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| author | www-data <www-data@mail.pglaf.org> | 2026-04-15 14:48:52 -0700 |
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| committer | www-data <www-data@mail.pglaf.org> | 2026-04-15 14:48:52 -0700 |
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diff --git a/78452-0.txt b/78452-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..027b7cc --- /dev/null +++ b/78452-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,16869 @@ +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78452 *** + + + + +LECTURES ON ANCIENT ETHNOGRAPHY AND GEOGRAPHY. + + + + + LECTURES + ON + ANCIENT ETHNOGRAPHY + AND GEOGRAPHY, + + COMPRISING + GREECE AND HER COLONIES, EPIRUS, MACEDONIA, + ILLYRICUM, ITALY, GAUL, SPAIN, BRITAIN, + THE NORTH OF AFRICA, ETC. + + BY + B. G. NIEBUHR. + + TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN EDITION OF DR. ISLER, BY + DR. LEONHARD SCHMITZ, F.R.S.E. + RECTOR OF THE HIGH SCHOOL OF EDINBURGH; + WITH ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS FROM HIS OWN MS. NOTES. + + IN TWO VOLUMES. + VOL. II. + + LONDON: + WALTON AND MABERLY, + UPPER GOWER STREET, AND IVY LANE, PATERNOSTER ROW. + M.DCCC.LIII. + + LONDON: + PRINTED BY J. WERTHEIMER AND CO. + CIRCUS PLACE, FINSBURY CIRCUS. + + + + +CONTENTS OF VOL. II. + + + PAGE + + Italy, its name 1 + + Population 3 + + Physical character 10 + + Divisions of Italy 13 + + Latium 30 + + Extent of Latium 31 + + Latin Colonies 32 + + Jus Latii, Latinitas 33 + + Different names of the Latini 33 + + Physical condition of Latium 37 + + TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME 41 + + The most ancient parts 41 + + The Seven Hills, Septimontium 42 + + The Agger of Servius Tullius 43 + + Further extension 43 + + The Regions of Augustus 44 + + Nature of the ground 46 + + The Cloacae 47 + + Fortification of ancient towns 48 + + Course of the ancient walls of Rome 48 + + The Marrana 50 + + Suburbs 52 + + Extension of the city 52 + + Tombs 52 + + _Horti, Villae_ 53 + + The Wall of Aurelian 57 + + The Gates 59 + + Roads 62 + + Interior of Rome 65 + + The Capitoline Hill 65 + + _Clivus, Semita_ 65 + + Streets of Rome 66 + + The Asylum, the Tarpeian Rock 66 + + The Capitoline Temple 67 + + Parts of ancient temples 67 + + The _Carcer_ 69 + + The Forum Romanum 69 + + The Comitium 73 + + The Rostra 73 + + The Curia Hostilia 75 + + The Curia Julia 76 + + Buildings of the Forum Romanum 77 + + Basilicae 79 + + Other Fora 80 + + _Vicus, Pagus_ 86 + + _Platea_ 87 + + Aqueducts 87 + + Circi 88 + + Theatres 90 + + Amphitheatres 90 + + Thermae 93 + + The Palatine 96 + + Via Sacra, Velia 98 + + Triumphal arches 98 + + Subura 98 + + Carinae 99 + + The Quirinal 99 + + The Esquiline, Caelius, Aventine 99 + + Suburbs 100 + + Campi 100 + + Moles Hadriani 101 + + Trastevere 103 + + Bridges 103 + + Insula Tiberina 104 + + The rest of Latium 105 + + The Hernicans 116 + + The Volscians and Aequians 119 + + Campania 127 + + The Sabellians, Sabines, Samnites 141 + + Sabellian confederations 142 + + The Lucanians 144 + + The Bruttians 144 + + Constitution of the Sabellians 145 + + Country of the Sabines proper 147 + + Picenum 150 + + The Upper Confederation of the Marsians, + Pelignians, Marrucinians, and Vestinians 153 + + The Marsians 156 + + The Pelignians 157 + + The Marrucinians 157 + + The Vestinians 157 + + The Samnites 158 + + The Samnite Tribes 160 + + The Frentanians 161 + + The Pentrians 161 + + The Caudines 161 + + The Hirpinians 161 + + Apulia 168 + + Poediculi, Peucetii 175 + + Messapia 177 + + Ancient Oenotria 179 + + The Lucanians 182 + + The Bruttians 183 + + Greek towns on the coast of Italy 185 + + Magna Graecia 188 + + The Achaean towns 190 + + Locri 199 + + The Chalcidian towns 202 + + Etruria 206 + + The Faliscans 229 + + Umbria 231 + + Gallia Cisalpina or Togata 234 + + The Boians 236 + + Gallic tribes in northern Italy 236 + + Gallia Cispadana, Transpadana 236 + + Liguria 249 + + Population of Italy 252 + + Sicilia 256 + + Punic towns in Sicily 267 + + Egesta 269 + + Towns of the interior 270 + + Sardinia 273 + + Corsica 278 + + Hispania 279 + + Iberians, Celts, Celtiberians 280 + + Baetica 282 + + The Turdetanians 283 + + The Edetanians 291 + + The Lusitanians 297 + + Celtici, Celtae 298 + + Oretani, Carpetani, Vaccaei 298 + + The Celtiberians 299 + + Callaici, Astures, Cantabri 301 + + Iberians north of the Pyrenees 302 + + Gallia 303 + + Difference between Celts and Germans 305 + + Difference between the Celts and Belgae 306 + + The Druids 308 + + Political division 311 + + Arverni, Aedui, Sequani 312 + + Aquitani 313 + + Armorica 318 + + Belgae 319 + + Treviri 319 + + Germania prima, secunda 320 + + Britannia 320 + + Its Population 321 + + Celtic nations on the east of the Rhine 323 + + Aravisci, Boii, Norici, Vindelici 323 + + Taurisci, Scordisci 324 + + Galatia 325 + + Bastarnae, Sciri 325 + + AFRICA. + + Cyrenaica 327 + + Carthaginian Republic 330 + + Arae Philaenorum 330 + + The Syrtes 330 + + Population, language 332 + + Population of the interior 334 + + Numidia 339 + + Aethiopia, Egypt 340 + + Meroe 341 + + Some more Greek colonies (in Lydia and Pamphylia) 347 + + Cyprus 348 + + Phoenicia 350 + + + + +LECTURES + +ON + +ANCIENT ETHNOGRAPHY AND GEOGRAPHY. + + + + +ITALY. + + +The name _Italy_ was applied at different times to a very different +extent of country. The Greeks, who scarcely ever transferred themselves +from their own point of view to that of other nations, inform us, that +the name _Italia_, beginning in the extreme south, and belonging to a +small tract of country, became gradually extended. They relate, that +in ancient times the Oenotrians, under this name or without any name, +produced the sage Italus, who led them from a state of perfect wildness, +or from a life depending on the chase, like that ascribed by the Romans +to the Aborigines, to agriculture and fixed habitations, and became +their lawgiver. That his laws, resembling those of Minos, were observed +for many centuries, and that at first the name Italia was restricted to +the southern half of Bruttium, that is, the peninsula between Rhegium +and the isthmus, extending from the Scylletian to the Napetinian gulf; +that the name was then extended so as to comprise, in about its widest +sense, the country south of a line drawn from Posidonia to Metapontum. +This whole derivation from the Oenotrian period is without any authority +whatever, though it is certain, that in the time of the Persian wars, +and perhaps even somewhat later, that line actually formed the boundary +of Italy. Nay, that boundary, instead of extending in the course of a +whole century, even became somewhat narrower, and the line, instead of +beginning at Posidonia, ran from the river Laos to Metapontum, along +the subsequent frontier between Lucania and Bruttium, so that the +north-western part of the country was detached from it. This boundary +afterwards remained fixed with the Greeks; and the countries north of it +were designated by different names, of which I shall speak hereafter. +But after the middle of the fifth century of Rome, or about twenty years +after the death of Alexander, the name Italia was extended by the Greeks +as far as the Tiber. Previously Cumae had not been in Italy, but now even +Rome is spoken of as a city of Italy. + +This view entertained by the Greeks, though one-sided, is so attractive +and seductive, that one easily allows one’s self to be captivated by +it, especially as we have no detailed account of the natives of Italy +to oppose to it. But amid a countless number of particular subjects +requiring critical treatment in ancient history, people have forgotten +to ask, How did the natives come to use this name? And this question +changes our point of view. We have, indeed, no ancient Roman monuments on +this subject, but we know for certain, that after the beginning of the +seventh century, the name Italy was applied by the Romans to the whole +peninsula, as far as Cisalpine Gaul; nay, Polybius extends it even to +the foot of the Alps. The name Italy is very ancient, and occurs in the +earliest fragments known to us; it is manifestly of native origin, and +was habitually used by the Romans in their official language. What then +were the limits set to it by the Romans? Did they consider themselves to +be living beyond the boundaries of Italy about the middle of the fifth +century when the Greeks drew their line of demarcation? If the Samnites +and Etruscans were beyond that line, what was the name they applied to +the whole of the peninsula? Almost all the coins discovered on the +frontiers of Lucania and Samnium in southern Italy, bear the inscription +_Viteliu_; and a statement in Suetonius, a very well read scholar, in +his life of Vitellius, mentions _Vitellia_ as a divinity worshipped +in all Italy. Some of the coins, moreover, have a peculiar figure, a +bull with a man’s face. The ancients lastly inform us, that _vitulus_, +in the ancient Italian language, signified both a calf and a heifer. +Accordingly, I recognise in this figure the symbolical representation of +a hero and archegetes of the people, who was called by the Greeks Italus, +and by the Italian nations Vitellius or Vitalus, and was represented +on their coins in a hieroglyphical manner as a bull. This figure of +the bull has always been misunderstood; all kinds of symbolical and +mythological explanations have been attempted, and a vast deal has been +written about Ammon, Bacchus, and the like. All countries derive their +names from their inhabitants; Egypt alone, which was thus called by the +Ionians from its river (the Odyssey describes it as a διιπετὴς ποταμός), +forms an exception. This statement is certain, for _Aegyptus_ was the +original name of the river Nile which is singularly remarkable, and when +swollen fills the whole country; so that both have the same name. The +name _Egypt_ was foreign to the natives as a name of their country; the +name with them was _Chemi_, whence the people ought to have been called +Χημοί or Χῆμες. With this single exception, the names of countries are +derived from their inhabitants; in Greek geography we always have first +the name of the people, and then that of the country. So also Ἰταλοί +is the original name of the people, and from it is formed _Italia_, +the country of the Itali. These Itali comprised a number of tribes of +Pelasgian origin, which dwelt there under different names, as Oenotrians, +Peucetians, Daunians, Tyrrhenians, Latins, Liburnians, and Siculians, +extending on both coasts of the peninsula as far as the Eridanus, though +it is uncertain whether in early times they occupied the whole peninsula +as far as the frontier of Liguria and the Po, or whether in the south +they possessed all the country, while in the north they dwelt only on +the coasts. + +If we go back to the earliest accounts, we may assert, that the country +south of a line from the coast of Etruria and Latium, from the Liris and +Vulturnus up to the ridge which extends beyond mount Vulturnus as far +as the heights of mount Garganus, was wholly inhabited by the Italian +nation. The nation, however, was not confined within those limits, +but also inhabited Latium and Etruria, and extended on the north of +mount Garganus as far as the river Po, under the names of Liburnians, +Pelasgians, and Siculians. This is the light in which we must view the +population of Italy in the earliest times to which we can go back, before +those nations were pressed on by a double immigration. For as in other +parts, so here also nations were pushing onward from the north, some in a +body, and of others only particular branches. Some of the Italian nations +were expelled, and others remained in their native places, because the +conquerors were not so savage as to be unable to live among them, and +preferred having quiet settlements to a wandering life. The nation which +gave this great impulse, and unseated (ἀνέστησαν) others, was in all +probability that of the Etruscans. Farther east, the Illyrians spread +themselves from the north, and the Etruscans in Italy proceeded in the +same direction. The people, which, in the first instance, penetrated +into the country of the Italians, partly expelling and partly subduing +them, were the OPICANS. They must be conceived as pressing onward in a +broad line, commencing from the banks of the Tiber, so that they took +possession of the country of the Aequians, Marsians, Pelignians, northern +Samnium, the district of the Frentanians, and western Apulia. At that +time they had not yet established themselves either in Campania or in +any part of Samnium. Being pressed by the Sabines, they penetrated into +the country of the Italians, and overpowered them in all Daunia, so that +Daunia became Apulia; and then they advanced into southern Samnium, +Campania, and even into Latium. Italy thus became reduced and confined +within those very boundaries mentioned in the earliest Greek traditions, +namely, a line from Posidonia to Metapontum. But the Oscan invaders did +not long retain these conquests; they maintained one part of them, but +lost another. The Sabines were not satisfied with driving them back +beyond the ancient frontiers, but pursued them farther, and thus there +arose the SABELLIAN nations, that is, the _Samnites_ in the widest +sense of the term, the _Lucanians_, and, within their boundaries, the +_Bruttians_. The same country, therefore, must be regarded at one period +as Italian, and at another as Oscan, and again at another as Sabellian. +This is the cause of the immense confusion. + +The Sabellians were not a numerous nation, and wherever they settled, +they appear to have ruled over the subject people rather than to +have changed them; the Oscans seem to have acted differently. In the +countries which adopted the Opican name, and had formerly belonged to the +Italians, the Opican language supplanted the ancient Italian or Siculian +tongue; and when the same countries were taken by the Sabellians, the +latter were not numerous enough again to change the language, but they +themselves adopted that of the Opicans; and hence the language of the +Samnites, Lucanians, and others, is called by the Romans Oscan. It is an +established fact, that the ground-work of this language was essentially +different from the real Sabine. The whole of the Sabine nation stood to +the people among whom they had settled, in the same relation in which +the Franks stood to the Gauls, or the Lombards to the nations of Italy. +The Franks, for a long time, and in fact until the reign of Charlemagne, +spoke Frankish, and the name of the country ever after was France, +although the language of the people afterwards became Roman; in like +manner the Sabellians bore this name, although their language was Oscan. +This is the only method of explaining the apparent contradictions in many +ancient accounts: the Oscans and Sabellians were different nations, but +their language was the same, the Oscan prevailing everywhere among them. +I have for many years laboured to discover how it was possible for the +language of the Samnites to be Oscan, seeing that the two nations were +essentially, if not altogether, different. Explanations, like that here +given by means of comparison with other nations and ages, may be applied +to the history of nations as well as to the history of constitutions +and laws; a friend of mine, a very ingenious man, has called this “the +comparative history of nations,” alluding to comparative natural history. +Voltaire says, _comparaison n’est pas raison_, but still it often leads +to the truth, though it can never supply the place of real proof. But +to return to our subject, while the Greeks exclusively apply the name +Opicans to the foreign settlers in those parts, and call the country +_Opica_ or _Ausonia_, because the people called themselves _Auruncans_, +the natives adhered to the name Italia, although the Italians had either +been expelled or were united and mingled with the conquerors. Within this +extent of Italy, then, the ruling Sabellians adopted both for themselves +and for the Oscans the name of ITALICANS. Thus, according to the rules +of the grammatical logic, which pervades the Latin language, we see +_Italia_ derived from _Itali_, and from this again the name _Italici_, +which without any change might be given to the Italians. Such changes of +meaning, however, are of frequent occurrence in the Latin language, for +common usage avails itself of such differences, where they exist, for the +purpose of adding some modification to the original meaning. It is not +till later times, towards the end of the seventh century—the real line +of demarcation is formed by the poets of the Augustan age, and by the +Augustan age in general—that _Itali homines_ and _Itali_ are used simply +to designate Italians in general: _Italicum genus_ and _Italici_ were the +inhabitants of Italy within the modern kingdom of Naples, exclusive of +the Greeks. This is the meaning of the name in Sallust, who wrote in the +old Roman fashion. + +I have already mentioned to you that the name Italia was indigenous in +the peninsula, and that consequently it was applied to a wider extent of +country than was supposed by the Greeks. I have also indicated to you +the traces of its history, though not so far back as we are inclined to +imagine them to extend. In speaking of the history of Greece, I remarked +incidentally, that some events are assigned to dates about two centuries +too early. The same is the case in regard to the migrations and conquests +of the nations in Italy. About the middle of the fifth century of the +city, a decisive change took place in Italy, which had been preparing +ever since the time of Dionysius of Syracuse. The Greeks were then more +strictly confined to their own territories; and the ancient Italians, who +kept up an intercourse with them or were under their dominion, lost their +assumed character of Greeks, and became subject to the Sabellian nations, +which were known to the Greeks under the general name of Opicans. They +bore this name, because there can be no doubt, that the first who +conquered a great part of those countries, were for the most part Oscans, +who were afterwards obliged to retreat before the Sabellians. + +Now, as the whole of the south of Italy, as far as the country of the +Marsians, again formed an almost compact Sabellian country (except that +in the greater part of Apulia the Sabellians had not made any conquests, +but the Opicans maintained their dominion over the ancient Italians), and +as the inhabitants of this country called themselves Italicans, it became +customary with the Greeks also to call them Italicans, and the southern +country Ausonia or Italia—the latter in the language of ordinary life, +the former only in poetry;—but the people were rarely or never called +Ἰταλοί, nor did the earlier Greeks apply to them the name Ἰταλικοί, but +called them Ὀπικοί. This leads me to make a philological observation. +It is well known that Juvenal uses the expression _opici mures_, which +is commonly rendered in the dictionaries by “old-fashioned,” “rude,” +“stupid,” or “barbarous;” but no further explanation is given. The +fact is this. The Greeks viewed the Opicans in a very unfortunate +light, as the destroyers of the prosperity of southern Italy, and as +men that served as hired mercenaries in the southern armies (e.g. the +Mamertines in Sicily); but those who remained at home were by no means +contemptible; they appear in a very different light, as the leading +men among the Samnites, Lucanians, and others; traits are found among +them which inspire great respect, and there are undoubted traces of +their having devoted themselves, at an early period, to the study of +Greek literature. But those of them with whom the Greeks came most +frequently in contact, were people pretty much of the same character +as the Thracians and Scythians in the comedies of Aristophanes. The +name Opicans was extended by them in a contemptuous sense to all the +Italicans, and even to the Romans, as we see from one of the fragments of +Cato. The Greeks in general distinguished themselves from all non-Greeks +in a harsh and coarse manner; but the designations which they applied to +foreigners differ according to the different nations with which they came +in contact. The term βάρβαροι was originally no doubt applied only to +nations of the Carian race, Carians, Lydians, and Mysians; Ὀπικοί, in the +same sense, to the inhabitants of Italy; and Κάρβανοι in the “Supplices” +of Aeschylus apparently a Cyrenaic term, seems to have been applied to +the Egyptians and Libyans. I do not understand Coptic, nor do I possess +any books or dictionary of that language, from which I might derive any +information; but I am almost certain that the word Κάρβανοι is Coptic, +for Aeschylus uses it in speaking of the Egyptians. Its original meaning +is unknown to me. We thus see, how the general contrast between Greeks +and foreigners presents itself in different shades. + +About the time of Pyrrhus, the name Italy, in its whole extent, was +applied to the peninsula as far as the frontiers of Etruria and the river +Tiber. In this sense the name was used by the Greeks throughout the sixth +century, and probably by the Romans also, for both strictly separate the +rest of Italy from Etruria. There is a remarkable passage in Clemens +Alexandrinus, who, in his “Stromata,” says, “Italy which borders on +Etruria.” I do not quote Clemens as I would any other ancient Alexandrian +author, for he did absolutely nothing but copy from the writers of +the sixth century, that is, from those who lived about the time of +Aristarchus; and he stops short there, because the authors from whose +works he made his compilations, belonged to that period alone. Clemens is +generally viewed in too favourable a light; still, however, he contains +abundant materials, and no philologer ought to neglect him. When Etruria +became more and more Romanised, though there were no Roman colonies in +the interior of the country, and when the idea of other states existing +in Italy by the side of Rome, vanished, another step was made in advance, +and the name Italy was applied to the whole peninsula as far as the foot +of the Alps; and in this sense Italy is spoken of by Polybius. Another +question cannot, perhaps, be answered; it is this: did he include Liguria +under the name of Italy?—did he employ the term Alps in such a manner +as to comprise the Ligurian mountains between the coast of Genoa as far +as the Po?—or did he extend the boundaries of Italy and Gaul from the +Macra as far as the territory of Modena about the Po, then continuing +them south of the Po, near Placentia and Parma, beyond the river, so as +to make them run west of the Ticinus as far as the mountains? The last +is the more probable, as it is the more natural line. In the official +language of the Romans, the Rubicon formed the boundary of Italy, so that +even Ravenna and the three Legations, which were otherwise not Gallic, +were included in Cisalpine Gaul. Augustus was the first to add Cisalpine +Gaul to Italy, so as to make the river Varus the frontier towards Gaul, +and the town of Pola towards Istria. People may think of Augustus as they +please; I do not praise him, nor do I blame him; his arrangements were +great, and have exercised an influence upon the history of the world; +his divisions of Rome and Italy became permanent. His division of Italy +remained in force for a period of a thousand years, that is, down to the +time of the Ottos, the Saxon emperors; and this durability shows that the +divisions were based upon a necessary and natural foundation, whence, +with the exception of slight changes, they remained during subsequent +periods. On the side of Istria, the boundary has become somewhat +narrower, in consequence of the change of the population, which in Istria +became Slavonian. Under the emperors after Maximinian it became customary +to call Lombardy, including Istria, Italy; what was then the name of the +southern countries, I know not; hence the Lombard kings call themselves +_reges Italiae_, and this Italy is termed by Gregorius Turonensis _parva +Italia_. + +We shall use the name Italy in the sense in which it is now generally +done, excluding Savoy, which, like the French parts of Switzerland and +Belgium, belongs to France. The country about the Adige, however, from +Roveredo as far as Botzen, ought to be regarded as part of Italy. When +you arrive there from Germany by way of Meran, you feel that you are +quite in the south, the air and everything else reminds you of it; some +of the people indeed speak German, but they are not Germans, and their +countenances are ugly; the country, on the other hand, is very beautiful, +and in the neighbourhood of Botzen it is like a Paradise. You feel that +you are in the south and in Italy, whereas in Savoy you are in France, +for it has none of the peculiarities of Italy. If you pay attention to +everything, the physiognomy and the dialects, you will be astonished +to find how clearly the different tribes of antiquity can still be +distinguished. My friend Arndt first directed my attention to this. +“When you go to Italy,” said he, “notice the difference of the tribes +on the borders of Tuscany.” That was the boundary between the Etruscans +and Ligurians. I was quite surprised still to find among the Tuscans +the same fat, round faces, which are seen in ancient works of art. The +Etruscans can still be distinguished from the Umbrians, and the latter +again from the Cisalpine Gauls, at least in masses. In Lombardy you may, +notwithstanding the strong mixture, still distinguish the dialects, and +through them the parts which were inhabited by Gauls from those of the +Veneti. It is a mistake to believe that the Italians are very unlike +their ancestors; the actual difference arises from the strong admixture +of Slavonians, and not from the immigrations, though the Goths were very +numerous; but the Lombards were not; the former came with their women and +children, and amounted, according to Procopius, to nearly a million of +souls. + +The three islands which are now considered as parts of Italy, and in +which Italian is spoken, do not belong to it, and must be treated of +separately. + +Italy proper, as defined by Augustus, commenced at the _Alpes Maritimae_; +the Alps are then further divided into the Cottian, Graian, Pennine, +Raetian, Carnian, and Julian Alps. I shall explain to you each of these +names, so as to enable you to find your way among, and to become familiar +with, those mountains. From the Alps, then, which form the boundary, +the APENNINES branch off in the north of Piedmont in two ranges; on the +one side from the two St. Bernards near Aosta and Ivrea, and on the +other from the Maritime Alps, and the two uniting in the territory of +Montferrat run through Liguria close to the coast, so that in many parts +of the territory of Genoa roads for vehicles along the sea have had to be +made by blowing up the rocks, and horses often still find it difficult to +pass along the sea-coast. They then turn east from the sea into Tuscany, +where the mountains, properly speaking, first receive the name of +Apennines. Afterwards they spread and extend in a south-eastern direction +towards the Adriatic; then proceeding through the middle of the kingdom +of Naples they fill, in many, though not parallel ranges, the whole of +Lucania and Bruttium; but there the mountains all at once disappear, +though in the Abruzzi, where the isthmus separates the southern from the +northern country, they in some parts reach a height of 8,000 feet. For +a distance of many miles nothing but small hills are visible. If that +country were inhabited by an enterprising people, such as the French +or English, the isthmus would long since have been broken through, for +nothing would be easier than to make a canal there and to connect the two +seas. + +The Alps, as is well known, are primary mountains; and their +ramifications in the territory of Genoa, which proceed from mount St. +Bernard and the Maritime Alps, are of the same character; but the +Apennines assume a different nature, and appear throughout Italy as rocks +of limestone; in the Majella they may be of a different character, for +Alpine productions are found there. In the southernmost part of Italy, +facing Sicily, another range of mountains rises of quite a different +character, being a continuation of the Sicilian mountains, of which Aetna +is the central knot. The country near Rhegium is evidently torn off, as +is indicated even by its name. + +It is only the middle portion of the western coast of Italy, about a +hundred miles from Rome, that is volcanic; the volcanic character always +appears south of the Apennines, and prevails in a portion of Latium, as +is evident from the soil and the lakes, as e.g., the Alban hills and +the Alban lake; the lake of Nemi is a crater. The territory of Campania +in its ancient sense (Terra di Lavoro) is of the same character, but +it does not extend very far into the interior, for it is visible only +in the Phlegraean plains as far as the Liris, and in the country about +the gulf of Naples as far as the range of mountains, which terminates +between Sorrento and Amalfi; this mountain forms the southern boundary of +the volcanic ground. All the rest of Italy is essentially non-volcanic; +Lombardy contains indeed a few springs to which one might be inclined to +ascribe a volcanic origin, but at any rate only in an improper sense; +the coast of the kingdom of Naples on the Adriatic, the whole of Apulia +and Iapygia is altogether a limestone country. This stone, in its +noblest form, as marble, appears especially in Tuscany on the frontier +of Liguria, where the Apennines begin to form a distinct range; it is +there that it appears most perfectly crystallised. In the south-eastern +countries, on the other hand, it gradually changes into chalk, and forms +natural saltpetre by an _affinité disposée_. + +Although Italy is called a unique country, although we think of it as +the fair and charming Hesperia, and as the country of oranges described +by the poets, still it presents the very greatest variety of climate; +the differences are as great, and perhaps even greater than in Germany. +We may divide the whole country into three natural parts; we might +perhaps make four, but there are in reality only three great divisions. +The first may be termed _Greek Italy_, comprising very little more than +the country occupied by Greek settlements, that is, the country of the +ancient Itali from the neighbourhood of Terracina exclusive of Latium. +Imagine a line running from Terracina across the mountains, the Liris +and Vulturnus, down to Beneventum, through the valley of the Calor as +far as the Garganus: the country south of this line is what I term Greek +Italy, because its vegetation and its climate are Greek; the difference +between this part and the countries north of it is greater than that +existing between the latter and Germany. All the plants and trees which +are seen at Rome only here and there, and are kept up with great labour +and difficulty, grow there naturally and almost wild, as, for example, +the cactus and aloe, which are really southern plants; the pine-tree is +rare, and firs scarcely occur at all, while the dwarf-palm already grows +between the rocks. Everything not only ripens earlier, as olives and +figs, but the fruit is altogether of a different, a southern character; +the vegetation is so mighty and gigantic that we in the north can +scarcely form an idea of it. At Rome oranges may be destroyed by frost, +but in Greek Italy this is impossible; and things which grow at Rome only +in favourable years, are there quite common. This is the case with all +plants; in short, a man there finds himself in quite a different country. +When at Rome I felt as much at home as a foreigner who has not renounced +his own country can possibly feel, and I entered the country free from +the prejudices of a native; I visited southern Italy with the physical +feeling of a Roman (the Roman climate is still very vividly before my +mind), but I had not imagined that every thing could be so different at +Terracina. I felt the same when I went from Germany to Italy, though +it was then rather the feeling that I was entering a foreign land. The +neighbourhood of Terracina is a particularly excellent country. All the +wines from the districts of the Liris have a Greek character, whereas +those of central Italy stand in the middle between French and Greek +wines, and are in reality bad; the sky is of quite a different colour, +and the air has something magic and elastic, something elevating and +delicious, in comparison with which the atmosphere at Rome is heavy and +oppressive. The farther south you go, the more beautiful everything +becomes; I never was in the extreme south, but I still hope one day to +visit it. However, I have been assured by travellers who had been there, +that the charms constantly increase, the farther south you go; you +perceive them even at Formiae, still more in the neighbourhood of Naples, +and they appear in a still higher degree at Amalfi; in Calabria nature +is said to be quite as delightful as on the south coast of Sicily. The +physiognomy and the muscles of men also are different. + +The second natural division consists of _central Italy_, which, however, +has very different boundaries from those marked in our maps. The southern +frontier has already been fixed by what I said before; but the northern +runs along the Aesis from the borders of Marca Ancona, the ancient +Picenum, across the ridge of the Apennines, so that the sources of the +Tiber still belong to central Italy; it then passes along the Apennines +on the frontiers of the territory of Bologna to the point where the +Apennines unite with the Alps, so that even the coast of Genoa belongs to +this part of Italy. This division is likewise based upon the vegetation. +Its high mountainous parts have of course a lower temperature than the +valleys, though they are by no means thoroughly different; they belong as +parts to the whole, as every whole consists of several and diverse parts. +Their character, on the other hand, is quite different from that of the +opposite heights, which, under the same degree of latitude, descend into +Lombardy. This division, then, with the exception of its highest mountain +regions, is the country of the olive-tree, whence the excellent olive +plantations in the territories of Lucca and Genoa, and also in Marca +Ancona. In the south-western parts of Italy, as, for example, at Naples, +the olives are not of equal value, though they are still excellent. The +race of men in central Italy has less of the southern character; they +still share with the southern people the development of the muscular +fibres, though they have it in a less degree; but their features are less +harsh, the forms being more round and fleshy; yet these features differ +according to the different districts and races. + +_Northern Italy_ does not at all follow the parallels of latitude; it +commences on the frontiers between the Marca Ancona and the duchy of +Urbino, and runs along the northern slope of the Apennines up to the +Alps: accordingly it encloses the large basin of the Po, extending beyond +the Ticino and Doria, where the boundary line rises up to the heights. +This part presents a great difference in temperature and vegetation from +the southern countries: the winters are severe, and at the foot of the +Alps hard frosts are not uncommon; the olive-tree no longer thrives, but +is more like a shrub resembling a crippled willow, and all the southern +plants which still occur in central Italy, such as oranges and lemons, +are raised only by artificial means and with difficulty as in Germany; +the cactus, aloe, and the like, are quite out of the question. The +winters are of a northern character and commence early; the atmosphere +is heavy and unpleasant, and the whole country has this character more +or less. A person coming from the south, e.g. from Florence or Ancona, +feels that he is in a northern country: in the Tyrol and in the Raetian +districts, near Trent and Botzen, the climate is far more southerly than +there, although in northern Italy the heat in summer is very great; but +the cold in winter is equally great, and, in addition to this, the air is +generally moist and warm. + +These divisions are also traceable in history: northern Italy was the +country of the Gauls, and was but gradually incorporated by the Romans +with Italy. The Romans not unjustly speak of the _pingue caelum_ of those +countries; and the Milanese are to this day taunted by the southern +Italians with their _aër crassus_. For this reason the inhabitants +are on the whole ugly and awkward figures, with the exception of +those of Venice, which has a very peculiar and beautiful race of men. +The Ligurians also are handsome, the Piedmontese are strikingly fair +and almost too delicate, while otherwise the northern Italians have +uncommonly coarse skins. The Genoese approach more closely the peculiar +Italian race, and the Milanese have vulgar features, and no appearance of +refinement and freshness. The Piedmontese, as I have already remarked, +show a high degree of refinement, and when, in addition to this, they +are blooming, they are most handsome, especially the women; but such a +combination is rarely seen, they are generally too fair. The Tuscans are +rather a handsome race, with round faces, and the Florentines have even +something German in their countenances. The development of the muscles, +which we find in southern and to some extent also in central Italy, is +wanting in the northern Italians. It has for long time been a matter +of doubt, as to whether the ancients studied anatomy; but if a person +carefully examines an ordinary Italian model, he will be convinced, that +they did not require to study anatomy: the muscles are so perfectly +developed, that they can be easily and completely distinguished on a +naked arm; the whole play of the muscles can be seen without anatomical +operation. This was probably the case to a still greater extent among +the Greeks, but this is not so in the bodies of northern nations; and +the muscles of a northern Italian are as much concealed under the skin as +they are in our own bodies. + +The dialects do not quite coincide with this division; in the north of +Italy they vary greatly, although the Genoese and Ligurian predominate. + +After this account of the division of Italy into three parts, I shall +continue the description of its physical features. I shall first speak of +the Alps. To describe them is beyond my powers; if you want to form an +idea of them, you must read the excellent description of Strabo; I have +seen only those of the Tyrol. The Alps with the ancients are much more +extensive than in our maps; not because the nations dwelling near them +applied the name to a greater range of mountains; but they are too far +distant from us, and we, having a different mode of speaking, are not +inclined to apply the name to the same extent of mountains; the whole +range, however, forms one mass. The southernmost Alps are those known +by the name of _Alpes Maritimae_, which afterwards formed a distinct +region in the north of Nice. This city is, properly speaking, situated +beyond the natural boundaries of Italy, but strangely enough, belongs +to Piedmont, although it is situated beyond the mountains. It is very +possible that, if Augustus had not made the Varus the boundary, Nice +would now be a town of Provence. The Alps there rise to a mighty height, +although they do not belong to the highest; the road from Nice to Coni +is a difficult mountain road. It is not quite certain as to whether +the ancients had a clear notion of the boundary lines. The Alps, near +Briançon, are not distinguished by the ancients by a separate name; the +ancient road there ran from the Rhone to Turin; that over Mount Cenis +was not made till a later period. These Alps are joined by the _Alpes +Cottiae_, where, until the time of Nero, there existed a small Gallic +principality under the supremacy of Rome. Next come the _Alpes Graiae_ +with the two St. Bernards, the great and the little; the latter is the +mountain passed by Hannibal, according to General Melville and De Luc’s +incontrovertible arguments. This fact ought to be beyond all doubt, and +it is insufferable to see the old questions on this point raised again +and again. The French army in 1800 crossed the great St. Bernard. The +_Alpes Graiae_ are said to have received their name from Hercules, who +was believed to have crossed them on his expedition into Spain: but the +name must have had a different origin. After them follow the _Alpes +Penninae_, the Simplon as far as the Furca; the _Alpes Nepontiae_, the +St. Gothard, Splügen, etc. After this the names are obscure until we +reach the _Alpes Raeticae_, which extend in the Tyrol from Graubündten +to the Puster valley. The _Alpes Juliae_, next to these, appear under +this name without any reason being assigned for it; but it was no doubt +derived from Julius Caesar, to whose province they belonged, but why they +were named after him, is unknown. They are also called _Alpes Noricae_; +they are the Alps of Carniola, and one branch of them extends into +Istria, while another runs round the gulf of the Adriatic into Dalmatia. + +The Apennines join the Alps in the country of Piedmont south of the Po; +at first their character is indefinite, but soon their own peculiarities +and a marked difference from the Alps are developed. In ancient times +they were, no doubt, a vast woody range from one end of Italy to the +other, whereas the greater part is now barren. In the territory of +Genoa, where I have seen them, in the neighbourhood of Florence and in +the Romagna, with which I am intimately acquainted, and in fact from the +frontiers of Modena and Lucca, they present a very sad aspect, for they +are utterly barren, and there is something wild, desolate, and terrific +about them. During summer, there is no snow on any of those heights; in +May it is often seen, though it is but very little: still, however, the +mountains are very high, especially on the frontiers of Florence and +Bologna. During winter, storms are of very common occurrence, and no man +can find his way through them on account of the snow; the description +which Livy gives of the storms in those parts is certainly not much +exaggerated. I have passed those mountains in fair weather, and when I +reached the right height, I perceived at once that I was in the region of +storms. The passage of Hannibal with his army across that mountain during +a snow-storm must certainly have been terrible, nor can we wonder that +the Goths of Radagaisus perished there in winter: I think I have found +out the district where this happened. Towards Umbria the mountains become +considerably lower; they there form a thoroughly beautiful country, the +air on the heights is healthy, and chesnut forests again make their +appearance. The mountains then run through Umbria in a south-eastern +direction across the country of Camarina into the Abruzzi, and their +height again increases immensely, so that perpetual snow is said to be +found on mount Majella and some others; but this snow must be limited to +the ravines. Winter there commences very early; at Rome the top of mount +Leonessa is seen covered with snow even at the beginning of November, +and frequently continues there till April. This is the highest ridge +in Italy, and about it we have to look for the most ancient seats of +the Sabines. Thence the mountains extend into Samnium, and one branch +runs towards mount Garganus. Farther south, the mountains lose their +excessive height, and are again, up to their top, covered with wood, +either chesnuts or other trees that are useful to man. The mountains +there are comparatively of a moderate size, and are exposed to the full +influence of a southern climate, especially in Lucania, and in their +continuation extend into Bruttium down to the peninsula which physically +belongs to Sicily. The last extremity, which ought no longer to be called +Apennines, for it neither belongs to them in a geological point of view, +nor do the mountains run in the same direction—I allude to the mountain +between Lucania and the isthmus—is the Sila, the large Bruttian range +of mountains covered with fir forests, where the Romans had their large +establishments for the manufacture of tar, and whence they derived their +timber for ship-building. + +These general remarks about the mountains may suffice for the present: I +shall enter more into detail, as occasions occur, and now pass on to the +rivers. + +The PADUS, the _fluviorum rex Eridanus_, has none of the characteristics +of a southern river; it has the same natural features as the Waal and +the Leck in the Netherlands, for it is muddy, and as it has been so +long shut in between embankments, its bed is so high, that the surface +of its waters is from fifteen to twenty feet above the level of the +surrounding country. The whole basin of the Po, and of the rivers +emptying themselves into it, was originally a vast bay of the sea, which +was gradually confined to these rivers; it is a “river-marsh,” as the +people in Dithmarsh would say. How many thousands of years may this +process have lasted! At the time when the mouth of the Po was far above +the point where it now is, a succession of downs had been formed from the +neighbourhood of Rimini as far as the innermost corner of the Adriatic, +or as far as Aquileia and Trieste, just as in the Kurische and Frische +Nehrung in Prussia, and as was formerly the case along the coast from +Calais to Jutland. Behind these downs there was a vast inland lagune +which became gradually filled up; in the neighbourhood of Venice the +filling up is prevented only by artificial means. These hillocks of sand +are now called _lido_; such a one exists near Venice, and upon it depends +the safety of the city during high floods. Ravenna was in antiquity a +city like Venice, built upon islands and stakes; but the space gained in +the course of 2000 years scarcely amounts to eight miles. All the rivers +descending from the Apennines on the south of the Po empty themselves +into it, and all those which flow from the north on the east of the lake +of Garda discharge their waters into the lagunes: they all have their +share in extending the coast. The most important of these rivers will be +mentioned, when I come to speak of the countries to which they belong. + +In central Italy, the TIBER is the king of rivers. The orthography +_Thybris_ must be ancient, as it was also adopted by the Greek writers. +The Tiber is indeed the most renowned river in the world, but it is +by no means beautiful; its waters are very muddy and rapid and of a +disagreeable appearance; navigation is difficult, and consequently not +frequent, and the country about the river is much exposed to inundation. +There can scarcely be a more unpleasing sight than that of the Tiber at +Rome. Its tributaries are the _Anio_ (now _Teverone_, even in antiquity +called _Tiburnus_), the _Nera_ or _Nar_ (a Sabine word signifying +sulphur, which is contained in its waters), and a number of small streams +without particular names; it also receives supplies of water from lake +Velinus. + +The ARNO is the principal river of Tuscany; it is smaller but +incomparably more beautiful than the Tiber, especially in the +neighbourhood of Florence. I think I have first discovered its extremely +remarkable history, partly by my own observations, and partly from +the excellent chronicle of Florence. It originally consisted of three +distinct rivers. At its mouth the sea formed an estuary, and as the +water of those marshes was carried into the sea by a small river in +the neighbourhood of Pisa, the inhabitants considerably widened it by +making drains through the marshes, and thus carrying the waters into the +river. The middle part was a large lake covering the ground now occupied +by Florence: the rock Gonfalina formed a barrier against it, but being +cut through, an outlet was formed towards the lower Anio, as has been +observed even by Villani. The large ancient basin of this lake may still +be recognised, and the walls of Fiesole still show how high it was.[1] +The third part, now the upper Arno, was formed in the ante-Roman period +in the neighbourhood of La’ncisa, likewise by cutting a canal through a +rock for the purpose of making an outlet for the water which formerly +flowed partly towards the Tiber, and partly formed another lake. In this +manner, the most excellent country, with the most wonderful natural +beauties, has been almost entirely recovered by human ingenuity. + +The LIRIS, on the frontier between central and southern Italy, is +mentioned under the name of the _Garigliano_ as early as the ninth +century. It flows down from the Apennines as a beautiful mountain-torrent +in the neighbourhood of Arpinum and Sora, but near its mouth it deserves +the name of _quietus amnis_, at least under ordinary circumstances; for +during the changes of the seasons, its current is often very strong. + +The VULTURNUS was no doubt so called from an ancient Oscan or Samnite +word _vultur_, signifying a mountain. The east-wind which is known at +Rome under the name of _Vulturnus_, probably also derives its name from a +Samnite mountain, for it has no reference to the river. + +The other rivers in the west, which discharge their waters into the +Tyrrhenian sea, are insignificant. I may, however, mention the _Silarus_, +which forms the northern, and the _Laus_, which forms the southern +boundary of Lucania. + +The AUFIDUS, now Ofanto, is the only large river in southern Italy, which +empties itself into the Adriatic; it is still, when swollen, very rapid +and raging, as it is described by Horace. Its fall is greatest near the +Apennines; it is not a fine river, and its waters are muddy with lime. + +The seas surrounding Italy are: in the west, the _mare inferum_, +Τυρσηνικὴ θάλασσα, extending from the Ligurian gulf to Sicily; it is +called _mare Tyrrhenicum_ or _Tuscum_ only by Roman poets and by those +who affect to write learnedly. The Romans certainly did not call the +Adriatic _mare Hadriaticum_, but _mare superum_; the Greeks sometimes +call it Ἰόνιος κόλπος. The sea in the south-east of Italy had no special +name among the Romans, but the Greeks call it Ἰόνιος θάλασσα. + +The bays of Tarentum and Liguria are sufficiently described by their +names. + +Let us now proceed to the divisions of Italy. I shall first speak of the +most ancient ones, which arose with and through the nations themselves. +They are very variable, and I am afraid it will not be possible to make +their relations quite clear without being very minute. + +In the earliest times, Italy may be conceived somewhat in the following +manner: southern Italy, from the line I have already mentioned as running +from mount Garganus across the country as far as the coast of Latium, +is the country of the Itali, who appear there as different tribes and +under different names. To the north of that line we have the country of +the Opicans, next that of the Sabellians, and to the north of them we +have the Umbrians; it is possible, that at the same early period the +Etruscans, who had come from the north, may have dwelt there, while the +whole coast on both sides, from Pisa as far as the Adriatic gulf, was +occupied by Pelasgian tribes. This form of Italy is the most ancient +of which we have any knowledge; we have nothing more definite during +the historical ages. In passing on to the time which we call the end of +regal power, or the beginning of the consulship, we find in the south +the Greek settlements scattered in an almost unbroken line from Tarentum +to Posidonia, in Apulia and Calabria, while Neapolis and Cumae occur +in Campania. The Oenotrian tribes are partly allied with, and partly +dependent on, those Greek colonies. The Oscans at that time probably +extended into Calabria, and occupied Apulia, Samnium, and Campania; the +Volscians and Aequians belonged to them. Whether these Oscan tribes were +in any way akin to the Pelasgians, is a question which it is difficult +to answer, though it is clear, that afterwards they became mixed and +amalgamated with them; for in Latium, for example, Oscans and Pelasgians +lived together. Next to them follow the Sabellian tribes from the +frontiers of Apulia, viz., the Picentians, Pelignians, Marrucinians, +Vestinians, Marsians, Frentanians, Sabines, etc., and they extend +down to Rome. The country north of them was occupied by the Umbrians, +inhabiting an extensive territory, though they were already a declining +people, having been broken by the Etruscans. These Etruscans were then +already in full possession of the country as far as the neighbourhood of +Rome, and on the other side they extended to the very summits of the Alps +in Raetia, and the Alpine tribes in the district of Graubündten belonged +to them: they were a great and mighty nation, occupying the whole of the +north of Italy. The north-east was inhabited by the Veneti, and in the +north-west the Ligurians extended as far as the Ticinus. But then the +Gauls invaded Italy, crushed some of the Ligurian tribes, overpowered and +annihilated the Etruscans on the Po, with the exception of a few places, +such as Mantua and Verona; they even advanced into Picenum, and ruled +over many tribes which were not expelled by them. All those who were +able to offer resistance remained, but all the others were extirpated; +wherever the Gauls appeared, they changed the country which they did not +occupy for themselves into a wilderness, and forests arose where formerly +agriculture had been flourishing. Hence, when subsequently the Romans +extended their dominion in those parts, they found the country a desert, +and as such it is described even by Polybius. + +I shall not here enter into a description of the condition of Italy, +which was the result of the Roman conquest, for I should have to repeat +the same afterwards in giving you an account of the separate countries: +even a general outline would render it necessary to enter into great +detail. We shall at once pass on to the seventh century, as the period +of regular organisation, when the Sempronian laws completely fixed the +boundaries of Italy. Italy then extended as far as Ariminum, and on the +other side as far as the river Macra. The country north of those points +was in ordinary life called _Gallia Cispadana_, but it did not form a +province by itself, in the sense of a country regularly governed by +propraetors or proconsuls. Before the time of Augustus, and even during +the first years of his reign, Gallia Transpadana and Venetia were not +included in Italy, but were under a military administration, sometimes +united with Illyricum and sometimes with Gaul in the wider sense of the +name. Augustus first joined that country politically to Italy, as it had +long since become Latinised by the extraordinary influx of Romans from +Latium. This is quite surprising. The use of the Latin language seems to +have become universal with extraordinary rapidity, and sometimes even in +the short space of a single generation. It is remarkable how quickly such +a change takes place, while afterwards there occurred a stand-still, and +no further extension took place. In France the Latin language had spread +so rapidly in consequence of the Roman conquest, that, even at the time +when Pliny wrote, it generally prevailed in Provence as far as Lyons, +and the Gallic language had disappeared. From Sulpicius Severus and the +ecclesiastical fathers, we see that in the fifth century the Romanic was +the vernacular tongue in Gaul and not Celtic. This was the case from +Provence to Armorica, and during the period of the Frankish kings the +boundaries of the Romanic language were undoubtedly the same as they are +at present, and for centuries the language of Lower Britany has not lost +a single village. I do not mean to say, that the Celtic was everywhere +else quite extinct, but it was spoken very little, just as in some +villages of Lusatia, Wendish is spoken, of which the inhabitants of the +towns do not understand a word. Augustus, then, extended Italy in this +manner, because the northern parts had either already become Latinised, +or showed every symptom of soon becoming so. + +Augustus divided Italy into eleven regions, and afterwards, in the third +century of our era, probably under Severus, this number was increased to +fifteen. Pliny has made the former the basis of his description, but the +latter is not found quite complete in any ancient author. A knowledge of +these divisions is of great importance in history, in order to understand +the notices of ancient writers, especially of the “Scriptores Historiae +Augustae.” + +The regions of Augustus are:—1. _Latium_ and _Campania_, from the Tiber +to the Silarus, on the frontier of Lucania. 2. _Southern Samnium_, +_Beneventum_, the country of the _Hirpini_, _Apulia_ and _Calabria_. +3. _Lucania_ and _Bruttium_. 4. _Northern Samnium_ and the country of +the _Marsians_, _Marrucinians_, _Pelignians_, and _Vestinians_. 5. +_Picenum._ 6. _Umbria._ 7. _Etruria_, a name which remained customary +until the second century; but from that time and especially during the +third century, it was always called _Tuscia_, as _Tusci_ was always the +name of the inhabitants. Tuscia occurs neither in Cicero, nor in Livy, +nor in Ennius, nor in Cato. But in the reign of Constantine no scholar +ought to speak of Etruria. These are things which serve as hints to him +who understands them to indicate the time at which anything is written, +and which are stumbling blocks to those who are ignorant of them. When +at Rome, I had made such progress in these matters, that in looking at +a ruin, I could immediately discern to what century it belonged, and in +like manner a practised eye can, even without any statement of time or +place, discover whether coins are Thracian or Cilician and whether they +belong to the period before or after Alexander. Historical blunders are +quite as bad as grammatical ones; they are not indeed illogical, but they +grate upon well-trained ears and feelings, and create uneasiness. 8. +_Ariminum_, the legations of Urbino, Ferrara, and Romagna. 9. _Liguria_, +the country south of the river Po, from the borders of Etruria as far as +the Alps. 10. _Venetia_, and 11. _Regio transpadana_, from the Lago di +Garda to the Alps. + +If we were to understand the later division into provinces according to +this scheme, we should misplace Liguria, for example, entirely, for that +country contained nothing of what had previously been comprised under the +same name. This later division, as I said before, was made in the third +century, probably in the reign of Severus. Paulus Diaconus furnishes +the best ground-work of this division, although he is very confused, +not enumerating the regions in any definite order. The fifteen regions, +according to his statement, are:—1. _Venetia et Histria_, as far as +the Benacus or Lago di Garda. 2. _Liguria_, the same country which was +formerly called Transpadana, from the Lago di Garda to the foot of the +Swiss Alps near mount St. Bernard; it was, therefore, on the north of the +Po, and only a small corner of it belonged to ancient Liguria. In this +sense we find the name used in the Codex Theodosianus and in Procopius. +Two _limites_ above Italy were then regarded as parts of Italy, which in +the time of Augustus did not yet belong to it, viz., 3. _Raetia prima_, +and 4. _Raetia secunda_; but their boundaries are not mentioned anywhere. +5. _Alpis Cottia_, or _Alpes Cottiae_, the ancient Liguria proper +as far as the frontiers of Tuscia; the name is transferred from the +Cottian Alps in the neighbourhood of mount Cenis and Susa to the whole +of ancient Liguria. 6. _Tuscia et Umbria_ (in the official style, for +otherwise people then wrote Thuscia). Thuscia is Tuscany, and the part +of Umbria, which was then called Umbria in a narrower sense, embraced +Assisi, Spello, Foligno, etc. 7. _Campania Aurelia._ Campania comprises +the whole region which Augustus called _Latium et Campania_, extending +from the Tiber to the Silarus. Hence the modern name of _Campagna di +Roma_, of which traces occur even in the writers of the western empire, +as in the expressions, _Campania Romana_, _Campania Romae_; in Servius +we read: _Gabii quondam oppidum Campaniae_, but this passage occurs in +one of those books (from the end of the fourth to the beginning of the +twelfth), of which it can be proved, that their present form belongs to +a much later time; the substance was composed in the fourth century, but +the form probably arose in the eighth century in the grammatical school +of Ravenna. + +One hundred miles around Rome, the _provinciae suburbicariae_, must +be distinguished from Thuscia and Campania; they did not belong to +the regions, but were under the praefectus urbi, whence _Thuscia +suburbicaria_, subsequently the _Patrimonium D. Petri_, and _Campania +suburbicaria_ were opposed to _Campania Aurelia_, that is, the Campagna +di Lavoro. The name _Aurelia_ has not been understood by the few scholars +who have treated of this period; and wherever the name was found, the +strangest emendations have been attempted, because it was believed that +it was not the name of a province; but express testimony that it was a +province occurs in Boëthius and others. 8. _Lucania et Brittia._ We must +adhere to this corrupt ancient mode of spelling _Brittia_, for so it +occurs in MSS., in subscriptions, in the “Scriptores rei Agrariae,” in +the “Notitia imperii” and elsewhere. + +Our guide now passes on to the Alpes Penninae. Wallis must, probably, +be regarded as a region, and also Aosta and Ivrea under the name of 9. +_Alpes Penninae_; Paulus Diaconus, however, calls them _Apenninae_, and +applies the name to some country of central Italy; but it can be proved +that such a province never existed. 10. _Aemilia_, between a part of the +Alpes Cottiae and Liguria, from Piacenza to Bologna. 11. _Flaminia_, +that is, Romagna, Ferrara, Pesaro, or the maritime district as far as +the Marca Ancona. 12. _Picenus_ (masculine, supply _ager_), the Marca +Ancona with some adjoining Sabellian districts. 13. _Valeria_, extending +from Tibur over the country of the Marsians, Pelignians, and perhaps, +also, the Marrucinians; this province is sometimes politically united +with Picenus, for Alba, the capital of Valeria, is also called, in the +imperial rescripts, _Alba in Piceno_. 14. _Samnium_, and 15. _Apulia et +Calabria_. Then come the islands Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. + +These provinces must be remembered in order to understand the history; if +a person does not know them, he cannot understand the new and differently +used names in Procopius and others. The names Aemilia, Valeria, Flaminia, +and Aurelia, were taken from the roads which bore them; Flaminia is the +district which Augustus had left without a name, perhaps the _regio +Ariminensis_. The Via Flaminia ran from Rome to Ariminum, and was thence +continued under the same name; and Scaurus afterwards continued it as +far as Piacenza under the name Aemilia. The Via Valeria led into the +interior; its originator is unknown, but it was perhaps Messalla, for +in the elegy of Tibullus on him, he is praised for having made roads; +earlier writers do not mention this road. Connected with this subject +is one of the most pleasing recollections of my life: I had just been +reading that elegy, when I was informed that a cross-road had been +discovered, unquestionably the same which is described by Tibullus; the +part of it which is laid open is preserved as beautifully, as if it had +been completed only this year. It is a road running through the midst of +Tivoli, and its pavement is so perfectly preserved that the stones have +scarcely removed the breadth of a knife’s back from one another; the +Romans built for eternity, and succeeded where the destructive hands of +barbarians did not interfere. The Aurelia must likewise have been a road, +though not a very ancient one, but probably made by M. Aurelius, or else +the name of the Via Domitiana was changed, in order to obliterate the +hateful recollection. Domitian raised splendid structures, but the hatred +with which he was looked upon, transferred many of them to others, as his +Forum was transferred to Nerva. + +If we arrange the before-mentioned fifteen provinces, we first have, in +the north of the territory of Rome, _Thuscia_, in the south _Aurelia_, +and between them _Valeria_: on the other side, beginning in the south, +we have _Lucania et Brittia_, _Samnium_, _Picenus_, and behind Samnium +_Apulia et Calabria_; in the north, _Flaminia_, _Aemilia_; then from the +sea-coast the _Alpis Cottia_, including Genoa and Piedmont, _Liguria_, +_Alpes Penninae_, _Venetia et Istria_, and beyond Italy the two _Raetiae_. + +The Codex Theodosianus contains an expression which is so peculiar, that +even the great Jacobus Gothofredus mistook it; we there read that some +laws were promulgated _per Italiam et Alpes_. _Italia_ here does not +denote the whole peninsula, but only Lombardy, while _Alpes_ signifies +the Cottian and Pennine Alps and the two Raetiae. + +We shall now take up Italy according to its various countries, beginning +with + + +LATIUM, + +the heart of Italy. I do not mean to say that Samnium might not equally +well have become the heart of the country, but history has willed +it otherwise. Latium is by its situation destined to exercise the +sovereignty, while that of Samnium is less favourable in this respect. +The name Latium was not always applied to the same extent of country; the +Greek name is ἡ Λατίνη, whereas τό Λάτιον is a later form copied from the +Latin, and properly signifies _jus Latii_, in which sense it is used, for +example, by Appian, who was a jurist. Latium received its name from the +people of the Lati or Latini; but in what sense the name was given to the +people, remains at least a controverted question. + +I cannot, in these Lectures, always attempt to prove to you the +correctness of my views, and I have done so only in a few instances; +but where, owing to the multiplicity of the traditions, no definite +conclusion has been come to, or where I have not been able to arrive at +a settled conviction, I state to you what can be said for and against +it. What I am now going to state is my well-weighed conviction, and not +the result of an inquiry made to-day or yesterday. I commenced studying +the subject at a very early age, about thirty-five years ago; afterwards +I put it on one side for many years, because I was engaged in others, +and those the most practical occupations, in financial, commercial, and +exchange matters,—years which I do not regret, for I think that in them +I did some service to my contemporaries. But I never lost sight of my +favourite inquiries, for I cherished them in my walks, in my travels, +nay, in the midst of the confusion of war. One of the most important +inquiries, viz., that about the Slavonians and Sarmatians, I made in +the interior of Russia, when I had no books with me except a Latin +translation of Strabo. With this conviction I will at once lay before you +the results of my investigations; it would take several years, if I were +to attempt to refute the opinions of others: I shall give you that which +I honestly hold to be true and correct. + +The extent of Latium was different at different times. In the earliest +ages, it cannot have been confined between the Tiber and the Liris, but +must have extended far beyond the Liris, perhaps as far as Cumae and +the frontiers of Italia in its narrowest sense. Such it appears in the +treaty between Rome and Carthage; this is evident from the words in +Polybius, where it is stipulated, that the Carthaginians should make no +conquests on the coast from Ostia to Terracina, which was subject to the +Romans. Latium therefore must have extended farther south; I will not +absolutely assert, that in the north also it extended beyond the Tiber. +As afterwards the whole of the sea coast was taken possession of by the +Volscians, the coast for a time did not belong to Latium, and even Antium +must have been separated from it. But Latium, in a narrower sense, is the +country of the thirty allied towns forming the Latin state during the +first period of the Roman republic, when the sea coast was separated from +it. This continued to be the extent of Latium until the end of the fourth +century of the city, when the maritime towns again united with Latium +and formed the great Latin league, which I have described in the first +edition of my history, and which, as I have only now discovered, was +formed in the year 397. Latium then extended as far as the Liris, but not +beyond it, for in the south of this river we find Campania, which during +the earliest times is never mentioned. During this period therefore, +the Volscians and Auruncans on the coast are likewise called Latins. +This meaning of the name afterwards changed again, and only a portion +of that country together with all the Latin colonies was termed _nomen +Latinum_, that is _gens Latina_, or _genus Latinum_, just as we have +_nomen Romanum_, _nomen Fabium_ in Livy. The Latin colonies consisted of +Romans, Latins, and Italicans; they became a single nation, which the +Romans planted all over Italy, and they rose to such importance as almost +to throw the ancient Latin towns into oblivion, so that at the time of +the Hannibalian war the name Latini signified the Latin colonies and the +few Latin towns which had belonged to the ancient confederacy and had +not yet obtained the Roman franchise. Their number continued to increase +until the lex Julia, which conferred the Roman franchise upon all of +them; Tibur and Praeneste also, the only remaining towns of the old Latin +confederacy, now received the franchise, and for the moment the Latini +ceased to exist. However, at Rome any gaps which arose, were immediately +filled up; when one generation became effete, another of new and vigorous +citizens was established in its place. C. Pompeius Strabo afterwards +conferred the _jus Latii_ upon the towns of Gallia Transpadana, and with +this wise and progressive measure introduced something quite different +from what had been customary before. These new Latins were levied for +the Roman legions, whereas the earlier ones had formed cohorts of their +own; the latter had been in the relation of isopolity, and by virtue of +the _jus municipii_ they might take the Roman franchise whenever they +pleased; but the new Latins in Gallia Transpadana could do this only +when they had held a municipal office in any of their own towns. They, +moreover, had no _connubium_: when a Roman married such a Latin woman, +his children were not Roman citizens. Sigonius is intolerable on this +subject, and so also most of the moderns. It is sad that our jurists +are not better philologers; I think that in questions of this kind an +intimate acquaintance with the ancient authors is indispensable. But on +the other hand, philologers ought to possess a very accurate knowledge +of Roman law. + +This creation of Pompeius Strabo naturally produced two off-shoots. In +the first place, some people _extra Italiam positi_ now likewise obtained +the _jus Latii_, especially certain Spanish tribes and the inhabitants of +Provence, and all of them on the same footing as the Galli Transpadani. +You ought to know these rights of the Transpadani, because they belong +to the age of Cicero and Caesar, and are of interest in the history of +that period. Secondly, in the reign of Tiberius there was passed the +_Lex Junia Norbani_[2], which limited the manumission of slaves, and +provided regulations to effect a state of security for freedmen without +their obtaining the franchise. This is the later _Latinitas_, mentioned +in the law-books. The _lex Aelia Sentia_ had already established +similar limitations, to prevent slaves from becoming Roman citizens by +manumission; but these restrictions consisted in the formalities of the +law, which had grown obsolete, and were, in many instances, troublesome +and even injurious. The law had thus become unsettled. Formerly the +earlier Latins were not distinguished from the later ones; but the +ancient Latins had the _connubium_; all the Italians, in fact, had it, +and most certainly the Latins. + +Being a part of larger nations, the Latins bore the names of these +nations; hence they were called Tyrrhenians by Greek authors; but even +their own names had different forms, for they are called _Lavini_ and no +doubt also _Lacini_. The ancient national name Lavini gave rise to the +story that Latinus had a brother Lavinus, and that the latter gave the +name to the town of Lavinium—a statement which was adopted by those who +would not derive the name of the town from Lavinia. This view of the +matter at once explains that which puzzled the grammarians, and which +our wretched epitomes of the commentaries on the Aeneid cannot solve. +Namely, Virgil often speaks of _litora Lavina_ and _arva Lavinia_ before +the arrival of Aeneas in Italy, because he entertained the notion that +the name _Latini_ arose afterwards from the union of the Trojans and +Aborigines; hence he took the poetical form _Lavinus_. In like manner, +Virgil, in his catalogue, at the end of the seventh book, when speaking +of the tribes of Latium, says _picti scuta Lavici_, which has always +been referred to the town of Lavici in Latium, which was called after +its inhabitants; but we cannot take this as the name of a town, as both +before and after tribes only are mentioned, and _Lavici_ there is nothing +else than Latini. There can be no doubt that they were also called +_Lacini_. King Latinus is in some traditions called Lacinus, and under +this name he was transferred to southern Italy. This is one of the points +which are not sufficiently attended to in the grammatical study of the +Latin language. It is indeed very difficult to speak of these matters, +as we have so few authentic remains of the ancient Latin dialects, and +even the very name “Latin dialects” sounds strange to us, for they +are mentioned only by the most ancient among the Latin grammarians. +We find it stated, for example, that the Praenestines had a peculiar +pronunciation. There can be no doubt that the Latins had their different +dialects, though the differences were not so strongly marked as in Greek. +The Oscan and several dialects to which the Oscan approached more or +less, were kindred languages of the Latin. I hope that more light may be +thrown upon this subject, especially by means of inscriptions; several +have already been discovered, which I have succeeded in explaining; +some exist at Pompeii and Herculaneum, and still more will no doubt be +discovered. The Oscan is a language which stands to the Latin in nearly +the same relation as that in which the Cretan (which we know, e.g., from +inscriptions of Hierapytna) stands to the Ionic dialect. + +Besides these names of the Latins, I will mention a few others, and +first that of _Aborigines_. It is inconceivable that this name should +ever have been borne by the Latin nation itself, for it is nothing +else but the designation of a primitive people. The ancients generally +explain it to mean a nation from which others are descended; but this +etymology can scarcely be correct, it is probably synonymous with the +Greek αὐτόχθονες, for under this name and in this sense they are actually +mentioned in Roman traditions. We must bear in mind that all traditions +agree in representing the Latins as a mixed race: in the Trojan legends +they consist of Trojans and Aborigines, that is, strangers who arrived +by sea, and natives. But these legends do not belong to the history +of nations; they are mere fictions, which arose out of the Tyrrhenian +origin of the Latins. According to the other legend, which has more of +the character of an historical tradition, the Latin nation arose out of +an immigrating people, which, descending from the mountains, subdued the +_Siculi_ (only a dialectic variety of _Itali_), the ancient inhabitants +who extended into the interior as far as Tibur. This immigrating people +had no name, or we must suppose that its name or names have disappeared +from the traditions. But they were called _Casci_ (which, according +to Saufeius in Servius, was the name of the Aborigines) or _Prisci_. +In a later and more detailed account of the history, this relation +is completely reversed, the immigrating mountaineers being called +Aborigines. This is evidently wrong, for those are not autochthons who +subdue others, but those who are subdued: thus the natives of Attica +are called autochthons by the conquering Ionians. The name _Prisci_ is +an original national name, though it is not mentioned by the ancients: +_Priscus_, like _Cascus_, became a common appellative in the sense of +“old” in the same way as we call a thing Gothic or Old-Frankish; but +this is only a later meaning. The name by which the Latins are mentioned +in the early history of Rome and in the formulae of the pontifical books, +is _Prisci Latini_. This has been translated “the ancient Latins” as +opposed to the _colonarii Latini_; but this is quite impossible, for +they bore that name at a time when no Latin colonies were in existence. +_Prisci Latini_ is a combination of two national names just like _populus +Romanus Quirites_, _Patres Conscripti_, and the legal expressions _empti +venditi_, _locati conducti_, and signifies “the nation of the Prisci and +Latini.” Two words denoting either closely allied, or totally opposed +objects, the two extremes or poles of one idea, are put in juxtaposition +without any connecting link; this was the practice wherever one whole +was to be expressed by two terms. In this respect also much is still to +be done for Latin grammar; some things have been treated of with great +diffuseness, which might be settled in a few words, while others have +been completely neglected. Even in declension entire forms have been +misunderstood, but it is especially in regard to syntax that very much +remains to be done. The ancient mode of speaking occurs now and then, +and is either overlooked altogether or treated as exceptional; but it +ought to be treated with the same accuracy as, for example, the epic +dialect in Greek. In our case, e.g., the grammatical observation throws +light upon history; the Prisci Latini are the people of the thirty towns, +consisting of Priscans and Latins. The Priscans are the Oscan conquerors, +and the Latins the inhabitants of the coast, or the ancient Tyrrhenian +population. As in the genealogies of the Greeks, the Pelasgian race is +not separated, whence the heroes of the Trojan time frequently belong to +the Pelasgian genealogies, so the heroes of the Oscans also occur among +the Latins, and vice versa. Hesiod, in the well-known passage, mentions +Latinus, the son of Circe and Odysseus, as ruler of all the Tyrrhenians +(Πᾶσι Τυρσηνοῖσιν ἀγακλειτοῖσιν ἀνάσσων), understanding by Tyrrhenians +the people dwelling on the coasts, in the wide extent of ἡ Λατίνη. + +These are the results of my investigations about the Latins. They are +spoken of in two senses: in the most ancient, they comprise all the +Siculians or Tyrrhenians on the western coast of Italy; in a narrower +and later sense, the Latins are a mixed people of Siculians and the +Oscans who had come down from the mountains. The great mass of the real +Latins became so amalgamated with the conquerors, that the main body +remained essentially Pelasgian; the alleged emigration[3] either does +not refer to the Latins at all, or only to a small portion of them; they +remained after the foreign conquest in such numbers, that their race did +not undergo any change, in the same manner as the Italians, after the +Lombard conquest, remained essentially Italians, although the Lombards, +who had come with their women and children were the rulers. Even a small +people may preserve its peculiar language for a long time; the Franks +perhaps had scarcely twenty thousand soldiers. Sismondi, whose judgment +is otherwise in most matters of little weight, here observes quite +correctly, that in the tenth century, the Dukes of Beneventum still had +Lombard names; thus one is called Store Seitz, “preparing seats;”[4] and +this was four centuries after the immigration of the Lombards. In like +manner, the nobles in Livonia speak Lettish, but among themselves they +speak German with a peculiar pronunciation; several of them live on their +estates, speak German and have German chaplains, being, among thousands +of Livonians, the only Germans. And yet more than five centuries have +already elapsed since they settled there. + +In describing the physical condition of Latium, I shall use the name +in the sense in which we find it, for example, in Pliny, where it +signifies the country between the Tiber, the Liris, and the Anio, though +on the side of the Anio the frontier must not be taken too strictly. +In our maps the boundary line is marked along the Anio; but this is +incorrect, for not only Tibur is situated on its right bank, but also +Nomentum, Corniculum, and other places. Latium, in a physical point +of view, consists of three distinct parts. The first is of a volcanic +nature, and its central point is the Mons Albanus (Monte Cavo), with +which are connected the hills of Tusculum. This volcanic part extends +from the Campagna di Roma as far as Velitrae, so that the country, as +it approaches the Tiber and the sea, terminates in low hills and almost +forms a plain. This part is at present called the Latin Hills (Monti +Latini); the ancients have no corresponding name for it, though it is +quite isolated. The second part is on the east of the first, and consists +of a continuation of the Apennines, which runs across the Anio as far +as the Liris; in front of it are the hills of the Hernicans, which +are likewise essentially a part of the Apennines, for they consist of +limestone and have no traces of a volcanic nature; they extend as far as +the borders of the Pontine marshes. Between them and the neighbourhood +of Tivoli, the country is low, and in some parts a perfect plain, as +in the district where Gabii was situated; but although the country is +level, it still shows traces of volcanic agency. This is the country of +the Hernicans, with lofty Praeneste and the Latin colonies on the border +of the Pontine marshes; further on, as far as the hills, the country +contained the Aequian and Volscian towns. Those hills are extremely +beautiful, and the high country of mount Algidus lies between them and +the volcanic plain of Campania; the district of mount Algidus forms the +watershed, the waters on the one side flowing towards the Liris, and on +the other towards the Anio and the sea through the Pontine marshes. On +the north-east of Velitrae there is a table-land with broken ground. The +third part, or the country in the north-west, the west, and south, is +of quite a different character, consisting of loose, volcanic ground, +puzzolano and tufo, which are products of volcanic eruptions. The Tiber +in the neighbourhood of Rome was once an arm of the sea, as is clear +from the undoubted investigations of Brocchi, and pure marine sand is +found there; but in whatever part of the country a mineral occurs, it +always consists of an immense quantity of puzzolano, which in some parts +has become tufo. Such is the nature of all the country round Rome, but +strange to say, one part of the Aventine contains a vein of limestone. +Towards the sea the nature of the country is, I believe, the same. On the +coast, the land sinks down and becomes a plain of sand as in many barren +districts of Germany, whence the coast is covered with firs, and was +called _ager macerrimus_ by Fabius Maximus.[5] South of Ostia the coast +gradually rises and becomes a down connecting Latium with cape Circaeum, +the high promontory of Circe. This hill belongs to the Apennines, and it +is impossible to say how it may have become attached to Latium; it must, +however, originally have been separated from it by an inland sea. Into +this sea behind the downs, the river Ufens and several others poured +their waters from the hills; and the mud carried down by them has formed +the Pontine marshes, the nature of which was distinctly recognised even +by the ancients as a πρόσχωσις, that is, a filling up of a place which +was once a part of the sea, but they were mistaken as to the period when +this happened. Lessing justly observes that many an error consists in +merely mistaking the time; I know from my own experience, that even when +you entertain a sound and correct view of a thing, you may often err +in regard to time: you are anxious at once to fix the time, and commit +a blunder. Such is the case also in ancient history. Pliny is one of +those men who, by immense industry, have made themselves dull; he is +originally not deficient in intelligence and judgment. Many people carry +reading and writing to excess; Heyne, for example, would have become a +good philologer, had he not undertaken too much, and had he not thereby +been obliged to cut many a knotty point instead of solving it. It is +possible, therefore, that his name will not be remembered by posterity. +In some chapters Pliny does not show his usual manner; many things are +treated of with a real love of his subject and with great success, and +his history may even have been beautiful and genial. But he thought he +was able to produce a work, the extent of which, as he fixed it in his +own mind, was beyond the grasp of man, unless he had given up everything +else in order to be able to complete it. He dictated, and had a person to +read to him even when he was taking his bath or his meals, and by this +means all kinds of materials were accumulated without discrimination. +It is possible that he may have passed the Pontine marshes a hundred +times; but Mucianus had recorded the erroneous opinion, that at one time +twenty-three towns had existed there, and Pliny copied it; he states +however, in the same breath, that a lake had covered the same country as +late as the time of Theophrastus. The latter indeed speaks of islands, +but had not seen them himself. The marshes can never have been a high +country in which towns existed. The high-road of Trajan was several feet +below the present level of the marsh, and it is still constantly rising. +The downs continue, but between Terracina and Circeii they leave an +opening for the Ufens and other waters so far as they flow out of the +marshes. + + +TOPOGRAPHY OF ROME. + +I shall now at once proceed to say something about the topography of +Rome; whether I shall be able afterwards to treat of this subject more +in detail, depends upon circumstances; but for the present I will give +you a general outline. It is a pity that without drawings it is almost +impossible to form a clear idea. This is not the place for speaking +about the origin of Rome, but I shall not abstain from noticing the most +ancient divisions, and briefly to state their origin. + +In very remote times, there existed, according to the most credible +accounts, a small town on the Palatine hill; this town was probably +called _Roma_, and its name was afterwards extended so as to embrace +other neighbouring places. Another town existed on the Tarpeian hill +opposite, occupying at the same time a portion of the Quirinal (not +the whole of it); and I am convinced that I have discovered its name, +which was undoubtedly _Quirium_. There are ancient statements that many +small towns existed on the summits of the hills in that district—they +may, in fact, have been no more than villages. One of these places was +situated on mount Caelius, and undoubtedly bore the name of _Lucerum_. +These three towns afterwards grew together, and extended south of the +Palatine beyond the great chasm of the Circus as far as the higher and +more important hill called the Aventine. This hill also contained a +town, which at first, unless it was in friendly alliance, might become +dangerous to the city; but when a portion of the Latins was admitted to +the Roman franchise, they received settlements there, and in this manner +that place likewise became united with Rome. The Aventine being, as +it were, an outpost, was connected with the city by means of a rampart +extending to mount Caelius. These five hills, then, the Palatine, +Quirinal, Capitoline, Caelius, and Aventine, formed together one whole, +but each had separate rights, just as in Great Britain at the time when +England and Scotland were united, and Ireland had its own parliament +under British supremacy. A union existed between Roma and Quirium, while +Lucerum, like Ireland, was dependent, though it had its own government; +and the town on the Aventine stood in the relation of the English +colonies. From the Caelian hill to the foot of the Quirinal another great +fortification consisting of a mound and a ditch was formed, whereby the +whole became united as one city; the Esquiline and Viminal were drawn +into the city at a later period. + +In ancient ethnography and history there occur numbers, which, in a +surprising manner, recur at the most different periods; they are by no +means fanciful; to regard them as something mystical, is itself a strange +fancy, though there have been men of great intelligence, who have not +been able to resist this notion. The number seven which so often meets +us in Roman history, is something peculiar which has taken deep root +there. There are unmistakeable traces that, previous to the complete +union between the Romans and Quirites, Roma on the Palatine, Lucerum on +the Caelius, and the town on the Aventine, together with their suburbs, +formed one community, which was divided into seven districts, and bore +the name of _Septimontium_. These seven hills were afterwards transferred +to the whole of the city of Rome. Every one knows the passage in Virgil, +_Septemque una sibi muro circumdedit arces_; but these are in part +quite different hills from those originally comprised under the name +Septimontium, which did not even consist of seven distinct hills.[6] They +then were, the Palatine, Capitoline (formerly called Tarpeius), Quirinal, +Viminal, Esquiline, Caelius, and Aventine. In this sense, and when all +were enclosed by one wall, the Aventine also is reckoned as one of the +seven hills, though otherwise it is not always regarded as a part of +the city. In order not to go beyond the number seven, two very distinct +hills, the Cispius and Oppius, were treated as one under the name +Esquiline; the Aventine, at least in the opinion of the Romans, was the +highest and most considerable of all; in order, therefore, not to leave +it out, the two mentioned before were united into one. They can still be +clearly distinguished, however much the forms of the hills have otherwise +become obscured by ruins and rubbish: even the most indifferent observer +will recognise them as two hills. + +Within this circumference, Rome was contained after the _agger_ of +Servius Tullius was completed. This agger was an enormous work: it ran, +almost an Italian mile, from the Colline to the Esquiline gate, and was +a moat of one hundred feet in breadth and thirty in depth, the earth +of which was thrown up as a mound lined with a wall and fortified with +towers. In the time of Augustus this work was not only still discernible, +but was used as a promenade, a kind of boulevard, of which Horace says, +_aggere in aprico spatiari_; it continued to be admired even in Pliny’s +time, while the other walls were already destroyed. At present only +few traces of it are visible; but I have no doubt that by excavations +the lining wall might still be discovered. In some parts, the agger is +still discernible as a continuous hill. Through this agger, then, the +whole city became one united place. Although the city became greatly +extended, by incorporating with itself suburbs and other hills, yet the +additional hills were not counted, and Rome remained the city of the +seven hills. One of the additions which the city received, was that of +the _mons Pincius_ or _Hortulorum_, on the other side of a wide valley, +by which it was separated from the Quirinal: it derived its name from the +palace of the Pincii, of which the ruins were to be seen as late as the +sixteenth century; it is also remarkable as the place where Belisarius +in the sixth century had his head-quarters. Near the Aventine, another +hill was added, to which the ancients do not give a distinct name, but +which, during the middle ages, was strangely called _Asbestus_, which is +perhaps a corruption of an ancient name. If it be not a mere invention, +it is probable that a church may have stood there which was called _in +Asbesto_. Nibby was the first to notice this, at least he first published +it.