path: root/77820-0.txt

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77820 ***
Transcriber’s Note: In keeping with the author’s note that “Such
misspellings as a Spanish scholar will readily recognize as the blunders
of the Spanish printer I have not thought it necessary to notice”, errors
in the Spanish parts of the text have been left as printed. Some evident
blunders of the English printer have, however, been corrected.




                              WORKS ISSUED BY
                           The Hakluyt Society.

                                  SELECT
                                LETTERS OF
                           CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS,
                                   ETC.

                                M.DCCC.LXX.




INSTRUCTIONS TO BINDER.


Portrait of S. Christopher to face Title.

Herrera’s map and Bahama Islands, modern, opposite each other, between
pp. lx and lxi; the first at top, the second at bottom, both reading the
same way.

Juan de la Cosa’s map to face page lxiii.




[Illustration]




                                  SELECT
                                  LETTERS
                                    OF
                           CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS,
                      WITH OTHER ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS,
                              RELATING TO HIS
                               FOUR VOYAGES
                                    TO
                              THE NEW WORLD.

                         TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY
                        R. H. MAJOR, F.S.A., ETC.,
    KEEPER OF THE DEPARTMENT OF MAPS AND CHARTS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM,
             AND HON. SEC. OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY.

                              Second Edition.

                “Tu spiegherai, Colombo, a un novo polo
                 Lontane sì le fortunate antenne,
                 Ch’ a pena seguirà con gli occhi il volo
                 La Fama ch’ ha mille occhi e mille penne.
                 Canti ella Alcide e Bacco, e di te solo
                 Basti a’ posteri tuoi ch’alquanto accenne;
                 Chè quel poco darà lunga memoria
                 Di poema dignissima e d’ istoria.”

                            _Tasso.—Gerusalemme Liberata._ Canto xv, 32.

                                  LONDON:
                     PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
                                M.DCCC.LXX.

                   T. RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET.




COUNCIL OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.


SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, BART., K.C.B., G.C.St.S., F.R.S., F.R.G.S.,
D.C.L., Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburgh, Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr. etc.,
etc., PRESIDENT.

    REAR-ADMIRAL C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B., } VICE-PRESIDENTS.
    THE RIGHT HON. SIR DAVID DUNDAS,             }
        REV. G. P. BADGER, F.R.G.S.
        J. BARROW, ESQ., F.R.S.
        E. H. BUNBURY, ESQ.
        LORD ALFRED CHURCHILL.
        REAR-ADMIRAL R. COLLINSON, C.B.
        SIR WALTER ELLIOTT, K.S.I.
        GENERAL C. FOX.
        W. E. FRERE, ESQ.
        CAPTAIN J. G. GOODENOUGH, R.N.
        CHARLES GREY, ESQ.
        EGERTON VERNON HARCOURT, ESQ.
        JOHN WINTER JONES, ESQ., F.S.A.
        R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A.
        SIR CHARLES NICHOLSON, BART.
        SIR WILLIAM STIRLING MAXWELL, BART.
        MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY C. RAWLINSON, K.C.B.
        THE LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY.

        CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, ESQ., HONORARY SECRETARY.




                                    TO
                         THE HONOURED AND BELOVED
                                  MEMORY
                             OF HIS EXCELLENCY
                          THE COUNT DE LAVRADIO,
                                   LATE
            ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY OF
                         HIS MOST FAITHFUL MAJESTY
                       AT THE COURT OF ST. JAMES’S,
                             ETC., ETC., ETC.,
                           A WARM APPRECIATOR OF
                           THE EXALTED MERITS OF
                                 COLUMBUS,
                            THE FOLLOWING PAGES
                        ARE REVERENTLY INSCRIBED BY
                                THE EDITOR.




PREFACE.


It has been thought desirable by some of the leading members of our
Council that I should avail myself of the opportunity offered by this
second Edition of the _Select Letters of Columbus_, to lay before the
Society a correspondence in which I have endeavoured to vindicate the
character of the Society’s early productions, and especially the first
edition of this work, from a most unjustifiable attack made upon them by
Mr. Froude in the _Westminster Review_ in 1852, and _repeated_ in the
second volume of that gentleman’s _Short Studies on Great Subjects_,
printed in 1867, and _reprinted_ in a popular edition in the same year.
The letters themselves will convey to the reader the whole of the facts,
minus only the bitterness and ferocity of Mr. Froude’s attack.

_The Athenæum, July 13th, 1867._

                                    “British Museum, July 3rd, 1867.

    “Will you allow me to appeal against a wrong done to the
    Hakluyt Society in general, and to myself in particular, in a
    work now very extensively read?

    “In the second volume of Mr. Froude’s _Short Studies on
    Great Subjects_, at page 102, is an article on ‘England’s
    Forgotten Worthies,’ in which the author makes an attack on
    the Hakluyt Society, the bitter expressions of which need not
    be repeated here. It is headed by the titles of three of the
    Society’s early publications, and the first he states to be
    _The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knt., in his Voyage
    in the South Sea in 1593_. Reprinted from the edition of 1622,
    and _edited by R. H. Major, Esq., of the British Museum_;
    whereas I had nothing to do with the editing of that work.
    This done, at page 108, Mr. Froude says: ‘_The Editor of the
    Letters of Columbus_ (which I did edit in 1847) _apologizes
    for the rudeness of the old seaman’s phraseology. Columbus, he
    tells us, was not so great a master of the pen as of the art of
    navigation. We are to make excuses for him. We are put on our
    guard, and, warned not to be offended, before we are introduced
    to the sublime record of sufferings under which a man of the
    highest order was staggering towards the end of his earthly
    calamities; although the inarticulate fragments in which his
    thought breaks out from him, are strokes of natural art, by
    the side of which literary pathos is poor and meaningless._’
    I warmly deny that I apologized for Columbus’s language. So
    far from it, I repeatedly expressed my sympathy with and
    admiration of his manly and touching record of his sufferings.
    What I did apologize for was any mischievous result which might
    possibly have accrued, though I do not think it did accrue, to
    my own diction from that occasional want of connectedness in
    the original which I had to contend with in translating. The
    two things are manifestly different, and it is not pleasant
    to find the reader’s highest sympathies appealed to in order
    to bring down greater condemnation on me for a fault that I
    had never committed. But I should not trouble you with such
    a personal matter, were it not that, having fabricated this
    handle for censure on me, Mr. Froude makes it a hook for the
    following criticism on the Hakluyt Society: ‘_And even in
    the subjects which they select, they are pursued by the same
    curious fatality_,’ the selection blamed being that of _Drake’s
    Last Voyage in 1595_, edited from the original MSS. Then, after
    magisterially condemning this elsewhere unblamed selection as a
    ‘_fatal_’ sin, Mr. Froude proceeds to say, at the foot of page
    109, ‘_But every bad has a worse below it, and more offensive
    than all these is the Editor of “Hawkins’s Voyage to the South
    Sea,”_’—and if the reader refers to the head of the article for
    the name of _this most offensive editor_, he will, as I have
    already said, find my name, who never had anything to do with
    it. It is true that on page 110 the name of the real editor,
    Admiral Bethune, occurs; but as Mr. Froude’s article is a
    reprint from the _Westminster Review_ of 1852 (not 1853, as Mr.
    Froude again blunders in saying), there has been time enough
    for that gentleman to correct the injurious errors into which
    he had fallen. Although naturally annoyed at this treatment of
    my name, I left the offence unnoticed at the time; but now
    that, after a lapse of fifteen years, it is reprinted, with all
    faults in a widely-circulated publication, I call on Mr. Froude
    to correct his mis-statements.

    “I am, happily, able to state, from the experience of twenty
    years, that the estimate of the Hakluyt Society’s publications
    by the literary world is far from supporting Mr. Froude in
    his supercilious treatment of that Society. Whatever opinion,
    however, those publications may deserve, it is the duty of a
    critic to be correct, and the greater the severity, the greater
    the need of correctness; but when a critic lashes not only
    one’s self, but one’s friends, by means of misrepresentations
    and blunders of his own making, what does that critic deserve?

                                                       R. H. MAJOR.”

_The Athenæum, July 20th, 1867._

                                  “5, Onslow Gardens, July 15, 1867.

    “I am sorry to have given Mr. Major cause to complain of me.
    Should my _Essays_ be reprinted, the mistake which he points
    out shall be corrected; and I can only regret the injustice
    which meanwhile is done to his name. At the same time the only
    error which I can acknowledge is confined to the title of a
    work which stands at the head of the article. In the article
    itself the volumes criticised are assigned to their proper
    editors.

                                                      J. A. FROUDE.”

_The Athenæum, July 27th, 1867._

                                     “British Museum, July 23, 1867.

    “I beg to thank Mr. Froude for his courteous expression of
    regret for what, I am quite sure, was done inadvertently, and
    I would thankfully accept his promise of reparation if it
    were extended to all the mischief that is being done to me.
    Unfortunately for me, _two editions_ of Mr. Froude’s _Essays_
    have been issued this year, _the second this very month_, in
    a _cheap and popular form_; thus diffusing and prolonging, in
    the most effectual manner, an injustice to my name which has
    existed for fifteen years, and postponing indefinitely the
    chance of reparation in a future edition.

    “Under such circumstances, I read with regret that, while
    acknowledging one error, Mr. Froude does not also acknowledge
    what everyone else sees clearly and condemns, the injustice
    of his censure on me with respect to Columbus, and which he
    makes a ground for censure on the Hakluyt Society. That Society
    stands too high to need any defence from its former Honorary
    Secretary, but I may be excused for specially asking that this
    censure may be expunged; for I have a letter from Mr. Bancroft,
    who was Ambassador here at the time, in which he eulogizes,
    in terms so warm that I may not repeat them, the spirit in
    which I had written both of the sufferings of Columbus, and
    of the touching language in which he had recorded them. This
    is exactly the contrary of what Mr. Froude’s two editions are
    telling everybody that I have done.

                                                       R. H. MAJOR.”

Now that, in revising my translation for this second edition, I have
again gone through the texts of Columbus’s letters, I uncompromisingly
repeat the expression which in 1847 I used _solely_ in exculpation of any
mischievous result to my own diction from the disconnectedness of the
original, viz., that “Columbus was not so great a master of the pen as
of the art of navigation.” Whether my judgment on this point be of more
or less weight than Mr. Froude’s is of no moment whatever; but it is of
moment that the mischievous effect of a savage criticism, built up on
the critic’s own blunders, should be neutralized as far as possible. The
reader has the realities of the whole case before him, and may judge for
himself.

