ed., Vol. I p. 186 (London, 1830); _Brendon_ _(Journal of Indian
+Art and Industry,_ Vol. X, No. 82, pp. 17, _et seq._).
+
+[235] Weaving in cotton is a recent introduction among the neighboring
+Bontoc Igorot. Formerly their garments were made of flayed bark,
+or were woven from local fiber plants. The threads from the latter
+were spun or twisted on the naked thigh under the palm of the
+hand. Cf. _Jenks_, The Bontoc Igorot, p. 113 (Manila, 1905).
+
+[236] A similar device is used in Burma.
+
+[237] The same type of wheel is found in Java. See _Mayer_, Een Blik
+in het Javaansche Volksleven, Vol. II, p. 469 (Leiden, 1897).
+
+[238] A similar warp winder is described for Bombay (_Brendon_,
+_Journal of Indian Art and Industry_, Vol. X, No. 82, 1903, pp. 17,
+_et seq_.).
+
+[239] For the distribution of this semi-girdle or back strap, see _Ling
+Roth_, Studies in Primitive Looms (_Journal Royal Anthrop. Inst_.,
+Vol. XLVI, 1916, pp. 294, 299).
+
+[240] These are: _alinau_ (_Grewia multiflora_ Juss.); _babaket_
+(_Helicteres hirsuta_ Lour.); _laynai_--a large tree, unidentified;
+_lapnek_ (_Abroma_ sp.) _ka'a-ka'ag_, an unidentified shrub; _losoban_
+(_grewia_); _pakak_, unidentified; _anabo_ (_Hibiscus pungens_ Roxb.);
+_bangal_ (_Sterculia foctida_ L.); _saloyot_ (_Corchoeus olitorius_
+L.) _labtang_ (_Anamirta cocculus_); _atis_ (_Anona squamosa_ L.);
+_alagak_ (_anona_); _maling-kapas_ (_Ceiba pentandra_ Gaertn.);
+_betning_ and _daldalopang_, unidentified; _maguey_ (_Agave cantula_
+Roxb.); _bayog_--a variety of bamboo.
+
+[241] It is not essential that the oil be applied, and oftentimes
+whole sections are colored before being split.
+
+[242] From _kawat_, the twisting of vines about a tree.
+
+[243] This is the Arnatto dye, an American plant. _Watt_, Dictionary,
+Vol. I, p. 454.
+
+[244] This tattooing is accomplished by mixing oil and the black
+soot from the bottom of a cooking pot, or the pulverized ashes of
+blue cloth. The paste is spread over the place to be treated, and
+is driven in with an instrument consisting of three or four needles
+set in a piece of bamboo. Sometimes the piercing of the skin is done
+before the color is applied; the latter is then rubbed in.
+
+[245] Blackening of the teeth was practised by the Zambal, also in
+Sumatra and Japan. _Blair_ and _Robertson_, Vol. XVI, p. 78; _Marsden_,
+History of Sumatra, P. 53.
+
+[246] See pp. 445, 456 for words and music.
+
+[247] Shallow copper gongs.
+
+[248] Reyes says that this song, _daleng_, is similar to the _dallot_
+of the Ilocano (Articulos varios, p. 32).
+
+[249] Similar instruments are used by the Igorot who suspend them
+free and beat them as they dance.
+
+[250] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys. For
+the music see p. 445.
+
+[251] The first line is sung by the girls, the second by the boys.
+
+[252] I use the word "modern" in this connection, as it pertains to
+the music of those peoples who have developed music as an art, and
+among whom we find conformity to the same rules and system of notation.
+
+[253] By reference to the analysis of Record I, _Da-eng_ (Boys and
+girls alternating), it will be seen that the record seems to have
+been made by one set of singers, apparently women and girls, who
+sang together on both parts. The entire record has therefore been
+tabulated with the women's songs.
+
+[254] Record F, Song of a Spirit, shows both major and minor tonality
+(for explanation see analysis of this song, p. 466).
+
+[255] Record J, _Da-eng_ (Girls' part), shows this mark in the "Scale"
+given below the transcription (for explanation see analysis of this
+song, p. 471).
+
+[256] I find groups of five used occasionally in the singing of our
+American Indians. _Burton_ ("Primitive American Music") shows its
+frequent use among the Chippeway. Miss _Fletcher_ also shows groups in
+five in her "Omaha Music," and Miss _Densmore_ gives similar grouping
+in her transcriptions of American Indian songs.
+
+[257] _Grove_, Dictionary of Music and Musicians, Vol. IV.
+
+[258] _Rowbotham_, History of Music.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tinguian, by Fay-Cooper Cole
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