[7] The suburb beyond the bridge (_trans Tiberim_, _Trastevere_) +also was added, and in like manner the _Janiculus_ became a part of the +city, as well as another small hill in the neighbourhood of the second +Aventine, the greater part of which, however, was outside the city. The +number of hills which were regarded as belonging to the circumference +of the city, thus already amounted to ten. In the ninth century, when +the Borgo was built and St. Peter was fortified, the Vatican hill also +was incorporated, so that at present the number of hills belonging +to the city amounts to eleven. A great part of them, however, is now +uninhabited, being covered by vineyards. But the division into seven +parts had taken such firm root, that Augustus, in dividing the city into +regions for the purpose of regulating the administration of the police, +made fourteen regions; and this was wise and not a pedantic going back to +obsolete institutions. This arrangement of Augustus was very necessary, +for Rome was at that time little better than a den of robbers, as is +usually the case in republics when the free constitution is not kept +fresh and adapted to circumstances, when they become too vast, when +morality decays, and when there arises a contradiction between the social +condition of the nation and its constitution. In such circumstances the +condition of a republic is the most fearful that can be imagined. The +collective national wealth is never the main thing: I am convinced that +in England, if the middle classes are destroyed (and such a middle class +scarcely exists, for the people are either very rich or very poor), +morals will decay, and that the nation will come to a point, where it can +no longer enjoy its liberty, and will perish by internal convulsions: +Hume has predicted this long ago. Whoever wishes to promote and preserve +freedom, must first ask himself, Is it possible to preserve morality, +virtue, and honesty? Have the morals of the people retained their purity? +Do they respect themselves, their fellow-men, and God? If this is not +the case, liberty is a curse and not a blessing. Such was the case of +the Romans under Augustus: terrible as was his government, still there +was no other way. In like manner, the revolution of the 18th Brumaire +was the most fortunate event for France, and by it Napoleon did more for +the country than by his victories. In his circumstances Augustus could +not ask himself, “Is it not a handsome thing to preserve the ancient +forms?” but, “What is the task I have to accomplish, especially how can +I restore security?” For a man’s life was not safe even in his bed. +Home and its vicinity were then probably even more unsafe than in our +times; no one then could go from Rome to Albano without risking his life, +whereas now even in the worst seasons no one has any thing to fear there. +Whoever went out in the dark, had reason to be grateful, if he escaped +with his life. Augustus, therefore, with a feeling that it could not be +otherwise, divided the city into fourteen regions. In like manner the +Christians in the earliest times divided themselves into seven deaneries +or ecclesiastical regions, which, however, were by no means as distinctly +marked as has sometimes been supposed; and it is evident from monuments +that the ancient boundaries were not observed in them. This division into +seven continued until a late period of the middle ages, and afterwards we +find seven Cardinals, and seven civil dignitaries. Even at the present +day Rome is divided into fourteen regions; during the middle ages this +number was not kept up, but Sixtus V. again made it up by adding the +Borgo. + +How much have these numbers been trifled with! The seven arms of the +chandelier in the temple of Jerusalem, the seven days of the week, and +even the seven planets have been pressed into the service to explain +them. But such explanations may be found for any number. At the time of +the French revolution I knew a good-natured man, who enthusiastically +took up every change and demonstrated that, as man has five fingers and +five senses, the Directoire and the Council of the Five Hundred was +the most perfect form of government. When there were three consuls, he +comprehended this too and found it quite natural; and when at last there +was only one, he declared that it was all right, for that unity must +prevail in nature. Such trifling with numbers is a bad thing. + +I have already spoken to you about the physical character of the whole +district. The ground is volcanic, the stones are tufo, and the loose +soil puzzolano. These volcanic substances are very useful as cement and +very durable. Wherever in architectural structures the ancients speak +of _arena_, we have to understand puzzolano; we translate it indeed by +“sand,” but it is a volcanic sand. Thus we read in Cicero’s speech for +Cluentius that a dead body was found in a sand-pit (_arenaria_); such +pits were dug very deep and were very extensive. Of the same kind are the +catacombs at Rome: they are large subterraneous passages, which, if due +care was taken in their construction, did not fall in. In my lectures on +Roman antiquities, I have said that these catacombs were the ordinary +burial places for the poor. This much may suffice about the hills. + +In the earliest times, the Tiber extended between the Palatine and the +Aventine, for there the river, as I have already remarked, formed a bay +of the sea, and the district between the Tarpeian and the Palatine hills +was a marsh, which, when the waters rose high, became a lake: afterwards +this place was the _Forum_. The valley between the Palatine and Aventine +was always filled with water, independent of inundations, for the river +there formed a real bay: this district was called the _Velabrum_. Rome +consisted, for the most part, of isolated patches of houses on the +hills, for the marsh extended from the Forum to the valley between the +Viminal and Esquiline. When you examine the history of the restoration +of the city, and inquire as to which district was marshy, you find that +even now the place once occupied by the Forum Augusti is called Pantani +(marsh). For the purpose of draining this marsh, the Romans built the +sewers, which are ascribed to one of the Tarquins—it is uncertain whether +to the father or to the son—and which still exist. The intention was to +drain the whole of the lower districts between the Palatine, Aventine, +Capitoline, Esquiline, and the sea, to facilitate the communication +between the several hills, to render the plain fit for agriculture, +instead of cultivating only the sides of the hills, and at the same +time to make the city inhabitable in regard to fortifications: in like +manner London has, within a period of twenty years, become an entirely +new city; for many thousands of houses have been bought and pulled down +for the purpose of making the streets broader. It was necessary to make +an embankment by the river side in order to obtain firm ground behind +it, and then to build the great sewers (_cloacae_). We must not conceive +these works to be executed according to our dwarfish notions: they were +large vaults receiving the waters of the low districts and carrying them +into the river; I always feel sorry to be obliged to use an ignoble name +for those magnificent works. The marsh then had to be filled up, which is +not indeed mentioned by the ancients, but is self-evident. Afterwards, +these cloacae were extended at different times, under the Forum as far +as the Subura between the Viminal and the Esquiline, so that all those +districts were drained by a vast system of sewers. Thus Rome, throughout +this extent, was reclaimed as building ground. I shall afterwards have to +say something more about these cloacae. + +Most Italian towns were in ancient times situated on hills, but were then +not surrounded with walls any more than the Epirot towns, but localities +were chosen where a hill was naturally inaccessible, or it was made +inaccessible by artificial means. The hill Moriah, on which king Solomon +built the temple, was originally such a hill, and it still preserves its +square form amid its ruins. The ancients at most drew a wall around the +base of the hill, which was either a Cyclopean or an Etruscan (i.e., a +regular) wall, so as to render it inaccessible;[8] at the top of the +hill there was no wall, at most a small bulwark, but in most cases even +this did not exist. A sloping road (_clivus_) with two towers at the +foot led up the hill, and along it ran a portico, or two walls, usually +built in a zigzag. At the top there was another gate which could be +closed, and which was generally flanked by two towers, so that the access +might be closed both at the foot and at the top. Such was in general the +character of the Latin towns, more or less perfect, and built regularly +or irregularly according to the nature of the locality; and of this kind +must have been the small Latin and Sabine towns out of which arose the +eternal city. These places stood quite isolated, and each had its own +arx, which perfectly explains Virgil’s expression _Septemque una sibi +muro circumdedit arces_; these were the strong places in Rome itself, +which are so often mentioned by Livy and Dionysius. Rome, therefore, had +not one arx, but seven. These seven arces were then connected by means +of the agger, which extended from the Colline to the Esquiline gate. In +some parts of this circumference the ancient fortification remained; +for example, the Quirinal (which was so high that it was necessary +to make a flight of steps, which was transferred in the fourteenth +century to Araceli[9]) had one very precipitous side, which required no +fortification; but from it to the Capitoline a wall was built. Thence +the fortification proceeded to the corner of the Aventine. This course +of the ancient walls has been mistaken by all antiquarians, except a few +belonging to the sixteenth century; I discovered its real course from the +nature of the circumstances; I lived in the neighbourhood, and found the +remains, for on the one side of the street there runs a ridge of ruins. +This wall alone prevented the Tiber from overflowing the Forum, while +outside the gate the inundations were very great; when, therefore, in +the seventh century the wall was neglected, the Forum and the adjoining +districts, as far as the porta Carmentalis, were completely inundated. In +ancient Rome, this could not have happened. The Aventine is still high +enough to show, that properly it required no wall, and its precipitous +side towards the river may still be seen; but from that point again a +wall runs towards the Caelius, for the most part behind the ditch which +is now called Marrana, but anciently (Pliny) bore the name of _fossa +Quiritium_. Coming from the Campagna this ditch runs along the foot of +the Caelius, traverses the valley of the Murcia towards the river, and in +the Circus it appears as a Euripus. Of the wall from the Aventine to the +Caelius traces likewise still exist in the ridge of ruins in the lanes +of that district. This fortification, then, closed the valley between +the Caelius and Palatine. The Caelius was probably surrounded by a wall, +for its sides cannot have been steep enough to protect it. The wall then +proceeded through the valley towards the Esquiline gate, and was thus +carried to the point where it joined the agger. This circumference of +the city amounted to somewhat more than five English miles, and is known +under the name of the wall of Servius Tullius (_recinto di Servio Tullio, +murus Servii regis_, in Pliny). The wall did not run round the whole +city, for along the Quirinal and the Capitoline there was no real wall. +The _insula Tiberina_ is in the reach of the river, which in the west of +the city forms the _Campus Martius_, a perfect plain outside the ancient +city. At present this plain is covered with scattered hillocks which have +been formed by rubbish deposited there; there were also a few marshes, +but not as many as Brocchi asserts. + +The _Marrana_ is a ditch running from Alba to Rome, respecting which +antiquarians are strangely mistaken, and about which the most singular +conjectures have been propounded. It is supposed that it is not mentioned +in the works of the ancients; while some think that it is the _aqua +damnata_, an aqueduct, and others that it is the _aqua crabra_, a +beautiful spring, which, however, has its source near Tusculum, and +is for the most part consumed there. But the Marrana is nothing but a +ditch: in the vale of Grotta ferrata there existed in ancient times +a lake, which had two outlets for its waters, one channel being cut +through to the Anio, and the other a tunnel cut through the rock. I am +sorry to say that I have not seen it myself, but I have read of it in +the work, “De aquis et aquaeductibus,” by Fabretti, a scholar of the +seventeenth century; his work is very excellent, and I only regret that I +did not read it until I had left Rome; it contains a number of original +investigations, for the author did not, like many others, confine himself +to studying antiquities from books. Fabretti discovered the _Fossa +Cluilia_ at the foot of a hill near Frascati, on which are situated the +Centroni. They were pointed out to me by an aged peasant, for, wherever +it was possible, I tried to make the acquaintance of country people, +who very often know something about the ruins which we find mentioned +in old books. It has for a long time been the misfortune of foreigners +at Rome, not to see more than what is noticed in books. There are, for +example, three pillars, remnants of a portico, in a cellar not far from +the place in which I lived; and I was apprised of their existence by an +old man who was a scholar. Another likewise very interesting ruin exists +in a vault under the Capitol; to judge from the style of architecture, +it cannot be of a more recent date than the age of Augustus; I have, +unfortunately, not seen it myself, but a friend has sent me a description +of it. Fabretti calls the tunnel of which I spoke before, an _opus +priscae magnificentiae_. This is the _Fossa Cluilia_, by means of which +the valley was drained; it is a work of Alban origin; its continuation +towards Rome was called _Fossa Quiritium_, and is the present Marrana. +From this fact we may, at the risk of not going wrong more than a hundred +paces, fix the spot on which the ancients conceived the combat between +the Horatii and Curiatii to have taken place: respecting this point also +the most erroneous notions have prevailed. By the same means, we are +enabled accurately to point out the boundary line of Latium, and the +spot where the Romans thought Coriolanus to have been encamped. These +facts have occurred to no one, because nobody remembered that, before +Appius Claudius made the via Appia, the via Latina was the only road in +that direction. The Fossa Quiritium was regarded as the work of Ancus +Martius; it runs between the Aventine and Palatine into the Velabrum, and +terminates in the cloacae. + +In most maps the walls of Rome are seen continued in the form of a +triangle beyond the Tiber towards the Janiculus; the walls forming σκέλη +proceeding from the Capitol and the Aventine. But this is altogether a +mistake. In the age of Augustus, suburbs certainly did exist beyond the +Tiber, and I have reasons for supposing that they existed there even at +the period of the republic, at least in the seventh century. But it is +a mistake to continue the walls so far, for the Romans had long ceased +heeding the walls in extending their city. The following circumstance is +a proof of this: Rome had only a single bridge across the Tiber, viz. +the Pons Sublicius. Now it is said, that the Fabii went out by the Porta +Carmentalis, and then proceeded across the bridge into the Etruscan +territory. They passed through the Porta Carmentalis because they dwelt +on the Quirinal; if they had lived on the Aventine, they would have +passed through the Porta Flumentana. The bridge, therefore, evidently lay +outside the walls, for otherwise they would have had to pass through two +gates, and two gates would have become _nefastae_. Moreover, Varro, “De +Lingua Latina,” says, that the carceres of the Circus Maximus were close +to the wall of the city,[10] which in his sense is perfectly correct; for +the _carceres_ cannot have been more than a stone’s throw from the wall +which ran from the Capitoline to the Aventine. + +The city was spacious even within the circumference given to it by +Servius, but it ever increased, and suburbs sprang up around it. The +first trace of such a suburb occurs in the second Punic war. If we +possessed the second decad of Livy, we should perhaps find that it +existed even at an earlier period. The account of a great conflagration, +which occurred during the Hannibalian war, shows that a large and +beautiful suburb existed in the district between the Capitoline, +Aventine, the Circus Maximus, and the river, that is, in the region of +the _Forum olitorium, extra portam Flumentanam_. + +It is natural that in a city like Rome, which had already become the +capital of a great empire, the empty spaces within the walls were +gradually filled up, and that the ancient _luci_, especially about +the Esquiline, were more and more cleared away and filled up with +buildings. The extension of large cities generally takes the direction +of the principal streets: when, for example, cities like Paris and +London extend, the newly-built houses follow the lines of the main +streets, and are continued outside the gates; the streets thus become +lengthened, and are intersected by cross roads. But this system had at +Rome to contend with a difficulty, which is generally overlooked. It +was customary with the ancients, not only at Rome but also in the Greek +cities, to build sepulchres outside the gates on both sides of the road. +The ruins of Pompeii show this distinctly. It was accordingly impossible +to continue the buildings there, without destroying the tombs. The +sepulchral monuments at Rome were subsequently destroyed by barbarism +and fanaticism; as most of them were of marble and other costly stones, +they were demolished for the sake of plunder. The district of the tombs +has now a frightful appearance: the via Appia looks like a corpse, and no +one visits it. During summer, when one might be inclined to go there, the +country is covered with corn-fields, and in winter herds of cattle graze +there; and the herdsmen are generally accompanied by large dogs which +attack strangers with great fury; Goethe was in danger of losing his +life in that district. The herdsmen are suspected of sometimes causing +strangers to be torn to pieces in order to be able to rob them, whence +it is necessary to arm one’s self when visiting the district. From an +eminence in the neighbourhood you can see the course of the ancient road +to a considerable distance, and along it you see nothing but tombs in +ruins. Some of them, as we know from Boissard’s description, were entire +as late as the sixteenth century; but the Romans have demolished and +carried away every thing, and not a stone of any value has been left. The +whole of this road was a succession of tombs, it was a real necropolis +like that of Alexandria. Hence Rome was always extended between two +diverging roads, and gardens were thus formed between the open country +and the fields. In ancient Rome you must well distinguish between _horti_ +and _villae_; at present we make no distinction, and the name _villa_ +is applied to a house in a garden, even within the walls of a city; but +in ancient times a villa was always at a considerable distance from +the city. _Horti_, on the other hand, still called _orti_, originally +signified mere orchards in the vicinity of the city. Such _horti_ were +bought by the wealthy at the time when the city became too confined, and +having purchased many of them together they built palaces with suitable +pleasure grounds in those districts between the great high roads. Thus +Scipio, in the work “De Re Publica,” is said to have made up his mind +to be _in hortis_. I have discovered the _horti Aemilii_, which were +situated on the border of the Campus Martius. Such studies and inquiries +make a residence at Rome extremely attractive. In the first year I could +not see my way clearly, but afterwards, when I had once discovered the +thread, I became quite at home there. Had it not been for my family and +the education of my children, whom I was anxious to have brought up in +the German way, I could never have resolved to quit Rome, because ancient +Rome became daily more clear and vivid before my mind, while modern Rome +disappeared more and more from my view; the climate also agreed very +well with me. The large palaces, to return to my subject, were situated +outside the ancient walls. It is a most erroneous opinion that the palace +of Maecenas was situated on the spot afterwards occupied by the Thermae +of Titus; for it was outside the wall in the Campus Esquilinus. + +The city now became extended in various ways. Industrious artizans +established themselves by the river-side, and also on the other side +of it (_trans Tiberim_). That this latter district was inhabited as a +distinct quarter as early as the time of Augustus, is evident from the +fact, that he made it a separate region; and this is at the same time a +proof that it was thickly peopled. For although most other regions were +of nearly equal extent, this one was comparatively small, which arose +from the circumstance, that the great mass and the condition of its +inhabitants required a more watchful vigilance of the police. This is +the reason why that region was smaller than those in other parts. For +opposite reasons, another region near the Porta Capena, in which the +population was more dispersed, and which contained more palaces, was made +unusually large. Suburbs existed as early as the Punic wars, and in the +time of Marius and Sulla, the whole city was surrounded with suburbs; the +ancient walls were then forgotten, and it seems that, for the purpose of +removing all impediments of communication, even the gates were taken off +their hinges. Along the river there was no obstacle, hence buildings +were erected there under the Capitoline and Palatine.[11] It is commonly +imagined that the whole district at the reach of the Tiber was called +Campus Martius, but the Campus occupied only a part of it. At the foot +of the Quirinal, too, buildings were erected, and all these enlargements +may have narrowed the Campus Martius. In other parts the gardens were +isolated, not forming a connected quarter. One suburb was situated at the +distance of a Roman mile from the city, on the Appian road; it was even +outside the Aurelian wall, which is still standing, and was called _ad +Martis_. + +When the city had become thus enlarged, there followed the conflagration +of Nero, the effects of which have not yet been made clear, but I hope +some time to be able to give a satisfactory account of it. The Palatine, +a part of Caelius and the district about the Circus were, perhaps, +completely reduced to ashes; so also the Via Flaminia on the west of the +Capitol; but other parts were less injured. + +In Pliny (iii. 9), we meet with the strange expression: _Moenia ejus +collegere ambitu Imperatoribus Censoribusque Vespasianis, anno conditae +DCCCXXVII. pass. XIIIMCC._, an expression which proves in a striking +manner that an accurate knowledge of language and etymology cannot be +dispensed with, even in matters which we observe with our own eyes. +It has been unjustly inferred from this passage, that in the reign of +Vespasian Rome was provided with walls, and those, too, of a much wider +circumference than those of Servius. This arose from ignorance of the +fact that, according to the most ancient Roman usage, _moenia_ always +signifies “buildings.” In like manner, Virgil’s expression, _Dividimus +muros et moenia pandimus urbis_, contains no tautology, as was well-known +to the ancient grammarians, for the meaning is: “we break the walls, +and thereby lay open the buildings of the city.” So also Florus, who +sometimes follows the ancient usage, says: _hic igitur et moenia muro +amplexus_. We must accordingly understand the passage of Pliny as +comprising the whole complex of Rome, as it was measured in the time of +Vespasian, which, of course, is a variable magnitude. As it is generally +understood, the expression would be as absurd, as if I were to say: the +walls of the city of Cologne, in 1828, were of such or such an extent, +having, of course, had the same circumference two hundred years ago. +Rome had long since been extended beyond the ancient walls, which were +now, in fact, in the midst of the city; the towers had been taken down, +and people built houses there, the interdicts against building on the +pomoerium being no longer attended to. In like manner the foundations +of the ancient walls of London may still be discerned among the houses. +From Frontinus’ work on Aqueducts, we see how, though the police was +excellent, abuses had crept in, although not as many as at present, +because the lower administration was not carried on in so servile a +manner; when an experienced man was entrusted with the superintendence, +things went on fairly, but if not, every one took the greatest liberty. +Such was the case at Rome, until Frontinus came forward as a reformer. +The disorder was then so great that any one built a house wherever he +pleased, without asking whether he had a right to do so or not; and hence +the city ever continued to extend. I have made a series of observations +on the origin of particular buildings, in order to see approximately, +how the city became enlarged under the several emperors. In the reign +of Augustus, the Campus Martius was principally chosen for the erection +of large buildings: there Agrippa built his Thermae and the Pantheon, +and Augustus his Mausoleum; for the Campus was no longer the plain for +reviewing the citizens, nor were the mock-comitia of the centuries held +there any longer, but it was confined to a small plain near the river, as +may be seen from Pliny’s panegyric on Trajan. This part of the Campus, +according to a regulation of Agrippa, was watered throughout the summer, +and hence always presented a green lawn. The summer is at Rome much more +terrible than winter, for the grass is scorched to its very roots; in +September it is green, but in July and the dreadful month of August, +all the foliage is scorched and covered with dust, so that it presents +the most melancholy appearance, and the grounds, like the fields, are, +nearly as in Egypt, a picture of death.—In the time of Trajan the Romans +built in the same way as is now done in London, where people do not only +enlarge the town, but spare no expenses in embellishing it. Enormous +works were undertaken in the interior, merely to gain ground. To make +room for the Forum of Trajan, a part of the Quirinal was taken down, and +many houses were demolished to gain the magnificent space, so that it +cost many millions before the foundations could be laid. Antonine erected +in the Campus Martius his basilica, his column, and other edifices. Rome +was, in fact, ever increasing down to the third century. Even in the time +of Alexander Severus, although there existed men of great intelligence, +very few seem to have suspected that the nation was in a state of decay, +and that a destructive storm was approaching. Dangers in which the empire +might have perished did not become visible until the reign of Decius, +when the German tribes, the Goths, Alemanni, and Longobards (Juthungi) +crossed the boundaries of the empire. They penetrated as far as the river +Po, and as Marius had conquered the Cimbri, so Aurelian defeated those +tribes in the north of the Po, and saved Italy. Aurelian now found it +necessary to surround the city with a new wall, which was essentially +the same as the present one. He did not comprise all the suburbs within +its circumference, but was guided by the course of the hills; the whole +of the _Collis hortulorum_, however, and the mighty ravine in the +neighbourhood were drawn into it and fortified. This wall was exceedingly +strong: in the east he was obliged, as Servius had done before, to raise +it to a great height. + +This was the circumference of Rome, until Leo IV. drew the Vatican +into the city and surrounded it with a wall. In the sixteenth century +the Vatican was connected with Trastevere by means of the Lungara; and +thus arose the present circumference, a fact which cannot be denied, +although it has been inferred that the wall was fifteen Roman miles in +circumference.[12] The present walls are altogether restorations, and +probably no part of them belongs to Aurelian. Under the later emperors +they again fell into decay; previous to the siege by the Goths, Honorius +ordered them to be cleared of the heaps of rubbish which had accumulated +by the side of them, and to be restored (_egestis immensibus ruderibus_). +Afterwards one third of the wall was demolished by Totilas. Very few of +the gates belonging to the time of Honorius now exist, as is clear from +the inscriptions; they can be clearly distinguished from those which were +built in the sixth century under Gregory the Great, who restored them in +every way, for the purpose of protecting the city against the Lombards. + +The walls of Servius and Aurelian, although the facts were known, were by +no means properly distinguished by the antiquarians and commentators of +the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It was only in the eighteenth +century that a correct notion was formed of the course of the walls +of Rome, and the great D’Anville in this matter also showed his keen +judgment and ready tact, although his outline, too, is not quite correct. +The more ancient the antiquarians are, the less do they distinguish +between the two walls; they sought the Esquiline and Colline gates in the +line of the present wall, though they must have known that this did not +accord with all the rest; but where a difficulty occurred they helped +themselves by accommodation. At present the matter has been made pretty +clear; Nibby’s work on the Roman walls contains for the most part correct +views. + +I will now proceed to enumerate the gates, as they are extremely +important in the earliest history of Rome. It is said that the most +ancient Rome on the Palatine had three gates; but this must be understood +to refer to the extent of Rome comprising the plain round the Palatine, +where a suburb was separated by means of a trench and palisades. These +gates are not the same in all authors; the _Porta Mugonia_ alone, near +the temple in the Via Nova, is historical; it is mentioned by Solinus, +and Tarquinius Priscus is said to have dwelt there. You must not, +therefore, seek for these gates on the hill, but below Cermalus. + +The northernmost gate is the _Porta Collina_, near the Quirinal, where +the mound of Servius Tullius began. Before it there is a field, and then +comes the valley across which you pass through the gardens of Sallust +towards Monte Pincio. Here, on the road to the Porta Salara[13], we must +conceive the point where Hannibal rode up to the walls of Rome, and +hurled his spear into the city, and where Sulla defeated the Samnites. +The _Porta Esquilina_ was at the other end of the Servian agger, and +between them was the _Porta Viminalis_. Ficoroni has very successfully +made out the site of the Porta Esquilina behind the church of S. Maria +Maggiore. After the Esquiline gate there follows the _Caelimontana_, the +site of which cannot be accurately determined; but that the arch on the +Caelius with an inscription by Dolabella[14], is not a Roman gate, is +obvious to any one who has a notion of the structure of a Roman gate. +Then comes the _Porta Capena_, in the valley below the Caelius. Piranesi, +an intelligent and clever man, discovered it about fifty years ago by +well conducted excavations; but the spot has been covered over again, and +not even a mark has been put there. Then follows the _Porta Naevia_ near +the Aventine, whether on the side towards the Caelius, or at the southern +extremity, on the spot where now the bulwark of Paul III. exists, cannot +be ascertained. This gate is the largest. In order to discover any thing +more definite about it, it would be necessary to make excavations, and +it would have made me extremely happy, if I had been allowed to do so. +But gladly as I would have done it, even at my own expense, I had to +struggle with too great difficulties, especially caused by Monsignor Fea, +who always had some objection, when a proposal was made, although he had +no certain conviction of his own. He generally thwarted my attempts. +When once by accident he consented to Count Funchal making excavations +on the Capitol, the thing sought for was found. He never would be wrong, +though he is otherwise an honest man, and has the reputation of great +disinterestedness; but he is arrogant, confident, and impertinent; he +becomes enraged, and never allows a matter to be inquired into, and to +prevent it he would even have recourse to intrigues and tricks. Thus, +although I wished to make excavations at my own expense, and although I +offered to take nothing for myself, and to surrender every thing to the +Papal government—I only wished to copy what I might find—still I could +not obtain permission. And this was done, in order that new discoveries +might not overthrow the current theories. But I understand that things +are now going on better. + +In that district there are two gates, the _Raudusculana_, probably at the +southern extremity, and the _Naevia_. Then came the _Porta Trigemina_, +below the Aventine, between it and the Tiber, just as the Capena was +below the Caelius. Whence the Trigemina derived its name I will mention +after the enumeration of the gates, when I shall have to speak of their +construction. The _Porta Flumentana_ was between the Circus and the +river. The last important gate, the _Porta Carmentalis_, was between the +Capitol and the Quirinal. Thus we again reach the Collina by the long +line of the Quirinal. + +These are the more important gates of Rome, but there were several others +besides. I have given you a list of them, because they are generally +stated erroneously from the Naevia onwards. I cannot here attempt to +prove my statements, for it would be impossible for you to appreciate +or examine the arguments, but you will give me credit, that I have said +nothing but what, according to my full conviction, is correct, and I +can speak to you with that confidence as if I had seen the objects only +a moment ago. Independently of the large gates, there must have been +some smaller door-ways, especially in the long line between the Porta +Carmentalis and Collina, but in some other parts also, in which cases +a flight of steps must have led down the hills. These smaller means of +egress came more and more into use at the time when the fortifications +had become unnecessary, and when Rome was enlarged beyond the walls. +During the period of the republic, the Romans had no excise duties, which +were not introduced until the time of the emperors; hence I see no reason +why such means of egress should have been forbidden. + +The peculiarity of the Roman gates is, that they had two arches by the +side of each other, as is the case in the Porta Nigra at Treves, for +there can be no doubt that the Porta Nigra was a Roman gate, with a +basilica on each side of it. Each of these two arches was called _Janus_, +the one _Janus dexter_, and the other _Janus sinister_; by the former +people left the town, and by the latter they entered it; and every person +kept to the right in order to avoid crowding and collision. The Porta +Trigemina must have had a threefold Janus, though I cannot conjecture for +what reason; it is possible that the third was destined for vehicles, +or that it was a mere ornament. Strange opinions are current about this +gate, as, for example, that the Horatii and Curiatii passed through it; +but this is impossible, they must have gone out by the Porta Capena. + +Over the Capena there ran an aqueduct, which in the reign of Domitian +must have been damaged, whence Juvenal and Martial speak of _madida +Capena_. + +The Porta Carmentalis can be regarded as a gate of the Capitol only in +an improper sense; it was connected only with the continuation of the +_clivus Capitolinus_. + +The circumference of the walls of Servius Tullius thus contained ten +gates. Some of them derived their names from the hills; the Collina from +the Collis Quirinalis, which was pre-eminently called _the_ Collis, the +Capena probably owed its name to the fact of its leading to Capua, or to +the _lucus Capenas_, the grove of the Camenae; the Naevia to the Silva +Naevia, the Carmentalis to a sanctuary of Carmentis in the neighbourhood, +the Raudusculana to the fact of its being covered with brass, and the +Flumentana to the river. + +The larger circumference of the wall of Aurelian extended as far as the +banks of the Tiber, where now no wall exists, because the Borgo and the +Castel Angelo are united with the city. On the left bank the foundations +of the wall are still the same, though the walls themselves have at +different times been entirely restored. Not a stone of the ancient wall +now remains, and if there should be any, they belong to the restoration +of Honorius. Totilas demolished the greater part of it; afterwards it was +repeatedly destroyed and restored again.[15] + +The gates of the wall of Aurelian were called after the streets from +which they led. In former times a large road led from the Porta Collina +northward, and branched off into two, the _Via Salaria_ and the _Via +Nomentana_; the Via Tiburtina, afterwards called _Valeria_, issued from +the Porta Viminalis; and another issued from the Porta Esquilina, which +branched off into the _Via Praenestina_ and the _Via Labicana_. The _Via +Appia_ and _Via Latina_ began at the Capena, and a road branching off +from the Appia was called _Campana_.[16] The _Via Ardeatina_ proceeded +from the Porta Raudusculana, while the _Via Ostiensis_ issued from +the Porta Naevia or Trigemina, for these two must have been near each +other. The _Via Portuensis_ was on the other side of the river, and the +_Via Cassia_ ran over the hill; from the bridge _Pons Aelius_, a street +ran close by the mausoleum of Hadrian, which probably bore the name of +_Via Aelia_; but the matter is obscure. The _Via Flaminia_ proceeded +straightway from the Porta Carmentalis to Ariminum. + +Not one of these roads was blocked up by the wall of Aurelian, and +wherever gates were made in the latter, they received their names from +the streets into which they led. Thus we find the Porta Flaminia, Porta +Pinciana (a secondary gate near the Collina, leading probably to a less +important way, not a high-road, a gate being necessary for the palace), +P. Salaria, P. Nomentana, and then two Portae Tiburtinae, because there +were two roads leading to Tibur; one of these gates seems to have had no +particular name of its own, though it may have been called P. Valeria. +Next came the P. Praenestina and Labicana, both in one building, though +distinct; P. Metronia (probably named after a palace), P. Latina, P. +Asinaria (P. S. Giovanni), P. Appia, P. Ardeatina, P. Ostiensis, beyond +the river P. Portuensis, P. Septimiana or Aurelia, between the Janiculus +and the river, probably named after the Thermae of Septimius Severus; +and at the bridge (Pons Aelius) the P. Aelia. With the exception of the +Pincia and Metronia, you still find almost the same gates leading to +the same roads. This circumference of Rome is mentioned by Procopius +in his account of the siege of the city. In the sixth century a change +took place in the nomenclature, many gates receiving new names from the +nearest important churches: thus the P. Asinaria was at a very early date +called P. S. Giovanni; the P. Appia, P. S. Sebastiani, from a basilica; +the P. Ostiensis, S. Pauli; P. Aurelia, S. Pancratii; the P. S. Lorenzo +(Praenestina) also received its name from the basilica S. Laurentii. The +P. Salaria and Nomentana retained their names until the sixteenth century. + +I cannot enter so fully into the topography of Rome as to show you how +the streets of Rome were continued throughout Italy and the whole Roman +empire. But, as architectural structures, the Roman high-roads are the +most magnificent remains of antiquity. They consist of polished polygons +of basalt: the foundation was formed of large stones, more than a cubit +deep; over them was laid a stratum of mortar made of lime and puzzolano. +Upon this a kind of excellent bricks were broken in large pieces, and +laid in strata, over which again a cement was poured, which completely +hardened into stone. Upon this substratum the blocks of basalt were +placed, the lower surface of which was cut perfectly smooth. The polygons +were very large, but different in circumference; they are so well fitted +together, that in many parts the point of a pen-knife cannot be pressed +between them; they were cut with great care, and must have been polished +in a peculiar manner. A line is seen between two stones, but there is no +interstice. Even if accidentally the water penetrated from above, the +lower part was perfectly waterproof. It is well known that roads are +mainly injured by water. Whoever has seen those ancient roads, despises +the wretched structures of modern times; but if we were to build them +now in the same manner, we should be obliged to sacrifice their external +beauty and cover them with sand, because horses shod with iron would +not be able to run on the surface, which is as smooth as a mirror. The +horses of the ancients were not shod, and mules had either a kind of +wooden shoes or soles of matting. Near and at Tivoli large parts of such +roads exist in a state of preservation so perfect, as if they had been +made only a year ago; but no vehicles now go over them. In comparison +with ourselves, the ancients used carriages very rarely, and burdens were +mostly carried by mules. On each side of the road there was a pavement +for foot-passengers, and at intervals stones were set up, to enable men +to get upon their horses, as stirrups were unknown. + +In regard to the interior of Rome, it is erroneous to speak only of +hills, for in later times they constituted only the smallest part of the +city; a great portion being situated in valleys and another in plains. +But I will first speak of the hills. + +The real centre of the later city consisted of the _Capitoline Hill_, +which, though not of great circumference, is properly composed of two +hills, a southern one towards the Forum, and a northern one; between +them a considerable depression of the ground is still visible. This +depression, however, was far greater in ancient times than it is now, and +in it there was a portico open on both sides, but at present its back +is filled up with rubbish, especially from the ruins of the Capitoline +temple, which, like many other buildings, has been purposely and +barbarously destroyed. There was a _clivus_ leading up the Capitoline +hill from the Forum, which, as in the case of all the Roman hills, formed +an inclined plain ascending gradually. The names of the _clivi_ of all +the other hills, however, are not known. On the Quirinal I do not find +a _clivus_, but it had a _semita_. The meaning of this latter term is +not correctly given in our dictionaries: the _semita_ does not differ so +much from a carriage road by being less in breadth, but it is altogether +a way which no vehicles can pass, either from its want of breadth, or +from its construction in other respects, and which therefore is available +only to foot-passengers and mules; _semitae_ were ways like the one still +existing in the Vatican palace, by which the pope can ride on a mule +into his own apartment. In Germany there is nothing comparable to it; +the Italian name is _cordonata_, and it must be conceived as a strongly, +though not inconveniently, inclined plain, with high stones at certain +intervals for the purpose of stopping, so that the second step begins +lower than the point at which the first left off.[17] Semitae are also +found at gates, especially of Cyclopean towns, as at Ferentino. Before +the time of Trajan there is no trace of a clivus leading up the Quirinal; +on the Esquiline I can prove its existence; the Palatine had two clivi, +the Aventine one, etc. + +Rome was essentially different from large modern cities which always +contain main streets running from one end to the other; such a street +cannot be shown to have existed at Rome, which altogether had but few +great streets. All the houses built on the same hill formed, as it were, +a small town by themselves with little, and probably extremely irregular, +streets, and thus every hill was isolated. It was only the plains and +valleys that contained some large streets. The _Esquiliae_ were not a +separate street, and the _Carinae_ near the Esquiline also were a quarter +of the city rather than a street; the _Subura_ beyond the Esquiliae was +a real street, and so also the _Via Sacra_ up to a certain point, but it +was not a main street. + +The intermontium of the Capitoline hill contained the _asylum_. The +southern half of the Capitol, towards both the Tiber and the Forum, +formed the _Tarpeian Rock_, which did not, as is commonly believed, +consist of one side only. A French scholar, Dureau de la Malle, several +years ago wrote an excellent essay on this subject, entitled “Mémoire +sur la position de la roche Tarpéienne, lu à l’Académie des Inscriptions +et Belles Lettres.” The same scholar is the author of a very able +translation of Tacitus; he has been at Rome, and his work furnishes +evidence of very correct observations and sound judgment. The Tarpeian +rock was cut quite precipitous, a circumstance which at present is not +visible everywhere, because houses of six and seven stories in height +were built there, which, when demolished in the time of destruction, +formed heaps of rubbish as high as two-thirds of the rock, and upon this +rubbish houses were afterwards erected. In one part of the rock there +was a flight of one hundred steps, which was visible as late as the +twelfth century. + +The exact site of the Capitoline temple is a much disputed question +among antiquarians; it is strange that no ruins of it are remaining. The +old opinion which was generally adopted until the time of Nardini, is +the true one: Fulvius, Marliani, and Donati all agreed in stating that +the temple was situated on the southern part of the hill; but Nardini +perverts the whole matter by placing it on the north side on the site now +occupied by the church and convent of Araceli; the northern part formed +the _arx_, as is clear from the history of the Gallic war; it was a very +steep height, not a fortress, but only a strong point, and was occupied +by houses of private citizens. + +The Capitoline temple was built by the kings and completed by the first +consuls; it was then consumed by fire in the time of Sulla, but was +restored and consecrated by Catulus. It was burnt down a second time +under Vitellius, after which Vespasian rebuilt it with great splendour. +Twelve years later, fire again broke out in an unaccountable manner, and +Domitian restored it a third time. The immense splendour lavished upon it +was probably the principal cause of its subsequent total destruction; it +is scarcely possible to form any idea of its costly ornaments: the gates +were of bronze covered with thick and solid plates of wrought gold. This +gilding alone is said to have cost more than two millions sterling. Even +the tiles which Genseric carried away were gilt.[18] + +All ancient temples consist of two main parts, the cella and the space in +front of the cella. The latter might be constructed in different ways, +it might be sheltered by a roof, or exposed to the open air, in which +case it was enclosed by four walls or a portico all around. We generally +imagine the altar to have been in the temple itself; in the ancient +Christian churches (_basilicae_) it always stood in the _apsis_, but in +the temples it did not belong to the cella of the gods, but to the space +in front of it. The cella was generally open, but could be closed; it +was usually very small. The Roman temples often were of extremely small +dimensions, and at present I scarcely know a chapel of an equally small +size, not even in Italy, where there are some incredibly little chapels; +for there were temples of which the cella was only seven or eight feet +in diameter. The cella contained the statue of the god (τὸ ἕδος), and +for this reason it was necessary to have the altar outside in the centre +of the space in front of the cella, which was either exposed to the open +air, or could easily be aired, because the statue, in consequence of the +burnt sacrifices, might have become disfigured by smoke or otherwise, +and because the bones and the like might easily have created foul air +in the cella and thus produced injurious effects. In the temple of the +Capitoline Jupiter, the cella was divided into three sacella, separated +by walls, for Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. But this cella was only the +smallest part of the building; the larger was the space before it, where +the ordinary donaria were hung up, except the more precious gifts, which +were kept in the favissae, or large catacombs under the temple in the +lautumiae. It is possible that they might still be discovered; a few +traces of them are visible in the garden of duke Caffarelli. In the +twelfth century, under Pope Anacletus II., large ruins still existed; but +a church was erected upon them, which bore the name _S. Salvatoris in +maximis_ (supply _ruinis_), but has been destroyed long ago. Such names +must always be attended to, for they often lead to important discoveries. +The heaps of rubbish lying below by the side of the river, belong +no doubt to the temple, and if excavations were made, many valuable +treasures might be discovered. I often proposed in vain to dig in the +favissae, but as I have given some impulse, I hope people will be roused +from their indifference.[19] + +The hills not only had the same extent which they still have, but must +have extended much further at the time when the valleys were more +distinct. Thus a part of the Forum, properly speaking, belonged to the +Capitoline hill. The _carcer_ was at the north-eastern extremity; its +construction is ascribed to Ancus Marcius, the founder of the plebeian +order; it seems to have been intended for the plebeians, for the +patricians would probably not have tolerated the idea of such a thing. + +The _Forum_ was situated below the Capitoline hill, between it and the +Palatine. This is the real point from which the reform of the topography +of Rome must proceed, for point by point can be established by the +aid of the ancient authors. I there made the beginning of some happy +discoveries, which, however, were not continued, because those who have +it in their power to grant permission, are afraid lest their arbitrary +assertions should be overturned. Materials are not wanting, and many have +undertaken the task, but a singular misfortune seems to hang over these +things. In the earlier times this part of Roman topography was sadly +bungled, even by most excellent men, and Nardini proceeded in quite a +wrong way. He is one of those who, with great industry but insufficient +learning, produced very little; he did not understand Greek, but helped +himself by means of Latin translations, whence he often commits the +strangest blunders. Notwithstanding his great diligence, he has not only +produced bad and perverse results, but has done positive harm by making +posterity acquiesce in his conclusions, for, until our own days, it was +the prevalent opinion that he had settled every point, and people were +satisfied with having read Nardini. Hence his work has been translated +into Latin and incorporated in the “Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanorum.” +There were only few able men that were not misled by his authority, and +ventured upon independent investigations after him, such as Ficoroni, +though he entered only into special points. I knew at Rome a bookseller, +a respectable and unassuming person, whose business was stopped for no +other reason but because he had disregarded the authority of Nardini. +Morelli, an excellent Italian, has written a treatise on the decay of +scholarship in Italy, in which he makes a witty application of the +scriptural expression, “Ablatum ab Israel, translatum ad gentes,” telling +his countrymen, that they have to learn their own antiquities from +foreigners, and that philology in Italy is at an end. This is not indeed +quite true, but the Italians are not sure in their own minds, they are +often influenced by a certain feeling of uneasiness, and do not possess +calm confidence. An honest inquirer need not despond; he does not mind +owning that he has been mistaken, for who is exempt from it! Whoever +makes great pretensions without having corresponding abilities, becomes +unfaithful to truth, and will endeavour to crush and calumniate others, +in order to preserve for himself dictatorial influence. Such is the case +of Fea. Roman topography, as I have said before, was brought by Nardini +to a stand still which lasted more than a century and a half. Zoëga +too has made inquiries into it: being a Dane he is almost a countryman +of mine, and I do not undervalue his learning; but if his works were +written at the present time, the true scholars of Germany would not be +a little surprised, for he was entirely deficient in real grammatical +knowledge. He directed his mind and attention to things about which a +healthy philology does not concern itself, such as the Egyptian mysteries +and the like. His reading was uncommonly extensive, but he had little +scholarship, and owing to this he will be forgotten. He had examined the +antiquities of Rome, and had read all the books upon them, but formed no +sound conception of the ancient city. Nardini was quite aware that the +Forum was the heart of Rome, both topographically and politically, but +he unfortunately took an entirely wrong direction; instead of making the +buildings succeed one another on the left, he makes them follow on the +right, and puts in juxtaposition those which belong to different periods. +Hence his confusion; his view of ancient Rome is altogether false. I have +gained the right point of view in a peculiar way, and am quite certain +of its correctness. I will relate the matter to you as an example of a +thread in a labyrinth. Pliny states that, before sun-dials were known +at Rome, the parts of the day, sunrise, noon, and sunset were cried +out. But the Romans did not calculate according to the moment when the +sun really set, but from the moment when the sun was no longer visible +in the Forum. By this means it was determined as to whether an act had +taken place at the right time or not, for the Romans were very exact +in such trifles. Now in the Forum the sun became invisible about three +minutes before the real sunset; the crier called out from the Curia, +and at the different seasons of the year stated, when he had seen the +sun. I have been on the spot innumerable times, and knew the district as +well as I knew my own room; I sought the place where the Curia must have +stood, and made experiments by watching the sun from that point at the +different seasons of the year. By this means I obtained the advantage +of certainty in regard to the whole side near the Palatine. Having once +found the Curia Hostilia, I had at the same time the Comitium[20] and +the Graecostasis. In a poem of Statius there occurs a description of +the gigantic equestrian statue of Domitian, and the poet says that it +looked towards the temple of Concord: the site of this statue I also +succeeded in discovering. It then happened very fortunately that during +an excavation an enormous cube was found, on which smaller cubes had +been fastened bearing pillars: this was the identical pedestal of the +equestrian statue of Domitian. It is clear, that its base consisted of +bricks with a coating of marble; the masonry belongs to a period which +a practised eye cannot mistake, and we may assert, that the great cubic +block was built before the time of Severus, for afterwards the masonry +became quite different. In the Monumentum Ancyranum of Augustus, the +author, in speaking of a basilica, mentions that a temple of Castor +was adjoining it; and this temple I discovered with the assistance of +Statius. Its site is a subject of great difficulty, for according to the +Monumentum Ancyranum, it was adjoining the basilica Julia, whereas it is +commonly supposed to have been situated on the other side; but I knew +from Ovid[21], that it was at the end of the Forum, and in this manner +the whole Forum was made out. + +Respecting the extent of the Roman Forum equally erroneous notions are +current, because not only the district occupied by the ancient Forum, +but the whole valley far and wide, up to the eminence from which the +Via Sacra came down, has several times been covered with rubbish. This +whole district is now called Campo Vaccino, and Andreas Fulvius and +Bartholomaeus Marliani imagined that all this space, from the Capitol +to the arch of Titus, was occupied by the Forum. People were the more +tempted to assume this extent, as they entertained the most exaggerated +notions about the population and magnitude of the city, as is the case, +e.g., in Lipsius’ book, “De Magnitudine Urbis Romae.” He believes that +Rome extended north as far as Civita Castellana, a distance of from +thirty-five to forty English miles; for he imagined that the numbers of +the census under the first emperors were those of the inhabitants of the +city, whereas they embraced the whole body of citizens, and accordingly +amounted to millions. Nothing can be more senseless than what Lipsius +has written on this subject; the exaggerations are enormous: sometimes +he was misled by appearances, but sometimes he has not even this excuse. +The Forum, in comparison with the present Campo Vaccino, was small, and +in all our maps it is pushed too far towards the Capitol. It was situated +between the Tarpeian and the Palatine, but did not occupy the whole +length of the Capitoline; the triumphal arch of Septimius Severus stood +beside, and not in, the Forum. + +The first question here is as to the distinction between the Forum and +the _Comitium_. In the earliest times they were as different as the +populus was from the plebs: the Comitium being the place of assembly +for the curiae (patricians), and the Forum the original market-place, +in which, however, the plebeians met for the purpose of voting. The +Comitium has been the subject of endless discussions and controversies, +but most of the opinions about it are quite foolish. Things went so far +that Nardini gained immense applause from the _imperiti_ when he declared +that the Comitium was the building of which three pillars are still +standing: but these pillars belong to the Curia Julia. The Comitium was +no building at all, it was nothing but an open place, and a part of the +Forum in its wider sense. Both the Forum and the Comitium are parts of +the same plain; at a later time the Comitium, in every-day language, was +included in the word Forum, and there can be no doubt that the portico +surrounding the Forum also inclosed the Comitium. The _rostra_ formed +the separation between the two. It is difficult to give you an accurate +idea of the rostra, for we have no word conveying an adequate notion. +Imagine a _suggestum_ about twelve feet in breadth and at least thirty +in length; imagine this to be of the height of a full-grown man, perhaps +even somewhat higher, and on both sides steps leading up to it. I should +never have been able to form a correct notion of it, had it not been +for the fortunate accident, that just during my residence at Rome the +new rostra were excavated. No person recognised it or understood what +it was; I was not inclined to enter into a dispute, but only took my +friend, De Serre, the greatest orator of the present time, to see the +spot, where if he had lived in ancient times, he would have achieved as +great a reputation as any other. The inner kernel only remains, which is +constructed of beautiful bricks and cement. The outside was probably, +or I may say certainly, covered with marble, and the beaks of the ships +(_rostra navium Antiatum_ or _Antiatium_) were walled in in the front. +So long as I had no correct notion of the rostra, I could not understand +the meaning of the words _statuae in rostris positae_; it is only on such +an extensive platform that they could be set up. Such a space is quite +natural if we bear in mind the animated character of southern oratory, +in which the speaker is in constant communication with those around him. +One may still see this. There was at Rome a highly respectable monk who +preached every Sunday, and during Lent, daily, in the Colosseum. He +stood in the open air, and walked up and down as if he were conversing +with his hearers. I think I never heard a sermon that made a deeper +impression: sometimes he stood still, and sometimes he went from one +to another of his hearers, without, however, calling any one by his +name. It is this active communication with the audience that produced +the _percussio laterum_; if a man, standing on a small platform, were +to do this often, he would become ridiculous. At Athens, the case was +different; the orators there did not move about so much, and the βῆμα +seems to have been smaller; I have not indeed found any passage about +it in the ancients, but I infer it from the locality; and according to +the descriptions we have of it, it seems that it could not have been +otherwise. Upon the rostra, at Rome, the statues stood _in loco aprico +et conspicuo_. In the most ancient language, this platform was called +_templum_, and the new name arose in 417, from the beaks of the ships, +with which the front was adorned. I have often been on that spot, and +often stood in the Roman Forum: who will describe the emotions that rise +in one’s breast on a spot where Tiberius spoke upon Augustus, and other +relations upon Germanicus (for these rostra are not the most ancient), +where all the funeral orations upon the emperors were delivered, and +where all great solemnities took place! And how wretched, how bare, and +how stripped is that spot of all its splendour! Before you, you have Rome +and its most ancient monuments, the career of Ancus Marcius; on the other +side, the place once occupied by the temple of Concord, which Camillus +built after having appeased the plebs: the lacus Servilius, where in the +days of Sulla the heads of the proscribed were stuck up; the site of the +temples of Castor and Vesta, and the Capitoline district: to such a place +one can always return with a feeling of reverence; there one may imbibe +the inspiration for writing the history of ancient times, and there +one becomes familiar with it. The most ancient rostra were, no doubt, +constructed of peperino. According to Plutarch, C. Gracchus transferred +the real sovereignty to the people, by turning towards the Forum and the +commonalty, instead of facing the Comitium where the patricians and the +senate stood. Until then it had been customary for the orator, even when +communicating something to the plebeians, to turn towards the patricians: +but Gracchus turned round, and thus symbolically threw off the mask +which he had worn until then. The present level of the Forum is about +twenty-five or twenty-six feet higher than in ancient times. + +The _Curia Hostilia_ was situated on the πρόπους of the Palatine, just +opposite the narrow side of the rostra. Its name is no doubt derived +from Tullus Hostilius, who is certainly an historical personage; but we +ought not to assert that he reigned from A.U. 78 till 110, for no one +can know when he lived. This Curia existed down to the time of Cicero, +when the populace led on by Sext. Clodius, carried into it the body of P. +Clodius, who had been killed by Milo, and, in burning the corpse, reduced +the building to ashes. Even Sulla had made some alterations in the +district around the rostra, but we do not know in what they consisted. +The Curia was not restored on the ancient site, but farther to the right; +Caesar commenced the new building, and Augustus completed it: this is +the _Curia Julia_, near which the new rostra were constructed. The three +splendid Corinthian columns which are still standing, belong to this +Curia Julia; they stand parallel to the ridge of the Palatine and the +line of the Capitoline, and are generally considered to have belonged +to the temple of Jupiter Stator, while Fea believes them to be remnants +of the temple of Castor. This latter hypothesis is impossible, for we +read in Suetonius[22] that the arch of Caligula extended over the temple +of Castor as far as the Capitol: but this is impossible, if the three +columns belonged to the temple of Castor. They belong, I repeat it, to +the Curia Julia; and this accounts for the fact that the rostra are found +close by, and that the Capitoline Fasti, which formed one wall in that +Curia, were found among its ruins. There can be no doubt that the very +ancient plan of Rome,[23] which formed the floor of the church S. Cosma e +Damiano, likewise belonged to it: there could not be a better place for +it than one of the walls in the Curia Julia. The idea of Pirro Ligorio, +that the Fasti were set up in an arch, is as improbable as many others of +his views; attempts have been made to justify him, but he has evidently +been guilty of many falsehoods. Notwithstanding this, however, his papers +ought not to be neglected; they are preserved partly in the Vatican and +partly among the manuscripts at Turin.[24] Rome, accordingly, had two +Curiae, the Hostilia and Julia, which, however, did not exist at any +time simultaneously; but the two rostra, the _vetera_ and the _nova_ or +_Julia_, both existed at the same time. The _nova rostra_ were built on +the site of the ancient Curia. + +The whole of the Forum was surrounded by a portico, which had been built +either in the time of the kings or at the commencement of the republic; +the columns were undoubtedly Etruscan, that is, old Doric, and the whole +was made of peperino, covered with stucco, and not high. The booths +(_tabernae_ or _mensae argentariorum_), the stalls of money-changers or +bankers, were set up in this portico to be protected against the weather. +The armour taken from an enemy after a glorious victory was hung upon the +pillars, whence the expression _postes ornare tropaeis_ in one of the +fragments of Ennius. Whether these trophies were carefully preserved, is +unknown; but the old ones probably made room for new ones, though many a +splendid memorial may have been seen there for a long time. In the Forum, +below the Capitol, but beyond the clivus, were the temples of Saturn and +Concord; further, when you look southward, having the Capitoline on the +right and the Palatine on the left, you have on your right-hand side the +temple of Castor, which was dedicated by the dictator A. Postumius; near +it was the well of Juturna, in which the Dioscuri, after the battle of +lake Regillus, washed their horses; next to it was the temple of Vesta, +of which remains would certainly be found, if excavations were made; +distinct mention of it is made in books written as late as the fifteenth +century. On the opposite side was situated the Regia and the Atrium +Vestae, which ought not to be confounded with the temple of that goddess. +Rome contained many Atria, that is, open square spaces surrounded by +houses and a portico, under which people walked in rainy weather. +Such was the Atrium Libertatis, a kind of _bourse_; the most correct +Latin name for a _bourse_ or exchange accordingly would be _atrium +negotiatorum_ or _mercatorum_. The Atrium Vestae must have been like the +cloisters of a monastery, the cells of the Vestals being built around a +square; the priestesses moreover were buried beside the Atrium, as they +had the privilege of being buried within the city. This circumstance +has caused great confusion in the antiquities of Rome, for when in the +sixteenth century the church of S. Maria Liberatrice was erected on +the left-hand side of the Atrium Vestae, and a number of tomb-stones +of Vestal virgins were found there, it was inferred at once that this +must be the site of the temple of Vesta. But this is opposed to all the +statements of the ancients. I think it was one of my friends who had the +happy idea that the temple ought not to be sought near the Atrium; I had +previously said, that I could not believe the temple to have been there, +and that, from all accounts, I must infer that it stood on the opposite +side, not far from the lacus Curtius. + +The Forum contained yet another class of buildings; it certainly was a +market-place as well as a place for assembling; but in ancient times it +was also the place for the administration of justice. In like manner, our +own ancestors met under the open sky, and the estates of Lüneburg, as +late as 1660, assembled in a forest, because decrees formed in a covered +building were considered invalid. Such also was the case at Rome, all +business was transacted in the open air. This is the native and natural +custom of Italy: man there feels the necessity of living and doing his +work under the free canopy of heaven; every artizan, if the weather +permits it, works in front of his house where he has his shop. There +still exist at Rome a great many houses built in exactly the same style +as in the most ancient times. These shops have no windows, but are closed +by means of a large door; and in bad weather the people take refuge +within and work by candle-light; when the weather becomes fine again, +they resume their seats in the door or in the street. Such also was the +case with the ancients. Those who worked with their minds, had similar +arrangements: during the night they remained in their rooms, but in the +day-time they walked out into the open air, to some public place where +they dictated or wrote. The air at Rome is very good, if we consider the +dress of the ancients, which consisted of wool, over which they wore the +toga; the climate is more healthy than ours, and old age there commences +later than with us. Justice, as I said before, was administered in the +Forum in the open air; but as this was not without its disadvantages, it +became necessary to devise some protection against them. When the Romans +had become acquainted with Greece, they were much pleased with the στοὰ +βασίλειος at Athens, and the idea of building _basilicae_ suggested +itself to them. The Stoa at Athens was probably a portico composed of +several rows (we do not know how long these rows were), and afforded +both sufficient light and protection in bad weather. When, therefore, an +active intercourse between Rome and Greece had arisen, the Romans built +such basilicae as courts of justice. They are by no means imitations +of royal palaces of the East. Later Greeks, e.g., Agathias, always +translate the word basilicae, whether at Rome or at Constantinople, by +στοὰ βασίλειος. We must conceive that originally they were mere rows +of columns supporting a roof, and without side-walls. They generally +had six rows of columns in front, so that there were five entrances. +Afterwards the two extreme rows, the first and sixth, were changed +into walls; the back part also was walled up, and the tribunal for the +presiding praetor was set up in a crescent formed in this back wall. +This is the origin of the closed buildings called basilicae. As they +were well adapted for public meetings, they became, ever since the time +of Constantine, the regular types of Christian churches. What was the +construction of churches before the time of Constantine, is a question +which we cannot answer; we do not possess the slightest allusion to it. +An immense number of fables are current respecting churches said to have +been built by Constantine, but the only one which he really did build, +is still known; it is the church of the Lateran, justly called _princeps +ecclesiarum urbis et orbis_. The day on which that church was consecrated +by Constantine, is quite certain, and is celebrated every year, I +believe about the end of November. The import of this festival of the +consecration of the Church has at Rome itself been completely forgotten, +and there is not one canon of the Lateran who knows it. I have learned +it from an old Flemish gentleman, who, among much that was strange, +also possessed a good deal of interesting information. The form of the +basilicae, as I have described it, is very ancient, and in the Christian +churches it is quite simple: all have five gates, and in the interior, +four rows of columns, the two inner ones high, and the outer ones lower. +This change, however, was not a matter of necessity. From this form I +recognised the _basilica C. et L. Caesarum_, _Julia_, or _Caesaris_ in +what is commonly called the temple of Concord. + +In the course of time the Forum became quite filled with basilicae, +monuments, statues, and the like; it contained three or four basilicae, +the Opimia, Porcia, Paulli, etc. Caesar set up a number of statues, so +that during the latter period of the republic there was little space +left for public assemblies, which, however, even without this, were +rarely held; the idea of a free space must in the end have been entirely +forgotten, and the comitium alone preserved this character. About sixty +years ago, the pavement of the Comitium consisting of slabs of the most +beautiful yellow Numidian marble, was discovered, but it was broken to +pieces and sold in a disgraceful manner. In later times all the edifices +were rebuilt, and the portico was restored with far more splendour (we +know this from Orosius) and floored with magnificent stones, while the +roof was of bronze and no doubt gilt. + +This may suffice in regard to the Forum Romanum or Maximum. The word +Forum originally, as is stated by the ancient lexicographers, signified +“hollow ground;” but afterwards it assumed the same meaning as ἀγορά, and +thus presupposes an open space. In later times the meaning underwent so +strange a change, that the Fora, e.g., the Forum Ulpium or Trajani, were +not open spaces at all, but places wholly covered with buildings. Of the +same kind were the Fora of Nerva and Domitian. The same must be supposed +to have been the case even with the Forum of Caesar; in regard to that of +Augustus, it may appear doubtful, as to whether a portion of it was not +an open space. This change arose from the fact, that the idea of a free +space, in the case of the Forum Maximum, was entirely lost sight of, and +a Forum was regarded as a place containing courts of justice. + +As, therefore, the ancient Forum was already filled with basilicae, +Caesar, wishing to build a handsome one, erected it in a separate +locality, which he purchased by the side of the Forum. This is the _Forum +Caesaris_, which was not an open space at all, but a basilica with the +temple of Venus Genitrix. It was situated at the foot of the Palatine, +by the side of the Forum Maximum, its southern part turning towards the +Vicus Tuscus, opposite the temple of Castor, as I have ascertained beyond +a doubt. I cannot give you the proofs, because I have neither maps nor +plans at hand. + +The next _Forum_ planned in the same manner is that of _Augustus_, except +that a portion of it was probably an open space. It was situated at some +distance from the Roman Forum, beyond the Via Sacra and, perhaps, a +few more streets. Hirt, who is himself not rich in ideas, but in Roman +topography has often successfully revived those of earlier writers (such +as Palladio and Serlio), has demonstrated the site of this Forum. He is +not a learned man, but has a well practised eye in observing antiquities; +none of his own original views are good, but among the things he finds +in earlier authors, he can well distinguish what is correct from what +is not, a thing which learned men often cannot. The Forum of Augustus +contained the temple of Mars Ultor, where the standards of Crassus, +recovered from the Parthians, were set up, and also a magnificent +basilica; there also stood—it was a noble conception—the statues of the +most illustrious Romans, which had formerly stood in the market-place +and in the orchestra of the theatre, with the _tituli gestorum_. A +fragment of the latter is still extant fastened in a wall of the Vatican; +but it is not even possible to see whose name is mentioned in it. The +writing certainly belongs to the age of Augustus, as every one can see +who has an eye for such things. I cannot be mistaken in such a matter, +I can immediately see whether an inscription was cut before the time of +Caesar or in the age of Augustus. Such things make a residence at Rome +so pleasing, when on seeing monuments one can immediately determine to +what period they belong. The inscriptions, however, are still extant in +copies, as for instance, at Pesaro. About a Roman mile from Tivoli, I +found an overturned pedestal of a statue of Plancus, with an inscription, +which had been quite rudely cut by a common mason, probably an ignorant +slave. I was not able to convince a native of Tivoli, who even wrote on +the antiquities of his own town, that such inscriptions are genuine. + +The Forum Augusti is now foolishly called Forum Nervae, probably because +it is situated near the latter; while down to the seventeenth century +its ruins were regarded as part of the Forum Trajani. The _Forum Nervae_ +was very easy to be recognised by a temple built by Nerva and dedicated +by Trajan, but the ruins of it were formerly believed to belong to the +temple of Mars Ultor. Among these ruins there were six or eight columns, +which unfortunately were lying on the ground, in consequence of which +they were cut in pieces by Pope Paul V., who made use of the beautiful +marble in building an aqueduct (_Acqua Paola_). This circumstance was +so quickly forgotten that Nardini, who wrote only about forty or fifty +years later, was perfectly ignorant of a temple having ever stood there, +and that after him no modern ever even thought of it. All that was +known of this temple of Nerva, was transferred to that of Mars Ultor. I +discovered this fact from the work of Gamucci, an author of the sixteenth +century, who gives a minute account of it, and representations of the +ruins in woodcuts. I saw that three columns of exquisite beauty, which +were generally referred to the temple of Mars Ultor, could be no other +than those which he assigned to the Forum of Trajan. I also found +copper-plate engravings of the fifteenth or sixteenth century, and made +out quite clearly, that those columns were not what they were believed +to be, and that the space of the Forum Nervae was covered with houses by +Cardinal Alessandrini, under Paul V. + +By the side of the Forum Augusti, another was built by Domitian, which +was called _Forum Nervae_ or _Palladium_, because he erected a temple +of Pallas in it; architraves and disfigured columns (_colonnacce_) of +it still exist. The Palladium is also seen represented in reliefs. But +Domitian’s name, as I have already observed, being detested by posterity, +it afterwards obtained the name of Forum Nervae, for Nerva dedicated the +temple of which the building had been commenced by Domitian. + +The most magnificent of all the Fora was the _Forum Ulpium_, between the +Capitoline and Quirinal, a whole complex of buildings, the splendour +of which was unequalled by anything; as is seen even from the trifling +remains which have escaped destruction during the middle ages. Its centre +was adorned with the column of Trajan which made the destructiveness of +the barbarians quail. By barbarians, I do not mean the Germans, for Goths +and Vandals did not destroy buildings, but I allude to the feudalism of +the middle ages, when all strong buildings were occupied as fortresses. +Thus the senator Brancaleone knew no more expeditious way than to raze +to the ground one hundred and forty ancient edifices, because they had +been used as fortresses: such things happened at the time of the emperor +Frederick II.[25], and if it were not for this barbarism the buildings +might be still standing. The marble was used as lime, as was done even at +the time when I lived in Rome, for an ancient street was then broken down +for the convenience of a high road, and specimens of the most beautiful +architecture were burnt down at Ostia into lime. + +In regard to the name Forum Ulpium, you must remember that adjectives +of gentile names were taken, without change, from the primary adjective +form, provided they applied to architectural works, whence _Forum Ulpium_ +and not _Ulpianum_, _Curia Julia_ and not _Juliana_; when applied to +writings and other works, however, the adjectives take the ending _anus_, +as _orationes Tullianae_. Near the gigantic column of Trajan there were +two basilicae of immense magnitude, and also two other large buildings, +one of which, at least, contained a library. Statues of the most +illustrious men were then set up in these basilicae, as they had formerly +been in the Forum Augusti; this was the greatest honour that could be +shown to a man, and the custom was preserved down to the latest times of +the empire; the statues of Merobaudes, Sidonius Apollinaris, Claudian, +and others, were found among the ruins of those basilicae. I recommend +you to read Sidonius Apollinaris; I will not set up my authority in this +matter as of much value, but J. M. Gesner calls Sidonius Apollinaris a +_vir magnus_, although he is an incorrect writer. But he is a man of +such genius and talent, that his equal is not easily to be met with in +the course of centuries. He has something that reminds one of modern +French authors; but in regard to his mind, he is thoroughly an ancient of +the time when the night of barbarism was threatening to sink down upon +mankind. + +These are the real Fora. There can be no doubt, that the basilica of +Antoninus Pius stood in the Piazza Colonna, where the façade of the +columns is still preserved. What a pity that everything is now so much +destroyed! for as late as the sixteenth century, there still existed in +that place the pedestals of a number of allegorical statues representing +the Roman provinces; some of them have been recovered though not +recognised, but most of them have disappeared. I have not seen one of +them, and have read only the notice that some have been found. Provincial +coins of Antoninus Pius also exist showing on the one side the emperor’s +head, and on the other the name of a province, as Gallia, Bithynia, etc. +That locality therefore seems to have been the _Forum Aurelium_, which, +however, is not mentioned in the Regionaria, because it was outside the +city. + +Besides these, Rome had yet a different kind of Fora, which were real +market-places, for those I have hitherto mentioned are only the splendid +ones. Two of these market-places belong to the period of ancient Rome, +viz., the _Forum Boarium_ towards the Circus, and the _Forum Olitorium_ +between the Capitoline and the Tiber, in the neighbourhood of the theatre +of Marcellus, where I lived for six years. The Forum Boarium was no +doubt a cattle market, where live cattle were sold, although we have +no distinct statement to prove this; the Forum Olitorium was of course +a vegetable market. Meat, however, was not sold in the Forum Boarium, +but in the _macellum_ which contained the butchers’ stalls. In Greece, +butchers’ shops were unknown; people there ate so little meat, that it +was never bought or sold in the market at Athens; for they ate meat only +when they themselves killed an animal, that is, when they sacrificed. +On such an occasion an entertainment was given on account of the meat, +whence θύειν is synonymous with “to give an entertainment.” Otherwise +both the rich and poor at Athens lived as frugally as the modern Greeks +on anchovies, the tunny fish, salt fish, salad, fruit, and olives; many +a man in easy circumstances ate nothing all day except some olives with +bread and without sitting down to a regular meal. This is the λιτὴ +τράπεζα Ἀττικὴ mentioned by Athenaeus as opposed to Macedonian luxury. +The Roman mode of living, on the other hand, was very like our own; +the Romans took a great deal of meat, especially ham, like the German +peasantry, bacon and other salt meat; they did not require a sacrifice to +feast their friends. One of their principal dishes was a kind of porridge +made of spelt; it is a very excellent dish and affords most healthy +nourishment. For children, I know nothing better than this porridge with +milk, on which I have brought up my own. There can be no doubt that oxen +were sold in the Forum Boarium, though there is a statement that it +derived its name from a brazen bull which stood there. + +There are a few other names in Roman topography which may be easily +mistaken. One of them is _vicus_. Many years ago, before I had gone to +Rome, a gentleman engaged in archaeological studies said to me, that +it was utterly impossible to define what _vicus_ meant. If by this he +meant to say, that a vast deal had been written about it without making +the matter clearer, he was quite right. But the cause of this was the +base of a statue belonging to the period of the first emperors.[26] Each +region of Augustus was subdivided into _vici_, which means nothing else +but a quarter or district under the superintendence of its own police +officer. Even at a much earlier time the regions of Servius Tullius had +been similarly subdivided, in the city into _vici_, and in the country +into _pagi_, and each had its own _magister_. The word _vicus_ may be +rendered by the German _Wik_, or _Wich_; in ancient times, many towns in +lower Saxony were divided into _Wiks_. Now as it happened by accident +that sometimes a single street constituted such a vicus, and as of course +the houses on both sides of the street belonged to it, such a street +was naturally called a vicus, as, for example, the _vicus Sceleratus_. +The _vicus Patricius_ and the _vicus Cornelius_, on the other hand, are +obviously larger districts in the regio Collina and Esquilina. I think +(I may be mistaken, but I believe I am right) that in the Regionaria +every region of Augustus was regularly divided into seven vici. Many a +street at Rome is called _vico_ to this day, and a narrow lane is called +_vicolo_, which, however, is only a secondary meaning. + +The word _platea_ is likewise one of those which may mislead, and of +which only vague notions are current. The general opinion, I believe, +is, that platea signifies a broad street on account of its derivation +from the Greek πλατεῖα; but it is something else; it is what we call +_place_ or _piazza_. In the early times of Rome the name does not seem +to have been used; it occurs only at a later period, when an intercourse +was established with Greece. We have to understand by it a wide open +space, such as we have in front of many large buildings; but not a +market-place. The authority which has enabled me to establish this as the +real meaning of the word, shows how necessary it is for an historical +philologer not to limit his reading: for I know it from several passages +of St. Augustin’s work, “De Civitate Dei.” St. Augustin, one of the +greatest minds, ought to be recommended on account of his intellect, +and independently of any historical information which his works may +furnish; his genius is a mighty one, and was extremely developed in +that agitated period, which forms the boundary line between the ancient +and modern world. In his account of the conquest of Rome by the Goths, +which he gives merely in passing, there are passages from which it is +quite evident that _platea_ is a space such as I have described before. +These are generally speaking, the only open spaces which Rome, after its +rebuilding since the middle ages, now possesses, as, for example, the +Piazza di Spagna below the Collis Hortulorum; a large place of the size +of the market-place of Bonn is scarcely to be found at Rome. + +The first _aqueduct_ was built by Appius Caecus during the second Samnite +war; it was very low, and for the most part under ground. It led to +the Aventine, and was intended to provide a supply of good water to +the districts between that hill and the Tiber, which had scarcely any +water but that of the river. Water is still derived in one place, and I +believe even in two, from this aqueduct, without most people being aware +of it. It was built under ground, because the enemies sometimes advanced +to the very neighbourhood of Rome, and might, therefore, easily have +cut off the supply of water. Afterwards the number of aqueducts at Rome +rose to fourteen. Fresh water is a real blessing to the inhabitants of +the south; one must have lived there in order to comprehend that these +aqueducts were not a matter of luxury. The _Aqua Marcia_ led to the +Capitol; of the _Aqua Virgo_ (now Acqua di Trevi) a large _specus_ is +still visible. The greatest aqueduct was that of the emperor Claudius, +which was preserved as late as the eighth century of the Christian era; +it might easily have been restored; its arches were taken down gradually +after the restoration of Rome in the sixteenth century, because people +wanted the bricks to build their houses. + +Rome had two great _Circuses_ which were destined for races, for these +were the national games of the Romans from the earliest times. The most +ancient, the _ludi magni Romani_, which were traced back to the time of +Tarquinius Priscus, were established for the patrician burgesses; but +besides these there existed, likewise, from very ancient times, _ludi +plebeii_, a very remarkable instance of the manner in which in all Roman +institutions the populus and the plebs stood by the side of each other. +Down to the latest period, these two kinds of games were never held in +the same place. In the early times the plebeians had no share whatever +in the _ludi Romani_. In the Circus Maximus the places were assigned +to the populus according to curiae, _ad spectacula facienda_,[27] as +scaffoldings are still erected on both sides of the Corso at the time +of the races. The _Circus Maximus_ may have had its present extent from +the very first, for it could not be very small on account of the chariot +races, but it was not as high as afterwards. A greater height became +necessary when, instead of the small number of the populus and their +clients, the whole Roman people took part in the spectacle; the plebeians +may indeed not have been excluded in the early times, but they had no +places assigned to them. This Circus between the Palatine and Aventine +cannot have been laid out before the building of the Cloacae, and the +carrying through of the Marrana, since previously the whole was a marsh. +At present the sewers must be blocked up, for in digging to the depth +of a few feet nothing but morass and marshy ground appears. The splendid +obelisk which now stands before the church of the Lateran, was dug out +there as late as the sixteenth century: and there can be no doubt that +valuable treasures of art are still buried there. The Circus occupied the +whole length of the valley, now la Via de’ Cerci. That form of it, of +which we have a description, was planned and undertaken by Caesar, and +probably completed by Augustus, for it is inconceivable that the short +duration of Caesar’s dictatorship should have sufficed for it. It is said +to have contained room for 300,000 men, the seats rising in terraces +above one another as in the Colosseum. On the outside, it presented rows +of porticoes one above the other, the lowest one being occupied by shops +or stalls. In the middle ages, the Circus Maximus was used as a fortress. + +The _Circus Flaminius_ must have been the place for the plebeian games: +the plebs met for its deliberations and elections on the place of the +_prata Flaminia_ even before the Circus was built, when after the +abolition of the decemvirate the ancient order of things was restored; +whence the locality appears to have been essentially plebeian. The traces +of this Circus, which can still be recognised, are somewhat more numerous +than those of the Circus Maximus, although here, too, every thing is +built over; the ancient walls have been used as foundations only in +cellars and a few houses, whence the houses there are built in a curve or +crescent. In the middle ages, this Circus was used as a place for rope +making, whence the church in that part is called _S. Catarina de’ funari_. + +These two Circuses were destined for chariot races, as the _Circus +Agonalis_ was for Greek games or contests. This latter Circus was +situated on the place now called Piazza Navona. It was built by Alexander +Severus, in the form of a Greek Stadium, which was in reality not very +different from that of a Roman Circus. All the houses there have the +strong ancient walls for their foundations, whence the form of the +Circus is preserved, whereas in the case of the Circus Flaminius it is +lost, buildings having been erected right across it. + +_Theatres_, in the Greek sense of the term, were not numerous at Rome. +In early times there even existed a censorial interdict forbidding the +erection of a permanent theatre for plays; and when about the end of the +sixth century an attempt was made to break through this regulation, the +censors ordered a theatre, which had been built, to be pulled down. This +was a terrible piece of pedantry, and a scrupulous adherence to ancient +customs for which there was no good reason at all. Plays, therefore, were +performed before the people in the Circus or in the Forum on temporary +stages, which were erected with the greatest extravagance; the aediles +were obliged to give spectacles in order to gain popularity, and the +actors had to be paid. Subsequently the first and almost only theatre was +built by Augustus, and called after young Marcellus, his sister’s son. +Pompey had indeed erected a theatre a few years before, but it does not +appear to have been kept for the purpose for which it was built. About +one-third of the theatre of Marcellus became the property of the house of +Savelli, who made it a fortress; it was then pulled down and rebuilt as +a palace. When the family of the Savelli became impoverished, the palace +passed into the hands of the Orsini. I have lived in it for six years, +and know every corner of it well: the Doric story below and the Ionic +above still exist, but upon them enormous blocks of stone and rubbish are +accumulated; the cellars still exist with their vaults and are inhabited. +By the side of it there is an immense mound of rubbish, and close by my +residence seventy-two steps led up to a garden, which is at the top. The +house contains rooms built in the ancient fashion of about the end of the +sixteenth century. + +The idea of _amphitheatres_ arose in Italy at an early period. Until +then, all gymnastic games, and even the contests of gladiators and +wild beasts (of which the humane Greeks knew nothing) were held in +the same locality in which also the more national chariot-races and +the Hellenic games took place, that is, in the Circus. But this was +connected with great disadvantages and inconveniences: the form of +the Circus was very well adapted to races, for in them it made no +difference where a person sat, whether at the beginning or at the end +of the course, for the starting as well as the arrival at the goal had +its interest for the connoisseur. But when a contest took place on a +definite spot, the immense length of the Circus rendered it a matter of +importance as to where a person sat. The Circus can scarcely be said +to have formed an ellipsis, it was in reality an irregular figure, +which cannot be described with mathematical precision, the length being +disproportionately great in comparison with the breadth. The idea then +occurred to the Romans to supply in some measure the place of a Greek +theatre by combining two theatres in the form of an ellipsis, so that +persons could see round the whole building, a thing for which the Greeks +had no occasion. This combination produced the amphitheatres, which +were not built at Rome before the time of Caesar. That they are a late +invention is clear from the fact, that, in all the provincial towns of +Italy, they are, without exception, not within the walls, but outside of +them. This observation has not yet been made by any one; and I believe I +was led to it by Lami, the excellent dean of Florence, though I may have +made it without any hint. At Rome, too, the amphitheatres were not within +the ancient city; the _amphitheatrum Flavium_ alone (the Colosseum, now +called Coliseum), which was built by Vespasian, was situated close to the +Velia, and required the purchase of a whole district. The amphitheatre +of Statilius Taurus was situated by the river-side, where enormous ruins +still exist, and where the family of the Cenci has a palace. + +The amphitheatres, moreover, do not belong to the ancient kind of +architecture, but show their late origin also by a somewhat different +style. Imagine the amphitheatre intersected and composed of a large +number of segments, which are broad at the periphery but narrow towards +the interior, running in the direction of an acute angle: the interior +is on all sides surrounded by these segments. Between them are steps, +by which, from the interior, persons reached their seats; the steps +are high, though not too much so, and lead to the different terraces. +At present a person may get down even without these steps, but it is +necessary to leap from bench to bench. Great as is the perfection of +ancient buildings, yet their stairs were essentially bad, the steps +being too narrow and too high, which arose from a desire to save space. +The segments separated by the steps were called _cunei_; the interior, +or the real scene, bore the name of _arena_. In some amphitheatres, the +arena consisted of a permanent and solid floor, whereas in others, as, +for example, in the Colosseum, the floor was not fixed: several walls +traversed it in different directions, so that boards covered with sand +could be laid upon them, in order to absorb the blood of the gladiators: +hence the name arena. After an exhibition the boards were taken away, and +renewed at the next. Sometimes water was let in or trees were planted +in the ground, so that the place of the arena presented the appearance +of a forest: in short, a thousand artifices were contrived. It is a +circumstance which must be borne in mind, that the arena, at least in +the Colosseum and probably in all the larger amphitheatres of all great +cities also, was moveable. Next to the arena was the first place for +persons of rank, and in front of this first row of seats there was a +canal full of water and steep embankments to prevent the animals rushing +among the spectators. In addition to this, iron spikes were planted +before the first seat, so that even if a wild beast had leapt across the +canal, it would have run itself through with the pointed irons. This +first row of seats, which went all round, was called _podium_, a word +which, besides this technical application, occurs only in the middle ages +and in the languages derived from the Latin, in the sense of “a hill” +(Italian, _poggio_; Catalonian, _puig_; Provençal, _puy_, as also in +_Puycerda_, hill of Cerda). This row contained the seats of the emperor +and the imperial family, of the nobles and the senators, for it was +spacious enough to afford room for the whole senate. We can still with +tolerable certainty determine the place containing the imperial box. + +These are the most essential points in the structure of an amphitheatre. +Many things connected with the arrangements, however, still remain +obscure, and the lower part of the Colosseum has not yet been +sufficiently excavated. It is, for example, still uncertain in what +manner it was contrived to introduce the wild beasts into the arena. All +the explanations which have been proposed are unsatisfactory. Excavations +have indeed been made, but have been discontinued partly from a fear of +weakening the building, which point certainly is not to be overlooked, +on account of the many earthquakes, and partly on account of erroneous +suppositions, because people could not understand that the arena was +moveable. Another reason why the excavations are not continued, is +the belief that at one time there was an altar in the arena, and that +accordingly the ground is sacred through the blood of the martyrs. Such +perverse notions are obstacles to the discovery of truth. + +Another amphitheatre, the _amphitheatrum castrense_, was close to the +wall; Procopius calls it _Vivarium_. + +I shall now proceed to speak of the _thermae_. Public baths existed at +Rome from the earliest times. Southern countries really require them, +and they were universally used until late in the middle ages. Under +Gregory I., one of the greatest and most excellent men of his period, +whose government was distinguished for its beneficial measures, though +he did not reign as a sovereign, Rome was already quite deserted; still, +from one of his letters, I have learned that the use of baths was then +quite common. Pope Hadrian I.,[28] likewise a very great man, restored +the Aqua Claudia, which had been neglected, for the purpose of supplying +the baths with water. Gregory I. states, that in his time many people +considered it sinful to bathe on a Sunday; but he himself, who was more +clear-sighted than his flock, issued a proclamation[29] advising the +people not to be so foolish as to allow themselves to be prevented by +such a prejudice. This is a proof that baths were then still in general +use. In Germany, too, they were more common in the middle ages than they +are now. Such _balnea_ or _balneae_ were very popular in ancient Rome +even before the manners of the Greeks had commenced exercising their +influence. _Thermae_ (θερμαί) were first built under Augustus; but we +must not infer from this, that previously people bathed in cold water +in the city, for whenever they wished to do this, they plunged into the +Tiber. I explain the name _thermae_ in the following manner:—It had +become customary at Baiae and other watering places to combine warm +baths with the use of the mineral waters and with sea-bathing: the life +in those places was like that in our watering-places: people frequented +them for the purpose of diverting their minds and taking care of their +bodies. Greeks (commonly called _Graeculi_) were not wanting to provide +amusements of every description with the same industry which Italians +and Frenchmen display in German watering-places. People there threw off +all cares and put aside every kind of work, whence the Roman nobles +repaired to such places every spring. This, however, required a large +fortune, for those who had to maintain themselves by their own industry +could not afford to go to Baiae and stay there for a month. For this +reason, Augustus and Agrippa, whose object was to keep the great body +of the population in comfort and good humour, built artificial baths +as a place in the capital itself, where the people, without travelling +to Baiae, might have similar enjoyments; just as at present mineral +waters may be enjoyed at a great distance from the springs. To these +places, then, every one who wished it, could go and take a bath; they +contained sulphureous baths, vapour-baths, etc., and people might lounge +there without the fatigue of a journey. The most magnificent buildings, +most luxuriously furnished, were erected for this purpose: besides the +bath-rooms, there were others, in which all kinds of amusements were +provided, such as places for the games of the time, for games at ball, +drafts, and the like, nay, even a library existed there, as at present +newspapers are kept in the Cafés. They were accordingly, in reality, +institutions to while away leisure hours in ease and comfort, and were +peculiarly fitted to extinguish the mutinous spirit of the people, and +to tame them by the enjoyments of life. These thermae became extremely +popular, whence one emperor after another contributed one to the number +already existing to prevent people being obliged to go to a distant part +of the city, and to provide each quarter with its own. The thermae of +Agrippa were outside the city, near the Campus Martius and the Pantheon, +for he would not disturb any part of the city with his new institution: +he took care, by irrigation, that everything was green in the Campus +Martius during the summer, and near to the Pantheon he ordered avenues +of trees to be planted. The thermae of Titus bear this name unjustly; +the earlier antiquarians, even as late as the fifteenth century, called +them thermae of Trajan; they existed in the Carinae and were of quite +a monstrous extent. In the middle ages the building was called Curia +Vecchia. The thermae of Caius and Lucius Caesar in the eastern part of +the city are now quite foolishly called _templum Minervae Medicae_. The +building which now bears this name, was nothing else than a large portico +belonging to the Thermae. There also existed thermae of Nero, Titus, +Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Alexander