                                                                  R. H. M.




INTRODUCTION.


Nearly three thousand years have passed since the wisest of men declared
that there was nothing new under the sun. The saying has held good to
the present day, for men are perpetually finding out that their recent
discoveries had been already made, but under circumstances which did
not reveal the full value of that which had been discovered. No greater
examples of this truth can be adduced than in the history of the
Atlantic, of America, and of Australia. Until the days of Prince Henry
the Navigator, the Atlantic was so unknown that it justly bore the name
of the “Sea of Darkness;” and yet, during the previous two thousand years
occasional glimpses of light had in fact been thrown upon the face of
that mysterious ocean. “Nil novi sub sole” was still an indisputable
proverb. In the researches into the Atlantic originated by Prince Henry,
Columbus took part, and hence, as we shall presently more fully see,
derived the idea of the great importance of explorations to the West.
Within one hundred years of the triumphant rounding by Prince Henry’s
navigators (in 1434) of Cape Bojador, which till then had been the limit
of Atlantic exploration, the Portuguese had discovered both the eastern
and western shores of the continental island of Australia. And yet till
recently men knew not that they owed the knowledge either of America or
of Australia[1] to the initiatory efforts of a Prince with whose name, in
fact, they were almost entirely unacquainted.

Such facts show the great injustice done to the originators of great
explorations who, working with the smallest means, really deserve the
highest meed of honour.

Yet in the estimate of merit it must be conceded that priority, immense
as are its claims, is not all-absorbent. Columbus, as we shall presently
see, was anticipated in the discovery of America, and yet such were
the special virtues brought to bear upon the execution of his great
achievement, that, as Humboldt has eloquently said, “the majesty of grand
recollections seems concentred” on his illustrious name. The peculiar
value of the following letters, descriptive of the four important voyages
of Columbus, is that the events described are from the pens of those to
whom the events occurred. In them we have laid before us, as it were from
Columbus’s own mouth, a clear statement of his opinions and conjectures
on what were to him great cosmical riddles—riddles which have since been
solved mainly through the light which his illustrious deeds have shed
upon the field of our observation. In these letters also we trace the
magnanimity with which Columbus could support an accumulated burthen
of undeserved affliction. It is impossible to read without the deepest
sympathy the occasional murmurings and half suppressed complaints which
are uttered in the course of his letter to Ferdinand and Isabella,
describing his fourth voyage. These murmurings and complaints were
wrung from his manly spirit by sickness and sorrow, and though reduced
almost to the brink of despair by the injustice of the king, yet do we
find nothing harsh or disrespectful in his language to the sovereign. A
curious contrast is presented to us. The gift of a world could not move
the monarch to gratitude; the infliction of chains, as a recompense for
that gift, could not provoke the subject to disloyalty. The same great
heart which through more than twenty wearisome years of disappointment
and chagrin gave him strength to beg and to buffet his way to glory,
still taught him to bear with majestic meekness the conversion of that
glory into unmerited shame.

The translated documents are seven in number. Five of them are letters
from the hand of Columbus himself, describing respectively his first,
third, and fourth voyages. Another, describing the second voyage, is
by Dr. Chanca, the physician to the fleet during that expedition, and
the seventh document is an extract from the will of Diego Mendez, one
of Columbus’s officers during the fourth voyage, who gives a detailed
account of many most interesting adventures undertaken by himself, but
left undescribed by Columbus.

I shall not pause here to enter into the important bibliography of
these documents, which has no charm for many readers, and is therefore
placed at the end of this introduction. A series of original documents
of such importance might appear to need but few words of introduction or
recommendation, since the entire history of civilisation presents us with
no event, with the exception perhaps of the art of printing, so momentous
as the discovery of the western world; and, independently of the lustre
which the grandeur of that event confers upon the discoverer, there is no
individual who has rendered himself, on the score of personal character
and conduct, more illustrious than Christopher Columbus. There have,
nevertheless, not been wanting those, who, from various motives, and on
grounds of various trustworthiness, have endeavoured to lessen his glory,
by impeaching his claim to the priority of discovery, or by arguing that
the discovery itself has proved a misfortune rather than advantage to
the world at large. By way, therefore, of vindicating the value of the
original documents here translated, a brief account of such pretensions
to prior discovery as have been at different times put forth, may not be
thought superfluous.

The oldest story which seems possibly to bear reference to what we call
the “new world” is related by Theopompus.

Theopompus lived in the fourth century before the Christian era; in
a fragment of his works preserved by Ælian is a conversation between
Silenus and Midas, King of Phrygia, in which the former says that
Europe, Asia, and Africa were surrounded by the sea, but that beyond this
known world was an island of immense extent, containing huge animals
and men of twice our stature, and long-lived in proportion. There were
in it many great cities whose inhabitants had laws and customs entirely
different from ours. Fabulous as the story is as a whole, we cannot
escape from the thought that it suggests, though vaguely, a notion of the
real existence of a great western country. This idea is strengthened by
the remarkable story related to Solon by a priest of Sais from the sacred
inscriptions in the temples, and presented to us by Plato in his Timæus
and Critias, wherein he speaks of an island called Atlantis, opposite the
Pillars of Hercules, larger than Africa and Asia united, but which in one
day and night was swallowed up by an earthquake and disappeared beneath
the waters. The result was that no one had since been able to navigate
or explore that sea on account of the slime which the submerged island
had produced. Many as have been the doubts and conjectures to which this
narrative has been subjected by the learned in ancient and modern times,
it is a remarkable fact that Crantor, in a commentary on Plato quoted by
Proclus, declares that he found this same account retained by the priests
of Sais three hundred years after the period of Solon, and that he was
shown the inscriptions in which it was embodied. It is also deserving of
notice that precisely in that part of the ocean described in the legend
we find the island groups of the Azores, Madeira, the Canaries, and a
host of other rocks and sand-banks, while the great bank of varec, or
floating seaweed, occupying the middle portion of the basin of the North
Atlantic, and covering, according to Humboldt, an area about six times
as large as Germany, has been reasonably regarded as explanatory of the
obstacle to navigation to which the tradition refers.

Various have been the speculations respecting the original colonisation
of the western hemisphere. Athanasius Kircher, in his _Prodromus Coptus
and Œdipus Ægyptiacus_, gives the Egyptians the credit of colonising
America, as well as India, China, and Japan, grounding his argument
upon the religious worship of the sun, moon, stars, and animals. Edward
Brerewood, at pages 96 and 97 of his _Enquiries touching the Diversity
of Languages_, contends, and he is far from being alone in his opinion,
that the Americans are the progeny of the Tartars. Marc Lescarbot, in his
_Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, maintains that the Canaanites, when
routed by Joshua, were driven into America by storms, and that Noah was
born in America, and after the flood showed his descendants the way into
their paternal country, and assigned to some of them their places of
abode there; while Hornius, in his treatise _De originibus Americanis_,
after touching upon the various conjectures here quoted, animadverts on
the presumption and folly of Paracelsus, when he states that a second
Adam and Eve were created for the peopling of the western world.

The first specific statement, however, of a supposed migration from the
shores of the old world to those of the new, is that which the elder De
Guignes presumes to be demonstrable from the relation given by a Chinese
historian, Li-Yen, who lived at the commencement of the seventh century.
(See _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres_, vol.
28, p. 504.) The said historian speaks of a country, named Fou-sang,
more than forty thousand _li_[2] to the East of China. He says that they
who went thither started from the province of Leaton, situated to the
north of Peking; that after having made twelve thousand li, they came
to Japan; that travelling seven thousand li northward from that place,
they arrived at the country of Venchin, and at five thousand li eastward
of the latter, they found the country of Tahan, whence they journeyed
to Fou-sang, which was twenty thousand li distant from Tahan. From this
account De Guignes endeavours, by a long chain of argument, to prove that
the Chinese had pushed their investigations into Jeso, Kamtschatka, and
into that part of America which is situated opposite the most eastern
coast of Asia.

This surmise of De Guignes has been answered by Klaproth, in a paper
which appeared in the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (tom. 51, 2ᵉ serie,
p. 53). His arguments go to show that the country named Fou-sang is
Japan; and that the country of Tahan, situated to the west of Asiatic
Vinland, can only be the island of Saghalian. Humboldt observes upon
this subject, that the number of horses, the practice of writing, and the
manufacture of paper from the Fou-sang tree, mentioned in the account
given by the Chinese historian, ought to have shown De Guignes that the
country of which he spoke was not America.

The presumed discovery of America which comes next in chronological
rotation, is that by the Scandinavians, the earliest _printed allusion_
to which occurs in Adam of Bremen’s _Historia Ecclesiastica Ecclesiarum
Hamburgensis et Bremensis_, published at Copenhagen, 1579, 4to. The
Baron Von Humboldt has asserted that the merit of first recognising the
discovery of America by the Northmen, _belongs indisputably_ to Ortelius,
who, in his _Theatrum Orbis Terrarum_, with unjust severity says, that
Christopher Columbus had done nothing more than to place the new world
in a permanently useful and commercial relationship with Europe. The
ground upon which the priority is claimed for Ortelius, is that the
first edition of his work came out in 1570, although the reference which
Humboldt himself gives is to an edition of 1601 which was after the
death of Ortelius, and the earlier editions do not contain the chapter
on the Pacific Ocean in which the passage occurs. It is true that in
the _Bibliotheca Hulthemiana_ the edition of 1601 is said to have been
revised and augmented by Ortelius before his death in 1598, but, even if
the assertion was made by Ortelius, and not by the editor of his work
after his death, it still leaves perfectly unimpeached the claim to
priority of the Copenhagen edition of Adam of Bremen in 1579. Adam of
Bremen’s work was written soon after the middle of the eleventh century,
and was followed in the next half century by the _Historia Ecclesiastica_
of Ordericus Vitalis, who also speaks of the country visited by the
Scandinavians. Abraham Mylius, in his _Treatise de Antiquitate Linguæ
Belgicæ_, Leyden, 1611, makes all Americans to be sprung from Celts;
stating that many Celtic words were to be found in use there; and with
more reasonable showing affirms that the coast of Labrador was visited
by wanderers from Iceland. Hugo Grotius, in his _Dissertatio de Origine
Gentium Americanarum_, (Paris, 1642, 8vo.), follows Mylius, and states
that America was colonised by a Norwegian race, who came thither from
Iceland, through Greenland, and passed through North America down to the
Isthmus.