Severus (near those of Agrippa), +Decius, Diocletian, and Constantine, so that we can scarcely understand +how all these colossal buildings had room within the circumference of +Rome. In these thermae some of the choicest specimens of ancient art have +been discovered; they contained excellent galleries of paintings, and +the most beautiful statues were set up there in the most suitable places. +If the group of the Laocoon were still standing in the thermae of Titus, +where it originally stood, it would have a far more appropriate place +than that which it occupies at present. + +The _Palatine_ was originally nothing but an inhabited district like the +other hills. Cicero’s house stood upon it, and coming from the Via Sacra, +one may still approximately determine the spot where it stood. Augustus, +too, lived on the Palatine, but only as a private person. Tiberius built +another house for himself by the side of that of Augustus, and probably +inhabited it before his accession. Caligula built a palace there in +another part; but notwithstanding this, the whole of the Palatine was +full of private dwelling-houses, and there was no other public building +on it except temples. The conflagration under Nero destroyed all the +buildings on this hill. Nero then erected a palace on the Palatine; +but not satisfied with this, he continued it down to the Esquiliae and +even up the Esquiliae. The so-called golden house was situated between +the two hills, on a splendid spot, and extremely well chosen. But, at a +later time, we see that the imperial palace occupied the whole of the +Palatine. We must not imagine this to have been one homogeneous and +regular building, constructed on one plan, with a large front, like our +royal palaces. Nothing is more senseless than the restorations which the +old Italian antiquarians, such as Bianchini and Panvini, have made of +this golden house: the latter has drawn an outline of a building which +never existed at all. It is only now that the eyes of antiquarians have +been opened in regard to this subject. The whole of the Palatine hill +is covered with ruins, which have raised its height. The lower part of +the building is completely filled with earth; and if a person wishes to +investigate it, he must break through the ground until he reaches these +vaults. They are a real labyrinth; I have been successful in many points +of the topography of Rome, but I have not been able to form an idea of +the imperial palace. The excavations which were made in 1724 extended +only over a small part, but the _aula Domitiani_ was then brought to +light; the outlines of an enormous hall and splendid columns, partially +preserved, belonged to this aula, and can easily be made out; but there +is also a great number of I know not what kind of chambers: I can give +you no information about them. It would be desirable to see systematic +excavations made there. The whole district is the private property of +the king of Naples, whence the pope cannot order excavations to be made; +the ambassador of the king had permission to do so, but he was recalled +from Rome. The palace must have existed as late as the middle ages, +perhaps until the 11th or 12th century; it was then reduced to ashes, +as is attested by the excavations, which have shown traces of a great +conflagration. In a ritual of the coronation of the emperors belonging +to the end of the 11th century, which has been printed from the original +of Cencius Camerarius,[30] we read—“When the emperor is crowned in St. +Peter, he and the empress proceed to the _palatium Romanum_, the emperor +entering the apartment of Augustus, and the empress that of Livia.” These +apartments are correct and have been found, and the statement shows that +they were inhabited. Some fifty years ago a French dealer in works of +art made excavations there, on which occasion many things are said to +have been found, but the place was pillaged in a most disgraceful manner. +Traces of a magnificence appeared which surpass all our conceptions: +the walls of the rooms were covered with silver plate, and large pieces +of silver texture served as tapestry; in other palaces the walls were +covered with ordinary tapestry (_aulaea_), but here silver was employed +instead. The treasures among the ruins were so numerous, that even after +the pillage some things still remained. + +There are, properly speaking, only two streets in ancient Rome, which +are known as such, namely, the _Via Sacra_ and the _Subura_. The former +began at the ridge, which extended from the Palatine to the Esquiliae, +and was called _Velia_, known as the place where the house of P. Valerius +Poplicola stood; from this Velia it ran across the Forum, and on the +other side of the Palatine, the form of which is almost square, it turned +towards the boundary line between the Roman and the Sabine town. We +know from Varro, that in the language of ordinary life only the first +part of the street, namely, that on the Velia, bore the name of Via +Sacra. The buildings by which it was lined were by no means splendid; +the houses which have been dug out are very small, and no person of rank +lived there; but, at the same time, it was the street through which +the processions passed, and there were a great many statues in it. The +street, as I said before, began at the height; it passed between the +temples of Venus and Peace, and had several triumphal arches. At the +point where it touched the Forum there stood the _fornix Fabianus_. It is +possible that it may have been the custom, even in early times, to make +temporary arches of foliage on the occasion of a triumphal procession; +but the first arch made of stone was that for the triumph of Q. Fabius +Allobrogicus. The arches still existing are those of Titus, Septimius +Severus, and that of Constantine, which is entirely composed of stolen +basreliefs; but there were many more, as, for example, two of Trajan, +one of Valentinian and another of Gratian. They stood in the street of +the Ponte St. Angelo, and existed as late as the middle ages; their +inscriptions are preserved in copies. + +The _Subura_ is still called by the same name. Nardini is quite mistaken +in his assertion, that the ancient Subura was situated in a different +locality, near the Lateran; no man in his senses can admit this, for it +is opposed to all our evidence. We even have the express testimony of +Varro, that its site is identical with that of the present Subura, that +is, in the plain north of the Esquiliae, whence it had the advantage of +being completely built on both sides. In it stood the house of Caesar, +and in the times of the republic the aristocracy generally lived there +and in the Carinae on the Esquiline. Afterwards, in the time of emperors, +a change took place in this respect, and every one removed to the new +quarters, whence, in the days of Juvenal and Martial, the Subura was +inhabited only by the lowest classes; at present, too, it is the abode +of poverty. The _Carinae_ were a quarter rather than a single street, in +the district of S. Pietro in Vincola. After the great fire, Nero built a +palace (not the golden house) there; and not far from it was the palace +of Titus and the thermae of Trajan. + +The Quirinal had no remarkable buildings; at a later period Aurelian +erected there the temple of the Sun, the most gigantic building in all +Rome, of which vast ruins still exist in the garden of the Colonna +family. At that time there was a taste for everything gigantic, because +architects were no longer able to produce the beautiful. The _Viminal_, +too, contained nothing worth noticing. The Carinae, as I have already +remarked, were on the _Esquiline_. Within the walls of Servius Tullius, I +know of no particularly remarkable edifice belonging to the early period, +though it contained a large number of small temples. The same must be +said of the _Caelius_ in its narrower sense; only one arch still exists +there; in the middle ages it contained many buildings. + +On the rugged side of the _Aventine_, towards the river, stood the temple +of Diana, which, according to tradition, Servius Tullius had built as +a point of union for the Romans and Latins, and in which the table +containing the ancient treaty was preserved. On the same hill there +existed the thermae of Decius and a number of other buildings. I have +already observed, that the Porta Trigemina was on the Aventine towards +the river. On the side of the Palatine towards the Aventine there was a +flight of marble steps, called the _Scala Caci_; one tradition assigned +it to the Palatine, and another to the Aventine, a discrepancy which +probably arose from the opposition between the inhabitants of the two +hills. + +Having thus rapidly passed over the hills, I shall now proceed further. A +_suburb_ was first formed between the Palatine, Aventine, and Esquiline +on the one side, and the Tiber on the other. I have already mentioned +as a part of it the _Forum olitorium_, which was at the same time a +fish-market, and still exists unchanged. The suburb became a thickly +inhabited district, and in it Augustus built the theatre of Marcellus and +the great portico of his sister Octavia. + +Another suburb extended along the Tiber as far as Ponte Sisto at the +great reach of the river, where the amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus +was situated; it occupied the whole side of the river, which in our +maps is erroneously called Campus Martius. We generally imagine that +this Campus was the only one the Romans had; but this is a mistake, for +Campi also existed in front of other hills and gates; and like the great +Campus, they were gradually covered with houses, though they were neither +as extensive nor as important as the Campus Martius. One of them was +the _Campus Esquilinus_, in the plain before the Esquiline beyond the +agger, and the _Campus Caelimontanus_ at the foot of the Caelius (now +the palace of the Lateran) was another. These two Campi are as clear as +possible, and are frequently mentioned; their destination was the same +as that of the Campus Martius, and when in consequence of inundations +the games could not be held in the latter, they were transferred to the +Caelimontanus or the Esquilinus. Both these Campi were national property. +Ever since the time of Augustus, houses were built in the Campus Martius. +It contained the well known _septa_, a place fenced round, in which the +centuries voted; even Pompey had built his theatre on the very border of +the Campus; Agrippa erected his thermae there, and his incomparably more +beautiful Pantheon; and Augustus had there his Mausoleum, from which an +avenue of trees led to the buildings of Agrippa. Alexander Severus built +there new thermae, a circus, and several triumphal arches, so that the +Campus Martius entirely disappeared. In the second and third century Rome +extended more and more in that direction, whence at present that part +is thickly covered with houses. Of the buildings which are found there, +I have already mentioned the thermae of Alexander Severus, the Circus +Agonalis, and the structures of Agrippa, and I shall now say a few words +about the _Mausoleum, of Augustus_. This building formed a gigantic mass, +and was as imperishable as the pyramids. The descriptions we have of it +are very obscure, nor do its remains enable us to form an idea of it; +the drawings of its remains, which were made in the sixteenth century, +are very doubtful. A large bas-relief may still have existed, also a +water basin made of stone, which has disappeared in an unaccountable +manner; but otherwise I believe that the drawings contain restorations. +It is said that there was also a kind of suspended gardens with the +soil artificially carried into them, but this may be founded on some +misunderstanding. + +The _mausoleum of Hadrian_, at present the Castel S. Angelo, was even +a much larger structure. Its restoration, which we see in drawings, +is anything but trustworthy; but there are drawings of the fifteenth +century, in which a small portion, which was then still uninjured, is +represented. At present we still see an immense pile impregnable and +inaccessible, into which there was only one entrance like that of a cave, +with a passage leading to the burial place. There Hadrian, Antoninus +Pius, and Antoninus the philosopher were buried. Inscriptions about it +are still found in the Itinerary of Einsiedeln, which belongs to the +seventh or eighth century. This building was used as a fort at a very +early period; Belisarius there defended himself against the Goths: the +Roman garrison consisted of Huns who hurled the statues with which +the building was adorned against the enemies. It is possible that +the Barberini Faun was on that occasion thrown down, as it was found +there at the time when Urban VIII. built the fortifications. During +subsequent wars the Castel S. Angelo was often defended, as for example, +when under Crescentius the city refused to surrender to Otho III. The +greatest devastations took place in the fourteenth century, when the +Romans, who were then little better than barbarians, wanted to level the +whole structure with the ground, because it had occasioned them great +annoyance: at that time many more inscriptions were preserved than at +present. For weeks and months they laboured in tearing away the marble +coating and the outward ornaments, but not being able to get through they +gave it up at last. Pope Alexander VI. built some towers as means of +defence, and on that occasion the destruction was carried still further. +But after that time, three inscriptions still remained in the sixteenth +century. The present condition, which is still imposing, is the work of +Urban VIII. who made a regular fortress of it. In order to provide it +with artillery, he caused the bronze of the vestibule of the Pantheon to +be melted and eighty cannons to be made of it, which, during the French +revolution, were carried by Murat to Naples. The costly sarcophagi of +porphyry, which belonged to the mausoleum of Hadrian are dispersed; one +of them still exists in the palace Borghese, and another, generally +called the sarcophagus of Agrippa, probably also belonged to it. +Trajan’s ashes were contained in an urn which stood on his column. Hence +the opinion that the gilt ball on the obelisk in front of the Circus +contained the ashes of Augustus; but this is only an erroneous opinion +of the middle ages; it was opened under Sixtus V. when the obelisk was +removed, and nothing but dust was found in it; but how this dust had got +into it, no one can tell, perhaps it was introduced by rain. It certainly +was not the ashes of Augustus, for we know distinctly where Augustus and +his family were buried. There still exists in the Capitol a very simple +coffin containing the remains of Agrippina; its side has the inscription +_Ossa Agrippinae Germanici_. During an accidental excavation near San +Carlo and the Corso, a _bustum_ of the Caesars was discovered, on which +their bodies were burnt; each imperial family had a distinct place for +this purpose. At present several monumental stones of such _busta_ exist +in the Museo Pio-Clementino; they always have an inscription, such as _C. +Caesar hic crematus est_. I believe there still exist half-a-dozen of +such inscriptions. + +Not far from the _moles Hadriani_ there was a third _Circus_, built by +Nero, and by the side of it stands the church of St. Peter. According to +a tradition, the iron gate, where the apostles Peter and Paul suffered +the death of martyrs, still exists there; but according to others, Peter +died on the Janiculus, the _mons aureus_ of the middle ages. There, too, +a suburb arose as early as the time of Justinian; the church of St. Peter +attracted many inhabitants, and the place was especially occupied by +Germans, Saxons, and Lombards, who went to Rome for devotional purposes, +or were engaged in the service of the Praefectus to defend the pope. They +had their quarters (_scholae_) there, whence the name _schola Saxonum_, +and in the same district we have the Ospidale in Sassi. This suburb was +surrounded with walls by Leo IV. and called _Burgus_ (_Borgo_). + +_Trastevere_, on the same side of the river, though separated by a great +space, was a suburb as early as the time of Augustus; it now contains +the oldest houses in Rome, which belong to the eleventh and twelfth +centuries. Augustus had gardens there, and during the republican period a +_navale_ existed there on the south of the Aventine. On the same bank of +the river there was a _naumachia_, a district surrounded by a wall, which +could be filled with water for mock-fights with small boats. + +Ancient Rome had originally only one bridge, the _Pons Sublicius_; it +consisted at first entirely of wood, and could be taken down for the +purpose of defending the city against the attacks of an enemy. This +bridge remained for a long time the only one. The _Pons Milvius_, in the +neighbourhood of Rome, was likewise very ancient, but was three Roman +miles distant from the Porta Carmentalis. After the third Punic war, +Scipio, as censor, built a second bridge (_Pons Palatinus_) across the +Tiber. It was situated before the Velabrum, near to the Pons Sublicius, +and between it and the island. Not a trace of the Pons Sublicius now +exists. The Milvian bridge was at first likewise made of wood, and no +doubt that of Scipio also. The latter remained throughout the middle ages +until the sixteenth century. There have been hydrostatic disputes about +this bridge, as to whether it was built flat against the current of the +river or not; it does not, however, seem probable, that, if it had been +constructed on a wrong principle, it should have existed for a period of +1700 years; we must rather suppose that during this long interval the +Tiber changed its course. In the sixteenth century, when the river had +retreated, the bridge broke down. I am of opinion that Cavaliere Linotte, +who asserts this, is right, although he is not a man of learning: such +investigations do not require much learning, and good common sense +is often of greater assistance. In the same century, the bridge was +restored, but twenty years later it broke down again; at present only +a few arches of it exist, and the first, on the opposite bank, may be +assumed with certainty to be the one that was built by Scipio. A poor +woman had established a garden upon its ruins, and for the payment of a +trifle I was allowed to go there as often as I liked. + +The _island_ which, according to tradition, was formed out of the corn +thrown into the river after the expulsion of the Tarquins, is remarkable +for the temple of Aesculapius. Even in very early times, and long before +the age of Augustus, the incredibly tasteless attempt was made to give +to that temple the form of a ship, in imitation of the vessel in which +the god had been conveyed to Rome; it was built of travertine. During +the middle ages a considerable part of the temple still existed, as may +be seen from a drawing of Boissard, which was made in the fourteenth +century. Old people under Pius VI. still saw a great deal of it, but +afterwards a large part of the wall was used for other purposes; in like +manner a splendid part of the thermae of Titus was destroyed as late as +1796. + +The island was connected with the mainland on both sides by the _Pons +Cestius_ and the _Pons Fabricius_, which were very ancient. Next came the +_Pons Senatorius_, on the spot now occupied by the Ponte Sisto; _Pons +Aelius_ near S. Angelo, and the _Pons Milvius_ outside the city, now +Ponte Molle. + +I shall now proceed to speak of + + +LATIUM + +as the country of the Latins. We shall first take Latium Proper, then the +coast from Antium to Terracina, which was originally a Tyrrhenian and +afterwards a Volscian country, and lastly the country of the Hernicans. +But I have previously to make some remarks about the port towns of Rome. + +All rivers of any importance carrying sand or mud form a delta, their +mouths being pushed forward by the tides or the nature of the seas. Down +to a certain point, they flow in a straight line, and then divide into +two arms, leaving a low sand-bank between them. Such are the deltas of +the Po, the Mississipi, the Nile, and the Ganges. The Tiber forms a +similar πρόχωσις, and the ridges of sand on both sides become more and +more widely separated from each other. On the left arm, which accordingly +must have existed as early as that time, king Ancus Marcius, who is no +doubt an historical personage, built the town of _Ostia_. I believe I +can prove that Ancus Marcius concluded a treaty with the Latins, by +which a number of the Latin towns, I mean those between Rome and the +sea, were ceded to Rome, while other places remained united with Latium. +In after times, Rome twice concluded similar treaties with Latium. +Ostia was founded as a pure Roman colony, and became the port town of +Rome. Afterwards it grew into a very large place, as is clear from the +extensive and very splendid ruins. It was first destroyed in the war +between Marius and Sulla, and afterwards frightfully devastated by the +Vandals; in the ninth century it existed again, but was then destroyed by +the Saracens. The great pope Leo IV. restored it, but the new town was +not of long duration. At present the atmosphere is very unhealthy, which +was not the case in the time of ancient Rome; whence we must infer, that +then there were no marshes in the neighbourhood, for the poisonous air +comes from the marshes. The district is at present so neglected that the +place is completely deserted. + +In the time of the Antonines, Ostia was the summer residence of the +Romans, probably those of the middle classes, who had no large estates +and could not afford to remain away from Rome for any great length of +time. A very pleasing description of it occurs in the apologetic work of +Minutius Felix, the scene of which is laid at Ostia. The Roman jurists +spent their vacations there. The beauty and wealth of the place at that +time form a remarkable contrast with its present condition, for scarcely +any persons but criminals live there; for a long time past Ostia has +been a sort of asylum, where murderers are safe against the danger of +being seized by the police. This is one of the most fearful changes: the +country round it is an immense swamp inhabited by buffalos. + +In the reign of Claudius an artificial port was formed on the right arm +of the Tiber, which was deeper, the course of the river having been +regulated. Trajan extended the port, and this _Portus Romanus_ now became +the real sea-port of Rome, a depôt for the immense supplies required for +the city. At present, too, the little maritime commerce of the Romans is +carried on along the right bank of the Tiber. + +I will not mention all the places of ancient Latium which happen to be +once noticed by ancient writers, many of them are mere names of destroyed +places; much more might indeed be made out than has yet been done, but +the advantages would not be very considerable. We must conceive Latium +in the earlier times to have been divided into three parts: 1. _Alba +and its perioeci_, or thirty neighbouring and dependent places, said to +have been colonies, and called _Albenses_; 2. the _Latin demi_, about +Alba and its territory, the number of which we may assume, without fear +of being mistaken, to have likewise amounted to thirty. They formed the +Latin state, and stood in the same relation to Alba in which Latium +afterwards stood to Rome; 3. the _Tyrrhenian towns on the coast_, which +were properly foreign to the body of the Latin state, but may possibly +have been in alliance with it. I have succeeded in throwing more light +upon this relation between Alba and the Latin towns than I myself +could formerly have expected; I have found all the names of the thirty +Albensian towns, but the list of the others is not complete. + +ALBA generally appears to us almost as a mythical place, because it +vanishes from Roman history at so early a period; but there can be no +doubt that its existence is a perfectly historical fact, and that, too, +in the relation I have just indicated. But it never was the mother-city +of Rome; the first elements out of which Rome grew up may, perhaps, at +one time have constituted a portion of the towns which, in a state of +dependence as perioeci, were united with Alba into one state, but may +have separated themselves from it at an early period: Rome itself was +never founded by Alba. The place where Alba was once situated is still +so distinctly marked that it cannot be mistaken. From the testimonies of +the ancients, we know that it was situated at the foot of the Alban hill, +forming one long street, high above the Alban lake, whence its name +_Alba Longa_. Every one in that district shows the spot near the place +called Palazzuolo, where may be seen the ancient tomb of a praetor with +six fasces distinctly cut into the rock. This site has been recognised by +several Italians, chiefly men without learning, but who had eyes to see +that on this spot the rock has been cut away to a considerable height. +This part must be conceived to have been below the town, so that the +lake, even when its waters were very low, rendered the town perfectly +inaccessible. The present level of the lake is the result of a tunnel +(_emissarius_); but I am of opinion that formerly it must have been +much lower.[31] In this manner the town was safe on that side, for the +rock was cut away to such a height as to render it impossible to scale +it by means of ladders; on the precipitous side of the rock opposite no +artificial protection was necessary. Thus the town could be attacked +only on the two accessible sides, which for this reason were fortified. +The summit of the hill was probably fortified by an arx. The hill, now +called Monte Cavo, though only 2,900 French feet in height, is one of the +highest in that district; from it a person acquainted with Roman history +enjoys the most magnificent prospect, for he may there survey the whole +territory of the Roman state such as it was until the fourth century +of the city. On this summit stood the very ancient temple of Jupiter +Latiaris, which was certainly as old as the temple on the Capitoline, +and a road led up to it which is still quite intact, and is made in +the same style as the Roman high roads. There the Alban dictators once +used to ride up to offer their thanks to Jupiter Latiaris for victories +they had gained; Roman generals also triumphed there, when they could +not obtain permission from the senate to celebrate their triumph in the +Capitol; there lastly the Feriae Latinae were celebrated. The temple is +now completely destroyed, and the foundation stones, which still existed +there, were broken down in the 18th century. The large blocks of stone +were too huge for the puny race, and were, accordingly, broken to pieces +to build a monastery. The last remains, consisting of beautiful square +blocks, were carefully raised from the ground in the year 1780 or 1790. +The Monte Cavo, like the lake, is of a volcanic nature. + +LAVINIUM, which is nothing else than Lacinium in Oenotria (both forms +being only dialectic varieties of Latinium), was the real sanctuary +of Latium, and every year a common sacrifice was offered there by +all the Latins. There is a tradition, that six hundred families were +sent thither from Alba, that is, ten from every demos, the thirty +Albensian and the thirty Latin towns. In this manner the statement +of Dionysius of Halicarnassus resolves itself into a general formula +of a common settlement, proceeding from Alba and _commune Latium_ +(this is the correct name for all the Latins, like κοινὸν Θεσσαλῶν). +Originally Lavinium was regarded as common property, like Washington; +but when subsequently it became a place of importance, it obtained its +independence, and was a town like all the others. + +Besides Lavinium, which was fabulously said to be a Trojan colony, +there existed on that coast, between the Tiber and Antium, two other +places, LAURENTUM and the Rutulian ARDEA, which are familiar to us +from the Aeneid. The ending _entum_ in Laurentum is Pelasgian, as in +the case of Maluentum and others; but it is Latinised, the native form +probably was οῦς, Λαυροῦς. After the Volscian calamity, when the whole +Latin confederacy broke up, Ardea was a separate town: it received +a Romano-Latin colony, and accordingly entered into an entirely new +relation. Cyclopean walls are still found there, but the place is so +desolate, that at present it has only thirty houses with about eighty +inhabitants. + +The most important of the Latin towns in the vicinity of Rome was +TUSCULUM; it was distant only a few miles and could be seen from Rome, +being situated above Frascati. During the middle ages, it was destroyed +by the degenerate Romans, and never restored on the height, but the +survivors were obliged to settle at the foot of the hill, which was the +origin of the modern Frascati. The ruins of Tusculum which have been +dug out are very important; the theatre was found with very beautiful +statues in it, but it has been covered over again. A number of pedestals +with inscriptions also were found, which are no doubt as ancient as +the persons they described; some are as old as the period after the +Hannibalian war, as for example, the one of Fulvius Nobilior, the +conqueror of Aetolia: nowhere have so many ancient stones been brought +to light; but the number of inscriptions belonging to the earlier times +and even to the Augustan age is extremely small. The whole district +belongs to Lucien Bonaparte, who has made excavations, in the process +of which very many things of importance have been discovered. If he had +continued them, extraordinary things would certainly have been brought to +light; but he has no interest for anything except works of art, statues +and the like, and it is impossible to make him see the importance of +the remains of antiquity. He has the most unhistorical mind, and is +unable to understand of what interest antiquities can be to history: the +most beautiful things have been sold by him. He is one of those men who +enjoy a high degree of celebrity without deserving it: he is lively, +but absurd, and an extremely bad epic poet. He has laid out a garden on +a hill, and on a box-tree in it he has inscribed in order the names of +the greatest epic poets, beginning near the root: out of modesty he has +put his own name lowest, and ascends up to Homer. It was impossible to +induce him to make excavations according to a regular plan. I have often +been in despair about it: this is a grief which a man may often have +to bear in Italy, because excavations can be so easily made. The Fasti +Capitolini are of extreme importance in Roman history; three large pieces +of them had been found behind the church of S. Maria Liberatrice, and I +implored the authorities to grant me permission to dig there, offering +to bear the expenses myself; but I could not obtain permission, and +was told that it would be done in due time, and that our descendants +also must have something to do. Such things are a severe trial of one’s +patience. If excavations were made at Tusculum, a Roman Herculaneum would +be found. I do not mean to say that buildings equally well preserved +would be discovered, but the ruins are very large, and the streets would +certainly be found. When I was there, excavations were accidentally made +below a wall, but they were afterwards stopped, for Lucien Bonaparte was +inexorable. Once, during excavations which were continued only for a +few weeks, a whole street with the walls of the houses up to a certain +height was discovered; it was of the most perfect construction, although +it was only the street of a country town, for Tusculum was certainly +not larger than Coblenz. The street was completely filled with pieces +of architecture, which had fallen down during the barbarous process +of destruction: columns of the most beautiful marble were found, but +broken to pieces, and statues of the most exquisite workmanship, such as +one might expect to find at Rome during its most brilliant period. The +architecture is that of the imperial period; the street also contained +a well, the water of which was carried down from a hill. Very ancient +inscriptions also were found, one of which contained the name of A. +Sicinius, who is mentioned by Livy in the war against Perseus. If the +Forum were laid open, Fasti and law-tables would no doubt be brought +to light; it is still possible to say whereabouts it must have been +situated. In like manner the site of the Forum of Praeneste was known, +and fragments of the Fasti of Verrius Flaccus were found there, although +the excavations were made very carelessly. In later times Tusculum was +the most brilliant among the Latin towns. + +The second Latin town in point of rank was TIBUR, now celebrated, under +the name of Tivoli, for its waterfalls, the charming nature of the +country, and the beauty of its ruins. Some persons erroneously consider +the sepulchral monument of Cellius, built in the age of Augustus, to be a +temple of the Sibyl. Tibur ruled over a considerable number of dependent +towns. Its present circumference dates from the middle ages, for in +antiquity it was considerably smaller. All these towns were very little, +though they have a great name in history. Two learned Jesuits, Cabral and +Del Ré, have written a very good topographical history of Tivoli. + +The third Latin place is PRAENESTE, now Palestrina. This metathesis is +common in Italian; even when they write correctly, they speak badly from +affectation, especially the higher classes: instead of _una capra_, +the Roman people usually say _una carpa_. The _l_ and _r_ also are +interchanged: at the time of the French revolution, when a republic was +forced upon the Romans, they were unable to pronounce the name, and +said _la Repubrica_. I have found traces of a form _Penestra_ belonging +to the time when the western empire still existed; in the middle ages +_civitas_ was always added, and the simple names were thereby completely +suppressed; people, therefore, did not say _Lanuvium_, but _civitas +Lanuvina_, and so also _civitas Penestrina_. Praeneste was an immense +place both in regard to its extent and to its fortifications, and was +situated on a hill. Fortuna was its tutelary divinity, whose temple with +its _temenos_ occupied the acra, and the whole of the present little +town of Palestrina is situated within the ruins of that temple. We +still possess descriptions of it belonging to the end of the thirteenth +century; many parts of it must then have been preserved; in the +fourteenth the town was taken by pope Bonifacius VIII., and everything +was then destroyed with barbarous fury; at present we can only admire the +immense substructions on the side of the hill, for the town, like many +others, was built up the hill in the form of terraces; and when it was +intended to enlarge the town, a new terrace was built. + +In Roman history Praeneste does not appear as an important town till +after the Gallic time. As to the impatience with which it, more than any +other Latin town, bore the Roman yoke during the fifth century, from the +Samnite wars until the war of Pyrrhus, we have distinct indications, +although history is silent about it. The Praenestines made repeated +attempts to shake it off; but although they were unsuccessful in this, +still they gained the respect of the Romans, and obtained from them an +honourable relation, with which they were satisfied. After this, they +were the most faithful allies of the Romans, and during the Hannibalian +war they were as attached to them as they had previously been intrepid +in their struggles for their own independence. During the Social War +they obtained the franchise, and were passionate champions of the Marian +party. Marius the younger there sustained the terrible siege, after which +Sulla took the town, and shewed the first symptoms of his raving cruelty: +he butchered the whole population, and established a colony of veterans +in the place. The town became quite desolate. Most of the Latin towns had +perished at an early period. + +LANUVIUM, afterwards _civitas Lanuvina_, on the Via Appia, still shows +remains of a large wall, and indications that it once was a splendid +town; it must not, however, be supposed to have been very extensive. +Among its buildings, I may notice the temple of Juno Lanuvina, a common +sanctuary for the Romans and Latins. + +ARICIA was situated on the same road; its arx was on a height, but the +town itself in the valley; at present the road most inconveniently and +dangerously runs right across the height. Aricia was somewhat nearer Rome +than Lanuvium; for a time it seems to have been the first among the Latin +towns, I allude to the period after the banishment of the kings, when +Rome and Latium were separated. The temple and grove of Diana Aricina +were near the beautiful lake of Nemi, not far from Aricia. + +GABII, one of the most ancient towns, has a traditional greatness in +the earliest history of Rome. Dionysius still saw its extensive walls, +of which at present every vestige has disappeared, but the ruins of +the cella of a vast temple of Juno may still be seen. History does not +inform us when the town was destroyed, but it was probably during the +period of the Aequian wars, for after them it is no longer mentioned in +the history of the republic; and in the age of Cicero it was a deserted +place. Excellent remains were found there during the excavations made by +Prince Borghese; he came upon ruins of the Forum, various works of art, +many inscriptions and statues, which, though not of the first order, are +yet of good workmanship. Under the Roman emperors a population appears +to have again assembled in several of those towns, which were situated +on high roads; whence they rose again, though they remained small places +with a wretched population of vagabonds from all parts, who did not form +a civil community, although they had a civic constitution. Hence Gabii +at a later period had a bishop. This also accounts for the fact, that +works of art belonging to a late period of Rome are found in those early +destroyed places. At present Gabii is quite deserted. + +The place for the general assemblies of the Latins was near the Alban +lake, which, like a crater, is environed by a high ridge of surrounding +hills. The place of meeting is supposed, and I think justly, to have been +on the other side of this crater; but there is no evidence to support +this view. The spot is now occupied by the town of Marino, below which +there is a beautiful well, generally believed to be the well of Ferentina. + +The tunnel of the Alban lake, a wonderful work, is one of the curiosities +of Latium; it runs nearly three Roman miles under ground towards the +place of its destination, and was intended to carry off the water of +the lake, which, when, in consequence of earthquakes, the subterraneous +passages had become blocked up, rose above the ridge of the crater and +inundated the country. I have already spoken about this extraordinary +structure in my History of Rome,[32] and shall, therefore, confine myself +to a brief recapitulation. It is difficult to form a clear idea of the +matter. Imagine the crater filled to the edge, and bear in mind that it +was intended to give to it a level about 200 feet lower. In order to +attain this, a line was first drawn in the contemplated direction of the +tunnel, and by this line it could be seen how deep it must be to answer +its purpose. In order to obtain the level, and at the same time to employ +a great many hands, shafts were sunk along the whole line at a distance +of less than a hundred feet from one another. It was easy to calculate +how deep each shaft ought to be, so as to bring the bottom of the tunnel +to the level which it was intended to give to it. These numerous shafts +also facilitated the running off of the water on account of the pressure +of the air, and at the same time rendered access to the tunnel easy. +On any other plan only few persons could have been employed at a time, +whereas now from every shaft two parties worked in opposite directions +and broke through the rock. This working of different parties towards one +another also insured their keeping the exact level. This tunnel, which +was the admiration even of ancient Rome, has now existed for a period +of 2500 years; it is still entire, and will exist in all time to come, +unless some great revolution of the earth shall break it to pieces. The +Roman cloacae are of the same character, and will endure until the last +day of the earth. There are many such tunnels in the Roman territory, of +which at present the advantages alone are perceptible, but whence they +carry the waters can no longer be ascertained. Such is the case near +lake Nemi: the whole valley of Aricia was formerly a lake, which is now +perfectly drained. There, too, a great thing was effected by a little +tunnel: the valley of Aricia is one of the most fertile in the world, and +is still the same as it is described by Pliny. The fertility in Italy is +so great that wheat, unless it is weeded, cannot grow; agriculture there +requires a degree of industry of which we have no idea; if any one were +to introduce there the system of Flemish or English agriculture, it would +lead to ruin. + +The _Vallis Albana_ is the modern valley of Grotta Ferrata. + +In the east of Latium, in its narrower sense, we have the towns of + + +THE HERNICANS. + +We know only five of them; ANAGNIA was the capital, to which the +others were opposed as a political body. We here again find a parallel +phenomenon: the same relation which existed between Alba and the +Albensian towns, and between Rome and the Latin towns, appears to have +existed between Anagnia and the towns of the Hernicans. This is briefly, +but officially, alluded to in the Triumphal Fasti, where Q. Marcius +Tremulus triumphs _de Anagninis Hernicisque_. The other towns were +_Frusino_, _Ferentinum_, _Verulae_, and _Alatrium_. There can, however, +be no doubt that they had more towns; some must have been taken from +them by the Volscians and Aequians, while others may have continued to +exist, but decayed and perished, so that we have no information about +them. Livy, in speaking of the last war against the Hernicans, says, +_omnes Hernici nominis populi_, except three. I have a conjecture which +is a combination of several traces, and according to which their number +was forty. All the five above-mentioned places still exist; they are +generally small and poor, with the exception of Anagnia, which is a place +of some consequence; but all of them are still imposing on account of +their ruins and their mighty Cyclopean walls, in which towers and gates +are still preserved. + +Servius, on the Aeneid, and the ancient Scholia on Virgil, fragments of +which were published about ten years ago by A. Mai from a Veronese MS., +state that the name _Hernici_ is derived from the Sabine word _hernae_, +which Arndt very happily compares with the Swiss _firn_ (mountain); +as there exists a radical affinity between the two languages, such a +comparison is certainly admissible. According to this, the Hernicans +were a Sabine or Marsian colony. Another statement, however, though of +very weak authority, in Julius Hyginus, makes the Hernicans Pelasgians. +If we consider that the Sabines pressed forward at a comparatively late +period, perhaps about the time of the foundation of Rome, and that the +Hernicans dwelt on the other side of the Oscan nation of the Aequians, +it is probable that the Hernicans, like the Latins, were of Tyrrhenian +origin. An etymology like that mentioned before is very captivating, and +it is not easy to get rid of it; but if we ask ourselves, What is the +ground of the derivation? How could the name come from their habitations? +Did the other Sabines call them Hernicans in the same manner in which +the Scotch Lowlanders call the Gael in the mountains Highlanders? It is +possible that the name Hernicans is only a surname to another national +name; they may, in this case, have belonged to a different race, and have +received that surname from the Sabines. That a people should call itself +mountaineers from its habitations is very surprising. The derivation +may be very accidental: in like manner the Thuringians might be said to +owe their name to the old word _Taure_, which signifies “mountain.” If +we assume that the Hernicans were Tyrrhenians, they occupied exactly +the district in which they could have maintained themselves against the +shock of the Ausonians, who were pressed on by the Sabines. But nothing +decisive can be said on this point, we can only form conjectures; and +we must carefully distinguish between what is conjectural and what is +certain.[33] + +There is no occasion for saying anything more about the towns of the +Hernicans which I have mentioned. On the side of a rock, near the town +of Ferentinum, there still exists a fragment of a will engraved in the +stone. A wealthy citizen leaves a legacy, and fixes the interest of +his landed property. The late Madame Dionigi, who made a drawing of it +and published it, states that two of the pieces of land still exist in +that district and bear the same name. A great many things of this kind +continue to exist in some parts of Italy from ancient times; he who lives +there in intimate familiarity with every-day affairs, and who does not +mind spending months in those places, may recover the past to an extent +which we believe altogether impossible. + +The Hernicans formed part of the Roman and Latin confederacy, and had +their share in the Feriae Latinae. In ancient times they were allied +with Rome on equal terms, and shared with her and Latium all that they +conquered in war. Afterwards this alliance was broken up, as I shall +show in the second volume of my History,[34] because being weak and +powerless, they could no longer claim their former rights. After the +Gallic calamity, when Rome had fallen, they made themselves independent, +and thirty years later the ancient treaty was renewed, and remained in +force for fifty years, to the great advantage of the Hernicans. They were +a small people, which did not extend, while Rome enlarged her dominion +immensely. Hence the Romans demanded that the relation which had hitherto +subsisted between them should be discontinued. In consequence of this, a +war arose between them and the Hernicans, in which the latter had reason +bitterly to repent their presumption. + + +THE VOLSCIANS AND AEQUIANS. + +Both these Ausonian nations lived within the boundaries of Latium in +its wider sense. The Volscians were subdivided into smaller parts, the +Antiatan, Ecetranian, and other Volscians without any definite name. All +the coast towns, as far as the upper Liris, were Volscian, as e.g. Anxur +or Terracina, Privernum, Sora, Arpinum, Fabrataria, Fregellae, etc. The +Aequians, on the other hand, dwelt on the one side as far as Praeneste, +and on the other as far as lake Fucinus in the north. The Aequians and +Volscians are almost always mentioned together, just as Romans and +Latins, whence it is probable that isopolity existed between the two +nations. Every man belonging to one nation might take up his abode among +the other with which it was in isopolity: he there enjoyed higher rights +than an alien; he was not, indeed, a full citizen, but a free member of +the community; he was what was termed in the middle ages a pale-burgher. +This is a relation which, on the whole, is seldom rightly understood by +German jurists, and even by K. F. Eichhorn, who, in other respects, is +a man of the greatest merit in matters of German law. Such an isopolity +must have existed between the Aequians and Volscians; but besides this, +they must have had another political connection, for a large party of the +Aequians very frequently made common cause with a numerous body of the +Volscians. + +It is an important point to decide, as to whether the Volscians always +inhabited the towns on the coast from Antium as far as Terracina, +which are called Volscian, or whether they took possession of them as +conquerors. At first I shared in the general error, thinking that they +had always been Volscian; afterwards, I began to doubt—the first step +towards truth—and to consider the possibility of its being otherwise; +and now I am convinced that the country was originally inhabited by +Tyrrhenians, that it was afterwards conquered by the Volscians, and that +this event did not occur till after the banishment of the kings. All the +places on the coast from Terracina to Antium, as well as Velitrae in the +interior, were once Pelasgian, and may be justly called Latin, this being +the ancient and common name. Receive this result of my inquiries with +confidence; there is no danger of your being mistaken. In like manner, +the Aequians extended their dominion in the direction of the Latins and +Hernicans at the expense of both. + +All the Volscians did not form one common state: the people of Arpinum, +Sora, Anxur, Formiae, and Fundi may, at the time of their first conquest, +have mutually assisted one another; but when their possessions were +secured, when Antium and Ecetrae had become Volscian, the towns situated +farther behind probably did not exert themselves for the other Volscian +places. + +In regard to the Aequians, it would almost seem, as if they had formed +one compact state, although each of the several towns could, by itself, +do little or nothing; scarcely one of them is deserving of notice. If +we possessed the ancient commentaries on the Aeneid, we should know a +great deal more about the ethnography and chorography of those parts. +Virgil speaks of Nersae as one of the principal towns of the Aequians: +_et te montosae misere in proelia Nersae_;[35] editors have unwarrantably +changed this into _Nursae_, and referred it to Nursia, which is an +Umbrian town in the Apennines beyond the Sabines, to which the Aequians +never penetrated. People will not own, that there are things of which +they know nothing. The books of Servius unfortunately have come down to +us only in a wretched abridgment: if we examine the first two books, +of which we have the original, we cannot but feel respect for Servius +as a great grammarian. In like manner, the name of mount Vesulus—in +the illustration of the boar inhabiting the marshes of the valley of +Laurentum and the heights of Vesulus—has been senselessly referred to a +hill near the sources of the Padus.[36] The hill must have been in the +neighbourhood of Laurentum, in a district which Virgil knew very well, +and which must afterwards have lost its name. I can well imagine what +kind of a place Vesulus may have been, but it was most assuredly not a +glacier of the Alps. This is one specimen of the perverse manner in which +Virgil has been commented upon; an able commentary on the Aeneid, not +too diffuse, has yet to be written; in regard to the Eclogues and the +Georgics, Voss has done everything that can be desired. + +The Aequians extended as far as lake Fucinus. When in the middle of +the fifth century the Romans subdued them, they destroyed nearly fifty +of their places, and forced the franchise upon them. Afterwards they +obtained favourable terms and fair treatment, but the first shock of the +war was terrible. + +In the second and third books of Livy, the Volscians and Aequians +generally come in contact with each other on mount _Algidus_. There are +different opinions as to what mountain is meant by this name; scholars +commonly rely on a passage in the Itineraries, where a place _Algidus_ or +_Algidum_ is mentioned. The district is now never visited, because it is +the haunt of fearful robbers; however, after I had left Italy, a friend +of mine visited and described the localities. Between the countries of +the Latins and Hernicans, there was a high and cold table land, _locus +algidus_, not hills in the proper sense, but a rugged district covered +with wood (_ilex_). At present there remain but slight traces of that +forest, which is a little to the north of Velitrae. As the Aequians and +Volscians were contiguous there, they separated the Hernicans from the +Romans and Latins, and thus were pernicious to the latter. According to +these statements, you will have no difficulty in finding the situation of +mount Algidus in your maps. + +ANTIUM was a Volscian place; I do not mean to say that the whole +population consisted of Volscians, but it had received a Volscian colony, +which gave the prevailing name; as Virgil says, _Tusco de sanguine +vires_, so we may say of Antium, _Volsco de sanguine vires_. In ancient +times, Antium was an important maritime and commercial place, but +also the haunt of pirates; afterwards it became a _colonia maritima_, +that is, its inhabitants were bound to serve in maritime war, and on +extraordinary emergencies; they had the Roman franchise, but not the +right of voting. The place was greatly favoured, and in the course of +time became the emporium of the whole Latin country; its harbour was much +better than that of any of the other towns on the same coast, such as +Laurentum and Lavinium, which had only road-steads. At a later time, it +was artificially improved, a circumstance which had become necessary, for +the mud of the Tiber, which was carried along the coast, filled up the +harbour. Afterwards Antium was one of those places, in which the wealthy +Roman nobles were fond of taking up their summer residence, especially +during the first century after Christ. Nero changed it into a military +colony, but of an irregular kind. + +TERRACINA or ANXUR, was a large and ancient Tyrrhenian city; Anxur is +acknowledged to be its Volscian name. Its double name alone leads to the +supposition that the place had a mixed population. + +ECETRAE, one of the central points of the Volscian population, must be +looked for in the interior of the country, above the Pontine marshes, and +not far from Ferentinum. It afterwards entirely disappears like so many +other places in that district. I cannot explain this otherwise, than by +supposing that the Romans have drawn a veil over the Samnite wars. The +time when so many places were destroyed there, must have been that when +the Samnites penetrated into the heart of Latium. + +The Volscians, like the Aequians, belonged the Ausonian race, of which +I have spoken in the general survey of the Italian nations. If you +compare the names, you will find that the Opicans and Apulians were one +and the same people, and that the names of the ancient Italian nations +have undergone various changes without a difference in meaning. Thus +the _Aequi_ are also called _Aequani_, _Aequuli_, and _Aequiculi_, all +of which are one and the same name, just as _Graeci_ and _Graeculi_, +and _Hispani_ and _Hispalli_, which were originally used without any +difference of meaning. The Aequians and Volscians, as I said before, +belonged to this Oscan or Ausonian race, to which Latin writers also give +the name _Aurunci_, while the Greeks call them _Ausones_. The same name +often has a general signification, and sometimes again it is applied +only to a special part, just as _Thessalians_ sometimes signifies the +inhabitants of the country of Thessaly, and sometimes the population +of Cyzicus, Ravenna, and Agylla, without there being any necessity of +thinking of colonisation. In the same manner, Auruncans or Opicans +are both the name of the whole race, and at the same time the name of +separate portions. This changeableness in the use of names renders the +survey of the history of ancient nations difficult, as the ancients +themselves never express an opinion on this twofold meaning, and as those +whose works are extant, are often themselves in error about it. + +The Volscians, thus regarded as a portion of the Ausonians or Auruncans, +extended from the Apennines in the neighbourhood of Arpinum along the +Liris, south of the Hernicans as far as the coast of Antium. But there +can be no doubt that they dwelt farther east, and the migration of the +Cascans and Priscans was certainly owing to a commotion among that race. +The Aeneid contains many traces of the original population of Latium, as +for example, when the poet says, _Memini Auruncos ita ferre senes_.[37] + +I have already spoken of the Volscians on the coast, of Antium, +Terracina, and of the Ecetrani, whose name is often mentioned in history, +but whose town is not spoken of anywhere; from one passage of Livy[38] +alone, it may be inferred that it was situated near Ferentinum: it is +possible that it may have been taken from the Hernicans by the Volscians. +The population of such towns must never be conceived to have been +totally changed. The Gauls, and similar uncivilised nations, sometimes +did extirpate the ancient population; but people like the Romans and +Volscians only settled as colonists among a conquered population, taking +a part of its territory for themselves, either for the purpose of +cultivating it themselves or of changing the former owners into coloni. +Such also was the case with the population of Antium, as I have already +mentioned. In the second volume of my Roman History, I shall explain, +what in Livy’s history is quite inconceivable, namely, how it happens +that Antium appears as a thoroughly Volscian town, which can be accounted +for only by the idea we form of the power of the Volscian colonists. +Livy is not the only cause of the confusion, but the annalists of the +seventh century also have their share in it. If we had but Fabius, we +might safely say, that we required no further deductions to discover +the ancient relation, which in his work was undoubtedly quite clear and +obvious. + +FUNDI and FORMIAE likewise belong to those Volscian towns established on +ancient Tyrrhenian foundations; but ARPINUM, the birth-place of Marius +and Cicero, is the most immortal among the Volscian towns. The present +circumference of the walls shows that it was a large and strong place. +This town, impelled by necessity, remained faithful to the Romans when +they were hard pressed by the Samnites. + +FREGELLAE is found in our maps in the vicinity of Arpinum, and not far +from the Liris. It is remarkable in history, and its first occurrence +in Livy throws considerable light upon the course of events. It was +a Volscian town, and was destroyed by the Samnites; the Romans then, +contrary to the ordinary Italian law of nations, sent a colony into +it. The Samnites, who were allied with the Romans, denied their right +to establish a colony there. This was one of the chief causes of the +second Samnite war. The Samnites, however, were wrong in claiming it, +for Fregellae was the key to the Via Latina, and hence the security of +the Roman frontier demanded that the place should be in the hands of +the Romans: to the Samnites it was a point of attack, to the Romans it +was a means of defence; unless, therefore, the Samnites intended to +make war upon the Romans, they were wrong in opposing its occupation +by the Romans. Such circumstances must be taken into consideration, in +deciding upon the justice or injustice of a question. It is difficult +to comprehend how that town rose to such extraordinary power. Pyrrhus +conquered it, and it suffered greatly; but from the last book of Livy +we see that thousands of Sabellian families, Samnites, Pelignians, and +others had settled there. This circumstance, however, was followed by +consequences unfortunate for Fregellae. The numerical increase made +the town proud, and during the disputes between the Latin colonies and +Rome, it claimed to be at their head. Encouraged by the measures of the +Gracchi, it obstinately demanded the franchise long before the Italicans +came forward. On the whole, ancient history presents many parallels to +modern history, sometimes they occur on a larger scale in antiquity and +sometimes in modern times. The relation here alluded to is that of the +Irish in their connection with England. When Ireland, in 1782, demanded +its independence, the Anglicans in their claims against England, went +far beyond the Roman Catholics and the other dissenters, and they alone +gained advantages. A small parallel in comparison with the great one in +antiquity occurs at Geneva, in the relation between the _bourgeoisie_ +of the suburb St. Gervais to the _citoyens_ of the old town, where the +_natifs_ had all the real power, while the _habitans_ possessed only +very little. Fregellae, then, stood at the head of the Latin colonies, +and looked with pride upon its power; its inhabitants believed that Rome +would not allow matters to come to extremes, and if they should come to +that, they counting the population of the Latin colonies found that they +were stronger than Rome by many hundred thousands: they thought that +they might oppose the Romans, degraded by freedmen and poverty, with an +able force of free country people. But the result was quite different. +Rome acted with cunning: the Italian allies had not yet made up their +minds, and did not yet take part in the interests of the Latins, thinking +that the Latin colonies would take care of themselves alone, and that, +if it should come to a war, they would become reconciled with Rome, and +leave the Italian allies to settle their affairs as best they could. +Even the other colonies showed no common interest, perhaps because they +were jealous of Fregellae, or they hesitated because they were so much +scattered among the Umbrians, Etruscans, etc., and for that reason were +wanting in courage. Fregellae thus stood alone: it was conquered and +destroyed by L. Opimius, and never restored. Fabrataria, another colony, +was established in its vicinity. + +The Latin colonies, _Interamnium_, _Sora_, and _Casinum_, formed a +complete chain of fortresses in the same district. It was partly before +the outbreak of the second Samnite war, and partly during its progress, +that the Romans were anxiously bent upon establishing fortified places; +and these measures made them as secure as France was by its frontier +fortresses. Their frontier was thus very effectually protected against +the Samnites, for all those fortresses were planned with great sagacity. +The Samnites, who, besides their unsatisfactory constitution, had no +fortresses, were thus weak, and the Roman army could enter Samnium +without meeting with any obstacle. They were not inferior to the Romans +in bravery, but were nevertheless conquered by them, because they were +not agreed as to the manner in which the war should be carried on. It is +pitiable to see how the excellent people year after year became more +unhappy, because they could not raise themselves above their traditionary +prejudices, though their salvation depended upon it. + + +CAMPANIA. + +This name has likewise different meanings. In the Roman sense, it is the +country of the Campanians, as Samnium is the country of the Samnites; but +the Campanians (on coins they are called _Capani_) are the inhabitants +of Capa or Capua. In this sense Campania is a country of small extent, +comprising Capua and the neighbouring places, Atella, Acerrae, Saticula, +Calatia, Abella, Casilinum, Vulturnum, and Linternum. All these places +were situated on the south of the Vulturnus, with the exception of +Saticula; the _ager Falernus_, between the Vulturnus and Liris, however, +likewise belonged to Campania. The Greeks, on the other hand, applied the +name Campanians to all the nations of southern Italy belonging to the +Oscan race, and this accounts for the fact that the name Campania was +also used in a wider sense. This, however, occurs only in later times; +and the extent of country which is marked Campania in all our maps, even +in those of D’Anville, was not generally so designated until the time of +Augustus. The name then embraced the whole country between the Vulturnus, +the Liris, and the heights of the Apennines about Arpinum and Aquinum, so +as to include Cales and Teanum,—in one word, all the Oscan tribes north +of the Vulturnus as far as the frontier of the Volscians. I think I have +already observed, in the account of the division of Italy into regions, +that the expression _Campania Romae_ was used as early as the fourth +or fifth century of our era; it is found in the abridgment of Servius, +which, however, was made in the seventh century. The name Champagne has +quite a different origin, probably from _campus_, a plain, whence _Campi +Catalaunici_, which also comprise the foreign immigrants such as the +Goths and others. + +You must bear in mind this difference of meaning, in order that in +reading the ancients, e.g., Livy, you may not fall into the mistake of +believing that Campania is the name for the country which is so marked in +our maps. + +Advancing from the Liris, we come upon Ausonian tribes and CALES, which, +according to Livy, was an Auruncian town. It was conquered by the Romans +in the interval between the great Latin and the second Samnite war, and +received a Roman colony. + +TEANUM was a town of the Sidicines, likewise an Ausonian people. That +northern district between the Vulturnus and the Liris, which did not +extend as far as the mountains, is one of the most delightful and fertile +countries; it is not, indeed, as productive as southern Campania, the +_agri lugubres Campaniae_, the πεδία Φλεγραῖα, the coast country from +Terracina to Gaeta and Formiae, where a man has the feeling as if he were +in a paradise full of the most indescribable beauties—I was there in the +month of March, when spring was already displaying all its loveliness; +the summer, too, is not so scorching as in the neighbourhood of Rome, for +the country is well watered, and that even in the middle of summer;—but +the neighbourhood of Teanum is a most delightful hilly country, with a +beauty and richness of trees which form a great contrast with those of +Latium. This was the country of the Falernian and Classic wines. Teanum, +according to Strabo, was a large town; but the present ruins do not show +many traces of that greatness, though the silver coins which are found +there show that Strabo is correct. + +The LIRIS deserves the name of _taciturnus amnis_; it has no strong +current, except in winter, when the heights are covered with snow. The +VULTURNUS is quite different; descending from the neighbouring hills it +has a strong current; but it is not a beautiful river, being extremely +muddy. It is, however, a pleasure to see the active flow of its waters. +On its banks was situated + +CASILINUM, on the site of the modern Capua, which is celebrated for +the extraordinary defence of the Praenestine cohort against Hannibal: +the perseverance of a besieged town is always interesting, and excites +veneration. The garrison murdered the Campanian inhabitants, that the +provisions might last so much longer. Hannibal took the place, and after +that time it is not often mentioned again. The situation on the Via Appia +somewhat raised its importance in the time of the emperors; its means of +subsistence, as was the case with all places on high roads, were derived +from commerce. + +If we compare the present condition of Italy with what it was in ancient +times, say under Nero or at the time of Pliny, there can be no doubt that +Rome itself is only a shadow of what it then was; I have calculated that +its population then amounted to from 600,000 to 700,000 souls. But the +territory around Rome was in those days far more desolate than it is now: +it is at present more thickly peopled, better cultivated, and happier. +Under the later emperors the country may have somewhat recovered; in +the fourth century, previously to the plague under Gallienus, it may +have had a larger population, and so also in the time of Theodosius. +But I entirely agree with Hume, against Wallace, that the population of +Italy in antiquity was far less numerous than at present, except in Rome +itself. Naples was then only a country town, of about 20,000 or 30,000 +inhabitants, while at present it has 400,000. But notwithstanding all +this, Italy possessed incomparably more wealth than at present, so that +a small town was of much greater importance than one at present with a +far larger population; a third-rate town, for example, was illustrious +for its works of art to a much greater extent than any modern town of any +country. + +The name CAPUA is now transferred to the town built upon the ruins +of Casilinum; ancient Capua was destroyed by the Saracens during the +Lombardic period: its ruins can still be recognised; and among them the +remains of an amphitheatre are particularly remarkable; but no ancient +Campanian ruins are found there. I never was there, because at the time +the country was not safe, and there are no high roads in those parts: I +was a whole month at Naples, but was too much engaged to go to Capua. The +inhabitants of the district are reported to form a band of robbers, and +many a one is said to have had sad experience there. Notorious districts +of this kind, however, are different at different times: you may often go +to such a place without exposing yourself to any particular danger, while +at other times it would be madness to approach it. During my residence +at Rome, e.g., it was impossible to visit mount Algidus, whereas at +present I have no doubt whatever that a person may go there without any +danger. Capua is regarded by the ancients as an Etruscan colony, but we +have every reason for supposing that it never was Etruscan. There is, in +all probability, some confusion here between Etruscan and Tyrrhenian, +because the Etruscans occupied the country of the Tyrrhenians as far as +the Tiber, and the name of the latter must have been confounded with +the former; the other places on the coast, unless they were Greek, were +likewise Tyrrhenian. The name of this Tyrrhenian Capua is compared +by the ancient grammarians with _Campi_, the name of the Pelasgian +Chaonians. The town was taken, about the middle of the third century of +the Roman era, by the Oscans, who were pressed onward by the Sabellians. +At that time the district was under the supremacy of Cumae. But the +Oscans did not remain long in the undisturbed possession of the place; +the Sabellians having once established themselves in Samnium, did not +stop short there, but pressing onward, compelled the Oscans at Capua to +enter into an arrangement with them, and to admit a portion of them as +epoeci—a phenomenon not unusual in ancient times. But such an alliance +was generally formed with faithless intentions, and either the ancient +inhabitants murdered the conquerors, or the latter expelled the former: +at Capua the Samnites made themselves masters of the city, but they +seem either to have been expelled by the ancient population, or else to +have become amalgamated with them. The Oscans had, perhaps, become a +commonalty, and afterwards rose again; in the Roman period, at least, +the Oscans are the ruling people at Capua. The greatness of the city is +well known from Livy: it stood to Rome in the relation of isopolity; it +had not submitted _in deditionem_, as is erroneously stated by Livy: its +relation to Rome was the same as that of the ancient Latins, and as a +compensation for the Roman conquests, it received an extension of its own +territory. In these circumstances, Capua could with satisfaction look +upon herself as the second city of Italy; but she was ambitious enough +to wish to become the first, and with this view, faithlessly entered +into an alliance with Hannibal against Rome, which was then in great +distress, but had not broken its obligations towards Capua. We may say +without hesitation, that Rome was generous towards Capua, and this was +no trifling matter for Rome in its weakness: Rome then formed alliances +which benefited other people. As Rome had grown and developed immensely, +while the others had remained behind, and as Rome, nevertheless, acted +towards them as before, we cannot help calling this generous, and the +conduct of Capua unjust and ungrateful. A fearful judgment came upon +Capua: it was not, indeed, destroyed, but the Campanians, especially the +nobles, experienced a terrible fate. The city was afterwards again filled +with all manner of people, and became a domain of the Roman republic. +Subsequently, several unsuccessful attempts were made to establish a +colony there, until J. Caesar founded one of 5000[39] Roman citizens. +From this time forward Capua was a regular colony, and remained a +respectable town as long as the Roman empire existed. + +MINTURNAE, near the mouth of the Liris, and SINUESSA, belong to +Campania in its wider sense; both are prominent places in the system of +fortifications which the Romans carried out during the second Samnite war. + +The FALERNIAN DISTRICT, between the Vulturnus and the Liris, probably +derived its name from a destroyed town, Faleria. + +The Oscan towns around Capua probably stood to that city in the same +relation as Latium did to Rome. Among them I will notice ATELLA, +between Capua and Naples, because the well-known _Atellanae_ originated +there. These Atellane farces are truly analogous to the modern farcical +comedies, the principal personage of which also appeared in the ancient +Atellanae. In a very useful glossary of the Neapolitan dialect, I found +it stated, that the buffoon (_pulcinella_) was a real jester who lived +200 years ago; but the fact is, that he has been the same through the +course of many centuries from the first introduction of the Atellanae. + +ACERRAE deserves to be mentioned on account of the cruelty of which +Hannibal was guilty towards its senate—the only cruel act that can be +really laid to his charge. The town was destroyed in the second Punic +war, and the Romans did nothing to restore it, although it had been +faithfully attached to their cause. + +NOLA was situated at a greater distance from Capua, and was not one of +the Campanian towns properly so called; it was independent, and in no +way subordinate to Capua. It might be doubted whether it was really +an Oscan town; in Justin it is called a Chalcidian settlement, and I +have no doubt that the whole chapter in which this occurs is taken from +Timaeus. The coins of Nola have a perfectly Greek character and Greek +inscriptions; this is indeed the case with those of Capua also, though +not in the same degree as with those of Nola. My opinion is, that these +places were originally Tuscan, and that during invasions of the Oscans +and Sabellians, Capua lost this Tusco-Tyrrhenian character, while Nola +retained it longer. If then the Greeks call the latter place Chalcidian, +they do so because it received Greek, probably Chalcidian, epoeci from +Naples, and not barbarians. All these towns were situated in the midst +of barbarians, who, for the purpose of commercial transactions, even +advanced to the Greek towns on the coast, and accordingly much more to a +place which, like Nola, was situated in the midst of the country. Nola +was built in that splendid plain of Campania, which extends between the +Vulturnus and Naples: it is a perfect plain, with quite a volcanic soil; +notwithstanding this, however, it is not dry, but very well watered, +and almost marshy, whence the country abounds in draining canals lined +with poplars. Nola, situated on the other side of mount Vesuvius, whose +torrents of lava never reach so far, forms with Capua and Naples a +triangle. In the second Samnite war it appears to have been an important +town, for it sent 2000 men to Naples to defend that place against Rome; +but in the course of the same war it was taken by the Romans. In the +Hannibalian war, the fidelity of Nola was of infinite importance to Rome. +At Nola the most beautiful Campanian vases have been found: they are made +of an extremely fine clay; but they ceased to be manufactured as early +as the time of Augustus, for the art of making them had been lost. They +were made of clay mixed with asphalt, and then burnt, but so slightly +that the asphalt was not changed by the process, hence the lightness and +extraordinary fineness of the material. The darkness of the colour arises +from the admixture of asphalt. Professor Hausmann of Göttingen first +re-discovered the nature of the composition, and the experiments he made +with it which were perfectly successful. This is really an interesting +discovery, of which good use might be made, if not in Germany, at least +in Italy. The art had died away to such a degree, that in Caesar’s time +amateurs collected vases from Capua as well as from Corinth, and even +opened tombs for the purpose of obtaining them. The vases of Arretium +continued to be manufactured in the time of Augustus. The Campanian vases +are not jars containing the ashes of deceased persons, such as we find +elsewhere in tombs: the body was not burnt, but the skeletons are found +in coffins, and on each side of the coffin, four, six, or eight vases +of this kind are set up. As they were so slightly burnt, they are often +found broken and crumbled, and it is a rare thing to find a large one +preserved entire. They must be treated with great care, when brought to +light and exposed to the atmospheric air. + +CUMAE is the most ancient Greek colony in those parts, though it +certainly cannot be as ancient as it is said to be. In the first edition +of my Roman History, I had not sufficiently considered this point; it is +one of the few subjects on which the objections raised against my view +are well founded. I am now convinced, that the statement of Timaeus, for +to him it belongs, is false. Certain it is, that Cumae was an ancient +Chalcidian colony; but it might even be doubted whether the Chalcidian +towns in Sicily were not more ancient. When Capua was taken by the +Samnites, Cumae, too, was conquered, and lost its Greek character: the +Greek population, which until then had formed the ruling class, became +subjects; their fate was that of the American aborigines: they were not +indeed extirpated, but lost their political existence. Gradually the +Italicans spread more and more, and many families from Campania removed +to Cumae, which thus gradually became Italian. The same also was the fate +of Naples, though not to such a degree. Cumae for a long time ruled over +the whole Phlegraean plain, that is, the Acte between the Vulturnus and +mount Vesuvius. _Dicaearchia_, on the site of the modern Puzzuoli, was +then the port town of Cumae. In the time of king Darius, it was colonised +by Samians, probably in the reign of Polycrates and Syloson. + +Another Greek colony from Eretria had settled in the island of ISCHIA, +which bore the Greek name Αἰναρία. It is a large extinct volcano, which, +however, has repeatedly been active both in ancient and in modern +times; for the island is remarkable for its internal fire, which is not +yet quite extinct, and is still distinctly perceptible; hence it also +contains hot springs; it is a truly paradise-like place on account of +the fiery character of its whole nature, its soil, and its vegetation. +The Greek colony afterwards disappears, and the island became Oscan +simultaneously with Cumae. + +Between Ischia and the main land of Naples, there are several other +islands, which were no doubt called PITHECUSAE. One of them is NESIS +(the modern Nisita), that is, the little island (νησίς), a proof showing +how early the modern Greek pronunciation of the η became prevalent. The +ancients do not mention it.[40] Another island was PROCHYTA. All these +islands had Eretrian colonies. + +DICAEARCHIA was a beautiful port, which was, no doubt, likewise taken by +Campanians. After the capture of Capua, it came into the hands of the +Romans, who established a Roman colony there, and called it PUTEOLI, +though this name may have existed previously. The place then became the +real port of Rome, for Ostia was bad, and the Portus Romanus on the +right arm of the Tiber was not fit for sea-ships. The port of Puteoli, +on the other hand, was naturally very beautiful, and even in the time of +Augustus pains were taken to make use of the nature of the locality for +the purpose of extending the port. Puzzolano, so excellent as a cement +for water and harbour-works, was ready at hand in abundance, and in the +greatest perfection. In the neighbourhood of Rome it is likewise found, +but is not so beautiful; near Centumcellae, it was also employed in +making the harbour, but it had to be conveyed thither from a distance. +Its abundance in the neighbourhood led to the building of the molo of +Puteoli. This _moles_ of Caligula is in reality not so mad a scheme as it +is commonly described: it was suggested by the wishes of rational people, +but its gigantic extent was the work of madness: when ever Caligula took +up a good idea, he at once turned it into something irrational. The whole +commerce and intercourse of Rome with her transmarine provinces at that +time was carried on by way of Puteoli; and it was there that St. Paul +landed, for the voyage along the coast from cape Misenum to the mouth +of the Tiber was very dangerous. The ships of that period were in many +respects excellent, but in others they were very deficient. It must be +supposed that at Puteoli the ships were generally so far unladen as to +enable them to sail into the Tiber at Ostia; they also found at Puteoli +more easily than on the Tiber, advantageous cargoes to carry back. So +long as commerce supplied only the actual wants, so that there was little +or no speculation, it was carried on by means of large fleets, or, +according to the modern expression, of register vessels. In this way, +Rome received from Egypt her supplies of corn, glass, linen, and papyrus. +Such fleets, however, did not come from Egypt alone, but also from +other quarters, among which Ionia, for example, is expressly mentioned. +The expression for these fleets is κατάπλους, as we see from Lucian’s +dialogue of this name; but the term is also quite commonly used by Latin +writers of the second and third century.[41] Puteoli, as a Roman colony, +was very celebrated on account of its situation and at the same time as +a watering-place. Pope Gregory the Great quite seriously thinks that the +hot springs of Puteoli are connected with purgatory.[42] + +The real watering-place, however, was BAIAE, towards cape Misenum. It +is very remarkable that at present the district is quite pestilential; +if a man were to sleep there one night during the summer, he would be +seized with a bilious fever, in consequence of the poisonous air. A +French officer, who imagined this to be a mere prejudice, made a bet +that he would sleep in the villa Borghese: he was urgently requested +not to do it, but the next morning he was quite swollen, and after a +few days he died of a putrid fever. The same is the case at Baiae, and +yet the ancients, as we see from a fragment of Cicero’s speech _in +Clodium et Curionem_, most commonly stayed there in April, when it is +already dangerous. I have discovered the explanation of all this, from +a conversation with a common man. He said to me that the nature of the +Pontine marshes was a very strange thing, that it was not possible for +any one in summer to sleep there without fatal consequences, and that +it was the same in many parts of Latium; but, he added, that to his +own knowledge sailors and boatmen, even in the dangerous season, slept +in their boats very near the coast without injuring their health. This +proves that the poisonous atmosphere does not extend across the water. +The man’s remarks contain a significant hint. I remembered that the +English ambassador, with whom I often took a walk there—he was not a +man of learning—directed my attention to the fact, that beyond mount +Posilipo, in the midst of the sea, ruins of ancient Roman houses were +found, and he observed that the Romans must have had a singular taste in +thus building houses in the midst of the water, and connected with the +mainland by means of bridges, although there was no beauty to attract +them. To abandon such a charming coast, and to build a house in the sea, +was, he thought, a strange fancy. When, afterwards, I heard the account +of the man I mentioned before, the matter ceased to be a mystery to me. +Even at Formiae, and certainly at Baiae, the Romans built houses into +the sea, in order to isolate themselves from the bad air: these are the +_moles jactae in altum_, and on them people were safe. + +The country there is indescribably beautiful and charming, and besides +Baiae, the lake AVERNUS, surrounded by very ancient forests, is likewise +a spot of great interest. Near it, a road has been cut through the rock +leading to Cumae. Such roads were often constructed for the purpose +of shortening the distance and avoiding the heights, for the Romans +generally endeavoured by every means to shorten the roads. A similar +road leads from Naples to Puzzuoli, likewise made to avoid a hill, which +it would be very difficult to cross: hence the _crypta Pausilippana_, +_Puteolana_, _Neapolitana_.[43] The Avernus was, no doubt, originally +called ἄορνος, and with the digamma ἄϝορνος. This etymology has been +rejected, because it implied the statement that birds could not fly over +the lake, which, it is said, is an absurdity. But no bird settles there +without dying in consequence, on account of the quantity of carbonic +acid which is exhaled by the earth and the lake; dogs, too, are not safe +there, but men may pass without any danger. + +NAPLES[44] was originally called PARTHENOPE, and was, no doubt, situated +on mount Posilipo, towards Nisita, where the crypta turns towards the +cape. Afterwards, NEAPOLIS was built a few miles from it on the other +side of the cape; and it is a mistake to believe that the two places +were nearer each other. Parthenope was a colony of the Eretrians of +Ischia, while Neapolis was a Cumaean settlement with an admixture of +Athenians; and after the establishment of the latter place, Parthenope +was called PALAEPOLIS. In the second Samnite war, Palaepolis was taken +by the Romans, and must have been destroyed, for it entirely disappears; +Neapolis, on the other hand, became a federate town of Rome, and was +treated with kindness. Strabo, however, relates, that the town was +so much distracted by internal disturbances, as to be obliged to +concede the franchise even to the Campanians, its natural enemies. But +notwithstanding all this, it remained a perfectly Greek city until the +imperial times; this is evident in the reign of Augustus, evident from +a letter of the emperor M. Aurelius to Fronto, and evident, also, from +Petronius; there exists, moreover, a great number of Greek inscriptions +of the third century. Afterwards, we lose our thread. But the chapel +of the ancient church of S. Rosa at Naples contains Greek inscriptions +of the period when Naples was a free city, under the protectorate of +Byzantium, that is, of the seventh or eighth century.[45] Traces of Greek +words still exist in the Neapolitan dialect. The Italian word _golf_ is +evidently formed from κόλπος; the gulf of Naples is specially called +_the_ gulf; but the ancients also called it κρατήρ. + +On this gulf, at the foot of mount Vesuvius, were situated the celebrated +towns of POMPEII and HERCULANEUM, remarkable for their destruction and +their re-discovery. Both are called Oscan, though it is said in regard +to Herculaneum, that at an earlier period it was Tyrrhenian. But from +their ruins, especially those of Herculaneum when compared with those of +Roman origin, it is clear that the place had assumed an entirely Greek +character. Pompeii was conquered by the Romans in the Social War, and +there, too, we can clearly distinguish the ancient Oscan and the more +recent Roman town. + +In ancient times, the bay of Naples was encircled by a wreath of towns, +extending all over the coast from Naples to Sorrentum and the promontory +of Minerva; but I cannot trace them here, and must now proceed to the +interior of Italy. + + +THE SABELLIANS, SABINES, SAMNITES. + +I am now going to speak of the great Sabellian nation; I shall treat of +it according to its tribes beginning with the Sabines, who formed the +original stock. + +The names _Sabini_ and _Sabelli_ are the same, just as _Hispani_ and +_Hispalli_, _Graeci_ and _Graeculi_. The form _Sabelli_ is either a +diminutive or changed by a pleonasm, _Sabinulus_, and, with a change of +vowel, _Sabellus_.