The earliest _printed detail_ of these discoveries is given by the
Norwegian historian, Thormodus Torfæus, in a work entitled _Historia
Vinlandiæ Antiquæ, ex Antiquitatibus Islandicis in lucem producta_,
(Hauniæ, 1705, 12mo.) But in the invaluable work by Professor Rafn,
published in 1837 by the Danish Royal Society of Antiquaries, under the
title of _Antiquitates Americanæ_, the manuscripts which record these
discoveries are given at length in the original, accompanied by a Latin
translation, and careful and learned geographical illustrations. The
following is a summary of the principal events recorded in this highly
interesting volume, and the geographical inferences are those supplied
by the professor himself.

Irish Christians were the first Europeans, which we know from well
established history, to have migrated into and inhabited Iceland. Close
upon the end of the eighth century this island was visited by Irish
hermits; but the first discovery of it by the Northmen was made by a
Dane named Gardar, of Swedish origin, in the year 863. The regular
colonisation of the country was commenced in 874 by Ingolf, a Norwegian,
and was carried on continuously for the space of sixty years by some
of the most influential and civilised families of Scandinavia. In 877
the mountainous coast of Greenland was for the first time seen by a man
named Gunnbiorn, but it was in 983 that this country was first visited
by Eric Rauda, or Eric the Red, son of Thorwald, a Norwegian noble, who
had been condemned to a banishment of three years for killing Eyolf
his neighbour. After three years absence, he returned to Iceland, and
in order to hold out an inducement to colonisation, named the newly
discovered country Greenland, intending by that name to express the
richness of the woods and meadows with which it abounded. Amongst those
who had accompanied Eric was a man named Heriulf Bardson, who established
himself at Heriulfsnes. Biarne, the son of the latter, finding, on his
return home from a trading voyage to Norway, that his father had quitted
Iceland, resolved upon following him, though he, as well as those who
had accompanied him, were quite unacquainted with the Greenland sea.
Soon after leaving Iceland they met with northerly winds and fogs, and
were carried they knew not whither: the weather clearing, they found
themselves near a flat woody country, which, not corresponding with
the descriptions of Greenland, they left to larboard. After five days’
sailing with a south-west wind, they came to a mountainous country,
covered with glaciers, which they found to be an island; but as its
appearance was not inviting, they bore away from the island, and standing
out to sea with the same wind, after four days’ sailing with fresh gales,
they reached Heriulfsnes in Greenland.

Some time after this, in the year 1000, Lief, son of Eric the Red,
equipped a ship with thirty-five men to make a voyage of discovery,
with the view of examining the new found lands more narrowly. They came
to a land were no grass was to be seen, but everywhere there were vast
glaciers, while the space intervening between these ice mountains and the
shore appeared as one uninterrupted plain of slate. This country they
named Helluland, _i. e._ Slate-land (Newfoundland). Thence they stood out
to sea again, and reached a level wooded country, with cliffs of white
sand. They called this country Markland, _i. e._ Woodland (Nova Scotia).
Again they put to sea, and after two days’ sail reached an island, to
the eastward of the mainland, and passed through the strait between this
island and the mainland. They sailed westward, and landed at a place
where a river, issuing from a lake, fell into the sea. Here they wintered
and built houses, which were afterwards called Leifsbuder (Leifsbooths.)
During their stay, one of their number, named Tyrker, a German, happened
to wander some distance from the settlement, and on his return reported
that he had found vines and grapes. These proving to be plentiful,
Lief named the country Vinland or Vineland (New England), and in the
ensuing spring returned to Greenland. In the year 1002, Thorwald, Lief’s
brother, being of opinion that the country had been too little explored,
borrowed his brother’s ship, and with the assistance of his advice and
instructions, set out on a new voyage. They arrived at Liefsbooths, in
Vinland, remained there for the winter, and, in the spring of 1003,
Thorwald sent a party in the ship’s long boat on a voyage of discovery
southwards. They found a beautiful and well-wooded country, with
extensive ranges of white sand, but no traces of men, except a wooden
shed which they found on an island lying to the westward. They returned
to Liefsbooths in the autumn. In the summer of 1004, Thorwald sailed
eastward and then northward, past a remarkable headland enclosing a bay,
and which was opposite to another headland. They called it Kialarnes
(Keel-Cape). Continuing along the east coast, they reached a beautiful
promontory, where they landed. Thorwald was so pleased with the place
that he exclaimed, “Here is a beautiful spot, and here I should like well
to fix my dwelling.” He had scarcely spoken before they encountered some
Skrellings (Esquimaux) with whom they fell to blows, and a sharp conflict
ensuing, Thorwald received a mortal wound in his arm from an arrow.
He died, and was buried by his own instructions on the spot which had
excited his admiring remark, the language of which appeared prophetic of
a longer stay there than he had at first contemplated.

The most distinguished, however, of all the first American discoverers is
Thorfinn Karlsefne, an Icelander, whose genealogy is carried back in the
old northern annals to Danish, Swedish, Norwegian, Scottish, and Irish
ancestors, some of them of royal blood. In 1006 this chieftain visited
Greenland, and there married Gudrida, the widow of Thurstein (son of Eric
the Red), who had died the year before in an unsuccessful expedition to
Vinland. Accompanied by Snorre Thorbrandson, also a man of illustrious
lineage, Biarne Grimolfson of Breidefiord, and Thorhall Gamlason of
Austfiord, he set sail in the spring of 1007 with three ships for Vinland.

They had in all one hundred and sixty men, and as they went with the
intention of colonising, they took with them a great variety and quantity
of live stock. They sailed, first, to the Tresterbyd, and afterwards
to Biarney (Disco); then to Helluland, where they found an abundance
of foxes; and thence to Markland, which was overgrown with wood, and
plentifully stocked with a variety of animals. Proceeding still in a
south-westerly direction, with the land on the right, they came to a
place where a frith penetrated far into the country; off the mouth of it
was an island, on which they found an immense number of eyder ducks, so
that it was scarcely possible to walk without treading on their eggs.
They called the island Straumey (Stream Isle) from the strong current
which ran past it, and the frith they called Straumfiordr (Stream Frith).
Here Thorhall and eight others left the party in quest of Vinland, but
were driven by westerly gales to the coast of Iceland, where some say
that they were beaten, and put into servitude. Karlsefne, however, with
the remaining one hundred and fifty men, sailed southwards, and reached
a place were a river falls into the sea from a lake; large islands were
situated opposite the mouth of the river; passing these, they steered
into the lake, and called the place Hop. The low grounds were covered
with wheat growing wild; and the rising grounds with vines. Here they
stayed till the beginning of the year 1008, when finding their lives in
constant jeopardy from the hostile attacks of the natives, they quitted
the place, and returned to Eric’s fiorde. In 1011 a ship arrived in
Greenland, from Norway, commanded by two Icelandic brothers named Helge
and Finnboge: to these men, Freydisa, a natural daughter of Eric the Red,
proposed a voyage to Vinland, stipulating that they should share equally
with her the profits of the voyage. To this they assented, and it was
agreed that each party should have thirty able-bodied men on board the
ship, besides women; but Freydisa secretly took with her five men in
addition to that number. They reached Liefsbooths in 1012, and wintered
there; when a discussion arising, Freydisa had the subtlety to prevail
on her husband to massacre the brothers and their followers; after the
perpetration of which base deed they returned to Greenland in the spring
of 1013.

In his expedition to Vinland in 1007, Thorfinn Karlsefne had been
accompanied by his wife, Gudrida, who bore him a son, Snorre, who became
the founder of an illustrious family in Iceland, which gave that island
several of its first bishops. Among these may be mentioned the learned
Bishop Thorlak Runolfson, to whom we are principally indebted for the
oldest ecclesiastical code of Iceland, written in the year 1123. It is
also probable that the accounts of the voyages were originally compiled
by him.

The notices given in these old Icelandic accounts, of the climate,
soil, and productions of the new country are very characteristic. It is
curious that Adam of Bremen, in the eleventh century, though himself not
a northman, states, on the authority of Svein Estridson, the King of
Denmark, a nephew of Canute the Great, that the country of Vinland got
its name from the vine growing wild there, and for the same reason the
English re-discoverers gave the name of Martha’s Vineyard to the large
island close off the coast.

It is fortunate that in these ancient accounts they have preserved the
statement of the course steered and the distance sailed in a day. From
various ancient Icelandic geographical works it may be gathered that the
distance of a day’s sailing was estimated at from twenty-seven to thirty
geographical miles—German or Danish—of which fifteen are equal to a
degree, and are consequently equivalent to four English miles. From the
island of Helluland, afterwards called little Helluland, Biarne sailed to
Herjulfsnes (Ikigeit), in Greenland, with strong south-westerly winds, in
four days. The distance between that cape and Newfoundland is about one
hundred and fifty miles, which, if we allow for the strong south-westerly
gales, will correspond with Biarne’s voyage; while the well-known
barrenness of the flats of Newfoundland corresponds with the Hellue, or
slates, which suggested the name the Northmen gave to the island.

Markland being described as three days’ sail south-west of Helluland,
appears to be Nova Scotia; and the low and level character of the
country, covered with woods, tallies precisely with the descriptions of
later writers.

Vinland was stated to be two days’ sail to the south-west of Markland,
which would be from fifty-four to sixty miles. The distance from Cape
Sable to Cape Cod is reckoned at about two hundred and ten English miles,
which answers to about fifty-two Danish miles; and in the account given
by Biarne of their finding many shallows off the island to the eastward,
we recognize an accurate description of Nantucket, and Kialarnes must
consequently be Cape Cod. The Straumfiordr of the Northmen is supposed to
be Buzzard’s Bay, and Straumey, Martha’s Vineyard, though the account of
the many eggs found there, would seem to correspond more correctly with
Egg Island, which lies off the entrance of Vineyard Sound.

Krossanes is probably Gurnet Point. The Hóp answers to Mount Hope’s
Bay, through which the Taunton river flows, and it was here that the
Leifsbooths were situated.

The ancient documents likewise make mention of a country called
Huitramannaland (Whiteman’s Land), otherwise Irland it Mikla (Great
Ireland) supposed to be that part of the coast of North America,
including North and South Carolina, Georgia and Florida. There is a
tradition among the Shawanese Indians, who emigrated some years ago
from Florida and settled in Ohio, that Florida was once inhabited by
white people, who possessed iron instruments. The powerful chieftain,
Are Marson of Reykianes, in Iceland,—according to the account given
by his contemporary Rafn, surnamed the Limerick trader,—was driven to
Huitramannaland by storms in 983, and was baptised there. Are Frode
likewise (the first compiler of the Landnama, and a descendant in the
fourth degree from Are Marson) states that his uncle, Thorkell Gellerson,
had been informed by Icelanders that Are Marson had been recognised in
Huitramannaland, and was held in high respect there. This statement
therefore shows that there was an occasional intercourse in those days
between the Orkneys and Iceland, and this part of America.