[46] This nation occupies a large extent of country +in history; but we should be mistaken, if we were to suppose, that all +the tribes included under the name were pure Sabines and that they +alone inhabited the countries governed by them; for they did not by any +means extirpate the ancient inhabitants when they conquered a country. +According to a tradition admitted by Cato himself, which contains some +truth, but disfigured, the Sabines had originally come from Amiternum, +the highest district of the Abruzzi, or as we may call them, the real +Apennine Alps. We must not, indeed, understand this, as if the Sabines +had been autochthons there, as has sometimes been asserted; but the +meaning is, that the tribe from which the different Sabellian cantons +issued, came down from those mountains. The ancients say no more than +this, but later writers have converted it into a genealogical connection. + +We cannot decide how far the Sabellians constituted one race with the +Opicans and Auruncans, whether they were akin in a degree like that +subsisting between the upper and lower Germans, the Suabians and Saxons, +or the Germans and Scandinavians, or whether they were as foreign to +each other as the Romans were to the Etruscans. That they differed from +each other, is expressly attested. But the ancients are too inaccurate +in these matters to allow a careful modern inquirer to accept their +statement without hesitation; and although Varro attests that the Sabines +and Oscans spoke different languages, still we cannot ascertain, whether +he meant only different dialects, or entirely different languages. In +like manner, the extension of the Sabellians in southern Italy from the +Apennines can be traced only very indefinitely. This much, e.g., is +attested, that the neighbourhood of Beneventum was previously occupied +by Oscans, without their being the original natives of it; they must +have extended even farther upwards into the country of the Marsians, and +must have been expelled by the Sabines. The name Maluentum shows, that +originally a people of Tyrrhenian origin dwelt between the Apennines and +the valley of the Calore. Before the Sabines conquered that district, +they probably had their abode in the eastern Apennines. The real and +unmixed Sabines occupied a considerable extent of country; in the +narrowest sense, they did not touch the sea on either side, either the +Adriatic or the Lower Sea, but they extended so far, as to be separated +from the latter only by a narrow strip of land, from Amiternum to the +vicinity of Rome. But they sent forth branches of their nation which +established themselves in other parts and became great nations. + +The Sabellian people had this peculiarity, that they formed both distinct +tribes and different confederations. Some of them accordingly, such as +the Picentians, were without any federal relations, while the four tribes +dwelling in the Abruzzi, the Marsians, Marrucinians, Pelignians, and +Vestinians, were on many occasions inseparably united, and evidently +formed a confederation with isopolity, similar to that subsisting between +the Romans and Latins; it was, no doubt, at the same time, at least +a defensive, if not an offensive, alliance. The supremacy must have +belonged to one of these tribes by rotation, so that each of them may +conveniently be called a canton. They stand completely by themselves, and +without any connection with the mother people, the Picentians, Samnites, +etc. This isolation of the Sabellian tribes was their misfortune. The +Marsians and their allies never assisted the Samnites, but allowed +themselves to be captivated by the Romans, by favourable terms, first +to remain neutral, and afterwards to become their allies. Nor can the +Samnites be regarded as a compact nation in their struggles against +Rome; if this had been the case, they would unquestionably have offered +a very different resistance, for they had a large population and an +extensive territory. The Samnites, like the northern tribes, formed a +confederation, but their bond of union was scarcely closer than that +among their neighbours: they formed perfectly distinct states, which +joined one another for a common purpose. The Hirpinians, Caudines, and +Pentrians certainly formed a confederation; but the Frentanians did not, +strictly speaking, belong to this union; they separated at an early time. +To these we must add a fifth Samnite state, to which Nuceria Alfaterna +belonged; its name is unknown, though it was perhaps called Alfaterna, +and extended from Surrentum to the Silarus. Scylax of Caryanda clearly +proves, that this district, from Surrentum to the Silarus, before it was +occupied by Greeks, was inhabited by Samnites, and the same is manifest +from Livy’s account. When the Romans penetrated there, Nuceria was a +Samnite town, and they conquered it as such. In this manner we have, +exclusive of the Frentanians, who took no great part in the second +Samnite war, four Samnite cantons, which were very populous. In no map +are the Caudines mentioned as a tribe, but that they were one is clear +from Strabo and Velleius; manuals of geography and maps mention Caudium +only as a town. + +The LUCANIANS proceeded from the Samnites, but became quite independent +of them. The connection with the mother-country was extremely loose +with all these people; their migrations are quite different from those +of other nations: they are conquests of emigrating bands of men, who +for this reason lose their language and national character, and adopt +those of the old inhabitants. According to a tradition, the Lucanians +emigrated from Samnium as a _ver sacrum_. This phenomenon occurs among +all the Italian nations: a people made a vow, that all boys born within a +certain year should, after the lapse of twenty years, emigrate and seek +a new home for themselves. Thus the Lucanians emigrated, and spread from +the frontiers of Samnium as far as Rhegium on the straits of Messina. +The ancient inhabitants were subdued, and thus three strata of different +nations were mixed together: the ancient Oenotrians were conquered by the +Oscans, and the Oscans by the Samnites. But these subjects afterwards +rose against their rulers, and formed an independent state under the name +of BRUTTIUM. The Bruttians, therefore, did not belong to the Sabellians; +they must be regarded as a mixture of Oenotrians and Greeks, and were +Greek rather than Italian, whence they were treated by the Romans as +Greeks. The Greek language was so firmly established there, that in Terra +di Lecce, about Otranto, documents were composed in the Greek language as +late as the fifteenth century; specimens of it occur in the Biblioteca +Barberini. In the town of Rossano in Calabria, Greek was spoken as late +as the sixteenth century,[47] and in Sicily Greek poetry was written +in the twelfth; when the Arabs were expelled the remaining population +consisted of Greeks, and it was not till a later period that they became +Italians. The praetor of Messina was, ever since the Greek times, called +_Stratigo_, until in 1672[48] the people revolted against Spain, when +the constitution and the office were abolished. The laws of king Roger +and of Frederic II. were written in Greek. + +In this manner, the component parts of the Sabellian nation, from the +Picentians down to the Lucanians, presented different shades of their +national character. The Sabine blood in some of them was probably not +of more importance than the Frankish blood is among the modern French; +for the 20,000 Franks of king Clovis were easily lost among the millions +of Gauls. In our neighbourhood on the Rhine, however, the population is +almost entirely Frankish, as the Franks settled here in great multitudes. +The population here on both sides of the Rhine, and as far as the low +German dialect is spoken, that is, as far as Andernach, is descended from +the Ripuarian Franks. In the Netherlands also, there are Franks, but +strongly mixed with Gauls, Batavian and Frisian tribes; still, however, +the population is more Frankish than in France, and in northern France it +is more so than in the south; from the Loire to Gascony only the lords +of the land are Franks. In Languedoc, there was only a French garrison, +and the remaining population, for centuries, remained Gothic. Although, +therefore, the Franks extended even beyond the Pyrenees, their race, from +the Main to Spain, presented very great differences. The country now +called Franconia, scarcely contains any Franks at all. We cannot wonder, +therefore, at the fact that in antiquity the Lucanians and the Sabines of +Reate did not understand one another. + +The constitution of the Sabellian nations seems to have been essentially +democratic, so that in the course of time the subjects acquired the full +right of free country people. This nation, then, in point of manners +and character, was extremely respectable, and this is the special +glory of the ancient Sabines, Marsians, and of the Samnites with their +confederates; the Picentians and Lucanians are less deserving of this +praise. The Latin poets, from Virgil to Juvenal, always set forth the +former, when they want to describe the frugal Italian mode of living. +If the nation had but formed one compact state, it would not have been +too weak at all. The Samnites had as many free citizens as the Romans +and Latins, but although their forces were numerically equal to those +of the Romans, still there was this difference, that they did not form +one body. There can be no question that the different cantons had the +supreme command by rotation, and this constituted their great weakness +in the conflict with Rome, for in courage and perseverance the Samnites +were assuredly not wanting. Even when in one year they gained great +advantages they were useless, as in the next year the command belonged to +another nation. C. Pontius was the only man among the Samnites capable +of governing a state: he might have saved his country, if it had trusted +him unconditionally—the Romans would, no doubt, have raised him to the +consulship year after year. But it would seem that he had the supreme +command only in one town—he was probably a Caudine—while in the next +year the Pentrians had the management of affairs. Other men did much, +sacrificed everything, and dreaded nothing, but he alone had the power +of saving his country. To what extent their country was ravaged, may be +seen from the newly discovered fragments of Polybius, in which Pyrrhus, +on entering Samnium, is described as terrified at the devastation of the +country: the Romans had ravaged it in such a manner, that all traces +of human habitations had disappeared: it was just what Peloponnesus is +at present,[49] consisting of heaps of ruins and ashes, the villages +were destroyed, trees were torn up, and not a trace of agriculture +or the plough was left. All this the Samnites bore with inflexible +determination; their desperate courage several times brought matters +to a turning point, but they lacked the greatest of all things, the +courage to sacrifice their prejudices and to change their constitution +in such a manner as to adapt it to the circumstances of the time. Their +descendants, in the Marsian or Social War, discovered their mistake, and +adopted a new constitution; from the little we know of it, we must infer, +that it was extremely well devised: it seems to have resembled that of +the United States of America, concentrating the nation in regard to +foreign enemies, but leaving the municipal sovereignty untouched. It is a +pity that we do not know more about it; still, however, many things can +be conjectured. + +Of all the towns in the country of the Sabines proper, CURES is most +renowned in tradition. The country of the Sabines, beginning at the Anio, +extends beyond Amiternum, and consists of several divisions. The portion +between the Nera and Anio is a hilly country; it is most adapted to the +cultivation of olives, which, if well taken care of, would produce there +excellent oil; corn, too, can be grown there, but it is unfavourable to +the cultivation of the vine, whence Sabine wine was considered bad by +the ancients, and is so still. In the angle descending towards Rome, the +ancients mention no important towns; but farther up, we come to REATE +and INTERAMNA. Reate is said to have been a very ancient place of the +Aborigines, that is, the Prisci, and to have been taken from them by the +Sabines. Near Reate the olive-growing district rises tolerably high into +the Apennines. Lake VELINUS is situated there in a very wide hollow; it +is said formerly to have been several miles in circumference, like lake +Fucinus. When Curius Dentatus conquered that district for the Romans +(463), he executed one of the most magnificent works in the world. He +drew off the water from the lake in such a manner as to gain thereby +several square miles of the most beautiful land; and at the same time +the beautiful waterfall of Terni was formed. The crater of the lake +is shut up on one side by the lofty Apennines, and on the other by a +ridge of rock, which confined the river. Curius, therefore, according +to a statement in one of Cicero’s letters, cut through the ridge which +separated the river from the Nera. The level of this canal was from 130 +to 140 feet above the river, and this gave rise to the matchless cascade, +of course without any intention on the part of Curius, for it was not +his object to create beautiful scenery. A person who has seen that +waterfall, can no longer take any pleasure in that of the Rhine, near +Schaffhausen. Every one knows the canal through the rock, for thousands +of travellers visit the falls of Terni, and generally drive about a mile +further to lake Lugo for the purpose of hearing the beautiful echo. I +visited it accompanied by my friend Brandis; I knew what is generally +known in Italy, though not so generally in Germany, that there is a +cutting through the rock, and I said to our guide that I wanted to go up +the canal as far as the lake. The man made difficulties, saying that it +was not a road for gentlemen, but fit only for rustics. But I insisted +on carrying out my plan, and we thus came to the canal which is cut +through the rock at an immense depth. When the man observed that we were +interested in it, he said, I will take you to see another curiosity, +which no one goes to see, if the road is not too difficult for you. It +was a Roman bridge, the existence of which was then altogether unknown: +it consists of a single arch, and is a splendid work constructed of +large blocks without any cement—a work like the cloacae; there can be no +doubt that this bridge also is a work of Curius. It is not mentioned in +any book of travel. The same guide told us that the people of Reate and +Terni once had a law-suit about an aqueduct, and that the former applied +to Cicero, and the latter to an advocate of the last century:[50] a +remarkable instance of the manner in which legends arise. + +The frontier of the Sabines proper extends from the Anio to the +Apennines, and the people in that part are called simply the Sabines. +Here we have to take into consideration the tradition, that they did not +originally inhabit the country south of Reate, but that they overpowered +the ancient inhabitants of the Ausonian race. In the early history +of Rome, these Sabines are of great importance; they are one of the +constituent elements of Rome, and the Sabine settlements on two of the +Roman hills formed part of ancient Rome. Afterwards too they act a +prominent part, for during the first sixty years after the expulsion of +the kings Sabine wars are frequently mentioned. It is true, that history +contains much that is apocryphal, but the fact that there were wars with +the Sabines is certain, only we must not imagine that all the Sabines +took part in them. We cannot suppose that the Sabines of Amiternum sent +their troops to the Tiber, any more than we can assume that, during the +Volscian wars, the more distant towns of the Volscian nation took part +in them. After the time of the decemvirate, and perhaps even before, the +Romans had established with them the same relation of isopolity, which +had already existed in the third century, but had been broken up. It was +then restored, perhaps even survived the Gallic calamity, and continued +until 463, when M’ Curius conquered the Sabines. After this subjugation, +we read in our meagre accounts _Sabinis civitas data est_, which is the +_civitas sine suffragio_. At the end of the first Punic war, the Sabines +were constituted as two tribes, whose names, Quirina and Velina, alone +clearly show that they consisted of Sabines. From this it is generally +inferred, that the whole nation then obtained the full franchise; but +this supposition is inconsistent with what we read in Livy (xxviii. +45) about the preparations of Scipio. This passage is one of the most +suggestive in regard to Roman affairs: I have often referred to it, and +shall often have to return to it; it clearly shows, which towns had the +Roman franchise, and which were only federate towns. Reate and Amiternum +are there mentioned in the same relation as the Umbrians, Etruscans, +Marsians, and Pelignians; they supported Scipio in his undertaking by +voluntary contributions and by recruiting for him, which would not have +been possible, if they had had the franchise. Napoleon treated dependent +nations far more severely than the French themselves, but the Romans +were nobler in this respect, and as they were the rulers, they also +considered themselves bound to make exertions which they did not expect +from their subjects. In many respects it was far more advantageous to be +a Roman ally than to be a Roman citizen. There were towns on which no +demands were made until the end of a campaign, because it would have been +contrary to their privilege; and the _coloniae maritimae_ often became +really impertinent in insisting upon their privileges. + +I have little to say about the towns in the country of the Sabines +proper. The most important among them are REATE and AMITERNUM, neither +of which has a history of any consequence. It is said that there still +exist considerable ruins of Amiternum, but I have not seen them. It was +the birth-place of the historian Sallust. The fact that, during the +seventh and eighth centuries, Roman authors arose in this as in the Oscan +districts, is a proof how easy the transition from their language into +the Latin must have been; not one Roman author arose in Etruria. + +The other parts of the Sabine country are high and mountainous; they have +a true Alpine character, with all the peculiar vegetation of the Alps; +even Icelandic moss grows there. As to the constitution of the Sabines +and their union into one state, nothing is known. + + +PICENUM. + +The north of the country of the Sabines was occupied by the Sabellian +tribe of the Picentians in the Marca Ancona, between Abruzzo, the +frontier of the Sabines and Marrucinians, and the Aesis. Their country +begins at the heights on the other side of the Apennines, and slopes +down to the Adriatic, being one of the most beautiful hilly countries; +but it has already something of the character of northern Italy, and the +air is not southern; olives, however, still grow there, though not of the +same beauty, and they are of a different type. The air and atmosphere +are nearly the same as in Lombardy. Picenum forms the boundary between +Central and Northern Italy. + +According to tradition, this country was originally inhabited by +Pelasgians, and was taken possession of by the Sabellians at a later +period, through a _ver sacrum_. Such emigrations took place in +consequence of a vow made either in times of distress, or during the +calamities of war; but sometimes also they were the consequence of +over-population. The emigrants were always guided by divine signs, +concerning which there existed special legends. The Cumaeans related that +their ancestors had been guided by a dove flying before their ships; +others were led by a bull (as Cadmus to Thebes), the Hirpinians by a +wolf (_hirpus_), and the Picentians by a woodpecker (_pica_) which flew +before them. Traces of a longer continuance of the earlier population +in the country may still be distinctly recognised. In other respects +those districts are obscure to us, because the history of the times in +which they acted a part is so obscure, or rather is entirely lost to us. +This is the case, e.g., with the Picentian war, which was related in the +thirteenth book of Livy, and with the expeditions of Cn. Pompeius Strabo +during the Social War. + +ASCULUM, the capital of the Picentians, was a very large place, as, +according to report, may still be seen from its ruins. The historical +importance of this town belongs to the Social War, which broke out there; +it was here that the first act of hostility against Rome was committed +in a tumult which broke out in the theatre, and in which the Romans were +murdered. The new fragments from Diodorus, discovered by A. Mai, throw +some light upon these events. The town was taken, and we may easily +imagine what was the fate of a place whose inhabitants had imbrued their +hands with the blood of the commissioners of the senate who were sent to +reprimand them. Asculum was not destroyed, but its fate was probably like +that of Capua. After that time a class of towns in Picenum are mentioned +under the name of _praefecturae agri Piceni_, from which we may recognise +that Cn. Pompeius Strabo deprived the Picentians of their municipal +institutions, and constituted them in this new form. This also shows that +the Italians did not gain the franchise as simply as we generally imagine. + +The Picentians are said to have been a very populous nation. At the time +of their subjugation, after the war with Pyrrhus, their number is stated +to have been 360,000, which evidently comprises not those alone who were +capable of bearing arms. + +The most important town in that whole country is ANCONA, which is the +Latin form of the name, the Greek being Ἀγκών. It is one of the latest +Greek settlements, a truly Greek town, founded by Dionysius in the 100th +Olympiad; but we do not know whether the colonists were Syracusan exiles, +or colonists sent out by Dionysius according to a definite plan. I am +inclined to believe that Dionysius himself established the colony. The +latter period of the elder Dionysius and the first of the younger are +obscure to us on account of the absence of a regular plan in the work +of Diodorus: he sometimes becomes tired in following up a history which +he has carried through a series of years with the greatest minuteness; +he then passes away from it, and leaves it out altogether. There does +not exist a more thoughtless writer than this Diodorus of Sicily. Ancona +remained a Greek town for a long time, and continued at a very late +period to be connected with Constantinople, whence in the twelfth century +it placed itself under the protection of Manuel Comnenus against the +emperor Frederic I. Ancona is one of the very few ports on that coast +of Italy, and Trajan increased this advantage by building the molo which +still exists. + +A people mentioned under the name of PRAETUTII bordered on Picenum; there +is great uncertainty about them, and it is not clear, whether they were +Sabines, or whether they belonged to the ancient Tyrrhenian population. +The town of HADRIA, from which the sea derives its name, was situated +there. + + +THE UPPER CONFEDERATION OF THE MARSIANS, PELIGNIANS, MARRUCINIANS, AND +VESTINIANS. + +The four Sabine tribes of the upper confederation occupied the country +from the hills, which form the watershed between the Liris and the +Vulturnus, to the Adriatic. They formed together one confederate state, +and their connection is repeatedly alluded to in our authorities, as, for +example, in Polybius, where he enumerates the Italian contingents levied +against the Cisalpine Gauls; and in Ennius where we read _Marsa manus, +Peligna cohors, Vestina virum vis_. At the time when the Vestinians +declared for the Samnites, and the Romans wished to overcome them by a +sudden attack, Livy remarks that the Romans ought to have considered +that, by attacking the Vestinians, they would also make the Marsians, +Marrucinians, and Pelignians their enemies. They were united as a +confederation, in the same manner as the Romans were united with the +Latins and Hernicans. In regard to origin, they were the same as the +far ruling Samnites, but in their political system they were entirely +different from them. Once only, in the second Samnite war, they hesitated +as to whether they should not join the Samnites against the Romans; +but the latter succeeded in preventing it. It was the consequence of +the fatality by which the Romans were destined to become the rulers of +Italy, that the Marsians began to move during the interval between the +second and third Samnite war: it was then a piece of folly on their +part, which they had reason bitterly to repent; they ought to have done +so before, and to have joined the Samnites. They were subdued and had +to submit to hard terms, though afterwards the Romans again placed them +in an honorable position, in which they remained until the outbreak +of the great Marsian or Social War. There existed various causes, why +they separated themselves from the Samnites, so that the latter did not +obtain the support which, had the others not been infatuated, ought +to have been given to them. It has often been observed, that people +of quite different religions do not hate one another as much as those +belonging to different sects of the same religion, even though their +differences should be slight, nay the more trifling the differences are, +the bitterer is their hatred. Thus, e.g., in France the Jansenists and +Jesuits, as they are called, are more embittered against each other, +than either of them is against the Calvinists; the united and non-united +Armenians are enraged against each other, though their difference is +only a formal one not affecting their dogmas. The Samnites and the other +tribes were one nation, but the Samnites had become great, and hence +the unfortunate envy and jealousy of their less powerful kinsmen. This +is the chief reason, why they formed friendship with the Romans. They +had, however, another reason besides, which afforded them a specious +pretext, and draws a veil over the odiousness of their conduct. They were +mountaineers and a pastoral people, who, during winter, required pastures +for their sheep which they sent down into the plains of Apulia. Now, the +Romans had succeeded in attaching the Apulians to their interests and in +establishing themselves in their country. Hence the nations that were not +on friendly terms with Rome, were excluded from the winter pasture in +Apulia. If the Marsians and their confederates had entertained different +sentiments, they would have resolved, in conjunction with the Samnites, +to expel the Romans from Apulia, which might have been a matter of no +great difficulty. + +I have shown in the first volume of my Roman History, that these four +tribes belonged to the Sabine race: in regard to the Pelignians it is +clear from Ovid, and the scholiast on the Aeneid proves it in regard +to the Marsians. Each of these four tribes was in its own territory +sovereign and independent; each also may have been subdivided, but in +their relation to foreign countries they formed one state. In speaking +of their separation from the Samnites, I was obliged to mention their +disgraceful faithlessness, but this does not detract from their worth +in other respects. It is acknowledged on all hands, that on account of +their extraordinary and antique simplicity and frugality, they belonged +to the most respectable nations of Italy; these virtues were preserved +there at a time when the other Italians had long sunk into degeneracy, +and when the Romans had completely abandoned the severe manners of their +ancestors. This is the praise bestowed upon them by Virgil and even by +Juvenal; the latter may in his expressions be alluding to earlier poets, +but he could not possibly have written in the manner in which he has +done, unless at least a shadow of the ancient manners had been preserved +there. They were at the same time extremely industrious; their country +was for the most part mountainous; agriculture was indeed carried on in +the valleys, but it was not very productive, and the greater part of +the country was pasture land. They had no wealth; but their strength +lay in their contentment. Their valour was not less celebrated than the +simplicity of their manners, and this feature too procured them the +greatest respect among all the Italian nations; thus Ovid boasts of the +_miles Pelignus_, his countryman. The Romans had a proverb saying, that +they never triumphed over them and never without them. The former part +of this saying may be an exaggeration, for there can be no doubt that +they were conquered in the third Samnite war; it is possible, however, +that no triumph over them was celebrated; Livy does not mention it, and +the Triumphal Fasti of that period are lost. + +The MARSIANS dwelt about lake _Fucinus_ (Lago di Celano), which is as +clear as crystal, and is formed by the confluence of small brooks and +subterraneous springs; Virgil calls it _vitrea unda_, and elsewhere it +is described as _pellucidus lacus_. There is no visible outlet of its +waters; they rise at intervals of several years, and decrease again. It +must discharge its waters somewhere by subterraneous passages, which, we +do not know how, sometimes close and then open again. When these passages +are closed, the lake rises, overflows its banks, and covers large and +beautiful tracts of country. In order to prevent such devastations, the +emperor Claudius attempted to construct an immense canal to the Liris. +The first attempt, however, failed on account of the great distance; +a second succeeded for a time, but the canal then became obstructed. +Before the time of the French revolution, renewed efforts were made to +restore it, as the lake was greatly increasing; but while I was in Italy +it decreased, and afterwards continued to do so still more; more than a +Roman mile of land has thus been left dry, whence we must infer that new +outlets have been opened. Many interesting antiquities have been found +there. + +MARRUVIUM was the capital of the Marsians, who themselves were sometimes +called after it _Marruii_ or _Marruvii_. It was taken by the Romans and +changed by them into a Roman colony; it is remarkable for being the +northernmost town in those parts that has Cyclopean walls. Petit-Radel +has inferred from this, that the Pelasgian race extended to those +districts, but I cannot decide as to whether he is right or wrong. He has +very confused ideas about the ancient nations, and is, therefore, little +qualified to pronounce judgment; still, however, it is possible that he +may be right. + +The PELIGNIANS, the second tribe in the northern Sabellian confederation, +are mentioned with the same praise as the Marsians. If we had Livy’s +work complete, we should know more of their valour than what is related +about the Pelignian cohort in the second Samnite war. As it is, their +greatest glory consists in having produced Ovid, not to acknowledge +whose merits as a poet would be a sign of narrowmindedness or prejudice. +He was a native of SULMO, which he calls _Peligni pars tertia ruris_. +It would, therefore, seem that, as elsewhere in Italy the towns of the +same tribe formed one community, so each country contained a number of +places, representing a similar division. The country of the Pelignians +accordingly was divided into three parts. The second town was CORFINIUM, +which, in the Marsian war, became the capital of the Italicans under the +name of _Italica_. It has now disappeared, but Sulmo still exists under +the name of Sulmona. + +The capital of the MARRUCINIANS was TEATE, which is at present only a +small insignificant place; in ancient times it was great, as we must +infer partly from statements in ancient authors, and partly from its +ruins. The Teatine monks derive their name from the circumstance that +their monastery was at Teate. We have a tolerable number of coins of +this town. The family of the Asinii, especially Asinius Pollio, the most +celebrated of them, were Marrucinians. + +The VESTINIANS had no towns of any name, and seem to have been the +weakest among the four tribes; it is either for this reason that they are +least spoken of, or because they were inferior to the others in character +and moral worth. + + +THE SAMNITES. + +The real name of this nation in Oscan was _Sauini_ or _Savini_. On the +denarii which were coined during the Social War, we read on the one side +_Safinim_, a genitive plural, and on the other _C. Papi Mutil_, the +name of the celebrated Samnite commander. The Papii were as important +a Samnite gens as the Cornelii among the Romans. I will not decide +whether the name _Safinim_ applies to the Samnites alone or to the whole +Sabellian race, as all the Sabellian tribes took part in the insurrection +of the Social War. In Greek they are called Σαυνῖται, and their country +Σαύνιον, formed from the same root as the Oscan name. Scylax of Caryanda, +who, as you remember, lived at the time of Philip of Macedonia, says of +the Samnites: διήκουσιν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης εἰς θάλασσαν, that is, from the +upper to the lower sea. On the upper sea we find the Frentanians whom +Strabo reckons among the Samnites; Samnites also were the ruling people +in the country about Herculaneum, Pompeii, and the cape of Minerva as +far as the frontiers of Lucania. If we follow the traces which occur in +Livy, the country of the Samnites is more extensive also in the north +and south than we find it in our maps, even those of D’Anville. It here +becomes very manifest how insufficient a single map is to form correct +boundary lines. Thus Samnium, in the map of D’Anville, whom I name here +only _honoris causa_, is quite unsatisfactory; there ought to be a whole +series of Maps to show the different boundaries at different times. +The geography of towns, however, may be studied from a single map. It +is utterly impossible for a man attentively studying ancient history +with D’Anville’s map before him, to form a clear notion of Samnium. Its +extent in that map does not refer to any particular time at all, though +it answers most to the Augustan region of that name, but it does not +it exactly represent either. According to Livy, the Apulians, when +pressed by the Samnites, threw themselves into the arms of the Romans; +the Samnites had captured Luceria and conquered several places in the +Apulian high lands, nay, they had extended their possessions as far as +Venusia and Acheruntia, but were repelled by the victorious Romans. In +the west, too, we meet with Samnites; Fregellae had been taken by them +from the Volscians, but was afterwards likewise taken possession of by +the Romans. In like manner we find Sora, and even Casinum, in the hands +of the Samnites. The case of the latter town is mentioned by an author in +whose work we should hardly look for it, and yet it is a statement which +ought not to escape the notice of an historian. The historical inquirer +must also examine the grammarians whose works contain facts of the +greatest historical importance in fragments and accidental quotations. +Such is the case, e.g., in the commentary of Servius and the scholiast +on Juvenal;[51] it is, however, not only in writers of this class and in +Festus that we may expect historical statements, but we find them in the +authors of real grammars, such as Nonius, Diomedes, and Priscian; they +contain much that is of value and ought not to be despised. Such also is +the case here, for it is Varro who, in his work “De Lingua Latina,”[52] +states, that Casinum was inhabited by Samnites. Hence we see that they +extended as far as the neighbourhood of Arpinum and Monte Cassino, and +that they had subdued the whole district between the upper Vulturnus and +the upper Liris. It was, therefore, for the purpose of extending their +dominion in that part, that they undertook the war against the Sidicines. + +The Samnites, as we have seen, did not form a compact nation, they were +not united by one capital, they had no permanent government to keep +the whole together, and they formed no _civitas_, but a _populus_, +not a πόλις, but an ἔθνος. They consisted of four or five different +tribes, which were not more closely united with one another than the +Romans, Latins, and Hernicans, or even not more closely than the Romans, +Latins, and Volscians of Ecetrae were at various times. Thus it happened +that the Frentanians, though a Samnite people, concluded, during the +second Samnite war, a separate peace with Rome and allowed her armies a +passage through Abruzzo into Apulia. Velleius Paterculus states, that +on one occasion the Romans were defeated by the Caudines alone, and in +the Triumphal Fasti we read, that a general triumphed _de Samnitibus +omnibus praeter Pentros_. So long as the Romans stood on a footing of +equality with the Latins and Hernicans, the Samnites were able to keep +them within due bounds; but when they themselves had assisted the Romans +in reducing the Latins to the condition of subjects, the compactness +of the Roman state was against them, and they were no longer equally +matched. No wonder, therefore, that they succumbed to the Romans; but +it is surprising to find that, after all, they were able to hold out in +a struggle like the second Samnite war, which lasted twenty-four years +and a half. And notwithstanding this, they rose again with the force of +despair, which hopes for nothing and destroys its own existence. + +We must conceive each Samnite tribe to have had its own senate, from +which deputies were elected to deliberate on common affairs, as the +Romans and Latins did at the Feriae Latinae. In this manner the Samnite +praetors and imperators met, perhaps with deputies and the heads of the +senate (_decem primi_). + +Samnium, in this extended sense, is a country presenting very different +aspects. The part extending on the coast from Herculaneum as far as the +Silarus, belongs, according to its physical features, most decidedly +to southern Italy; I will not say that it is essentially a Hellenic +country, but it is like a Hellenic, it is a Tyrrhenian country. It +had originally a Tyrrhenian population, though it was governed by +Samnites, and at an earlier period probably by Oscans. In the interior, +we have the Apennines, a very beautiful mountain country with some very +fertile valleys, and on the whole such as we generally understand by a +mountainous region. The hills nowhere rise to the height of the Abruzzi, +and nowhere beyond the limits of vegetation; they are woody mountains, +and the forests are for the most part still preserved. The country of the +Frentanians is hilly, and in no way remarkable. + +The Samnite tribes were distributed in the following manner:—The +FRENTANIANS dwelt on the other side of the Apennines as far as the +Adriatic. The PENTRIANS were the northernmost tribe in the interior, +between the country of the Pelignians and the neighbourhood of +Beneventum; their capital was Bovianum. In the south of them we have the +CAUDINES, who unquestionably possessed the whole district about the river +Calor, a tributary of the Vulturnus, and Beneventum. The HIRPINIANS dwelt +still farther south, between the Caudines, Lucanians, and Apulians. On +the south-west of the Hirpinians the coast district extended from mount +Vesuvius to the river Silarus; the Samnites of this last district, as +I have already observed, are not known to us under any certain ethnic +name, though it is probable that they may have been called _Alfaterni_ or +_Alfaterini_. + +In maps you will find in that district where Salernum was situated, +the name _Picentia_ or _Picentini_; but this name does not belong to +the early times. Strabo says that they were transplanted thither as +an ἀποδασμὸς of the Picentini on the upper sea. This must have taken +place before the Hannibalian war, for at that time the Picentians were +among the nations which rose against Rome. This is not the place for +entering into minute discussions, I will only state, as the result +of my inquiries, that this happened after the Samnite wars. When the +Romans conquered that district and found it greatly depopulated, +they transplanted the Picentini thither for the purpose of preventing +the communication of the Samnites with the lower sea; for they might +obtain assistance from the Tarentines, with whom they were on terms of +friendship. By the same means, the very enterprising Agathocles, who +would have liked to gain a firm footing in southern Italy, was kept +away from that coast. The communication with the Lucanians, who were +allied with Rome during the second and third war, also was kept open in +this manner; and it was of great importance to Rome to maintain this +connection. + +Among the Frentanians there is no town worth mentioning. + +Among the Pentrians we have BOVIANUM, which appears in Roman history at +first as a great place; but all Samnite towns of the interior had this +feature in common, that they were, properly speaking, not fortified. This +circumstance has led to a foolish assertion which occurs in the writings +of some of the ancients, though men like Strabo did not believe it. The +friendship subsisting between the Samnites and Tarentines gave rise to +a wish among the former to be regarded as kinsmen of the Tarentines, +and hence the fancy that the Samnites were a Lacedaemonian colony. This +singular notion was then supported by accidental circumstances, as for +example, by the fact that the Samnite towns were open places. There is in +reality no trace of a truly fortified town in all Samnium; but the case +of those towns which the Samnites conquered beyond their own frontiers +is of course different. The Samnite towns were situated on hills, the +sides of which were cut precipitously; and such a situation may at first +have been sufficient; but it was of no avail against bold and daring +enemies like the Romans, who attacked a place, _cingebant corona_, and +then stormed it by means of ladders. The consequence was, that Bovianum +and other towns, when the Romans were masters of the country around, +offered no resistance, but were scaled and devastated. But they soon +rose again, though with smaller houses and of less extent. During the +Samnite wars, Bovianum was destroyed three or four times in the course +of a few years; and hence we may form some idea as to the condition in +which it must have been. But notwithstanding all this, we again find it +as a respectable town at the period of the Hannibalian war; in that of +Sulla it was entirely destroyed; and he sent a military colony into the +place, because he wanted to punish it, but did not rebuild it on its +ancient site; the new town he founded in the neighbourhood of the old one +was called _Bovianum Undecumanorum_. In like manner, he did not restore +Faesulae, but founded Florentia, at some distance on the river Arnus. At +Arretium he followed the same system. At present, Bovianum is quite an +insignificant place; it occupies the site of the Roman and not of the +Samnite town. From this one example, you may infer the fate of all the +Samnite towns: many of them, the conquest of which is mentioned by Livy +in his ninth and tenth books, entirely disappear from the earth, so that +they are not mentioned either by Pliny or by Ptolemy. The country is +at present full of towns and villages, but very few of their names are +indicative of their ancient origin. In all Samnium there is not a single +ruin belonging to the period preceding the Roman dominion. I have not +been there, but Count Zurlo, a Samnite by birth, who has examined his +own country very carefully, has assured me that, with the exception of +the few Samnite denarii and some copper coins, no antiquities older than +the Roman dominion are found in all Samnium, from the extreme frontier +of the Pentrians to that of the Hirpinians; nor are there any tombs +which are of such frequent occurrence in Campania. But it could not +have been otherwise, for the Romans systematically destroyed everything +in that country; otherwise such an utter disappearance of everything +would be unaccountable: both during the third Samnite war and in that of +Sulla, the Romans attempted to extirpate the whole nation. Strabo says +that only ἴχνη πόλεων ἀμαυρὰ were left; and as the nation so also its +language disappeared. Such was the revenge Sulla took for the battle at +the Colline gate! He not only butchered the prisoners of war, but after +having become master of Italy, he rooted out the whole population. + +In the country of the Pentrians, there are a few places, especially on +the west of the Vulturnus, concerning which it is doubtful whether they +were properly Samnite, that is, belonging to the Pentrians, or whether +they were Oscan towns conquered by the Samnites. Places of this kind are +ALLIFAE and AQUINUM[53], a large town on the Via Latina and a praefectura +Romana, that is, it had the Roman franchise before its being conferred +upon all the Italians, but the administration was in the hands of a Roman +praefectus. Aquinum was the birth-place of the great poet Juvenal. A +third town was AESERNIA, which, after the third Samnite war, became a +Roman colony. + +Previously to the second Samnite war, the dominion of the Samnites +extended over the whole district between the upper Liris and the +Vulturnus. They had occupied Casinum and Fregellae, and the second war +broke out, because the Romans wanted to fortify Fregellae for the purpose +of protecting their own frontier against the Samnites. The letter of the +treaty in this instance was at variance with reason, for the Samnites in +possession of Fregellae might have become dangerous to Rome herself. + +BENEVENTUM was the most important place in central Samnium, although +there can be no doubt that Caudium gave its name to the people. The +Romans changed the name of the town because of its ominous meaning; for +it is said to have formerly been called _Maleventum_. But Maleventum or +Maluentum is not a Latin word at all, but has its origin in the Greek +Μαλοῦς, Μαλόεις, Apple-town. This name too, therefore, shows that Itali +(Siculi) dwelt there before the Oscans. Salmasius, in his “Exercitationes +Plinianae” (a book of which we may well say, φάρμακα πολλὰ μὲν ἐσθλὰ +μεμιγμένα, πολλὰ δὲ λυγρά), first drew attention to the etymology of +Maleventum. The whole plan of that book is beneath criticism; it is a +real chaos, and we cannot help being vexed at the careless haste with +which he has put together the most erroneous opinions. But it contains +much information culled from writers which are otherwise not often read. +Salmasius is unfortunate in his emendations, in mythology and grammar he +is bad, though sometimes he makes a very good remark, as e.g., on the +subject now under our consideration. In the history of the Samnite wars, +Beneventum is but rarely mentioned, whence it would seem that it was then +still an insignificant place. But the Romans conquered it, and after the +third Samnite war established a colony there, as they generally did _in +locis opportunis_; and by means of this colony they in reality broke the +power of Samnium. After this time Beneventum maintained itself by the +side of the sinking Samnite towns, and was of great importance to the +Romans in the Social War. Under the empire it was a very considerable +provincial town, whence there are few places of which such splendid ruins +are extant; among others we there have a triumphal arch of Trajan. + +CAUDIUM, on the road from Capua to Beneventum, must once have been a +considerable town, because it gave its name to the people. As a town, +however, it is scarcely mentioned, and only Horace in his journey to +Brundusium speaks of _Caudi cauponae_. This is one of the instances which +we have seen before in the case of Gabii, Fidenae, and others: on the +site of destroyed places afterwards new ones arose out of inns which were +built at stations on the high-roads. Several Samnite places, which are +mentioned in Livy, but of which the sites cannot be ascertained, may have +been situated there. We can scarcely form conjectures about them. + +The third Samnite tribe, or, including the Frentanians, the fourth, are +the HIRPINIANS, in the district of the modern Avellino, inhabiting one +of the most beautiful hilly countries, between Beneventum, Lucania, and +Salernum. It possesses extraordinary advantages over the northern part +of the territory of Naples in regard to climate, for it is a perfectly +southern country, although its heights are not inconsiderable: its +capital was COMPSA, about which I have nothing particular to relate; +it was one of the towns that joined Hannibal, and after having already +suffered greatly during a previous conquest, it was completely razed +to the ground somewhere between the seventh and tenth year of the war. +But as it was afterwards rebuilt, the Romans nevertheless restored its +independence. During the Social War it made common cause with the Samnite +nation. + +The really Greek portion of the Samnite territory is about the cape +of Minerva from Surrentum to Salernum. On the ridge of this part, +between mount Vesuvius and Salernum, we have NUCERIA, a very large and +flourishing town, the wealth and character of which are attested by its +extremely beautiful silver coins, which are in no way inferior to those +of Greece. + +I have already mentioned _Pompeii_ and _Herculaneum_ in speaking of +Campania. SURRENTUM is well known as one of the most enchanting places +on the whole face of the earth. Although the ancients were not as +enthusiastic in their admiration of beautiful scenery as the moderns, +still even among them it was celebrated as a place of indescribable +charms. + +The coast on the bay of Salernum was occupied by the PICENTINI, whom I +have already mentioned, and whom the Romans had transplanted thither from +Picenum after the Samnite wars. In the earliest times, a great number +of Tyrrhenian places existed on that bay, from which it is evident that +there was in that part a considerable Pelasgian population, which, though +subdued, maintained itself for a long time. + +SALERNUM was not a place of great importance in antiquity, but in the +history of the middle ages it is celebrated as the place of residence +of the Lombard kings. Until the Hannibalian war, Salernum and the +surrounding country belonged to the Campanians, for the Romans appeased +their allies of those places on which they had conferred the franchise +without the suffrage, by ceding domain lands to them. Afterwards Salernum +became a Roman colony. The river Silarus formed the boundary between that +part of Samnium and Lucania. + +On the coast of the most southern part of Samnium, AMALFI arose as a +flourishing republic at an early period of the middle ages, during the +time of the Lombards. The local belief is, that Amalfi was a Roman colony +of the imperial period. For reasons which we can easily imagine, the +opinion became established, that Constantine had led a Roman colony to +Constantinople; and at Amalfi a tradition sprang up, that a fleet with +Roman colonists, destined for Byzantium, was wrecked on that coast, +or compelled by adverse winds to land, and that the colonists then +established themselves there. This whole story is neither more nor less +credible than so many others about colonies which were said to have +been founded by the heroes returning from Troy. Amalfi is never before +mentioned, and became important at the time when the Lombards conquered +the interior of the country, and pushed the inhabitants towards the +coast; the people naturally called themselves Romans as opposed to +Lombards and barbarians. The town, like Naples, was under the direct +protection of Constantinople, and was altogether non-barbarian; it +belonged to the class of free cities, which had preserved a free Roman +municipal constitution, and was very different from the free cities which +arose under German laws. + + +APULIA. + +The name Apulia, no doubt, signifies the country of the _Apuli_. _Apulus_ +is of the same formation as _Romulus_, the same as _Romanus_, just as +_Graeculus_ is the same as _Graecus_, etc. Accordingly, _Apulus_, _Apus_, +and _Apicus_, and with a change of vowel, _Opicus_, are identical. The +Oscan language has the letter _p_ where the Latin has _qu_ (pronounced +as _k_), and just as in the Greek dialects π and κ are interchangeable. +_Apulus_, therefore, is in no way different from _Aequi_, _Aequuli_, +_Aequani_. If we attentively trace the dialects, there is scarcely any +nation which admits such great changes in them as the Oscan. It is a +very correct and ancient law of logic, “principia praeter necessitatem +non esse multiplicanda,” and in the history of ancient nations, too, it +ought not to be lost sight of. It certainly is true, that sometimes we +recognise the existence of many quite different nations living close +to one another—in the Caucasus and in America, there are districts of +not many square miles, in which great numbers of languages are spoken, +that do not bear the slightest resemblance to one another; and in like +manner essentially different nations dwell side by side in a portion of +Africa—but we, nevertheless, cannot adopt such lists of nations as are +given by the ancients, for they are not rationally arranged, and are +often without any meaning at all. The ancients had no interest in forming +accurate notions on such points; when they dwelt upon inquiries of this +kind, matters became almost worse: they then wrote thoughtlessly, putting +down things as essentially different, which seemed to present ever so +slight a difference, and treating as identical those which were really +different. There does not exist a more singular mass of confusion than +in Pliny’s account of the different nations. I know from experience, +how many stages a man has to pass through before he arrives at positive +certainty upon such questions. Garve very truly says, “the second is the +beginning.” A person assuming that in Italy everything was originally +different, feels as if a wheel were spinning round in his head; and he +soon arrives at the conviction that his supposition has no meaning, and +gives up the whole matter in despair. I have experienced this same thing, +but did not rest until I arrived at a definite result. The subject does +not suffer from its being confused: many things are treated with scorn, +merely because they are abused; if things were not represented in a false +light, there would be no danger of things deserving attention ever being +scorned. But it does happen, when things are erroneously conceived, and +are defended with obstinacy, when they cannot be defended at all. It is +the sad but natural consequence of such a defence of what is opposed to +reason and truth, that many men despise even that which is deserving +of consideration. Hence so many follies. A fancy of this kind during +the period of my youth, was the belief in perfectibility, when people +imagined that in every respect they were far above their ancestors. But +it is an equally great folly unconditionally to praise our ancestors, +and to forget that there is an endless number of points in which we move +sometimes forward and sometimes backward. The question whether an entire +period is superior or inferior to another, is of a very different nature, +and one which it is difficult to answer, if it is put in a rational way. +I should least of all wish to exchange the present time for the middle +ages, which fools only praise as the happiest era in history. There can +be no doubt that in the middle ages life was more intense, sympathies +were stronger, and activity was more vigorous; but our age has other +advantages, and our progress in science especially is immense. When I +compare the moral condition of our age with what it was a hundred or a +hundred and twenty years ago, I cannot hesitate for a moment, with a full +knowledge of all the facts, to say that our age, not only in Germany, but +even in France, is infinitely better. + +He, therefore, is the true friend of antiquity who disentangles it from +its confusion and places it in its true light. The ancients knew but +little about the nations of Italy, and later writers, especially Pliny, +knew no more, so that we cannot even discern how far Cato saw clearly in +this matter, and how far not. He still recognised that the Aborigines +of Latium belonged to a race akin to the Greeks, a fact which Varro no +longer understood. From Fabius down to Cato and Pliny, the knowledge of +the early history of Italy decreased more and more. + +As all names of countries are derived from those of nations, as _Italia_ +from _Itali_, _Graecia_ from _Graeci_, so _Apulia_ is formed from +_Apuli_. Pliny says that there were _tria genera Apulorum_: 1. _Apuli +Teani_; 2. _Daunii_; and 3. _Apuli Lucani_. From Strabo, we see that +the real Apulians dwelt in the north-west of Apulia as far as the river +Cerbalus: these are the Oscans. But the Daunians were Itali, dwelling +at Arpi (Argyrippa), a Greek town, and at Canusium. They are put in +connection with the Tyrrhenians, Turnus (the same as Turinus) being +called a son of Daunus. The Daunians in Apulia, therefore, are the +ancient Tyrrheno-Pelasgian inhabitants of that country, akin to the +Peucetians, who were likewise regarded by the Greeks as Pelasgians. The +Oscans, who did not maintain themselves in their conquests in Samnium, +rose to power in Apulia, and the Daunians remained in the country as +the subject people. The _Apuli Lucani_ are, doubtless, nothing else +than portions of Apulia, which were peopled either by Lucanians or by +Samnites, and, therefore, at all events, by a Sabellian race; in these +parts, the ancient Itali were governed by them, so that a Samnite-Oscan +population was the ruling people, whose subjects originally consisted, +for the most part, of Itali, with whom, however, some Oscans also may +have been mixed. Whether these Lucanians had proceeded from the already +constituted nation of the Lucanians, or directly from Samnium, is a +question which can no longer be answered. The chaos is, I hope, cleared +up by this explanation. Apulia furnishes rich materials for ethnography, +and far more than Samnium which is otherwise a much more splendid +country. + +Apulia has the form of a theatre (Greek geographers would call it +θεατροειδές). The Greeks called it Iapygia, though this name embraces a +greater extent of country, all Messapia and Calabria being included, so +that Tarentum also belonged to Iapygia. The name _Iapyx_ again is only +a dialectic variety of _Apulus_. The Latin termination icus is in Oscan +_ix_, as we see in _Meddix Tutix_, the title of the highest magistrate, +which the Romans changed into _Maddix Tuticus_: hence _Iapicus_ = +_Apicus_ = _Opicus_. When I repeatedly direct your attention to view this +point rightly, I do not do so from distrust, but because I know, from my +own experience, how difficult it is to make up one’s mind to believe that +Iapygia and Apulia are the same name. I myself have long been mistaken +about this, and did not see the truth until I became familiar with the +remains of the Oscan language, and was thus enabled to establish the +etymology. + +Apulia is surrounded by a semicircle of not very high hills, beginning +with mount Garganus on the Adriatic, continued by the chain of the +Apennines, and then separating Apulia from Samnium and Lucania. +Afterwards this range terminates in low hills towards Terra di Lecce. +The inner part of the semicircle, containing the thymele, orchestra, and +stage, is formed by the plain of Apulia, a chalk country, like Champagne +or the kingdom of Leon in Spain. It is, however, not a perfect plain, but +has small elevations (_verrucae_); it has very few rivers, the springs +not being able to break through the ground. As the chalk lies in strata, +the waters are drawn down towards a few rivers, which traverse the plains +without being fed by tributaries, just like the Minho and Douro in the +kingdom of Leon, and the Aisne, Marne, and Seine in Champagne. The +AUFIDUS is a very powerful river, its bed is cut very deep; in summer +its water is low, but during the winter every shower of rain swells it +immensely. The plain through which it flows is a barren chalk-field; +water is found there by boring very deep wells, so that the country +requires much rain. After a good rain in the autumn, the land covers +itself with excellent and extremely rich grass. In some parts where +irrigation is possible, where the soil is a little mixed, and where it +is carefully tilled by man, the country is excellent for growing corn, +which ripens at an extremely early season. An intimate friend of mine at +Naples was intendant of Apulia, and from him I learned that the harvest +of wheat in Apulia takes place about the end of May, that is, three weeks +earlier than at Athens, where the 20th of June is the harvest season, a +fact which it is of importance to know in reading Thucydides, who often +describes the season of the year by mentioning the harvest-time. About +the foot of the hills, Apulia is altogether barren, at least at present, +but I cannot say whether the same was the case in antiquity. The country +is now for many miles covered with nothing but ferula and ferns. + +Western Apulia, which Pliny calls by the name of _Teani Apuli_, the +country of the real and genuine Apulians, is of very little importance +in history. The towns of Apulia mentioned in history, belong to the +Daunians. Apulia was not a politically united country, it presents even +less of national unity than Samnium, for it contained several systems of +towns which were quite independent of, and even hostile to, one another. +Arpi and Canusium were the most important towns, and the others seem to +have been grouped around them. + +ARPI, in Greek, Ἀργυρίππα, shows by its name its Pelasgian origin; it +is the same as Argos. Some indeed call it Ἄργος Ἵππιον, but this name +occurs but rarely, and it is doubtful whether it is a genuine ancient +name, or whether it arose from later etymological speculations. Arpi was +the first place that joined the Romans. All the Apulian coins have Greek +inscriptions; those of Arpi bear the inscription ΑΡΠΑΝΩΝ, but in point of +artistic execution, they are not quite Greek, and those who have eyes +for such things cannot fail to discover a peculiar character. Other works +of art also have been dug out of the ground in Apulia, and those who have +practised eyes do not find it difficult to distinguish bronzes of Apulia +from those of Lucania. Those of Apulia are extremely beautiful in their +way, but still have something strange about them. In the days of Strabo +it was still possible to perceive, from the vast circumference of the +walls, that Arpi had once been a large place, but it was deserted. You +cannot conceive a greater contrast than that between Samnium and Apulia: +in the latter country all the towns were fortified with walls and other +works, while in Samnium they were protected by nature against hostile +attacks. The fidelity of Arpi during the second Samnite war was rewarded +by the Romans with large possessions, but in the Hannibalian war it +received its fatal blow. At present it has entirely disappeared. Apulia +has, on the whole, very few ruins, which is the consequence of the soft +chalk-stone, of which all monuments were made, and which cannot stand +against the influence of the weather. + +We should not believe that CANUSIUM was a town of such importance, were +it not expressly attested by Strabo, that Apulia was divided between Arpi +and Canusium. In Livy, it appears as an insignificant place. We may also +infer from Strabo, that during the second Samnite war, it was at the head +of the Apulian towns which had joined the Samnites, while Arpi sided with +the Romans. After the battle of Cannae, the Romans, by an inconceivable +carelessness on the part of Hannibal, were enabled almost under his very +arrows to retreat to the walls of Canusium, where they rallied and then +proceeded to Venusia. In the second Punic war, Canusium does not appear +to have been hostile to Rome; in the Samnite war, as I have already +observed, it supported the Samnites, but the whole country afterwards +submitted to the Romans on terms which were by no means unfavourable. +Still, however, they revolted during the war with Pyrrhus: it cannot be +accurately traced what influence this step had on their fate. The town +suffered severely in consequence of both its revolt from Rome and from +the hostility of the Carthaginians, and the Apulian towns did not easily +recover after being once destroyed. In the time of Strabo, it was a +deserted place, large walls enclosing a number of decayed houses. In this +light the town also appears in Horace’s journey to Brundusium. It is now +called Canosa. + +SIPONTUM and SALAPIA belonged to the territory of Arpi. The name Sipontum +(Σιποῦς) betrays its Tyrrhenian origin. All these places suffered +severely during the Hannibalian war. When the Romans punished Arpi for +its revolt, they deprived it of the dominion over these towns, and sent +a colony to Sipontum. The neighbourhood of Sipontum is a salt plain and +therefore unhealthy. + +LUCERIA was situated on the height between Arpi and Beneventum. It was +an Apulian town, but was captured by the Samnites, as I have clearly +ascertained, and was afterwards taken from them by the Romans, and +changed into a Romano-Latin colony. The establishment of this colony in +so distant a country is one of the bold measures of the Romans, whereby, +after the long struggle, in which even the greatest exertions proved +unsuccessful, they decided the final issue of their war against the +Samnites. + +VENUSIA was another great creation of the Romans; it is uncertain whether +it belonged to Apulia or Lucania, but it was situated at the foot of +mount Vultur, which is probably the Oscan word for mountain in general. +It was likewise a Romano-Latin colony, founded after the third Samnite +war by the Romans, who were then on friendly terms with the Lucanians and +ruled over Apulia. By this colony they prepared their future undertaking +against Tarentum, as by it they completely cut off the communication +between the Samnites and that city. In a fragment of Dionysius of +Halicarnassus, in the Excerpta of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, the Romans +are said to have sent 20,000 colonists to Venusia, that is 20,000 +families, or at least 20,000 men capable of bearing arms: this number is +incredible, there must be a mistake here. By admitting the neighbouring +Oscan and Lucanian people, Venusia must, in the course of time, have +become much estranged from Home, for, during the Social War, it was the +only colony which, according to a statement in Appian, rose against Rome. +From the expressions of Horace it may be inferred, that afterwards it +became one of the military colonies of Caesar.[54] The town will ever be +memorable as the birth-place of Horace. + +Having thus gone through Apulia in the Roman sense, we shall proceed in a +south-eastern direction to the people of the POEDICULI or PEUCETII. The +name is a double derivative, as we often see in ethnic names, e.g., in +Aequiculi; the simple form was no doubt Poedi, though it does not occur +anywhere. The people themselves are not mentioned in Roman history; we +find them in a state of subjection, but do not see when they fell into +that condition; their name is not mentioned in the Triumphal Fasti; and +the struggle with them cannot have been great. The name Poediculi appears +to be very different from Peucetii, and yet the difference consists +only in a transposition of the letters. It is attested and generally +acknowledged, that the two names belong to the same people; they are +called by the Greeks Pelasgians, and belonged to the same race as the +Oenotrians, together with whom they are placed on a level with the +Thesprotians, Epirots, and Arcadians. This is, in fact, quite natural, +for as the Daunians were of this race, the Peucetians, living still +nearer to Greece, certainly belonged to it. + +BARIUM, the most important place among the Peucetii, occupies no +prominent position in ancient history; but in the middle ages, it was +the seat of the Byzantine governors (Capitani) of southern Italy: its +present name is Bari. The physical nature of the country of the Peucetii +is very remarkable; it is still the same chalk soil as in Apulia, but +it has here the peculiarity of constantly forming saltpetre: there is +no place in Europe that bears any resemblance to it. There are large +holes in the ground in the shape of funnels, in which the saltpetre +is collected: this phenomenon is extremely remarkable, showing the +formative tendency of mineral nature. The country, though without +water and dry, is not really barren, but still the want of water has +its great disadvantages. The Terra d’Otranto (Terra di Lecce), or the +Iapygian headland, however, which projects farther into the sea, is a +much more fertile and favoured country; it has indeed the same physical +conformation, but the upper stratum does not exclude the water; it is +richer in springs, and accordingly more fertile. For the cultivation of +olives, it is the most excellent country in the world, but it is not +suited for first class wines. The olive-tree grows very well with less +moisture, and even at this day it is very excellent there, although the +art of cultivating it has sunk very low. It was in vain that I requested +the papal government to add to the plants in the botanic garden which +are cultivated for ordinary use, those also which are of interest to the +scholar. At Naples something has been done for the cultivation of olives, +and many things which have been handed down from antiquity may still be +recognised. The Iapygian headland is a beautiful hilly country, covered +all over with olive plantations. The olive is not a handsome tree, nearly +resembling a willow; its varieties, however, like those of the vine, are +very numerous; it spreads very rapidly, and is almost imperishable, as if +Minerva had given it immortality. It is said that near Tivoli it lives +a thousand years, though no one can prove it; but certain it is, that +it can live several hundred years: it then becomes quite hollow, like a +willow, and continues its life through its bark. At this stage its fruit +is most perfect, but the root of the tree requires the greatest care, +and to prevent the tree being thrown down by the winds, the root must be +covered with a great quantity of soil. All agriculture in Italy is still +the same as in antiquity, and as we find it described in the “Scriptores +Rei Rusticae;” you may still see every point as described by Varro. + + +MESSAPIA + +had a somewhat greater extent than the present Terra di Lecce. The +ancient Greek name is ἀκτὴ Ἰαπυγία. It is a beautiful hilly country, but +its geography is in a singular predicament. The name Messapii is only +once mentioned by the Romans, and that in the Triumphal Fasti; but we +know from Strabo, that Messapia was inhabited by two different nations, +the Messapians and Calabrians; and from other authorities we learn that +the inhabitants of Brundusium were Calabrians. In the course of time, +the name Calabria became established among the Romans for the whole of +Messapia. It is remarkable, however, to find, that in the middle ages the +name was transferred to Lucania and Bruttium, whereas Calabria Proper +ceased to have this name. The explanations given of this singular change +are unsatisfactory. + +The inhabitants of the western side of this Acte were the SALLENTINES, +while the eastern coast, from the Iapygian promontory to Brundusium, +was occupied by CALABRIANS. The strangest traditions are current about +the origin of the Sallentines: they are sometimes called Bottiaeans +and sometimes Cretans; in short, they share the character of the +Tyrrheno-Pelasgian nations. But were the Calabrians of the same race? I +believe not, and am rather inclined to think that they were immigrating +and conquering Oscans; for the fact, that Ennius of Rudiae in Calabria +calls Oscan and Greek his mother tongues, shows that, during the Roman +period, Oscan was spoken there. All the towns in those parts were +δίγλωσσοι, that is, they spoke Tyrrhenian and Oscan. In like manner, +the Albanese spoke both Greek and Albanese, as had formerly been the +case with the Albanese at Argos and in Hydra. So also every man in the +towns of upper Silesia, who makes any pretence to education, and even +in rural districts, speaks German, although the national language is +Polish. At Ragusa, all respectable persons, both nobles and commoners, +speak Italian and Slavonian. A priest of Ragusa, who was a dear friend +of mine, told me, that the little children at school do not commence by +learning Slavonian, but Latin and Italian, and that all books are written +in Italian, which language is explained to the children while they learn. +The educated classes in Corfu speak Italian quite perfectly, and as +correctly as it is spoken in Tuscany. + +As we know that Brundusium arose after the expulsion of the Pelasgian +inhabitants, it seems beyond a doubt that the Calabrians formed the last +train of the Oscan immigrants who came from the north through Apulia. +The oracles which are said to refer to this country, have no authority +whatever; they all belong to the period of Timaeus, or are but little +older than his age. + +There must have once been a town of the name of Σαλλοῦς or Sallentum, +from which the name of the Sallentines is derived. The existence of +such a town has, in fact, been assumed by many moderns, and those who +have read “Telemachus” will remember that it is mentioned in that book. +This is in reality correct, but the existence of the town cannot be +historically proved: it must have perished at a very early period. In +ancient times the Messapians were mortal enemies of the Tarentines, who +had endeavoured to make them ἀνάστατοι; but the Messapians maintained +their independence. When, centuries later, circumstances were changed, +and the neighbours had come in closer contact, Messapia placed itself +under the protection of Tarentum. + +The towns in the country of the Messapians are unimportant; there still +exist very beautiful ruins, especially a fine temple on the Iapygian +headland; and in the neighbourhood of Manduria a complete wall still +exists. The two most important towns were Hydruntum and Brundusium. + +HYDRUNTUM (Ὑδροῦς), now Otranto, had probably Tarentine epoeci, by whom +it was hellenised. It was a place of great consequence, being the point +from which people sailed across to Apollonia and Oricus, as now people +sail from Calais to Dover. Hydruntum retained this character until the +Norman period, and as long as southern Italy was connected with the +eastern empire. + +BRUNDUSIUM was distinguished for its excellent harbour, which was valued +the more because there was not a single good harbour between Brundusium +and Ancona. It consisted of several branches, and could admit more ships +than ever sailed in those seas. For this reason the Romans secured the +possession of that town as early as possible, and established a Latin +colony there. At present the harbour is partly filled up with mud. + + +ANCIENT OENOTRIA. + +The Oenotrians in southern Italy are the real Itali. I shall speak of +them first, and after having put them in their right light, I shall pass +on to the Greek towns on the the coasts, which are commonly called Magna +Graecia. + +Oenotria is the same as Italia in the limited sense of the name. You +remember the varying circumstances, according to which the name Italia +was given to a larger or smaller extent of country, and that in its +widest sense it embraced the country as far as the Tiber and mount +Garganus. In consequence of the extension of other nations, the Itali +were afterwards confined to the southern country, and thereby became +so compact, that they were wholly governed by the Greek colonies on the +coast, and hence when, e.g., a person went from Sybaris to Posidonia, +or from Croton to Terina, he had to pass, if not through a country +altogether peopled by Greeks, at least through one governed by Greek +towns. Oenotria thus became Italy proper; but it cannot be said, on the +other hand, that the name Italia was transferred from that small district +to the whole of the peninsula. If we were confined to the Roman writers +alone, and if we had no information from Greek authors, especially +Dionysius and Strabo, we should be in utter ignorance about the +Oenotrians, and we should scarcely have any idea of Italian archaeology. +From this we may infer how much more information must be lost about more +distant countries, which had no literature of their own. The Lucanians, +whom we afterwards find spread over the whole of that country, occupied, +at the period of the Persian wars, only the north-eastern portion of +Lucania, while all the rest of the country afterwards called Lucania, +and the whole of Bruttium, were inhabited by Oenotrians. On the coast, +Greek colonies were established, which ruled over them as sovereigns, +so that the greater part of the Oenotrians were reduced to a state +of servitude, but another portion of them was never subdued. These +Oenotrians were Pelasgians or Siceli of the same stock as the Epirots, +as is stated by the scholiast on the Odyssey, on the authority of the +Macedonian Mnaseas, the disciple of Aristarchus. _Siceli_ and _Itali_ +are the same, as was recognised even by the ancients; the names are also +etymologically identical, _Italus_ being the same as _Vitulus_, the +sibilant taking the place of the digamma. In a narrower sense, the name +Siculi was applied to the Oenotrians, the inhabitants of the southernmost +part of Italy. It is very strange to find that this very ancient mode of +designation re-appears in the geography of the middle ages, for in the +division of the Byzantine empire into provinces, the southernmost part +of Italy was called Sikelia. This is generally referred to the vanity +of the Byzantine court, which is said to have been desirous to have a +province called Sicily, after the island had been taken from it by the +Arabs. This indeed is not impossible; but I believe it to be a very +arbitrary conjecture, and am rather inclined to believe that the country, +in ordinary life, still continued to be called Sikelia, as the earliest +Italians were called Siceli by Thucydides and Timaeus (in Polybius). In +this manner, the name was probably propagated, and this also seems to +have been the origin of the strange appellation of “the two Sicilies,” +which at present is indeed quite absurd, but, in its origin, was probably +quite intelligible. + +Besides these Siceli, which, in some districts that can no longer be +defined, were called _Italietes_ and _Morgetes_, there existed in +southern Italy yet another race of the Oenotrians, called CHAONIANS or +CHONIANS. This name also re-appears in Epirus. The metropolis of the +Chaonians was called Chone, and had been situated not far from Croton; it +may have been destroyed by the Greeks. + +In their state of dependence on the ancient Greek towns, these Oenotrians +became completely hellenised. During the first century after the Greek +settlements, they were not yet subdued, but they were reduced at the time +when Sybaris and Croton had reached their highest prosperity. This is +proved by the colonies of these two cities on the western coast, which +oblige us to assume that the intermediate country was subject to them. +Hence the almost fabulous accounts of the immense population of Sybaris +and Croton, which must be understood to refer, not to the population +of the cities alone, but also to comprise their subjects. The fall of +Sybaris, in Olymp. 67, 3, was the death blow to the Greek dominion in +southern Italy, and to the subjects who all lived in willing submission; +for in the course of a long time a relation had arisen, in which the rule +of Sybaris had become milder and milder, and in which the nations became +more and more united with it. It was probably after the foundation of +Thurii in the territory of Sybaris, that the Lucanians appeared in the +northern part of the country, the modern Basilicata. They first attacked +Posidonia and captured it; they next conquered the western part of the +whole country, which derived from them the name of Lucania, and then +advanced more and more against the Greek towns, as on the eastern coast +against Thurii and Croton, which now dropped their former jealousy in +order to defend themselves against the common enemy. But they were so +far reduced as to be confined within their own walls. This extension of +the Lucanians becomes manifest about the beginning of the Peloponnesian +war. Strabo is not correct in saying, that the Lucanians expelled the +Oenotrians and Chonians, for they only subdued them. The decisive battle +of Laos between the population of Magna Graecia and the Lucanians, in +which the latter gained the upper hand, belongs to the period of the +conquest of Rome by the Gauls; and this battle prostrated the Greeks +for ever. Lucania now became a great state, extending from the frontier +of the Hirpinians to the gates of Rhegium. But it did not long maintain +itself in this extent. The Sabellian Lucanians were not numerous enough +to rule over so large a territory. The consequence of their victory +over the Greek towns was, that the latter were broken, and that the +ancient serfs of the Greeks in those parts, a portion of the Lucanians +themselves, and the subjects of the Lucanians, constituted themselves as +an independent state under the name of the Bruttii. Henceforth Lucania +was reduced to about one half of its former territory; but it retained +this extent until the last period of the Roman empire, and under its name +a separate region of Italy was formed. + +Lucania was fearfully devasted during the several wars which were carried +on there. The resistance of the Lucanians against the Romans was not so +desperate as that of the Samnites, whence they did not suffer so much +when at length they were obliged to succumb. But they committed the +folly of throwing themselves into the arms of Hannibal; the consequence +of which was that the Romans destroyed their towns one after another; +some of them, however, which remained faithful to Rome, especially the +capital, Petelia, were severely treated by Hannibal. After the war a +great part of their territory became Roman domain land. Still, however, +they recovered to some extent; they then took part in the Social War, but +do not appear to have suffered much. The result was that they obtained +the Roman franchise. But they again suffered severely during the servile +war of Spartacus, whose real head-quarters were in Lucania and Bruttium; +at that time the country was changed into a wilderness. From Cicero’s +speech for Tullius, we see that at Thurii every thing was burnt down. +Lucania is a woody mountainous country, and the Apennines in those parts +are full of the most beautiful forests; during the latter period of the +republic large estates were formed there; the free population was for +the most part extirpated, and the large farms were managed by slaves, +coloni being seldom employed, and wherever slaves put their feet, not a +blade of grass remained. Hence, during the first centuries of the empire, +the country was almost deserted, and was employed only as pasture land; +the population had become completely uncivilised. From the edicts of the +emperors during the fourth and fifth centuries, we see what terrible +people those slaves were: the severest laws were enacted merely to +establish some security; they were disarmed, and for ever forbidden the +use of any weapons whatsoever. + +BRUTTIUM was in the same condition; it had been laid waste as early as +the Hannibalian war. After the war of Pyrrhus, the Bruttians had obtained +tolerable terms from the Romans, and their subsequent revolt was not +provoked by any act on the part of the Romans. They suffered especially +from the circumstance that Hannibal, during the latter years of his war +established himself among them, recruited his armies there, and carried +many of their young men capable of bearing arms with him to Africa. He +was obliged, against his own inclination, to make heavy demands upon the +country. The Romans, on the other hand, afterwards took fearful vengeance +on them; although the events had been brought about less by the desire +of the Bruttians than by unavoidable circumstances. The Romans deprived +them of their political existence, and treated them as a people among +whom only _servi publici_ for all manner of services were levied. By this +means, the Bruttians were reduced to a state of helotism. This is one +of the reasons why they are not mentioned at all during the Social War; +another circumstance contributing to the same result was that the Romans +did not regard them as Italicans, but as Greeks. + +I have not much to say respecting the towns in the interior of the +country. PETELIA, an ancient Pelasgian town, the origin of which was +connected with Greek traditions, was the capital of Lucania. CRUMENTUM +was the most important town in the interior; the form of its name is +like those of others with which we have become acquainted: the Pelasgian +Κρυμόεις or Κρυμοῦς changes its termination into _entum_, and signifies +“the cold,” or “frosty,” from its situation on a high hill. + +In time of war, the Lucanians had a common magistrate, called βασιλεὺς +by the Greeks, and _imperator_ by the Romans, and a common constitution; +but we know nothing about the political forms of the Bruttians. The +inscriptions on Lucanian coins are Oscan, written in Greek characters; +but the people, also, spoke Greek perfectly, so that the fact of +the Pseudo-Pythagorean books being called Lucanian is not against +probability. The Lucanian coins are far less beautiful than those of +Bruttium, which have Greek inscriptions, and are like the most beautiful +coins of Greek cities. Though, therefore, they destroyed Greek towns, +still they learned and cultivated the arts of the Greeks. CONSENTIA +was the capital of the Bruttians, and the modern Cosenza is likewise a +capital. + +The great SILA forest, in the north of Bruttium, was of great importance +to the Bruttians; it was very extensive, and such a large forest shows +the desolation of the country from war. It furnished the Romans with +excellent timber for ship-building, and also yielded a considerable +revenue from the manufacture of tar. + + +GREEK TOWNS ON THE COAST OF ITALY. + +CALLIPOLIS (now Gallipoli), a colony of Tarentum, situated on the +Iapygian promontory on the south-east of Tarentum, has no historical +interest. But TARENTUM itself is all the more important. This city is +generally spoken of by the ancients, and especially by Livy, with great +moral contempt. I am quite sure that no man is less disposed to put forth +paradoxes than I: on the contrary, every paradox is repulsive to me, +and calls forth in me a feeling of distrust. There are, however, many +points in history on which we cannot help asserting the very opposite +of the opinion generally current. People speak of the Tarentines as if +they had been completely lost in luxuries and effeminacy, and as if +they had really deserved the frightful fate they had to endure; they +are spoken of with contempt, because, it is said, they embarked in +great undertakings, but did not possess the strength to carry them out +by themselves, and lived in a constant round of sensual pleasures. But +it is especially the ὕβρις and βδελυρία which the Tarentines displayed +towards the Roman ambassadors, that has made an indelible stain on their +character. Now, although I am far from believing that the Tarentines were +deserving of any unusual degree of moral respect, yet I must positively +assert, that the things for which they are so generally condemned, are +for the most part false, and in some points the allegations against them +are no grounds for condemnation. It is impossible to despise a people +which, while the other Greek towns succumbed to the Italians, rose to +such greatness during that very period, and without being favoured by +any outward circumstances. Such a thing cannot be done without skill, +ability, and character; it is not a mere fortunate accident, especially +in a republic, where a brilliant period cannot be brought about by a +single great ruler, as in a monarchy. Moreover, Tarentum produced an +Archytas, who was, perhaps, the greatest philosopher, mathematician, and +statesman, in all antiquity, unless we may except Thucydides who, if +he had wished it, might have become equally great in the sciences; but +he took no interest in them. Such a man usually cannot expect the most +favourable reception among his countrymen, the voice of envy and jealousy +immediately rising against him. But Archytas was, notwithstanding all +this, repeatedly placed at the head of the state as its strategus, and +with such confidence, that the democratic Tarentines allowed themselves +to be guided and directed entirely by him. This circumstance alone would +convince me, that they do not deserve the harsh sentence which posterity +has pronounced upon them: however much they may have degenerated fifty +years later, at that time their prosperity was not undeserved. + +Ancient Tarentum was a very extensive place; the modern town with +its 18,000 or 20,000 inhabitants, though, it is true, they live very +close together, does not occupy more space than the ancient acra, the +original Laconian colony, around which the new town arose and extended. +This immense new town has disappeared, though its circumference can +still be recognised. It is well known, that the origin of Tarentum +is connected with the history of Laconia; the story has indeed some +historical foundation, but is evidently perverted; and the statement +about Phalanthus and the Parthenii has no historical character at all. +In very many states, in which no connubium existed between the different +parts of the population, the persons sprung from unlawful marriages +between members of the ruling and those of the subject people, endangered +the government of the ruling class. Such were the Parthenii. For about +two centuries and a half the Tarentines were powerful far and wide, +but an attempt they made about the time of the Persian wars, to reduce +the Messapians to the condition of helots, failed, and they suffered +a defeat from which for a century they could not recover; the defeat, +according to Herodotus, was the most bloody that had ever been sustained +by a Greek nation. Still, however, Tarentum afterwards recovered, and +that too at a period when we should least expect it, when Thurii, +Croton, and other towns sank, and when in many parts the towns entirely +disappeared. It may be, that Tarentum offered a place of refuge to the +Greeks expelled from Caulon and other places; but the people must have +made every effort to overcome their difficult circumstances, for their +city became very powerful. It now assumed altogether a commercial and +manufacturing character, and became the real emporium for southern +Italy, and perhaps for Samnium also. Salt was a lucrative article of +its commerce; it had excellent wool, cloth manufactories, and dyeing +establishments; purple in particular was made there in the greatest +perfection. Tarentum was in every respect an industrial place, with +extensive navigation and fisheries. Such a population could not possibly +feel inclined to serve in the army as a heavy-armed infantry, such as +was then required; their cavalry was anything but contemptible; it +was distinguished for peculiar tactics of its own. The fact that they +enlisted foreign mercenaries, ought not to be made a subject of reproach +to them, as they were a commercial people, and as it was the general +practice of the Greeks at that time. That they took into their pay +foreign princes with their whole armies, may have been imprudent; but in +this respect too they did no more than what was done by England, which, +during the eighteenth century, often took whole regiments of foreign +countries into its service, a system which the United States of the +Netherlands followed ever since the time of Maurice of Orange. It was +the natural consequence of circumstances; and it is absurd to expect of +such a wealthy commercial people, that it should be as great in war as +an agricultural people. They, no doubt, did not conceal from themselves +the fact that their military system was bad; but politics cannot always +control all circumstances. The Tarentines certainly do not deserve the +reproach of ingratitude towards Alexander of Epirus, for his intention +was to set himself up as king of southern Italy, and he first acted as +an enemy towards them. The fate of Tarentum in its contest with Rome is +known from history: after the fall of Samnium, it threw itself into the +arms of Pyrrhus, after whose death it was betrayed and sold. According to +the Roman historians, Rome treated the city very generously, leaving it +independent: this independence, however, may have been a mere name; the +Romans for a longtime kept a garrison there, which, in the Hannibalian +war defended the old town against the siege of Hannibal. The new town +threw itself into the arms of the Carthaginian, but he could not maintain +it, and the inhabitants were obliged to surrender to the Romans, who now +took cruel vengeance and destroyed the place. In the time of C. Gracchus +it became a Roman colony. + +The Greek towns of Southern Italy are comprised under the general name of +MAGNA GRAECIA; whether this name also included Tarentum, or whether it +was limited to the coast of Oenotrian Italy, and whether it also embraced +the interior, these are questions which, so far as I know, the ancients +do not decide, though the name was in use at a very early period. If we +possessed the work of Antiochus of Syracuse, a contemporary of Herodotus, +it would perhaps furnish us information about it; from Ephorus and +Eratosthenes we could hardly expect to learn anything on this point. It +is possible also that the name ἡ μεγάλη Ἑλλάς may not have been confined +to the Greek towns. + +In enumerating these towns, we may follow a twofold system: we may either +trace them along the coast, beginning with the one next to Tarentum and +thus proceeding as far as Posidonia, or we may arrange them according to +the Greek tribes to which they belonged, and according to the alleged +periods of their foundation. The first system may be traced on any map +where they follow one another in this order: Metapontum, Heraclea, Siris +(which is found in very few maps), Sybaris (afterwards Thurii), Croton, +Scylletion, Caulon, Locri, and Rhegium: on the other side, we have +Hipponium, Laos, Pyxus, Elea, and Posidonia. These towns were colonies +of different tribes, but the most important among them were of Achaean +origin. The original number of the latter was four, which again became +the mother towns of the rest; even in regard to the fourth, however, +it is not certain whether it was not a colony of Croton. Sybaris was +the most ancient among them: next came Croton; Metapontum, the third, +was of much more recent origin; and the fourth, was Caulon or Caulonia, +concerning which, as I have already said, it is doubtful whether it was +an Achaean colony, or whether it received at the same time settlers from +Croton, as was the case at Apollonia which was founded by Corinth and +Corcyra conjointly. + +The colonies of the Locrians are equally ancient, and, according to +tradition, they even belong to an earlier date. Both these sets of +colonies again founded others: the Achaean Laos founded Scidros, Elea +(a mixed colony), and Posidonia; and the Locrians built Hipponium and +Medina. There were also Ionian colonies of different kinds; Siris was +a very ancient Colophonian settlement; Rhegium, a Chalcidian colony of +a more recent date, afterwards founded Pyxus. Elea, too, may be called +Ionian, inasmuch as the fugitives from Phocaea were admitted there, as +those from Colophon had been at Siris. They accordingly lie, as it were, +in chronological strata above one another, not proceeding in their origin +from the same points. + +In regard to some of these colonies, the same question presents itself +which we had to answer in the case of those in Asia Minor, namely, +whether they were really ancient Greek colonies in the sense in which +they are so called by our historians, or whether they are not partially +of earlier origin, so that, being originally founded by people akin to +the Greeks, they afterwards assumed an entirely Greek character. This +is really probable in the case of some of them, but nothing certain +can be said about it. This opinion is most plausible in regard to the +Locrians, for the accounts of their origin are too mythical, and they +act a part in all the ancient traditions relating to the period of the +Siculi and Itali. The only definite tradition about their origin is the +one mentioned by Aristotle, of which I shall speak in due time. The fact, +that the Achaeans appear as a colonising people, is likewise mysterious, +as they are so insignificant in the early history of Greece. However, +Zacynthos, too, is an Achaean colony, and one of the results of the +historical inquiries of modern times is, that very little is known about +Greek history previous to the Persian wars. Many changes, therefore, may +have taken place, of which we are completely ignorant: as the Achaeans +passed through a revolution in Aegialos, it is at all events possible, +that previously they were a more important people, and that after the +Doric migration the oppressed perioeci may have assembled and emigrated +from Peloponnesus, just as the Minyans are said to have emigrated from +Taenaron to other parts. But these things scarcely admit of sober +criticism, and I will not dwell upon them. I shall now enumerate the +towns according to the common practice beginning with the most important. +The Achaean colonies will be mentioned first. + +SYBARIS, according to tradition, was the most ancient among the Achaean +towns. It has a great name, but in the period of historical certainty it +had ceased to exist. The greatness of Sybaris is beyond a doubt, but all +the details related about the luxuriousness of its inhabitants, their +wealth, their works of art, and their final catastrophe, are either +doubtful or altogether fabulous. The numbers of its inhabitants and of +the men capable of bearing arms are exaggerated in an almost oriental +fashion, for at its destruction, the city is said to have had 300,000 men +capable of bearing arms; the manner also, in which Croton is said to have +gained the battle, is a mere silly story. But we need not wonder at the +fabulous character of these accounts, or at the obscurity of the history, +for all the early history of Greece is in the same predicament, and Roman +history too begins very late. We must be on our guard not to measure the +history of the western nations by the standard of eastern annals. Even +if we trace the contemporary records among the Hebrews only as far as +the time of Solomon, we already reach a very early period compared with +that to which history ascends in Greece. There can be no doubt, that the +Egyptians had annals from the period of the seventeenth dynasty, that is, +from the time of Sesostris and Amenophis, or the expulsion of the Hycsos; +but the Greeks had no such ancient contemporary records, and although +there existed certain annalistic tables, as for example, the list of +the priestesses at Argos, still they did not, like the oriental annals, +constitute a history, but were mere lists of years. It is of extreme +importance to an historical philologer, to know how late Greek history +commences. At the period of my youth, I and those of the same age with me +grew up under the most erroneous notions in this respect. I was already a +young man, when it first occurred to me to doubt the truth of the stories +about the Messenian wars and about Aristomenes; in the common histories +of Greece no doubts were expressed, the events were assigned to definite +years, and were narrated as confidently as if they were reported on the +best historical authority. People are not yet sufficiently free from +these thoroughly erroneous notions, although a right view has already +gained some ground. All we know about Sybaris with certainty is, that it +was destroyed several years before the period which we regard as the time +of the expulsion of the Roman kings; Greek writers place the destruction +three years before this event; but synchronistic statements of this kind +are of no value. Posidonia and Laos on the opposite coast were colonies +of Sybaris, whence we may suppose that all Lucania, with the exception of +Metapontum, was subject to it. Sybaris and all those towns became great +and powerful within an incredibly short period, which probably arose +from the fact of their being commercial colonies. The rapidity, with +which commercial cities rise, is exemplified by New York, which 120 years +ago had no more than 1000 inhabitants, while at present its population +amounts to upwards of 140,000. The same increase has taken place at +Philadelphia. If, as is generally supposed, Sybaris at the time of its +destruction had existed for two centuries, we may easily admit that it +had become great and powerful, and hence there is nothing impossible in +the statement, that it ruled over four nations and twenty-five towns. We +must also bear in mind, that those Greek towns might grow up even with +much greater rapidity than the English colonies in North America; for +in the latter all the settlers were Europeans, and consequently quite +foreign to the original population; in southern Italy, on the other hand, +the greater part of the population consisted unquestionably of native +Oenotrians, who were by no means foreign to the Greeks. In countries +where the natives were foreign to them, as on the Euxine, their colonies +never rose so rapidly as on the coasts of Asia Minor and Italy, where +they settled among kindred tribes. Cyrene, which was a large city, +perhaps forms the only exception in this respect. + +In regard to the history of Sybaris, it is certain that Sybaris and +Tarentum, being Achaean and Dorian towns respectively, were hostile to +each other, and that there was a time when Sybaris and Croton, both of +Achaean origin, were on friendly terms. The object of the dispute with +Tarentum was the fertile district between the Acalandrus and the Siris, +which was called Siritis; and in order to maintain their possession of +it, the Sybarites are said to have invited other Achaeans to come over, +and these latter are reported to have founded— + +METAPONTUM.[55] Its name shows the same formation which we have already +observed on several other occasions, and leads us to a form Μεταποῦς, +analogous to Μαλοῦς. This town, which was founded under the protection +of Sybaris, may in reality not have been in a state of independence +as long as Sybaris was a powerful state; in order to preserve the +possession of its territory, Metapontum required the protection of the +Sybarites against the neighbouring Oenotrians and Apulians; but after +the fall of Sybaris, Metapontum may be regarded as an independent town. +In the traditions we have of this place, as in those of several others, +statements about its earlier Oenotrian condition are mixed up with those +about its later Hellenic character; the Pelasgian traditions about it +always refer to the Trojan legend, and hence Metapontum is mentioned as +a Pylian colony. During the period down to the time when the Lucanians +became powerful, the place, from the extraordinary fertility of its +territory, became so wealthy as to equal the richest Greek towns in +Italy. The Metapontines are said to have sent a θέρος χρυσοῦν to Delphi, +which was probably a golden sheaf, the produce of the tithes. Their great +wealth is also attested by the very numerous gold and silver coins of +Metapontum, of very beautiful workmanship, and mostly of great antiquity. +Afterwards, however, all the towns in those parts were overpowered +by the Lucanians, and Metapontum, also, which was deprived of its +territory, must have lost its greatness in consequence. Afterwards, it +suffered severely from the Greek and Epirot armies, which were called +into the country by the Tarentines. Alexander of Epirus and Cleonymus +of Sparta for a time occupied Metapontum with garrisons, and Cleonymus +in particular acted with disgraceful cruelty: he took hostages, and +plundered and pillaged the town. After that time it never recovered. In +the war of Pyrrhus, Metapontum was an insignificant place; in the second +Punic war, it attached itself to Hannibal, and afterwards it is, as if +a wave had passed over it and washed it away, though we do not know how +or when; but we hear no more of it. In the age of Strabo, it was a small +place, but in point of fact, it had perished. + +The destruction of Sybaris by the Crotoniats was the death-blow to the +Greek towns in those parts, for the Crotoniats were not able to protect +the country against the invading Lucanians and Oenotrians. Some of the +surviving Sybarites withdrew to their colonies of Laos and Scidros, and +others built a small place of the name of Sybaris in a distant part; all +attempts to rebuild the ancient city failed, for Croton and the vengeance +of the emancipated serfs prevented it. In this distress they applied to +the Athenians, who in the days of their greatness appear everywhere as +the defenders of the Hellenic name: on this occasion, too, they were +ready to assist the unfortunate Sybarites, and invited colonists from +all parts of Greece to settle at Sybaris. The reason why Croton did not +oppose this new settlement may have been the fact, that the people of +the interior were advancing more and more; the Crotoniats probably felt, +that a powerful Greek colony in the neighbourhood might be very useful +to them: Posidonia, too, was probably already lost. At a deliberation +of the Spartans and their allies, a Greek said, that if Athens were +destroyed, “the spring would be taken out of Hellas,”[56]—the destruction +of Sybaris had taken the spring out of Magna Graecia. The settlement at +THURII succeeded without any opposition on the part of the Italicans. +It was called an Athenian colony; but the Athenians formed only a small +portion of the population, which consisted of Dorians and Ionians, +islanders as well as emigrants from the mainland, who had been invited by +the Athenians, without any distinction, as to a general Greek enterprise; +the Athenians did not reserve for themselves any petty advantages, +being satisfied with the consciousness that history would call them the +restorers of Sybaris. Thurii must have been a strong colony, whence +it soon rose to importance. The ancient name was probably ominous, as +Sybaris had been destroyed twice, or perhaps even three times. The name +Thurii is said to have been derived from a well. This is possible; but +the emblem of Sybaris on ancient coins (for there are some very ancient +ones) is always a bull, whence it is quite possible, that this emblem may +have been the cause of the name, for θούριος signifies _ferox_, fierce, +wild. Thurii soon became involved in constant wars with the Lucanians; +but fifty or sixty years after its foundation it was already so powerful +that it could lose more than 10,000 men in battle against the Lucanians. +This loss, however, was a blow from which it never could thoroughly +recover; it was soon after confined to its own territory, and perhaps +even obliged to pay tribute to protect itself against the devastations +of the Lucanians. In the wars of the Tarentines and the other Greeks +against the Lucanians, Thurii is indeed still mentioned, but it sank more +and more, until in the end it was taken and plundered by the Lucanians. +Afterwards, it placed itself under the protection of the Romans, who, +however, were unable to prevent its being plundered a second time by +the Tarentines. Subsequently it sank so low, that after the Hannibalian +war a Latin colony was established there; but this colony was equally +unfortunate, for during the war of Spartacus it was razed to the ground, +as we see from the fragments of Cicero’s speech for Tullius, recently +discovered by A. Mai. + +The next place is CROTON, which, according to tradition, was founded +shortly after Sybaris. There exist very contradictory accounts about +this town, and it is difficult to discover any connection among them. +Heyne has written several essays on all the towns of Magna Graecia; he +ought not to be undervalued, but nearly all his works were written in too +great a hurry; he had overburdened himself with official business and his +own undertakings, and it is melancholy to see how a man of such truly +beautiful talents does not rise above mediocrity in his writings. On +the whole, he has only produced imperfect works; if he had concentrated +himself more, if he had been willing to do less, and if he had not been +possessed by an unfortunate πολυπραγμοσύνη, he would certainly have +acquired a great and lasting reputation. The best intentions in such a +case are of no avail; posterity will not heed them; for it does not ask, +What is the number of a man’s works? but, What are they? His fate may be +described in the words of Scripture: “He is gone hence, and not a trace +of him is left behind.” Heyne also founded a school which was bad, though +his followers were celebrated in Germany, as if they were great scholars. +From it, however, men proceeded, who, though outwardly belonging to it, +kept themselves independent of the school, as F. A. Wolf and others, who +are the real restorers of the sound philology which is now flourishing. +Heyne’s essays are pleasant to read; but he who is familiar with their +subjects, sees before him a man who does not take the trouble to examine +things, who is satisfied with vague conceptions, and shows the greatest +indifference as to what is possible and what is not; it is only now +and then that a bright idea reminds us of his original talent. But, +notwithstanding all this, Heyne’s essays ought not to be left unread. +Very different is the case of Bentley, and I must strongly recommend to +you every thing he has written on similar subjects. + +There is great difficulty in the tradition about Croton, according to +which it was so powerful that it became insolent, and attempted to subdue +the Locrians; the Locrians, however, it is said, owing to the favour of +the gods, who took pity on the oppressed, gained quite an unexpected and +glorious victory over them. Hereupon, tradition says, the Crotoniats +renounced war and lived in effeminacy, until Pythagoras appeared among +them, and by a new religion which he taught, and by new ordinances, +introduced a fresh spirit and improved manners among them. Yet here again +the mystery is, how, during that very period of moral debasement, the +Crotoniats could stand in the same relation to Sybaris, as that in which +Locri stood to Croton. One might be inclined to place the battle on the +Sagra, according to Justin and other indications, between Olympiad 70 +and 80; and I myself formerly entertained this opinion; but after the +discovery of the “Excerpta de Sententiis” from Diodorus and Polybius, it +cannot be doubted that the ancients placed it in Olymp. 