It is further recorded in the ancient MSS. that the Greenland bishop Eric
went over to Vinland in the year 1121; but nothing more than the fact
is stated, and it simply corroborates the supposition of intercourse
between the countries. Again, in the year 1266, a voyage of discovery
to the Arctic regions of America is said to have been performed, under
the auspices of some clergymen of the bishopric of Gardar in Greenland;
and from the recorded observations made by the explorers, would seem to
have been carried to regions whose geographical position has been more
accurately determined by our own navigators, Parry and the two Rosses.
The next recorded discovery was made by Adalbrand and Thorwald Helgason,
two Icelandic clergymen, in the year 1285. Contemporaneous accounts state
that they discovered a new land to the westward of Iceland, supposed
to have been Newfoundland. The last record preserved in the ancient
Icelandic MSS. relates a voyage from Greenland to Markland, performed
by a crew of seventeen men, in the year 1347. The account written by
a contemporary nine years after the event, induces the belief that
intercourse between Greenland and America had been maintained as late as
the period here mentioned, for he speaks of Markland as a country still
known and visited in those days.

The obscurity of many portions of these narratives leaves much to
be cleared up with reference to this interesting subject; but their
general truthfulness being corroborated by the traces of the residence
and settlement of the ancient northmen exhibited in the inscriptions
discovered in Kinkigtorsoak, Greenland, and Massachusetts, no room is
left for disputing the main fact of the discovery.

Between this period and the date of the first voyage of Columbus, the
coast of America is reported to have been visited by the Arabians of the
Spanish Peninsula, the Welsh, the Venetians, the Portuguese, and also by
a Pole in the service of Denmark.

The Arabian expedition is described both by Edrisi and by Ibn-al-Wardi.
It appears to have been undertaken by eight persons of the same family,
called the Almagrurins or the Wandering Brothers, who having provided
themselves with everything requisite for a long voyage, swore they would
not return till they had penetrated to the extreme limits of the Sea of
Darkness. They sailed from the port of Aschbona or Lisbon, and steered
towards the south-west, and at the end of thirty-five days arrived at
the island of Gana or Sheep Island. The flesh of the sheep of this
island being too bitter for them to eat, they put to sea again, and
after sailing twelve days in a southerly direction, reached an island
inhabited by people of a red skin, lofty stature, and with hair of thin
growth but long and flowing over their shoulders. The inhabitants of this
island told them that persons had sailed twenty days to the west without
discovering land, and the Arabian brothers, diverted from the pursuit
of their hardy enterprise by this discouraging account, retraced their
course, and returned safely to Lisbon. From this description the elder de
Guignes inferred that the Arabs had either reached the eastern coast of
America, or at least one of the American islands; an opinion, however,
which appears to have as little to sanction it, as his above mentioned
conjecture that the Chinese had discovered the west coast of America
in the fifth century. The Baron von Humboldt concurs with the opinion
expressed by the learned orientalist Tychsen in his _Neue oriental und
exegetische Bibliothek_, and repeated by Malte Brun, that the island
reached by the Arab wanderers was one of the African islands. This
conclusion is drawn from the circumstance that the Guanches, the original
people of the Canary group, were a pastoral race, and also possessed the
same external characteristics as the islanders here described. Moreover,
the fact that the king of the island had an interpreter who spoke Arabic,
together with the circumstance that the red men had sailed westward for
a month without seeing land, strongly corroborates the opinion advanced.
The precise date of this voyage is unknown, but Humboldt presumes that it
must have been considerably anterior to the expulsion of the Arabs from
Lisbon in 1147; because Edrisi, whose work was finished in 1153, speaks
of the occurrence as if it were by no means recent.

It is but upon a slight foundation, that the Welsh have pretended to
raise a claim to the discovery; but slight as it is, there is certainly
enough to render a decidedly negative assertion on the subject to the
full as presumptuous as one decidedly affirmative would be. But as we
have no concern with mere conjectures, we must in candour narrate, as
succinctly as possible, the grounds upon which these pretensions have
been founded.

The first account of this discovery is found in Humphrey Llwyd’s
translation of the _History of Wales_, by Caradoc of Llancarvan,
published by Dr. Powell in 1584. According to him the occurrence took
place as follows:—On the death of Owen Gwynedd, prince of North Wales,
in 1169, a contention arose amongst his numerous sons respecting the
succession to the crown, when Madawe, or Madoc, one of their number,
seeing his native country was likely to be embroiled in a civil war,
deemed it more prudent to try his fortune abroad. In pursuance of this
object he sailed with a small fleet of ships to the westward, and
leaving Iceland on the north, came at length to an unknown country,
where everything appeared new and uncommon and the manner of the natives
different from all that he had ever seen. The country appearing to him,
from its fertility and beauty, to be very desirable for a settlement, he
left most of his own men behind him, (amounting, according to Sir Thomas
Herbert, to a hundred and twenty), and returning to Wales, persuaded
a considerable number of the Welsh to go out with him to the newly
discovered country, and so with ten ships he again departed, and bade a
final adieu to his native soil. This account of the historian Caradoc
of Llancarvan is the only affirmative written document the story has
upon which to ground its claim to authenticity, with the exception of
an ode, written by a Welsh bard, Meredyth ab Rhys, who died in 1477,
fifteen years before Columbus’s first expedition, in which an allusion
is made to the event.[3] A circumstance which would appear to confirm
the truth of Madoc’s voyages, is a peculiar resemblance that has been
found between some of the American dialects and the Welsh language; but,
as Dr. Robertson reasonably remarks, the affinity has been observed in
so few instances, and in some of these is so obscure or so fanciful,
that no conclusion can be drawn from the casual resemblance of a small
number of words. Dr. Williams adduces in confirmation of his favourite
idea the authorities of Lopez de Gomara, Hornius, and Peter Martyr,
pretending that they assert that traces of Christianity were found among
the Americans by the Spaniards, as well as that there was a tradition
among the Mexicans, that many years before a strange nation came amongst
them, and taught them a knowledge of God. His references however appear
entirely incorrect.

Another pretension to an early discovery of America has been founded upon
an account given in a work published in Venice by Francesco Marcolini
in 1558, entitled “_Dello scoprimento dell’ Isole Frislanda, Eslanda,
Engrovelanda, Estotilanda, ed Icaria, fatto sotto il Polo Artico da
due fratelli Zeni, M. Nicolò il K. e M. Antonio_.” The substance of
the account is, that in 1380, Nicolò Zeno, a Venetian noble, fitted
out a vessel at his own cost, and made a voyage to the north, with the
intention of visiting England and Flanders, but was driven by a storm to
Friseland, now proved to be the Færoe Archipelago. Being rescued from the
attacks of the natives by Zichmni, a neighbouring prince, Zeno entered
into the service of the latter, and assisted him in conquering Friseland
and other northern islands. He shortly after dispatched a letter to his
brother Antonio, requesting him to find means to join him; whereupon the
latter purchased a vessel, and succeeded in reaching Friseland, where
he remained fourteen years. During his residence there he wrote to his
brother Carlo in Venice, and gave an account of a report brought by a
certain fisherman, about a land to the westward. This account stated
that about twenty-six years before, the fisherman, when out at sea with
four fishing boats, was overtaken by a tempest, which drove them about
for many days, and at length cast them on an island called Estotiland,
about a thousand miles from Friseland. The inhabitants conveyed them
to a fair and populous city, where the king sent for many interpreters
to converse with them, but none that they could understand, until a
man was found, who had likewise been cast away upon the coast, and who
spoke Latin. They remained several days upon the island, which was rich
and fruitful, abounding with all kinds of metals, and especially gold.
Though much given to navigation, they were ignorant of the use of the
compass, and finding the Friselanders acquainted with it, the king of
the place sent them with twelve barques to visit a country to the south,
called Drogeo. They had nearly perished in a storm, but were cast away
upon the coast of Drogeo. The fisherman described this Drogeo as a
country of vast extent, and that the inhabitants were naked and eaters
of human flesh. He remained many years in the country, and became rich
with trafficking between Estotiland and the main land, and subsequently
fitted out a vessel of his own, and made his way back to Friseland. His
narrative induced Zichmni to undertake a voyage thither, in which he was
accompanied by Antonio Zeno. It was unsuccessful: landing on an island
called Icaria, they were roughly treated by the inhabitants, and a storm
afterwards drove them on the coast of Greenland.

This account was placed in the hands of Marcolini by Nicolò Zeno, a
descendant of the family of the explorers, but it had to be made from
fragments, he himself having, when a boy, from ignorance torn up a
considerable quantity of the original documents, which were letters
written by Antonio Zeno to Carlo his brother. In spite of a considerable
amount of fable and exaggeration, defects which enter into the majority
of early accounts of travel, it is scarcely to be believed that Nicolò
Zeno the younger invented this voyage. He was a man of the highest
reputation, as may be seen by the encomium passed on him by Francesco
Patrizio; see _Della Historia dieci Dialoghi di M. Francesco Patrizio_,
Venetia, 1560, 4to., p. 30 verso. It is well known that the Venetians had
made yearly voyages to the north of Europe for at least two centuries
before the period in question, and the most important part of Zeno’s
publication, viz., the map, the original of which is stated to have hung
up in his palace since the date of the discovery, bears evidence of a
knowledge, however imperfect, of Scandinavian geography. The graduation
of this map was inserted by Nicolò Zeno the younger himself, and although
inaccurate enough to cause much perplexity to geographers, there is no
doubt that Greenland was laid down on it with more correctness than
on any map preceding the date of its publication. No map before that
time shews the Island of Frisland with names thereon tallying with the
names of the Færoe islands. No map before 1558 shews the discoveries
of the Northmen in America, nor were any of the Sagas known to the
Venetians before that time; nor do any books previous to that period set
forth the geography of those parts from which Nicolò Zeno could have
stolen information. Moreover the correspondence of the Zeno map with
surveys much later, as in Davis’s Straits, is highly corroborative of
its genuineness. Mr. Kohl, in his most valuable _Documentary History
of Discovery of the East Coast of North America_, printed by the Maine
Historical Society, 1869, 8vo., suggests that Icaria is Helluland or
Newfoundland; Estotiland, Markland or Nova Scotia; and Drogeo, Vinland or
New England: and he further justly remarks that, assuming that the map is
genuine, “it is the first and oldest known to us on which some sections
of the continent of America have been laid down.”