50. From this, +then, it follows, that the stories of their insolence, effeminacy, and +moral debasement, must be regarded as mere arbitrary inventions. Although +no such exaggerated numbers are mentioned in the case of Croton as in +that of Sybaris, yet 100,000 armed men are said to have been arrayed +against the Locrians on the Sagra, and the circumference of the city +is said to have been twelve Roman miles; Livy, who no doubt took the +account from Polybius, states it to have been 100 stadia, and this does +not appear fabulous. The greatness of Croton belongs to an early period, +but afterwards its power must have sunk in consequence of circumstances +which are unknown to us. Traces of internal commotions occur in the +well-known account of the persecution of the Pythagoreans. This sect +went hand in hand with the aristocracy; its downfall was connected with +the development of democracy, and was not so much the consequence of its +religious as of its political character. This accounts for the fact, that +Croton had already ceased to be a powerful state, when, according to +Diodorus, Magna Graecia becomes prominent in history, that is, about the +time of the foundation of Thurii. When the Lucanians were spreading far +and wide, and Thurii received its fatal blow at Laos, the Crotoniats are +not mentioned with any degree of distinction, but are treated like the +inhabitants of the other cantons of that country. But if it had been a +town of small extent, Dionysius the elder would not have been so anxious +to gain possession of it; he besieged and conquered it in a nocturnal +surprise, by attacking it on a side where it was believed to be almost +inaccessible. This capture of Croton, which Diodorus strangely says +nothing about, must have been very destructive in its effects upon the +place. Dionysius, it is true, afterwards quitted it, and it recovered +its independence, but thenceforth its fate was always very deplorable. +Croton was obliged to submit to Alexander of Epirus, though he inflicted +no injury upon it; but Agathocles, in his undertaking against Corcyra, +besieged it in passing; the town was then governed by the tyrant +Menecrates, whom Agathocles deceived by pretending that he was anxious to +form connections with him; but he then suddenly changed the course of his +fleet which was bound for Corcyra, and having landed at Croton, captured +the town. Not quite twenty-five years later, in A.U. 450, the Romans +under P. Cornelius Rufinus took it by assault; and this catastrophe, +as we see from Livy’s account of the Hannibalian war, completely broke +its power. It now shrunk together within its ancient circumference +in the same manner as e.g., Pisa, or Leyden, which once had 100,000 +inhabitants, while at present it has only 20,000. When a person walks +on the ramparts of Pisa, he sees the modern town concentrated in the +centre of its ancient circumference. Pisa is at present as desolate as +many an eastern city, such as, e.g., Basra or Ispahan; such also was the +condition of Rome in the middle ages, especially during the time when the +popes resided at Avignon. The arx of Croton was situated in the centre of +the town, and around it a few houses were still standing: all the rest +had become changed into fields. In the Hannibalian war, the Bruttians +took the town and demanded of the inhabitants to share it with them, but +the Crotoniats preferred emigrating to living together with them. The +Bruttians then established a colony there, but after the conclusion of +the war they were expelled by the Romans, who now sent a colony thither; +but this was not very successful either. At present Croton is a little +country-town. + +It is remarkable that, considering the importance of the cities of Magna +Graecia, so few monuments of antiquity are found in all of them: there +are cameos and coins of Tarentum, but few statues. + +In the neighbourhood of Croton there was a temple of _Juno Lacinia_ +on the Lacinian promontory. This promontory on the one side, and the +Iapygian on the other, inclose the gulf of Tarentum. Lacinia is generally +taken as a proper name of Juno, and from it the name of the promontory +is derived; but this is incorrect: the adjective is an ethnic name, and +_Juno Lacinia_ and _Acra Lacinia_ are nothing else but Juno and the +Acra of the Lacinii, that is, the Latini, in the sense in which all +the Pelasgian Italiots are so called. According to the most authentic +accounts, this temple of Juno Lacinia is more ancient than the Greek +settlements on those coasts; in the remotest times it was the common +sanctuary of the Oenotrians, and afterwards it passed into the hands of +the Crotoniats. During the period of Croton’s greatness it was extremely +rich, and traces of its wealth existed as late as the Hannibalian war; +but in the course of this war it was profaned and plundered by the +Romans. Hannibal had his head-quarters there for a long time, and caused +a large tablet, containing a history of his own exploits in the Greek +and Punic languages, to be set up in the temple. How valuable would such +a document be, if it were preserved! I shall pass over the small places +south of the Lacinian promontory, and proceed to— + +CAULON or CAULONIA, a small Achaean town, which had a common diet with +the other places. + +LOCRI, was probably not a real Greek colony, but a Hellenized place. If +Locri was a Greek colony, this fact, too, would show, what is everywhere +probable from their very situation, that the Ozolian Locrians and those +πέραν Εὐβοίας once belonged to each other, and that they were torn +asunder only by the immigration of the Dolopians; and that accordingly +they were a much larger people. We must, therefore, be on our guard +not to blame Virgil, as he has been blamed for calling the Locrians +_Narycii_. People say, it is inconceivable that the Locrians should have +been called _Narycii_, as mount Naryx was situated opposite Euboea, while +the Italian Locrians were descended from the Ozolian Locrians (according +to Strabo). Virgil did not conceive the Locrians as divided, but as one +unbroken race, extending from the Corinthian to the Euboean sea. The +Locrians in Italy are called Ἐπιζεφύριοι, that is, ἐπὶ Ζεφυρίῳ, on the +promontory of Zephyrium. Hitherto the traditions about these Locrians +have been a curious puzzle. The ancient excerpts from the twelfth book of +Polybius contain traces of a great controversy of Timaeus, who is raving +against Aristotle on account of what he had said about the origin of the +Locrians. But what Aristotle actually had said, is not mentioned by the +epitomizer, and it could only be guessed that he had derived their origin +from slaves. Besides this, there was a passage of Dionysius Periegeta, +in which he says of the Locrians σφετέρῃς μιχθέντες ἀνάσσαις, on which +the passage of the scholiast is incomplete. But from the new “Excerpta +de Sententiis,” the whole matter has become clear. Aristotle relates the +following tradition. In the first Messenian war, the Locrians furnished +the Spartans with auxiliaries, and all their men capable of bearing arms +had taken the field. During their absence, their wives and daughters led +a licentious life with their servants; and from fear of their returning +masters, the servants with their concubines emigrated. Timaeus in saying +that this story sounds fabulous, made easy game of Aristotle, if he +supposed that Aristotle believed it to be true; but I would undertake to +answer for it that Aristotle did not give the story as a real historical +tradition, but that he mentioned it only as a legend of the Locrians. +He no doubt asserted that the Italian Locrians were not a colony of the +Greek Locrians, and that, if they were Locrians, they were so only +through the women. Timaeus might easily have investigated the matter; but +his object was only to find fault with Aristotle. But such disgraceful +conduct always receives its punishment in due time, and Polybius has +prepared it for him. If here, as everywhere else, we put aside the +mythical story, we find that the foundation of the Locrian state in Italy +belongs to the period of the decay of the constitution of the _gentes_, +when in various places illegitimate marriages between the ancient +families and the δῆμος gave rise to a mixed race, which became dangerous +to the aristocracy, and was, therefore, obliged to emigrate. The same +fact forms the basis of the story about Phalanthus and the Parthenii. + +But whatever may have been the origin of the Locrians, they bore in +ancient times a very respectable character, for they defeated the +Crotoniats in the battle on the Sagra. The Greek proverb ἀληθέστερα τῶν +ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ must probably not be taken quite literally, at least, not in +our narrative, in which it is said that the Dioscuri decided the issue +of the contest. In like manner, St. James is said to have appeared on a +white charger in the army of Ferdinand Cortez: a distinguished officer, +who had been present at every point of the battle and seen nothing, got +himself out of the difficulty by saying, that he had not been worthy to +behold the saint. Such, also, may have been the case with the Dioscuri in +the battle on the Sagra. At all events, however, the Locrians, through +that battle, secured their independence, and for a period of 150 years +thereafter, they lived in happy prosperity, which was disturbed by +Dionysius, who endeavoured to gain influence in the Greek towns of Italy +by marrying a citizen of one of them. A Rhegine maiden being refused to +him, he took a Locrian for his wife. For this reason Locri was greatly +favoured; but after Dionysius’ death, his son, on being obliged to +withdraw from Sicily, betook himself to Locri, where he raged like a Nero +or an Elagabalus. When, afterwards, he was forced to return to Sicily, +the Locrians took vengeance on his family, and then had to sustain a +siege, during which, there being no hope of pardon, they offered a most +vigorous resistance, and risked their all upon it. Their territory fell +into the hands of the Bruttians, but in the war of Pyrrhus, Locri was +still a considerable state. On that occasion, however, they acted an +unworthy part: they first requested the Romans to send them a garrison +against the Bruttians, and then betrayed it into the hands of Pyrrhus. +After this, Pyrrhus placed a garrison of Italicans and Bruttians there, +who again betrayed the town to the Romans. Sixty years later, the +Locrians delivered up a Roman garrison into the hands of Hannibal: they +then repented of their treachery—a fickleness which, often occurs among +the Greeks—and again opened their gates to the Romans. But this last act +was not set down to their credit, for Q. Pleminius, who was left behind +there by Scipio with a garrison, conducted himself like the commanders +of the troops of the League during the thirty years’ war, like Colonel +Hatzfeld at Rostock, and as the imperial commanders in general, with +their Croats, conducted themselves in Germany. Pleminius treated the town +as if it had been taken by the sword; at length, however, the Locrians +succeeded in inducing the Roman senate to interfere, and to punish the +offender; the account of his conduct gives us some idea of the manner +in which war was carried on in those times. The town continued to exist +after these events, but was quite insignificant; its greatest importance +consisted in a temple of Proserpine with a rich treasury. Pyrrhus +had plundered the sanctuary, but being warned by visions in a dream, +he restored the treasures; Q. Pleminius afterwards plundered it more +effectually. + +The next town, RHEGIUM, was a Chalcidian colony, of a much more recent +date than the others, being founded about Olymp. 50. During the period +when it was the residence of Anaxilaus, it was a powerful city. At the +time of the Sicilian expedition, Rhegium, like all the other Chalcidian +towns, was allied with Athens. The Rhegines refused to give one of +their daughters in marriage to Dionysius, and were injudicious enough +to insult him, by saying that they had no other girl suited to him +except the daughter of the hangman, which was the most offensive thing +they could have done. At the time when Corsica was still independent, +no Corsican ever took the office of hangman, but from hatred of Genoa, +the Corsicans always appointed a Genoese. Dionysius laid siege to the +town, and the Rhegines defended themselves with the courage of lions, +but were overpowered; and their fate was terrible. But the situation of +the town is so fortunate, that a town will always exist there in spite +of earthquakes and other ravages. A hundred years later, Rhegium was, +if possible, still more unfortunate. In the war of Pyrrhus, a Campanian +legion, at the request of the Rhegines themselves, was sent there by the +Romans, for the purpose of cutting off the communication between Pyrrhus +and the Mamertines in Sicily. But this garrison, under the command of +Decius Jubellius, massacred the male inhabitants, and took possession of +their wives and children. At the conclusion of the war, the Romans took +the town by force, and the 300 survivors of the 4,000 who had composed +the Campanian legion, were beheaded in the Forum at Rome. The surviving +Rhegines were then called together, and their territory was restored to +them. Henceforth, Rhegium remained a prosperous little commercial town, +and experienced no further misfortunes. + +HIPPONIUM, a colony of Locri, was taken and destroyed by the Bruttians, +and then rebuilt by the Carthaginians, which is the only instance of a +Carthaginian town in Italy. During the latter period of Agathocles, and +shortly before the war with Pyrrhus, the Bruttians seem again to have +been masters of the place. Afterwards the Romans established a colony +there, under the name of _Vibo Valentia_. + +Proceeding along the coast in a northern direction, we come to LAOS, +on the line which subsequently formed the frontier between Lucania and +Bruttium. It was a colony of Sybaris, and is celebrated on account of +the defeat sustained by the united towns of Magna Graecia, especially +Thurii, against the Lucanians, who wanted to relieve the town from a +siege. At that time, the Lucanians had already extended themselves along +the coast, and Posidonia was their first conquest. + +PYXUS or BUXENTUM, between Laos and Posidonia, was founded by the +Rhegines at the time of Anaxilaus and Micythus, who were contemporaries +of Darius Hystaspis. There can be no doubt that it was afterwards taken +by the Lucanians, but it was snatched from them by the Romans, who +surrendered it to the Campanians at the settlement they made with them, +whence Buxentum is afterwards mentioned among the Campanian towns. After +the Hannibalian war, the Romans established a colony there. + +ELEA or VELIA, a town which preserved its Greek character in a wonderful +manner, was situated not far from Buxentum. It was a colony of the +Phocaeans, established in the reign of Cyrus, after they had in vain +endeavoured to form a settlement in Corsica (Olymp. 60). In the history +of literature, Elea is remarkable for the great and profound philosophers +who formed the Eleatic school. As Amalfi, though surrounded by Lombard +armies, preserved its pure Italian and Roman character, so Elea remained +a Greek place down to the latest times. The father of the poet Statius +was a Greek of Elea, and Statius’ _Graia Selle_ is nothing else than +Elea, as Markland has shown; some persons have strangely referred it to +Epirus, and some perhaps do so still. Elea was allied with Rome, and was +honoured and distinguished by her. It perished at a time which can no +longer be defined, in consequence of the ravages of barbarians. + +POSIDONIA or PAESTUM was the most powerful among the Greek cities on +that coast. The place still has the most beautiful Greek ruins in all +Italy, and three ancient temples are preserved there in tolerable +completeness; before the first half of the eighteenth century, they +were not known at all, for they were not discovered till 1730. The +cause of this may have been the circumstance, that they are situated +in a very pestilential and deserted district; but at present they are +known to everybody. The ruins belong to the ancient Greek period, when +Posidonia was still powerful. There have also been found great numbers +of coins of a very ancient style, resembling those of Sybaris, which +are at least as old as the sixtieth Olympiad, and perhaps even older. +Posidonia was conquered by the Lucanians, though it is unknown at what +time, and it remained under their dominion until the war of Pyrrhus, +when the Romans established a colony there under the name of Paestum. +The fact, that previously the Lucanians had a colony there, is clear +from the account of Aristoxenus, in Athenaeus, about an annual festival +which the inhabitants celebrated quite in the ancient Greek fashion, +and at which they, among other things, complained of their losing their +Greek character and peculiarities, and of their becoming barbarians in +consequence of their being ruled over by barbarians. Athenaeus indeed +mentions the Romans as their rulers, but he is either mistaken in +the name, or the book which he quotes was not by Aristoxenus, but a +_pseudepigraphon_, which is certainly possible. It is interesting on this +occasion to become acquainted with the nature of the colonies, and with +the manner in which a new ruling class of men establish themselves among +the people, introducing their language and manners to such an extent +as to cause the nationality of the ancient inhabitants to disappear. +The most striking example of this phenomenon is the diffusion of the +language and manners of the Arabs over the East and Africa: all the +languages which were previously spoken there, Greek, Latin, Egyptian, +and Syriac, having given way to the Arabic. In like manner, the Turkish +language has become predominant in Armenia and Hyrcania. This accounts +for the fact, that, although the Arab immigration into Spain was not +very numerous in comparison with the ancient inhabitants, yet when in +the thirteenth century Andalusia was re-conquered by the Christians, the +people spoke nothing but Arabic. The Ommayad khalifs had introduced +the Arabic language by putting to death any one refusing to adopt it. +The term colony, therefore, is very vague: we generally imagine that +the colonists constitute the real body of the people; but this is not +so, for the colony only furnishes the form. I very well remember, that +about thirty-five years ago, when I read that account of Aristoxenus, the +matter appeared to me strange; but the mixture of the two nationalities +clears up everything. + + +ETRURIA. + +Etruria is in every respect a highly important and interesting country, +and in ancient history it is at the same time great and powerful; it +derives a particular interest from the fact of its being the mother +country of the modern Tuscans, a people on whom all the honour of Italy, +in regard to intellectual and artistic greatness, rested during the +middle ages no less than in modern times, just as the honour of Greece +rested on Athens. In the whole range of modern history there is not a +people, which is so strongly marked with the antique character as the +Florentines; they possess all the great qualities of the Athenians, +without their light-headedness. They also have been too severely judged +of; I do not, indeed, mean to say that they are faultless, but they are, +in spite of any faults, deserving of the highest respect. A man who is +familiar with the old Italian literature and history, cannot but feel +the greatest affection and attachment to Tuscany, and this affection and +attachment are unconsciously transferred to the ancestors of the modern +Tuscans. But the great renown enjoyed by the ancient Etruscans is not +owing to this, but rather to the irresistible charm with which man is +drawn towards that which is mysterious and enigmatical. We can, indeed, +see that the Etruscans were a very remarkable people, and that in regard +to the fine arts, they occupy, next to the Greeks, the highest rank in +antiquity; yet so many monuments and inscriptions of this same people +are perfect mysteries to us; inscriptions exist in great numbers, but +are altogether inexplicable. All the statements of the ancients about +the Etruscans are full of contradiction. The difficulties have been +increased by the opinion which has been established for a long time, that +the Romans derived the greater part of their institutions and character +from the Etruscans, an opinion which formerly I also entertained. But I +have given it up, and in the second edition of my Roman History I have +honestly stated my reasons. The cause of the great confusion among the +ancients about them is the supposition that the Etruscans and Tyrrhenians +were the same people. I have shown in my history that the Greeks, who +are here our only authorities, as we have no other statements, called +the Tyrrhenians Pelasgians, and Tyrrhenians existed not only on the +coasts of Etruria, but occupied the whole coast of Italy down to the +Oenotrian frontier, before the Ausonians subdued those districts. Being +Pelasgians, the Tyrrhenians, according to the views of the Greeks, were +of the same race as the ancient Meonians in Lydia, as the inhabitants +of Lemnos and the islands near the Hellespont, and as the occupants of +the neighbouring coasts. Hence also the tradition about the connection +between the two. These original inhabitants of Etruria, from Luna as +far as the Tiber, were then overpowered by a nation invading Italy from +northern Europe, just as we have seen in the case of the Illyrians; Greek +historians afterwards called the conquerors Tyrrhenians, partly because +a large proportion of the population of Etruria actually was Tyrrhenian, +and partly because the whole country bore the name Tyrrhenia. In like +manner the English are called Britons, and the Spaniards in Mexico and +Peru Mexicans and Peruvians; and in the same way the Greeks applied +the name Oscans to the Sabellians inhabiting Lucania and Samnium, +although the Oscans were the subjects and the Sabellians the ruling +people. As the conquerors have often entirely changed the language of +the conquered people (the coins of Posidonia, when in the end it had +become Roman, have Latin inscriptions in Latin characters), so the +language of the Tyrrhenians, under the dominion of the Etruscans, gave +way to the language of the rulers; and hence we cannot be surprised at +finding on Etruscan monuments none but the mysterious Etruscan language. +I mentioned before the Mexicans as an illustration: the Spaniards who +conquered Mexico amounted only to a few thousands, while the country they +subdued contained many millions of inhabitants. The latter, it is true, +were extirpated by inhuman cruelty, epidemics, and the like; but still +the fact of the Spanish language having become quite universal there +remains a remarkable phenomenon. The Spanish colonists had scarcely any +women with them, and accordingly took native Mexican women for their +wives, whence we might expect to find the Spanish language would have +disappeared all the more naturally and easily. It is a foolish opinion +to believe that the depopulation of Spain was the consequence of the +emigration to the provinces in America; for the number of emigrants to +the new world was on the whole but small. Granting that in the course +of time a few hundred thousand emigrated, the men who arrived there +entirely without families, exercised such an influence upon the language +of millions, that at present not a man in the city of Mexico speaks +Mexican, and the native language exists only in the remotest districts; +the commonest Indian speaks Spanish. There are even large provinces in +New Spain where the ancient language has entirely disappeared, without +its being possible to show that any considerable immigrations ever took +place. In the Baltic provinces of Mecklenburg and Pomerania, where +the ruling families have always remained the same, where the nobility +consists for the most part of Wendish families, and where the Germans +have never appeared as conquerors, the Wendish language is entirely lost, +merely because the introduction of Christianity from Germany was in the +course of a few centuries followed by the German language. The ancient +Tyrrhenian language may, even before the conquest, have become unsettled +and shifting, as the Umbrians occupied the interior of the country while +the Tyrrhenians inhabited the coasts. + +The inquiries into the Etruscan language have hitherto yielded no results +at all; all the alleged explanations by Mazzochi, Passeri, and Lanzi are +mere delusions. I must direct your particular attention to the incredibly +small compass of what is commonly called learning. Common sense has +often been most disgracefully trampled under foot, and intuitive truth +has been overlooked and disregarded; and this has been the case more +particularly in the inquiries about the ancient Italian languages. People +have been extremely anxious to discover the Etruscan language, and who +should not be so? I would readily give a considerable part of my property +as a prize to any one who should discover it; an entirely new light +would thereby be thrown upon the character of the nations of Italy. But +desirable as this object is, it does not follow that it is attainable; +it is deplorable, however, if people assume it to be attainable without +examining as to whether the method they adopt be the correct one. Passeri +and Lanzi enjoy quite an undeserved reputation; they have treated the +ancient Italian languages of the Etruscans and Umbrians in quite a +disgraceful manner; and I have many years ago expressed my indignation +at the absurdity with which the inquiry is pursued. Lanzi assumes that +Etruscans and Tyrrhenians are the same,—a fact which has never been +doubted—that Tyrrhenians are Pelasgians, and that Pelasgians are ancient +Greeks: he then proceeds, without having any general principle to guide +him, to interpret words merely according to some remote resemblance in +sound to Greek or Latin words, and by this process he elicits a sense +which is no better than if it had been his object to make the whole +inquiry ridiculous. Any one who has a taste for Greek must reject such +trash with the greatest indignation. There are only a very few words the +meaning of which can be guessed: on all the tomb-stones we read _avil +ril_ followed by a number (the Etruscan and Roman numbers are the same), +whence we may suppose these two words to mean _vixit annos_; sometimes +we find _ril_ alone, which may accordingly mean “year.” It is possible +that the word is indeclinable, and it may even be imagined that all nouns +in Etruscan, as in many eastern languages, are indeclinable. Now Lanzi, +not being able to find a similar word in Greek or Latin, objects to the +interpretation of these words which alone are known; and he connects +_avil_, which probably signifies _vixit_, with the Greek αἰών, though he +would prefer a word with a stronger resemblance. On several works of art +we find the word _turce_ added to a name, which he interprets ἐποίει, +and I will let this pass; but he adds that _turce_ is nothing but the +contracted τὸ ἔρξε, that is, τοὖρξε. Such things have found admirers, +and even in Germany! I feel no inclination to speculate where I do not +stand on firm ground; but it certainly is much more probable, that _ce_ +is the termination of the noun, like _us_ in Latin; and accordingly I +say “_turce_ may be the same as _Tuscus_, for _r_ and _s_ are very often +interchanged.” In the fifteenth century, a number of bronze tables were +found at Gubbio in Umbria, with inscriptions partly in Etruscan and +partly in Latin characters, but in an unknown language: who knows what +these tables contain! A man with the faculty of divination possessed +by Champollion might perhaps be able to explain the language, but it +requires a full consciousness of the analogy of languages; this is +the only way in which it might be made out, but it is impossible to +explain it by itself. The Italians, like Passeri, have proceeded on +the supposition that the Etruscans were _haruspices_, interpreters of +lightning, and the like, and that consequently their monuments contain +all kinds of _fulguratio_: on such premises they then attempted to +translate the inscriptions with a truly revolting impertinence: you can +scarcely form an idea of this kind of nonsense. I say this because I have +been described as wanting in modesty by people who no doubt may have been +extremely modest all their lives; and the remark has been added, that I +had not read the productions of those inquirers. But I have read Lanzi’s +work, and deliberately declare that it is thoroughly bad. Lanzi was a man +of talent and acuteness, but completely ignorant of Greek literature, +and he had but a poor knowledge of Latin. He was an encyclopaedist, who +undertook much, but finished only half of what he undertook. I have here +expressed my conviction with the fullest confidence, that it is not only +my conviction, but the pure truth. It is possible that a resemblance may +be discovered between the Etruscan and the Ligurian language. + +The ancients were far less concerned about the Etruscans than the +moderns; they took indeed an interest in them, but did not enter deeply +into the inquiry about them; and it may be that they were prevented by +their utter ignorance of the Etruscan language. Herodotus relates that +the Etruscans were a Lydian colony, a statement which has been correctly +refuted even by Dionysius, who says that Xanthus the Lydian did not +say anything about it; that the Lydians did not bear the slightest +resemblance to the Etruscans in language, customs, manners, or religion; +and that there existed no traditions about such a colony either among the +Lydians or among the Etruscans. Herodotus had heard, that Tyrrhenians +existed in Italy as well as in Lydia (where, however, the Meonians, +and not the entirely foreign Lydians, were Tyrrhenians); his idea of a +colony was a mere inference from his knowledge that the Tyrrhenians and +Meonians were nations of the same race. But Tyrrheni and Tusci are the +same words, and so are Tyrrheni, Turini, Turni; Tusculum is nothing but +the town of the Tyrrheni; Etrusci and Tusci, however, are different, and +the name Tusci was afterwards transferred to the Etrusci. The native name +of the Etruscans was Rasena. Previously to the Gallic conquest, the same +Etruscan nation was also established in the plains of Lombardy; and, +according to Livy, all the tribes about the river Padus, such as the +Raeti and others belonged to it. It is, moreover, quite in accordance +with all analogy to suppose that the nation had come down from the Alps +in consequence of commotions in the north. Here we must also bear in mind +the other tradition which states that, before the time of the Etruscans, +the Umbrians dwelt in Etruria, and that 300 Umbrian towns were destroyed +by the invading Etruscans. No importance can be attached to the number +300, which is only a multiple of 3; 3, 30, 300, and 600, all signify only +“very many,” and in other circumstances the same might be expressed by +4, 16, 64, etc. I am persuaded that the time is not far distant (it may +have arrived already), when no man will think of quoting the statement +of Herodotus about the Lydian origin of the Tyrrhenians as an authority +against other opinions. Everything which, after the lapse of hundreds or +thousands of years, has to be made out by reason and argument meets with +opposition, and this is in accordance with nature; nay, it is good that +it is so, as it imposes upon us the duty to give to our doctrines the +greatest possible distinctness, and to expound them so clearly as to make +them intelligible to all. + +It is well-known that Etruria, south of the Apennines, contained twelve +ruling towns, to which the others were subject. We must not, however, +suppose that there existed no more than twelve places deserving the name +of towns, but they were twelve sovereign cities, and all the others were +dependent upon them. This fact is certain and beyond all doubt. They +were all situated within the district from the Apennines about Luna +and the Tiber. But which of the Etruscan towns they were, is quite a +different question; some of them are certain, others can be named only +with probability, while others, again, can only be guessed. Descending +from the north, we find the following towns, which Livy, in his account +of the second Punic war, distinctly affirms, were ruling cities: +Volaterrae, Populonia, Rusellae, and Tarquinii; and in the interior, +Arretium, Perusia, Caere and Clusium. Four accordingly are wanting, +either because they had perished, or because they had ceased to belong +to the Etruscan nation. Veii and Vulsinii had been destroyed, and Capena +had become a Roman municipium. But whether Capena ever was one of the +sovereign cities, may seem doubtful. All these relations belong to so +remote a period, and the notices we have of them in the ancient authors +are so vague, that we must be extremely cautious. The case of Cortona +is particularly doubtful. Livy, near the close of the first decad,[57] +mentions it as an Etruscan town; but at the time of the second Punic war +he does not name it among those which distinguished themselves by the +support they gave to Scipio. Herodotus, in speaking of his own time, says +that Cortona[58] was inhabited by Pelasgians who were foreign to the +Tyrrhenians, that is, to the Etruscans and Ombricans. This is a great +mystery, which it is impossible to solve with any degree of certainty. +Had Cortona become Etruscan in the middle of the fifth century, while +during the first half of the fourth it was still Tyrrhenian? or did +Herodotus transfer to his own time that which was correctly applicable +only to an earlier period? Different conjectures may be entertained as +to why it is not mentioned in the second Punic war: Livy either forgot +it, or the town had, perhaps, not been included in the general peace +which the Etruscans concluded with the Romans at the time of the war with +Pyrrhus; it is possible also that it may have concluded a separate peace, +or that it had been conquered. For the books of Livy and Dionysius, +containing the account of that period, are lost, and the brief extracts +furnish no satisfactory information. We may, therefore, have recourse to +several modes of explanation, but we must be cautious and not regard as +certain what is merely possible. + +One or two places at the least, therefore, are still wanting. On the +coast we find Cossa, a large town, the walls of which still exist, and +show that the place was strongly fortified. But it is called Cossa +Volcientium, whence it is probable that it was no more Etruscan than +Falerii, which, geographically speaking, likewise belonged to Etruria. We +may, however, take it almost for certain that Faesulae, situated beyond +Florence, was one of the twelve towns. It is not indeed mentioned in the +history of the wars with the Romans, that is, in the ninth and tenth +books of Livy; but we can draw no inference from this, as the eleventh +and twelfth books are wanting. From these last we should have learned, +whether at that period it was one of the Etruscan towns or not. + +In a physical point of view, Etruria may be divided into three parts. +The central portion is formed by the main stock of the Apennines, both +those in the neighbourhood of Siena and those in the north of the river +Arno, for they belong together, having been separated only by the hand +of man to make an opening for letting the Arno pass through. This part +comprises the whole of the Apennines, which now separate Tuscany from +Bologna and Romagna, together with the interior from the neighbourhood +of Siena to the Roman towns of Aquapendente and Viterbo. This range of +mountains contains indeed many beautiful valleys, but in some parts +there are none, and on the frontiers of Tuscany and Bologna the country +consists of rough, wild and inhospitable mountains, which at present have +scarcely any wood at all; in ancient times it was different, for thick +forests appear to have existed at least on the frontiers of Etruria and +the country of the Gauls. The second part comprises the whole territory +extending below Volterra, the so-called Maremma, or hilly coast land. +It embraced the whole of _Suburbicaria Tuscia_, the modern Patrimonio +di. S. Pietro, a district formerly containing the towns of Vulsinii +and Saturnia, and at present Tuscanella and others, and extending to +the very gates of Rome. The geological character of this part is quite +different from that of the Apennines; it is of a volcanic nature, the +lakes of Vulsinii, Bacanae, and all the others in that district are +decayed craters, and volcanic stones and productions of every kind are +found there in all directions as on the opposite side of the Tiber. The +country is at present extremely unhealthy, and was in all probability +never quite healthy on account of the bad quality of the water; there +seem to be really poisonous exhalations. In ancient times, however, +important towns existed there notwithstanding, and there was no doubt a +corresponding degree of agriculture; at the time when Florence and Siena +were flourishing republics, the state of the country was likewise better +than it is now. It was ruined by the princes of the house of Medici, +who made the towns responsible for the whole amount of taxes, as is the +custom in the East; when one place was decayed, the others had to make +up the sum among themselves. In some parts this system was carried so +far, that during the second half of the seventeenth century, under Cosmo +III., whole villages were ruined; and it was the greatest misfortune for +the country that this Cosmo reigned for a period of half a century. In +this manner the country became desolate by fiscal extortions. Wherever +the population has once become extinct, it rarely re-appears; the emperor +Leopold II. did every thing in his power to mend matters, but it was +of little avail. The third part comprising the marshy country from the +Arno as far as the Gonfalina, is a large and low district with many +marshes and lakes, extending as far as Luna and Pescia; it has quite the +appearance of the countries in the Netherlands. In the time of Hannibal, +it was one continuous marsh, but he made his way through it, and deceived +the Romans, who thought it impossible for him to advance through that +morass, and accordingly considered themselves quite safe. We may say in +general that the manner, in which the Romans at that time carried on +the war, was beneath all criticism. The upper Arno was formerly a lake, +and near Faesulae, too, there was a lake, but they have been drained by +making a passage for the waters through the Gonfalina and La’ncisa. + +I shall now proceed to give you an account of the separate towns, +mentioning at once the things for which they were remarkable at different +periods, for our time is too short accurately to separate the geography +of the different periods. + +LUCA. The northern part about Luca was afterwards in the hands of the +Ligurians, and nothing is known about it in regard to the Etruscan +period. Soon after the Hannibalian war, the town was taken by the +Romans who established a colony there, for the purpose of securing the +possession of the country. Throughout the middle ages, Luca was a place +of considerable importance. + +LUNA, situated on the sea-coast, in the neighbourhood of the modern +Carrara, was anciently likewise Etruscan, and of importance to Rome +on account of its excellent harbour. The whole coast of Etruria has +but few harbours, and there is only one other at Populonia; but that +of Luna had the advantage of being at once the nearest and very good. +Before the Romans had formed a communication with Spain by land, the +military communication with that country was kept up by means of the port +of Luna; and the Romans had long been masters of the greater part of +Spain, before the communication through Gaul was opened. Luna was also +important on account of its quarries of white marble, called _marmor +Lunense_. The Romans did not commence to work in marble till a very late +period: before the time of Augustus it was not very extensively used, +and he first erected buildings of native marble. During Cicero’s youth +the Romans began to employ Carystian and Numidian (yellow) marble in +private houses, no doubt, for small pillars; and in the time of Pompey, +the use of foreign marble became a little more common. But in the reign +of Augustus it became very general, whence marbles of every kind are +found in the ruins; Carrara marble was employed in vast quantities, the +white Pentelian was less common. After the time of Augustus, it was +customary to use bricks for the internal parts of walls, and to cover +or incrustate, as the Italians say, the outside with slabs of marble. +At a later period of the empire this custom extended so far, that it +became an indispensable luxury to cover the walls even of private houses +with most costly kinds of marble. The temple of Apollo on the Palatine +seems to have been constructed of solid Carrara marble. When the Romans +advanced as far as Luna, the Etruscans were, probably, no longer masters +of the place, but it seems to have belonged to the Ligurians. In the +middle ages it was destroyed by the Saracens. + +PISA also appears to have been Etruscan, but it never was a sovereign +city. It is regarded as a colony of Pisa in Elis (whence _Pisae Alpheae_ +in Virgil); but this is a groundless fancy, and it is an undoubted fact +that Pisa was an ancient Tyrrhenian place. In the Hannibalian war, +it was an important military station to the Romans, who succeeded in +remaining masters of it. Afterwards it became a military colony. The +great importance of the place is manifest from the number of ruins and +remains of every description, although the town is not often spoken of. +In the middle ages it rose rapidly and became great at once, just as the +gods in the Aeneid step forth from the clouds, without any one having +anticipated them. In the eleventh century, when the Pisans constructed +their cathedral with its baptistery and tower, Pisa must have been a city +of gigantic power and greatness. Its inhabitants possessed a wonderful +taste for the arts even during the darkest periods of the middle ages, +when at Venice (I will not mention Rome which was quite barbarous) not +the slightest trace of such a taste was perceptible. The Venetians, as +late as the thirteenth century, melted down all the Greek works of art +in bronze which they could carry away; the preservation of the colossal +horses from Chios, in the Piazza S. Marco, is almost a mere accident: the +strange deliberation as to whether they should be melted down or not, is +well known. For half a century afterwards the horses stood neglected in +some shed, until civilisation advanced, and they were set up in their +present place. At Pisa, on the other hand, the taste for the arts was so +far developed that, as early as the eleventh century, the city employed +an architect, probably from the south of France (his name is Bruschetti, +as is stated in the excellent inscriptions), to build a church, which is +as magnificent as any structure belonging to the period of the emperors +of declining Rome, or of the Byzantine rulers. The Pisans, moreover, +carefully collected during their expeditions, especially at Rome, columns +and other antiquities, and obtained similar treasures as presents from +the emperors. During the twelfth century they collected fragments of +ancient architecture, sculptures, and especially sarcophagi which they +put together in their cemetery (Campo Santo); they then surrounded the +cemetery with a wall and a portico, and thus affectionately preserved +the remains of antiquity. The bodies of men of rank were buried in these +sarcophagi. Such was the spirit in which Nicolo Pisano, a gigantic +genius of the middle of the thirteenth century, made bas-reliefs more +beautiful than any that were produced at Rome during the third century +of our era; not only does he show great genius in invention, but also in +the beauty of his sculptures. The civic laws of the Pisans were based +upon remnants of the Roman law, nay, edicts of praetors, which had not +been introduced into the Justinianean Code, were preserved there; so +that Pisa, at a later period, remained an essentially Roman city, though +it was governed by a Lombard nobility. The vicissitudes of Pisa were +terrible and deplorable. The Genoese overpowered and cruelly destroyed +it: the more bravely and valiantly the city resisted, the more fearful +was its destruction. Afterwards it was subdued by the Florentines. No +republic ever carried the persecution of its subjects so far as Florence +carried that of the Pisans. The Florentines distrusted them so much, that +the Pisans were not only excluded from all honourable offices, but were +not allowed even within their own city to practise certain professions +or engage in certain trades; they were not allowed, e.g., to embrace +the professions of physicians and lawyers, or to carry on a wholesale +mercantile business, but they were limited to the small and common +trades. The consequence of this was an insurrection, but the Pisans +were subdued, and of the 100,000 inhabitants which Pisa had had during +the middle ages, not more than 8,000 remained at the time when Cosmo de +Medici entered upon the government. Athens was in a similar state of +decay during the period from Alexander to the last Philip of Macedonia. + +VOLATERRAE, no doubt one of the ancient sovereign cities, was situated +at some distance from the coast. In the history of the Roman wars, it +acted a very prominent part; and from the vigorous manner in which it +supported Scipio, we see what a powerful place it must have been; but +it distinguished itself more especially by the resistance it offered +to Sulla. When the fate of the whole Marian party was already decided, +Volaterrae still sustained a war for two years, and did not surrender +until it was compelled by want of provisions. We do not know what was +the fate of the town, but we do know the character of the conqueror, and +may therefore presume that it was a most fearful one. Sulla established +a military colony there, and deprived the inhabitants of the franchise. +The ancient circumference of the city can still be distinctly traced: +it occupied all the surface of a very considerable hill, which rises +above the lower hills of an almost level and beautiful country. The wall +clearly shows the difference between the Pelasgo-Cyclopean and the more +artistic Etruscan mode of fortification. The Etruscan fortifications +were constructed along the upper edge of a hill as real walls, and the +sides of the hill below the walls were not cut precipitous; the Pelasgian +places, on the other hand, have no walls on the edge of the hills, but +the sides of the rock are cut down so as to be precipitous, and are +provided with substructions. Another difference consists in the fact, +that the Etruscan walls are built of regular square blocks, forming +parallelograms one perpendicularly above the other. The blocks are very +large, and generally put together without cement, their edges being cut +very sharp. The fortifications of Volaterrae are among the most perfect. +After the time of Sulla, or at least after that of Augustus, Volaterrae +was a military colony. It was the birth-place of the poet Persius, who +for this reason more than once alludes to the circumstances of his native +place, and can be understood only by those who are acquainted with them. +The hill on which Volaterrae stood, consists of alabaster, in consequence +of which many works in that material were executed there; hence the +sarcophagi of Volaterrae with Etruscan inscriptions, are made of +alabaster. During the middle ages the town was still very considerable; +but it has decayed, especially through the greatness of Florence. + +The next place after Volaterrae in the south is POPULONIA, POPULONII or +POPULONIUM, for all these forms occur. On Etruscan coins it is called +_Puplana_, for the Etruscan alphabet has no _o_ nor any short vowels. +There is a statement which seems quite credible that Populonia was a +colony of Volaterrae. In later times it was one of the more important +Etruscan towns, and acted a prominent part in the wars against Rome, +of which an account is given in the tenth book of Livy. It had the +sovereignty of the neighbouring island of _Ilva_ or _Aethalia_, a Greek +name suggestive of its Pelasgian origin. The mountain of this island +consists of large masses of iron, which by the Catalanian method can +easily be transformed into the most excellent steel. The west of Europe +was, to a great extent, provided with iron from Elba, as it was imported +into the eastern parts from the Black Sea. The working of the mines of +Elba, however, seems to be of a more recent date than the composition of +the Odyssey, for in this poem the south of Italy is provided with iron +from Temese. The ancients notice it as a singular phenomenon, that the +iron could not be smelted in Elba, and that it was necessary to do this +on the continent; but this is a Greek absurdity, and an inability to +comprehend things connected with ordinary life, which we not unfrequently +meet with in the ancients. It was reported in Greece, that it was +necessary to transport the iron to Populonia, and the imagination of +the Greeks immediately invented a reason. The truth is simply this: in +later times there was a want of wood in Elba, and it was found cheaper +to convey the iron to Populonia, than to import wood into Elba, for +Populonia possessed smelting establishments. In like manner, the copper +ore found in Cornwall is conveyed to Wales and smelted there. Populonia +was a wealthy maritime town until it was destroyed by Sulla; and from +that time it has been a heap of ruins, which were seen by Strabo. The +town was never restored. + +The moderns who have written on ancient geography are tolerably unanimous +in their opinions, that VETULONIUM was situated in the neighbourhood +of Populonia. Dionysius mentions it as a large city, which carried on +war against Rome, while Livy does not notice it either in the first +decad, where he describes the great Etruscan war, or in his account of +the Hannibalian war, or in any other place. It must accordingly have +disappeared at a time of which we know nothing. There exist coins with +Etruscan inscriptions, which unquestionably belong to Vetulonium. In a +forest near Populonia large ruins are found, which have been assigned +to Vetulonium, but this is a mere conjecture, and nothing can be said +with any degree of certainty about the situation of the place. I have +often thought, that it might possibly be Orviedo which was called _Urbs +vetus_ as early as the eighth century. However, the place has entirely +disappeared, and all that is said about it rests on mere conjecture. + +There now follow RUSELLAE and COSSA, the latter of which, as I have +already observed, was probably not an Etruscan town; at a later time it +received a Latin colony. + +TARQUINII appears in our histories as an Etruscan town, but that in the +most ancient times it was a real Tyrrhenian place, is attested by the +tradition of its having been founded by Thessalians; the name Tarchon, +which is mentioned as archegetes and is connected with Telephus, points +in the same direction. At the time when Tarquinii is drawn into the +traditions about Rome, and connected with Tarquinius Priscus, it probably +is still a Tyrrhenian town. In the war with Pyrrhus, Tarquinii, like +nearly all the Etruscan towns, formed an alliance with Rome in a general +peace, of which I shall speak in the third volume of my History of Rome. +By this peace the Etruscan towns were placed in a relation to Rome quite +different from that of the other towns of Italy, because the Romans +were anxious to gratify their wishes in order to prevent their forming +connections with Pyrrhus. This is one of the occurrences where Providence +directly interferes in the affairs of the world for the purpose of saving +a state from destruction. Such also was the peace between Russia and +Turkey in 1812, whereby the French army was prevented from retreating +to Turkey, and was thus left to its fate. In like manner, Soltikoff, +after the battle of Kunersdorf, ordered his troops to stand still. The +determination of the Etruscan towns to accept the peace of the Romans +forms a similar turning point in ancient history. After this, Tarquinii +remained faithful to Rome, until it disappeared in the time of the +Roman emperors. In the age of Cicero it still existed; in the war of +Sulla it was probably not destroyed, though severe sufferings may have +been inflicted upon it. The site which it once occupied, the modern +Corneto, is remarkable for the monuments which are discovered there, +and are more numerous than in any other place of Etruria. They are made +of clay, and are of a very peculiar character, approaching the Grecian +style, while those found in the interior of Etruria are altogether +different in workmanship from Greek monuments. The decay of Tarquinii +must perhaps be ascribed to the choking up of its good harbour, and to +the rise of _Centumcellae_, one of the few places in Italy the origin +of which belongs to a late period. Until the time of Trajan no town +existed there; it was only a summer palace of the emperor with a mineral +spring, for that volcanic region contains many hot springs. Trajan, who +in general did much to promote the navigation of the Italians, built a +harbour there, and constructed the _molo_ which still forms the harbour +of Civita Vecchia; and near it arose the town which received its name of +Centumcellae from the imperial palace. The town continued to increase +in importance, especially during the period of the decay of the empire, +when the Portus of Rome became more and more filled up, while that of +Centumcellae was capable of receiving larger ships. The Saracens took +the place, but the inhabitants withdrew, and built in the interior of +the country the town of _Leopolis_, named after pope Leo IV. When, in +consequence of the victory of Ostia, the danger of the Saracens was +removed, the inhabitants of Centumcellae returned, and from that time the +town has been called _Civita Vecchia_. It is, therefore, not an Etruscan, +but a Roman town. + +CAERE with the port towns of _Fregenae_, _Alsium_, and _Pyrgi_, was +situated nearer the mouth of the Tiber. Caere was anciently called +_Agylla_, and as such it is said to have been Pelasgian or Thessalian: +it is, moreover, expressly mentioned that the town was taken by the +Etruscans. As later writers believed in the Lydian origin of the +Etruscans, this misunderstanding gave rise to the account that Agylla +was taken by the Lydians. Agylla existed as a Tyrrhenian town until +a very late period. In the account of Herodotus, where the Phocaeans +settle in Corsica, and are attacked and expelled by the Carthaginians +and Agyllaeans, Agylla does not yet appear as an Etruscan town. When the +Agyllaeans, after treating their captives treacherously, had experienced +the wrath of heaven, they consulted the oracle of Apollo at Delphi, +which no Etruscan town ever did; they, moreover had a _thesaurus_ at +Delphi, and the mention of _thesauri_ there does not go farther back +than the fortieth Olympiad. It must therefore have been after this time +that the Etruscans advanced into those districts. The names of Pyrgi +and Alsium also attest their Tyrrhenian origin. It is probable, lastly, +that Caere, because of its Tyrrhenian origin, was on such friendly terms +with Rome, that during the Gallic calamity the Romans carried their +sacred treasures in safety to Caere. Afterwards they were involved in a +protracted war with each other; a truce was concluded and renewed from +time to time, until Caere gradually entered the general relation in which +the Etruscan towns stood to Rome. In this condition, we find Caere in the +time of the Hannibalian war. Afterwards it is no longer mentioned, except +that we find it entered as a Marian colony in the lists of colonies drawn +up by Hyginus and Frontinus. + +VEII was situated not quite ten English miles from Rome. Its +circumference, according to Dionysius, was like that of Rome under +Servius Tullius, and the same as the ancient Attic ἄστυ. However, it is +scarcely credible that Dionysius should have possessed such accurate +information about a town which had been razed to the ground long before +his own time. It is well known, that Veii was destroyed by the Romans +even before the Gallic period, because the plebeians had declared that +they would emigrate to Veii, if the patricians thought them unworthy of +being members of the same state. For this reason, the patricians and the +senate systematically destroyed the place. Its site is undoubted, but +scarcely any traces of Etruscan remains are found there. In the reign +of Tiberius, we find it mentioned as a military colony, but we do not +know when or how it was constituted as such. About thirty years ago, +excavations were made on the spot, and some beautiful works of art, and +among them a very fine statue of Tiberius, were discovered; but most of +the things found there are not above mediocrity, and all the inscriptions +refer to the restoration of the place by Tiberius. Henceforth, and down +to the overthrow of the western empire, Veii remained a small country +town in the neighbourhood of the capital. A bishop of Veii occurs as late +as the fifth century. It is quite in accordance with the natural course +of things, that places which were great before Rome rose to eminence, +and for a time her equals, were in the end subdued and perished in the +wars with their rival. In places of this kind a new population gradually +sprang up, and corporations were formed which were nothing else but +military colonies, and could not last long, as most of the men were +unmarried. Such a population was generally of the worst kind, consisting +of inn-keepers, carters, and the like; the places were in reality suburbs +of Rome, though at a considerable distance from it. + +CAPENA was about the same distance from Rome as Veii; it is mentioned +in the earlier times, but afterwards completely disappears, and its +inhabitants, according to all appearances, were removed to Rome after the +Punic war. SUTRIUM and NEPET were for a long time the frontier towns of +Etruria towards the territory of Rome. + +VULSINII, situated on lake Bolsena, was one of the largest Etruscan +towns. When after the Gallic war we find Etruria in arms, we must suppose +that the Vulsinians were the soul of those undertakings. They were +involved in hostilities with Rome even before the Gallic war; afterwards +they are, for a time, not mentioned at all, whence their relations with +Rome seem to have ceased; the frontier heights between Rome and Etruria +were allowed to grow wild and to become covered with an impenetrable +forest, as has been the case in modern times in the neighbourhood of +Licca, on the frontier between Croatia and Turkish Bosnia. This is the +_Ciminian forest_, the description of which in Livy is exaggerated in +a ridiculous manner; it often happens that his great imaginative power +leads him to make descriptions which would be excellent in a novel, +but are ludicrous in a work where truth is the object. The history of +Vulsinii is remarkable both for its facts and for its fables. It is a +fact that ever since A.U. 440, and for a period of thirty years, Vulsinii +offered a resistance to the Romans, which larger Etruscan towns recoiled +from, and that at length Rome, in the height of her power, when she was +the mistress of Italy, with difficulty conquered and then destroyed it. +In later times it re-appears, for Sejanus was a native of Vulsinii. +Metrodorus of Scepsis says that the real cause of the destruction of +Vulsinii was the circumstance that the Romans wanted to obtain possession +of 2000 magnificent statues which existed there. This is a fable, and no +doubt the view of a Greek, which he attributed to the Romans. The latter +were far from attaching such value to works of art; gold and silver were +the things they sought after. The real reason was that Vulsinii, by its +thirty years’ resistance, had distinguished itself above all Etruscan +tribes; and the Romans, therefore, were determined to take the sap +out of the tree, so as to prevent its ever growing again. The ancient +inhabitants had called in the Romans against their slaves. These slaves, +however, must not be understood to have been domestic slaves, but serfs, +or the subdued ancient population, whom elsewhere the Etruscan magnates +kept in servitude, while the Vulsinians had given them freedom and the +franchise. The commonalty, having thus become free, did not stop short +there, but, indignant at the ancient wrong done to them, they attacked +their former tyrants; they did not, however, expel, but only weakened +them. The latter then applied to Rome, and preferred having their town +destroyed to living on a footing of equality with the commonalty. The +correct spelling of the name is _Vulsinii_ and not _Volsinii_, for, +as I have already mentioned, the Etruscans had no _o_; hence we find +_Vulsinii_ in the Capitoline Fasti, though in genuine Roman words it is +more correct to write _o_ after _v_, as _volnus_ and not _vulnus_. + +In the centre of Etruria there was no ruling city, nay, no Etruscan place +at all. Augustus established there _Sena Julia_ as a military colony, +the sixth legion being stationed there. As there was no road through the +centre of the country, but only one along the coast, and another through +the eastern part, Augustus made the one running by Aquapendente. + +The Etruscan towns in the eastern part of the country were Clusium, +Perusia, Cortona (though its Etruscan character is doubtful), Arretium, +and Faesulae. + +The greatness of CLUSIUM belongs to the most ancient times, for in Roman +history it is not of any importance; nor do the Romans mention any ruins +of Clusium, for all that is related of the buildings of Porsena, belongs +to the domain of fable. + +PERUSIA was situated east of Clusium. During the period described in +the ninth and tenth books of Livy, Perusia acts the same part as the +other Etruscan towns; but after having suffered a defeat, it concluded +a truce. The Perusines undertook the war in a foolish manner, and +the first reverse discouraged them. Here, too, a military colony was +afterwards established, probably by Sulla. The town is remarkable in +history for the obstinate resistance it offered to Augustus, as in fact +the descendants of Sulla’s soldiers in the military colonies were almost +everywhere opposed to the party of Caesar. The town was taken and the +most illustrious citizens put to death, or rather butchered, at the altar +of Julius Caesar. Afterwards a new military colony was sent thither under +the name of _Colonia Julia Augusta Perusina_. + +CORTONA, also a military colony, probably likewise founded by Sulla, was +situated on a very high hill and in a very strong position. Its ancient +walls do not appear to have been particularly strong. + +ARRETIUM was more important than Cortona, and probably one of the largest +cities of Etruria. Its greatness may be inferred from the fact that in +the Hannibalian war it furnished arms for 30,000 men of the army of +Scipio. We must not, however, conceive these towns to have been confined +to their own territories, but as sovereigns of districts of many square +miles, whence they were able to do things which seem to us impossible. +Arretium was an industrial place, and rich by its manufactures, +especially its potteries, like Staffordshire in England; whence Augustus, +in a fragment of a letter to Maecenas, calls him a Tuscan potter. +Augustus often tried to be witty, but his witticisms were mostly dull. +The pottery of Arretium was highly valued even during the middle ages, +though otherwise few collections were made. At present such vessels are +extremely rare: I have brought with me from Italy a small piece as a +relic, for I am not rich enough to purchase an entire Arretine vase. +They are not painted, but have figures, leaves, animals, and the like, +in relief, and are of exquisite beauty. Arretium completely shared the +fate of Etruria itself. There were three different Arretiums, _vetus_, +_fidens_ and _Julium_. Sulla destroyed the city, sold its inhabitants +as slaves, and founded in the vicinity a new colony for his soldiers, +under the name of _Arretium fidens_. Augustus built _Arretium Julium_ in +the neighbourhood of the two others. The modern Arezzo occupies the site +of Arretium Julium, whence it contains no Etruscan antiquities; but the +Roman town was much more important than the present Arezzo. If systematic +excavations were made in the neighbourhood, many things might certainly +be discovered. I regret not having visited the Grand Duke of Tuscany, an +excellent young man, full of taste for, and appreciation of, knowledge, +for I might perhaps have induced him to make excavations, especially near +Arezzo and Chiusi. + +FAESULAE was situated on a hill above Florence. Florentine traditions +call it the metropolis of Florence, which would accordingly be a colony +of Faesulae; but a statement in Machiavelli and others describes Florence +as a colony of Sulla, and this statement must have been derived from some +local chronicle. Faesulae was no doubt an ancient Etruscan town, probably +one of the twelve. It was taken in the war of Sulla, and was then in +the same desperate condition as Arretium and Volaterrae, both of which +were deprived by Sulla of their freedom and territory. Hence a Sullanian +colony is mentioned by Cicero as existing there in the war of Catiline. +My conjecture is, that Sulla not only built a strong fort on the top of +the hill of Faesulae, but also the new colony of Florentia below, and +gave to it the _ager Faesulanus_. If this be true, the statement before +alluded to would be correct, though we cannot trace it to any authentic +source. The Etruscans built their towns on inaccessible hills in order +to be able to control their subjects; the Romans not being under this +necessity, built their towns in convenient and accessible places, to +which they could make roads. Faesulae could not be reached, except on +foot or on horseback; no vehicle could get up the hill, whereas the +Romans employed many vehicles in the intercourse among the towns. But +although Florentia was a colony of Sulla, the _agrimensores_ subsequently +describe it as a colony of the triumvirs, and it is indeed possible that +not one of the twenty-eight military colonies of Sulla may have been +kept up until the time of the triumvirs. This subject is in the greatest +confusion, and no one has yet attempted to clear it up. First we have +the colonies of the republic, then the military colonies of Sulla, then +again a second series of military colonies under Caesar, and lastly those +of the triumvirs and Augustus. The earlier colonies lost their character +through the Lex Julia, and became municipia; then followed the Sullanian +and Julian colonies, so that the same place at three different times may +have had three different colonies. This view of the matter makes clear +that which Cluver and Cellarius, with all their merits, have left in +utter confusion. + +Within the territory of Tuscia or Etruria, we find on the banks of the +Tiber a place, or rather a tribe, which in all our maps is described as a +part of Etruria, but which the ancients, Strabo, e.g., expressly say did +not belong to Etruria. This is the people of the FALISCANS. Respecting +their nationality, the ancients have in reality only this negative +statement, and we cannot ascertain to what race they belonged, except +by divination and indirect evidence. Virgil in his Aeneid speaks of +_Aequi Falisci_, which the commentators, and even the ancient scholiasts, +taking _Aequi_ as an adjective, translate “just Faliscans”; but it is +highly probable that _Aequi_ is a name, and that we have to regard the +expression in the same light as, e.g., _Chaonii Campi_, where Campi is +explained even by the scholiasts as the name of a people. The identity +of the Aequians and Faliscans is confirmed also by other evidence. Among +the Faliscans we find the word _hirpus_, whence their language may be +inferred to be a branch of the Oscan, in which, as we have seen, this +word signifies a wolf. Lastly, the name of the Faliscans may be traced +at once to that of the Volscians, _Volsci_, _Volisci_, _Falisci_; and +as we know that they were of foreign, that is, non-Etruscan origin, we +cannot, considering the geographical position of the people, doubt the +correctness of the view here expounded. There is some plausibility also +in the other tradition which is traced to Cato, that the country, before +it was taken possession of by the Faliscans, was inhabited by Siculians. +This quite agrees with our supposition of successive conquests. The most +ancient inhabitants were Pelasgians, who were succeeded by an Ausonian +people, and the latter again are pushed onward by the Sabines; for it +should be observed, that the Sabines did not penetrate between these +Faliscans and Aequians and the Volscians until a later period. + +The Faliscans had several towns, of which FALERII was the most important. +For reasons which are quite unknown to us, the Romans, after the first +Punic war, conquered and destroyed this town. This fact is all we know; +but we may suppose that the place, to escape from oppression, was +tempted to a rash and inconsiderate act, for the condition of Italy +was then such as to render any undertaking against Rome hopeless. +The town was afterwards restored. Near Civita Castellana, there is a +place called Falera, which is no doubt the ancient Falerii; Faliscan +inscriptions are still found there. It was a deeply rooted mistake among +the first scholars after the revival of letters, to suppose that Civita +Castellana was the ancient Veii; but this error was refuted even by Lucas +Holstenius. The real town of Falerii was situated a little to the east of +it. + +Mount SORACTE, which is always visible from Rome, was in the country of +the Faliscans. Horace, in one of his Odes, speaks of Soracte as being +covered with snow, and this has given rise to the erroneous inference, +that the climate of Rome is now changed and milder than in antiquity. The +Abruzzi, Leonessa, and other heights, may be covered with snow, without +its being cold at Rome, but when there is snow on mount Soracte the cold +at Rome is severe. This is indeed not often the case; but when it does +happen, the snow-capped Soracte, is seen very distinctly from Rome. +Horace has not availed himself of a poetical license in this respect. I +mention this, because people, very frequently, if not generally, speak +of poetical license as if an inaccurate expression in a poet ought to +be pardoned. There may, indeed, be poets of this kind, as, for example, +Ausonius, and Greek poets of the period of decay; and modern poets, too, +very frequently make use of such licenses; but it is quite certain that +the good poets of antiquity give to things only such epithets as are +quite clear and true to their own minds. + + +UMBRIA. + +Of this country I have little to say. Umbria, in its proper sense, in +which the name is used by the Romans, is situated for the most part in +the Apennines, though we cannot even positively assert that it extended +to the southern slope of the Apennines. But in more ancient times it +extended much farther on both sides. There is great probability in the +tradition that the Umbrians were confined to their small territory +by the Etruscans, who are said to have taken 300 Umbrian towns. This +number, however, must not be taken literally, for it is only a general +number like μυρίοι, and _sexcenti_. Its earlier and larger extent is +also attested by the river Umbro in the territory of Siena, and by the +fact, that even at a later time a part of Etruria continued to be called +Umbria. At one period the Umbrians also possessed the whole country about +Rimini as far as the mouth of the Padus; there they were either expelled +or subdued by the Gauls, or, as is still more probable, completely +extirpated, for the Gauls were most fearful enemies and barbarians in the +strictest sense of the term, annihilating and devastating everything that +came in their way. During the Roman period, the Umbrians were extremely +weak, and down to the fifth century, when the Romans came in contact with +them, they were no doubt tributary to the Gauls. What could they in fact +have done against such an enemy? They were obliged either to repel them +or pay tribute to them. We know that other neighbouring tribes did so, +whence it is probable that the Umbrians did the same. The Gauls, who so +often advanced to the lower Tiber, cannot have come through any other +country but Umbria, for the Etruscans in their towns defended themselves +against them, and were protected in the north by the Apennines. Hence the +unfortunate country of Umbria had constantly to suffer from the passages +of the Gauls, who, in like manner, always took their road to Apulia +through Picenum. + +At the time when the Umbrians come in contact with the Romans, they seem +to act as one nation, though it does not follow from this that they +actually formed one state. A fact, however, which may seem to support +this view is, that the different districts of the country are mentioned +under the name of _tribus_ or _plagae_ (_tribus Materina_, _Sapinia_), +which denote parts of one great whole. Yet this union, if it did exist, +can have embraced only a portion, for the Sarsinates, or Sassinates, +stood apart, and in the war of Pyrrhus they alone, for a time, defended +their independence against the Romans. The Umbrians allowed themselves to +become involved in the war of the Samnites and Gauls, but appear to have +carried it on without energy; and a treaty seems to have been concluded +with them similar to that with the Etruscans, for both are mentioned +among the nations which supported Scipio. I am well aware that Italicans +did the same, but they did it in a different manner. + +Several of the Umbrian towns were made Roman colonies, especially +_Spoletium_ and _Narnia_, previously called _Nequinum_; both places +were fortified by the Romans (Narnia after the second Samnite war, +and Spoletium afterwards), for the purpose of keeping the country in +subjection, and of protecting the frontier against the Gauls. + +All Umbria was full of towns: _Hispellum_, _Tuder_, _Fulginium_, +_Assisium_, _Camerinum_, and _Iguvium_ (Gubbio), were places of +considerable importance. In the last of them, tables have been dug out +of the ground with inscriptions in Etruscan and in another language in +Latin characters; the latter language seems to resemble the Latin and +Oscan. When once the Oscan language shall be better known, more light +will perhaps be thrown upon the Umbrian language also. The name _Umbria_ +and the Greek Ὀμβρικοὶ seem actually to be akin to Ὀπικοί, which is in +fact intimated in a passage of Philistus; whence the Umbrians probably +belonged to the great Ausonian race. So far as I have seen Umbria, it +is a very excellent and picturesque country; the Apennines are there +much more beautiful than in Tuscany; they are covered with particularly +fine forests, and have magnificent, rich, and fertile valleys. All the +rest of Italy is ill-suited to the breeding of oxen, but Umbria has the +most splendid kinds: I have seen a herd of white oxen near the well of +Clitumnus, which consisted of the finest and noblest animals of the kind; +they were like those in southern Poland and Russia. The cattle here in +Germany is wretched. The extension and change of the races of animals +in Italy may be traced back to the times of antiquity: buffaloes, for +example, were introduced into Campania in the seventh century, when the +country was almost a wilderness. + + +GALLIA CISALPINA OR TOGATA. + +Down to the middle of the fourth century, the country beyond the +Apennines was called northern Etruria, but after that time it bore the +name _Gallia Cisalpina_ or _Togata_, but it extended further than Etruria +proper, for the sea-coast as far as the river Aesis never belonged to +Etruria. + +The country now called Lombardy in its narrower sense, was inhabited +in the earliest times by Ligurians, as is clear from most indubitable +indications, and hence we must suppose, that subsequently they were +driven by the Etruscans across the Ticinus. But these events belong +to too remote an epoch, and I cannot say much either of this or of +the Etruscan period. Certain it is that Etruscan towns existed in +those parts, and that Etruscans dwelt there as the conquerors of the +Ligurians and as the lords of the land; and there can be no doubt that +after descending from the Alps the Etruscans established their first +settlements there. _Melpum_ is said to have been a great Etruscan +settlement in the neighbourhood of Milan; and _Felsina_ (Bononia), +_Mutina_, _Parma_, and _Brixia_, are spoken of in the same way. _Verona_ +is sometimes called Raetian and sometimes Etruscan, and _Mantua_ is +called Etruscan by Virgil. It is possible that Verona may have been +termed Raetian because it was situated on the Raetian frontier, and may +for all this have been an Etruscan town. + +The immigration of the Gauls into those parts is assigned by Livy in a +most unhistorical manner to the time of Tarquinius Priscus; he has no +other reason for it than the very legendary connection supposed to have +existed between this emigration of the Gauls, and the settlement of the +Phocaeans at Massilia. There is much more probability in the statement, +that not long before the attack upon Rome by the Senones, the Gauls had +first poured down upon all Italy in great masses. This is supported by +the express testimony of Polybius, that they had shortly before come +across the Alps, and also by the tradition that they took Melpum in the +same year in which Veii was taken by Camillus (358). Just at that time, +the Etruscans on quitting Veii seem to have turned their attention to an +object of greater interest in a different direction. About that same time +the Gauls appear in Slavonia and Lower Hungary, where they stirred up the +Triballians, and according to an ancient tradition the Gauls migrated +at the same time across the Alps and across the Rhine. They evidently +marched into Italy through Switzerland, which may previously have been +inhabited by quite different tribes. The ruins on the Ottilienberg in +Alsace have a complete Etruscan appearance; they strongly resemble the +fortifications of Volaterrae, and are situated on the plateau of a hill: +they are altogether foreign to the Celtic character; the Celts had +nothing of the kind. The supposition of the antiquarians of Alsace, ever +since the time of Schoepflin, that, as those ruins are not Celtic, they +belong to the decaying period of Rome, perhaps the reign of Valentinian, +is extremely unfortunate. These ruins are far more ancient than the +Celtic period, and belong to a people, which was expelled by the Gauls. +The great Gallic migration was a mighty commotion extending from the +frontiers of Spain to the Ukraine. In the subsequent counter-movement of +the Slavonic migrations, the Gauls were driven back from east to west; +and then they appear under the name of Cimbri together with the Germanic +nation of the Teutones, and return to their ancient homes as ravaging +conquerors. + +The Gauls who settled south of the Alps consisted of several tribes, +partly entire and partly ἀποδασμοὶ of those of which a portion remained +behind in Gaul. In this light we must view the _Boians_; very few of +them may have remained in Gaul itself; the greater part advanced into +the country south of the Po, and another branch settled in Bavaria and +Bohemia. On the whole there were about four or five Gallic tribes which +settled in Italy on both sides of the Po; but besides them large numbers +of volunteers, individuals and roaming vagabonds joined and strengthened +one tribe or the other. I shall enumerate them in the order in which +we find them established, beginning in the west. The Ticinus forms the +frontier between the Gauls and Ligurians, as it still forms that between +the territories of Milan and Piedmont. + +1. The INSUBRIANS, in the modern territory of Milan proper. + +2. The CENOMANIANS, in the territory of Brescia and Bergamo, between lake +Garda and the mouth of the Po. + +3. The BOIANS, in the south of the latter; their territory is made too +small in all our maps; they occupied the county from Piacenza to the sea, +including Parma, Modena, Reggio, Bologna and Ferrara. They were divided, +according to Cato, into 112 pagi. + +4. The SENONES, in the modern Romagna and Urbino, as far as the Aesis and +the frontiers of Picenum. + +5. The LINGONES must have occupied the country to the north of the +former, that is Ferrara and the territory of Rovigo. + +In the later political geography of the Romans, Gallia Cisalpina is +divided into two parts which are very different from each other, viz., +_Gallia Cispadana_ and _Gallia Transpadana_. In political terminology +the latter acquired a greater extent, not being limited to the country +between the Ticinus and lake Garda, but also comprising Venetia. The +inhabitants of all this country, who received the _jus Latii_, were +called _Transpadani_. The _Cispadani_ are not much spoken of, which +arose from particular circumstances, which I will explain to you because +history does not do it. I have mentioned to you, that the whole country +south of the Po, from Piacenza to the frontier of Picenum, was inhabited +by two Gallic tribes, the Boians and Senones. The Senones were extirpated +to a man, as, e.g., the Eretrians were extirpated by the Persians. The +Romans invaded their country, burnt down their villages, and carried off +their women and children into slavery; the men, capable of bearing arms, +who in their despair returned, like beasts of prey whose young ones are +taken from them, to save their families, were completely defeated, and +those who escaped fled to the Boians. The whole of modern Romagna became +a complete desert, such as we sometimes find in the history of Germany, +e.g., the desert of the Avars in the time of Charlemagne, and Servia, +after its devastation by Attila, when it was in such a condition that +the ambassadors of Theodosius II. travelled seven days without finding +any other traces of man, except the bodies of the murdered inhabitants. +After its devastation, the Romans gave up the country partly to Roman +citizens and partly to Italicans, who might cultivate it as they pleased, +for it had become _ager publicus_. C. Flaminius afterwards distributed a +portion of it _viritim_ among Roman citizens. There now arose in those +extensive districts entirety new settlements, the names of which are of +a peculiar character: _Faventia Pollentia_, _Florentia_ and _Placentia_ +are all names derived from verbs implying a favourable omen. Other places +are termed _Fora_, and according to the American practice they might be +called territories; they were inhabited by Roman citizens, who fully +enjoyed the benefits of the Roman law, but did not form corporations. +They lived isolated from one another, and thus were deprived of that +advantage which was so important in antiquity, I mean, of the privileges +of corporations: they had no magistrates to administer justice, whence +there were many acts which they could not perform at all. It was contrary +to the feelings of the Romans to appoint magistrates according to +districts, and it was for this reason that they instituted Fora, places +in which court-houses were built, and where a praefect, appointed by the +praetor urbanus, resided, and where, accordingly, judicial business could +be transacted. + +The Boians survived the Senones about ninety years; during the +Hannibalian war, they were enraged against the Romans, who, by fortifying +and colonising Placentia and Cremona, had planted the yoke upon their +necks, but the vengeance of the Romans was such, that in the course of +about ten years they extirpated the whole Boian nation. A fragment of +Cato in Pliny (iii. 15) furnishes express testimony on this subject, and +the account in Livy, too, speaks distinctly enough. After this, no Boians +are mentioned in Italy. In treating of Roman history, and especially of +the _Lex de Gallia Cisalpina_, the question often presents itself to us, +how it happens that in Cicero’s time we hear such frequent mention of +Gallia Transpadana, while Gallia Cispadana is never spoken of. The matter +is explained by what I have said. The Gallic population of the latter was +utterly annihilated; in regard to the Senones, it is expressly attested, +and the survivors of the Boians were not more numerous than, for example, +those of the Indian tribes in America. The whole country then was taken +possession of by Romans and Italicans in the manner before described, and +several colonies, such as Mutina, Bononia, Parma, etc., were established +in it; the country, however, was partly _ager publicus_ and partly _ager +divisus_. In this manner, the whole country south of the Po was severed +from Gaul, and all that remained of Gaul consisted of a small territory +north of the Po, between the Ticinus and the lake of Garda; and this +latter is the country of the Insubrians and Cenomanians, who, together +with the Venetians, formed those Transpadani, who, through Cn. Pompeius +Strabo, obtained the _jus Latii_ of the later kind. + +The following are the towns in the territory of Gallia Cispadana, +proceeding from west to east:—PLACENTIA, the first Roman colony in those +districts, was established two years before Hannibal’s passage over +the Alps. Like Cremona, it was situated on the northern bank of the +river, and its fortification was one of the most energetic measures for +maintaining the Roman dominion in those parts. + +PARMA, a Latin colony, was founded like MUTINA after the Hannibalian war. + +BONONIA, anciently called Felsina, and at present Bologna, was a +remarkable place even in antiquity on account of its favourable +situation, though it can in no way be compared with what it was during +its subsequent greatness. We may estimate its ancient circumference with +tolerable accuracy from the extent of the town in the middle ages, which, +however, was scarcely the fifth part of what it is at present. + +In the subsequent province of Flaminia, which ever since the time of +the exarchate was called _Romania_ (Romagna), there existed several +towns between Bologna and Rimini, such as _Faventia_, _Forum Cornelii_, +_Forum Popillii_, and others. Most of them were as ancient as the time +of the Roman republic, but their history is unimportant. Ever since the +beginning of the exarchate, their sad celebrity is that their defence and +conquest are much spoken of. + +RAVENNA, the centre of the whole province of Flaminia, was originally +a Pelasgian town, and is called Thessalian. In ancient times, it was +situated, like Venice, in a lagoon, an arm of the sea extending from +the mouth of the Po to the south of Rimini. Ravenna was built there on +stakes like Venice. Such continued to be its condition in the time of +the Roman emperors. It was inaccessible from the main land, from which +it was separated by that arm of the sea, or rather by so shallow a marsh +that persons could reach the city only with very flat boats, and not +without a very accurate knowledge of the shallows. This strong position +was probably the reason why Ravenna subsequently became the seat of the +imperial government, for no place in Italy was considered sufficiently +strong even when protected by a courageous garrison. Ravenna at that +time was situated in the midst of the sea, and the streets were formed, +as at Venice, by means of canals, by which the communication between +its various parts was mainly kept up. A suburb of the name of _Classes_ +was situated on the main land opposite. The lagoons have gradually been +filled up. During the Pelasgian period, the arm of the sea may have been +deep, but in the middle ages it was filled up. A pier was constructed +between Ravenna and the suburb Classes (near it was the military port, +whence the name Classes), and this pier seems to have greatly contributed +to the filling up of the lagoons. When Belisarius made war on the Goths, +Ravenna was still situated on the sea, but during the middle ages the +sea vanishes, and the history of this gradual change can be accurately +traced in documents. At present Ravenna is not only not a maritime town, +and without a trace of its ancient canals, but it is situated, like +Mexico, at a distance of from one and a half to two Roman miles from +the sea, and near Classes not a trace of a harbour is left. Ravenna’s +greatness belongs to the period of Rome’s decay. As early as the time of +Augustus, a fleet was stationed there for the purpose of enabling the +Romans, in case of a war or an insurrection, speedily to convey troops +to the frontiers of Noricum, and to Pannonia; and afterwards a fleet +was always ready there. In the time of Theodosius and Honorius, the +town became important as the seat of government; under the Goths, too, +it was the capital notwithstanding the unpleasantness of its situation; +during the period of the Lombards it was the seat of the exarch or +Greek governor of Italy. Hence the many extremely remarkable buildings, +which still distinguish Ravenna from all other towns, and there is no +place possessing so many edifices erected at a time when otherwise +very little was done in the way of building. At the time when Ravenna +became a capital, it had probably not yet reached its full extent; and +as its population greatly increased, it was necessary to enlarge and +embellish the place. Its decay began when it ceased to be the seat of +the exarch. The town is remarkable also in the history of the Roman law, +for notwithstanding its conquest by the Lombards, it never assumed the +character of a Germanic town. Hence it became the seat of the grammatical +and juristical schools, in which ancient literature continued to be +taught. The form in which the ancient scholiasts have come down to us +seems generally, speaking, to have been given to them in the school at +Ravenna. Savigny has shown that the Roman law was taught there until the +eleventh century, and that its juristical school was not transferred to +Bologna till the time when the Roman law became established beyond the +frontiers of Italy. + +The ancient town of ARIMINUM (Rimini) is situated to the south-east of +Ravenna; it was a Latin colony established about the end of the fifth +century as a frontier fortress and a place of arms to protect the Romans +against the Cisalpine Gauls. The town is frequently mentioned in history, +especially during the Hannibalian and Gallic wars. The Romans there +awaited the invasion of the Gauls, the Apennines being impassable. A +friend once told me that he had always pronounced the name Arimīnum, +until many years ago his attention was directed to a passage of Lucan, +which shewed him that it ought to be pronounced Arimĭnum. Lucan is +sometimes useful in teaching us the correct pronunciation of names of +places, which do not elsewhere occur in poetry. Otherwise he is, on the +whole, not a pleasing writer, though in some points he contains valuable +information, but he is not sufficiently polished. It was through his +poem, that the gap in the second book of Caesar’s “Bellum Civile” was +discovered. But the most useless of all writers is Silius Italicus, and +yet some things may be gleaned even from his works; no ancient author, in +fact, is so bad, as not to furnish us with some useful information. + +Further south on the coast, we find the towns of _Pisaurum_, _Fanum_, and +_Sena Gallia_, of which scarcely any thing is to be said. + +GALLIA TRANSPADANA. The INSUBRIANS occupied almost exactly the modern +territory of Milan, for Ticinum was regarded as one of the Ligurian +towns. Comum also did not belong to Gallia Transpadana, which comprised +Milan, Lodi, and a part of the territory of Cremona. During the 200 +years in which the Gauls were masters of that district, it contained, +properly speaking, no towns, and MEDIOLANUM, the principal place of the +Insubrians, was an open village, though it may have been very large. The +Romans treated the Insubrians more gently than the Boians, whence their +country was not so cruelly devastated. In consequence of its relation +to Rome, the village of Mediolanum became a town; but when or how this +happened, we have no means of ascertaining. In the time of Caesar and +Cicero, Mediolanum is already mentioned as a town, and, according to +the description of Strabo, it appears to have even been a considerable +one. The district of Milan is extremely fertile; its vicissitudes have +been terrible, but it has always been restored, the causes of which +must probably be sought in the particularly favorable circumstances of +its situation. It is certainly not owing to the peculiar character of +its inhabitants, of whom antiquity did not entertain any more favorable +opinion than that which is current about the modern Milanese, who +are said to be the most lazy and awkward among all the Italians. The +atmosphere is heavy, and both ancients and moderns assert, that this has +a great influence upon the inhabitants. Now this town of Milan which in +the time of Strabo appears as a considerable country town, ever continued +to increase under the emperors. In the letters of Pliny we find it spoken +of as a large place, in which, according to the custom of the time, +public teachers of rhetoric and grammar were appointed and salaried, and +formed what we might call a university. During the second century Milan +became larger and larger. In the war of the emperor Aurelian with the +Goths, it was devastated, but soon recovered again. The emperor Maximian +took up his residence there, so that it became a capital of the empire. +Ausonius who lived about eighty years later says, _Mediolani mira omnia_, +and _mirus_ at that time signified “beautiful” or “magnificent.” In the +reign of Theodoric it was a very large and important city, though this +emperor did not reside there. In the war of Belisarius its fate was very +melancholy: Datius, the bishop of Milan, had been intriguing with the +imperial general and promised to deliver up Milan to him; but the plan +was betrayed, the Goths entered Milan, and, if we can take the account in +Procopius literally, put the whole population to the sword. The calamity +must indeed have been fearful, though it can scarcely have been as bad +as it is said to have been. In the time of the Lombards we again find +it as a great city, though it was under a disadvantage because Pavia, +in its neighbourhood, was the capital of the Lombards; and a rivalry +between those two cities continued to exist until a late period of the +middle ages. This kind of hostility was quite common among the Italian +towns. In the case of large cities, this feeling may to some extent +be excused, though it cannot be justified; but at present, when those +towns are altogether devoid of character, that hatred is the only thing +which has been propagated to them from better and more glorious times. +Verona was the first Italian town in which I made a stay, and in which +I had any conversation with the people; they very soon began to speak +contemptuously of the other cities, to each of which some abusive name +was applied. Such were the first things I heard in Italy; the idea that +they are all countrymen and Italians is treated by them with ridicule; +and even the inhabitants of different towns under the same sovereign +have no fellow-feeling. When you speak to a Milanese, you find that he +does not regard the Veronese as his countrymen; the inhabitants of some +districts in Tuscany appear to him much more in that light, and he feels +as foreign to the Lombards as to the French. It is distressing to see +this distracted state of Italy. A Florentine treats it as a heresy and +flies into a passion, when you speak to him of a _favella Italiana_, he +cannot hear of anything but a _favella Toscana_. It is well known, that +the emperor Frederic Barbarossa afterwards destroyed Milan, and compelled +the inhabitants to live in five scattered villages; but they returned +nevertheless. Subsequently, the wars at the end of the fifteenth and the +beginning of the sixteenth century brought such severe sufferings upon +Milan, that it would necessarily have perished, if this were possible. +It fell into the hands of the Spaniards, and in the sixteenth century was +visited by a plague which carried off three-fifths of its inhabitants. In +the seventeenth century, the plague again made sad ravages, and destroyed +half the population. At present, it is still constantly increasing. He +who has a taste for classical antiquity cannot regard these Lombard towns +as belonging to it; for their importance does not commence until the +decline of the Romans. + +COMUM was situated at a distance of about twenty miles from Milan; it +was a town of Alpine tribes of the Raetian race, and not Gallic. The +modern Como is not the same as the ancient Comum, but is identical with +the _Novocomum_ of ancient geography which was founded and honored with +privileges at a later period by Cn. Pompeius Strabo and Julius Caesar. + +BERGAMUM also was not a Gallic town, but belonged to the mountain tribes +of the district. Brixia, like the whole district between Lodi and Mantua +belonged to the Cenomani. + +LAUS POMPEIA, now Lodi, was founded by Cn. Pompeius Strabo, not, however, +as a Roman town, but “as a colony in a place already existing” in the +Roman dominion.