On an anonymous map in Weimar of the date of 1424, and on a map by
Andrea Bianco,[4] in the library of St. Mark, bearing the date of 1436,
is laid down a large extent of land, five or six hundred leagues west of
Gibraltar, above which is written the word “Antillia.” With reference to
this subject, Martin Behaim, on his globe of 1492, says, “In the year
734, after the conquest of Spain by the Mahometans, this island Antillia
was discovered and settled by an archbishop from Oporto, who fled to
it in ships with six other bishops and other Christian men and women.
They built there seven towns, from which circumstance it has also been
called Septem Citade, the island of the seven cities. In the year 1414 a
Spanish vessel came very near to it.” Of the island of S. Brandan also,
which is laid down on charts of the fourteenth century, Behaim says, “In
the year 565, Saint Brandan, an Irish bishop, arrived with his vessel on
this island, saw there most wonderful things, and returned afterwards
to his country.” Another of these fancied islands in the Atlantic was
the island of Brazil. So strong was the belief in the existence of these
islands, that we find it stated by Pedro de Ayala, a Spanish envoy in
England writing to the sovereigns in 1498, that the Bristol men had sent
out every year from 1491 (before Columbus’s first great discovery) to
1497, two, three, or four caravels every year in search of the islands of
Brazil and the seven cities, at the instigation of John Cabot.

The following passage occurs in Sir John Barrow’s _Chronological History
of Voyages in the Arctic Regions_, which, if it stated a defensible
truth, would present another claim, anterior to that of Columbus, to the
discovery of America. The passage is headed “Cortereals, 1500”;—

“The Portuguese, not content with having discovered a route to India, by
sailing round the tempestuous extremity to Africa, soon after engaged
in an equally dangerous enterprise: that of finding a route to India
and the Spice Islands, by sailing westward round the northern extremity
of America. This bold undertaking was reserved for the CORTEREALS, the
enlightened disciples of the school of Sagres. The first navigator of the
name of Cortereal, who engaged in this enterprise, was John Vaz Costa
Cortereal, a gentleman of the household of the infant Dom Fernando, who,
accompanied by Alvaro Martens Homem, explored the northern seas, by order
of king Affonso the Fifth, and discovered the _Terra de Baccalhaos_
(the land of cod fish), afterwards called Newfoundland. This voyage is
mentioned by Cordeiro,[5] but he does not state the exact date, which
however is ascertained to have been in 1463 or 1464; for, in their return
from the discovery of Newfoundland, or Terra Nova, they touched at the
island of Terceira, the captaincy of which island having become vacant by
the death of Jacomo Bruges, they solicited the appointment, and in reward
for their services the request was granted, their patent commission
being dated in Evora, 2nd April, 1464.”

It will be seen by the wording of this passage, that Sir John Barrow has
fallen into the inaccuracy of asserting that, in 1463 or 1464, Cortereal
was engaged in the enterprise of finding a route to India and the Spice
Islands by sailing westward round the northern extremities of America.
We must presume that the Portuguese were aware of the existence of the
American continent, before they could conceive the idea of sailing
westward round its northern extremity. The patent commission of the
appointment of Cortereal and Homem to the government of Terceira does
not specify that the service for which it was granted, was the discovery
of Newfoundland; and, moreover, at the end of Faria y Sousa’s _Asia
Portuguesa_, there is a list of all the armadas which sailed from Lisbon
on voyages of discovery between 1412 and 1640, and this expedition is
passed by in silence; so that the validity of the whole statement hangs
on the authority of Cordeiro: but the account is altogether so extremely
improbable, from the very silence of Portuguese writers of the time on
so important a subject, as to leave Cortereal but small chance of a
successful rivalry with Sebastian Cabot.[6]

The last on the list of those who have been said to precede Columbus in
the discovery of America is a Polish pilot, named John Szkolny, whose
name has been erroneously Latinized by Hornius, Zurla, Malte Brun,
Wytfliet, and Pontanus, “Scolvus,” or “Sciolvus.” He was in the service
of Christian II of Denmark in the year 1476. He is said to have landed
on the coast of Labrador, after having passed along Norway, Greenland,
and the Friseland of the Zeni. Upon this subject Von Humboldt thus
expresses himself: “I cannot hazard any opinion upon the statement made
to this effect by Wytfliet, Pontanus, and Horn. A country seen _after_
Greenland may, from the direction indicated, have been Labrador. I am,
however, surprised to find that Gomara, who published his _Historia de
las Indias_ at Saragossa, in 1553, was cognizant even at that time of
this Polish pilot. It is possible that when the codfishery began to bring
the seamen of southern Europe into more frequent connexion with those
of the north, a suspicion may have arisen that the land seen by Szkolny
must have been the same as that visited by John Sebastian Cabot in 1497,
and by Gaspar Cortereal in 1500. Gomara says what is in other respects
not quite correct, _that the English took much pleasure in frequenting
the coast of Labrador, for they found the latitude and climate the same
as that of their native land, and the men of Norway have been there with
the pilot, John Scolvo, as well as the English with Sebastian Cabot_.
Let us not forget that Gomara makes no mention of the Polish pilot with
reference to the question of the predecessors of Columbus, though he is
malignant enough to assert that it is in fact impossible to say to whom
the discovery of the New Indies is due.”[7]

In the American Philosophical Transactions for 1786, is a letter
addressed to Dr. Franklin by Mr. Otto of New York, in which he not only
asserts that the illustrious cosmographer Martin Behaim discovered
the Azores, but quotes a passage, from what he calls an authentic
record, preserved in the archives of Nuremberg, the tenor of which is
as follows:—“Martin Behem, traversing the Atlantic Ocean for several
years, examined the American Islands, and discovered the strait which
bears the name of Magellan, before either Christopher Columbus or
Magellan navigated those seas; and even mathematically delineated on
a geographical chart for the king of Lusitania, the situation of the
coast around every part of that famous and renowned strait.” He also
quotes passages from the _Nuremberg Chronicle_, and from Cellarius,
in confirmation of this statement. Don Cristóbal Cladera, in his
_Investigaciones Historicas_, says that, in order to refute these
statements, he procured from Nuremberg a description of Behaim’s globe,
together with historical notes on the life and family of that geographer,
and upon examining these and the unpublished works of the Academia de
las Ciencias de Lisboa, he became convinced that the observations of
Mr. Otto were totally unfounded; and De Murr, who has well investigated
the question, assures us that the passage quoted by Mr. Otto from the
_Nuremberg Chronicle_ was not to be found in the German translation of
that work by George Alt in 1493. Moreover, the real globe of Behaim,
made in 1492, does not contain any of the islands or shores of the New
World; a fact which sets at rest the two questions of Behaim’s earlier
discovery, or of Columbus gaining his information from Behaim.[8]

From the series of evidences contained in the preceding accounts, the
fact that America had been visited by European adventurers before the
time of Columbus is rendered too certain to admit of contradiction even
from the most sanguine advocate of the glory of the great discoverer.
But, on the other side, it cannot be denied that the discovery of
Columbus, however much later in date, deserves the meed of highest
honour, as being the result of sagacity, judgment and indomitable
perseverance, and as having been carried on with an energetic endeavour
to bring into active operation the incalculable advantages which it
opened up to the world at large. To vindicate the correctness of this
statement, it will be well to give a brief sketch of his eventful life,
and to pourtray as briefly as we may the high qualities to which, far
more than to accidental circumstances, the glory of this great discovery
is due. The retrospect of his history will at the same time shew, that
while every previous discovery was attributable to accident, the greater
portion of the accidental or uncontrollable circumstances in the life of
Columbus were such as, instead of assisting him, tended to thwart him at
every step of his painful career.

It is generally agreed that his father was a wool weaver or carder. There
is reason, however, to presume that though his parentage was humble, he
was descended from a family of consideration. On this subject his son,
Don Ferdinand, denies[9] with great indignation an assertion which occurs
in a curious life of the admiral, inserted in the “_Psaltertium Octuplex
Augustin Justiniani_,” Genoa, 1516, folio, under the comments on the
nineteenth psalm, that he was “vilibus ortus parentibus,” and complains
that he is falsely called a mechanic.

The date of his birth is a “vexata quæstio,” which it would be well
that we should here examine. For settling a disputed question of the
kind no process seems so sure as the comparing of statements made by
the same individual, if he be a good authority, at different times and
under different circumstances. The following are two statements made
by Columbus himself at entirely different periods and in an entirely
different shape, and yet both having the same result. They are recorded
by his son, Fernando, in the Biography of his father, and are as follows:
“In his book of his first voyage [1492] he says, ‘I was upon the sea
twenty-three years without being off it any time worth the speaking
of, and I saw all the East and all the West, and may say towards the
North or England, and have been at Guinea. Yet I never saw harbours for
goodness like those of the West Indies,’ and a little further he says,
‘That he took to the sea at fourteen years of age and ever after followed
it.’” Now we know for certain that he escaped from Lisbon and came to
Andalusia at the close of 1484; that during his stay in Portugal he had
made many voyages to Guinea, but that from 1484 until his first great
voyage in 1492 he was engaged, not at sea, but in endeavouring to secure
the interest of the Spanish sovereigns in his important project. If then
we add his twenty-three years of almost constant sea-going to fourteen,
his age when he first went to sea, we have thirty-seven years to deduct
from 1484, and we find 1447 to be the date of his birth. Again in 1501,
many years later, he writes to the Spanish sovereigns as follows: “I
went to sea very young and have continued it to this day; ... it is
now forty years that I have been sailing to all those parts at present
frequented.” What “very young” meant he had already told us; viz., 14,
which added to 40 makes 54; and this total deducted from 1501, the date
at which he writes, leaves the same date for his birth as that resulting
from his former statement, viz., 1447. But for the sake of attaining as
near to accuracy as possible, we must not overlook another statement made
in 1503 by Columbus himself in his letter to Ferdinand and Isabella,
describing his fourth voyage. He there says “I was twenty-eight years
old when I came into Your Highnesses service, and now I have not a hair
upon me that is not grey.” It was in 1484 that he went to Spain, and
then, as we have seen, terminated those three-and-twenty years of almost
uninterrupted sea-faring life of which he speaks. Now, if he were then
only eight-and-twenty, he must have first gone to sea at the age of
five instead of fourteen, as he himself informs us. Moreover, by that
reckoning he would have been only fifty when he died, in 1506, an age
entirely incompatible with the statement of Bernaldez, the Cura de los
Palacios, who knew Columbus so well, that he died _in senectute bonâ_, at
the age of seventy, more or less. It is intelligible that such a remark
should be made of a man of sixty, who had passed through hardships so
exhausting to the mind and body as those which had marked the life of
Columbus, but scarcely even of him at the age of fifty. It is clear,
then, that a mistake has been made in this number 28, but if for it we
write 38, it will make the date of Columbus’s birth to be 1446. We have,
however, to bear in mind that the two statements previously made by him
were of a very general character, in which no month or part of a year was
specified. It would therefore seem that, on his own showing, we shall
be safe in placing the date of his birth 1446-47, which agrees with the
inference of the learned and judicious Muñoz, who places it “por los años
1446,” although he does not show the process by which he arrives at his
conclusion.

With respect to the birthplace of our illustrious navigator, were we
to enter into the complex discussions of those who, with different
arguments of more or less plausibility, place it in Genoa, Nervi, Savona,
Pradello, Cogoleto, Quinto, Bogliasco, Albisola, Chiavara, Oneglia, or
the castle of Cuccaro in Monferrato,—we should but launch upon a sea of
difficulties, with little hope of a successful voyage. It is difficult to
withhold credence from the strong assertion made twice by Columbus in his
will, dated 22nd February 1498, that he was born in the city of Genoa;
namely,—“I, being a native of Genoa”; and “I desire my said son Diego,
or the person who may succeed to the said inheritance, always to keep
and maintain one person of our lineage in the city of Genoa ... because
from thence I came, and there I was born.”[10] But in like manner we know
that Leonardo, who was born at Vinci, persisted in calling himself a
Florentine.

Having early evinced a strong inclination for the study of geography,
geometry, and astronomy, Columbus found at the college of Pavia an
excellent opportunity of gaining a more than superficial acquaintance
with the principles of those sciences, and at the same time acquired
considerable proficiency in the Latin language. The maritime position
and commercial engagements of his native city doubtless suggested and
fostered much of that propensity for a nautical life, that he exhibited
at so early an age; and although it appears from several historians
that for a short time he worked at his father’s trade, yet this must
have been simply during his earliest boyhood, for by his own account he
commenced the life of a mariner at fourteen years of age. The piratical
character of the sea-faring life of those days necessarily exposed its
followers to unceasing hardships and dangers, and the severity of this
early discipline must have most materially tended to render available and
permanent those distinguished qualities which have subsequently gained
for him the admiration of the world: indeed, no career could have been
better calculated to develope his peculiar genius, or add fuel to those
enthusiastic aspirations which characterised him to the close of his life.

From the period of his going to sea, which was about the year 1460 until
the year 1472, we meet with no distinct mention of his name; although
in a letter written by him to their Majesties, in 1495, he says: “_It
happened to me that king Réné (whom God has taken to himself) sent me to
Tunis to capture the galley Fernandina, and on arriving at the island
of San Pedro, in Sardinia, I learned that there were two ships and a
caracca with the galley, which so alarmed the crew that they resolved
to proceed no further, but to return to Marseilles for another vessel
and more people; upon which, being unable to force their inclination,
I yielded to their wish, and having first changed the points of the
compass, spread all sail, for it was evening, and at daybreak we were
within the cape of Carthagena, while all believed for a certainty that
they were going to Marseilles._” The date of this occurrence is unknown,
but the expedient of Columbus to alter the point of the needle, reminds
us of his subsequent stratagem, of altering his reckoning, to appease his
discontented crew during his first great voyage of discovery.

In the year 1472, however, we have evidence of his having been in Savona,
from the fact of his signature having been found appended to the will
of one Nicolò Monleone, under date of the 20th March of that year. The
document is preserved in Savona, among the notarial archives.

In 1474 we find his name mentioned in a letter addressed by Ferdinand
king of Sicily to Louis king of France, the title of which runs thus:
“_Literæ à Ferdinando Rege Siciliæ ad Ludovicum XI, Galliæ Regem, per
Fæcialem missæ, quibus quæritur, quod Christophorus Columbus triremes
suas deprædatus sit, postulatque sibi ablata restitui. Datum in Terra
Fogiæ die 8 Decembr. 1474._” Then follows a letter in five lengthy
clauses, in which it is stated that the said vessels were attacked and
taken:—“_A Columbo, qui quibusdam navibus præest, Majestatis vestræ
subdito._”

The title of Louis’s reply runs thus: “_Responsio Ludovici XI quibus
promittit restitutionem, excusat tamen Columbum, quod jus sit in Oceano
capere naves ab hostilibus terris venientes et saltem bona hostium
inde auferre._” These letters are given by Leibnitz, in his _Codex
Juris Gentium Diplomaticus, Prodromus_, art. 16 and 17; but on the
correction of Nicolas Toinard, he acknowledges, in the preface to his
_Mantissa Codicis_, that he had erroneously inserted the Christian name
“Christophorus.”

Toinard’s correction went to shew that Leibnitz had confounded the name
of Guillaume de Caseneuve, surnamed Coulomp, Coulon, or Colon, as the
Spaniards called him, with that of the illustrious discoverer. This
acknowledgment by Leibnitz of his error might seem to render useless any
reference to the letters in question; but as Christopher Columbus is
stated by his son, Don Ferdinand, to have been of the same family as the
pirate here mentioned, and also to have been engaged at sea with him and
his nephew, it becomes interesting to examine what record exists of these
illustrious pirates, and to see how far the assertion of Don Ferdinand
bears the semblance of correctness. This Caseneuve, or Colon, is called
by Duclos, in speaking of the very circumstance which occasioned these
letters, in his _Histoire de Louis XI_, “_Vice-Amiral de France, et le
plus grand homme de mer de son temps._” And Zurita, in his _Libro 19 de
los Anales de Aragon_, calls him, “_Colon, capitan de la Armada del Rey
de Francia_.” Garnier, in his _Histoire de France_, thus relates the
circumstance: “_Guillaume de Casenove, Vice-Amiral de Normandie, connu
dans notre histoire sous le nom d’Amiral Coulon, s’était rendu formidable
sur toutes les mers de l’Europe, où il exerçait le métier d’armateur:
dans une de ses courses il s’empara de deux riches frégates chargées
pour le compte des plus riches négocians de Naples, de Florence, et de
plusieurs autres villes d’Italie, qui tout sollicitèrent vivement la
restitution de cette importante prise._”

Another exploit, in which this Colon was successfully engaged, was the
taking of eighty Dutch ships returning from the herring fishery, in
the Baltic, in 1479. Again, another sea-fight related by Marc Antonio
Sabelico, in the eighth book of his tenth Decade, is quoted by Don
Fernando, where Columbus the younger (described by Sabelico as the
nephew, but by Zurita as Francis, the son of the famous corsair),
intercepted, between Lisbon and Cape St. Vincent, four richly laden
Venetian galleys, on their return from Flanders. Fernando further asserts
that his father (Christopher) was present in this engagement, and that
after a desperate contest, which lasted from morning till evening,
the hand-grenades and other fiery missiles used in the battle, caused
a general conflagration among the vessels, which having been lashed
together with iron grapplings, could not be separated, and the crews
were compelled to leap into the water to escape the fire. He then goes
on to say that “his father, who was a good swimmer, finding himself at
the distance of two leagues from the land, seized an oar, and by its aid
succeeded in reaching the shore. Whereupon, learning that he was not
far from Lisbon, where he knew he should find many natives of Genoa,
he went thither, and meeting with a gratifying reception, took up his
abode in that city.” The engagement here described is shown by various
French historians to have taken place in 1485, and as it is certain
that Columbus was in Lisbon prior to 1474 (for in that year he has a
letter addressed to him in that city by Paolo Toscanelli, in reply to one
written by himself from the same place), this relation by Don Ferdinand
assumes a very apocryphal aspect.

With respect to his other statement, that his father was of the same name
and family as these two renowned corsairs, it is to be remarked that
neither he nor any of the subsequent historians who have claimed this
needless honour for the great discoverer, appears to have been acquainted
with the real name of the pirates; and as Caseneuve was the strict family
name of the latter, and Coulon merely a superadded surname, we may fairly
conclude that the claim to consanguinity has no other foundation than
the identity in the Spanish language of Columbus’s patronymic with the
distinguishing surname of the French vice-admiral.

In the _Chronique Scandaleuse_ (folio 109) this Caseneuve is said to have
had a very handsome mansion, named Gaillart-Bois, in the neighbourhood
of Notre Dame d’Escouys, in Normandy, at which Louis XI made a stay of
two or three days in the month of June 1475, and returned thither also
in the following month and stayed there some time. Spotorno suggests
that his name of Coulon may have been derived from a place so called in
the province of Berri; so that, in addition to the evidence that he was
not of the same name or family with Christopher Columbus, there arises
strong reason to believe that he was in reality a Frenchman:[11] in
which case it becomes probable that an event which has been generally
attributed to him, or to his still more renowned relative François
Caseneuve, would be with greater correctness ascribed to the Genoese
navigator, Christopher Columbus. It appears that, in a letter dated Terra
d’Otranto, 2nd October, 1476 (preserved, according to Bossi, in the royal
archives at Milan), addressed to the Duke of Milan by two illustrious
gentlemen of that city,—the one Guid’Antonio Arcimboldo, and the other
Giovanni Giacomo Trivulzio—the following story is related. It says that
the captain of the Venetian fleet, when stationed off Cyprus to defend
the island, had twice encountered a _Genoese_ ship, called the “Nave
Palavisina,” which he had taken to be a Turkish caracca; and in these
two engagements one hundred and twenty of the Turks and Genoese had been
killed, and in the Venetian squadron thirty had been killed, and two
hundred wounded. The captain appears to have had doubts whether he might
not have done wrong, and caused offence to the duke of Milan, who might
perhaps be an ally of the Genoese: he therefore goes on to say that his
only desire had been to meet with his enemies (the Turks) and plunder
them; and adds, in confirmation of that assertion, that “a year before
he had met with three times as many galleys, who spoke no evil of his
good name, and that he found Columbus with ships and galleys, and had
cheerfully let him pass by, upon which the cry was raised of ‘Viva San
Georgio,’ and nothing further passed between them.” The Columbus here
mentioned is shewn, by the cry of “Viva San Georgio,” and by the general
tenour of the Venetian captain’s letter, to have been a Genoese, and
with a Genoese crew; and as it appears probable that the Caseneuves were
Frenchmen, and would in all probability sail with French crews, it leaves
strong reason to presume that the Genoese captain here mentioned was
Christopher Columbus, who is allowed by all his early historians to have
been engaged in the Mediterranean about the period referred to.