[59] + +BRIXIA is called a Cenomanian town, but it must not be inferred from this +that the Cenomani occupied the whole territory of Brixia, for the whole +valley of the Camuni was Raetian. The conquering Gauls did not dwell in +the mountains, but in the plains fitted for the breeding of cattle and +their rude agriculture. If we draw a line from lake Garda to Brixia, and +thence northward towards the Adda, so as to separate Bergamum from the +country of the Gauls, all the country north of that line did not belong +to Italy before the time of Augustus, not even in its wider sense, but +to the Alpine tribes. Catullus says of Brescia _Veronae mater amata +meae_, which is unaccountable, for Verona was a small Gallic town. It +is possible that Brixia may have been the seat of a conventus, somewhat +in the same relation in which the metropolis in Asia Minor stood to the +other towns; this is probable enough, or else Catullus alludes to the +ancient Etruscan times, in which case Brixia would be the mother city of +Verona. + +MANTUA, according to Virgil (_Tusco de sanguine vires_) a Tuscan town; +the manner in which he speaks of it, shows that it was a town with a +territory, which was divided into twelve districts. Although he describes +it as a considerable town, it does not appear in this light, and we must +probably make some allowance for the poet’s partiality for his native +city. Its territory, however, may have been extensive, as is evident from +the fact that it was contiguous to that of Cremona. + +VERONA, to the north of Mantua, is remarkable because for a considerable +period it was the seat of the Lombard kings, as before it had been the +residence of Theodoric, who in the German lays is called Dietrich of +Bern. There can be no doubt that the name of this far-famed chivalrous +town was transferred to Berne in Switzerland, which was built by duke +Berthold of Zähringen. Its ancient circumference may still be recognised, +and from it we see how small those towns in the north of Italy were +during the imperial period, in comparison with what they were in the +middle ages. The whole of Lombardy, Tuscany, and Venice were far more +flourishing in the middle ages than at any period in classical antiquity. +If we compare Italy during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries with +what it was in the days of Cicero, it is as a garden compared with a +desert. The ancient town of Verona occupied scarcely one-fourth of the +extent which it had in the time of the princes of Della Scalla; it still +has the same circumference, but is desolate notwithstanding its 60,000 +inhabitants. However, that Verona was a great and wealthy town even in +antiquity, may be seen from the splendid gate of the emperor Gallienus +(which also shews that it was a Roman colony), and from the splendid +amphitheatre. Its fate has not been so disastrous as that of Milan; for +throughout the middle ages it was not visited by a single great calamity. +It is singular to observe how some towns are ever visited by misfortunes, +while others are spared. Verona has acquired immortal celebrity from +being the birth-place of Catullus, who and Lucretius are unquestionably +the greatest Roman poets. The name C. Valerius is surprising, and people +have been foolish enough to connect it with the ancient Valerian gens; +but the fact is, that in the seventh century the Veronese must have had +some Valerius for their patron. The name is extremely common on the +stones which are dug out in the neighbourhood of Verona, and I have seen +the name Valerius with different cognomina on at least twelve or fifteen +of them. In antiquity the town was situated on a reach of the Athesis +(Adige), but it now occupies both sides of the river. + +In the division made by Augustus, Verona was contained in the Regio +Veneta, but it is only in an improper sense that it can be said to have +belonged to the nation of the VENETI. No ancient writer distinctly states +to what race the Veneti belonged. They are said to have resembled the +Illyrians in dress and manners; but the very way in which this statement +is made, shows that its author did not regard them as Illyrians. Polybius +assuredly knew how to distinguish the Illyrian language, as well as +people in northern Germany can distinguish the Slavonian language without +having themselves any knowledge of it. I have no doubt that the Veneti +belonged to the race of the Liburnians, and that accordingly they were a +branch of the wide-spread Tyrrheno-Pelasgians, in consequence of which +they also became so easily Latinized. Patavium not only had its own +Trojan legends, but it was by no means a barbarous town like those of +Dalmatia; it must have had a different origin, otherwise it could not +have produced the most eloquent of Latin historians. + +Within the territory of Venetia, we meet with a people called EUGANEI, +who seem to have been regarded as the more ancient inhabitants, among +whom, according to tradition, the Trojans established themselves. Two +things must be distinguished in the legend of Antenor, though it cannot +claim to be historically true. First, the Patavinians regarded Antenor +as their κτίστης, just as the Latin towns looked upon Aeneas as the +leader of a Trojan colony. Secondly, the fact of Antenor being described +as a leader of the Heneti, is a mere play upon words originating in the +resemblance of the names. In Venetia assuredly nothing was known about +the Heneti, a people in Paphlagonia. But, however this may be,— + +PATAVIUM was a very ancient and large town, and it is strange that it +appears as such in Roman history all at once. It is mentioned as early as +the fifth century, during the expedition of the Spartan Cleonymus; it is +also spoken of at the time of Caesar and of the triumvirs. But Strabo is +the first who describes Patavium as a large town, and in such a manner +as to make it evident that it was an ancient place. He says that, next +to Rome, it was the wealthiest city of Italy, that Patavium alone had +500 Roman equites, each of whom, as is well-known, must have possessed +at least 100,000 denarii: this gives us some idea of the enormous amount +of local wealth. In the time of Augustus, it was a large commercial and +manufacturing place; the whole district is in fact very industrial, +and its colony, Venice, besides its commerce, is also celebrated for +its great industry. Patavium is always said to have been destroyed by +Attila: when he advanced as far as the Po, a number of inhabitants of +Patavium and other towns are said to have taken refuge in the islands +of the Venetian lagoons, and to have protected themselves there. I do +indeed believe, that the tempest of the Huns passed over all those towns, +and that the destruction was fearful; but I cannot believe that Padua +perished. It never ceased to be a town, and was an important place during +the Gothic and Lombard periods, and throughout the middle ages. + +Nor can the foundation of the new city in the lagoons (Venice) have been +occasioned by that sudden invasion of the Huns; the place must have +been inhabited to some extent even before. This lay in the nature of +circumstances. Sailors, and other people of the same kind, sought refuge +in a place where they were beyond the reach of the barbarians. They went +there not only on account of the Huns, but of all barbarian immigrants, +for there they were safe against ill-treatment and other horrors, and +land was not the thing they wanted. When Theodoric reigned in Italy, they +were his faithful subjects; and they were afterwards under the dominion +of the Eastern empire. The discussions which were in vogue during the +seventeenth century, as to whether Venice could trace its liberties to +the Roman times, were silly and quite useless. There are what are called +Fasti of the Venetian consuls, but they are altogether apocryphal, a +forgery of the Lombard period; they contain only late Lombard names, and +do not appear to be authentic until the middle of the seventh century. + +AQUILEIA, the extreme town of Italy, was a Roman colony planted for the +purpose of securing Venetia, of offering resistance to the Noricans +and extending the Roman dominion against them, of protecting the Roman +supremacy in the Adriatic, and of keeping up the communication by land +with Istria. The town, favoured by its situation, gradually increased, +and became an emporium for the commerce with the northern countries, +no doubt, even with the interior of Germany, to which the products of +the south, wine, oil, and the like were exported. It cannot be said +with certainty whether Aquileia was also a military colony. Under the +emperors, it was one of the largest cities, and was carefully fortified +as a place of arms for all Italy against the northern nations and the +Getae. + +Italy extended in the north as far as Istria; but a part of Istria, as +far as Pola, was united in the division of Augustus with Italy; this +was founded upon the correct view that, according to the course of the +mountains, the frontier was formed by the highest ridge of the Julian +Alps and their whole continuation down to the southern point of Istria. +In this manner Istria was divided into two parts. + + +LIGURIA. + +The part of the continent of Italy which remains to be considered, was +probably not regarded by Polybius as belonging to Italy, or at least +only partially. Liguria, in the widest sense, extended as far as Gaul, +nay, as far as the frontier of Spain; but Italian Liguria, in the sense +in which Augustus made it a part of Italy (not in the later sense in +which it signified the territory of Milan), comprised the Genoese Alps, +the continuation of the Alps forming the southernmost part of Piedmont, +and the hilly country about Turin, with Alessandria, and a part of +the territory of Montferrat. The Genoese Alps, that is, the range of +the Alpes Maritimae as far as Briançon and mount Cenis, are among the +highest and wildest parts of the Alps, while the more northern slopes +of the mountains as far as the Po and the Ticinus belong to the most +splendid and fertile parts of northern Italy. It is not a plain, like the +territory of Milan and the country on the lower Po, which is evidently, +like Egypt, an ancient bay of the sea, filled up in the course of time; +but it is a hilly country. Its population in ancient times was altogether +Ligurian, and the Salassi, in the valley of Aosta, are the only tribe, +mentioned in after times, regarding which it is uncertain whether they +were Ligurians or Celts; the Taurini were, in my opinion, Ligurians. +Although the language is changed in modern times, still the fact of +French being spoken by the inhabitants of the valley of Aosta, and not +Italian, is of some significance in connection with their origin: they +have changed their language in a manner analogous to their origin. +There is little resemblance between the French and the ancient Celtic, +there being only some analogy in grammar, but not in words; in the +south of France, on the other hand, as far as it was once inhabited by +Aquitanians, Iberians, and Ligurians, the people speak Provençal, while +the north of France, which was once inhabited by Celts, has a different +dialect. This Romano-French, which has grown on Celtic ground, extends +all over Savoy as far as Aosta, and shows that the country was originally +inhabited by Celts. The Alpine tribes in those parts were not completely +subdued until the time of Augustus. During the period of the decline of +the Etruscans, the Ligurians spread far into the interior of Tuscany; +and soon after the Hannibalian war, the Romans came in collision with +them, not because they had offended the Romans, but the latter only +wanted to gain a passage through their country to Spain. I have already +observed that physically we can distinguish the countries once inhabited +by Etruscans and Ligurians, and a greater contrast can scarcely exist. In +Etruria the powerful cities ruled as sovereigns over all the neighbouring +places and extensive territories; the Ligurians, on the other hand, were +absolutely democratic, and had scarcely any towns. A port town like Genoa +was a small place, but otherwise they lived in villages on the hills +and in the valleys; the equality subsisting among them has no parallel +anywhere except in modern Europe. They had no slaves; all were thoroughly +free, and the Ligurian, working in the sweat of his brow, performed as a +free labourer the services which were elsewhere the work of slaves. This +difference in character is clearly manifested in the kind of resistance +offered to the Romans by the Etruscans and by the Ligurians. For the +same reason Charlemagne found it infinitely more difficult to subdue +the Saxons and Frisians, for they were free people, and although there +were some serfs among them, yet freedom had never been really crushed. +The Turingians, on the other hand, who ruled over extensive territories, +in which the ancient inhabitants had become serfs, were conquered at a +blow; so also the Alemanni, who possessed a large country extending as +far as the lower Rhine: they had no basis. As they ruled over serfs, the +greater part of the population was foreign and hostile to them. On the +other hand, it took centuries to subdue the Obotritae and Slavonians, +who defended their own independence. Such, also, was the case of the +Ligurians: they consisted of a large number of small tribes, which +unfortunately defended themselves each separately. If they had kept +together, they would have been invincible, for each of them held out with +the most determined perseverance. Their misfortune makes one’s heart +ache: they were crushed by the Romans one by one, just as a strong wall +is demolished piece by piece. The conquerors were obliged to transplant +them into foreign countries; and one of their tribes is said by Pliny to +have been transplanted thirty times, in order to break up all connection +among them. Many thousands of them were led into southern Italy, and +settled in the modern kingdom of Naples, where their language was not +understood, and where they themselves were unwelcome neighbours. The +extraordinary industry of the Ligurians in agriculture and navigation, +their frugality, and in short, all that we know of them reflects great +honour upon them. We cannot, therefore, look upon their destruction with +less sadness than upon that of Numantia. Little can be said about the +geography of this people. + +GENUA is situated on one of those spots which will always be the site of +a great commercial town, on account of the excellent harbour which nature +herself has made. Its situation is of that fortunate kind that it cannot +become unfavourable even in the course of time, like so many harbours +which have become useless during the middle ages by the accumulation of +sand or mud. After the Punic war, Genua was destroyed, but was restored +soon after; and there can be no doubt that even in antiquity it was a +respectable town. + +AUGUSTA TAURINORUM, a military colony of Augustus, was likewise a +considerable town, but not to be compared with what it came to be at a +later period. In comparison with the modern city of Turin, it was no +doubt always a small place. On the whole, you must not conceive such +military colonies to have been very large; the ancient Roman towns were +much smaller than those of modern times; we generally imagine them to +have been larger on account of the importance they have in history; but +on an average they were not larger than, for example, Bonn. A place of +the extent of Cologne, would have been a very considerable town in the +time of the Romans. After the decline of Rome under the emperors, Italy +had rather a numerous population, but in the age of Cicero and Augustus, +as I have already remarked, it was certainly far more thinly peopled +than at present. The population of the modern kingdom of Naples, north +of the Faro, is reported to be 6,000,000, while under Charles V. it is +said to have amounted to only 600,000. It is, indeed, said that, under +Charles V., families were counted and not persons; but admitting that the +number of persons was 2,000,000, which is the highest that can be made +out, still it is an undoubted fact, that in less than three centuries +the population has become more than trebled. I do not believe that, in +the reign of Augustus, the population was larger than under Charles V. +The astonishment with which Polybius and others mention the fact, that +previously to the Hannibalian war, Italy as far as the Cisalpine frontier +had 700,000 men capable of bearing arms, is too decisive to allow us to +suppose that the country was thickly peopled. Italy clearly reminds us +of the condition of Germany after the Thirty Years’ war, of which we +have descriptions in books of travel; and that state of Italy, as we see +from Lucan, continued until a late period. I have read a description of +Germany by an Italian who travelled in the country thirty years after the +war, and who saw the villages and buildings everywhere in ruins, and even +the towns were full of heaps of ruins and decaying houses. + +The valley of Aosta, the country of the Salassians, is remarkable for its +gold-dust and gold-washings in the river Doria. Gold still exists there, +but little, for such veins often are entirely drained. + + +SICILIA. + +In passing on to the islands, I shall first speak of Sicily, the queen of +the islands in the Mediterranean. It derives, like Italy and most other +countries, its name from its inhabitants, and Sicilia is the country of +the Siculi. I have already said that Itali and Siculi are the same name +in different dialects, and that accordingly both denote the same people. +The general tradition of antiquity is, that the Siculi migrated from +Italy into the island, and pushed the Sicani, its previous inhabitants, +into the western and southern parts. Those who go back to the mythical +ages, represent the island in the most ancient times as inhabited by +Gigantes, Cyclopes, and Laestrygones. It is a widely-spread opinion among +the ancients, that the Sicani belonged to the race of the Iberians. The +Sicani called themselves Autochthons, while, according to others, they +had come from Iberia, having been displaced by Ligurians; but such an +emigration, so far across the sea and by so many intermediate countries +as the Balearian islands and Sardinia, or, if you please, along the coast +of Africa, is incredible in the case of a people like the Iberians, who +never were great navigators. I believe that, in this account, we can keep +only to this one point, that, according to the conviction of those who +most thoroughly understand the circumstances, the Sicani belonged to the +Iberian race, even if we admit that the tradition about their emigration +is without foundation; and this is very possible. It is equally possible +that the story about the emigration of the Siculi from Italy is without +foundation; at least our authorities for it are not authentic. Another +question is, as to whether the Sicani and Siculi were everywhere +different people; the testimonies of the ancients must, of course, be +of the greatest weight to us in this matter. I am not one of those who +build history upon the mere names of nations, and am, therefore, not much +inclined to lay great stress upon the resemblance of the two names; but +Virgil uses Sicani and Siculi as synonymous, and this leads us to infer +that he probably had more ancient authors before him, who had done the +same. It is true also, that such a change of form is not unprecedented, +for _Aequus_, _Aequanus_, _Aequulus_, _Aequicus_, and _Aequiculus_, are +only derivatives from the same basis; and in like manner we might regard +_Sicanus_ and _Siculus_ as simple derivatives of the stem _Sicus_. I +should believe this to be quite correct, were it not that the ancients +speak so positively of the Iberian origin of the Sicani. I should, in +fact, reject this origin, were it not certain that Iberians existed in +Corsica, Sardinia, and the Balearian islands, and in ancient times, when +the Celts dwelt as far as the Sierra Morena, probably even on the coast +of Africa. The Basque language is foreign to all European languages known +to us; it belongs, as it were, to a different part of the world. But +however this may be, the two nations in Sicily were different from each +other, though we cannot say whether the difference was one of race or of +a less striking nature. The Siculi inhabited the north-eastern part of +the island, and the Sicani the southern and western. + +At the time when the Phoenicians were in possession of the most important +islands of the Aegean, as Thasos and Cythera, and had settlements in +most of the Cyclades; they also occupied strong points on the coast of +Sicily; they were generally small places in little islands, headlands +and the like, not being intended as agricultural settlements, but as +factories. But they disappeared in consequence of the Greek colonies, +which commenced at an early period, and according to the traditions from +annals of which Thucydides probably made indirect use through Antiochus, +soon after the beginning of the Olympiads. The colonies came from two +of the Greek tribes, the Dorians and Chalcidians. In Italy, there was, +properly speaking, only one Doric city that was really great, whereas in +Sicily Doric cities preponderated both in number and greatness, witness +Syracuse, which Timaeus calls the largest Greek city, Agrigentum, which +was but little inferior to Syracuse, Gela, Selinus, and Camarina. Zancle +(afterwards Messana), Naxos, Leontini, Catana, and Himera, on the north +coast, were of Chalcidian origin. All the towns on the north-east, on +a line from Syracuse to Palermo, were Chalcidian, and those on the +south-west of it were Dorian. In speaking of the towns of Sicily, I shall +make some deviation from the general rule I have hitherto followed, and +enumerate them not in their natural succession, but according to their +magnitude. + +Sicily, like most other countries which are surrounded by the sea on +two sides, presents the physical character of two different countries. +In Andalusia and Algarvia, the character of the animal and vegetable +world up to the mountains is African; and, in like manner, the southern +part of Sicily is completely African, and the palm-tree grows there +as beautifully as in Tunis and Tripoli; but the country north of cape +Heraeum is quite different. + +If we except the south-western coast and the district about Leontini, +Sicily is altogether a mountainous country. Mount Aetna is the real +central knot of the island, and the highest mountains proceed from it in +a north-eastern direction as far as cape Pelorus just opposite to Italy. +The Heraean range likewise proceeds from Aetna in a western direction, +while another chain extends southwards. This last range is considerably +lower than the others, but still high enough to form the watershed +between the eastern and western coast. In the part between Palermo and +Messina, the mountains approach very close to the coast, so that often +two places situated on the coast are not connected by a road, just as is +the case in many parts of Liguria. Hence, during the wars of the Romans, +we never find that the northern coast formed their scene of operation, +which it is in all the wars on the south coast, for in this latter part +there are roads, and armies can move. But on the northern coast there +never was any communication either in the Punic wars or in those of the +middle ages and modern times. It is of importance to know this in order +to understand the history of the first Punic war. + +AETNA is the highest mountain both of Italy and Sicily; it had only very +few eruptions in antiquity, but they were sometimes of a violence which +has never been equalled in modern times. According to Thucydides, the +third eruption, after the settlement of the Greeks in Sicily, occurred +in his own days, in the time of the Peloponnesian war. We need not, +however, scrupulously insist on this number, for it is possible that +all the eruptions were not recorded, and that there had been some at +a time when no annals were yet kept. The eruptions of which we know, +belong to Olympiads 70, 82,[60] and Olymp. 88, 3, or the sixth year +of the Peloponnesian war. The greatest subsequent eruption in ancient +times occurred after the death of Caesar. A still more terrible one +is recorded by the earliest Byzantine writers of the age of the Greek +emperor Anastasius or Zeno. During the eruption in the age of Caesar, the +ashes are said to have been thrown as far as Peloponnesus and Africa, +which is probably no exaggeration; but it seems scarcely possible that, +in the reign of Anastasius, the ashes should have been carried as far +as Constantinople, though it certainly is very difficult positively to +assert anything about these powers of nature. + +ERYX (monte S. Giuliano), situated in an isolated position on the western +promontory, is a mountain of great historical interest. It is high, but a +tame mountain, and is celebrated for its temple of Venus Erycina; but it +has been immortalised in history by the defence of Hamilcar Barcas, who +was blockaded there by the Romans for years, and maintained himself in +spite of all difficulties: that defence is one of the greatest events in +military history. + +Whether Sicily derived the name _Trinacria_ from its three promontories, +which seems to us very probable, or whether this is only apparent, and +the name arose from a Siculian town of a similar name (Trinacia or +Thrinacia), independently of the form of the island, is one of those +questions, concerning which it is best to confess that they cannot be +satisfactorily answered. + +SYRACUSAE, at first probably SYRACUSA, was the greatest Greek city in +Sicily. The plural form of the name probably did not come into use until +the time when several towns were united in one great city; afterwards, +during the decline of the language, it was again called Syracusa. There +exists an abridgment of six books (from 21 to 26) of Diodorus Siculus, +which was no doubt made in Sicily itself, but at a late period, for it +already contains several modern Greek expressions, and among others, +also the form Syracusa. Those of the Byzantine writers who did not +want to write learnedly, likewise have the singular. It is well known +that Syracuse was a Corinthian colony led out by the Bacchiad Archias; +the first settlement was formed in the island of Ortygia (to which the +modern Siragossa also is confined), for the sake of safety against the +attacks of the inhabitants of the interior. It commenced its career +as a commercial place; and this first colony was small like all the +other Greek settlements, as, for example, Cyrene. The island in the +Doric dialect was called νᾶσος, and the Romans also retained this name +(_Nasos_), as we know from Cicero’s Verrine orations. A suburb of the +name of _Achradina_ (from ἀχράς, the wild pear-tree) arose on the main +land opposite the island. This suburb, which increased considerably, is +the Syracuse of the middle period, that is, under the first Gelo and the +first Hiero, until the time of the Peloponnesian war. Nasos then became +the Acra, but Achradina alone was fortified. By the side of this latter, +again two large suburbs arose, _Neapolis_ and _Tycha_; they seem to +have commenced at two different gates, and perhaps ran parallel to each +other, but were separated by a considerable intervening space. They, too, +became important towns, so that Syracuse was a tetrapolis. The last two +of these places which had not been fortified at all, or only feebly, were +surrounded by Dionysius with a wall which he constructed at a distance of +about three miles from the island. Above Syracuse there runs a range of +hills, and you may easily understand its situation, by comparing it with +the neighbourhood of Bonn, the plain extending between the Vorgebirge +and the Rhine: the city must be conceived to be situated in the plain +upon the Rhine, whence it gradually extends towards the Vorgebirge. These +hills, which, just like our Vorgebirge, bound the plain stretching to +the sea, were called _Epipolae_. They were from early times surmounted +by forts, the object of which was to protect the district in the petty +wars with the Siculians; during the Athenian war also they were very +dangerous on account of the great enlargement of the city. Dionysius +then fortified the city by building two mighty walls up the heights, so +as to enclose those forts which now became citadels. The whole of the +intermediate space between the walls, however, must not be imagined to +have been covered with buildings, for between Neapolis and Tycha there +were extensive tracts which can never have been built upon; the quarries +also could not be built over, as is clear from the whole surface of the +ground. But the circumference of the city was enormous. + +The misfortunes of Syracuse are very painful: it was visited by such a +succession of devastations that we can hardly understand how it could +maintain itself: it must have possessed an unusual degree of vital power. +I believe that its happiest period was the reign of the last Hiero, +though the population may at that time already have been much smaller +than it had been in the earlier prosperous periods. In the Hannibalian +war, when the city was taken by the Romans, Neapolis and Tycha were +completely destroyed, and the alleged mildness of Marcellus was of no +avail, for the work of destruction was completed with barbarous fury. At +the capture of Achradina, Marcellus ordered to spare the lives of the +inhabitants, and not to carry away a free-born Syracusan into slavery. +This is always praised as an act of great humanity; but a new fragment in +the excerpts from Diodorus shows that this apparently humane order did +not prevent the complete pillage of the city: the Syracusans were robbed +of everything, and freedom alone was granted to them. But this gift +rendered their condition worse even than that of slaves, who received at +least some food from their masters, while the free men died of hunger, no +person supplying them with anything. Thus it happened that many a free +man gave himself out to be a slave in order to find a purchaser and food. +This is probably the most fearful occurrence in all ancient history. +After that time there existed in Neapolis and Tycha only a few isolated +buildings and temples, and the population disappeared; even in Achradina +only very few inhabitants appear to have remained, for in Cicero’s time +the real population was again confined to the island of Nasos; the same +appears to have been the condition of the city under the emperors, and +at present it is still the same. Under Augustus a Roman colony was +established there; still, however, the whole island of Sicily was so +essentially Greek, that under the emperors it was always regarded as a +part of Greece. Even at the time of the Norman conquest, in the eleventh +century of our era, Greek and Arabic were the only languages spoken there. + +Although the Syracusans are not among those Greeks who excite our +sympathy for them in the highest degree, yet their history is one of +the most melancholy in ancient times. The whole of Greek history is +very saddening in its course, but none more so than that of Syracuse, +and if we seriously contemplate it, it is heartrending. The Syracusans +throughout show a lawlessness which rendered them incapable of governing +themselves; their only salvation was a mild usurper, as, for example, +the last Hiero; he was a mild and kindly man, although even he did +things which make us shudder; but this was natural in the case of Greek +usurpers. The history of Syracuse begins with an aristocratic form of +government, the first settlers ruling over a considerable territory, and +the ancient inhabitants having become serfs (κιλλικύριοι). Servitude +afterwards disappears, and a demos is formed, which is increased by new +settlers from all parts of Greece, and has to struggle with the lords of +the soil (γάμοροι). Gelo, one of these lords, put himself at the head of +the demos, and for the sake of appearances established a democracy, but +set himself up as tyrant. Under Hiero, Syracuse was extremely prosperous; +with him the tyrannis ceased and democracy was restored, but was found +wanting as soon as it was put to the test, and a struggle gradually +arose between the wealthy few and the multitude. During this struggle +there arose Dionysius I., an ambitious man, not a benefactor of the +people, though he was useful in several respects, for the people could +not do without a ruler. He was succeeded by his unworthy son, quite a +detestable person; it was now impossible to live without a usurper, +but it was equally impossible to endure him. The distressing condition +became worse in consequence of the unsuccessful undertaking of Dion, +respecting whom Plato was so singularly mistaken, and whom he regarded +in the light of his own ideal of what a man should be. Timoleon, a +really great man, expelled Dionysius by force, and restored happiness +and prosperity to the city for a period of twenty years. He ruled solely +by his personal authority, and the people, for once, were grateful to +him. After his death, fresh divisions arose, and Agathocles, a bold +but oriental miscreant of unprincipled impudence, usurped the supreme +power. Under his dominion of Syracuse became great and brilliant, but not +prosperous: it was fearfully ill used; it became a den of robbers, and +mercenaries of every description deluged the city with torrents of blood. +Long protracted, and devastating internal wars then followed, after which +came the more than fifty years’ reign of Hiero, during which Syracuse was +confined to a small territory. It often ruled over the whole island; but +the state of things was ever changing. + +The population of Syracuse is estimated at 1,200,000 souls; and this +number is adopted in a great many books, but it is quite inconceivable. +The population of all Sicily at present amounts to from 1,600,000 to +1,700,000, and seventy or eighty years ago it was only 1,200,000. +How then is it possible, that Syracuse alone should have had such a +population of free men? Diodorus indeed speaks of thirty myriads, but +they must be understood as the numbers in the Roman census, that is, +as comprising not only the citizens of Syracuse, but including all the +inhabitants of the towns which stood to Syracuse in the relation of +isopolity. Hence we may assume that Syracuse itself, at the time of +its highest prosperity, contained within its walls at the most 200,000 +inhabitants, including both free men and slaves, and I should be +surprised to find that it actually did amount to so much. You remember +that Thebes, when it was destroyed by Alexander, contained only 30,000 +persons of every age, rank, and sex. The statements about the population +in antiquity are monstrously exaggerated; the numbers are not always +fictitious, but are founded upon misunderstandings. + +AGRIGENTUM (Ἀκράγας, according to the common derivation of such names, +where ς is changed into _ntum_) was the second large city in Sicily. +Plans of it are found in books of travel, and in Graevius’ Thesaurus; +but nothing can be more erroneous than they are, for towns in the +neighbourhood are represented as parts of Agrigentum, which they never +were. It was a Rhodian colony, and was inferior in greatness to Syracuse +alone. The population is said to have amounted to 200,000 souls; but +the case is quite similar to that of Syracuse, as is clear from another +statement, which mentions only 20,000. Both numbers may be correct, if +we take the 20,000 as that of the real citizens, and the 200,000 as +comprising all the isopolites of Agrigentum. But notwithstanding all +this, the population of Sicily in ancient times was far larger than +it is at present; its numbers in the towns of the island change with +incredible rapidity. In the middle ages, Messina had 140,000 inhabitants; +at the end of the seventeenth century, the ill-usage of the Spaniards +reduced them to somewhat less than 100,000, and the plague brought them +down to 90,000; afterwards, by the systematic oppression, the object +of which was to crush Messina and to raise Palermo, they were reduced +to 40,000; and before the earthquake their number amounted only to +25,000; at present it is said to be 70,000. Such is the vitality in +those southern countries, and such are the changes in their population. +In the north, too, fluctuations occur, but not to the same extent as in +the south, where people have so few wants, and many can live in the open +air without a cover for their heads until some favourable opportunity +occurs. Immense ruins of Agrigentum still exist: it was situated on a +hill and was visible from the sea at a great distance, whence Virgil +says, _Arduus hic Acragas ostendit maxima longe moenia_. I have already +directed your attention to the fact that _moenia_ signifies “large +buildings in a city;” the walls of Agrigentum had nothing striking, and +parts of them ran in the valley, so that Virgil cannot have alluded to +them. The buildings of the city were not yet quite completed when they +were destroyed in the Carthaginian war; they were much larger than those +at Syracuse or any other of the Greek towns of Sicily. Before the war +in Olymp. 93, Agrigentum was the wealthiest city in the island; but +the stories of the riches of particular citizens, as, for example, of +Gellias, which Diodorus relates after Timaeus, are quite fabulous, for +Timaeus was credulous. In Olymp. 93, Agrigentum was taken and completely +destroyed by the Carthaginians; the town was defended in the most +unfortunate manner, or not defended at all: the Greek generals during +that war were so wretched and senseless, that the Agrigentines had enough +to do in trying to save themselves, leaving their city with all its +treasures a prey to the enemy. It was afterwards restored indeed, but the +new town was only a shadow of what it had been before. In consequence of +the treaties by which Selinus was ceded to the Carthaginians, Agrigentum +was re-united with the Greek part of Sicily, of which Syracuse, under +Dionysius and Timoleon, was the capital. Afterwards the character of the +wars between the Greeks and Carthaginians was no longer as destructive +as it had been before, for Carthage was satisfied with subduing and +ruling over the Greek towns. After the reign of Agathocles, Agrigentum +again fell into the hands of the Carthaginians. In the first Punic +war, it was taken by the Romans, and on that occasion one part of its +inhabitants made their escape, while others perished or were sold as +slaves. Towards the end of the Punic war, it was again implicated in +an insurrection against the Romans, in consequence of which it became +so desolate that the Romans, to prevent the complete extinction of the +place, established there colonists from other Sicilian towns. Agrigentum +is indeed mentioned in Cicero’s Verrine orations, but it is clear that it +was quite an insignificant town; under the Roman emperors it remained in +the same condition, and may have been of little more importance than the +modern Girgenti. The gigantic ruins of the ancient city are situated on +the plateau of the hill: the severest blow it ever received was that in +Olymp. 93, and subsequent earthquakes also contributed to its destruction. + +SELINUS, nearer the western promontory, was likewise a Dorian settlement. +It was an extensive, wealthy, and important town at the time when the +Carthaginians, after the unsuccessful attempt under Gelo, who confined +them to their three factories, Motye, Panormus, and Soloeis, were +expelled from all other parts of the island. But during the unfortunate +Carthaginian war, by means of which Dionysius raised himself, it was the +first town that was captured and destroyed. After that time, it is indeed +still mentioned, and in fact never ceased to exist, but was never again +incorporated with the Greek portion of Sicily. It remained subject to +Carthage, as long as she had any possessions in the island, and then came +into the hands of the Romans, but never acquired any importance. + +GELA, likewise an ancient Dorian settlement, was abandoned by its +Greek inhabitants during the Carthaginian war, and destroyed by the +Carthaginians. Even before this, the place had several times changed its +population: in the time of Gelo it was restored, but after the repeated +destructions by its enemies, it recovered only partially. It received +its death-blow shortly after the time of Agathocles, when Phintias, +the tyrant of Agrigentum, transplanted its inhabitants to the town of +Phintias, founded by himself. + +CAMARINA experienced the same fate as Gela. + +On the southern coast there existed, at different times, several Doric +towns, as _Heraclea_ in the territory of Agrigentum, _Acrae_, and +_Casmenae_, but they are of no importance. + +NAXOS, the most ancient among the Chalcidian or Ionian settlements, was +situated between mount Aetna and the Sicilian straits; it was in fact +the earliest Greek colony in Sicily. It is doubtful whether Naxos was +destroyed by Gelo or Hiero. During the great period of Sicilian history +its name is not mentioned. + +ZANCLE, afterwards MESSENE or MESSANA; the cause of this change of +name is obscure. The story about Gorgus, the son of Aristomenes, and +Manticlus, is untenable and chronologically impossible. Still, however, +there must have been a mixture of Messenians which gave rise to the +name. Samians, who had fled from their own country, treacherously took +possession of the town in which they had been hospitably received. +More than two hundred years later, their descendants were punished for +the deed by the Campanian mercenaries of Agathocles, who butchered the +inhabitants who had allowed them a passage through their town. After +this time the place was always called Messana, while the inhabitants +bore the name of Mamertines, which was the general designation for Oscan +mercenaries. These Mamertines retained their Italian character, without +becoming hellenised in any way; and even as late as the time of Verres we +find them mentioned with their Oscan names, the praenomen and the nomen +gentilicium. Their coins, however, have inscriptions in Greek characters, +and I have no doubt that in the course of time the Mamertines also became +hellenised. The Roman element in the western countries was powerful in +regard to the Celts, Iberians and others; but it was unable to cope with +the Greeks, against whom the Romans did not gain one inch; no Greek +town ever became Latinised, unless all its inhabitants perished. Among +non-Greek nations, such as the Pannonians, Dardanians, and the other +tribes in those countries, the Latin language became predominant within +an extremely short period. The name Mamertines remained in use until the +time of the Roman emperors, but it then disappears, and the name Messana +is again generally employed. + +CATANA, likewise a considerable Chalcidian town, was situated near the +river Simaethus, at the foot of mount Aetna. Hiero I. carried away the +inhabitants, and founded a new town; but after his death everything was +restored. After the time of the Athenian expedition, Catana was nearly +always under the influence of Syracuse. + +TAUROMENIUM, in the neighbourhood of Naxos between mount Aetna and +Messana, was founded in the time of Timoleon. It was situated on mount +Tauros, which was quite inaccessible. The derivation of its name ἀπὸ +τῆς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ταύρου μονῆς is strange. With the exception of Phintias, it +was the youngest of the Greek towns in Sicily. These late colonies are +essentially different from the earlier ones: they had no oecistae and +no institutions according to the ancient forms, but being the result +of circumstances they did not observe the traditionary formalities. +Tauromenium was very strong by its situation; and, in consequence of the +nature of its locality, its ruins are more perfectly preserved than those +of any other Greek city in Sicily. The splendid theatre was cut in a +semicircle into the rock, and still exists in its ancient beauty. In the +history of literature, Tauromenium is celebrated as the birth-place of +the historian Timaeus, who, as we have learned only recently, spent the +greater part of his long life of ninety years in exile at Athens, where +in all probability he also died. The fifty years of his exile embrace the +whole reign of Agathocles. + +LEONTINI was situated at some distance from the coast. It is a mistake +in translations and other books to call this town Leontium, a name which +does not occur anywhere. Its original name must have been Λεοῦς, although +this form is not found in the extant monuments either. As Messana was +called Mamertini, from its Oscan inhabitants, so also in the case of +Leontini, the name of the people was used as the name of the town. It +was the chief place in the most fertile corn district of Sicily, and +the _campi Leontini_ are often mentioned on this account. The town was +destroyed by the Syracusans at least three times, but always recovered +itself. + +HIMERA, on the north coast, was a colony of Chalcidians mixed with +Dorians, but in such a manner that the νόμιμα Χαλκιδικὰ prevailed. In +Olymp. 93, it was destroyed by the Carthaginians. The town itself was +never restored, but around some hot springs in the neighbourhood (θερμὰ +Ἱμεραῖα) a small town of the name of _Therma_, or _Thermae_, arose, whose +inhabitants were called _Thermitani_. This town is remarkable as the +birth-place of Agathocles, who, though a monster, is yet an important +person in history. Himera was one of the genuine ancient Greek colonies. + +On the north coast between Himera and Messana, there were several Greek +towns of uncertain origin, which were probably founded by neighbouring +cities, and were afterwards inhabited by Greeks of all kinds. Places of +this kind are _Cephaloedion_, _Mylae_, and _Calacte_; they are not of +great importance, and I cannot here enter into any detail about them. + +In the time of Thucydides there existed three Punic towns on the +north-west coast of Sicily, viz., _Soloeis_, _Motye_, and _Panormus_. +Motye was the principal place among them, and stood to Carthage in the +same relation as Utica, Leptis, and others. About thirty years before +the passage of Xerxes into Europe, at the time of the expulsion of +Tarquin, the Carthaginians were already in possession of a province in +Sicily; they then concluded a treaty with Rome, which has been preserved +by Polybius. Ancient Greek history gives us no information about this, +but rather makes it appear as if their attempt in the time of Gelo to +establish themselves in Sicily had been the first; but the treaty with +Rome is indubitable. The statement that the victory of Salamis, and that +of Gelo over the Carthaginians at Himera, took place on the same day, a +coincidence on which Herodotus lays great stress, is likewise untenable, +for it is opposed to the account which we have in the Parian marbles from +Timaeus. The origin of the fiction evidently lies in the desire to have +a parallel. Gelo’s victory must be dated seven or nine years later than +the time to which it is assigned by Diodorus. After that defeat, the +Carthaginians always maintained themselves on the north-western coast, +where no Greek town existed. When, in the course of time, the power of +the Carthaginians had greatly increased, and when they displayed a love +of conquest, the neighbouring town of Egesta threw itself into their +arms. The Greeks in Sicily were, on the one hand, extremely careless, and +on the other fool-hardy in giving provocation, and these circumstances +gave rise to the unfortunate war with Carthage. In the second war with +Dionysius, Motye, which until then, had been the chief place of the +Carthaginians, was destroyed. They now built a new town, Olymp. 100, +of the name of _Lilybaeum_: when it was taken by the Romans, it had +existed about 150 years. It was the seat of the Carthaginian government, +a regular Carthaginian eparchy being established in those parts, which +is always called ἡ Φοινικικὴ ἐπαρχία. Bochart’s etymologies, from the +Semitic languages, are often quite without foundation, but he explains +the name Lilybaeum quite correctly as ללבי, that is, opposite to +Libya. _Soloeis_ was an unimportant place. + +PANORMUS became a great town under the dominion of the Carthaginians. +It is strange that both Soloeis and Panormus are Greek names; the money +coined in the latter place at the time of the Carthaginian dominion in +Sicily, is likewise Greek, from which we must infer that Panormus was not +a Punic colony like Lilybaeum. The natural advantages of its situation +are very great: it has an excellent harbour, as even its name intimates, +and its site is in a beautiful fertile plain on the coast, above which +mount Hercte rises at the entrance of the harbour. This mountain was a +very important post during the first Punic war. + +LILYBAEUM remained an important place even under the Romans, though +its name is afterwards but rarely mentioned. The Romans, for financial +purposes, divided Sicily into two provinces, viz., Syracuse and +Lilybaeum; they were governed by one praetor, but had different financial +administrations, because the systems of taxation were different in the +two parts. So long as Carthage existed, the Romans kept up Lilybaeum as +a place of arms and a military port; but the place afterwards lost this +importance, because its harbour was gradually filled with sand. It is at +present known only for its excellent vineyards. + +DREPANA, the modern Trapani, near Lilybaeum, was another strongly +fortified port town of the Carthaginians, and is still of importance. +All these places act a conspicuous part in the first Punic war. + +EGESTA, or SEGESTA, was situated in the neighbourhood of Drepana. +Thucydides says that its inhabitants were Trojans; and the unanimous +voice of antiquity calls the Egestans and the Elymi, there and about +mount Eryx, Trojans. I have explained my opinion on this point in +my Roman History, and shewn that Trojans here means Tyrrhenians or +Pelasgians, like those occupying the coasts of Italy and Sardinia. The +name Trojans, therefore, seems to have been a general Pelasgian name, +which was commonly applied to the Mysian Trojans, because they were +the most important, just as the name Hellenes was commonly given to +the people of Argos. All these nations were connected by religion and +their common sanctuary of Samothrace, the Trojan character of which +is undeniable. The Segestans are called by the Greeks barbarians, and +they were certainly non-Greeks; but when we consider the ruins of their +temples, which are not only grand but splendid, and are in no way +inferior to the most beautiful Greek edifices; and when we see their +coins, which equal the finest specimens made in Greece, we must confess +that the word “barbarian” cannot be understood here in the same sense in +which it is applied to Thracians, Getae, and Macedonians, who were not +even able correctly to imitate the formation of Greek words. Afterwards, +Segesta, like all the rest of the island, became completely hellenised; +Cicero always calls the Siculi Greeks, and the names of the Segestans, +wherever they occur in history, are Greek. Segesta was an unfortunate +place, for it was the occasion of the deplorable expedition of the +Athenians to Sicily, of which we can only lament the final issue. It +would have been fortunate, if the Athenians had been able to carry it +out with energy, for the fate of Greece would have taken a different +direction. The Segestans have much to answer for to Sicily, to Greece, +and to all the world, for they misled the Athenians by their delusive +promises. After the defeat of the Athenians, the Chalcidian towns one +by one concluded peace, and the Segestans, abandoned by every one, were +obliged to throw themselves into the arms of the Carthaginians. Under +their protection, the town was safe and prosperous for a period of about +ninety years, until the time when the power of Agathocles reached its +highest point. But when Agathocles was victorious for a time, it was +taken by the sword, and treated like Magdeburg in the Thirty Years’ war. +Afterwards a population again assembled there; in the first Punic war +Segesta is mentioned again, and submits to the Romans under an appeal to +its Trojan origin. + +The towns in the interior of Sicily were originally partly Siculian +and partly Sicanian, though it is now impossible to draw a line of +demarcation between them. In the north, about mount Aetna as far as +Henna, all the towns, such as Henna, Centuripa, Agyrion, Halesa, +Aluntion, and many others, were probably Siculian. The Siculians, even +after the time of Gelo, formed distinct states and had their own kings. +Diodorus compiled his history in a most unsystematic manner: when he is +engaged with the history of a nation, and it occurs to him, that he has +dwelt upon it long enough, and that he has neglected another, he all at +once breaks off and begins to discuss the latter. Such is the case in +his history of Sicily: he is often very minute, relating the events of +a nation year after year, but then he is for a time quite silent about +it. After the time of Gelo and Hiero, we find a Siculian kingdom, under +a prince called Ducetius, which was very dangerous to the Siceliots.[61] +Afterwards we see the Siculians broken up into many small states, some +of which were hellenised at a very early period. The power of the Greek +tyrants often extended very far into the interior; and those of Syracuse +at times ruled almost over the whole island; during such times, Greeks +settled in all parts of it. These things are often mentioned only +accidentally, as for example, in the case of Diodorus himself, who is +called a Siceliot, though he belonged to a Siculian town. At that time +the Siculian and Sicanian languages no longer existed and Greek was +spoken everywhere. + +HENNA, situated in the centre of the country, was the most important of +all the Siculian towns. Henna, and not Enna, is the correct spelling, +for so we find it on a very ancient Greek coin; and only later Latin +ones have Enna, whereas all the good Latin MSS., such as the Codex +Puteanus of Livy, as well as the inscriptions, have the H, as in _ordo +populusque Hennensis_; in after-times the pronunciation was modified. I +do not, however, mean to say, that if you find Enna in a poet, you must +at once correct it into Henna, for such things depend upon authority; +the ancients often pronounced a word with an aspiration, which we cannot +accurately imitate, and which, therefore, has disappeared in Italian +and other modern languages. Henna is celebrated as the central seat of +the worship of Demeter and Persephone, which spread thence into Italy, +and was also adopted by the Greeks. It was probably different from the +worship of Demeter at Eleusis; but we cannot speak positively about this +matter, and in my opinion, it is a mere waste of learning and ingenuity +to institute inquiries about it. + +CENTURIPA (_Centuripini_, Κεντόριπα), near the slope of mount Aetna, was +the greatest town of the interior at the time of the Romans. In the age +of Cicero, its citizens were the wealthiest in all Sicily. In the first +Punic war, they had been enabled by circumstances, about which we have +no information, to put themselves in an extremely favourable relation +to the Romans; this had been done at a time when the other Siculian +places had allowed themselves to be tempted to rise against Rome; and in +consequence of this, Centuripa was honoured with great privileges. It +derived special advantages from the extensive confiscations which were +often made of whole districts. On such occasions, the Roman equites +speculated to acquire large estates, and the Centuripans undertook as +farmers (_aratores_), or agricultural speculators, the cultivation of +large districts; the existence of such aratores is known from Cicero’s +Verrine orations. Centuripa then remained the centre of Sicilian +agriculture, probably until a very late period. _Agyrion_ was situated in +the neighbourhood of Centuripa. + +I have already said in general how Sicily became a desolate country. +When many towns had already been destroyed in the wars of Agathocles, +the first Punic war, which lasted twenty-four years, was extremely +destructive, because it was carried on at the expense of that small +country; the Syracusan kingdom alone, which was in the enjoyment of +order and protection, was exempted. Then followed the second Punic +war, and the senseless insurrection of the Syracusans and of nearly +all the inhabitants of the island. They were punished by the Romans in +such a manner, that all cultivation disappeared from the greater part +of the island; the towns perished and were changed into large estates; +the corn-fields in the interior were changed into pastures, on which +large numbers of cattle and hosts of slaves were kept, while the free +population was almost entirely extirpated. Hence the insurrection of +Eunus, in the year of Rome 620; a war was then carried on with great +exertion for years, and was not brought to a close until several Roman +armies had been defeated. Thirty years later, a second similar Servile +war broke out, which, though it did not last quite as long as the first, +yet completely ruined several towns: the slaves took possession of the +fortified places, and annihilated the free population. As regards the +period of the Roman emperors, we only know that Augustus established +colonies in some places, but the rest of the island was quite desolate, +there being only some large estates and stations for post horses. The +Regestum of pope Gregory the Great, which contains the last accounts of +Sicily before it fell into the hands of barbarians, shows the island +in this wretched condition. The Roman see possesses large estates in +Sicily, and the correspondence with their stewards reveals to us the +condition of the island and the nature of such estates: we see that the +country was in a state of utter decay. + + +SARDINIA. + +Sardinia fully confirms the observation regarding the identity of the +physical character of countries on two sides of the same sea. There does +not exist a more senseless notion than to imagine that rivers form the +natural boundaries between two countries; the same physical features +appear on both sides of a river: rivers are lines of communication, but +mountains separate countries from one another. The Suabian and Bavarian +races are separated by the range of the Vorarlberg. Sardinia, in its +physical structure, belongs to Africa, if not wholly, at least its +southern part as far as the mountains. This character shows itself both +in the vegetation and in the animal life of the country: the _musimon_, +an animal foreign to all the rest of Europe, is not found anywhere out of +Africa except in Sardinia.[62] The character of the population also is +African, whence Cicero, in his speech for Scaurus, says: _Afer aut Sardus +sane, si ita se isti malunt nominari_. The island is not, like Sicily, +traversed by lofty mountains; it is only in the northern part that +the mountains reach any considerable height; the rest is only a hilly +country; many parts of the coast are plains, extensive and low marshy +districts, which may be termed savannahs, whence great quantities of salt +are obtained there. The physical identity with Africa manifests itself +also in another very important point: the opposite coasts of Sardinia and +Africa are celebrated for their banks of coral, while they are not found +near Sicily, Spain, or the Balearian islands.[63] + +According to the most ancient tradition, the inhabitants of Sardinia +were Tyrrhenians, who appear in various forms and personifications, +in the story about Aristaeus, in the Iolai, and in many other ways. +If Tyrrhenians did exist there, they can only have been settlers on +the coasts, for a part of the inhabitants, such as the _Noraces_ +and _Balari_, were certainly of Iberian origin, and belonged to the +same race as the inhabitants of the Balearian islands. In regard to +others again, it is equally certain that they were of Libyan origin, +for they are stated to have resembled the Berbers in language, in +bodily structure, complexion, and hair. The _Sardi Montani_, perhaps a +mixture of Iberians and Libyans, were in later times confined to the +mountains. These mountains, however, must not be conceived as Alps, +for heights of a less lofty character were sufficient for those people +to maintain themselves in them. The highlands of Scotland also do not +contain any high mountains, they are only inaccessible, and yet the +population has maintained itself there throughout all the changes of +nations. The sea-coast was occupied at an early time by Punic colonies, +which afterwards became masters of the island, with the exception of +the interior, over which they exercised no other influence than that +which a powerful nation on the coast always possesses over the other +inhabitants. In like manner the Dutch did not rule over the interior of +Ceylon, the prince of Candy being sovereign, though he was obliged to +comply with the wishes of the Dutch whenever they insisted upon it. Such +was the condition of Sardinia during the second Punic war, when we meet +with Hampsicora and Hiostus as Sardinian princes. The Punic settlements +consisted for the most part of Carthaginians mixed with Libyans, as the +Carthaginians themselves were a mixed race (Λιβυφοίνικες), or with Greeks +from Sicily and Magna Graecia. The Libyans must not be conceived as +negroes: in their physical features they are not very unlike Europeans, +and scarcely differ at all from southern Europeans, so that the mixture +could take place without any difficulty. The mixture of the Libyphoenices +with the Sardinians is attested by Cicero in an interesting fragment +of his speech for Scaurus. The Punic language accordingly predominated +everywhere on the coast, and all the known names of the Sardinians are +Punic, e.g., _Aris_, genitive _Arinis_, which is nothing else than the +Hebrew Aaron; so also Caralis and others. I said before, that Sardinia, +near the coast, has extensive low grounds, which are, for the most part, +marshy and unhealthy: this peculiarity, (_aër gravis_), which is still +the reason of the scanty population of the island, was known even to the +historians of antiquity; the country was very dangerous to the Roman +soldiers, many of whom died there of fevers. This we see from Tacitus’ +annals[64] to have been the case in the time of Tiberius, and such it +continues to be at the present day; in most parts it is impossible to +remove the unhealthy character of the land by cultivation. + +There are still many Punic remains in Sardinia; but there also are a +few Cyclopean walls, which can neither be ascribed to the Punians nor +to the Sardinians of the interior, but must be Greek. They are minutely +discussed in Millot’s description of Sardinia, which is a bad book, +but contains valuable information about those Cyclopean walls. Timaeus +spoke of ruins which were referred to the Iolai, the alleged ancient +Greek colonists. Most of the antiquities that have been dug out of the +ground, belong to the Roman period, but some also are Punic and have +Punic inscriptions. Many belong to the rude barbarians of the interior, +especially certain hideous and deformed idols resembling those of the +Wends and American Indians. + +There were no towns in the interior of Sardinia, the mountaineers living +either in villages or caves; their dress consisted, as at present, +of skins of the musimon (_mastrucae Sardorum_), forming a sort of fur +jackets. They were very poor mountaineers, and the only booty the Romans +made there consisted of slaves. In a letter of pope Gregory the Great, +in his Regestum, a people of the name of _Barbaricini_ is mentioned in +the interior, and this confirms the identity of the Sardinians with the +Libyans, for Barbaricini is only a derivative form of Barbari, a name by +which the Greeks and Romans designated more particularly the Berbers in +Africa. During the Punic period there were, properly speaking, only three +towns that were of any importance, viz., Caralis, Sulci, and Nora. + +CARALIS, the modern Cágliari (not Cagliári, as it is commonly pronounced, +for the inhabitants themselves say Cágliari), was the Carthaginian +capital with an excellent harbour. + +SULCI and NORA, likewise of Phoenician origin, are mentioned indeed in +history, but were places of no particular importance. Considerable ruins +of the Roman period are still found at Nora, and Caralis has what is +called a beautiful ancient theatre. In the accounts I have seen of it, it +is called so, but owing to the uncritical manner in which the subject is +treated, I cannot say whether it is a real theatre or an amphitheatre. + +Sardinia is still the country in which European civilisation and the +change of manners resulting from it, have taken less root than in any +part of Europe: those who regard civilisation as an evil, must consider +Sardinia to be a paradise. In no country have witches been burnt at +so recent a period, and the practice, perhaps, still prevails; the +government has not yet been able to suppress the custom of taking +revenge for bloodshed. The villages make war upon one another, and no +one can travel with safety along the high roads, unless he purchase the +protection of a party or a village, as in the East, or else he must +acquire the rights of hospitality. According to the accounts we have of +the condition of the island, we may imagine it to be something like that +which certain persons call the golden period of the middle ages. But with +all this barbarism, the greatest immorality prevails, especially among +the priests. The country is in a perfect state of anarchy, being governed +according to ancient privileges, which have never been changed at all; +the country population is in a state of complete dissolution. When the +island has an able governor, he can keep order only by the utmost rigour, +without which he can do absolutely nothing. It is deplorable that, in +these circumstances, the administration of the island is not entrusted +to able men, the propriety of which I have often urged. I sometimes +desired natives of Sardinia to come to me that I might examine their +language, which is very peculiar; you cannot say that it is Italian, it +contains indeed very much Latin, but much also that is quite foreign. +The Sardinian mountaineers are said to have many words in their dialect +which are radically different from all other European languages. As much +information has at present been collected about the Berber language, +my object was to question the natives and to examine their words to +see whether they were Berber or Basque. But I could not succeed, the +people were too timid and did not come. I have now placed my hope upon a +friend, Count Castiglione, of Milan, a great linguist, who has studied +the language of the Berbers; he may perhaps be more successful. The +island, from the earliest times, always made the impression of a wild +and ungenial country, which, poor as it was, was severely treated by +the Carthaginians, for they are said to have forbidden the cultivation +of grain, in order to compel the Sardinians to import their supplies +from Spain and Africa. In like manner Spain, for a long time, would not +tolerate the cultivation of European grain in her American possessions, +and when at length she allowed it, she forbade the planting of olives and +vines. + +It was the universally established opinion among the ancients, that +Sardinia was the largest island, and larger than Sicily. This opinion, +though erroneous, is found in all ancient writers, and we cannot say what +may have given rise to it. + + +CORSICA. + +Whether _Corsica_ and the Greek name Κύρνος are etymologically connected +with each other, must be left undecided; I for my part believe, that the +resemblance of the first syllable in the two names is only accidental. +Corsica was regarded by the ancients as still more wild, uninhabitable, +unhealthy, and barbarous than Sardinia; it was inhabited partly by +Ligurians and partly by Iberians, and its inhabitants maintained their +independence till about the time of the first Punic war, when the +Carthaginians seem to have established themselves in the island, at least +near its magnificent harbours. It would indeed be inconceivable, if they +had overlooked a harbour like that of S. Lorenzo. It is self-evident, +however, that the inhabitants of the interior remained quite independent, +for even the Genoese, though they lived so much nearer the island, were +never able entirely to subdue them. At present it is, properly speaking, +in a state of anarchy, though it is connected with the powerful monarchy +of France; what, therefore, must have been its condition under the +Carthaginians, whose dominion did not last long! At an earlier time +the Phocaeans had attempted to settle at Alalia (Aleria), but had not +succeeded. The Romans undertook an expedition to it as early as the +first Punic war; but the only result of it was, that they expelled the +Carthaginians, without they themselves being able to take possession of +the island. It was not till a much later period that they subdued it, but +they seem to have felt that it was not worth while to spend so much money +and blood for the purpose of enabling themselves to remain there. + +MARIANA and ALERIA are the only two towns of Corsica deserving to be +noticed; both were Roman military colonies, the former founded by Marius, +and the latter by Sulla. At the time of the Roman emperors, Corsica, like +several islands in the Archipelago, served as a place to which condemned +persons were exiled, _relegatio in insulam_. + +Corsica is altogether a mountainous island, with the exception of a +narrow tract of coast, which forms unhealthy lowlands with small rivers. +The mountains are not high, and form one of the ramifications of the +Apennines, but are very impassable and intricate. + + +HISPANIA. + +The name Hispania, as Bochart correctly states, is in all probability +of Punic origin, derived from צפן, _Sapan_, _Span_, from which, an +_i_ being prefixed, _Ispania_, or _Hispania_, was formed. In southern +as well as eastern languages, the pronunciation of an _s_, followed by +a consonant, is facilitated by prefixing a vowel, whence _Scipio_, in +ordinary life, is called _Iscipio_. You recollect the notion of the +Greeks about the four parts of the world, according to which Hesperia was +the western and Europe the northern part; in this division, Spain was a +part of Hesperia. The Greeks called the people _Iberians_, the country +_Iberia_, and the river _Iberus_. This name of the river must have been +of native origin or have been used by the Carthaginians, for the Romans +also employed it, though they called the people _Hispani_ and the country +_Hispania_. We do not know by what name the people called themselves; +it is possible that the Basque language may throw light upon it; but in +the masterly treatise on that language by Baron Humboldt, nothing is +said about this point. Afterwards, and in the Acts of the Apostles, the +country was called _Spania_, and it may have borne this name generally +among the Alexandrians and in the unjustly decried Hellenistic language. +The Byzantine writers also call it so, unless they employ the correct +name Iberia. + +Spain is destined by nature, almost more than Italy, to form one compact +state; no one can have a doubt about this, when looking at the three +seas by which it is surrounded. Nevertheless, however, it did not become +united as one whole till a late period, though this happened before the +time of which we have written records; for there can be no doubt that +previously it was divided into two distinct countries. On the one side, +the Pyrenees formed its natural boundary towards Gaul (in the course of +time, however, they were crossed, and the Iberians ruled over the country +from the Garonne to the Rhone); but at an earlier period another natural +boundary line was formed by the Sierra Morena, an extensive range of +mountains, which, for a couple of centuries, formed the boundary between +the Christian and Mahommedan parts of Spain. These same mountains, no +doubt, also separated the Iberians from the Celts. The heights in the +north of Spain, whence the Tagus, Durius, and Minius, flow towards +the sea, and whence, on the other side, smaller rivers carry their +waters towards the Ebro, were inhabited by Celts, who are also called +_Celtiberians_. Other Celts bearing the name _Celtici_ dwelt in Algarbia +and the Portuguese Estremadura, and others again inhabited the province +Entre Douro e Minho in the north of Portugal. These three Celtic nations +were quite isolated in Spain. The Celtiberians were not pure Celts, but +as even their name indicates, a mixture of Celts and Iberians; but the +Celts in Portugal are expressly stated to have been pure Celts. These +latter attracted the attention even of the ancients, especially of the +excellent Posidonius, who made so many correct observations, but allowed +himself in this instance to be misled. He is of opinion that the Celts +had immigrated into Spain, for he reasoned thus: as the Celts could +migrate into Italy and across the Danube as far as the Dniepr, it was +far less difficult for them to enter the neighbouring country of Spain. +But such isolated parts of a nation cannot have arrived in a country by +immigration; on the contrary, the Iberians appear extending themselves +and in possession of Aquitania and Languedoc at a very early period; +how then could the Celts, not being able to maintain the Pyrenees, have +spread over the whole peninsula? It is probable, nay almost evident, +that it was the Iberians that migrated and extended themselves, and this +opinion agrees with the most ancient traditions of the Celts in Ammianus +Marcellinus, according to which they were once masters of all the west +of Europe, but were expelled from many parts. If we suppose that the +Celts dwelt as far as the Sierra Morena, and that the Iberians, perhaps +reinforced by their kinsmen from Africa, pressed them forward, this +supposition would account for some Celtic ruins which are still extant, +and the Celts may have capitulated in a manner similar to that described +in the book of Joshua. As one part of England was occupied by Germans so +completely as to destroy every trace of the ancient inhabitants, while +elsewhere, as e.g., in Devonshire, the Britons, in large numbers, lived +among the Germans and became mixed with them; so the Iberians expelled +the ancient Celtic population, wherever the nature of the country did +not protect it; but the Celts maintained themselves in the mountains +between the Tagus and the Iberus, and the Iberians only subdued them, and +then settled among them. In the course of time the two nations became +amalgamated, and thus formed the Celtiberians, whose character, however, +is essentially Iberian. + +Spain may be naturally divided into four main parts. The first is +Andalusia, which is formed by the Sierra Morena, which separates the +valley of the Baetis (Guadalquivir) from that of the Guadiana. This +part is a compact country by itself, being separated from Murcia by the +heights in the east. The second part is bounded on the south by the +range of Orospeda, and in the north by that of Idubeda, which extends +in an eastern direction towards the sea. These mountains separate the +river basins of the Tago and Douro from that of the Ebro, and run at a +right angle with the Sierra Morena. This division comprises the greater +part of Valencia, Aragon, and Catalonia, that is, the whole river basin +of the Ebro. The third division consists of the mountainous countries of +Galicia, Asturias, and Cantabria. The fourth, lastly, consists of the +river basin of the Tago. These divisions are so completely founded on the +natural features of the country, that throughout the history of Spain +they appear with perfect distinctness, and hence they may also be taken +as a guide in ancient history. + +Andalusia, the southernmost part, is almost identical with ancient +_Baetica_, and, as is observed even by Strabo, is a country quite +different from the rest of Spain. It has indeed many points of +resemblance with Valencia, but is at the same time essentially different +from it: it is in fact a country of a superior character. While Valencia +is flat, and well watered, but wanting in energy, Andalusia and Granada +are countries matured by the sun in the highest degree; they are scarcely +European, but almost like tropical countries. The eastern division, or +the country of the Iberus, if we examine its northern parts, Aragon and +Catalonia, already greatly resembles a northern country. Valencia stands +in the middle between them. The whole of the northern division is a +mighty mountainous country; the mountains in Asturia and Biscay are very +high, though they do not reach the snow line; the highest parts are in +the neighbourhood of the sources of the Douro. The country of the Tago +is throughout a table-land, very high at its commencement, piercingly +cold and unhealthy as far as the frontier of Portugal, and almost without +any mountains; at the commencement alone we have the ranges separating +Old and New Castile. Between the Sierra Morena and the Douro, we have +the large plain of Estremadura, which is fertile but unhealthy, and +perfectly flat; the plain of Leon is scarcely inhabitable on account of +its drought and barrenness; the southern parts of Castile are productive, +and the continuation of the valley into Portugal changes its character so +much as to become extremely rich; it still contains large plains, but the +greater part is a beautiful hilly country. + +The principal rivers are the _Baetis_ (Guadalquivir), _Anas_ (Guadiana), +_Tagus_ (Tago), _Durius_ (Douro), _Minius_ (Minho), and in the east, +the _Turia_ (Guadalaviar) and the _Iberus_ (Ebro). In antiquity, Spain +was particularly celebrated for its gold and silver mines, and for the +gold found in the sand of its rivers, as in that of the Tagus, which, +for this reason, is called by poets _aurifer amnis_. The largest silver +mines, where both silver and lead were found, existed in the territory +of Carthagena in Murcia; but Asturia, too, contained veins of precious +metal. Spanish wool was not particularly valued in antiquity, and it was +not till the middle ages that sheep-breeding was improved in Spain. + +Baetica produced abundance of grain, besides which the ancients derived +from other parts of Spain a kind of hemp, called _spartus_, which was +spun like hemp, and out of which ropes and cables were manufactured. + +The ancients were universally of opinion that the Spaniards, exclusive +of the Celtic inhabitants and the few Greeks and Punians who had settled +there, consisted of two nations, the _Turdetanians_ and the _other +Spaniards_. This opinion originating with Artemidorus, is set forth +by Strabo so confidently, that we must believe him to have had other +and more weighty authorities than Artemidorus. They even speak of a +difference in language. For a long time, I too entertained this opinion, +because I trusted the ancients; but I have only a very vague notion of +the Iberian language. W. von Humboldt is the only man in Europe who has +examined those languages with a true grammatical genius, and he has +declared that all the proper names from one end of Spain to the other, +absolutely belong to one and the same language, and that the names of +places among the Cantabri, Ilergetes, Lusitani, Turdetani, etc., must +all be traced to roots in the Cantabrian language. To this argument we +must submit; nothing can be said against it: in matters of this kind, the +later Greeks often went very far astray, for which reason we ought not +to admit them as authorities without great caution. But, admitting that +all names of places are Cantabrian, the opinion of the ancients may be +based upon something else, viz., the knowledge that the nation, during +its extension from the south to the northern parts, underwent various +modifications, and that more especially those who dwelt in the north +among the conquered people, assumed a character quite different from that +of the inhabitants of Andalusia, who lived by themselves. + +The Turdetanians were a people possessing a considerable degree of +civilisation, for they had an alphabet of their own; and many of their +inscriptions and coins with characters unknown to us are still extant. +Many Spanish coins cannot be explained at all, and of many the meaning +is extremely uncertain. I hope that, if the investigations are carried +on judiciously, the Libyan alphabet, which is said to be like that of +the Spaniards, will be discovered in the course of time, and the Libyan +inscriptions will be explained. Men will then rise up like Baron von +Humboldt, who will fathom the Libyan language, and then the Spanish +inscriptions also will be read. In Cilicia, too, inscriptions have +been found, which have not yet been read, and many more may still be +discovered; but no one has as yet occupied himself with them. These +investigations, however, ought to be undertaken with a sober mind, for +otherwise they lead to nothing. In ancient history, we often fancy we +see nothing, and yet there is much to be discovered. Lately, e.g., an +Englishman travelling in Cilicia from Adana to Tarsus,[65] where a pass +is cut along the sea-coast for the purpose of making a road (just as +above Coblenz the rocks advance close to the river), found, as he himself +told me, a large inscription on the side of the rock in characters +which are quite unknown. There still are alphabets to be deciphered and +languages to be discovered; in these matters a rich harvest may yet be +made. I do not think that the inquiries into eastern languages will ever +be carried on with any excess of zeal; but I do believe that we shall +arrive at a point where we may regard them as a step gained for further +historical investigations. When the Zend language is once discovered, +we shall be able to read the inscriptions of Persepolis, and also those +of Babylon. These things may be likened to the horizon: the farther you +advance, the more the circle widens. Historical knowledge is as capable +of extension as physical knowledge, and great discoveries remain yet to +be made. Klopstock says: “Many laurels are yet to be gained,” we must +only strive to gain them. The Spanish inscriptions have been treated as +senselessly as the Etruscan ones, nay, even more so. Without any point +to start from, which is not quite wanting in the Etruscan inscriptions, +these Spanish records have been explained by means of a barbarous mixture +of Greek and Latin, which the decipherers themselves invented for their +own convenience. And such nonsense even finds its admirers! It will +indeed be difficult to explain those inscriptions with the aid of the +Basque language, for the present Basque is certainly not the same as that +spoken in the time of the Romans, though it may not be as different as, +for example, the modern high German literary language is from that of +the earlier ages; but the difference certainly cannot be less than that +existing between the present popular dialect of Suabia and that of the +thirteenth century. + +The nations of Spain presented the greatest differences in their manners, +for they formed compact nations, and much closer unions than either in +Greece or in Italy; but we cannot say what were the causes which kept up +this union. Thus much is clear, that during the historical period most of +the Iberian nations had their kings, whom the Romans call _reguli_. The +Romans greatly respected the Spaniards on account of their courage and +determination, but what distinguishes them most, is their attachment to +their chiefs, which was even stronger among the Iberians than among the +Celts; it was quite common with the followers of a chief to make away +with themselves, if he fell in battle, that they might serve him in his +future state. Isolated instances of cities being defended with desperate +courage also occur among other nations of antiquity, as in the case of +Abydos and Petelia; but in Spain this was the general rule: the towns +never surrendered either in their wars against Carthage or against Rome, +and when they could no longer resist the force of hunger, they devoted +themselves to destruction. The same obstinacy in defending their towns +appears in the middle ages, and in modern times, as, for example, at +Saragoza and Gerona: nothing in modern history can be compared with this, +except the defence of Missolunghi. + +Another peculiarity is, that the Spaniards, except the Celtiberians, +had in antiquity the same weakness which still characterises them. I +allude to the complete alienation and the great exasperation between the +several nations; they show the same inveterate national hatred which +still exists, e.g., between the Castilians and Aragonians. I was once +acquainted with an Aragonian, who, though otherwise an honourable man, +told me, that it would be quite impossible for him to form a friendship +with a Castilian. The same is at present the case in Italy, but in former +times people of the same race, such as the Sabellians, often faithfully +kept together; but the Spanish nations never appear united. It is equally +remarkable that the Spaniards, again excepting the Celtiberians, though +excellent defenders of their towns, are good for nothing as soldiers in +the field. The Spanish militia defended itself behind its walls, but did +not persevere in the field; the Samnites, on the other hand, are the +very reverse, for they are by no means distinguished in their sieges. In +Condé’s history of the Arabs, a general, in his despatch to the Kaliph, +says of the Spaniards: on horseback they are eagles, in the defence of +their towns, lions, but in the field they are women. Such they were in +the wars against the Arabs, and such also in those against Napoleon: they +never fought a battle in the open field that did not bring disgrace upon +them; and the same men, who, in their towns, would bury themselves under +their ruins, rather than listen to a word about capitulation, took to +flight without any necessity. The Celtiberians, on the other hand, appear +in a very favourable light; and the Cantabrians and Asturians, too, +defended themselves in their mountains almost as in fortresses. + +All Spain is full of towns. + +Modern Andalusia, the country of the Turdetani, claims a very ancient +civilisation, for its inhabitants had a literature and laws composed in +verses, and are also said to have had a kind of historical books. + +In the traditions of the Greeks, Iberia belongs to Hesperia, and their +earliest information about it refers to _Tartessus_, which was visited +at an early period by the Phocaeans. Its situation is beyond a doubt; +it is justly placed in the neighbourhood of Seville, near the mouth of +the Baetis; but whether it was a town or a country, whether as a town it +was different from Hispalis, or whether it was identical with ancient +Hispalis, these are questions which we can answer only by conjectures. + +GADES (_Gadir_, in Phoenician and Hebrew “a fence”) is the most ancient +settlement of which we have any accurate information. In the Heracleae, +the island on which Gades was situated was called _Erythea_, and the +ancients say that it consisted of two islands, a circumstance which has +caused much difficulty to modern geographers, as it was impossible to +find the two islands. But no Andalusian would be puzzled by it. Cadiz, +together with Leon, now certainly forms one island, but originally Cadiz +was an island by itself, and its present union with Isla de Leon is the +consequence of a causeway, which was made at a time unknown to us, from +Gades to the larger island; this artificial causeway is discernible even +at the present day. Gades was a Phoenician settlement, independent of +Carthage, and as truly Punic as the latter city itself. But when the +prosperity of Carthage rose higher and higher, and when, at the same +time, that of the other Phoenician colonies was sinking more and more, +then Gades also was obliged to acknowledge the supremacy of Carthage. +Nothing is more natural and more in accordance with human passions and +feelings, than that this Punic city was more hostile to the Carthaginians +than any other place that had been subdued by them; we cannot, therefore, +be surprised at finding that, in the course of the second Punic war, its +hatred of Carthage led it to declare in favour of the Romans, as Utica +did afterwards. Hence Gades obtained very favourable terms from the +Romans, and remained a privileged city until the time of the emperors; +afterwards it received the Roman franchise. Cadiz is one of those places +which experienced scarcely any reverses of fortune in ancient times; and, +with the exception of the barbarous invasion of the Arabs, I do not know +that Cadiz was ever visited by a single misfortune. + +Part of the coast of Granada was likewise occupied by Punians, for +MALACCA (the royal city) also was a Punic colony. Before the dominion of +the Carthaginians, the inhabitants were called _Bastuli_. Here, as well +as in Africa, the facility with which the Phoenicians became amalgamated +with foreign nations is very striking. + +CARTHAGO (the modern _Carthagena_, properly _Cartha Chadta_ or New +Town) was the real capital of the Carthaginians in Spain, and its name +is as common as the Greek Neapolis. Notwithstanding its importance and +strength, the town was not as large as we are inclined to imagine; at the +time of its capture by Scipio, it appears small both in population and +circumference, if we compare it with other maritime cities and capitals. +It was founded by Hamilcar Barcas, who first established the dominion of +the Carthaginians in Spain, which, however, was not of long duration. +Though Gades and the towns on the coast of Granada were Punic, we must +not, on that account imagine that, previously to the time of Hamilcar +Barcas, the Carthaginians had a province there. Their influence, indeed, +was great even before; their commerce was extensive and lucrative, +the Spanish mines may have been chiefly worked by Punians, and Spain +was the recruiting place for their armies; but no part of Spain was a +Carthaginian province before the end of the first Punic war. It was the +great idea of Hamilcar Barcas richly to indemnify his country for the +loss of Sardinia and Sicily, an idea which no one was better qualified to +realise than he, by paralysing the Romans with determination, cunning, +and skill. The lately-discovered precious fragments from Diodorus throw +great light upon the admirable manner in which he carried this plan +into effect. Turdetania was subdued first, Hannibal then carried the +war almost as far as Salamanca, and the modern New Castile and Valencia +were subdued by him. These acquisitions, however, must not be regarded +as permanent conquests, the object of the Carthaginians being rather to +terrify the Spaniards and to accustom them to a feeling of dependence. +The Carthaginians were otherwise hard and hated masters, but the great +Hamilcar, his great successor Hasdrubal, and the great sons of Hamilcar, +founded the Carthaginian dominion in Spain in such a manner as to secure +to Carthage the attachment of the natives, a point in which the Romans +never succeeded. Much depended upon circumstances, the Carthaginians, +e.g., were less rigorous in observing the connubium than the Romans, +and Hannibal himself married a Spanish woman of Castulo, which shows +what liberty was allowed in this respect: when the commander-in-chief +of a province did this, we may easily imagine in what manner persons of +inferior rank acted. The Romans had no connubium at all with the natives. + +If we proceed to the interior of Andalusia, we find the valley of +the Baetis to be one of the richest and most fertile countries in +Europe; it is still a paradise, and will ever remain so, in spite of +the devastations of war and the worst government. I know, from an +eye-witness, who saw the country in the years 1810 and 1811, that its +prosperity and high state of cultivation were altogether unchanged, and +quite as good as before. + +HISPALIS (the Arabs call it _Iabilia_, whence the modern name _Sevilla_) +was the ancient capital of those parts. It does not act a prominent part +in history, and is not often mentioned; but we know that, notwithstanding +the greatness of Gades, it had its own importance, as sea ships sailed +up as far as Hispalis. In the time of the Romans, it seems to have risen +still higher in consequence of various favours conferred upon it. + +CORDUBA was the real Roman capital of the province; it was, no doubt, an +ancient Spanish town with a Roman colony, which bears the strange name +of _Colonia Patricia Corduba_. It is as impossible for us to understand +what circumstance gave rise to this name, as it is to determine the +time at which the colony was founded. It was not a military colony, +nor can it have been founded before the year of the city 641, in which +year[66] Narbo, the first Roman colony out of Italy, was founded. This +event caused great sensation, for until then all attempts to establish +colonies in foreign countries had failed. Corduba, therefore, cannot have +been founded before the seventh century; and it perhaps belongs to the +time when Metellus had the command in Baetica. Corduba is destined by +nature to be a princely city; and it was the centre of Roman civilisation +and literature in those parts. It was not only the native place of the +Senecas, but it was so completely a Latin town, that _poetae Cordubenses_ +were spoken of even in Cicero’s time; they were not indeed mentioned +with praise, but it was not their language that was censured; they were +deficient only in manner and in skill. In the history of literature, +Corduba is remarkable as the native place of the family of the Senecas; +it afterwards retained the same importance which it had during the first +century. It passed from the hands of the Romans into those of the Goths, +and lastly into those of the Arabs; but it is always honourably spoken of +as a distinguished city. + +If I had time to dwell longer on this subject, I might relate to you +much that is of great interest about Baetica; but for the present I will +select only two localities. + +SALTUS CASTULONENSIS, leading to Castulo, is exactly the same road across +the Sierra Morena, which leads to Andujar. In the history of the Roman +wars, it is very important, and again became so in 1808, when General +Dupont was obliged to surrender there. + +MUNDA was situated in the mountains of Granada. It seems strange to us, +that the war between Caesar and the sons of Pompey was decided in those +parts, so near the coast at the extreme end of Spain; but if we consider +the nature of the locality, we cease to wonder: the country is strong +and fertile at the same time, so that the armies were not in danger of +suffering from want of provisions. This shews that the sons of Pompey +were wise in establishing themselves there. + +The inhabitants of Baetica were called by the Romans _Turduli_ and +_Turdetani_. People generally distinguish between these two names, and I +believe that Strabo did so too; but I think that they are only intended +to indicate slight shades of difference between two people of the same +race. + +The country of the _Edetani_ (the modern province of Valencia) had +VALENTIA for its capital. You remember my mentioning the fact that Roman +names of places were derived from verbs of which the meaning was a +favourable omen. Valentia is an instance of this, and another town of the +same name existed in Italy. Other names of the same kind are Pollentia, +Potentia, Florentia, Vincentia, Faventia, etc. The town of Valentia was a +Roman settlement; I do not believe that it was a colony, but it must have +been founded at an early time, for it is certainly mentioned in the war +of Sertorius. It is situated on the river Turia, which is celebrated in +antiquity for the glorious but unsuccessful battle of Sertorius. + +The ancient town of SAETABIS, one of the largest manufacturing places of +Spain, was situated in the same district; a very fine kind of linen was +made there from flax grown in the country. + +SAGUNTUS or SAGUNTUM (both forms are supported by authority), was +situated to the north of Valentia. It is well-known that this place +was the occasion of the second Punic war, and Polybius in speaking of +it makes a beautiful and correct observation respecting the difference +between the immediate occasion and the cause of a war. Saguntum was the +occasion, but certainly not the cause of the war. It is very singular +that not only Appian, whose geographical ignorance of Spain surpasses +everything, but even Roman authors almost universally assume Saguntum +to have been situated on the left side of the Ebro; this, however, is a +mistake, for it was situated on its right side, and at a considerable +distance from it to the south. According to one tradition, it was a +colony of Ardea, that is, a Tyrrhenian settlement and it is very probable +that there may have been a Tyrrhenian admixture; but according to others +it was an Achaean colony of Zacynthos: the resemblance of the name was +too tempting not to suggest the derivation. The Tyrrhenians are often +called Achivi, and as Zacynthos was Achivan, both things were mixed +together in this manner. It is much more credible that Saguntum was a +colony of Ardea, founded at a time when the Ardeatans were great and +powerful. Taraco, on the opposite side of the river, is likewise said +to have been a Tyrrhenian town. But admitting that the Saguntines were +originally Tyrrhenians, they certainly, in the course of time, became +complete Spaniards, as many other colonists identified themselves with +the natives; and the Saguntines, against whom Hannibal fought, were +Spaniards. It would lead too far here to speak of the fate of Saguntum, +and of the uncritical treatment of its history by Livy, and his strange +misconceptions. Livy, in this part of his work, probably followed +Caelius Antipater, and thereby spoiled the beginning of his third decad, +which is otherwise so excellent: his account of Saguntum is a childish +exaggeration, and well suited to a rhetorician like Caelius. Saguntum +was restored by the Romans, and remained a considerable town under the +empire; large ruins of an amphitheatre still exist near Murviedro. + +We now come to the Iberus, into which several rivers from the north +discharge their waters; one of these, the _Sicoris_ (Segre), is a river +of some importance. The Romans acquired influence and formed connections +in the country between the Ebro and the Pyrenees about the same time +when Hamilcar was actively engaged in the south to extend the power of +Carthage; and the inhabitants of Catalonia, at least those on the coast, +had at that time already submitted to the Romans. As the power of the +Carthaginians was spreading in Spain, the Catalonians thought they could +protect themselves only by applying to some distant state which had no +armies in the neighbourhood, which levied no taxes, and to which they +had only to furnish troops in case of need. TARACO, properly the capital +of all Spain, was the chief city in fair Catalonia throughout the Roman +period; and from it _Hispania Taraconensis_, which embraced the greater +part of Spain, derived its name. After the time of the Hannibalian war +there were two _Hispaniae_, and one praetor resided at Carthagena, and +the other at Taraco. It was in its character of a capital that Taraco had +a temple of Roma and Augustus. It was a wealthy place, but afterwards +declined, and in the middle ages it was eclipsed by the neighbouring— + +_Barcelona_, which, however, is not mentioned during the period of the +Roman republic, but only under the empire. Its ancient name is BARCINO; +the termination _no_ or _ino_ is of common occurrence, as for example, in +Ruscino, and seems to have been a dialectic peculiarity of those parts. +Barcelona, has an excellent harbour, and its situation is very strong on +account of the mountain which rises above the city. At the time of the +Visigoths, it surpassed Taragona in importance, but in ancient history it +does not occur. + +On a more distant part of the coast, we meet with two Greek settlements, +EMPORIAE, from which the modern Ampurias has its name, and RHODE. The +latter is called a Rhodian colony; but Rhode, as well as Emporiae, was +probably a colony of Massilia, by whose support it was maintained. + +The country between the Ebro and the Pyrenees was in ancient times +inhabited by many small tribes, as the Ilergetes, Lacetani, Cosetani, +etc.