His son, Ferdinand Columbus, distinctly states that, “it was in Portugal
that the admiral began to surmise, that, if the Portuguese sailed so far
south, one might also sail westward, and find lands in that direction.”

The period of Christopher Columbus’s sojourn in Portugal was from 1470 to
the close of 1484, during which time he made several voyages to the coast
of Guinea in the Portuguese service. While at Lisbon he married Felipa
Moñiz de Perestrello, daughter of that Bartollomeu Perestrello to whom
Prince Henry had granted the commandership of the island of Porto Santo.
For some time Columbus and his wife lived at Porto Santo with the widow
of Perestrello, who, observing the interest he took in nautical matters,
spoke much to him of her husband’s expedition, and handed over to him the
papers, journals, maps, and nautical instruments, which Perestrello had
left behind him.[12]

“It was not only,” says Ferdinand Columbus (see _Vida_, cap. 8), “this
opinion of certain philosophers, that the greatest part of our globe
is dry land, that stimulated the admiral; he learned, also, from many
pilots, experienced in the western voyages to the Azores and the Island
of Madeira, facts and signs which convinced him that there was an unknown
land towards the west.” Martin Vicente, pilot of the King of Portugal,
told him that at a distance of four hundred and fifty leagues from Cape
St. Vincent, he had taken from the water a piece of wood sculptured
very artistically, but not with an iron instrument. This wood had been
driven across by the west wind, which made the sailors believe, that
certainly there were on that side some islands not yet discovered. Pedro
Correa, the brother-in-law of Columbus, told him, that near the island
of Madeira he had found a similar piece of sculptured wood, and coming
from the same western direction. He also said that the King of Portugal
had received information of large canes having been taken up from the
water in these parts, which between one knot and another would hold nine
bottles of wine; and Herrera (Dec. 1, lib. 1, cap. 2) declares that the
king had preserved these canes, and caused them to be shown to Columbus.
The colonists of the Azores related, that when the wind blew from the
west, the sea threw up, especially in the islands of Graciosa and Fayal,
pines of a foreign species. Others related, that in the island of Flores
they found one day on the shore two corpses of men, whose physiognomy and
features differed entirely from those of our coasts. Herrera, perhaps
from the MSS. of Las Casas, says, that the corpses had broad faces,
different from those of Christians. The transport of these objects was
attributed to the action of the west winds. The true cause, however, was
the great current of the Gulf or Florida stream. The west and north-west
winds only increase the ordinary rapidity of the ocean current, prolong
its action towards the east, as far as the Bay of Biscay, and mix the
waters of the Gulf stream with those of the currents of Davis’ Straits
and of North Africa. The same eastward oceanic movement, which in the
fifteenth century carried bamboos and pines upon the shores of the Azores
and Porto Santo, deposits annually on Ireland, the Hebrides, and Norway,
the seeds of tropical plants, and the remains of cargoes of ships which
had been wrecked in the West Indies.[13]

While availing himself of these sources of information, Columbus studied
with deep and careful attention the works of such geographical authors
as supplied suggestions of the feasibility of a short western passage
to India. Amongst these, the _Imago Mundi_ of Cardinal Pierre d’Ailly
(Petrus de Aliaco) was his favourite, and it is probable that from it
he culled all he knew of the opinions of Aristotle, Strabo, and Seneca,
respecting the facility of reaching India by a western route. Columbus’s
own copy of this work is now in the cathedral of Seville, and forms one
of the most precious items in the valuable library, originally collected
by his son Ferdinand, and bequeathed to the cathedral on condition of
its being constantly preserved for public use. It contains many marginal
notes in his own handwriting, but of comparatively little importance.

The fondness of Columbus for the works of Pierre d’Ailly, a Frenchman,
has caused a recent French writer, M. Margry, to put forth the empty
pretension that the discovery of America was due to the influence of
French teaching, whereas, not only was the _Imago Mundi_ itself a
compilation from ancient authors, but the first edition was not printed
till many years after Columbus had devoted himself to the purpose
which ended in his great discovery, for his famous correspondence
with Toscanelli, of which I shall presently speak, occurred in 1474.
M. Margry, indeed, _asserts_, but without giving his authority,
that in the Columbian Library at Seville are D’Ailly’s treatises
_printed at Nuremberg in 1472_. This is in contravention of all the
bibliographers—Panzer, Ebert, Hain, Serna Santander, Lambinet, and Jean
de Launoy.

The earliest date assigned to the first edition of the _Imago Mundi_,
is _about_ 1480 by Serna Santander, 1483 (?) by Lambinet, while Jean
de Launoy, in his _Regii Navarræ Gymnasii Parisiensis Historia_,
Parisiis, 1677, tom. ii, page 478, distinctly gives it the date of
1490. Humboldt, who had Columbus’s copy in his hands, and who, as the
subject was especially his own, cannot be suspected of sleeping over
such an important point, adopts De Launoy’s date of 1490, while Lambinet
gives the queried date of 1483 from actual collation with another work
printed in that year, at Louvain, in the very identical type, by John of
Westphalia. In the recently published second volume of the _Ensayo de
una bibliotheca de libros españoles raros_, por Don Bartolomé Gallardo,
is a list of the books in the Columbian Library, but D’Ailly’s _Imago
Mundi_ is not therein mentioned, although his _Quæstiones_, printed much
later by Jean Petit at Paris, a far less important book, is inserted. The
omission is to be regretted, as we might have hoped for some illustrative
comments from the author.

But perhaps it may be suggested that Columbus may have possessed, or
seen, a _manuscript_ copy of Pierre d’Ailly at a yet earlier period.
We will willingly suppose it for the sake of the argument; but even
then the reasoning will fail, for I find that the very portion of the
_Imago Mundi_, written in 1410, which is assumed to have supplied the
inspiration for the discovery of America, and which Columbus quoted in
his letter to Ferdinand and Isabella from Haiti in 1498, is _taken by
Pierre d’Ailly, without acknowledgment, almost word for word, from the
“Opus Majus,” of Roger Bacon_, written in 1267, a hundred and forty-three
years before, as will be seen at page 183 of that work, printed Londini,
1733, fol. See Humboldt, _Examen Critique_, tom. i, pp. 64-70.

Unfortunately Roger Bacon was not a Frenchman, but there remains for
M. Margry the consolatory fact that no Englishman is likely to avail
himself of the circumstance which I have just enunciated, to claim
for his countrymen the honour of having inspired Columbus with the
idea which led to the discovery of America, although, by M. Margry’s
process of reasoning, he might do so if he would. True, Roger Bacon
had been a student in the University of Paris; but this fact did not
communicate the character of French inspiration to the ancient authors
whose statements he quotes. True also (but this is a circumstance either
unknown to or unnoticed by M. Margry), Ferdinand Columbus tells us that
his father was principally influenced in his belief of the smallness of
the space between Spain and Asia, by the opinion of the Arab astronomer,
Al Fergani, or Alfragan, to that effect; and it is further true that
Alfragan is further treated of by Pierre d’Ailly, in his _Mappa Mundi_.
This is a separate work from the _Imago Mundi_, although it happens
to have been printed with it, at a period which we have shown to be
posterior to Columbus’s correspondence with Toscanelli, in 1474.

It follows, therefore, that either: 1st, the great explorer obtained
his knowledge of Alfragan’s opinion through one of the Arabo-Latin
translations, to which he seems to have had recourse during his
cosmographical studies in Portugal and Spain (see Humboldt, _Examen
Critique_, tom. i, p. 83), in which case French influence is eliminated;
or 2ndly, he derived it from a manuscript of Pierre d’Ailly before
1474, which there is no evidence to show; or 3rdly, he derived it
from the printed copy of Pierre d’Ailly, in which case the influence
of Alfragan on his mind could not have been primarily suggestive, but
only corroborative of conclusions to which he had come several years
before that book was printed. And in either of the two latter cases, the
information supplied by Alfragan would not become French because adduced
by a Frenchman, unless we introduce into serious history a principle
analogous to the old conventional English blunder of giving to the toys
manufactured in Nuremberg the name of “Dutch toys,” because imported
through Holland.

The suggestions derived from these works were corroborated by the
narratives of Marco Polo and Sir John Mandeville, whose reports of the
vast extent of Asia eastward led to the reasonable inference, that the
western passage to the eastern confines of that continent could not
demand any considerable length of time. The natural tendency of his
thoughts to nautical enterprise being thus fostered by the works that he
studied, and by the animating accounts of recent adventurers, as well as
by the glorious prospects which the broad expanse of the unknown world
opened up to his view, we find that in the year 1474 his ideas had formed
for themselves a determined channel, and his grand project of discovery
was established in his mind as a thing to be done, and done by himself.
The combined enthusiasm and tenacity of purpose which distinguished
his character, caused him to regard his theory, when once formed, as
a matter of such undeniable certainty, that no doubts, opposition, or
disappointment, could divert him from the pursuit of it. It so happened
that while Columbus was at Lisbon a correspondence was being carried on
between Fernam Martins, a prebendary of that place, and the learned Paolo
Toscanelli, of Florence, respecting the commerce of the Portuguese to
the coast of Guinea, and the navigation of the ocean to the Westward.
This came to the knowledge of Columbus, who forthwith despatched by an
Italian, then at his house, a letter to Toscanelli, informing him of his
project. He received an answer in Latin, in which, to demonstrate his
approbation of the design of Columbus, Toscanelli sent him a copy of a
letter which he had written to Martins a few days before, accompanied by
a chart, the most important features of which were laid down from the
descriptions of Marco Polo. The coasts of Asia were drawn at a moderate
distance from the opposite coasts of Europe and Africa, and the islands
of Cipango, Antilla, etc., of whose riches such astonishing accounts had
been given by this traveller, were placed at convenient spaces between
the two continents.

While all these exciting accounts must have conspired to fan the flame
of his ambition, one of the noblest points in the character of Columbus
had to be put to the test by the difficulty of carrying his project into
effect. The political position of Portugal, engrossed as it was with its
wars with Spain, rendered the thoughts of an application for an expensive
fleet of discovery worse than useless, and several years elapsed before a
convenient opportunity presented itself for making the proposition.