[67] + +ILERDA, the modern Lerida on the Sicoris, is a town of great historical +importance in the interior of Catalonia. It is remarkable in the history +of Rome, and especially that of Caesar, who there compelled Afranius +and Petreius to capitulate. These events, which are interesting in +themselves, also show how an extraordinary man overcomes the most +difficult circumstances, and gains advantages even where all chances seem +to be against him. + +OSCA (now Huesca), an ancient town farther inland, in Aragon, was, for +a long time the head-quarters of the great Sertorius. It must have been +a town of great importance to Spain, for the standard of the Spanish +coinage is called _argentum Oscense_. + +We have thus rapidly passed along the whole coast from the Baetis to +the Pyrenees; but in the valley of the Ebro I have still to notice +CAESARAUGUSTA (Saragoza). Spain is the real country of the great and +flourishing military colonies of the Romans; Gaul had but few of them, +such as Cologne, which, however, was of a mixed character, as Germans +there dwelt together with the veterans. Cologne and Lyons were national +towns rather than real military colonies of the Romans; but those in +Spain were pure military colonies, differing from those of Italy in the +fact that the latter, with the exception of Placentia and Cremona, were +established in towns which had existed before, whereas those in Spain +consisted of newly-built towns. These foundations of towns belong to the +age of Augustus and his successors. Augustus evidently had a twofold +object in view, first to reward his veterans, and secondly to Romanise +the Spaniards. The population in those parts had been almost annihilated +during the unfortunate wars, and hence Augustus sent out whole legions +to establish themselves there. In this manner arose _Emerita Augusta_, +the modern Merida, which must have been an immensely large town, for it +contained the veterans of three legions. He gave them extensive estates, +so that the territory of the town must have been a whole province, +and the ancient inhabitants could not possibly till their lands. The +veterans became the lords of the soil. Caesaraugusta was a town of +this kind. Augustus was a distinguished man, whatever we may think of +him; in regard to intellect and talent we may rate him very low, and +I believe that he even deserves to be ranked lower than is generally +done; but he was a ruler of great ability; and the fact that the time +in which he lived was deplorable and full of confusion, must not induce +us to be unjust towards him. The age in which he lived was morally bad, +but the cause of this lay in the period which preceded it, just as the +horrors of the French revolution must be set down to the account of +those who had the power in their hands before it broke out; had these +men been better, the ferment of the dregs of the people would have met +with quite a different resistance. But the whole fabric was rotten and +in a state of dissolution. In like manner the age of Augustus was bad, +because it was the offspring of a bad and corrupt period. It was as +impossible to save the Roman republic, as it was to restore the republic +of Florence after the reign of Alexander de Medici. The men who had +conspired against Caesar may have been the best and noblest, but they +were extremely unwise, they ought to have taken into account the actual +circumstances. Alcmaeon, the profound Pythagorean, says, that men perish, +if they do not understand how to fit the beginning to the end.[68] This +is very frequently the case in history; and hence the noblest endeavours +often lead to unfortunate results. The regulations of Augustus for the +government of the state were, for the most part, extremely praiseworthy. +I do not mean to say that it was his object to lead the nation to what +is good and noble, or to ennoble their motives for action—in this he, +like many other statesmen, had no faith—but he wanted to prepare for his +subjects’ security an undisturbed existence, and outward prosperity; and +in this respect his efforts were well directed, and he did not regard +the Romans as slaves. In like manner, his regulations concerning the +provinces were very rational, and his colonies, among which Caesaraugusta +has immortalised his name more than any other, are proofs of the same +wisdom. + +_Emerita Augusta_, _Pax Augusta_ (Badajoz), _Pax Julia_ (Beja, in +southern Portugal) are similar colonies in the interior. These are the +principal ones, for there are several more, which are less celebrated. +Vespasian afterwards continued the same system, whence several Spanish +places have the surname _Flavia_. They were, however, no longer +absolutely Roman colonies, but Spanish towns upon which he engrafted +military colonies. This lasted until the second century, and I remember +no colony of a more recent date than the reign of Trajan. _Legio_, the +modern Leon, was likewise such a military colony; even at present its +walls remind us of the form of a Roman camp, and all military colonies of +the Romans regularly had the form of a camp. + +We shall pass through the country from west to east, but can consider it +only in masses. The westernmost people were the LUSITANIANS, occupying +a country somewhat different in extent from the modern kingdom of +Portugal, for it did not extend so far north, and in the south it did +not go beyond the frontier of Algarbia, but in the east, it extended +much farther into Spain. The Lusitanians were the most civilised among +all the Spanish nations. They do not seem to have been subdivided, but +to have formed one compact state with one national government, which, +however, does not appear to have had a high degree of intensity, as is +proved by the history of Viriathus. At the time when the Romans made +themselves masters of Spain, the Lusitanians distinguished themselves +by their perseverance and firmness; their valour is displayed in the +great undertaking of Viriathus for their liberty. Every one knows the +cruelty and faithlessness of Servius Galba, who induced them to enter +into a capitulation with the Romans, and then treacherously massacred the +greater part of them. + +OLISIPO was even then the most important town in Lusitania. We may +assume, without any hesitation, that, under the Roman emperors, the +country enjoyed a far higher degree of prosperity than at present; Spain, +on the other hand, on its first appearance in history, is in a state +of great disorganisation. Owing to its situation, Olisipo was a great +emporium even under the Romans. + +We pass over other Lusitanian places: I have already told you that two +Celtic tribes dwelt in the country of Portugal, the _Celtici_ in the +south near the frontier of Algarbia, and the _Celtae_ in the north +between the Douro and Minho. + +The ORETANI occur on the Orospeda in Spain proper, north of the Sierra +Morena; but I will not mention all the tribes, I shall confine myself to +two which act a prominent part in ancient history, and the districts of +which must be known in order to understand the campaigns of Hannibal: +I allude to the CARPETANI and VACCAEI. The former dwelt about the +Tagus; although it is not expressly said, that _Toletum_ (Toledo) was +their capital, we must in all probability suppose it to have been their +central town. This town, owing to its central position, is destined +by nature to be a capital, and such we find it to have been under the +Goths. In the time of the Romans also it must have been a place of great +importance, though it is not mentioned as the seat of the praetor: this +is one of the obscure points in the history of the fourth and fifth +centuries. Afterwards, in the time of the Moors, it was the residence +of the governors and kaliphs, and subsequently of the kings of Castile, +until the seat of government was absurdly transferred to Madrid, +for Toledo has a much more splendid situation in a far more healthy +district. The _Carpetani_ (Καρπήσιοι) act a prominent part in the third +book of Polybius and in the twenty-first of Livy, for they offered a +brave resistance to the Carthaginians during their progress towards the +interior of the country. + +The _Vaccaei_ dwelt on the Durius, and _Salmantica_, the modern +Salamanca, was their capital. This was the farthest point to which +Hannibal advanced in his campaigns. The Vaccaei, in their struggle +against the Romans, appear as one of the most heroic nations. + +All these tribes were completely Iberian; but further east we reach +IDUBEDA, the mountains of Soria, a ramification of the Pyrenees +between the Tagus and Durius on the one hand, and the Iberus on the +other, and extending as far as the Sierra Morena, which separates +Aragon from Castile as completely as the Pyrenees separate Spain from +France. The language of the Aragonese is Provençal and quite foreign +to the Castilian. Those mountains were inhabited by four tribes, which +are of great celebrity in Roman history under the common name of the +CELTIBERIANS. The most important among them are the _Aruaci_ or _Arevaci_ +and _Berones_; and their chief town was NUMANTIA, which has acquired +imperishable fame in history. The tribe to which Numantia belonged was +insignificant, and the town is an instance of a phenomenon which is +otherwise of rare occurrence in Spain, namely, it was independent of the +tribe to which it belonged. I have already stated, that the Celtiberians +must be regarded as Iberians, who subdued the Celts, though the latter +maintained themselves in the country. The Iberian character of pride and +perseverance shows itself most strikingly in them, because they were the +masters there, and in a most favourable situation, living among a subject +population upon which they could devolve the burdens of life. However +much accurate historical knowledge may be lost, yet it is certain that +the Celtiberians are one of the most respectable nations of antiquity, +_non sine laude nominandi_. During the Carthaginian period, they +preserved their liberty unimpaired; but when the Romans systematically +undertook the subjugation of Spain, they first came in contact with the +Celtiberians, who had formerly been on terms of friendship with them, and +had served in their armies as mercenaries. But when attempts were made +upon their liberty, they refused to listen to any terms of submission. +They were intelligent enough to look upon the war with the Romans as +a great misfortune; when, therefore, Tib. Gracchus, the father of the +illustrious tribunes, and a son of the Tib. Gracchus who had fallen at +Beneventum in the Hannibalian war, had the supreme command in Spain, the +Celtiberians, having confidence in his honesty, concluded peace with him +on terms which the weaker people could accept without disgracing itself, +and by which their existence was not so far degraded as to make death +preferable. They observed the peace conscientiously, but not so the +Romans, who, at last, under the second Scipio, succeeded in destroying +Numantia: that victory is a degradation to Scipio as much as, in the +reign of Tiberius, it was a degradation to the men who were obliged to +lend their names to pass disgraceful _senatus consulta_. + +Some of the Celtiberian towns were protected only by their situation; +this was the case at Numantia, though certainly not with any reference +to Sparta on principle, for as the town had no more than 4000 armed +men, such a principle would have been ill suited to them, and it would +not assuredly have been any degradation to protect the town by means of +fortifications. + +The Celtiberians, that is, the remnants of the devoted nation, afterwards +re-appear in a remarkable manner in the time of Sertorius. They were +not all united in their attachment to him, a singular proof of the +clear and rational manner in which those Spaniards viewed their altered +circumstances, although they had very great men for their leaders. They +did not look backwards, and their object was neither to restore the +condition of independence which had existed previously to the Hannibalian +war and which it was impossible to revive, nor yet absolutely to repel +the Romans. They readily availed themselves of the presence of Sertorius +for the purpose of forming themselves into an Hispano-Latin nation and +of acquiring a national existence, which promised a development from +the actual circumstances. This is a very interesting fact, and deserves +to be well pondered over: after great changes of circumstances, light +sometimes dawns on men; they do not look back into the past, but set +before them a fixed object suited to their circumstances, and do not +follow any visionary schemes. Thus the Celtiberians were now ready to do +what their ancestors a hundred years before would not have done. But they +did not succeed. The fall of Sertorius and the victory of the Romans were +things over which they had no control; Providence here decided the issue, +and the failure does not prove that their undertaking was not wisely +calculated. + +There now only remains the northern region of Spain, which extends +from the western sea to the Gallic frontier. We there meet with three +principal tribes, viz., the CALLAICI (in modern Galicia), the ASTURES (in +Asturia and the greater part of Leon), and the CANTABRI (in Biscay in +its greatest extent). These three nations had many things in common both +in their national character and in that of the country they inhabited; +though this circumstance does not exclude essential differences. The +Callaici were the first that were conquered by the Romans, which was +accomplished as early as the commencement of the seventh century, by +Dec. Brutus, hence surnamed Callaicus. But still his campaign did not +produce any permanent results in regard to the occupation of Spain, the +consequences being scarcely more lasting than those of the campaign of +Domitius Ahenobarbus on the Elbe. The Astures and Cantabri, on the other +hand, maintaining their independence much longer, were not subdued until +the period from the year 14 to 10 B.C., or 740 of the city. Augustus +himself conducted the war against those little mountain tribes for three +or four years, employing all the resources of the empire which could at +that time send hundreds of thousands into the field. Hence we cannot +think of the national efforts of those Spanish nations without feeling a +high degree of respect for them. But as the Saxons maintained themselves +after the cruel butcheries of Charlemagne, and as the Westphalians and +Lower Saxons are among the most unchanged of the tribes of Germany, and +developed themselves with greater freedom and national individuality than +the nations of southern Germany; so the Cantabri and Astures preserved +their independence and nationality in spite of the Roman conquest. The +Astures, however, did not succeed so completely as the Cantabri; Romans +must have settled among the former, which led them to adopt the Roman +language, whereas the Cantabri at this day speak the ancient Spanish +language, and their present institutions, which have no doubt grown out +of their very ancient customs, might certainly throw light upon their +ancient laws and institutions. But unfortunately, so far as I know, +satisfactory information about these matters is not to be found anywhere. +The Cantabri were afterwards called _Vascones_, and in our days Basque. +The very name of Astorga (_Asturica_), the ancient capital of the +country, shews that Asturia comprised the greater part of Leon. + +The Romans divided Spain into _Hispania citerior_ and _ulterior_, which +was quite a matter of accident, as after the Hannibalian war they had +two armies and two praetors in Spain. Gradually Roman settlements were +formed, the armies remained there for a long time, and the soldiers +married native women. Hence, as is the case in India through the English +troops, a half cast people arose, who were foreign to the Romans, but +regarded themselves as Latin, and gradually acquired various kinds of +privileges. This gave rise to the foundation of the town of ITALICA, +where the sons of those Romans assembled; Valentia probably arose in the +same manner. Until the time of Galba, the Spaniards, with the exception +of the Roman colonists, were subjects, but that emperor conferred on some +of them, and Vespasian upon all, the _jus Latii_, in the later sense, in +which Pompeius Strabo had conferred it upon the Transpadani.[69] + +Iberian tribes dwelt not only on the south, but also on the north of the +Pyrenees. Caesar, whom Tacitus justly calls _summus auctorum_, in fact, +calls the Aquitanians a people of the Iberian race. They inhabited the +modern Guienne, extending but little beyond the Garonne. It is still +doubtful whether all the tribes south of the Garonne were Iberians; +the Bituriges in Burdigala can scarcely have belonged to them. It was +probably not a compact Spanish population, the basis was Celtic. Hence +Ausonius speaks of Burdigala as a Celtic town, for in one passage he +mentions Celtic as the native language of its inhabitants. In the +districts immediately bordering upon Spain, however, the Spaniards +undoubtedly predominated, and in fact, even at the present day the Basque +language is spoken at Bayonne, and as far as Bearn. + + +GALLIA. + +Caesar represents Gaul as bounded by the Pyrenees, the sea, the Alps and +the Rhine. This unfortunate statement about the Rhine has been appealed +to as a reason for separating from Germany the country in which we are +living, an idea which has taken root in the heads of many men, and is +still frequently expressed, especially by Frenchmen, without paying +any regard to the fact that this country was inhabited by Germans. The +expression of Caesar is nothing else than a loose definition of what in +his time was regarded as Gaul, and without making any pretensions to +accuracy. For when he says that Gaul consists of Aquitania, Celtica, and +Belgium, he employs the name in much too extensive a sense, according +to the custom of deriving the name of a country from that of its +inhabitants, for Aquitania was Iberian and did not belong to it. On +the other hand, the greater part of Britain and Hibernia was likewise +inhabited by Gauls, nay, in Caesar’s time, they extended over the +south of Germany, while at a somewhat earlier period, in the time of +the Cimbri, they not only were in possession of southern Germany and +Lombardy, but also of Bohemia and Pannonia, down to the very heart of +Thrace, the country of the Ukraine, beyond the river Dniepr, and even a +portion of Asia Minor. The Tectosagae, in Asia Minor, were as much Gauls +as those on the Rhone. The name Gaul, therefore, is something purely +accidental. The Latin terminology, which at an earlier period correctly +made Picenum the frontier of Gaul, is in this instance very incorrect in +including Belgium as a part of Gaul, whereas it ought to have been called +Cimbria, for the Belgae were essentially different from the Gauls. + +What I have here said about the nature of Gaul, is intended as a +justification of Eratosthenes, a great man, who has been unjustly +censured by Strabo, another very distinguished man, whom I never mention +without gratitude and respect. Eratosthenes assigned to the Celts a vast +extent of country: he disliked the common names of the parts of the +earth because they appeared to him erroneous, and instead of them, he +makes other great divisions, calling the north-west of Europe Celtica; +he then places the Scythians in the north, and between these two, the +Celto-Scythians (of course according to the inscription of Olbia, from +which we learn that Celts had settled in the Ukraine),[70] in the +east, the Indians, and again, between the Indians and Scythians, the +Indo-Scythians; then the Ethiopians, and between these latter and the +Indians, probably the Indo-Ethiopians, though they are not mentioned. +Now, Strabo censures this view of the great extension of the Celts; and +modern authors, who have written on the subject, have quietly repeated +the censure, although it is quite unjust. We must not imagine that France +alone was inhabited by Celts; but they occupied the extent of country +described in their tradition, from the Sierra Morena, almost from the +mouth of the Baetis, that is, from Lusitania in Spain to the country +about the Tanais in the East; I do not, of course, here specify any +particular time, but I speak in general. + +To confound the Germans with the Celts is an error, which, though now +less common than formerly, still makes its appearance here and there. +I can speak positively on this subject, because I am to some extent +acquainted with the Celtic language, and because, in my earlier years, I +spent some time in Scotland, where I became intimately acquainted with +the language spoken in the Highlands. I have a distinct recollection of +it, and know a great many of its words. I can positively assert, that +the grammar has not the least resemblance to the German; its conjugation +and declension by changes at the beginning of words is quite foreign to +the German dialects. If, e.g., a word in the nominative begins with _m_, +it forms the genitive by a _w_; conjugation is effected by auxiliary +verbs, but the system is quite different from ours. It is true that +a considerable number of words are German or Scandinavian; but these +can be recognised at once as foreign importations, for they have no +connection with Celtic roots. The Highlanders are not a wild people, and +I am very fond of them, but they are unpolished. Their foreign words +are for the most part such as denote domestic furniture or anything +which presupposes a state of civilisation above the merest elements, +such as a chair, a bench, and the like; words of this kind are generally +of German or Scandinavian origin. Such foreign words can very easily +be recognised in all languages. Many words, on the other hand, have a +manifest affinity with Latin; this is undeniable; but I do not by any +means wish to intimate that they are imported, for how could they have +got into the language of the Scottish Highlanders? I have said in my +history, that there are affinities between languages spoken by different +nations, without their being genealogically traceable to one nation, and +without one nation being descended from the other; but they stand to +each other in the relation of varieties which, owing to certain common +peculiarities, belong to the same species. Such is the case between +the Celtic and Latin. Pliny calls the polar sea _mare Cronium_, which +English and Scotch scholars explain quite simply and correctly as _mar +Cronni_, that is, Frozen sea. + +The Celts, so far as we can trace them, differ immensely from the Germans +not only in their language, but in their religion, their manners, and, in +short, in everything. About sixty or seventy years ago, the false belief +in their identity was so general in Germany, that no one entertaining a +different opinion would have been listened to, although the testimonies +of the ancients are clear, and no reader of Caesar can believe him to +be in favour of the identity. The same is the case with Tacitus, who +distinguishes the German, Gallic, and Pannonian languages. + +Another erroneous opinion, though less general, is, that, the Gauls and +Belgae were in reality one nation, or at least that the Belgae were +a mixture of Gauls and Germans. It is true that some support of this +opinion may be found in the best ancient writers, but those who maintain +it confound that which is accidental with that which is general. I will +not doubt that the inhabitants of northern Belgium and of the Netherlands +are mixed; the mixture,however, does not consist of Gauls, but of Cymri +and Germans. We must not in any way conceive the relation between Gauls +and Belgae, as if the former were pure, and the latter mixed Celts. Gauls +and Belgae exist at this day, and are different in language and names: +under the name of _Gael_, we find them in Ireland and the Highlands of +Scotland, and under that of _Cymri_ or _Bolgs_ in Wales and Britany. +Formerly they were much more widely spread, all over the west of England, +from Cornwall to Cumberland, and the Picts also belonged to them; they +called themselves _Bolgs_ or _Firbolgs_ (from _fir_, a man, _Belgian +men_). This nation is confounded by the ancients with the Gauls, and in +the accounts of their emigration they are simply called Galli, Γαλάται; +they were however, Cymri, not indeed exclusively, but at least chiefly. +This is clear even from the fact that, both in Macedonia and Italy, +their king is called Brennus; and it has long been known, that _brenin_ +both in Welsh and in the language of lower Britany signifies king. The +Romans took it to be a proper name, just as they did in the case of the +Etruscan Lucumo. This Cymrian language has been confounded with the +Gaelic of the Highlands of Scotland, and the two have been spoken of as +dialects of the same language; but this is certainly incorrect. I myself +know little about it, but quite enough to agree with those who maintain, +that they are two different languages, not indeed as different as Basque +and Gaelic, for the Basque has not the least resemblance to either of +them. I once heard an English officer boldly assert, that soldiers from +the Highlands of Scotland conversed with the people of Ireland; but +this is as impossible as it would be for a person unacquainted with +Slavonic to converse with a Slavonian. No native Gael can understand the +smallest Welsh sentence; the whole grammar of the two is different. It +is further said that the two languages have a number of words in common, +and that one fourth of all the words are akin to one another; but this +statement seems suspicious, as it is not confirmed by any glossary. +But admitting that the agreement actually exists, it is only a local +affinity, two nations having in some points a resemblance, while their +fundamental characters are nevertheless different; so that they have +either diverged immensely from the same root, or else incline towards +each other, proceeding from totally different races. An investigation of +this subject belongs to general philology, and if it were always entered +upon with sound principles, many prejudices would be dispersed, and much +that is mysterious would be cleared up. According to what I have said, we +cannot conceive the Belgae and Celts to be as nearly allied, as, e.g., +the Scandinavians and Germans, or the Goths and Saxons, but they are as +foreign to each other as the Persians and Slavonians; in the languages +of the two last nations, many forms, nay, many particles and words, are +the same, but the grammar is different. We must, therefore, be on our +guard not to transfer to the Belgae that which we know of the Gauls; we +know nothing of the institutions of the former, while those of the Celts +are well known. _Gael_ is the root of the old German word _Welsh_, which +signifies anything that is not German. + +The Celts may have had much in common with the Cymri, but their +constitution was peculiar to them; we have no proof to show that what +Caesar says about them also applies to the Belgae. The existence of an +aristocratic constitution, which, in the case of many other nations is +assumed only from misinterpreted expressions, cannot be doubted among the +Celts. We find among them two ruling tribes, the knights and the priests, +the well-known Druids; the rest of the people were mere serfs. This +circumstance, as I have observed on other similar occasions, intimates +that the Celts, in the countries where we know them, were conquering +foreigners, and that the power which drove them out of Spain, led them +into a country, where, in their turn, they subdued other people. My +conjecture is, that this latter people, extending over nearly the whole +of France, was no other than the Cymri, who, being pressed by the Celts, +advanced northward, and threw themselves upon German tribes; and this +circumstance produced the mixture of Belgae and Germans in the north. + +It is well known that the Druids were a caste,[71] but it is impossible +to ascertain whether the Druids and knights were two different castes, +like the Brahmins and warriors in India, or whether the Druids were only +a branch of the military caste, which occupied itself with matters of +religion. Certain it is, however, that all the power was divided between +these two, while the people lived in a condition which Caesar describes +by the term _clientela_, that is, bondage. It was not exactly what we +call serfdom; for the Celtic people were dependent only in relation to +their feudal lords, whose retinue they formed, but in other respects they +were free; and besides them, slaves are expressly mentioned. + +The religion of the Druids was bloody and cruel, and for this reason it +was the only one that was attacked by the Romans; though they may have +done so also because that religion formed an obstacle to the Romanising +of Gaul. Success was not difficult, and the Druids were completely +crushed. It is possible that some of the later commotions of which we +read in Tacitus, as, e.g., those of Sacrovir and Classicus, may have been +connected with religion. The Druids also were the depositories of a kind +of science and literature, for they had poems which it was unlawful to +commit to writing. In the transactions of ordinary life, they used the +Greek alphabet. + +In the time of Caesar, it would be erroneous to speak of the Gauls as a +really barbarous nation. It is true that everything connected with the +arts, such as their coins and idols, is detestable, but in other things +they seem to have reached the same stage of civilization at which our +ancestors were in the time of the Othos. The population was very large; +but the Cimbrian war made fearful havoc, and the misery resulting from +it surpasses all our conceptions. In the time of Caesar, they had only +partially recovered from it, and yet they present the appearance of a +pretty strong population: their towns were considerable, the country +was well cultivated; and all we hear of them suggests to us the idea +of a rude rather than a barbarous state of things. The Romans became +acquainted with water-mills and saw-mills in Gaul, nor were manufactures +wanting there; but the Gauls were prevented by their treaties with the +Romans from cultivating vines and olives. Their style of architecture is +very common among ourselves, but was utterly unknown among the Greeks and +Romans: the buildings consisted of wooden frames and wicker work, and +even the walls of their towns were joined by means of beams, a method +which was very surprising to the Romans. This is the reason why there are +so very few remains of the ante-Roman period. + +The Gauls very quickly adopted the civilisation of the Romans, who +established themselves in the southern province about the year of the +city 630, and thence extended their dominion towards Lyons. In Pliny’s +time that country was so completely changed, that he declares it to +be not a province but a true Italy. The rest of Gaul also soon became +Romanised, though the Latin language did not spread there with equal +facility; and we may probably assume that at the time of the Frankish +conquest the Celtic language had not yet become extinct. Still, however, +a dialect of Latin, different in character from our Latin, was diffused +all over Gaul; and this is the root of the Romance or Provençal language. +The study of Roman literature spread more and more; Gaul always had +men of good abilities, and thus a peculiar literature was formed, of +which Rheims, then called _Durocortorum_, was the seat and centre. I +think I have discovered a new proof of an ancient rustic form of this +name, according to which it was pronounced _Durocortoro_; I allude to +a fragment from Fronto in Consentius:[72] _et illae vestrae Athenae +Durocortoro_, where the corrupt termination is probably intentional, +Fronto sneering at Consentius, because the inhabitants of the country did +not correctly pronounce the name of their own university town. + +The inclination of the Gauls to separate from Rome, and to constitute +themselves as a distinct nation, manifests itself as early as the reign +of Tiberius, and then again under Vespasian. Afterwards, we have the +insurrection of Clodius Albinus, in the reign of Septimius Severus, and +another in that of Gallienus, when, for a time, the Gauls had their +own emperors, who resided at Treves, until Tetricus betrayed them to +Aurelian. In all these movements we find, at an early date, considerable +symptoms of a feeling of nationality, which was particularly strong +during the fourth century, when Constantius Chlorus maintained himself +there. Gaul always tried to set up opposition emperors: we must not, +however, assert that this was so easy because those governors were +stationed on the frontier, but it was because the nation met them +in their desire. In the fifth century, a peculiar literary spirit +manifested itself in Gaul, and nearly all the more important productions +of literature during that century, both ecclesiastical and profane, +belong to Gaul. It possessed at that time many men of genius, whose +only disadvantage is the fact of their language being quite rustic, +that is, it is the language of common life. Men of this kind are: the +talented Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop Salvianus of Marseilles, Claudianus +Mamertus, Avitus, Cassianus, who was altogether a theological writer, but +a man of great ability and genius, and Sulpicius Severus, who is even a +very elegant writer, and deserves to be strongly recommended; his diction +is not without faults, but he displays great intellectual worth, sound +understanding, and a singular independence of judgment, at a time which +bordered on a most terrible period. The Gauls, however, were excited +rather than stunned by that unhappy period. + +The whole of Gaul, which the Romans describe as their province, consisted +of sixty-four _civitates_. In the time of Tiberius, there existed a +number of separate tribes, each of which governed itself as a distinct +state, and the same also continued afterwards. The Romans then divided +Gaul into _Gallia Narbonensis_, _Aquitania_, and _Gallia Lugdunensis_. +Each of these provinces consisted of a number of such _civitates_, +which accordingly were both towns and states, and that more so than at +present the French departments. They were absolutely subject to the +Romans, but, before they obtained the Roman franchise, they had their own +institutions. A _civitas_ was governed by a senate, of which the members +resided in the capital, and every thing was managed according to their +ancient rights and usages. The Roman franchise was first conferred upon +them under Augustus; but they did not obtain the right of being elected +to high offices or into the Roman senate. This franchise, however, was +confined to the _provincia Romana_, which extended as far north as +Lyons. The particulars are not known, but some _civitates_ within the +Province had only the _jus Latii_. Afterwards many individual Gauls +obtained the full franchise, including the right of being elected into +the Roman senate. Claudius extended the franchise to Gallia Narbonensis, +at the same time conferring upon the inhabitants the right of becoming +members of the senate. Under Galba, the remaining Gauls also obtained the +franchise, but not the Belgae. Tacitus (_Ann._ iii. 44) states that the +sixty-four Gallic _civitates_ revolted, which no doubt is the sum total +of all the Gallic _civitates_, though it is not certain whether Gallia +Narbonensis is included or not. + +After the Gallic migration, and previously to the Roman dominion in Gaul, +some states had raised themselves to a kind of supremacy, and many others +were in a condition of dependence. After the stormy period of migration, +two tribes, the _Arverni_ and _Aedui_, unfortunately for Gaul, had risen, +and tried to crush each other, as Athens and Sparta did in Greece. About +two hundred and sixty years after the capture of Rome by the Gauls, these +two tribes were the most powerful in the country; and all the others +were obliged to acknowledge the majesty of either the one or the other. +The Romans, who protected the Allobroges, became involved in a war with +the Arverni; and it must have been on that occasion, perhaps after the +victory of Q. Fabius, that they concluded the alliance with the Aedui, +in which the latter were declared _fratres populi Romani_: with their +assistance, the Arverni were greatly humbled. After this, the Aedui were, +for a time, at the head of affairs; but soon the Cymri or Cimbri, driven +back from the east of Europe, inundated Gaul. The Aedui then lost their +power, and the Sequani, in Franche Comté, rose in their place. Caesar’s +expressions on these affairs are unusual and strange, and require +explanation. + +The southern coast of Gaul, from the frontier of Catalonia, had formerly +been inhabited by Ligurians. In the earliest times, they were mixed +with Iberians, for Scylax of Caryanda says, that Ligyans, mixed with +Iberians, occupied the country from the Pyrenees to the river Rhodanus. +The Iberians spread there as they did in Aquitania. The conquest of +the Iberians is repeated in that of the Visigoths and of the Arabs, +and extends as far as the Loire. The Iberians were the rulers, and +the Ligurians the subject people. At a later period, the inhabitants +of Languedoc were Gauls, who had evidently advanced again and taken a +portion of the conquest from their conquerors, otherwise Caesar would +have described the inhabitants of those districts as Iberians. The Gauls, +probably, spread southward as well as eastward. + +NARBO, on the coast, was a large commercial city, which had long been a +great emporium, and from which a commercial road passed right through +Gaul to the Loire. Its harbour is now filled up with sand, like nearly +all others on that coast; in antiquity, it was very well adapted for +merchant ships, though not for ships of war. During the period between +the Gracchi and the Cimbrian war, the Romans founded there the town of +_Narbo Martius_ (in the provincial dialect _Narbona_), which, on account +of its importance, was the provincial capital, without being politically +the seat of the government. This was its condition in the time of Caesar +and under the empire; but in the middle ages the place decreased in +importance, because it is unhealthy. + +Besides Narbo, there are very few important places in that beautiful +hilly country between the Rhone and the Pyrenees. I may mention, however, +_Agatha_, a Massilian colony. _Nemausus_ (Nismes) must have been a great +city under the Romans, as we may infer from the ruins still existing. +_Beterrae_ (Beziers) can scarcely be believed to have been a Gallic town; +many Greek coins, with beautiful Greek inscriptions have been found +there; and I suspect that it was a Massilian settlement. + +The coast from the Rhone to Italy ought not to be regarded as a part +of Gaul, but of Liguria. How far the Ligurians dwelt inland, cannot be +ascertained; but the neighbourhood of Avignon was inhabited by Celts +mixed with Ligurians, as is manifest from the name of the _Celtoligyans_ +who formed the population of that part. It is probable that the +Ligurians extended on the one hand towards Italy as far as the Cottian +Alps, and on the other, in Gaul as far as the frontier of the Allobroges +and the Basses-Alpes. But in these latter parts, the Ligurians must be +regarded as the original inhabitants, and the greater part of the coast +was afterwards taken from them by the Iberians. Marseilles was not the +only Greek city there, but a number of Greek settlements existed all +along the coast: Nizza is the ancient _Nicaea_, Antibes is the ancient +_Antipolis_, and the name of the _Hierian islands_ shows that they were +occupied by Greeks. + +MASSALIA or MASSILIA. The origin of this city is frequently assigned to +the reign of Cyrus, in consequence of a confusion between the settlement +of the Phocaeans on the Ligurian coast, and their emigration after +the conquest of their city by Harpagus; but the two events are quite +distinct. Massalia was planted for commercial reasons, and was originally +a factory, whereas the emigration of the Phocaeans was undertaken by them +for the purpose of escaping from the dominion of the barbarians. Massalia +did not contain those elements of growth and development which it would +have had among a kindred people in Greece or Sicily; but it nevertheless +became great at an early period, through its trade and commerce and +through the reputation of its eunomia. Its relation of friendship with +Rome was assuredly based on historical tradition and was very ancient; +the presents sent by the Romans to the temple of Delphi were deposited +in the treasury of the Massaliots. According to a statement of Trogus +Pompeius in Justin, Massalia had to carry on serious wars with Carthage +on account of the coral fisheries; Justin, indeed, speaks only of +fisheries, but he probably alludes to the coral fisheries on the coast +of Africa, which the Provençals possessed throughout the middle ages +and down to the present day. Massalia acknowledged the supremacy of +the Romans, who willingly and zealously supported the city against the +neighbouring barbarians. In consequence of the fall of Carthage, the +commerce of Massalia seems to have been greatly extended, and after the +destruction of Carthage, it appears, in fact, to have stepped into its +place. We cannot say with certainty how long Greek culture maintained +itself at Marseilles, but it certainly preserved it longer than is +commonly believed; traces of it occur at a very late period, and copies +of the Greek gospels were made there as late as the ninth and tenth +centuries. In the third century of our era, it is still called a Greek +city; when, however, the Ligurians began to become Romanised, their +influence was irresistible, and even Greeks were overpowered by it. + +ARELAS or ARELATE was a great place during the decline of the Roman +empire and during the middle ages; the modern Arles, just as the modern +Ravenna, is only a shadow of what it once was. In later times, Arelate +was the capital of Gaul. + +AQUAE SEXTIAE (Aix), the first town founded by the Romans in Gaul, was +a military colony. It is celebrated for the victory which Marius gained +there. There were several other military colonies on the Rhone and in +Gallia Narbonensis, such as _Forum Julii_ (Fréjus), _Avineo_ (Avignon), +_Arausio_ (Oranges), _Nemausus_ (Nismes), but not Narbo. In the interior, +as well as in the west and on the north-eastern frontier, there were +but few military colonies; Lyons was not one of them, but there existed +several _coloniae civiles_. _Colonia Augusta Rauracorum_ (Basle) was a +military colony. + +Beyond the Isara, we reach the extensive country of the ALLOBROGES, +who were a great and extensive nation even as early as the time of +Hannibal, when they occupied nearly the whole of Dauphiné and the greater +part of Savoy. They allied themselves with Hannibal, and vigorously +opposed the Romans in the wars of Fabius Allobrogicus and Domitius, but +were overpowered; they were, however, not subdued until the war which +immediately followed that of Sulla; their complete subjugation cannot be +assigned to an earlier period than that of Caesar, for at the time of +the Catilinarian conspiracy it was, properly speaking, not yet complete. + +VIENNA was no doubt a capital even in the time of Hannibal; under the +emperors it was a very important town. + +LUGDUNUM, at the confluence of the Arar (Saone) and the Rhodanus, was +a colony founded by Munatius Plancus in the earliest part of the reign +of Augustus. It may have been a Gallic town before, otherwise it would +scarcely have received a Gallic name; and this supposition quite agrees +with the system of the ancients, to found colonies in places already +existing as towns. Ancient Lugdunum was very small in comparison with +the modern Lyons; but it afterwards became the residence of the Roman +governor of the provincia Lugdunensis. + +The country north of Lyons between mount Jura and the Cevennes was +inhabited by three tribes. The _Arverni_, the westernmost of them, +occupied the very heart and centre of Gaul, so far as height and +ramification of the mountains are concerned. That district exhibits +traces of an immense volcanic activity at some remote period. On the +north-east of the Arverni, we have the _Aedui_ (not _Haedui_), in +Bourgogne, and the _Sequani_ in Franche Comté. In the seventh century +of Rome, these three nations were the most powerful in Gaul; and the +Arverni and Aedui were contending for the supremacy. The Arverni and +Allobroges were allied, and Q. Fabius and Cn. Domitius, who carried on +war against them, broke the power of both in two campaigns. The Arverni, +like all Gallic tribes, are said to have had kings, and names of kings +occur on their barbarous coins; according to some accounts which must +probably be traced to Posidonius, their power was very great. After the +war of Fabius and Domitius, the greatness of the Arverni was completely +gone; in the wars of Caesar, they act a very subordinate part, and when +the Aedui, their former rivals, were humbled, the Arverni displayed +a malicious satisfaction. During the latest period of the Roman +empire, however, they again rose to a certain moral importance: when +the Visigoths settled in Languedoc and made Toulouse the residence of +their kings, when the Burgundians and other tribes advanced from the +east, when northern Gaul was isolated from Spain and Italy, and when +the war extended from the north-west to the Rhone, the Arverni, who now +regarded themselves as Romans, and felt the greatest aversion against the +barbarians, distinguished themselves by their manly and heroic resistance +to the hostile conquerors. They were indeed ceded to the Goths, but the +barbarians did not settle among them, as they had done in other countries +by force of arms. The country of the Arverni is called by Gregory of +Tours that of the _Romana nobilitas_. Sidonius Apollinaris does the +greatest honour to his province. + +The _Aedui_ are termed _fratres populi Romani_ as a recognition of +their political fraternity and equality, but not on account of any +relationship, as Lucan thinks. _Augustodunum_ was their most important +town. + +The _Sequani_ rose after the fall of the Arverni, just as the Boeotians +and Aetolians did in Greece after the decay of the great states. When +Caesar arrived in Gaul, his conquest averted from the country the +calamity which, four centuries and a half later, actually came upon it, I +allude to its conquest by the Germans; for Ariovistus and the Suevi had +already settled in the country, as was afterwards done by the Franks: +if the first conquest had succeeded, the country would have been called +Suabia instead of France. Caesar subdued the Sequani. + +_Tolosa_, on the left of the Arverni, was the most important town on the +upper Garonne, and was remarkable for the temple and the gold accumulated +in it, which the Romans, under Caepio, had taken as booty in the Cimbrian +war. When Caesar appeared there, the people were already subject to the +Romans. + +The real _Aquitanians_, as I have already observed, were Iberians; but +Augustus extended Aquitania for political convenience as far as the +Loire; historically it did not extend beyond the Garonne. + +_Burdigala_ was an ancient emporium. These towns were always favoured by +the natural advantages of their situation. + +According to Caesar, the _Matrona_ and _Sequana_ formed the frontier +between Celtic Gaul and the Belgae. This is generally understood, as if +those rivers had always been the permanent line of separation between +the two nations, but if this had been the case, we should not be able +to understand how the inhabitants of Lower Britany could be of the same +race as the Belgae. In order to account for this fact, people have had +recourse to an immigration, and it is alleged that, owing to the influx +of Angli, Saxons, and Frisians into Britain, a part of the British +population quitted their native island and settled in Lower Britany. +But this alleged colony of Britons is not supported by any historical +evidence; the writers of the fifth century say nothing about it, and what +they do say, does not refer to an immigration, but to the fact that a +part of Armorica, in the fifth century, made itself independent of Rome. +We may assert, on the contrary, that, at an earlier period, the Cymri +inhabited a much greater part of Gaul, and that in Lower Britany alone +they maintained themselves against the invading Celts, while Normandy and +the other countries were conquered by the Gael. The physical nature of +Lower Britany also was favourable to its isolation; marshes and forests +render it inaccessible, whence the inhabitants also remained free from +Roman contagion. In this manner, the Cymrian element was preserved +against the influence of the Gauls. + +In the fourth and fifth centuries, the northern coast from the Loire +to the frontier of the Netherlands, was called _Tractus Aremoricus_ or +_Aremorica_ which in Celtic signifies “maritime country.” The commotions +of the third century, which continued to increase during the fourth and +fifth, repeatedly drove the Romans from that country. French antiquaries +imagine that it was a regularly constituted Gallic republic, of which +Chlovis had the protectorate, but this is wrong. + +The country north of the Matrona and Sequana was inhabited by the BELGAE, +who belonged to the race of the Cymri, and were mixed with Germans only +accidentally, because conquered Germans lived among them. The _Remi_, +with their capital of _Durocortorum_, were the most distinguished tribe +among them in the time of Caesar, and they continued to be great for +a long time after, although during the Roman wars they had, properly +speaking, fallen from their height. The frontier between the Belgae and +Germany is involved in much obscurity; in regard to many tribes, such +as the Menapii, it is even doubtful as to whether they were Germans +or Cymri. The _Treviri_, according to Tacitus, were _ambitiosi circa +Germanicam originem_. On the whole, it would seem that eighteen or +nineteen hundred years ago the frontier of the Germans was pretty much +the same as it is now. Alsace was occupied by Germans, and the Vosges +mountains, and the modern Walloon district about Liege probably formed +the boundary. It is possible that at a later period Brabant and Flanders +were still Cymric, but nothing decisive can be said about this.[73] + +The German nations were divided, in the Roman administration into two +great parts, _Germania prima_ and _secunda_, which were connected with +Gaul only on account of the general government, but were not included +by the Romans in the name of Gaul; and at a later time, they were +politically separated, because they were under a military government. + +Treves was the capital of these parts; in Tacitus it is still called +TREVIRI, but afterwards AUGUSTA TREVIRORUM. Ever since the third century, +it was probably a considerable city, though not in its circumference, +which people generally are inclined to make much too large; it does +not appear to have been much greater than that of its present walls, +which, however, is not inconsiderable, if the place was well peopled. +The amphitheatre was no doubt outside the walls, as in all Roman towns, +except Rome itself. The greatness of Treves extends from the middle +of the third to the fifth century; the architectural remains, as is +evident from their style, belong to that period. It is the period after +Maximinus, or somewhat later, after Valerian, when the barbarians +advanced on all sides; the Gallic emperors resided at Treves. + +COLONIA AGRIPPINA (Cologne) was less important; it was a frontier +fortress and a prosperous colony; but by no means of the importance of +Treves. + +Traces of Roman settlements are particularly numerous in upper Alsace. +_Germania prima_ and _secunda_ were not confined to the left bank of the +Rhine: in the reign of Trajan, the Romans had extended the frontier to +the line marked by the _limes_ running through a part of Nassau, across +the Maine, and as far as the Alps. This _sinus imperii_ did not form +a separate province, but belonged to Germania on the left bank of the +Rhine, being one of those _provinciae Germaniae_, which had their own +_praesides_. It was, on the whole, a favourite practice at that time to +divide the power among several magistrates. + + +BRITANNIA. + +Britain was known in the most remote times; but its name does not occur +until the Macedonian period; it was previously designated by the name +of _Cassiterides insulae_. The tin trade can be traced to a very early +period; for the first attempts to smelt copper were made by mixing it +with tin. The brass of the ancients, the real χαλκός, consisted for the +most part of tin, and all the ancient Roman ases consist of copper and +tin. Ὀρείχαλκος, from ὀρεύς, a mule, is something different (Messing), +and the spuriousness of the mixture is indicated even by its name. A +plentiful supply of tin is not found in any part of Europe, except +Cornwall, whence it is quite certain that the name Cassiterides refers to +Britain. The trade in it was carried on from Gades; but the Massilians +had, no doubt, their share in it, as we may infer from the voyages of +Pytheas. In the geography of Eratosthenes, the British islands are +already mentioned in the plural; but before the time of Caesar, this part +of the world was buried in great obscurity. + +Britain, like Gaul, was inhabited by the two nations, the Gael and the +Cymri; but it is very difficult and problematical to draw the boundary +line between the two. The north seems originally to have been occupied by +Cymri, though, according to Tacitus, who in this matter also is a weighty +authority, apparently with an admixture of Germans or Scandinavians. At +present, the inhabitants in the west, from Cumberland down to Cornwall, +so far as the ancient population is preserved, are Cymri; but we do not +know whether these Cymri retreated to those parts during the conquests +of the Angli and Saxons, or whether they had dwelt there even before. In +Ireland nearly the whole population is Gaelic; the north, about Ulster, +contains only feeble traces of Belgae or Cymri, and if this observation +be correct, it is a proof of a conquest having taken place. From Ireland +the Gaelic population spread into Scotland, but it is uncertain whether +in this latter country they strengthened the Gael who already dwelt +there, or whether they expelled tribes of the Cymri. These events belong +to a comparatively recent period. The Picts, in the south-west of +Scotland, unquestionably belonged to the Cymrian race. + +All Britain, like the country on the east of the British Channel, was +inhabited by a number of small tribes, each of which had its own peculiar +institutions. But they were much more uncivilised than those in Gaul, +which had unquestionably been much benefited by their intercourse with +Massilia and Rome. The conquest of Britain was attempted by Julius +Caesar from a mere love of enterprise, and without any definite object, +but he soon gave it up. Under Augustus the Romans were little concerned +about Britain, and Tiberius only wanted stillness and stagnation, whence +his generals could not attempt any great undertakings: he scarcely +allowed them to defend themselves when they were hard pressed. This +state of things ceased under Claudius, who undertook an expedition into +Britain without Rome having any real interest in it. The conquest was +wonderfully successful: a great part of England was subdued, and colonies +were established in the country. A part of the inhabitants soon became +Romanised, built towns according to the Roman fashion, and obtained the +Roman franchise. Under Domitian, Agricola carried his conquests as far as +the interior of Scotland. The hostility of the Picts induced Hadrian, and +afterwards Severus, to build frontier walls against the northern tribes. +Britain soon acquired the appearance of a civilised country, but the +Romans did not concern themselves about Ireland. In the third century, +Britain also acquired a kind of political importance, but it always +remained subordinate to Gaul. Afterwards, during the invasions from the +north, the inhabitants shewed great weakness and helplessness and were +unable to defend their frontier walls. In no part of Europe has the +ancient population been so utterly annihilated as in the eastern parts of +England by the conquest of the Saxons. + +The towns in Britain are not of any great historical importance; +_Camalodunum_ alone ought perhaps to be mentioned. _London_ shows how +successful the Romans were in selecting sites for towns. Tacitus, when +speaking of the people in the south-west of England, says that they +resembled the Spaniards, and he suspects that they were of Spanish +origin. It is not impossible that Iberians may have spread as far as +those districts, but whether there be any foundation for this opinion +or not cannot be decided, for all historical traces are lost. It is +possible, however, that there may have been a tradition, that the Gauls, +who had conquered the north of Spain, were afterwards expelled from +it; in this case we should be obliged to suppose that the Gauls, when +driven out of Spain, arrived in Britain by sea. With few exceptions, all +the stories of the middle ages relating to ancient times are devoid of +historical value. The tradition of Irish chronicles—that their ancestors +came from Spain—though it is interwoven with a tissue of fables, may yet +not be altogether without some foundation. In the British legends, on +the other hand, there occur stories, as if in the time of the Romans the +country had been governed by native kings. English antiquaries, attaching +too much weight to these stories, have imagined that Britain was a kind +of feudal kingdom under the supremacy of Rome, whereas, in truth, it was +governed like every other province. + + +CELTIC NATIONS ON THE EAST OF THE RHINE. + +In order to complete the account of the Gallic race, let us turn our +attention to the eastern banks of the Rhine. Caesar and Tacitus speak of +Gauls dwelling in southern Germany, and expressly state that they spoke +Gallic. One of these nations is the _Aravisci_; another the _Boii_, +probably in Bohemia, but elsewhere also. These Boians appear as a great +people on the Danube as well as in Italy, whereas in Gaul itself there +are but few traces of them. No one can deny emigration in this instance, +where a nation diverges in two opposite directions, the one dwelling +on the north, and the other on the south of the Alps. The Boians were +afterwards extirpated, and that probably by the Cymri. The _Norici_ in +Carniola and Carinthia, are likewise mentioned as Gauls under Gallic +kings; after the period of the Hannibalian war, about the time of the +foundation of Aquileia, they were on terms of friendship with the +Romans. They occupied the country from the frontiers of Italy as far +as the Danube, but were not connected on their Italian frontier with +the other Gallic tribes, being separated from them by the Raetians and +Vindelicians. In the east, however, they were connected with a succession +of Gallic tribes, and probably in the west also, that is, in the north +of the Vindelicians and of the Danube. The _Vindelici_ were a Liburnian +people, north of the Raetians at the foot of the Brenner, and probably +in Bavaria also; but their frontier on the northern slope of the Alps +and farther towards the Danube cannot be defined. In the east of the +Norici, we find the _Taurisci_, and further on, the _Scordisci_, both +terrible nations, which for two centuries (down to the seventh century of +Rome) spread terror far and wide among the nations of those parts. The +Scordiscans were extirpated by the Romans in an internecine war, or at +least so much reduced that afterwards the Getae completely annihilated +them: in the first century after Christ, they can scarcely be said to +have existed at all. These nations appear in those countries at a time +of which Caesar speaks as of a bygone age, that is, about Olymp. 100, +soon after the Gauls had taken possession of Gallia Cisalpina. The time +at which the tide of migration from the west crossed the Rhine, cannot +be determined, but after it had once commenced it continued to flow +to far distant countries in the east. Some of the tribes established +themselves in the districts they had conquered, while others pressed +onward, until they met with some insurmountable obstacle. The Tauriscans +and Scordiscans displaced the Triballians, and extirpated the greater +part of the Illyrians, while they subdued the rest; for a period of two +centuries they then ruled over those countries as far as the frontiers of +Macedonia, and at times over Macedonia itself; afterwards, when Rome had +destroyed the kingdom of Macedonia, they even invaded Greece. About the +end of the fifth century of Rome, they dwelt for a time in Macedonia, +until they were expelled by Antigonus Gonatas. In like manner they +subdued Thrace, which thus was a Gallic empire until the middle of the +sixth century of Rome, when it was completely destroyed. All the foreign +tribes which we meet with in Asia Minor, and which for a period of fifty +years traversed Western Asia like nomades, belong to the same current of +migration which left behind the Tauriscans and Scordiscans, and overran +Thrace; they threw themselves into Asia, and settling in Phrygia, there +formed what was afterwards called _Galatia_. They were gradually tamed +by the kings of Pergamus, by time, and by the Asiatic climate and mode +of life. After the war with Antiochus, the Romans took the opportunity +to attack them for the purpose of protecting the people of Western Asia +and of preventing any germs of development being formed there. Now +whether the Gauls whom we afterwards meet with on the north bank of the +Danube, were a branch of that great current, which in its onward course +became divided, turning on the right into Thrace, and on the left into +Wallachia, is a question concerning which we can only form conjectures. +It certainly is possible: but it is also possible that another migration +may have spread in the north of the Carpathians. But it is an undoubted +fact, that, during the sixth century of Rome, at the time of the wars +of Philip and Perseus, the great nation of the _Bastarnae_ dwelt on +the lower Danube and in Wallachia. From the monuments of Olbia, in the +neighbourhood of the modern Odessa, on the Dniepr, it is manifest that at +the time when the great inscription was set up, Olbia was inhabited by +Gauls; and among them are mentioned the _Sciri_, who afterwards, during +the great migration of nations, are spoken of along with the Rugians. +Unfortunately the inscription bears no date, though it probably belongs +to the end of the sixth or the beginning of the seventh century of +Rome: at that time, then, the Gauls extended as far as the Ukraine. The +first thirty years of the seventh century must be regarded as the end +of that migration; hence the expedition of the Cimbri, that is, Cymri, +belongs to that period, for most of those Gallic tribes were, no doubt, +Cymri, and the names of their chiefs are Cymric. This supposition also +agrees with the account of Posidonius, that the Cimbri (Cymri) came +from the Euxine.[74] The Bastarnae remained in the country about the +Carpathians until the time of Tacitus, and maintained themselves against +the Sarmatian immigration, which first set the Cymri in motion. I have +written a separate treatise on the migration of the Sarmatians.[75] In +Herodotus we find the Scythians on the Tanais as far as the Banat, all +Moldavia and Wallachia was occupied by them, and the Triballians are +found in Lower Hungary; but, afterwards, the latter occur in Moldavia, +the Getae in Wallachia, and the Celts between these two. The different +periods, therefore, must be carefully distinguished. + +Johannes Müller was the first to propound the correct view about the +Cimbri, maintaining that they were not Germans, but Celts, and that they +did not come from the north. The work in which he proves this was his +earliest production, and at the same time his most critical one, but he +does not understand the nature of the Gallic migration. The Teutones were +unquestionably Germans. + + + + +AFRICA. + + +CYRENAICA. + +The coast of Libya between the Syrtes and Egypt, both begins and ends +with a narrow, inhabitable, and yet barren tract of land; but in the +middle, where the country reaches the northernmost parallel, it is +beautiful, inhabited, and of considerable breadth. The eastern coast of +the Syrtes is a complete sandy desert, still, however, not so much so +as to be totally uninhabitable; towards Egypt, the country is stony, +dry, and incapable of cultivation. But between Berenice and a little to +the east of Cyrene, it is beautiful, richly watered, and fertile. The +whole forms a slope; the interior of Africa is considerably elevated, +and the desert, too, where it is removed from the coast, is high, while +towards the coast the land sinks down; only the tract on which Cyrene is +situated, forms another table-land rich in wood and springs of water. +From Cyrene downwards to the sea, the country is likewise well watered +and capable of cultivation. The elevation of Cyrene is so considerable, +that the harvest time differs by a full month from that in the lower +country. The coast, however, is not so beautiful nor so well fitted to be +inhabited as the higher country. + +CYRENE is situated at a distance of about ten English miles from the sea, +but the beautiful country extends much farther into the interior; in the +neighbourhood of Barca and Berenice, the fertile country is less broad. +There are different traditions about the first settlement at Cyrene; +according to one, the town was founded by Aristaeus and his mother +Cyrene, and according to another by the Antenorids. This we learn from +Pindar’s epinician hymns and his scholiasts; and these statements clearly +show, that either a Tyrrheno-Pelasgian settlement existed there before +the arrival of the Greeks, or at least that there was a belief that the +coast had previously been inhabited by Pelasgians. Confusions, like that +of Aristaeus with the Trojan Agenorids, also occur among other nations, +among whom Tyrrhenian traditions existed. These legends, moreover, show +different phases: according to one, the colonists who founded Cyrene +came from Thera, whereas, according to Apollonius Rhodius, in his +Argonautics, Triton, the Libyan god of the sea, gave to the Argonauts a +clod of earth, which, on being thrown by them into the sea, formed the +island of Thera. Here, then, we have again the same fluctuation as to +mother-city and colony, which we have seen so often. Afterwards Cyrene +was Doric, and unquestionably a colony of Thera. It was originally a +small settlement, but during the period of the great commotion in Greece, +about Olymp. 40, people from all parts of Greece flocked to Cyrene, being +invited to defend the colony against the Libyans. Cyrene thus became +great, and acquired the circumference which is still indicated by its +magnificent ruins. Its kings traced their origin to the heroic ages, and +are mentioned in history down to the Persian period, after which they +disappear. The isolated situation of Cyrene was extremely fortunate, and +few Greek cities have been visited by so few great calamities as Cyrene. +When the Persians ruled in Egypt, Cyrene was little more than nominally +dependent, for the deserts by which it was separated from Egypt, afforded +it the means of putting itself in a favourable relation to Persia. When +Egypt was governed by native kings, Cyrene was doubly well off, because +it was for the interest of the Egyptians to keep up a good understanding +with the Greeks. At the time of the overthrow of the Persian empire, +Cyrene placed itself under the protection of Alexander; afterwards it +fell into the hands of Magas, a half-brother of Ptolemy Soter, under whom +the country became very prosperous, because Greeks and Greek civilisation +withdrew to that coast. It then was for a time an Egyptian province, but +again emancipated itself; on which occasion it was severely ravaged. +Afterwards it became an appanage principality of the family of the +Ptolemies, until in the end it came under the dominion of Rome, under +whose rule it gradually decayed. In the history of Hadrian, we hear of +the subjugation of rebellious Jews in Cyprus and Cyrenaica, which may +have been one of the more immediate causes of the decay of Cyrene, so +that in the time of Synesius it appears as a deserted, inactive, and +insignificant place. Greek civilisation, however, maintained itself there +for a long time, as we see from the letters of Synesius, the talented +bishop of Cyrene in the fifth century. The city was at last destroyed +during the Arab conquest, and has never recovered since that time. At +present it is in a condition like that of Palmyra: the wandering Arabs +encamp among the ruins of its temples, and the few peasants living in the +neighbourhood destroy the monuments still more. + +BERENICE is the westernmost place on the same coast. Three towns, +Berenice, Arsinoe, and Ptolemais, derived their names from members of +the royal family of Egypt. Berenice was a newly-built town, situated on +the frontier towards Carthage. At present not a trace of it remains, +but the ruins of ARSINOE, or Tauchira, are very numerous. According to +the description of Della Celia, a Genoese physician, the walls measure +three Italian miles in circumference, and are covered all over with +inscriptions. The most ample materials for history might be discovered +there. The origin of the town is unknown. + +BARCA, founded in the reign of the third Arcesilaus, was an ἀποδασμὸς of +the Cyreneans, and for a long time hostile to Cyrene. Afterwards its +name was changed into _Ptolemais_, and it is still called _Tolometa_, +which arose out of _Ptolemaide_. + +_Apollonia_ was the port town of Cyrene. + +On the west, Cyrene bordered upon the great republic of + + +CARTHAGE. + +The frontier between these two states was as natural as any can be +between two countries. The whole district from the bay of the lesser +Syrtis, or the country of Tripoli, is a deep sandy desert, of which +only a few parts, the neighbourhood of Tripoli, and the ancient Leptis, +are capable of cultivation. But agriculture there being limited to +sandy districts, produces nothing but _durra_, the African millet, and +palm trees, which succeed in sandy ground, if it is well watered. The +desert advances close to the coast, and the inhabitable coast tract is +interrupted and unequal. On the east of Leptis, where the desert retreats +farther into the interior and around the great Syrtis, the country forms +a real sea of sand, which is far more dangerous than the Sahara, where +the ground is for the most part firm; on this Syrtis, on the other hand, +persons sink deep into the sand at every step. + +On the frontier there were boundary marks, called _Arae Philaenorum_. The +tradition about them was as follows:—Once the Cyreneans and Carthaginians +being involved in a dispute about their frontiers, determined to send +out men from the two extreme towns of their countries at the same +moment, agreeing that the point of their meeting should be the frontier. +This tradition is probably an invention, like so many other things +which Sallust relates from Punic authorities. The SYRTES are generally +described by the ancients, especially by the earlier Greeks, as one only. +The Syrtis, they say, has tides, and is a bay full of sand-banks, which +are sometimes sufficiently covered with water and sometimes rise above +the water like lagoons. The existence of tides in the Mediterranean has, +until recently, been denied, and all the statements of the ancients +regarding them have been rejected, as in general ancient geography, +about thirty or forty years ago, was treated with extreme recklessness. +Tides do exist beyond all doubt, but they occur in a very irregular +and unaccountable manner. They are very unequal: at Venice you may see +it every day, and during a spring tide, the water rises as much as one +foot and a half; it also exists in the Archipelago and in the Euripus +near Chalcis, where it comes from the north, which has given rise to the +story about the death of Aristotle.[76] It is said, that at Naples the +tides are not perceptible, but that at Antium they are, especially when +there is a spring tide. The peculiarity of the Syrtes, which the ancients +asserted, and which moderns have denied, is that a current runs into the +Syrtes and thus throws vessels on the sand-banks. This arises from the +meetings of two currents, one of which comes from the Adriatic and the +other from the Aegean; the one coming from the Euxine encounters that +coming from the Ionian sea, and moves round in a curve, as in general all +currents of the sea move in curves. We cannot wonder, therefore, that +during a north-west wind, ships, sailing from Sicily to the Archipelago, +were thrown into the Syrtes: the danger was, of course, much greater +for the ancients than for us. The countries round the Syrtes are the +most wretched and melancholy districts of all the inhabited parts of the +earth; they are worse than the desert itself, except that water is not +wanting for so long a period as in the desert. The caravans dig wells, +but the water is bad. + +The whole of the western part of the north coast of Africa, of which +Carthage is the central point, was once under the dominion of Carthage, +from the Syrtes to the straits of Gibraltar, though that dominion was +not the same everywhere. The modern Algiers and Morocco contain no +traces of Carthaginian colonies; there existed in those parts nothing +but Carthaginian forts and factories for commercial purposes; but Tunis +and Tripoli, that is, the whole coast from Hippo to Leptis, was covered +with Punic towns. Some of them were more ancient than Carthage (which was +for this reason called “New Town”); Utica, Hippo, Leptis, and perhaps +also Hadrumetum, and others whose names can no longer be ascertained, +were, like Gades, direct colonies of Tyre and Sidon in Phoenicia, and +had been founded at the time when so many Phoenician settlements were +formed on the coasts of Greece, in the islands of the Archipelago, and +in Cyprus. It was during that period of the greatness of Phoenicia, +which lies beyond our history, that numerous colonies were established +on the coast of Africa. We do not know what circumstances directed the +attention to those parts, for the Libyans were a great people. The nature +of the country is very different in different parts: Tripoli (which +is inhabitable from the head of the lesser to the greater Syrtis), is +the foreland of the desert, while Tunis is much more fertile. Here the +northern chain of mount Atlas terminates; and the western part of Tunis +is a mountainous, beautiful, and fertile country. One range of the +mountain extends as far as the sea, forming a hilly country, with the +beautiful promontory and the bay of Carthage. The territory from this +promontory as far as the Syrtes is, according to all descriptions, one +of the most fertile countries, though the district in which Carthage was +situated was less healthy and of a less agreeable climate. _Byzacene_, +or the eastern coast of Tunis, on the other hand, is very healthy, and +has no overpowering heat, except in rare cases when the poisonous wind +blows from the desert this wind is much more frequent at Carthage and it +neighbourhood. + +This coast, then, was thickly studded with towns, the more ancient ones +were Tyrian, and the more recent ones Carthaginian settlements. The +inhabitants of the latter are called _Libyphoenices_, whence, from their +very name, we cannot suppose that they were of pure Punic blood: they +were Punians who had admitted Africans among them, and their language was +a corrupt Punic. The Carthaginians were greatly inclined to mix with, and +admit other tribes, which accounts for the fact of their language being +so widely spread: all the civilisation adopted by the Africans was Punic. +The Carthaginians had a peculiar Libyan alphabet, and when the writing +of the Tuariks is once discovered, I hope the Carthaginian inscriptions +also will be deciphered. Their literature, however, was Punic. The Romans +gave the library of Carthage as a present to the kings of Numidia; +that library contained the native historical records of Africa, from +which such singular statements were extracted by Sallust in composing +his Jugurtha, and the key to which must still be discovered: they did +not contain real history, but we can see from them in what light those +nations regarded their history. + +The language of the original inhabitants of northern Africa was +perhaps more widely spread than any other: this is the language of the +Berbers, which was once spoken from the Canary islands in the west to +the cataracts of the Nile, and in some parts it is spoken even at the +present day. It is singular that the nation speaking that language +embraced tribes of quite different physical characters, whites as well +as blacks (though not negroes); the ancients, in fact, distinguish +between Gaetulians and Melanogaetulians, though they regard them as one +nation. Harsh rudeness was a generally prevailing characteristic of the +nation, but in proportion to the extent of country occupied by it, it +was not numerous; at present their descendants occur only in the oases +of the desert, while formerly they extended from the Mediterranean to +the banks of the Niger; on the coast they have nearly everywhere been +displaced by the Arabs, who are still gaining ground, so that now they +are found only in some parts of Algiers and Morocco. The Romans called +them _Afri_, and the Greeks, Λίβυες; it has been supposed that the latter +name is connected with that of Levante or Leguante. The name by which +the nation designates itself, viz., Amazirgh, Mazirgh, or Mzirgh, is +found, according to an observation of Castiglione, even in Herodotus, +who speaks of Μάσυες; this is the correct form occurring in the MSS., +instead of which the printed editions erroneously give Μάξυες. The name +_Massaesyli_, which was given to the western Libyans between the lesser +Syrtis and the Ocean, also is nothing but Mazirgh Shilha, for they also +call themselves Shilhas. The eastern tribes are called _Massyli_, which +is the same as Μάσυες, for the termination _yli_ seems to be the common +Italian one, which we find in _Aequuli_ for _Aequi_. The Carthaginians +probably called them by this name. The bilingual inscriptions, which +exist in considerable numbers, would throw more light upon the language +of those countries, if they were deciphered, and they may possibly +contain the key by which the Punic inscriptions also are to be explained. + +It is singular that the Romans called those nations _Numidae_, which +is not a proper name, but a common noun. The Greek form was νομάδες, +and from this the Romans made _Numidae_, a circumstance which shows to +what extent Greek words were in common use among the Romans. Afterwards +_Numida_ and _Numidia_ became names of the nation and the country, so +that, no doubt, Masinissa called himself king of Numidia. These tribes +extended from the boundary of the Carthaginian territory to the river +Molochath (Mulucha), which still may be regarded as the frontier of +Algiers. We must not, however, suppose that the country beyond that +river was occupied by a different race, for it was only another tribe +of the same stock. These latter were called _Mauri_ (Μαυροὶ, Blacks, in +the Alexandrian dialect), a name which became as firmly established for +the western tribes as Numidae was for the eastern ones. The country in +the south, between Mount Atlas and the Sahara, as far as the Niger, was +inhabited by the _Gaetuli_ and _Melanogaetuli_, the modern Tuariks. The +Melanogaetuli were unquestionably of the same race as the Gaetuli, but +had no doubt arisen from a mixture with the Aethiopians, who dwelt there. +They were accordingly a dark mixed race like that at present in Darfoor. +We do not know by what name they called themselves. + +The _Garamantes_ are placed too far to the south-east in our maps; they +were the inhabitants of the modern Fezzan, and the present town of Germa +was their capital, where Roman inscriptions are still found among the +ruins. The dominion of the Romans in those parts, about which nothing is +said by ancient geographers, belongs to the second century, when they +extended their power in different directions, for under Trajan they +entered far into the interior of Arabia, and in Nubia they advanced as +far as Dongola, the surrounding tribes being too weak to offer effectual +resistance. The distance between Tripoli and Fezzan is about forty days’ +journey. The town of _Augila_, mentioned by Herodotus, in the country +of the Nasamones, is called to this day Audyeelah or Eudyeelah; the +name of the Nasamones themselves has not yet been re-discovered. Count +Castiglione has written a very beautiful essay on those countries in +the form of an appendix to his work entitled “Les Monnaies des Arabes +frappées en Afrique.” + +Herodotus divides Africa into four parts, the agricultural, the +mountainous, the country of beasts of prey, and the desert. Beyond the +river, Nigritae also are mentioned, but we must not imagine that either +this name or that of the river Niger has anything to do with _niger_, +black; it is the Punic _nahar_ which signifies “a river,” and shows the +intercourse of the Carthaginians with those countries. The same fact +has also been confirmed by the discovery of balls and staves of glass +of exquisite beauty in those parts. The art of treating glass in such a +manner as to include in a white glass a number of flowers, balls, and +other objects, without injuring the outlines, is assuredly of Phoenician +origin, and at present quite unknown. Some specimens of such glass are +found in Italy, where it was partly employed to ornament rooms, and quite +a similar piece of glasswork has been discovered in the tomb of a negro +king in Guinea, whither it had evidently been exported from Carthage. +Such pieces are said to have been used as ornaments for victors, and +there is even a tradition among the negroes, that these glass ornaments +have from time immemorial belonged to their sceptres. Servius states, +that the Romans gave to the chiefs of the Berbers ornamented sticks +instead of sceptres; the same custom still exists, but the sticks are not +adorned with silver. + +The name _Marmarica_ is derived from _mar_, salt, with a reduplication +very frequent in those languages. + +Among all the settlements on that Coast, CARTHAGE is by far the most +illustrious. The situation and greatness of the city are described +in the later excerpts from Diodorus of Sicily, in Strabo, and in +Appian’s Punica. One point, however, must not be lost sight of in these +descriptions, viz., the ancients assume that Carthage covered the +peninsula which was connected with the mainland by the isthmus, and that +the isthmus was cut off by means of a wall. But the fact is, that the +whole of the peninsula was not occupied by the city, which, in that case, +would have been immensely large. M. Humbert, a Dutch lieutenant, who +was long engaged in the service of the pasha of Tunis, and was a good +observer, discovered during his excavations, some years ago, the ruins +of ancient Carthage and the walls by which it was surrounded. He made an +excellent ground plan of those remains, which, however, has never been +published, but exists only in MS. According to this plan, the peninsula +contained two towns, the ancient Punic Carthage on the south side, +perhaps not occupying one-half of the peninsula, and Roman Carthage on +the other side towards Rome, which had been built by J. Caesar: lying +under the curse of Scipio, the site of the ancient city could not be +occupied by a new town. The remains of Roman Carthage are far more +numerous than those of the more ancient city; the little that is to be +seen of the latter consists of gigantic works about the harbour (Cothon). + +Ancient Carthage consisted of two parts, viz., the city called _Bozra_ +(the Greeks call it Βύρσα), and the suburb _Megara_, the Punic name +of which was probably Magal. The remaining part of the peninsula may +have been included under this name. These suburban districts were +protected against the attacks of the barbarous Libyans by walls across +the isthmus.[77] We must not imagine that there was a separate acra +besides Byrsa, the elevation of which is insignificant, only the point +containing the temple of Aesculapius may perhaps be compared to a +real acra. According to Timaeus, Carthage was built thirty-seven[78] +years before the commencement of the Olympiads; this may be regarded +as a settled date, as we see from the work of Josephus against Apion, +for the Phoenician authorities, which he followed, are thoroughly +trustworthy, and perfectly agree with the books of Samuel and Kings in +the Old Testament. The books of Judges are of later origin, and contain +chronological impossibilities; but from the time of David we have +contemporary and quite trustworthy history; some few erroneous dates are +probably mere slips in writing. In the reigns of Manasseh and Amon there +are a few incorrect statements, and I have shown where the mistake of +from twenty to thirty years is probably concealed,[79] but I cannot say +how the text is to be emended. After the first three centuries, Carthage +had already acquired many possessions in Byzacene, that is, the country +from the headland on the bay to the lesser Syrtis; in Sardinia, too, +it exercised a powerful influence, and some Punic settlements already +existed in Spain. But not long before that time, Carthage was still +engaged in deadly war with the Libyans, and its rule certainly did +not extend to the interior of Africa. The real greatness of the city +lasted about 150 years, from about the close of the Peloponnesian to the +commencement of the first Punic war. + +UTICA (Atica, the Old Town, as opposed to Carthage, or New Town) was +situated not far from Carthage. The simplicity and constant repetition +of the Phoenician names show the want of poetry in that nation; the +Greeks have an endless variety of names. _Utica_ and _Hippo_ are the +two old towns on that coast; they were more ancient than Carthage, +and independent of it, being sometimes even allied with it on equal +terms. This honour they retained until the second Punic war; they also +concluded treaties with full independence, but were virtually subject to +Carthage. Hence in the war of Agathocles, both declared in his favour, +and in the same manner they acted in the war of the mercenaries, until, +in the end, they separated themselves entirely and joined the Romans, +whence, notwithstanding their Punic origin, they remained _civitates +foederatae_. It is interesting to observe, how easily Greek culture was +engrafted upon those Punians; the Carthaginian senate, on one occasion, +found it necessary to enact a law against it,[80] and at times Utica had +a theatre, in which Greek plays, translated into Punic, were performed. +Both St. Augustin and Apuleius (the latter was a native of Madaura in +the interior) spoke Punic as their mother tongue, whence we see that the +people throughout the province of Carthage spoke Punic, and that the +language of the Amazirghs had become extinct. In some parts of the coast, +Latin was spoken. When the Arabs conquered the country, the inhabitants +still employed the Punic language, and the adoption of the Arabic was +facilitated by the kindred nature of the two languages. The foreign +elements in the languages of Tunis and Malta are probably derived from +that of the Amazirghs; Latin also is mixed up with them. + +The coast of _Byzacene_ is one of the most fertile in the world: the +olive-tree, which is one of the richest blessings of the temperate zone, +was, strange to say, not introduced into those parts until a late period, +and that district is the only one in which the palm and the olive-tree +grow side by side. In the earlier times, Carthage obtained its oil from +Greece and Italy. The coast was studded with towns, just like the country +of Cyrene. Notwithstanding the destruction of Carthage, those countries +were perhaps never so well cultivated and so thickly peopled as under the +Roman emperors, especially in the reign of Severus, as is attested by +Tertullian, a contemporary writer, and by the immense number of ruins in +the territory of Tunis. + +_Zeugitana_ is the basin of the bay of Tunis. The southern part of the +eastern coast of Tunis was called _Byzacion_, _Byzacene_ or _Byzacitis_. +_Tunis_ deserves to be mentioned among the provincial towns on account of +its subsequent importance, of which antiquity knows nothing. + +The greater part of the Carthaginian territory was given by the Romans to +Masinissa, who, by the most shameless usurpation, and by the support of +the most faithless policy on the part of the Romans, endeavoured to make +himself master of it; for after the second Punic war, the Carthaginians +still possessed an extensive territory. Even before, Numidia had received +nearly all the districts which had been conquered in war, such as Zama, +and other places. + +The Numidian kings resided at CIRTA, that is, “the town,” in the Punic +language, which is another proof of the poverty of its nomenclature. This +town rose to greatness under Masinissa, and still more under Micipsa, +who drew into it a Greek colony, just as in the time of Louis XIV, +French colonies were established in the north of Germany. The time of +that colony belongs to the period in which Corinth was destroyed and the +whole of Greece was devastated, and when the poor Greeks were scattered +all over the earth. Under Constantine the Great, its name was changed +into _Constantina_, and large Roman ruins still exist there. It was a +Roman colony founded by P. Sitius of Nuceria, who assembled an army of +Roman fugitives and Gauls that had served under the African princes, +and received Cirta from Julius Caesar, after the conquest of Juba, as a +place to settle in. It is, therefore, a colony of quite a peculiar kind, +differing essentially from all other colonies. + + +AETHIOPIA, AEGYPTUS. + +The Ethiopians, with the earliest Greeks, are the black people in the +south-east and south-west, whence Indians and Ethiopians are synonymous, +the southern Indians being black. I believe that the Indian peninsula +was conquered by the Indians, and that the black race was subdued by +them. Ethiopia, with the Greeks, is only a vague name for Africa. Its +derivation from αἴθω is erroneous, but it is doubtful whether the nation +had any special name by which it designated itself. We must, however, +distinguish the _Leucaethiopes_, that is, the Fellatahs, or Fellahs, +whom Ptolemy distinctly places on the Senegal, to which locality they +are also assigned by the great D’Anville. The name Ethiopians was +afterwards limited to the Abyssinian race and the tribes belonging to +them, and these latter nations still call their country Ithopya, though +we can hardly suppose the name to be of native origin. The excerpts from +Agatharchides of Cnidos, a most excellent writer of the seventh century +of Rome, who for a long time resided in Egypt, but does not call the +nations by their own names, but only by appellatives, are very obscure, +and have been entirely neglected. He gives information about nations +which are found at present only in the innermost parts of Africa: he +describes, e.g., the Hottentots and Bushmen, whom he calls Acridophagi, +that is, eaters of grasshoppers, so that even those living in the +distant south were noticed by him. The Hottentots cut out one of their +testicles, a fact with which he was acquainted. + +Ethiopia proper is highly remarkable in ancient history: in Scripture +it is called Koosh, and its kings are distinguished from those of +the Mauri. The country of these Mauri was in very ancient times a +great state in the south of Egypt; its capital, _Meroe_, contrary to +the express testimony of the ancients, has generally been placed too +near Egypt; it was probably situated in the neighbourhood of Sennaar. +The Meroites had a peculiar kind of civilisation; and there can be +no doubt that the hieroglyphics, and all that we afterwards find +as Egyptian civilisation, originated among them. At a very remote +time they conquered Egypt; the ancients themselves trace to them the +knowledge and religion of the Egyptians; they describe their monuments +as Ethiopian, and all that can be made out by historical inquiry is +confirmatory of this view. The southernmost monuments of Egypt, between +the two cataracts, are the grandest and most ancient; then follows +Thebes, and as we advance northward, the monuments become smaller and +more insignificant. But monuments are found also higher up the river +to the south of Meroe. The accounts in Diodorus about the condition +of that city are perfectly credible and satisfactory. The Egyptians, +like the Celtiberians, Celtoligyans and others, were a mixed people, in +which one nation ruled while the other obeyed. In the Greek documents +of Egypt, such as contracts, and the like, we find a singular custom, +occasioned by the extremely small number of proper names: the notary, +in order to prevent confusion, added a description of the persons +concerned. Accordingly, we can clearly distinguish the different races, +for we find such characteristics as short, yellow, flat nose, curly +hair, and the like.[81] The most ancient idols resemble negroes, as, +for example, the celebrated Isis of Elephantine. Among the mummies, +too, there are a great many negro forms, faces altogether non-European, +different both in their skulls and teeth; and this is another sign that +Egypt was conquered by the Ethiopians, who settled among the conquered +people. Champollion the younger is not only an honest man, but has no +doubt discovered the truth. The most ancient documents we have, go +back as far as the eighteenth dynasty of Manetho; and the seventeenth +and eighteenth dynasties are probably the period when the yoke of the +Hycsos was thrown off in consequence of this conquest. The original +inhabitants were probably Libyans, who extended as far as lake Mareotis, +for Mareotis is a Libyan name; and Egyptians, in the sense in which +Herodotus understands the name, do not occur beyond the Canobian mouth of +the Nile. The original inhabitants, therefore, may have been under the +dominion of a Semitic race, which among the Egyptians bore the name of +Hycsos, and was intensely hated by the later Egyptians. This expulsion of +the Hycsos, which is so often represented on monuments, was the result +of the establishment of the Kooshites in Upper Egypt, who thence also +spread over Lower Egypt. The modern Egyptians have scarcely a trace left +of the ancient physiognomy; their features are rather Libyan. The Copts +have harsh and rude features, but they are just those of the Berbers, +whence they are different from the Arabs and Syrians. The mummies which +are brought to Europe belong to the higher castes, descended for the most +part from Ethiopians—a race which has now disappeared: the great mass of +the nation consisted of natives. The settlement of the Egyptian warriors +(μάχιμοι) in the south of Meroe, of which Herodotus speaks, is nothing +else but another instance of the confusion of the two poles in legends +about migrations; arising from the fact that a tribe was found in those +southern parts resembling the one ruling in Lower Egypt. The story, as it +is related, is only ridiculous. This also accounts for the institution of +castes, for wherever they exist they originate in conquest. + +Upper and Lower Egypt differ most widely from each other: the former +is a narrow and deep valley, which is but rarely overflowed by the +river; Middle Egypt is more frequently exposed to inundations; and Lower +Egypt, in antiquity, was put under water by every rising of the Nile; +at present it is only the districts between the arms of the river and +the neighbourhood of Damietta that are overflowed. This is accounted +for by the circumstance that after every inundation the river leaves +behind a stratum of mud, whereby the country is constantly raised: on +the bank the different years may be traced by very thin strata, a fact +which has been unjustly denied. In ancient times, the arms of the Nile +were large rivers, while at present ships of some size cannot sail +into any of the mouths of the river, because the bed has been so much +elevated. But the surrounding country has been raised much more; for in +the time of Herodotus all the towns were situated on hills rising above +the ground which was usually inundated; but this is not the case now, +the lower parts having been filled up, and the extensive marshes in the +Delta having, for the most part, become arable land, while the ancient +lakes are changed into marshes. Upper Egypt must have been irrigated +by artificially raising the water. There is, moreover, this remarkable +change in the climate of Egypt, that, while in Herodotus’ time it never +rained in Upper Egypt, at present there are occasional showers, though +never without violent thunderstorms. + +THEBES was the ancient capital of Upper Egypt; but it had fallen from +its greatness even before the Persian conquest, for Psammetichus, for +the sake of commerce, had transferred the capital to Lower Egypt, and +he was strong through the support of foreigners. From that time, Thebes +was always in opposition to the rulers; it was eclipsed by Memphis, +and afterwards by Sais, but it still regarded itself as the repository +of ancient wisdom and as the venerable seat of religion. The city was +greatly deserted and decayed; but there is no reason for doubting its +immense magnitude; its ruins are gigantic, and its temples are as vast +as cities. Thebes received its death-blow during the unfortunate +rebellion against Ptolemy Physcon; under the Romans, too, it was +frequently the centre of insurrection. + +PTOLEMAIS, the next town after Thebes down the river, was founded by the +first or second Ptolemy against the seditious disposition of the Thebans; +it was a σύστημα Ἑλληνικὸν in the proper sense of the term, with Greek +institutions, both public and private, and Greek was the language of the +place. By means of this city, the Ptolemies endeavoured to keep Upper +Egypt in subjection, while, on the other hand, they admitted colonisation +to Alexandria for similar purposes, exercising their power from above +through a number of local magistrates. In other respects, the Ptolemies +did not favour Greek colonisation as much as the Seleucidae, for they +confined it to Ptolemais and Alexandria.[82] + +MEMPHIS never was comparable to Thebes in size and importance, for it +contained only very few large buildings, of which at present no traces +exist. All the buildings, such as royal palaces and the like, must have +consisted of unburnt bricks. The city was large and populous, but it +already represents a different state of things: the transfer of the +capital to this place must be regarded as the epoch in which the pyramids +were built, that is, as the age of Sesostris. Its citadel is called +λευκὸν τεῖχος (_arx alba_, _murus albus_ is a wrong translation), just +as the walls of Moscow had different colours, and as at Ecbatana the +parapets of the different circles.[83] + +SAIS, a still more recent capital, was built by Psammetichus and his +successors, entirely with a view to be near the sea. In its vicinity were +the _castra praetoria_ of the Ionians and Carians, by the aid of which +those kings maintained their dominion. + +ALEXANDRIA was, properly speaking, situated beyond the frontiers of +Egypt, and it was only on the consideration that water of the Nile from +the arm of Canobus flowed into lake Mareotis, that it could be said +to belong to Egypt, for it stood in reality on Libyan ground. It had +been a much frequented port even in the time of the Egyptian kings, +being protected by the island of Pharos at the entrance of it; but the +kings kept a garrison there for the purpose of preventing strangers +from landing. The place had formerly been called _Rhacotis_. Alexander +is justly praised for having perceived the advantages of the locality, +which is so well fitted to form a point of communication between Africa, +Europe, and Asia: he was not generally very fortunate in his choice of +places. Alexandria was probably destined by him to be the capital of +his empire, seeing he intended to conquer, at least, the north coast of +Africa and southern Italy, and in general all countries so far as he +was not checked by the temperate zone and his own ambition. Of the city +founded by Alexander, every trace has disappeared, and all that remains +belongs to the Roman period. The city rose with wonderful rapidity, +and three distinct bodies of citizens were formed in it. The noblest +consisted of Macedonians and Greeks, who, like Greek citizens, were +divided into phylae and demi. The intention was that it should appear +as a free city; and the Macedonians and Greeks were according to all +appearance, not kept distinct. The second part, consisting of a numerous +Jewish colony, formed a demos, enjoying civil, but no political, rights; +these Jews were not allowed to dwell in three out of the five regions +into which the city was divided. The third body, which in point of +numbers was the largest, consisted of native Egyptians, who, however, +were regarded almost as bondsmen, like the Lettonians and Esthonians +at Reval and Riga. Cleomenes, by Alexander’s command the founder of +Alexandria, was a wicked adventurer, but an able man. The city rose +greatly even under the first Ptolemy; but it afterwards continued to +increase in consequence of its extremely favourable situation. It was the +legitimate staple of commerce, which had there its necessary centre; it +was almost in the exclusive enjoyment of the trade with Egypt, Africa, +Arabia, and India. Ptolemy Physcon destroyed the greater part of the +Macedonian and Greek inhabitants. Caesar’s war was very destructive, +for the struggle was carried on in the very streets of the city; and +from that time the suburb in the island of Pharos remained deserted; +at least under Tiberius it still was so. During the empire, Alexandria +was the scene of several insurrections; the one occurring in the reign +of Diocletian was fearful, but that emperor took such bloody revenge, +that the city probably never recovered; and for a century afterwards the +whole part called Bruchion was quite uninhabited. D’Anville has made a +ground-plan of Alexandria. + +The island of _Pharos_ was situated in front of the city, and between +it and the coast there were excellent places for anchoring, which +communicated with one another, but were separated by cliffs. The +Ptolemies constructed a causeway across the narrow channel by means of +draw-bridges. Thus arose the two harbours, the old and the new one, which +are at present separated by a neck of land, but are much inferior to +what they were in antiquity; they have been spoiled during a long period +of barbarous neglect, and especially by throwing ballast overboard. The +ships of the Mahommedans enter only the western port, which is the safer +one. The island of Pharos contained the celebrated light-house, one +of the improvements of an age in which the feelings and the heart had +already become greatly deteriorated, but in which the mechanical arts had +made considerable progress. Lucian, who often embellishes history, here +also furnishes a story which is as absurd as it well can be. He says that +Sostratus of Cnidus built this light-house, and that, against the will +of Ptolemy, he caused his own name to be engraved under the inscription +in praise of the king.[84] But according to Strabo, Sostratos was the +king’s minister, and acquired the special favour of his sovereign by +building the light-house at his own expense. The inscription, Σώστρατος +Δεξιφανοῦς Κνίδιος θεοῖς σωτῆρσιν ὑπὲρ τῶν πλωιζομένων is quite in the +style of the time; the θεοὶ σωτῆρες are Ptolemy and Berenice. The whole +space between the harbour and lake Mareotis was occupied by the city of +Alexandria, and in the time of Augustus a large suburb is said to have +existed at a distance of thirty stadia from the city, in the direction of +Canobus. Alexandria is a classical place in the history of nations and of +literature: it was the residence of Eratosthenes, the first geographer we +meet with in the history of the world.[85] + +NAUCRATIS, below Sais in Lower Egypt, was a Greek settlement, under +the supremacy of Egypt, nearly in the same manner in which Macao is a +Portuguese town: Greeks dwelt there and had their own magistrate, or, so +to speak, their own consul. Many authors are said to have been natives +of the place; Phylarchus, e.g., is called Naucratites, but it was mere +pedantry and affectation to speak of Naucratis instead of Alexandria as +the Greek city. + +The Egyptian towns generally had two names, one Egyptian and the other +Greek; the native names are preserved in Coptic fragments, and have been +made out by Champollion; a map also has been made with these names. The +modern names are formed from the Arabic. + + +SOME MORE GREEK COLONIES. + +PHASELIS, on the coast of Lycia, was a Doric colony; but the date of its +foundation is unknown. The place deserves to be noticed as the frontier +town between Greece and the barbarians, in what is commonly called the +peace of Cimon. This peace probably never existed as a regular treaty +of peace, but there certainly was a treaty between the Greeks and the +satraps of Asia Minor, which the later Greeks, contrary to historical +truth, extended into a peace.[86] + +PAMPHYLIA is a country full of large and flourishing towns, of which we +have numerous coins with a peculiar language, and an alphabet akin to +the Greek; these coins have all the beauty of Greek art, and we may well +ask, whether Greece ever had anything more beautiful. The Cilician coins, +especially those of Tarsus, are of the same kind. We do not know to what +race those people belonged; certain it is that they were not barbarians +any more than the Lycians and Lydians. In regard to intellectual culture +and political organisation, they were equal to the Greeks. Lycia had a +very happy federative constitution, quite in the spirit and according to +the principles of the Greeks. + + +CYPRUS. + +The only Greek colonies in that eastern part of the sea occur in +Cyprus; but we are not informed by any one author at what time they +were established. The statement, that Teucer founded Salamis, refutes +itself, and all the traditions about colonies referring to the Trojan +times are worthless; they either mean generally that the colonies belong +to a very early time, or they are inventions. We cannot now determine +in what manner Salamis in Cyprus arose, and we are not in a condition +to say as to whether the island of Salamis off the coast of Attica ever +was sufficiently flourishing to send out colonies. The Greek settlements +in Cyprus were connected with very great difficulties. We see this +from the prophets, for their Chittim is no doubt Cyprus; subsequently +the name became more extended, for in the books of Maccabees it also +comprises Greece, including even Macedonia. Hence the name of _Citium_, +the Phoenician capital of the island, is nothing else but Chittim. In +the time of the prophets, the island was under the dominion of the +Phoenician cities; and we may ask, how could Greeks establish themselves +there? This question may be answered from the Old Testament and from +the fragments of Berosus in Eusebius. It can have been no other period +than that during which Nebuchadnezzar carried on his protracted wars in +Phoenicia and Syria, and destroyed ancient Tyre, in consequence of which +the Phoenicians were very much reduced. It is also possible that the +somewhat earlier expeditions of Sanherib and Assarhaddon may have been +the occasion. We know, from Berosus, that, in Olymp. 20, a Greek army +landed in Cilicia, which is a sign of a commotion among the Greeks at +that time, about which history furnishes no information. I connect these +movements with the extensive emigration of the Greeks and Carians who +entered the service of Psammetichus in Egypt. Accordingly, we may assume +that the Greek settlements in Cyprus were founded between Olymp. 20 and +40; and we cannot wonder that, one hundred and twenty years later, during +the war of Darius Hystaspis, the Greek towns of Cyprus had already become +great. + +The principal places, _Salamis_ and _Amathus_, were as purely Greek as +the cities in Asia Minor; _Lapathos_ and others were smaller. In the time +of Evagoras, after the Peloponnesian war, Salamis was the ruling city of +the island, and in reality sovereign. _Soli_ is absurdly connected with +Solon. + +In later times, Greeks and Phoenicians lived peaceably together in the +island. _Citium_ was the capital of the Phoenicians, and the native +place of the philosopher Zeno. We have no information about the race of +the native Cyprians; but, under the predominating influence of the two +ruling nations, they became partly Hellenised and partly Punicised. + +Cyprus is justly called by the ancients one of the most blessed countries +in the world; there are but few parts of it which are unhealthy. Its rich +copper mines and its timber were of particular importance to the ancients. + + +PHOENICIA. + +The Phoenicians extended from the frontiers of the Philistines to those +of Cilicia near Myriandros. It is an ancient tradition, that they had +immigrated into that country from a distance, and this tradition is +confirmed by its situation; it is quite clear that they cannot have +been the original natives. Of the northern towns, it is quite certain, +that they were colonies of those in the south. Would that we had their +history, which was quite authentic up to a very remote period! They were +a nation which had been pressed onward from the south towards the north. +According to a tradition in Herodotus, they had come from the Red Sea, +and according to another, from the Persian gulf. The latter of these, +which has much engaged the attention of modern historians, is of no value +at all. It would seem most probable, that they were one of those nations +that were pressed onward by the emigration of the Hycsos. + + + + +FOOTNOTES + + +[1] _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 130. + +[2] “Not _Junia Norbana_. Laws with two qualifying adjectives always had +two authors, but our law originated with L. Junius Norbanus.” According +to a more recent view, the Norbani belonged to the Vibii, and the name +_Junia_ in our law is derived from M. Junius Silanus, who was consul in +A.D. 19.—ED. + +[3] _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 81, foll. + +[4] Sismondi, _Hist. des Republ. Italiennes_, i. p. 249; but he explains +the name to mean _la grande côte_; it moreover belongs to the ninth +century as a surname of Grimoald II.—ED. + +[5] _Hist. of Rome_, i. p. 194, note 560. + +[6] _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 389, foll. + +[7] “I am of opinion that this hill did not belong to the Aventine: +I have heard this at Rome from a man, in whom I do not place much +confidence; he may perhaps have read it somewhere: there is so much +that is indifferent in books, that we often pass over that which is of +importance because we imagine it to be indifferent.” + +[8] _Lect. on Rom. Hist._, vol. i. p. 60, 3d edit. + +[9] Respecting this flight of steps, however, see Urlichs in the +_Beschreibung der Stadt Rom._ vol. iii. 2, p. 373, and the same author in +his _Beschreib. Roms_, p. 256. + +[10] v. § 153, ed. Müller, who, however, gives his own conjecture _ad +muri speciem_ instead of the common reading _a muri parte_. The MSS. have +_a muris partem_.—ED. + +[11] In one set of notes, the following passage occurs on p. 53, after +the word “necropolis,” line 17 from foot, and may perhaps be introduced +here: “There was no road between the Aventine and the river; outside the +Porta Collina, Esquilina, Caelimontana, and Carmentalis no enlargement of +the city could take place.”—ED. + +[12] Compare Bunsen in the _Beschreib. der Stadt Rom_, i. p. 646, foll. + +[13] Some MSS. here have a name, which seems to suggest the _Porta Pia_. +Bunsen says, “at the juncture of the street of the Porta Pia with the +street of Porta Salara” (_Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom_, i. p. 625).—ED. + +[14] See the _Beschreib. der Stadt Rom_, iii. 1. p. 490. + +[15] Compare above, p. 58. + +[16] I have supplied this name, the MSS. containing something which is +evidently quite misunderstood.—ED. + +[17] Comp. _Hist. of Rome_, vol. iii. p. 304, note 518. + +[18] “I will mention only one example, to show how rich the Roman +gildings were. In the Forum of Trajan the letters of an inscription +were cut into the rock, and the letters themselves consisting of gilt +metal were sunk into the openings. This is the method according to +which the letters of inscriptions were generally put. In others the +bronze letters were nailed to the wall, traces of which are still +visible on the triumphal arch at Nismes, and French scholars have very +ingeniously attempted from these holes of the nails to make out the whole +inscription. In the Forum of Trajan a bronze letter has been found, the +gilding of which was valued at a ducat; all the rest had of course been +carried off as plunder.” + +[19] See, however, the _Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom_, iii. 1. p. 22, foll. + +[20] In one MS. the words “the Curia” are here added; is perhaps the +Curia Julia meant?—ED. + +[21] _Fast._ i. 707; some MSS. have Dionysius.—ED. + +[22] _Calig._ 22. I owe this reference to the kindness of Professor +Urlichs, who further observes: “Niebuhr was thinking of this passage, and +combines two facts contained in it, for Suetonius does not expressly say, +that the arch built by Caligula passed over the temple of Castor.”—ED. + +[23] Bunsen in the _Beschreib. der Stadt Rom_, Pref. xl., iii. 2. p. +33.—ED. + +[24] Compare Bunsen, _l. c._ Pref. p. xxiix.—ED. + +[25] More accurately in 1257; comp. _Beschreib. d. Stadt. Rom_, i. p. +247.—ED. + +[26] The so-called _Basis Capitolina_, Gruter, _Inscript._ CCL., +reprinted in Becker’s _Handbuch d. Röm. Alterthümer_, vol. i. p. 717; +compare Bunsen in the _Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom_, vol. i. p. 174.—ED. + +[27] Livy, i. 35. + +[28] “We still want a political history of Rome, which would show that a +very great deal that is praiseworthy is to be said of many a pope.” + +[29] Epist. xiii. 1. + +[30] Muratori, _Antiq. Ital. med. aevi_, i., p. 101; the passage here +quoted occurs in p. 108; Pertz, _Monum. Germ. Legum_, ii., p. 187, who +assigns this _Ordo Coronationis_ to the year 1191; the book of Cencius, +_Liber censuum Romanae Ecclesiae_, was written in 1192.—ED. + +[31] See _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i., p. 204. + +[32] Vol. ii. p. 507, foll.; comp. _Lect. on Rom. Hist._ vol. i. p. 248, +3d edit.—ED. + +[33] Comp. _Lect. on Rom. Hist._, vol. i. p. 149, 3d edit, which +passage belongs to the Lectures delivered in 1828-29. In the _Hist. of +Rome_, vol. i. p. 101, and ii. p. 82, however, the Sabine origin of the +Hernicans is considered more probable. The number forty also is connected +with this view, because the number four is Sabine. I will therefore +not suppress the fact, that most of my MSS. have _fourteen_ instead of +_forty_, which may possibly contain a different combination, though I +have been unable to divine what it can be.—ED. + +[34] In the third vol. of the new edition; as for the special passages, +see the Index to it.—ED. + +[35] _Aen._ vii. 744. + +[36] _Aen._ x. 708. + +[37] Virgil, _Aen._ vii. 206. + +[38] _Hist. of Rome_, vol. ii. p. 93, notes 194 and 195.—ED. + +[39] Our authorities state 20,000; but Niebuhr seems to mean families, +as only fathers of three children were admitted. Cicero, however, thinks +that the _ager Campanus_ was not sufficient for more than 5000 persons. +The most important passages relating to this subject are collected in +Orelli, _Index Leg._ s.v., _Lex Julia Agraria_ p. 188.—ED. + +[40] This is a mistake, or else an error in the MSS., for Nesis is +mentioned by Cicero, _ad Att._ xvi. 1, 1; 3, 6; 4, 1; and by Seneca _Ep._ +53.—ED. + +[41] “It is a great mistake to believe that a period must be better +known the nearer it is to us. This is not the case in antiquity. There +can be no doubt that, e.g., we know the internal condition of Rome in +the time of Cicero much better than during the second century after +Christ, when we know nothing but what can be gathered from Pliny’s +letters. A merely mechanical mind imagines that a period about which +nothing is written, had nothing worth knowing; but whoever has an eye +for the remains of antiquity, sees distinctly what has existed. Thus, +for example, the _monte testaccio_, _mons testaceus_ or _testarius_ at +Rome is not mentioned anywhere until we come to the documents of the +seventh and eighth centuries, and the most ridiculous pains have been +taken to discover it at an earlier period. It is not mentioned in the +Regionaria, hence, it is said, it must have arisen afterwards, about the +period of the eighth century, when Rome was a desert. The matter can be +explained very simply. Every one who has practised eyes, knows what is to +be recognised in those thousands of shells; but there are antiquaries who +can see nothing at all except what they read in books. The ancients made +very little use of wooden vessels, they nearly always used pottery ware. +This produced an enormous quantity of shells. It was thought inexpedient +to throw them into the river, and there must have been some police +regulation, that all shells should be thrown on one heap. I was on the +spot when a wall was dug out, and it was found that the heaps of shells +extended up to the very walls of the city. I caused the digging to be +continued farther, and found shells everywhere. It must have been a marsh +which was filled with shells to a depth of five feet. Under Honorius a +wall was built to defend Rome against the barbarians; it has a double +inscription, in one of which we read _egestis immensis ruderibus_. Under +Augustus a regular police was instituted, and all shells were regularly +thrown there. Now, imagine Rome with nearly a million of inhabitants; +assuredly many carts were employed every day in carrying away the broken +vessels, which were all thrown on one spot, and may have already filled +the whole place. When Aurelian built his wall, a portion was perhaps +thrown back, and this may have been the beginning of the hill. According +to Andr. Fulvius, the wall of the city under pope Clement VII., at the +commencement of the sixteenth century, was so much covered on both sides, +that it was impossible to walk there: a road was then made, and part of +the rubbish was carried to the Forum, which was filled with it. Such you +must imagine the _rudera immensa egesta_ to have been. About the time +of Honorius the wall had been cleared, not to have a hill outside, on +which the Goths might have planted their engines to harass the city. He +removed the rubbish on both sides, and thus raised an immense mound of +shells. This explanation is as certain as if it were described in ancient +authors, though not a single author speaks of it. Such also is the case +with other phenomena which present themselves at Rome, and about which +not one passage can be referred to.” + +[42] Niebuhr was probably thinking of _Dial._ iv. 55, though Puteoli is +not mentioned there, but Taurania, a place assumed to have existed in +Campania.—ED. + +[43] Comp. Seneca, _Epist._ 57.—ED. + +[44] Comp. _Lect. on Rom. Hist._ vol. i. p. 348, foll., 3d edit.—ED. + +[45] “I know that Greek inscriptions have also been discovered at +Ravenna.” + +[46] “I have adopted the ancient practice of calling the whole nation +Sabellians, and the original tribe Sabines, because there is no instance +of the Samnites, Marsians, etc., having been called Sabines, but only +Sabellians.” + +[47] Compare _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 64, foll. + +[48] This is the date in the MSS., but it ought probably to be 1720.—ED. + +[49] This alludes to the war between the Greeks and Turks in 1828.—ED. + +[50] Il buon Braccio; _Hist. of Rome_, vol. iii. p. 415, note 713. + +[51] “I mean the ancient one, whose scholia have now been discovered; +for there also is another scholiast belonging to the middle ages, who is +imperfect and bad, and belongs to the period of decay. The ancient one +lived at the best period of Latin grammarians.” + +[52] vii. 29 ed. Müller. + +[53] “Pronounce _Arpīnum_, but _Arimĭnum_; I say this, because I have +heard many otherwise good scholars say _Arimīnum_.” + +[54] Comp. _Lect. on Rom. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 138. + +[55] “Do not allow yourselves to be misguided by my occasionally +departing from the regular division, for I follow the historical +connection subsisting between the towns.” + +[56] There is probably some mistake here; for what was said on that +occasion is, that Greece ought not to be deprived of one of its eyes. +It was Gelon, who, using a similar metaphor, spoke of “the spring being +taken out of Greece,” when he was invited to take part in the war against +the Persians (Herod. vii. 162).—ED. + +[57] ix. 37. + +[58] Comp. _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 34, note 89. + +[59] The words in inverted commas have been supplied by me; comp. Ascon. +_Comm. in Pison._, p. 3, ed. Orelli.—ED. + +[60] These two dates occur in some MSS., but can scarcely be correct; the +earlier eruption mentioned by Thucydides belongs to Olymp. 75, 2; and +it seems impossible to ascertain the date of the first. Comp. Ullrich, +_Beiträge zur Erklär. des Thukydides_, p. 92, foll.—ED. + +[61] “The _Siculi_ were the natives, and the _Siceliots_ the Greeks who +had settled in the island. Similarly the Romans sometimes distinguished +between _Siculi_ and _Sicilienses_, but not by far as consistently as the +Greeks, for no Greek ever confounded the two.” + +[62] According to Berghaus, _Länder- und Völkerkunde_, iii. p. 404, it is +found also in Corsica, Greece, and the Greek Archipelago.—ED. + +[63] The more correct view is given by Berghaus, _l. c._ p. 460.—ED. + +[64] ii. 85: _si ob gravitatem coeli interissent_. + +[65] This name is only a conjecture of mine; one MS. has _Colero_.—ED. + +[66] More correctly in 634, M. Porcio Catone, Q. Marcio Rege Coss. See +_Vell. Pat._ i. 15.—ED. + +[67] “Geography is a pleasant and easy study: the vivid representations +it furnishes us of localities, often enable us clearly to understand an +historical event; we often see, e.g., why a victory was not followed up, +or how it might have been followed up. I do not like to set myself up +as a pattern, but when I was a young man of your age, or even younger +(I was scarcely seventeen years old), I read Strabo with the greatest +attention. Whenever I had read a book, I endeavoured to reproduce it by +writing down an abstract of it. It is not advisable to rely on books; and +I therefore endeavoured to produce the substance in another form. Those +who go through Strabo in this manner, even in their leisure hours, cannot +fail to acquire a thorough knowledge of geography. Let those who have +any taste for chorography read books of travel and similar works, as for +example, Bory de St. Vincent, _Tableau de la peninsule de l’Ibérie_, or +Alex. Laborde, _Tableau de l’Espagne_, which are especially valuable in +assisting us to understand Livy’s account of the Spanish war. Strabo’s +description of Spain is particularly excellent, but he is too often +carried away by his learning and his desire to explain the Homeric poems; +by reading his description you acquire an indelible and correct picture +of Spain. A scholar must read the ancient authors systematically and +repeatedly, sometimes with one particular object in view, and sometimes +with another.” + +[68] In Aristotle, _Probl._ xvii. 3: τοὺς ἀνθρώπους φησὶν Ἀλκμαίων διὰ +τοῦτο ἀπόλλυσθαι, ὅτι οὐ δύνανται ἀρχὴν τῷ τέλει προσάψαι. + +[69] See above, p. 33. + +[70] Comp. _Kleine Schrift._ vol. i. p. 384. + +[71] See, however, _Hist. of Rome_, vol. ii. p. 527. + +[72] p. 2031, ed. Putsch. + +[73] The restoration of the text here is uncertain, for towards the end +of these Lectures the number of MSS. becomes smaller and smaller, and +some of the best do not contain the last Lectures at all.—ED. + +[74] “The _Cimmerians_ on the Euxine cannot be connected with these +occurrences, for they belong to a period about two centuries earlier than +that at which the Cymri can possibly have arrived in those parts.” + +[75] _Kleine Schrift._, vol. i. p. 352, foll. + +[76] According to some of the Fathers, he threw himself into the Euripus, +because he had been unable to discover the law by which the currents of +the sea were regulated.—ED. + +[77] One MS. here has the addition “As Constantinople is by the wall S. +Floriano.” Should it not be S. Romano?—ED. + +[78] Should be thirty-eight; see _Hist. of Rome_, vol. i. p. 271. + +[79] _Kleine Schrift._, vol. i. p. 209, note. + +[80] Justin, xx. 5. + +[81] Comp. _Lect. on Anc. Hist._ vol. i. p. 46, foll. + +[82] Comp. _Lect. on Anc. Hist._ vol. iii. p. 298, note 3. + +[83] Herod. i. 98. + +[84] Lucian, _Quom. Hist. Conscrib. sit. 62_. “Lucian’s story about +Herodotus is equally devoid of historical foundation.” + +[85] It is certain that in the time of the Roman emperors, the +Alexandrians pronounced Alexándreia, and they probably did so even under +the Ptolemies; the Alexandrian dialect is in fact the root of the modern +Greek. + +[86] Comp. _Lect. on Ancient Hist._, vol. ii. p. 9. + + + + +INDEX. + + + Abantes, 176 + + Abdera, 212, 233 + + Abella, ii. 127 + + Aborigines, ii. 35, 147 + + Abruzzi, ii. 11 + + Abydos, 218, 235 + + Academia, 99 + + Acanthus, 231 + + Acarnanes, 125, 252 + + Acarnania, 142, 147 foll., 265 + + Acciajuoli, 107 + + Acerrae, ii. 127, 132 + + Achaei, 26, 150, 154 + + Achaean towns in Magna Graecia, ii. 189 + + Achaia, 28, 30, 33, 34, 37, 79 foll., 151 + + Achaia Phthiotis, 162, 164 + + Acharnae, 92, 110 + + Achelous, 144, 256 + + Acheron, 257 + + Acheruntia, ii. 159 + + Acherusian Lake, 256 + + Achradina, ii. 258 + + Achrida, 309 + + Acqua di Trevi, ii. 88 + + Acra, ii. 264 + + Acragas, ii. 261 + + Acridophagi, ii. 340 + + Acroceraunia, 255 + + Acrocorinthus, 45, 46 + + Actaea tellus, 42 + + Acte, 35, 42, 85 + + Actium, 152 + + Acusilaus, 11 + + Adjectives in _ius_ and _ianus_, ii. 84 + + Ad Martis, ii. 55 + + Aeas, see Aous. + + Aedui, ii. 312, 317 + + Aegae, 80 _n._ + + Aegeae (in Macedonia), 278 foll., 290 + + Aegean sea, 182 + + Aegialea, Aegialos, 34, 36, 82 + + Aegina, 33, 45, 54, 64, 180, 183, 196; + temple of Zeus Hellenios and its sculptures, 55 + + Aegion, 80, 82 + + Aegira, 80 + + Aegirussa, 87 + + Aegyptus, 21; ii. 3 + + Aegyptus (the Nile), ii. 3 + + Aelian, 158 + + Aemilia, ii. 28 + + Aemonia or Haemonia, 132, 159, 160 + + Aenaria, ii. 135 + + Aenea, 252, 289 + + Aenianes, 142, 155, 172, 252 + + Aenos, 233 + + Aeolis, 145, 160, 206, 215 foll. + + Aepy, 69 + + Aepys, 58 + + Aequani, ii. 123, 254 + + Aequi, ii. 4, 23, 119, 120 + + Aequi Falisci, ii. 229 + + Aequiculi, ii. 123, 254 + + Aequicus, ii. 254 + + Aequuli, ii. 123, 254 + + Aeschines, 19 + + Aeschylus, 119; ii. 8 + + Aesernia, ii. 164 + + Aethalia, ii. 220 + + Aethiopia, ii. 340 + + Aetna, ii. 256 + + Aetoli, 42, 77, 125, 137, 252, 254 + + Aetolia, 126, 136 foll., 252 + + Aetolian mountains, 157 + + Afri, ii. 334 + + Africa, ii. 327 + + Africanus, Julius, 51 + + Agamemnon’s kingdom, 33 + + Agatha, ii. 313 + + Agatharchides, ii. 340 + + Agathocles, 88; ii. 261, 266 + + Agger, the, of Servius Tullius, ii. 43, 48 + + Agiadae, 56 + + Agis, 58 _n._, 4 + + S. Agnolo, in Pescivendolo, 238 _n._ 2 + + Agora at Athens, 98; + in Piraeeus, 102 + + Agraei, 147, 270 + + Agrianes, 296 + + Agrigentum, ii. 255, 262 + + Agrimensores, ii. 229 + + Agrippa, ii. 57, 95 + + Agrippina, ii. 103 + + Agylla, 160; ii. 223 + + Agyrion, ii. 270, 272 + + Aix, ii. 315 + + Alabaster, ii. 220 + + Alalia, ii. 278 + + Alaric, 50 + + Alemanni, 306; ii. 57, 251 + + Alba, 115, 126 + + Alba Longa, ii. 107 + + Alba in Picenum, ii. 28 + + Alban hills, ii. 12 + + Albanese, 301; ii. 178 + + Albanus Lacus, ii. 12, 51 + + Albanus mons, ii. 38 + + Alberti, Battista, 7 + + Alcaeus, 56, 219 + + Alcmaeon, 148 + + Alcmaeon, the Pythagorean, ii. 296 + + Aleria, ii. 278 + + Aleuadae, 164 + + Alexander, son of Craterus, 49 + + Alexander, son of Philip, 198, 264 + + Alexander Aetolus, 144 + + Alexander Severus, ii. 57 + + Alexandria, 223, 233, 264; ii. 344 + + Alexandrian School, 160, 223 + + Alfaterna, ii. 143 + + Algarvia, ii. 255 + + Algidus, ii. 38, 121 + + Alis, 77, 252; comp. Elis. + + Allifae, ii. 164 + + Allobroges, ii. 315 + + Alopeconnesus, 234, 235 + + Alpes, 284 + + Alpes Maritimae, ii. 11, 17 + + Alpes Cottiae, Graiae, Juliae Nepontiae, ii. 18; + Noricae Penninae, Raeticae, ii. 18 + + Alpes Apenninae, ii. 28 + + Alpes, a region of Italy, ii. 29 + + Alpis Cottia, Alpes Cottiae, region of Italy, ii. 29 + + Alpes Penninae, region of Italy, ii. 28 + + Alphabets, 302 + + Alpheus, 30 + + Alsium, ii. 223 + + Aluntium, ii. 270 + + Alyzia, 151, 152 + + Amalfi, ii. 167 + + Amantia, 306 + + Amasea, 20 + + Amastris, 250, 251 + + Amathus, ii. 349 + + Amazirgh, ii. 334 + + Ambracia, see Ampracia. + + Amisus, 248, 249 + + Amiternum, ii. 149, 150 + + Ammianus Marcellinus, ii. 281 + + Amorgos, 190 + + Amphictyones, 129 foll., 252 + + Amphilochii, 147, 259, 263, 265, 269, 280 + + Amphipolis, 232, 286, 294 + + Amphipolis in Syria, 291 + + Amphissa, 124 + + Amphitheatrum, ii. 91 + + Amphitheatrum Castrense, ii. 93 + + Amphitheatrum Flavium, ii. 91 + + Amphitheatrum Statilii Tauri, ii. 91, 100 + + Amphitheatrum vivarium, ii. 93 + + Ampracia, 47, 138, 149, 263, 265, 270, 280, 307 + + Ampracian Gulf, 151 + + Ampurias, ii. 294 + + Amurath, 50 + + Amyclae, 58, 61 + + Anagnia, ii. 116 + + Anacreon, 211 + + Anactorion, 149, 152, 252 + + Anaphe, 190 + + Anas, ii. 283 + + Anauros, 160, 169 + + Anaxagoras, 212 + + Anaximander, 208 + + Anaximenes, 208 + + Ancon, 152; comp. Ancona. + + Ancona, ii. 152 + + Andalusia, ii. 255 + + Andania, 69 + + Andros, 184, 187 + + S. Angelo, 63; comp. Malea. + + S. Angelo in Pescaria, 238 _n._ 2 + + S. Angelo, castle of, ii. 101 + + Angli, 135 + + Anio, ii. 21 + + Anthedon, 117, 122 + + Anthemus, 289 + + Antibes, ii. 314 + + Anticyra, 133 + + Antigonea, 268 + + Antigonea, 73; comp. Mantinea. + + Antigonids, 283 + + Antigonus Gonatas, 49 + + Antigonus Carystius, 307 + + Antioch, 234 + + Antiochus of Syracuse, ii. 188, 255 + + Antiparos, 186 + + Antipater, 292 + + Antipater’s poem on Corinth, 50 + + Antipolis, ii. 314 + + Antium, ii. 122 + + Antoninus, emperor, ii. 57 + + d’Anville, 9, 10, 18, 45 _n._, 168, 227, 257, 289; ii. 58, 127, + 158, 340 + + Anxur, see Terracina. + + Aones, 113 + + Aous, 307 + + Ἀπειρῶται, 252 + + Apelles, 210 + + Apennini montes, ii. 11, 18 + + Apia, 27 + + Apidanos, 160 + + Ἀπόκλητοι, 140 + + Apollo, temple of, at Gryneon, 216 + + Apollonia in Africa, ii. 330 + + Apollonia on the Aous, 273, 307; ii. 189 + + Apollonia in Thrace, 226 + + Apollonius Rhodius, 168, 175, 201, 271 _n._, ii. 328 + + Apollonius, tyrant of Cassandrea, 88 + + Appian, 304; ii. 30, 292, 336 + + Apricots, 252 + + Apuleius, 172; ii. 338 + + Apuli Daunii, ii. 170 + + Apuli Lucani, ii. 170 + + Apuli Teani, ii. 170 + + Apulia et Calabria, ii. 28 + + Apulia, 252; ii. 4, 5, 7, 12, 26, 154, 159, 168 + + Apulus, ii. 168 + + Aqua Appia, ii. 87 + + Aqua Claudia, ii. 88 + + Aqua crabra, ii. 50 + + Aqua damnata, ii. 50 + + Aqua Marcia, ii. 88 + + Aqua Virgo, ii. 88 + + Aquae Sextiae, ii. 315 + + Aquileia, ii. 248 + + Aquinum, ii. 127 + + Aquitani, ii. 313, 317 + + Aquitania, ii. 313 + + Arabic language, ii. 205, 206 + + Arachthos, 256, 307 + + Arae Philaenorum, ii. 330 + + Aragonese language, ii. 299 + + Araethyrea, 53; comp. Phlius. + + Arar, ii. 316 + + Aratores, ii. 272 + + Aratus, 49, 53 + + Arausio, ii. 315 + + Arcades, 71, 75 + + Arcadia, 29, 30, 31, 33, 69, 70 foll. + + Archaeanactidae, 246 + + Archelaus, 293 + + Archilochus, 183, 186 + + Archytas, ii. 186 + + Arctinus, 208 + + Ardea, ii. 109 + + Ardyaei, 300, 306, 311 + + Arelas, Arelate, ii. 315 + + Aremorica, ii. 318 + + Arena, ii. 46, 92 + + Areopagus, 96 + + Aretinus, 261 _n._ 2 + + Areus, Areas, 262 _n._ + + Arevaci, ii. 299 + + Ἀργεῖοι, 26 + + Argentum Oscense, ii. 295 + + Argolis, 29, 34, 37 + + Argos, 25, 30, 34, 36, 37 foll., 39, 161 + + Argos Amphilochicum, 166, 263, 266, 270, 307 + + Ἄργος Ἵππιον, see Arpi. + + Argos in Orestis, 166, 269 + + Argos in Thessaly, 278 + + Argyripa, see Arpi. + + Argyrocastro, 268 + + Aricia, ii. 115 + + Arimaspae, 208 + + Ariminum, ii. 26, 164 _n._, 241 + + Arion, 220 + + Arisba, 218 + + Aristides, Aelius, 20, 293 _n._ + + Aristodemus, 56 + + Aristodemus, tyrant of Elis, 88 + + Aristophanes, ii. 8 + + Aristoteles, 16, 23, 54, 78, 223, 255, 307; ii. 200, 296 _n._, 331 + + Aristoxenus, ii. 205 + + Arles, ii. 315 + + Armorica, ii. 25 + + Arnauts, 301 + + Arndt, E. M., ii. 10 + + Arne, 113, 160 + + Arno, ii. 21, 215 + + Arpi, ii. 170, 172 + + Arpinum, ii. 119, 124, 159 + + Arretium, ii. 163, 213, 227 + + Arretium, vases of, ii. 134 + + Arretium, vetus, fidens, Julium, ii. 227 + + Arrian, 118 + + Arsinoe, ii. 329 + + Artemidorus, ii. 283 + + Artyni, 43 + + Aruaci, ii. 299 + + Arverni, ii. 312, 316 + + Arx, ii. 48, 67 + + Asbestus, ii. 44 + + Asclepiadae, 204 + + Asculum, ii. 151 + + Asia, 22 + + Asine, 67, 69 + + Asinia gens, ii. 157 + + Asopus, 116 + + Aspetus, 261 + + Asphalt, springs of, 305 + + Aspropotamo, 145; comp. Achelous. + + Assisium, ii. 233 + + Assos, 218 + + Astacos, 241 + + Asteria, 184 + + Astorga, ii. 302 + + Astures, ii. 301 + + Asturica, ii. 302 + + Ἄστυ, 93 + + Astypalaea, 195 + + Asylum, ii. 66 + + Atarneus, 223 + + Atella, ii. 127, 132 + + Athamania, 280 _n._ 2 + + Athenae, 55, 89, 93 foll.; + the city of Hadrian, 96, 99; + acropolis of, 97; + buildings, 100, 106; + population, 107; + allied with Aetolia, 143 + + Ἀθηνᾶ Πολιάς, temple of, 97 + + Athenaeus, 20, 54, 108; ii. 85, 205 + + Ἀθηναῖοι Βοιωτοί, 112 + + Ἀθηναῖος, 91 + + Athenians, 98; ii. 194 + + Athesis, ii. 246 + + Athos, 226, 229, 280 + + Atintanes, 269, 311 + + Atreids, 33 + + Atrium, ii. 77 + + Atrium Libertatis, ii. 77 + + Atrium Vestae, ii. 77 + + Attica, 84, 90 foll. + + Atticus, T. Pomponius, 267, 272 + + Ἀττικός, Ἀττική, 91 + + Attius, 181 + + Audyeelah, ii. 335 + + Aufidus, ii. 22, 171 + + Augila, ii. 335 + + Augusta Taurinorum, ii. 252 + + Augusta Trevirorum, ii. 319 + + S. Augustin, ii. 87 + + Augustodunum, ii. 317 + + Augustus, 308; ii. 9, 44, 94, 96, 103, 137 _n._, 227, 295, 296 + + Aula Domitiani, ii. 97 + + Aulaea, ii. 97 + + Aurelia, ii. 28 + + Aurelianus, ii. 58 + + M. Aurelius, emperor, ii. 140 + + Aurunci, ii. 6, 123 + + Ausonia, ii. 6, 123 + + Ausonius, ii. 242, 303 + + Αὐταγγελτοί, 130 + + Autariatae, 309 + + Aventinus, ii. 39, 41, 49, 100 + + Avernus Lacus, ii. 139 + + Avignon, ii. 315 + + Avineo, ii. 315 + + Avitus, ii. 311 + + Axius, 224, 282, 286 + + Azan, 71 + + Azanes, 71 + + + Bacanae, lake, ii. 214 + + Bacchus, worship of, 233, 289 + + Bacchylides, 187 + + Badajoz, ii. 296 + + Baetica, ii. 282 + + Baetis, ii. 281, 283 + + Baiae, ii. 94, 138 + + Balari, ii. 274 + + Balnea, balneae, ii. 94 + + Βάλτος, 145, 256 + + Barbarians, 26; ii. 8 + + Barbaricini, ii. 276 + + Barbié du Bocage, 10, 95, 97, 118, 257, 289 + + Barca, ii. 329 + + Barcelona, ii. 293 + + Barcino, ii. 293 + + Bardylis, 300 + + Bari, ii. 175 + + Barium, ii. 175 + + Basilicata, ii. 182 + + Basilica of Antoninus, ii. 57, 84 + + Basilica Julia, s. L. et C. Caesarum, ii. 80 + + Basilica Opimia, ii. 80 + + Basilica Paulli, ii. 80 + + Basilica Porcia, ii. 80 + + Basilicae, ii. 79 + + S. Basilius, 106 + + Basque, ii. 302 + + Basque language, ii. 254, 285 + + Basra, ii. 198 + + Basse-Bretagne, ii. 25, 318 + + Bastarnae, ii. 325 + + Bastuli, ii. 288 + + Beaujour, Felix de, 293 + + Beef, 31 + + Beia, ii. 296 + + Belemina, 62 + + Belgae, ii. 306, 319 + + Belgium, ii. 10, 304 + + Belisarius, ii. 44 + + Βῆμα at Athens, ii. 74 + + Benacus, ii. 27 + + Beneventum, ii. 26, 142, 164 + + Bentley, Richard, 253; ii. 196 + + Berenice in Epirus, 268; + in Cyrenaica, ii. 329 + + Bergamum, ii. 244 + + Berne, ii. 245 + + St. Bernard, mount, ii. 17 + + Beroea, 291 + + Berones, ii. 299 + + Berosus, ii. 349 + + Beterrae, ii. 313 + + Beziers, ii. 313 + + Bianchini, ii. 96 + + Bias, 209 + + Bituriges, ii. 303 + + Boccaccio, 107 + + Bochart, 22; ii. 268, 279 + + Boebeis, lake, 155, 160 + + Boeotarchs, 115 + + Boeotians, 113 foll., 123, 160 + + Boëthius, ii. 28 + + Boii, ii. 235, 236, 323 + + Boion, 134 + + Boissard, ii. 53, 105 + + Bolgs, ii. 306 + + Bomii, 138 + + Βωμὸς Ἐλέους, Αἰδοῦς at Athens, 98 + + Βωμὸς of Fama and Ὁρμή, 99 + + Bonaparte, Lucien, ii. 110 + + Bononia, ii. 234, 238 + + Boreas, 17 + + Borghese, Prince, ii. 114 + + Borgo, ii. 44, 46, 103 + + Bory de St. Vincent, ii. 294 _n._ + + Borysthenis, Borysthenopolis, 243 + + Bosporus, 182, 236 + + Bosporus, kingdom of, 245 + + Bottiaci, Bottiacis, 225, 288 + + Bottii, 226, 277 + + Botzen, ii. 10 + + Boundaries, natural, ii. 273 + + Bovianum, ii. 162, 163 + + Βουλευτήριον at Athens, 98 + + Βουλή, 130 + + Bozra, ii. 337 + + Brancaleone, ii. 83 + + Brenin, ii. 306 + + Brennus, 134 + + Brescia, 170 + + Breuni, 299 + + —_bria_, Thracian suffix for Town, 237 + + Brienne, 107 + + Brilessus, 92 + + Britain, 20; ii. 320 + + Britany, see Basse Bretagne. + + Britons, ii. 207, 281 + + Brittia, ii. 28 + + Brixia, ii. 234, 244 + + Brocchi, ii. 39, 50 + + Bröndstedt, 187 + + Bronzes, ii. 173 + + Brundusium, ii. 177, 179 + + Bruttii, ii. 28 + + Bruttium, ii. 26, 144, 183 + + Bryseae, 59 + + Buffaloes, ii. 233 + + Bullii, Bulliones, 301, 306 + + Bulwark of Pope Paul III., ii. 60 + + Bura, 29, 80 + + Burdigala, ii. 303, 318 + + Burgus, see Borgo. + + Burial places of the poor at Rome, ii. 46 + + Buschetti, ii. 218 + + Bushmen, ii. 340 + + Bustum of the Caesars, ii. 103 + + Butadae, 86 + + Buthroton, Buthrotos, 259, 267, 271 foll. + + Buxentum, ii. 204 + + Βύρσα, ii. 337 + + Byzacene, Byzacitis, Byzacium, ii. 332, 338, 339 + + Byzantium, 237 + + Byzantius, Byzantinus, 238 + + + Cabral, ii. 112 + + Caelius, hill, ii. 41, 100 + + Caelius Antipater, ii. 293 + + Caere, ii. 213, 223 + + Caesar, C. Julius, 11, 50, 51, 306; ii. 241, 303, 306, 313 + + Caesaraugusta, ii. 295 + + Calabri, ii. 177 + + Calabria (Terra di Lecce), 255; ii. 26, 177 + + Calauria, 44 + + Cales, ii. 128 + + Caligula, ii. 96, 136 + + Callaici, ii. 301 + + Callimachus, 144, 202, 269, 271 _n._ + + Callipolis on the Hellespont, 236 + + Callipolis in Magna Graecia, ii. 185 + + Calor, ii. 161 + + Calvinists, ii. 154 + + Calydon, 136, 145 + + Camalodunum, ii. 322 + + Camarina, ii. 255 + + Cambunii montes, 157 + + Cameos, ii. 199 + + Camerinum, ii. 233 + + Camiros, 196 + + Campagna di Roma, ii. 27 + + Campagna di Lavoro, ii. 28 + + Campania, ii. 5, 26, 28 + + Campania Aurelia, ii. 28 + + Campania Romana (Romae), ii. 27 + + Campania suburbicaria, ii. 28 + + Campanian vases, ii. 133 + + Campi, ii. 128, 130 + + Campi Catalaunici, ii. 128 + + Campo Santo, ii. 218 + + Campo Vaccino, ii. 73 + + Campus Caelimontanus, ii. 100 + + Campus Esquilinus, ii. 100 + + Campus Martius, ii. 49, 55, 56, 95, 100 + + Καμπυλίδαι, 260 + + Camuni, ii. 244 + + Candauian hills, 285 + + Canobus, ii. 344 + + Canosa, ii. 174 + + Cantabri, ii. 302 + + Canusium, ii. 170, 173 + + Capena, ii. 213, 225 + + Capharean rocks, 178 + + Capitoline temple, ii. 67 + + Capitolinus, ii. 42, 65 + + Capua, ii. 127, 130 + + Caralis, ii. 276 + + Κάρβανοι, ii. 8 + + Carcer, ii. 69 + + Cardamyle, 69 + + Cardia, 234, 235 + + Cardinals, ii. 45 + + Cares, 77, 123, 184, 192, 197, 203, 205, 217 + + Carinae, ii. 66, 95, 99 + + Carpathos, 195 + + Carpetani, Καρπήσιοι, ii. 298 + + Carthaea, 141, 187 + + Carthago, ii. 330, 336 + + Carthago nova, ii. 288 + + Carystus, 177 + + Casci, Cascus, ii. 35, 123 + + Casilinum, ii. 127, 129 + + Casinum, ii. 159 + + Casmenae, ii. 264 + + Cassander, 228, 296, 297 + + Cassandrea, 228, 235, 298; comp. Potidaea. + + Cassianus, ii. 311 + + Cassiopea, 263, 272 + + Cassiterides insulae, ii. 320 + + Castalia, 129 + + Castanea, 158 + + Castaneae nuces, 158 + + Castiglione, ii. 277, 334 + + Castulonensis saltus, ii. 291 + + Catacombs, 106; ii. 46 + + Catalani, 107 + + Catalogue, see Homer. + + Catana, 176 + + Κατάπλους, ii. 136 + + Cato, M. Porcius, ii. 8, 141, 230, 238 + + Cattle, breeding of, ii. 233 + + Catullus, ii. 245, 246 + + Caucones, 26, 77 + + Caudium, ii. 165 + + Caudini, ii. 143, 161 + + Caulon, Caulonia, ii. 189, 199 + + Caunii, 201 + + Καυσία, 292 + + Caystrus, 210 + + Celano, ii. 156. + + Celia, ii. 68 + + Celia, Della, ii. 329 + + Celtae, ii. 280, 281, 298, 306, 326 + + Celtiberi, ii. 280, 300 + + Celtici, ii. 280, 298 + + Celtic language, ii. 305 + + Celtoligyes, ii. 313 + + Cenchreae, 45, 51 + + Cencius Camerarius, ii. 97 _n._ + + Cenomani, ii. 236, 238 + + Census at Rome, ii. 72 + + Centaurs, 159 + + Centrones, ii. 50 + + Centumcellae, ii. 136, 223 + + Centuripa, ii. 271 + + Ceos, 184, 187 + + Cephaloedion, ii. 267 + + Cephallenia, 142, 143, 153, 154 + + Cephallenian islands, 153 + + Cephisus, 92; + the Phocian, 117 + + Ceramicus, 97 + + Ceras (χρυσοῦν), 237 + + Ceraunian mountains, 255 + + Cerigo, see Cythera. + + Cermalus, ii. 59 + + Cerynea, 80 + + Ceylon, ii. 274 + + Chaeronea, 122 + + Chalcedon, 238, 242 + + Χαλκιδῆς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης, 225, 282 + + Chalcidice, 227 + + Chalcidian towns, in Epithrace, 176; + in Sicily and Italy, 176; ii. 189 + + Chalcis, in Acarnania, 151, 252; + in Euboea, 134, 176, 179, 183, 207, 273; + in Syria, 291; + alleged town in Thrace, 227 + + Chalk, ii. 39 + + Χάλκος, ii. 321 + + Champagne, ii. 128, 171 + + Champollion, the younger, ii. 210, 342 + + Chaones; comp. Chones. + + Χειμάῤῥους, 144 + + Chemi, ii. 3 + + Cherson, 245 + + Chersonesus, 42 + + Chersonesus, town, 245 + + Chersonesus Taurica, 245 + + Chersonesus Thracica, 233 + + Chios, 161, 205, 206, 213 + + Chittim, ii. 349 + + Chone, ii. 11 + + Chones in Italy, 260; ii. 181 + + Christian religion at Athens and Rome, 106 + + Church S. Catarina de’ funari, ii. 89 + + Church S. Cosma e Damiano, ii. 76 + + Church S. Maria Liberatrice, ii. 78 + + Church S. Maria Maggiore, ii. 59 + + Church S. Salvatoris in maximis, ii. 68 + + Cicero, _in Clodium et Curionem_, ii. 138, 147; + _pro Cluentio_, ii. 46, 96; + _pro Scauro_, ii. 273, 275; + _pro Tullio_, 183, 195 + + Cilicia, ii. 284 + + Cilicians, 185 + + Κιλλικύριοι, ii. 260 + + Cimariotae, 260 + + Cimbri, ii. 235, 312, 326 + + Ciminian forest, ii. 225 + + Cimmerii, 221 + + Κιμώνειον τεῖχος, 97 + + Cimon, peace of, ii. 348 + + Cios, 241 + + Cipollino, 178 + + Circaeum, ii. 39 + + Circus Agonalis, ii. 89, 101 + + Circus of Alexander Severus, ii. 101 + + Circus Flaminius, ii. 89 + + Circus Maximus, ii. 52, 88 + + Circus of Nero, ii. 103 + + Cirrha, see Crissa. + + Cirta, ii. 339 + + Cispius Mons, ii. 43 + + Cithaeron, 91, 116 + + Citium, ii. 349 + + Civita Castellana, ii. 230 + + Civita Vecchia, ii. 223; comp. Centumcellae. + + Civitas added to names of towns, ii. 112 + + Civitates, ii. 312 + + Classes, ii. 239 + + Clay, works in, ii. 227 + + Clazomenae, 206, 212 + + Claudianus Mamertus, ii. 311 + + Clemens of Alexandria, ii. 9 + + Cleobulus of Lindos, 201 + + Cleomenes, 49, 62, 66 + + Cleomenes, architect of Alexandria, ii. 345 + + Cleonae, 41 + + Cleruchia, 181 + + Clientes, 43 + + Clientela, ii. 308 + + Clisthenes, 86 + + Clivus, ii. 48, 66 + + Cloacae, ii. 47 + + Clovis, 262 + + Clusium, ii. 213, 227 + + Cluver, Philip, 6 + + Cnidus, 204 + + Cnosus, Cnossus, 192, 193 + + Coae vestes, 190 + + Coals, 78 + + Codex Theodosianus, ii. 27, 29 + + Coins, ii. 3, 163, 172, 184, 193, 195, 199, 205, 210, 221, 265, + 266, 284 + + Colchis, 248 + + Collis, i.e. Quirinalis, ii. 62 + + Collis Hortulorum, see Hortulorum. + + Cologne, ii. 295 + + Colonia Agrippina, ii. 320 + + Colonia Augusta Rauracorum, ii. 315 + + Colonia Maritima, ii. 122 + + Coloniae Civiles, ii. 315 + + Colonies, Greek in Italy and Sicily, 31, 177; ii. 255; + in Asia Minor, 205; + in Macedonia and Thrace, 224; + Latin, ii. 31; + Roman, ii. 125, 205, 290 + + Colonna, cape, 110; comp. Sunion. + + Colophon, 176, 206, 212 + + Colophonian colony in Magna Graecia, ii. 189 + + Κόλπος μέλας, 234 + + Colosseum, ii. 92 + + Columna Trajani, ii. 83 + + Κωμηδόν, 93, 260 + + Comitium, ii. 73, 80 + + Commune, 150; + C. Latium, ii. 109 + + Comparative Ethnography, ii. 6 + + Compsa, ii. 166 + + Comum, ii. 241, 244 + + Conipodes, 43 + + Connubium, ii. 289 + + Consentia, ii. 184 + + Constantina, ii. 339 + + Constantinople, 238, 241; comp. Byzantium. + + Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 245 + + Constantine, emperor, 264 + + Conventus Civium Romanorum, 313 + + Copae, 122 + + Copais, lake, 74, 114, 117 + + Copts, ii. 342 + + Corals, banks of, ii. 274 + + Coral fishing, ii. 314 + + Corax, 186 + + Cordonata, ii. 65 + + Cordos, see Corinth. + + Corduba, ii. 290 + + Cordubenses poetae, ii. 290 + + Corcyra, 47, 175, 177, 272 + + Corcyra, town, 275 + + Corcyra melaena, 314 + + Corfinium, ii. 157 + + Corfu, ii. 178 + + Corinna, 118 + + Corinth, 35, 36, 38, 44, 48, 50, 68, 89, 134, 151, 207 + + Corinthian Gulf, 81 + + Coriolanus, ii. 51 + + Corn, ii. 283 + + Corn trade, 243 + + Corneto, ii. 222 + + Corniculum, ii. 38 + + Corone, 69 + + Coronelli, 8 + + Corphi, 274 + + Corsica, ii. 203, 278 + + Cortona, ii. 213, 227 + + Cos, 32, 204 + + Cosetani, ii. 294 + + Cosenza, ii. 184 + + Κόσμοι, the, of the Cretans, 194 + + Cosmo, III. de Medici, ii. 215 + + Cossa, Cossa Volcentium, ii. 214, 221 + + Cothon, ii. 337 + + Cranae, 112 + + Cranai, 154 + + Κρατήρ, ii. 140 + + Craterus, 49 + + Cremona, ii. 238, 245, 295 + + Crenidas, 285 + + Creophilus, 209 + + Cresphontes, 57 + + Κρησφύγετον, 260 + + Crestonaea, 287 + + Crete, 48, 141, 161, 190 + + Κρητίζειν, 195 + + Crissa, 45, 127 + + Crissaean Gulf, 116 + + Cromna, 250 + + Cronium Mare, ii. 305 + + Crossaea, 287, 289 + + Croton, Crotona, 109, 152 + + Crotona, 262 _n._ + + Crumentum, ii. 184 + + Crypta, ii. 139 + + Ctesicles, 108 + + Cumae, 176; ii. 2, 134, 151 + + Cuneus, ii. 92 + + Cures, ii. 147 + + Curetes, 137 + + Curia Hostilia, ii. 75 + + Curia Julia, ii. 73, 76 + + Curia Vecchia, ii. 95 + + Curius Dentatus, ii. 147 + + Curzola, 314 + + Cyclades, 114, 183 + + Cyclopes, ii. 253 + + Cyclopean works, 40, 41, 60, 145, 154, 260; ii. 48, 109, 116, 156, + 219, 275 + + Κύκλος, 93 + + Cydon, Cydonii, 192 + + Cydonia, 194 + + Cyllene, 78 + + Cyme Phriconis, 216 + + Cymri, ii. 306, 312, 318, 321 + + Cynaetha, 75 + + Cynosarges, 99 + + Cynurii, 41 + + Cyparissia, 69, 83 + + Cyprus, ii. 348 + + Cyrenaica, ii. 327 + + Cyrene, ii. 192, 327 + + Cyrillian alphabet, 302 + + Cyrillus, 302 + + Κύρνος, ii. 278 + + Cyrrhus in Syria, 291 + + Cythera, 39, 55, 63, 114, 182 + + Cythnos, 184 + + Cytinium, 134 + + Cytoros, 250 + + Cyzicus, 160, 207, 241; ii. 123 + + + Dalmatia and Dalmatians, 305, 312 + + Δαναοί, 25 + + Dardani, 284, 304 + + Dardanus, 241 + + Daunia, ii. 4 + + Daunii, ii. 3 + + Decelea, 111 + + Decius, emperor, ii. 57 + + Delium, 122 + + Delos, 51, 183, 184 + + Delphi, 17, 126, 129, 261; ii. 223 + + Delta of rivers, ii. 105 + + Demetrias, 166, 167, 235 + + Demetrius Phalereus, 165 + + Demetrius of Pharos, 314 + + Demetrius Poliorcetes, 52, 53, 167, 198 + + Demi of Attica, 86, 110 + + Democritus, 233 + + Demosthenes, 44, 168, 197, 227, 228, 236, 246 + + Dessaretae, 301, 309 + + Diaconiae of the Christians at Rome, ii. 45 + + Dialect, the Laconian, 136; + Latin dialects, ii. 34 + + Diana, at Ephesus, 210; + at Rome, ii. 99 + + Dicaearchia, ii. 135 + + Dicaearchus, 121, 224 + + Δίγλωσσοι, 227, 267; ii. 178 + + Dignitaries, secular, ii. 45 + + Dimalon, 301 + + Diocletian, 313 + + Dion Cassius, 297 + + Dion Chrysostomus, 90, 242, 293 + + Diodorus of Sicily, 119, 126, 310; ii. 151, 152, 197, 198, 257, + 259, 261, 263, 267, 271, 289, 336, 341 + + Diomedes, his kingdom, 33, 34, 36 + + Diomedes, ii. 159 + + Dion, 289; ii. 260 + + Dionigi, Madame, ii. 118 + + Dionysius I., ii. 260 + + Dionysius II., ii. 260 + + Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 94; ii. 48, 109, 211, 221, 224 + + Dionysius Periegeta, ii. 200 + + Dionysius Thrax, 175 + + Dioscuria, 248 + + Dodona, 160, 173, 254 + + Dodwell, 158 + + Dolonces, 234 + + Dolopes, 155, 172, 184 _n._, 252, 280 + + Dolopian mountains, 157 + + Domitian, ii. 29, 83; + Aula Domitiani, ii. 97; + Statua equestris, ii. 71 + + Donati, ii. 67 + + Doria, river, ii. 253 + + Dorians, 192, 196, 203 + + Doris, 134 + + Dositheus magister, 175 _n._ + + Drachmae and tetradrachmae of Athens, 104 + + Drepana, ii. 268 + + Drepane, 272 + + Drino, 284, 312 + + Druids, ii. 308 + + Dryopes, 41; + in Messenia, 67, 173, 184 + + Dulichium, 146 + + Dureau de la Malle, ii. 66 + + Durius, ii. 283 + + Durocortorum, Durocortoro, ii. 310, 319 + + Durra, ii. 330 + + Dwarf palm, ii. 255 + + Dyme, 80 + + Δυναστής, 219 + + Dyrrachium, 308; comp. Epidamnus. + + + Earth, notions of the ancients of, 15; + earliest division of, 22; + in a burning state, 307 + + Ecetrae, ii. 122 + + Echinades, 145, 148 + + Edessa, 277, 291 + + Edetani, ii. 291 + + Edones, 288 + + Egesta, ii. 269 + + Egribos, 180 + + Eichhorn, K. F., ii. 119 + + Εἴδωλον, 97 + + Einsiedeln, itinerary of, ii. 101 + + Eion, 232 + + Eionae, 42 + + Ἐκκλησία, 130 + + Elatea, 132 + + Elea in Oenotria, 212; ii. 189, 204; comp. Velia. + + Eleus, 234 + + Eleusis (Eleusina), 90, 92, 109 + + Eleutherae, 112 + + Eleutherolacones, 62 + + Elimiotae, 277, 278, 282 + + Elis, 30, 34, 36, 77; + κοίλη, 59; + town, 78 + + Emathia, 277, 286 + + Emerita Augusta, ii. 295 + + Emporiae, ii. 294 + + Empti venditi, ii. 36 + + Encheleans, 299 + + England, ii. 45, 187, 281 + + Ἐνιῆνες, 172 + + Enna, ii. 271 + + Ἐννέα ὁδοί, see Amphipolis. + + Ennius, 158; ii. 77, 177 + + Epaminondas, 66, 75, 118 + + Epeans, 34, 77 + + Ephesus, 210 + + Ephorus, 32, 57, 153 + + Ephyra, 44 + + Epidamnus, 273, 308 + + Epidaurus, 38, 42; + temple of Aesculapius, 44 + + Epidaurus Limera, 62 + + Epipolae, ii. 258 + + Epirus, 142, 251 + + Epirotae, 125, 275 + + Eratosthenes, 13, 14, 15, 21, 22, 23, 81; ii. 188, 304 + + Erchomenos, 122, see Orchomenos. + + Erechtheum, 97 + + Eretria, 176, 177, 273, 277 + + Eridanus, ii. 20 + + Erineos, 134 + + Erymanthus, 30 + + Erythea, ii. 287 + + Erythrae, 120, 206 + + Eryx, ii. 257 + + Esquiliae, ii. 66, 96 + + Esquiline, ii. 43, 100 + + Eteobutadae, 87 + + Eteocretes, 191, 192 + + Ἔθνος, 132 + + Etruria, ii. 26, 206 + + Etrusci, 48, 191; ii. 4, 10, 23, 234 + + Etruscan walls, ii. 48, 219; + columns, 77; + language, 209; + writing, 220 + + Euboea, 175 + + Euboean sea, 116 + + Eudyeelah, ii. 335 + + Eudoxus, 19 + + Euenus, 137, 145 + + Euganei, ii. 247 + + Eugubinian Tables, ii. 210 + + Eumenes, 235 + + Eunuchs, 211 + + Euripides, 119 + + Euripus, 178 + + Europe, 22, 23 + + Eurotas, 30, 59, 60 + + Eurypontids, 56 + + Eurysthenes, 56 + + Eurytanes, 138 + + Eusebius, 51, 166; ii. 349 + + + Fabius Maximus, ii. 39 + + Fabius Pictor, ii. 124, 170 + + Fabrataria, ii. 119, 126 + + Fabretti, ii. 50 + + Faesulae, ii. 163, 214, 215, 228 + + Falera, ii. 230 + + Falernian wine, ii. 128 + + Falernus ager, ii. 127, 132 + + Falisci, ii. 229 + + Fanum, ii. 241 + + Fasti Capitolini, ii. 76, 110, 226 + + Fasti of the Venetian consuls, ii. 248 + + Fasti of Verrius Flaccus, ii. 111 + + Fasti Triumphales, ii. 116 + + Faun, the Barberini, ii. 102 + + Fauriel, 258 + + Fauvel, 96 + + Faventia, ii. 237, 239 + + Favissa, ii. 69 + + Fea, ii. 60, 70 + + Fellatah, ii. 340 + + Felsina, ii. 234, 238 + + Ferentinum, ii. 66, 116, 118 + + Festus, ii. 159 + + Feudalism, 37 + + Ficoroni, ii. 59, 70 + + Firbolgs, ii. 306 + + Fire, the, of Nero, ii. 55, 96 + + Firn, ii. 117 + + Flaminia, ii. 28 + + Flamininus, T. Quinctius, 63 + + Florentia, ii. 163, 228, 237 + + Florentines, ii. 16, 206 + + Florus, ii. 56 + + Fora, ii. 237 + + Formiae, ii. 124, 139 + + Fornix Fabianus, ii. 98 + + Forum, meaning of, ii. 80 + + Forum Augusti, ii. 47, 81 + + Forum Aurelium, ii. 85 + + Forum Boarium, ii. 85 + + Forum Caesaris, ii. 81 + + Forum Cornelii, ii. 239 + + Forum Domitiani, ii. 80 + + Forum Julii, ii. 315 + + Forum Nervae, ii. 80, 83 + + Forum Olitorium, ii. 85 + + Forum Palladium, ii. 83 + + Forum Popillii, ii. 239 + + Forum Romanum, s. Maximum, ii. 81 + + Forum Trajani, s. Ulpium, ii. 80 + + Fossa Cluilia, ii. 50, 51 + + Fossa Quiritium, ii. 51 + + France, population of, ii. 145 + + Franks, 306; ii. 5, 145 + + Frascati, ii. 109 + + Fratres populi Romani, ii. 317 + + Fregellae, ii. 119, 124, 159 + + Fregenae, ii. 223 + + Fréjus, ii. 315 + + Frentani, ii. 4, 24, 143, 158, 161 + + Frisians, ii. 251 + + Frontinus, ii. 56 + + Fronto, 293 _n._; ii. 310 + + Frusino, ii. 116 + + Fucinus, lake, ii. 156 + + Fulginium, ii. 233 + + Fulvius, Andreas, ii. 67, 72, 137 _n._ + + Funchal, ii. 60 + + Fundi, ii. 124 + + + Gabii, ii. 38, 113 + + Gades, ii. 287 + + Gael, ii. 306, 318 + + Gaetuli, ii. 333, 335 + + Γαλάται, ii. 306 + + Galatia, ii. 325 + + Galli, ii. 306, 321 + + Gallia, ii. 303 + + Gallia Cisalpina, ii. 9, 232 + + Gallia Cispadana, ii. 24, 236 + + Gallia Lugdunensis, ii. 311 + + Gallia Narbonensis, ii. 311 + + Gallia Togata, see Gallia Cisalpina. + + Gallia Transpadana, ii. 24, 236, 241 + + Gallipoli, ii. 185; comp. Callipolis. + + Γάμοροι, ii. 260 + + Gamucci, ii. 82 + + Garamantes, ii. 335 + + Gardens, see Horti. + + Garganus, ii. 4, 171 + + Garigliano, ii. 22 + + Garve, ii. 168 + + Gatterer, 276 + + Gela, ii. 255, 264 + + Gell, Sir William, 154 + + Genauni, 299 + + Geneva, ii. 125 + + Genua, 43; ii. 251 + + Geranean mountains, 29 + + Germa, ii. 335 + + Germani, ii. 306 + + Germania prima, ii. 320 + + Germania secunda, ii. 320 + + Gesner, J. M., ii. 84 + + Getae, ii. 324, 326 + + Γετῶν ἐρημία, 243 + + Gigantes, ii. 253 + + Glagolitian alphabet, 303 + + Glass, ii. 335 + + Gnosus, Gnossus, see Cnosus. + + Goethe, ii. 53 + + Gold mines, 91, 285, 295; ii. 283; + in rivers, ii. 283; + gold sand, ii. 253 + + Gomphi, 156 + + Gonfalina, ii. 215 + + Gortyn, Gortyna, 193 + + Gothofredus, Jac., ii. 29 + + Goths, 106, 123, 311; ii. 11, 19, 58 + + Gracchus, C., ii. 75 + + Graeculi, ii. 94, 123, 141 + + Γραικοί, 25 + + Gras, 217 + + Greece, 7, 24 + + Greeks, 43, 49 + + Greek language in Southern Italy and Sicily, ii. 144 + + Gregory the Great, ii. 58, 94, 137, 272, 276 + + Gregory of Tours, ii. 10, 317 + + Gronovius, J. F., 238 + + Grotta Ferrata, ii. 50 + + Gryneon, 216 + + Gubbio, ii. 210, 233 + + Guilletière, de la, 8 + + Guiscard, Robert, 50 + + Gytheion, 61 + + + Hadria, ii. 153 + + Hadrian, emperor, 73, 96, 105 + + Hadrian I., pope, ii. 93 + + Hadrumetum, ii. 332 + + Haedui, see Aedui. + + Haemonia, 132, 159; comp. Aemonia. + + Haemus, 284 + + Halesa, ii. 270 + + Haliae, 42, 44; + Ἁλιῆς, 44 + + Haliacmon, 286 + + Haliartus, 121 + + Haliartus, lake of, 117 + + Halicarnassus, 203 + + Haller of Nürnberg, 187 + + Halonnesus, 181 + + Halys, 249 + + Hamilcar Barcas, ii. 257, 289 + + Hannibal, 265; ii. 19, 59, 132, 183, 199, 289 + + Harpocration, 86, 163 + + Hausmann, ii. 133 + + Hebrus, 283 + + Hecataeus of Miletus, 11, 13, 17, 23, 307 + + Hecatonnesus, 215, 217 + + Ἕδος, ii. 68 + + Εἵλωτες, 59 + + Helice, 28, 80, 81 + + Helicon, 116, 128 + + Hellanicus, Phoronis, 160 + + Hellas, see Greece. + + Ἑλλὰς συνεχής, 24 + + Ἕλληνες, Ἕλλοι, 25 + + Hellenistic dialect, ii. 280 + + Hellespont, 182 + + Helos, 58, 59 + + Helvetii, 311 + + Heneti, ii. 247 + + Henna, ii. 270, 271 + + Hephaestia, 181 + + Heraclea in Bithynia, 245 + + Heraclea in Chersonesus, 245 + + Heraclea in Magna Graecia, ii. 189 + + Heraclea on the Liburnian coast, 312 + + Heraclea ἐν Μαριανδύνοις, 250 + + Heraclea in Sicily, ii. 264 + + Heraclea ἡ ἐπὶ Τραχῖνι, 142, 143, 171 + + Heracleia, 114 + + Heracleids, 36 + + Heraclitus, the philosopher, 210 + + Heraea, 143 + + Heraean hills, ii. 255 + + Heraeon in Samos, 210 + + Hercules, 114 + + Hermione, Hermion, 38, 42, 43 + + Hernae, ii. 117 + + Hernici, ii. 38, 116 + + Herodes Atticus, 50, 99, 105 + + Herodotus, 13, 17, 18, 23, 47, 56, 72, 107, 120, 126, 135, 155, + 168, 172, 224, 299; ii. 211, 212, 267, 343 + + Hesiod, 52, 216; ii. 36 + + Hesperia, 22 + + Hestiaea, 178 + + Hestiaeotis, 161 + + Heyne, 127; ii. 39, 196 + + Hiera, 190 + + Hierapytna, ii. 35 + + Hierian islands, ii. 314 + + Hiero II., ii. 260 + + Hieronymus of Cardia, 235 + + Highlanders of Scotland, ii. 306 + + Hills of Rome, ii. 41 + + Himera, 176; ii. 266 + + Himerius, 106 + + Hindoo, 156 + + Hippo, ii. 332, 338 + + Hippodamus of Miletus, 101 + + Hipponax, 210 + + Hipponium, ii. 189, 203 + + Hirpini, ii. 26, 143, 151, 161, 165 + + Hirpus, ii. 230 + + Hirt, A., ii. 81 + + Hispalis, ii. 290 + + Hispalli, ii. 123, 141 + + Hispania, ii. 279 + + Hispania citerior, ii. 302 + + Hispania Tarraconensis, ii. 293 + + Hispania ulterior, ii. 302 + + Hispellum, ii. 233 + + Holstenius, Lucas, ii. 230 + + Homer, 15, 22, 25, 32, 52, 111, 120, 148, 151, 162, 173, 176, 196, + 224; + Hymn on Apollo, 183, 253; + comp. Iliad, Odyssey. + + Homeridae, 213 + + Honey, 92 + + Honorius, ii. 58 + + Horatii and Curiatii, ii. 51 + + Horace, ii. 43, 165, 175, 231 + + Horti, ii. 53 + + Horti Aemilii, ii. 54 + + Horti Sallustiani, ii. 59 + + Hortulorum mons s. collis, ii. 43, 57 + + Hottentots, ii. 340 + + Huesca, ii. 295 + + Humbert, ii. 336 + + Humboldt, Wil. von, ii. 279, 283 + + Hume, ii. 45, 129 + + Huns, 123, 311 + + Hyantes, 113 + + Hycsos, ii. 342 + + Hydrea, Hydra, 44, 54 + + Hydruntum, ii. 179 + + Hyes, 113 + + Hyginus, Julius, ii. 117, 224 + + Hyle, 120 + + Hylice, 117 + + Hylli, 269, 299, 305, 313 + + Hymettus, 91 + + Hypate, 172 + + Hyperboreans, 17 + + Hyperides, 82 + + Ὑποθῆβαι, 119 + + + Ialysos, 196 + + Janiculus, ii. 44 + + Jansenists, ii. 154 + + Janus dexter, sinister, ii. 61 + + Iapydes, 299 + + Ἰαπυγία ἀκτή, ii. 177 + + Iapygian promontory, ii. 176, 199 + + Iapyx, ii. 171 + + Jason of Pherae, 164 + + Iberia, ii. 279 + + Iberians, ii. 254, 279, 312, 322 + + Iberus, ii. 279, 282 + + Ida, 193 + + Idubeda, ii. 299 + + J. Jerome, 51, 302 + + Jerusalem, 17 + + Jesuits, ii. 154 + + Iguvinian tables, ii. 210, 233 + + Jinghis Khan, 310 + + Iguvium, ii. 233 + + Ilerda, ii. 294 + + Ilergetes, ii. 294 + + Iliad, 173, 214; comp. Homer. + + Ilion, 218 + + Ilisus, 92 + + Illyrians, 48, 297, 311; ii. 324 + + Illyrian language, 302 + + Illyrian mountains, 304 + + Illyricum, Ἰλλυρίς, 267, 297 + + Ilva, ii. 220 + + Imbros, 105, 181 + + Inachus, 307 + + Inferum mare, ii. 22 + + Inscription of Protogenes, 244 + + Inscriptions, 270 _n._; ii. 110, 221, 275, 284, 285, 334 + + Insubres, ii. 236, 238 + + Interamna, ii. 147 + + Interamnium, ii. 126 + + S. John, Evangelist, 211 + + Iolcos, 167, 168, + gulf of, 159 + + Ionia, 79, 84, 161, 205 + + Ionians, 84 + + Ionian colonies in Magna Graecia, ii. 189 + + Ios, 189 + + Josephus, ii. 337 + + Ireland, ii. 321 + + Iron, ii. 220 + + Ischia, 177 + + Iscipio, ii. 279 + + Isis of Elephantine, ii. 341 + + Isopolity, 138, 140 + + Ispahan, ii. 198 + + Issa, 312 + + Isthmus of Corinth, 45 + + Istria, 304; ii. 249 + + Itali, ii. 6, 179 + + Italians, 43; ii. 37 + + Italica, see Corfinium. + + Italica in Spain, ii. 302 + + Italici, ii. 6 + + Italiots, ii. 181 + + Italus, ii. 1, 3 + + Italy, 101; ii. 1, 10, 14, 23, 25, 129, 256 + + Ithaca, 143, 153 + + Ithome, 65, 68; + temple of Zeus Ithomatas, 68 + + Ithopya, ii. 340 + + Itinerary of Einsiedlen, ii. 101 + + Judges, books of, ii. 337 + + Iulis, 187 + + Jus Latii, ii. 32 + + Jus Municipii, ii. 32 + + Justin, 263, 309 + + Juthungi, ii. 57 + + Juturna, well of, ii. 77 + + Juvenal, ii. 7, 62, 155 + + + Koosh, ii. 341 + + Kopitar, 302 + + + Labeatis, lake, 312 + + Laborde, Alex., ii. 294 _n._ + + Labyrinth, 194 + + Lacedaemon, κοίλη, 59 + + Lacetani, ii. 294 + + Lacini, ii. 33 + + Lacinium, ii. 109 + + Lacinus, ii. 34 + + Laconia, 56 + + Lacus Curtius, ii. 78 + + Lacus Servilius, ii. 75 + + Lakes, with subterraneous outlets, 29 + + Lampsacus, 241 + + La’ncisa, ii. 215 + + Languages, affinities of, ii. 305; + roots of, ii. 307 + + Languedoc, ii. 145 + + Lanuvina, 237 + + Lanuvium, ii. 113 + + Lanzi, ii. 209 + + Laocoon, group of, ii. 96 + + Laos, ii. 189, 192, 203; comp. Laus. + + Lapathos, ii. 349 + + Lapithae, 159, 160 + + Laplace, 46 _n._ + + Larissa, arx of Argos, 40 + + Larissa, in Thessaly, 161, 164, 167 + + Las, 58 + + Lateran, ii. 80 + + Latin dialects, ii. 34 + + Latin grammar, ii. 36 + + Latin language, 261; ii. 25 + + Λατίνη, ii. 30 + + Latins, ii. 3 + + Latin confederacy, ii. 31 + + Latin colonies, ii. 31 + + Latinitas, ii. 33 + + Latinum nomen, ii. 31 + + Latinus, ii. 36 + + Λάτιον, ii. 30 + + Latium, 115; ii. 5, 26, 30, 51, 105 + + Laurentum, ii. 109, 122 + + Laurion, 91 + + Laus, ii. 22; comp. Laos. + + Laus Pompeii, ii. 244; comp. Lodi. + + Lavici, ii. 34 + + Lavini, ii. 33 + + Lavinium, ii. 33, 109, 122 + + Lebadea, 122; comp. Livadia. + + Lebedos, 211 + + Lechaeon, 45, 51 + + Legio, ii. 297; comp. Leon. + + Leleges, 26 + + Lembi, 300 + + Lemnos, 105, 160, 180, 181; ii. 207 + + Leo IV., ii. 58 + + Leon, the Salaminian, 111 + + Leon, in Spain, ii. 171, 297 + + Leon, Isla de, ii. 287 + + Leonessa, ii. 19 + + Leontini, ii. 255, 266 + + Leontion, 80 + + Leopold II., ii. 215 + + Leopolis, ii. 223 + + Lepanto, 124 _n._; comp. Naupactus. + + Lepreon, 79 + + Leptis, ii. 332 + + Λεπτόγεως, 92 + + Lerida, ii. 294 + + Lesbos, 180, 217 + + Lessing, ii. 39 + + Leucaethiopes, ii. 340 + + Leucas, Leucate, 47, 148, 149, 151, 152, 252 + + Leuctra, 121 + + Levant, ii. 334 + + Lex Aelia Sentia, ii. 33 + + Lex de Gallia Cisalpina, ii. 238 + + Lex Julia, ii. 32 + + Lex Junia Norbana, ii. 33 + + Leyden, ii. 198 + + Libanius, 106 + + Libethrides, 288 + + Libri pontificii, ii. 36 + + Liburnians, 272, 299, 304; ii. 3, 246 + + Liburnicae, 300 _n._ + + Libyans, ii. 274 + + Libye, 22 + + Λιβύες, ii. 334 + + Λιβυφοίνικες, ii. 274, 333 + + Libyan Alphabet, ii. 284 + + Licentia poetica, ii. 231 + + Light-house in Pharos, ii. 346 + + Ligorio, Pirro, ii. 76 + + Ligures, ii. 16, 24, 217, 234, 312 + + Liguria, ii. 9, 27, 249 + + Lilybaeum, ii. 268 + + Lime, ii. 39 + + Limestone mountains, 305 + + Limes, ii. 320 + + Limnae, 61 + + Lindos, 196 + + Linen, ii. 292 + + Lingones, ii. 236 + + Linternum, ii. 127 + + Lipsius, ii. 73 + + Liris, ii. 22, 128 + + Lissus, 312 + + Livadia, 117; comp. Lebadea. + + Livonia, ii. 37 + + Livy, 264, 281, 296; ii. 48, 173, 225, 238, 293 + + Locati conducti, ii. 36 + + Locri Narycii, 125; ii. 200 + + Locri Epicnemidii, 123 + + Locri Epizephyrii, ii. 189, 200 + + Locri Opuntii, 123 + + Locri Ozoli, 123, 142, 252; ii. 200 + + Locrian colonies in Magna Graecia, ii. 189 + + Lodi, ii. 244; comp. Laus Pompeii. + + London, ii. 47, 56, 322 + + Longobardi (Lombards), ii. 5, 11, 73, 58 + + S. Lorenzo, ii. 278 + + De Luc, ii. 18 + + Luca, ii. 216 + + Lucan, 313; ii. 241, 255 + + Lucani, ii. 5, 145, 170, 180 + + Lucania et Brittia, ii. 28 + + Lucania, ii. 26 + + Luceria, ii. 159, 174 + + Lucerum, ii. 41 + + Lucian, ii. 136, 346 + + Lucretius, ii. 246 + + Lucumo, ii. 307 + + Lucus Capenas, ii. 62 + + Ludi Magni Romani, ii. 88 + + Ludi plebeii, ii. 88 + + Ludias, 286, 292 + + Lugdunum, ii. 316 + + Luna, ii. 216 + + Lungara, ii. 58 + + Lusitani, ii. 297 + + Lycaeus, 30 + + Lyceum at Athens, 99 + + Lychnidas, 309 + + Lycians, 192 + + Lyctus, 192, 194 + + Lycurgus, 128, 191 + + Lydians, 206, 217 + + Lyncestians, 277, 278, 282 + + Lyons, ii. 295, 316 + + Lysander, 122 + + Lysimachia, 234 + + + Macar, 218 + + Macedonia, 275 + + Macellum, ii. 85 + + Mac Gregor, clan of, 266 + + Μάχαιρα, 301 + + Machiavelli, ii. 228 + + Macra, ii. 24 + + Macrii, 175 + + Macris, i.e. Corcyra, 175, 272 + + Maeander, 206 + + Maecenas, his palace, ii. 54 + + Maenalii, 71 + + Maenalus, 30 + + Magal, ii. 337 + + Magister vici, pagi, ii. 86 + + Magna Graecia, ii. 188 + + Magnesia in Asia, 168 + + Magnesia on the Maeander, 220 + + Magnesia near mount Sipylus, 221 + + Magnesia in Thessaly, 165, 166 + + Magnetes, 155, 164, 252, 277 + + Mahomed, 107, 234 + + Malacca, ii. 288 + + Malea, cape, 60 + + Μαλιακὸς κόλπος, 159, 171 + + Malii, 155, 171, 252 + + Maltese language, ii. 338 + + Maluentum, ii. 142, 164 + + Mamertini, ii. 8, 265 + + Mamertus, see Claudian. + + Manduria, ii. 179 + + Manii, 305, 313 + + Mannert, 10 + + Mantinea, 73; + lake of, 39 + + Mantua, ii. 24, 234, 245 + + Maps of Ptolemy, 5; + the most ancient Latin, 5; + Greek, Arabic, 5; + of the Greeks, 17 + + Marathon, 92, 110 + + Marble, 91, 177, 186; ii. 267 + + Mare inferum, ii. 22 + + Mare superum, ii. 22 + + Mare Tuscum, ii. 22 + + Mare Tyrrhenicum, ii. 22 + + Maremma, ii. 214 + + Mareotis, ii. 342 + + Mariana, ii. 279 + + S. Marino, ii. 114 + + Marinus of Tyre, 21 + + Marliani, Bartholom., ii. 67, 72 + + Marmarica, ii. 336 + + Marmor Parium, ii. 267 + + Maronea, 233 + + Marrana, ii. 49, 50 + + Marrucini, ii. 23, 26, 142, 153 + + Marruvium, ii. 156 + + Marshes, Pontine, ii. 138 + + Marsi, ii. 4, 24, 26, 142, 145, 153, 155 + + Martial, ii. 62 + + Martius, Campus; comp. Campus Martius. + + Massaesyli, ii. 334 + + Massalia, 212; ii. 314 + + Massic wine, ii. 128 + + Massilia, 212; ii. 314; comp. Massalia. + + Massyli, ii. 334 + + Mastrucae, ii. 276 + + Μάσυες, ii. 334 + + Matapan, cape, 30 + + Matrona, ii. 318 + + Μαυροί, ii. 334 + + Mausoleum Augusti, ii. 101 + + Mausoleum of Hadrian, ii. 101 + + Μάξυες, ii. 334 + + Mazirgh, ii. 334 + + Mazzocchi, ii. 209 + + Mecklenburg, ii. 208 + + Mecone, 52; comp. Sicyon. + + Meddix Tutix, ii. 171 + + Medici, Princes of, ii. 215 + + Mediolanum, ii. 242; comp. Milan. + + Mediterranean Sea, tides in the, ii. 331 + + Medma, ii. 189 + + Megalopolis, 75, 169 + + Megara, 87, 237 + + Megara, suburb of Carthage, ii. 337 + + Megaris, 84, 87 + + Mela, Pomponius, 11 + + Melanogaetuli, ii. 333, 335 + + Melcarth, 182 + + Meleager, 137 + + Melesigenes, 214; comp. Homer. + + Meletios of Janina, 8, 122, 257 + + Melii, 171 + + Melite, 314 + + Melos, 180, 189 + + Melpum ii. 234; comp. Milan. + + Melville, general, ii. 18 + + Membliarus, 190 + + Memnon, 198 + + Memphis, ii. 344 + + Menapii, ii. 319 + + Mende, 228 + + Menelaus, 33, 60 + + Meones, 205; ii. 207, 211 + + Meonia, 168 + + Merida, ii. 295 + + Meroe, ii. 341 + + Mesembria, 242 + + Messana, ii. 255, 262; comp. Zancle. + + Messapia, ii. 177 + + Messe, 59 + + Messene, Messenia, 36, 64, 125; + the town of Epaminondas, 66, 68 + + Messenian wars, 65 + + Metapontum, ii. 189, 193 + + Metathesis, ii. 112 + + Methodius, 302 + + Methone in Messenia, 67, 69 + + Methone in Pieria, 224, 289 + + Methymna, 220 + + Metrodorus of Scepsis, ii. 226 + + Mexicans, ii. 208 + + Mexico, 191 + + Migrations of nations, 310 + + Milan, ii. 241; comp. Mediolanum. + + Milanese, ii. 242 + + Miletus, 206, 248 + + Millot, ii. 275 + + Milo, see Melos. + + Mimas, 215 + + Mimnermus, 212 + + Minius, ii. 283 + + Minos, 190, 191 + + Minturnae, ii. 132 + + Minutius Felix, ii. 106 + + Minyes, 74, 77, 114; ii. 190; + Thessalian, 160 + + Mirus, ii. 242 + + Misitra, 61; comp. Sparta. + + Missolunghi, 145 + + Mitylene, 219 + + Μιξέλληνες, 226, 242, 314 + + Mnaseas, ii. 180 + + Modern Greek, 261 _n._; + pronunciation, 124 _n._ + + Modon, see Methone in Messenia. + + Moenia, ii. 65, 262 + + Moles Hadriani, ii. 101 + + Molochath, ii. 334 + + Molotti, Molossi, 254, 259, 261, 268 + + Molottian dogs, 258 + + Molottian kings, 263 + + Monembasia, 62; see Epidaurus Limera. + + Mons Albanus, ii. 38 + + Mons Testaceus, ii. 137 + + Monte Cavo, ii. 38; see Mons Albanus. + + Monte S. Giuliano, ii. 257; comp. Eryx. + + Monte Testaccio, ii. 137 + + Monti Latini, ii. 38 + + Monumentum Ancyranum, ii. 72 + + Mopsopia, 85 + + Morea, 27 + + Morelli, ii. 70 + + Morgetes, ii. 181 + + Moriah, hill, ii. 48 + + Morosini, 8 + + Moscow, ii. 344 + + Motye, ii. 267 + + Mucianus, ii. 40 + + Müller, Johannes, ii. 326 + + Müller, C. O., 276 + + Mulucha, ii. 334 + + Mummies, ii. 342 + + Munda, ii. 291 + + Munychia, 100 + + Murcia, ii. 49 + + Murus Servii regis, ii. 48, 49 + + Murviedro, ii. 293 + + Muscles, development of, ii. 16 + + Museum in Athens, 96, 99 + + Musimon, ii. 273 + + Mutina, ii. 234, 238 + + Mycale, 209 + + Mycalessus, 122 + + Mycenae, 33, 35, 38, 41, 114 + + Myconos, 184, 187 + + Mygdonia, 277, 288, 294 + + Mylae, ii. 267 + + Mylitta, 182 + + Myriandros, ii. 350 + + Myrina, 181 + + Myron, 210 + + Mysi, 205 + + Mytilene, see Mitylene. + + Myus, 208 + + Mzirgh, ii. 334 + + + Nabis, 56, 63 + + Naphtha, springs of, 154 + + Naples, population of the kingdom, ii. 252 + + Naples, city, 43, 177 + + Napoli di Malvasia, 62 + + Nar, ii. 21 + + Narbo, Narbo Martius, Narbona, ii. 313, 315 + + Nardini, ii. 67, 70, 73 + + Narnia, ii. 233 + + Naryx, 125; ii. 200 + + Nasamones, ii. 335 + + Nasos, ii. 258 + + Naucratis, ii. 347 + + Naumachia, ii. 103 + + Naupactus, 66, 125, 142 + + Nauplia, 41 + + Navale, ii. 103 + + Navarino, 70 + + Naxos, island, 180, 184, 188 + + Naxos in Sicily, 176; ii. 255, 264 + + Neapolis, part of Syracuse, ii. 258 + + Necropolis of Alexandria, ii. 53 + + Negroponte, 180 + + Nelids, 33 + + Nemausus, ii. 313, 315 + + Nemi lake, ii. 12, 115 + + Νεώσοικοι, 101, 105 + + Nepet, ii. 225 + + Nequinum, ii. 233 + + Neri, 107 + + Nero, ii. 96; + his golden house, ii. 97; + his palace, 97 + + Neriton, 151 + + Nersae, ii. 120 + + Nesis, ii. 135 + + Nesti, 305, 313 + + Nestor, 77 + + Netherlands, ii. 145, 187 + + Nestos, 281, 282, 286 + + New York, ii. 192 + + Nibby, ii. 44, 59 + + Nicaea, ii. 314 + + Nicander, 223 + + Nicopolis, 152 + + Nicolo Pisano, ii. 218 + + Niebuhr, B. G., 303 _n._ + + Niger, ii. 335 + + Nigritae, ii. 335 + + Nile, 19, 23; ii. 343 + + Nisaea, 87 + + Nisita, ii. 135 + + Nismes, ii. 313, 315 + + Nisyros, 195 + + Nizza, ii. 314 + + Nola, ii. 132 + + Νομάδες, ii. 334 + + Nomen Latinum, Fabium, etc., ii. 32 + + Nomentum, ii. 38 + + Νόμος, ὁ κοινὸς τῶν Ἑλλήνων, 131 + + Nonius, ii. 159 + + Nora, ii. 276 + + Noraces, ii. 274 + + Noricum, ii. 313 + + North wind, 16 + + Notion, 212 + + Notitia imperii, ii. 28 + + Notus, 17 + + Novocomum, ii. 244 + + Nuceria, ii. 143, 166 + + Numantia, ii. 300 + + Numbers, Greek, signs of, 163 + + Numidae, ii. 334 + + Numidia, ii. 334 + + Nursia, ii. 120 + + Nymphaeum, 307 + + + Obelisk, ii. 89 + + Obotritae, ii. 251 + + Odessus, 243 + + Odyssey, 192, 253; comp. Homer. + + Odysseus, 148 + + Oeneus, 137 + + Oeniadae, 138, 145, 149, 150 + + Oenoe, 111 + + Oenotria, ii. 3, 179 + + Oenotrians, ii. 180 + + Oeta, 116, 128, 157 + + Oetaei, 172 + + Ofanto, ii. 22 + + Ogygia, 184 + + Olbia, 243; + inscription of, ii. 304, 325 + + Olenus, 80, 81 + + Olisipo, ii. 297 + + Olives, in Peloponnesus, 31; + in Argolis, 40; + in Corinth, 51; + Sicyon, 52, 131 _n._; + in Italy, ii. 15, 151, 176; + Africa, ii. 339 + + Olympia, 79 + + Olympian games, 79, 128 + + Olympieum, 97, 99 + + Olympus, 17, 155, 157, 287 + + Olynthus, 227 + + Ὀμβρικοί, ii. 233 + + Onean mountains, 29 + + Onomarchus, 132 + + Opica, ii. 6 + + Opicans, ii. 4, 7, 23, 123 + + Opican language, ii. 5 + + Opici mures, ii. 7 + + Oppius mons, ii. 43 + + Opus, 125 + + Oranges, ii. 315 + + Orbelos, 283 + + Orchomenos in Arcadia, 41, 74 + + Orchomenos in Boeotia, 74, 114, 122 + + Ὀρείχαλκος, ii. 321 + + Oreos, 178 + + Orestis, 166, 259, 265, 269, 280, 283 + + Oretani, ii. 298 + + Oricus, 268 + + Orneae, 41 + + Oropo, 113 + + Oropus, 112 + + Orosius, ii. 80 + + Orospeda, ii. 282 + + Orpheus, 287 + + Orthagoras, 53 + + Ortygia, comp. Delos, 184 + + Ortygia in Sicily, ii. 257 + + Orviedo, ii. 221 + + Osca, ii. 295 + + Oscan language, ii. 34, 168 + + Oscense argentum, ii. 295 + + Oscans, see Opici. + + Ossa, 155, 158 + + Ostia, ii. 106, 136 + + Othrys, 155, 156 + + Otranto, ii. 179 + + Ottilienberg, ii. 235 + + Ovid, 242, 271 + + Oxylus, 77, 137 + + + Pace, Roman, 46 _n._ + + Padus, ii. 20 + + Paeones, 286, 287, 288, 297 + + Paestum, ii. 205; comp. Posidonia. + + Pagae, (Pegae), 88 + + Pagasae, 165, 167 + + Pagasaean gulf, 155, 165 + + Pagus, ii. 86 + + Painters, school of, at Sicyon, 52; + at Bologna, ibid. + + Palace of Nero, ii. 99 + + Palace of Titus, ii. 99 + + Palaepolis, ii. 140 + + Palatinus, ii. 41, 96 + + Palazzuolo, ii. 108 + + Pale, 154 + + Pale-burghers, ii. 119 + + Palestrina, 237; ii. 112 + + Pallene, 226, 280 + + Palmerius, see Paulmier. + + Pamisus, 30, 64, 67 + + Pamphylia, ii. 348 + + Panaetolium, 147 + + Panaeton, 111 + + Pandionids, 85 + + Pangaeus, 284, 285 + + Panionium, 215 + + Pannonii, 297 + + Panormus, ii. 268 + + Pantani, ii. 47 + + Pantheon of Agrippa, ii. 56, 95, 101 + + Panvini, ii. 96 + + Parauaei, 263, 265, 269 + + Parian Chronicle, ii. 267 + + Parma, ii. 234, 238 + + Parnassus, 116, 128, 157 + + Parnes, 92 + + Paros, 182, 184, 186 + + Parrhasii, 71 + + Parrhasius, 210 + + Parthenii, ii. 187, 201 + + Parthenon, 98 + + Parthenope, ii. 139 + + Parthini, 300, 306, 311 + + Passaro, 263, 267 + + Passeri, ii. 209 + + Patavium, ii. 246, 247 + + Patrae, 80, 82 + + Patres conscripti, ii. 36 + + Patrimonium D. Petri, ii. 28, 214 + + Paul III., bulwark of, ii. 60 + + Paulmier de Grentemesnil, 7, 275 + + St. Paul, Apostle, ii. 136 + + Paulus Diaconus, ii. 27 + + Pausanias, 90, 96, 120 + + Pavia, see Patavium. + + Pax Augusta, ii. 296 + + Pax Julia, ii. 296 + + Pedasos, 69 + + Pegae, see Pagae. + + Pelagonii, 269 + + Pelasgi, 25, 71, 77, 160, 180, 182, 184, 192, 204, 220, 227, 253, + 287, 299; ii. 3, 23, 151, 175, 207 + + Πελασγικὸν τεῖχος, 97 + + Pelasgiotis, 161 + + Pelasgian endings, —_entum_ —_untum_, ii. 109 + + Pelasgus, 27 + + Pelion, 158 + + Peligni, ii. 4, 23, 26, 142, 153, 155 + + Pella, 229, 282, 286, 289, 291 + + Pellana, 62 + + Pellene, 80, 82 + + Pelopidas, 118 + + Pelopidae, 217 + + Peloponnesians, 135 + + Peloponnesus, 26, 30 + + Pelops, 27, 43, 217 + + Pelorus, cape, ii. 255 + + Penelope, 154 + + Peneus, 155, 158 + + Penestae, 43 + + Πενεστεία, 161 + + Pentadactylon, 30 + + Pentelicus, 91 + + Pentrians, ii. 161 + + Peparethus, 181 + + Peraebi, Peraebia, 155, 160, 164, 166 + + Pergamus, kingdom of, 221 + + Pergamus, Pergamum, town, 221, 222 + + Pergamus, kings of, 55 + + Pergamus, school of, 222 + + Periander, 49 + + Perinthos, 236 + + Περίοδοι γῆς, 12 + + Περίπλοι, 12 + + Περίπλους περί Πόντον Εὔξεινον, 248 + + Perizonius, 7 + + Perrevos, 258 + + Persius, ii. 220 + + Peru, 191 + + Perusia, ii. 213, 227 + + Peruvians, ii. 207 + + Petelia, ii. 184 + + Peter the Great, 294 + + Petit-Radel, ii. 156 + + Petronius, ii. 140 + + Peucetii, ii. 3, 170, 175 + + Phaeaces, 272 + + Phalantus, ii. 186, 201 + + Phalerus, 55, 95, 100 + + Phanagoria, 246 + + Pharae, 80 + + Pharos, 312, 314 + + Pharos, near Alexandria, ii. 346 + + Pharsalus, 161, 164, 165, 167 + + Phaselis, 203; ii. 347 + + Phasis, river, 23 + + Phasis, town, 248 + + Pheidon, 38 + + Pheneus, 75 + + Pherae in Laconia, 58, 69 + + Pherae in Thessaly, 161, 164, 167 + + Pherecydes, historian, 11 + + Pherecydes, philosopher, 187 + + Phigalea, 76, 143 + + Philadelphia, ii. 192 + + Philaeni, altars of, ii. 330 + + Philetas, 271 _n._ + + Philip of Macedonia, 280 + + Philippi, 91, 285, 295 + + Philomelus (Philonomus?), 58 + + Phintias, ii. 264 + + Phlegra, 226 + + Phlegraean fields, ii. 12, 128 + + Phlius, 36, 53 + + Phocaea, 212 + + Phocians, 123 + + Phocis, 126 + + Phoenice on the Adriatic, 267 + + Phoenicia, ii. 350 + + Phoenician settlements in Africa, ii. 332 + + Phoenicians, 114, 182, 184; ii. 254, 332 + + Phrynichus, 208 + + Phthia, 162 + + Phthiotans, 155 + + Phthiotis, 142, 159, 161, 162 + + Phylarchus, ii. 347 + + Phyle, fort in Attica, 110 + + Phylae in Attica, 86 + + Piazza Navona, ii. 89 + + Piceni, ii. 24, 142 + + Picentini, ii. 161, 166 + + Picenum, ii. 26, 150 + + Picenus, ii. 28 + + Picts, ii. 321 + + Pictures, galleries of, ii. 96 + + Piedmontese, ii. 16 + + Pieria, 224, 277, 286, 288 + + Pierides, 288 + + Pietramala, 307 + + Pimplea, 287 + + Pimpleides, 288 + + Pincius mons, ii. 43 + + Pindar, 118; ii. 328 + + Pindus, 128, 135, 156, 255 + + Piraeeus, 94, 100 + + Piranesi, ii. 59 + + Pirates, 199, 300 _n._ + + Pirene, 51 + + Pisa in Elis, 79 + + Pisa in Etruria, ii. 198, 217 + + Pisatis, 77 + + Pisaurum, ii. 241 + + Piscivendulus, 238 _n._ + + Pithecusae, ii. 135 + + Placentia, ii. 237, 238, 295 + + Plains in Attica, 92; + in Boeotia, 117; + in Thessaly, 155 + + Plan of ancient Rome, ii. 77 + + Plataeae, 112, 115, 120 + + Platea, ii. 87 + + Plato, ii. 260 + + Plautus, miles gloriosus, 52 + + Πλήμμυρα, 144 + + Pleuron, 136, 145 + + Pliny, the elder, 11, 255, 278, 304, 309; ii. 25, 38, 39, 49, 55, + 168, 169, 172, 251, 310 + + Pliny the younger, ii. 57, 242 + + Plutarch, 47, 118 + + Pnyx, 96, 99 + + Pococke, Richard, 8 + + Podium, ii. 92 + + Poediculi, see Peucetii. + + Poggio, ii. 92 + + Pola, ii. 9 + + Polar circles, 19 + + Polichna in Megaris, 87 + + Polichna in Crete, 191 + + Πολίχνιον, 134 + + Πόλις, 93, 260 + + Πολιτεία, 140 + + Pollentia, ii. 237 + + Polybius, 19, 60, 76, 79, 81, 82, 118, 137, 143, 146, 149, 174, + 254, 308; ii. 1, 2, 9, 31, 146, 197, 200, 235, 246, 249, 267, + 292, 298 + + Polycletus, 210 + + Pomoerium, ii. 56 + + Pompeii, ii. 34, 52, 140, 166 + + Pompey, 82 + + Pomponius, see Mela. + + Pomerania, ii. 208 + + Pons Aelius, ii. 63, 64, 105 + + Pons Cestius, ii. 105 + + Pons Fabricius, ii. 105 + + Pons Milvius, ii. 104, 105 + + Pons Palatinus, ii. 104 + + Pons Senatorius, ii. 105 + + Pons Sublicius, ii. 51, 103 + + Pontine Marshes, ii. 138 + + C. Pontius, ii. 146 + + Pontos Euxeinos, 207 + + Population of Greece, 121; + of France ii. 145 + + Populonia, ii. 212, 220 + + Populus Romanus Quirites, ii. 36 + + Porphyry, 60 + + Porta Aelia, ii. 63 + + Porta Appia, ii. 63 + + Porta Ardeatina, ii. 63 + + Porta Asinaria, ii. 63 + + Porta Aurelia, ii. 63 + + Porta Caelimontana, ii. 60 + + Porta Capena, ii. 54, 60, 62 + + Porta Carmentalis, ii. 51, 61, 62 + + Porta Collina, ii. 59, 62 + + Porta Esquilina, ii. 59 + + Porta Flaminia, ii. 63, 89 + + Porta Flumentana, ii. 60, 62 + + Porta Labicana, ii. 63 + + Porta Latina, ii. 63 + + Porta Metronia, ii. 63 + + Porta Mugonia, ii. 59 + + Porta Naevia, ii. 60, 61, 62 + + Porta Nigra at Treves, ii. 62 + + Porta Nomentana, ii. 63 + + Porta Ostiensis, ii. 63 + + Porta Pinciana, ii. 62 + + Porta Portuensis, ii. 63 + + Porta Praenestina, ii. 63 + + Porta Raudusculana, ii. 61, 62 + + Porta Salara, ii. 57, 63 + + Porta S. Giovanni, ii. 63 + + Porta S. Lorenzo, ii. 63 + + Porta S. Pancratii, ii. 63 + + Porta S. Pauli, ii. 63 + + Porta S. Sebastiani, ii. 63 + + Porta Septimiana, ii. 63 + + Porta Tiburtina, ii. 63 + + Porta Trigemina, ii. 61, 62, 99 + + Porta Valeria, ii. 63 + + Porticus round the Forum, ii. 78 + + Porticus of Octavia, ii. 100 + + Portolani del Mare, 13 + + Portus Romanus, ii. 106, 135, 223 + + Ποσειδῶν Ἐνοσίχθων, 28, 81 + + Posidonia, ii. 189, 192, 205, 208 + + Posidonius, 20; ii. 280, 316 + + Potidaea, 224, 226, 227, 228 + + Pouqueville, 307 + + Praefectura Romana, ii. 164 + + Praeneste, ii. 32, 38, 111; + Praenestine dialect, ii. 34; + Forum, 111 + + Praesos, 191 + + Praetutii, ii. 153 + + Prasiae, 62 + + Prasias, lake, 296 + + Praxiteles, 121 + + Prevesa, 152 + + Priene, 209 + + Prisci, ii. 35, 123 + + Prisci Latini, ii. 36 + + Priscian, ii. 159 + + Priscus, ii. 35 + + Privernum, ii. 119 + + Prochyta, ii. 135 + + Procles, 56 + + Procopius, ii. 11, 27, 63, 93, 243 + + Προμαντεία, 129 + + Proni, 154 + + Propertius, 271 _n._ + + Propontis, 207, 237 + + Πρόσχωσις, ii. 39 + + Πρωτεύοντες, 245 + + Provençal language, ii. 310 + + Provincia Romana (Gaul), ii. 311 + + Provincia suburbicaria, ii. 27 + + Prumnis, 38 + + Prytaneum at Athens, 98 + + Pseudo-Philip, 293 + + Psophis, 75, 143 + + Ptolemais, ii. 330 + + Ptolemais (Egypt), ii. 344 + + Ptolemy, geographer, 21; ii. 340 + + Ptolemy Soter, 291 + + Puig, ii. 93 + + Pulytion, 101 + + Puplana, see Populonia. + + Purple dyeing, ii. 187 + + Puteoli, ii. 136; comp. Dicaearchia. + + Puy, ii. 93 + + Puycerda, ii. 93 + + Pydna, 224, 289 + + Πυλιακὸς κόλπος, 159, 171 + + Pylian kingdom, 34 + + Pylos, the Messenian, 69 + + Pylos, the Triphylian, 69 + + Pyramid, 46 _n._ + + Pyrgi, ii. 223 + + Pyrrhus of Epirus, 266 + + Pythagoras, 209 + + Pythagorean writings, ii. 184 + + Pythagoreans, ii. 197 + + Pytheas, 19; ii. 321 + + Pytho, 128; comp. Delphi. + + Pyxus, ii. 189, 204 + + + Quinarii, Illyrian, 309 + + Quinctilian, 118 + + Quirinalis mons, ii. 41, 61, 99 + + Quirium, ii. 41 + + + Raeti, ii. 212 + + Raetia prima, secunda, ii. 27 + + Ragusa, 54; ii. 178 + + Raphael Volterranus, 5 + + Rasena, ii. 211 + + Ravenna, 145, 160; ii. 9, 20, 123, 239 + + Ré, del, ii. 112 + + Reate, ii. 150 + + Regia, ii. 77 + + Regio transpadana, ii. 26 + + Regiones Italiae of Augustus, ii. 26 + + Regiones of Severus, ii. 27 + + Reguli, ii. 285 + + Reichardt, 10 + + Relegatio, ii. 279 + + Religion of Ceres and Proserpina, ii. 271 + + Remi, ii. 319 + + Rennell, 9 + + Rhacotis, ii. 345 + + Rhamnus, 110 + + Rhegium, 176; ii. 189, 202 + + Rheims, ii. 310 + + Rhenea, 184, 185, 187 + + Rhine, country of the, ii. 145 + + Rhion, cape, 30, 124 + + Rhode, ii. 294 + + Rhodope, 283 + + Rhodes, 32, 196, 198, 199 + + Rhodes, town, 197 + + Rhypes, 80 + + Rimini, ii. 241 + + Roche, Otto de la, 106 + + Rogus, 271 + + Roha, 291 + + Rome, 96, 101, 115, 126, 306; ii. 41, 129, 198, 230, 267 + + Roma, ii. 41 + + Romance languages, ii. 310 + + Romania, ii. 239 + + Rostra, ii. 74, 76; + vetera et nova, 76 + + Rubicon, ii. 9 + + Rudiae, ii. 177 + + Rusellae, ii. 212 + + Russian alphabet, 302 + + + Sabellian tribes, ii. 5, 23, 141 + + Sabine language, ii. 5, 23, 141 + + Sabines, ii. 149 + + Saetabis, ii. 292 + + Safinim, ii. 158 + + Sagra, ii. 197 + + Saguntum, ii. 292 + + Sais, ii. 344 + + Salamanca, ii. 298 + + Salamis, island, 86, 90, 111, 112 + + Salamis, in Cyprus, ii. 348, 349 + + Salapia, ii. 174 + + Salassi, ii. 249 + + Salernum, ii. 161, 166 + + Salentini, ii. 177 + + Sallentum, ii. 178 + + Sallust, ii. 6, 150, 333 + + Salmantica, ii. 298 + + Salmasius, ii. 165 + + Salona, Salonae, 303, 313 + + Salt, ii. 187 + + Saltpetre, ii. 176 + + Same, 153; + town, 154; + comp. Cephallenia. + + Samnites, ii. 5, 141, 145, 157, 162 + + Samnium, ii. 5, 26, 28 + + Samos, 180, 204, 209 + + Samothrace, 182; ii. 269 + + Samuel, books of, ii. 337 + + Saone, ii. 316 + + Sappho, 152, 219, 220 + + Saragoza, ii. 295 + + Sardi montani, ii. 274 + + Sardinia, ii. 273 + + Sardinian language, ii. 277 + + Saronic gulf, 46 + + Sarsina, Sassina, ii. 232 + + Saticula, ii. 127 + + Saturnia, ii. 214 + + Sauini, ii. 158 + + Σαύνιον, Σαυνῖται, ii. 158 + + Savigny, ii. 241 + + Savini, ii. 158 + + Savoy, ii. 10 + + Saw mills, ii. 309 + + Saxons, ii. 321 + + Scala, ii. 100 + + Scaliger, 238 + + Scardus, 157, 283, 284 + + Scepsis, 218 + + Scheria, 272 + + Schola Saxonum, ii. 103 + + Scholiast of Juvenal, ii. 159 + + Scholiast of the Odyssey, ii. 180 + + Scholiast of Virgil, ii. 116, 155 + + Scholiasts, ii. 240; + of Apollonius and the Iliad, 160 + + Sciathos, 180 + + Scidros, ii. 189 + + Scillus, 79 + + Scione, 228 + + Sciri, ii. 325 + + Scironian rocks, 90 + + Scodra, 301, 312 + + Scolos, 120 + + Scomius, 284 + + Scopades, 164 + + Scopelos, 180 + + Scotland, ii. 321 + + Scriptores historiae Augustae, ii. 26 + + Scriptores rei agrariae, ii. 28 + + Scriptores rei rusticae, ii. 177 + + Scupi, 283, 285 + + Scylax of Caryanda, 12, 19, 23, 44, 67, 79, 150, 155, 168, 188, + 229, 298; ii. 143, 158, 312 + + Scylletion, ii. 189 + + Scymnus, 38, 42, 248, 298 + + Scyros, 105, 173, 180 + + Scythae, 244, 310; ii. 8, 326 + + Segesta, ii. 269 + + Segre, ii. 293 + + Seleucus, 291 + + Selinus, ii. 255, 264 + + Sellasia, 62 + + Selle, ii. 204; comp. Elea. + + Σελλοί, 25 + + Selymbria, 237 + + Semita, ii. 65 + + Sena Gallia, ii. 241 + + Sena Julia, ii. 226 + + Seneca, ii. 290 + + Senones, ii. 236 + + Septa, ii. 100 + + Septimontium, ii. 42 + + Sequana, ii. 319 + + Sequani, ii. 312, 316, 317 + + Seres, 231, 233 + + Seriphos, 184, 186 + + Serrae, 231 + + De Serre, ii. 74 + + Servitude, 205 + + Servius, 260; ii. 116, 120, 159 + + Servius Tullius, wall of, ii. 49 + + Sesamos, 250 + + Sestos, 234, 235 + + Shakespere, 107 + + Shaw, 8 + + Shilha, ii. 334 + + Sibylla, 212 + + Sicani, ii. 254 + + Siceli, ii. 253 + + Sicilia, ii. 253 + + Sicilienses, ii. 270 _n._ + + Siceliotae, ii. 270 _n._ + + Sicily, ii. 256; + the two Sicilies, 181 + + Sicoris, ii. 293 + + Siculi, ii. 3, 4, 35, 180, 254, 270 + + Sicyon, 30, 34, 37, 38, 51 + + Σιδηροφορεῖν, 125, 137 + + Sidicini, ii. 128 + + Sidonius Apollinaris, 292 _n._ + + Sierra Morena, ii. 280 + + Sigonius, ii. 32 + + Sila, forest, ii. 19 + + Silarus, ii. 22, 23 + + Silius Italicus, ii. 241 + + Silver mines in Attica, 91, 295; + in Siphnos, 186; + in Spain, ii. 283; + in Thasos, 183; + in Thrace, 183, 284, 285 + + Simonides, 187 + + Singitian gulf, 286 + + Sinope, 249 + + Sinuessa, ii. 132 + + Siphnos, 184, 186 + + Sipontum, ii. 174 + + Siris, ii. 189 + + Siritis, ii. 192 + + Sismondi, ii. 37 _n._ + + Sithonia, 226, 229, 230, 280 + + Slaves, in Aegina, 54; + Athens, 108, 119; + Italy, ii. 183; + Corinth, 108 + + Slave trade in Delos, 185 + + Slavery, 205 + + Slavonian languages, 303 + + Smyrna, 214 + + Social War, 240; ii. 113, 151 + + Sol, temple of, ii. 99 + + Soli, ii. 349 + + Solinus, ii. 59 + + Soloeis, ii. 267, 268 + + Sophocles, 36 + + Sora, ii. 120, 126, 159 + + Sostratus of Cnidus, ii. 346 + + Σωτῆρες θεοί, ii. 347 + + Spalatro, 314 + + Spain, ii. 279 + + Spania, ii. 280 + + Spaniards, ii. 285 + + Sparta, 33, 36, 58, 60 + + Spartan kings, 58 _n._ + + Spartus, ii. 283 + + Spercheus, 160 + + Spezzia, 44, 54 + + Sphacteria, 69 + + Spoletium, ii. 233 + + Spon and Wheler, 8 + + Sporades, 183 + + Stadium, 45 _n._ 1; + at Athens, 97 + + Stagira, 231 + + Statius, ii. 72, 204 + + Στενὰ τῆς Ἀντιγονείας, 268 + + Stenyclaros, 69 + + Stephanus Byzantinus, 261 + + Sthenelus, 33, 34 + + Στοὰ βασίλειος, ii. 79 + + Store Seitz, ii. 37 + + Strabo, 11, 20, 58, 86, 90, 101, 162, 173, 218, 249, 275, 277, 283, + 297, 304, 305, 307; ii. 17, 140, 144, 161, 163, 173, 174, 177, + 242, 282, 294, 304, 336 + + Strategi, in Phocis, 132 + + Stratos, 142, 150 + + Streets of the Romans, ii. 63 + + Στροβιλοειδής, 221 + + Strymon, 231, 282, 286 + + Strymonian gulf, 281 + + Stuart, 96 + + Stymphaei, 258, 269 + + Stymphalian lake, 29, 74 + + Stymphalus, 74 + + Styra, 178 + + Styx, 257 + + Subura, ii. 66, 98, 99 + + Suburbicariae provinciae, ii. 27 + + Suburbs of Rome, ii. 51, 54, 100 + + Sulphureous springs, 146, 189 + + Summer at Rome, ii. 57 + + Suetonius, ii. 3, 76 + + Sulci, ii. 276 + + Suliots, 258 + + Sulmo, ii. 157 + + P. Sulpicius, 55 + + Ser. Sulpicius, 55, 90 + + Sulpicius Severus, ii. 25 + + Sunion, 91 + + Superum mare, ii. 22 + + Surrentum, ii. 166 + + Sutrium, ii. 225 + + Switzerland, French part of, ii. 10 + + Sybaris, ii. 181, 189, 190 + + Syme, 32 + + Sympolity, 140 + + Synesius, ii. 329 + + Συνοικισμός, 294 + + Syracuse, 47, 161: ii. 255, 257; + population, 261; + province, 268 + + Syros, 184, 187 + + Syrtes, 256 + + + Tabernae, s. mensae argentariorum, ii. 77 + + Tacitus, 11; ii. 302, 306, 312, 319, 321, 322 + + Taenarus, 28, 30, 60 + + Ταγός, 164 + + Tagus, ii. 282, 283 + + Taman, Tamacan, 247 + + Tamyrace, 247 + + Tanagra, 122 + + Tanais, 23; + town, 247 + + Taphians, 148 + + Tar, manufacture of, ii. 185 + + Taraco, ii. 293 + + Tarentum, ii. 185 + + Tarpeian rock, ii. 66 + + Tarpeius mons, ii. 41 + + Tarquinii, ii. 212, 222 + + Tarquinius, father or son, ii. 47 + + Tarquinius Priscus, ii. 59 + + Tartessus, ii. 287 + + Tauchira, ii. 329 + + Taulantii, 300, 305, 306, 308 + + Ταυρική, 244 + + Taurini, ii. 252 + + Taurisci, ii. 325 + + Ταῦροι, 244 + + Tauromenium, ii. 266 + + Taygetus, 28, 30, 31, 60, 66 + + Teanum, ii. 128 + + Teate, ii. 157 + + Tectosagae, ii. 304 + + Tegea, 72 + + Τεῖχος, 111 + + Telegonus, 153 + + Telemachus, 154 + + Temenus, 57 + + Temese, ii. 220 + + Temnos, 216 + + Tempe, 174 + + Temple of Aesculapius, ii. 104 + + Temple of Apollo at Gryneon, 216 + + Temple of the Palatine Apollo, ii. 217 + + Temple, the Capitoline, ii. 67 + + Temple of Concordia, ii. 77 + + Temple of Diana, ii. 99; + of Diana Aricina, ii. 113; + of Diana at Ephesus, 210 + + Temple of Juno Lacinia, ii. 199 + + Temple of Juno Lanuvina, ii. 113 + + Temple of Jupiter Latiaris, ii. 108 + + Temple of Jupiter Stator, ii. 76 + + Temple of Castor, ii. 72, 76, 77 + + Temple of Mars Ultor, ii. 82 + + Temple of Roma and Augustus, ii. 293 + + Temple of Saturn, ii. 77 + + Temple of Sibylla, ii. 112 + + Temple of Sol, ii. 99 + + Temple of Venus Erycina, ii. 257 + + Temple of Venus Genitrix, ii. 81 + + Temple of Vesta, ii. 75 + + Temples, Roman, ii. 68 + + Templum (the Rostra), ii. 74 + + Templum Minervae Medicae, ii. 95 + + Tenea, 51 + + Tenedos, 215, 217, 218 + + Tenos, 184, 187 + + Teos, 211 + + Terni, see Interamna. + + Terra di Lavoro, ii. 12; comp. Campagna di Lavoro. + + Terra di Lecce, ii. 176 + + Terra d’Otranto, ii. 176 + + Terracina, ii. 119, 122, 123 + + Tetradrachmae, 281; comp. drachmae. + + Τετραρχία, 163 + + Teucrian Trojans, 287 + + Teutones, ii. 235, 326 + + Teverone, see Anio. + + Tharyps, Tharypas, 261 + + Thasos, 114, 182 + + Theagenes, 88 + + Theatre at Athens, 98; + in Piraeeus, 102 + + Theatre of Marcellus, ii. 90, 100 + + Theatre of Pompey, ii. 90, 100 + + Theatres in Rome, ii. 90 + + Thebe in Phthiotis, 171 + + Thebes in Egypt, ii. 343 + + Thebes in Boeotia, 114, 118, 120; ii. 261 + + Themistius, 292 _n._ + + Themistocles, 100 + + Theodosia, Theudosia, 246 + + Theophrastus, 220 + + Theopompus, 158, 163, 253, 298, 300 + + Thera, 28, 64, 189 + + Therma, Thermitani, ii. 266 + + Therma (Thessalonica), 225, 282, 286, 295 + + Thermae, ii. 94 + + Thermae of Agrippa, ii. 56, 95, 101 + + Thermae of C. and L. Caesar, ii. 95 + + Thermae of Caracalla, ii. 95 + + Thermae of Decius, ii. 99 + + Thermae of Diocletian, ii. 95 + + Thermae of Nero, ii. 95 + + Thermae of Alexander Severus, ii. 95, 101 + + Thermae of Septimius Severus, ii. 95 + + Thermae of Titus, ii. 94, 95 + + Thermae of Trajan, ii. 99 + + Thermaic gulf, 225, 286 + + Thermon, 146 + + Thermopylae, 129; + pass of, 157 + + Θέρος χρυσοῦν, ii. 193 + + Thespiae, 115, 121 + + Theseus, temple of, at Athens, 93 _n._, 107 + + Thesprotia, 256 + + Thesprotians, 160, 254, 259, 260 + + Thessalians, 113, 132, 160; ii. 123 + + Thessaliotis, 161, 162 + + Thessalonica, see Therma. + + Thessaly, 142, 155, 224, 280; + Κοινὸν Θεσσαλῶν, 161; + fasti of the strategi, 166; + Thessalian women, 172 + + Θολερός, 145 + + Θόλος, 98 + + Thrace, 224, 280 + + Thracians, 232, 277, 287, 288; ii. 8. + + Thria, 92 + + Θριάσιον πεδίον, 92 + + Thrinacia, ii. 257 + + Thucydides, 1, 26, 42, 44, 92, 94, 110, 124, 125, 126, 136, 137, + 138, 147, 150, 164, 172, 173, 184, 190, 225, 251, 254, 260, + 284; ii. 172, 181, 186, 255, 256 + + Thurii, ii. 189, 195 + + Thuscia suburbicaria, ii. 28, 214 + + Thybris, see Tiber. + + Θυεῖν, ii. 85 + + Thyrea, 39 + + Tiber, ii. 21, 46, 49 + + Tiberina insula, ii. 49, 104 + + Tiberius, emperor, ii. 96 + + Tibullus, ii. 29 + + Tibur, ii. 32, 111 + + Tiburnus, see Anio. + + Ticinum, ii. 241 + + Ticinus, ii. 236 + + Tides in the Mediterranean, ii. 331 + + Timaeus, 128, 298 + + Timber, 295 + + Timoleon, 49; ii. 261 + + Tin, trade in, ii. 320 + + Tiparenus, 44 + + Tiryns, 34, 38, 41, 114 + + Tisamenus, 57 + + Tivoli, ii. 29, 38, 82 + + Tmarus, or Tomarus mons, 260, 269 + + Τοιχώρυχος, 101 + + Toledo, ii. 298 + + Toletum, ii. 298 + + Tolemata, ii. 330 + + Tolosa, ii. 317 + + Tomb of Hadrian, ii. 101 + + Tomi, 242 + + Toronean gulf, 231, 286 + + Torona, 230 + + Totila, ii. 58 + + Tournefort, 8 + + Trachinians, 142 + + Trachis, 171 + + Tractus Aremoricus, ii. 318 + + Trajan, ii. 57 + + Trajan, column of, ii. 84 + + Transpadani, ii. 32, 236, 238 + + Trans Tiberim, ii. 44, 54 + + Trapani, ii. 268 + + Trapezus, 248 + + Trastevere, ii. 44, 58, 103 + + Treres, 221 + + Tretus, 39 + + Treves, ii. 320 + + Treviri, ii. 319 + + Triballi, ii. 235, 326 + + Tribus Materina, ii. 232 + + Tribus Quirina, ii. 149 + + Tribus Sapinia, ii. 232 + + Tribus Velina, ii. 232 + + Tricca, 162, 167 + + Trichonis, Lake, 146 + + Trinacia, ii. 257 + + Trinacria, ii. 257 + + Triphylia, 33, 34 + + Triphylians, 70, 77, 79 + + Tripodes, 87 + + Tripolis, ii. 332 + + Tritaea, 80 + + Triumphal Fasti, ii. 116, 160, 177 + + Triumphal arch of Caligula, ii. 96 + + —— —— —— Constantine, ii. 99 + + Triumphal arch of Gratian, ii. 99 + + —— —— —— Septimius Severus, ii. 99 + + —— —— —— Titus, ii. 99 + + —— —— —— Trajan, ii. 84, 99 + + —— —— —— Valentinian, ii. 99 + + Troezen, 38, 42 + + Trogus Pompeius, 264 + + Trojan war, 217 + + Trojans, 27 + + Tuder, ii. 233 + + Tufo, ii. 39, 46 + + Tunese language, ii. 338 + + Tunis, Tunes, ii. 332, 339 + + Tunny fisheries, 239, 250 + + Tunnel of lake Copais, 117; + of the Alban lake, ii. 50, 108, 114 + + Turduli, ii. 291 + + Turia, ii. 283 + + Turingi, ii. 251 + + Turini, ii. 211 + + Turkish language, ii. 205 + + Turni, ii. 211 + + Turnus, ii. 170 + + Tusci, ii. 26, 211 + + Tuscia, ii. 26; comp. Thuscia. + + Tuscia et Umbria, ii. 27 + + Tusculana, scil. civitas, 237 + + Tusculum, ii. 109, 211 + + Tycha, ii. 259 + + Tymphaea, see Stymphaea. + + Τυραννίς, 88 + + Τύραννοι in Phocis, 132 + + Tyras, 243 + + Tyrrheni, 181, 191,231; ii. 3, 33, 37, 120, 205, 207, 292 + + Tyrrhenicum mare, ii. 22 + + + Ufens, ii. 40 + + Ulpium, not Ulpianum, Forum, ii. 83 + + —— _ulus_, the termination, ii. 168 + + Umbri, ii. 11 + + Umbria, ii. 231 + + Umbro, river, ii. 232 + + University at Athens, 105 + + Utica, ii. 332 + + + Vaccaei, ii. 298 + + Valentia, ii. 291 + + Valeria, ii. 28 + + Valesius, see Valois. + + Valois, the brothers, 7 + + Varro, ii. 52, 142, 177 + + Varus, river, ii. 9 + + Vascones, ii. 302 + + Vasilipotamos, 60; comp. Eurotas. + + Vaticanus mons, ii. 44 + + Vaudoncourt, 257 + + Veii, ii. 213, 224 + + Velabrum, ii. 47 + + Velia, ii. 98 + + Velia, ii. 204; comp. Elea. + + Velinus, ii. 147 + + Velitrae, ii. 38, 120 + + Velleius, ii. 144, 160 + + Vendée, 311 + + Veneti, ii. 11, 24, 238, 246 + + Venetia, ii. 25, 27 + + Venetia et Histria, ii. 27 + + Venice, 43, 102; ii. 217, 248 + + Venusia, ii. 159, 174 + + Ver sacrum, ii. 144, 151 + + Verona, ii. 24, 234, 243, 245 + + Verulae, ii. 116 + + Vestini, ii. 24, 26, 142, 153 + + Vesulus, ii. 121 + + Vetulonium, ii. 221 + + Via Aelia, ii. 63 + + Via Aemilia, ii. 28 + + Via Appia, ii. 51, 53, 62 + + Via Ardeatina, ii. 63 + + Via Aurelia, ii. 28, 29 + + Via Campana, ii. 63 + + Via Cassia, ii. 63 + + Via de’ Cerci, ii. 89 + + Via Domitiana, ii. 29 + + Via Egnatia, ii. 283 + + Via Flaminia, ii. 28, 63 + + Via Labicana, ii. 62 + + Via Latina, ii. 51, 62 + + Via Nomentana, ii. 62 + + Via Ostiensis, ii. 63 + + Via Portuensis, ii. 63 + + Via Praenestina, ii. 62 + + Via Sacra, ii. 66, 98 + + Via Salaria, ii. 62 + + Via Tiburtina, ii. 62 + + Via Valeria, ii. 29, 62 + + Vibo Valentia, ii. 203 + + Vicus Cornelius, ii. 86 + + Vicus Patricius, ii. 86 + + Vicus Sceleratus, ii. 86 + + Vienna, ii. 316 + + Viminalis mons, ii. 42, 99 + + Vindelici, ii. 324 + + Vine, cultivation of in Boeotia, 117; + in Italy, ii. 14; + in Peloponnesus, 31 + + Virgil, 125, 158; ii. 34, 42, 48, 55, 120, 146, 200, 229, 234, 245, + 254, 262 + + Viteliu, ii. 3 + + Vitellia, ii. 3 + + Vitellius, Vitalus, ii. 3 + + Vitulus, ii. 3 + + Volaterrae, ii. 212, 219 + + Volcanic veins, 146; + in Italy, ii. 12, 38 + + Volsci, ii. 23, 119 + + Voltaire, ii. 6 + + Voss, J. H., 12, 22; ii. 121 + + Vulsinii, ii. 213, 214, 225; + lake, ii. 214, 225 + + Vulturnum, ii. 127 + + Vulturnus, ii. 22, 128 + + + Wall of Servius Tullius, ii. 49; + of Aurelian, ii. 58, 62; + of Honorius, ii. 58 + + Wallace, ii. 129 + + War, the Sacred, 133; + the Lamian, 139 + + Washington, 129 + + Wasiliki, 53 + + Water, quantity of at different periods, 29 + + Watering places, ii. 94 + + Water mills, ii. 309 + + Wendish language, ii. 25, 208 + + Westphalia, ii. 301 + + Wheler, 8 + + Wieland, 233 + + Wik, Wich, ii. 36 + + Winds, 15 + + Wolf, Fr. A., 253; ii. 196 + + Wood, trade in, 295 + + Wool, Spanish, ii. 283 + + + Xanthus of Lydia, ii. 211 + + Xenophon, 79, 104, 126, 150, 173, 229 + + Ξόανον, 97 + + + Zacynthus, 143, 151, 153, 154 + + Zama, ii. 339 + + Zancle, 65, 176; ii. 255, 264 + + Zeno, the Stoic, ii. 349 + + Zephyrium, cape, ii. 200 + + Zeugitana, ii. 339 + + Ζεὺς Ἐλευθέριος, 121 + + Zmyrna, 215 + + Zoëga, ii. 70 + + Zurlo, Count, ii. 163 + + +THE END. + +WERTHEIMER AND CO., PRINTERS, FINSBURY CIRCUS + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 78452 *** |