Meanwhile Columbus was not idle. In the year 1477, he tells us, in a
letter quoted by his son, Don Ferdinand, that “_he sailed a hundred
leagues beyond the island of Thule, the southern part of which is distant
from the equinoctial line seventy-three degrees, and not sixty-three,
as some assert; neither does it lie within the line which includes the
west of Ptolemy, but is much more westerly. To this island, which is as
large as England, the English, especially those from Bristol, go with
their merchandize. At the time that I was there the sea was not frozen,
but the tides were so great as to rise and fall twenty-six fathoms. It
is true that the Thule of which Ptolemy makes mention lies where he says
it does, and by the moderns it is called Frislanda._” Whether the Færoe
islands [see ante, page xxiii], or Iceland, was alluded to is uncertain,
for nothing more is known of the voyage than is contained in this letter.
It is moreover supposed by his son, as has been already stated, that he
passed a considerable portion of his time at sea, with one or both of the
famous pirates of the same name, who were so many years engaged in the
Levant; but upon the whole of this portion of his history there rests an
impenetrable cloud of obscurity.

About the year 1480, by the joint labours of the celebrated Martin
Behaim and the prince’s two physicians, Roderigo and Josef, who were the
most able geographers and astronomers in the kingdom, the astrolabe was
rendered serviceable for the purposes of navigation, as by its use the
seaman was enabled to ascertain his distance from the equator by the
altitude of the sun.

Shortly after this invaluable invention Columbus submitted to the king
of Portugal his proposition of a voyage of discovery, and succeeded in
obtaining an audience to advocate his cause. He explained his views with
respect to the facility of the undertaking, from the form of the earth,
and the comparatively small space that intervened between Europe and
the eastern shores of Asia, and proposed, if the king would supply him
with ships and men, to take the direct western route to India across
the Atlantic. His application was received at first discouragingly,
but the king was at length induced, by the excellent arguments of
Columbus, to make a conditional concession, and the result was that the
proposition was referred to a council of men supposed to be learned
in maritime affairs. This council, consisting of the above-mentioned
geographers, Roderigo and Josef, and Cazadilla, bishop of Ceuta, the
king’s confessor, treated the question as an extravagant absurdity. The
king, not satisfied with their judgment, then convoked a second council,
consisting of a considerable number of the most learned men in the
kingdom; but the result of their deliberations was only confirmative of
the verdict of the first junta, and a general sentence of condemnation
was passed upon the proposition. As the king still manifested an
inclination to make a trial of the scheme of Columbus, and expressed a
proportionate dissatisfaction with the decisions of these two juntas,
some of his councillors, who were inimical to Columbus, and at the same
time unwilling to offend the king, suggested a process which coincided
with their own views, but which was at once short-sighted, impolitic, and
ungenerous. Their plan was to procure from Columbus a detailed account
of his design under the pretence of subjecting it to the examination of
the council, and then to dispatch a caravel on the voyage of discovery
under the false pretext of conveying provision to the Cape Verde Islands.
King John, contrary to his general character for prudence and generosity,
yielded to their insidious advice, and their plan was acted upon, but the
caravel which was sent out, after keeping on its westward course for some
days, encountered a storm, and the crew, possessing none of the lofty
motives of Columbus to support their resolution, returned to Lisbon,
ridiculing the scheme in excuse of their own cowardice. So indignant was
Columbus at this unworthy manœuvre, that he resolved to leave Portugal
and offer his services to some other country, and towards the end of 1484
he left Lisbon secretly with his son Diego. The learned and careful Muñoz
states his opinion that he went immediately to Genoa, and made a personal
proposition to that government, but met with a contemptuous refusal; at
any rate, we are positively informed by Fernando Columbus that his father
went to Spain at the close of 1484. A curious surmise is expressed in a
note to Sharon Turner’s _History of England in the Middle Ages_, in which
the supposition is propounded of the possible identity of Christopher
Columbus with a person named Christofre Colyns, who is recorded in
some grants in the Harleian MSS. to have been military commandant of
Queenborough castle, in the isle of Sheppy, in 1484 and 1485. This man
is distinctly stated in the same grants to have held that post in April
1485, and it may be reasonably conjectured that the cessation of his
office would not take place till the accession of Henry VII, in August
in that year, which leaves but little time for his making his way to
Genoa, and subsequently reaching Spain, so as to make his application
to that court. Moreover, the impoverished condition in which Columbus
presented himself at the convent de la Rabida was very incompatible with
the probable pecuniary position of a person, who is described by the
grants in question not only to have held the prominent station already
mentioned, but to have had a ship given him, with an annuity of £100,
and an especial grant of money to enable him to supply himself with
habiliments of war. These considerations, combined with the statement of
Fernando Columbus just referred to, show that the supposition proposed by
Mr. Turner cannot be regarded as tenable.

The interesting story of Columbus’s visit to the Franciscan convent of
Santa Maria de Rabida forms the first incident that we find recorded of
him after his arrival in Spain. It is well known that the lively interest
which the worthy prior of that convent, Fray Juan Perez de Marchena, took
in his guest, was the means, through the anticipated influence of his
friend Fernando de Talavera, of first leading Columbus to the Spanish
court, under the hope of obtaining the patronage of the king and queen.
Talavera, who was prior of the monastery of Prado, and confessor to the
queen, possessed great political interest. Juan Perez took advantage
of this influential position of his friend, and addressed him a letter
by the hands of Columbus, strongly recommending the project of the
latter to his favourable consideration, and requesting his advocacy of
it before the sovereigns. It was in the spring of 1486 that Columbus
first ventured to the Spanish court in the hope of gaining a favourable
audience. On reaching Cordova, however, he had the mortification to
find that Talavera, upon whose influence he mainly relied, regarded
his design as unreasonable and preposterous. The court also was at
that time so engrossed with the war at Granada, as to place any hope
of gaining attention to his novel and expensive proposition out of
the question. At length, at the close of 1486, the theory of Columbus,
backed as it was by his forcible arguments and earnest manner, gained
weight with the most important personage at court next to the sovereigns
themselves. This was Mendoza, archbishop of Toledo, and grand cardinal
of Spain; who, pleased with the grandeur of the scheme and the fervent
but clear-headed reasoning of Columbus, adopted his cause, and became
his staunch protector and friend. Through his means an audience was
procured with the sovereigns, and the result of the interview was the
expression of a favourable opinion, qualified by the necessity of an
appeal to the judgment of the literati of the country. But here again
Columbus found himself in a painful predicament, which it required all
his knowledge and prudence to escape from with safety. He was examined
at Salamanca by a council of ecclesiastics, and had to propound opinions
which appeared to be at variance with the descriptions contained in
the sacred Scriptures, and that at a period when the expression of any
sentiment approaching to heresy exposed its owner to the persecution of
the newly established Inquisition. The ignorance of cosmography, and the
blind conclusions drawn from various misinterpreted texts of Scripture,
formed mighty impediments to the pleadings of Columbus, and he began
to find himself in danger of being convicted not only of error, but of
heresy. One learned man of the number, however, Diego de Deza, tutor
to prince John, and afterwards archbishop of Seville, appreciated the
eloquent and lucid reasonings of the adventurer, and aiding him with his
own powers of language and erudition, not only gained for him a hearing,
but won upon the judgments of some of the most learned of the council.
Nevertheless, so important a question could not be hastily decided;
and the result of the united pedantry and sluggish superstition of the
learned body, was to expose the question to protracted argumentation or
neglect, while Talavera, who was at its head, and from whom Columbus had
hoped to receive the greatest assistance, was too busied with political
matters to bring it to a conclusion. At length, in the early part of
1487, the deliberations of the council were brought to a stand-still by
the departure of the court to Cordova, and were not resumed till the
winter of 1491. During this wearisome period the bustle and excitement
of the memorable campaign against the Moors, with its alternations of
triumphant festivity, together with the marriage of the princess Isabella
to the prince Alonzo, heir apparent of Portugal, were far too engrossing
to admit of much attention being given to the schemes of Columbus.[14]
At the close, however, of the year 1491, the learned conclave appears to
have recommenced its consultations; but upon being called upon by the
sovereigns for a decision, a report was returned to Talavera that the
scheme was considered by the general vote of the junta too groundless to
be recommended. Accordingly Talavera was commanded to inform Columbus
that the cares and expenses of the war precluded the possibility of
their highnesses engaging in any new enterprises, but that when it was
concluded, there would be both the will and the opportunity to give the
subject further consideration. Regarding this as nothing better than a
courteous evasion of his application, he retired wearied and disappointed
from the court, and, but for an attachment which he had formed at Cordova
which made him reluctant to leave Spain, he would in all probability have
repaired to France, under the encouragement of a favourable letter which
he had received from that quarter.

The ensuing period till 1492 was spent in a succession of vexatious
appeals to the Spanish court, during which he had to contend with every
obstacle that ignorance, envy, or a pusillanimous economy could suggest.

At length having overcome all difficulties, he set sail with a fleet of
three ships on the 3rd of August 1492, on his unprecedented and perilous
voyage. The ordinary difficulties which might be expected to occur in
so novel and precarious an adventure were seriously aggravated by the
alarming discovery of the variation of the needle, as well as by the
mutinous behaviour of his crew; and his life was upon the point of being
sacrificed to their impatience, when the fortunate appearance of land,
on the morning of the 12th of October, converted their indignation into
compunction, and their despondency into unbounded joy.

With reference to the identity of the first landing place of Columbus
in America, I too readily adopted in 1847 the conclusions of Navarrete
that the Great Turk, the northernmost of the Turk islands, was the
true landfall. I did so under the following process of reasoning. My
predecessors in the consideration of the subject had been the learned
Juan Bautista Muñoz in 1793, Navarrete in 1825, Washington Irving in
1828, and the Baron Alexander von Humboldt in 1837. It was the opinion
of Muñoz that Guanahani was Watling’s Island. Navarrete, as just shown,
placed it in the Grand Turk, far to the east, while Washington Irving
and Humboldt made it to be Cat Island to the west. Such different
conclusions, formed by thoughtful men from an examination of the diary
of Columbus and other early documents, caused me to set a great value
upon any modern reconnaissance of the locality which might throw a fuller
light upon these documents and perhaps show which of the conclusions
was correct. Now, it so happened that a communication made a short time
previously to the New York Historical Society by Mr. Gibbs, a resident on
Turk’s Island, presented several points of evidence strongly confirmative
of the correctness of Navarrete’s deductions. The most important of Mr.
Gibbs’s arguments were the following. Columbus states in his journal
that there were several islands in sight from Guanahani. From the
island now called San Salvador, Mr. Gibbs found no land visible. The
journal speaks of soundings to the eastward of Guanahani: there were
none to the eastward of San Salvador. All the marks wanting at San
Salvador were found at Turk’s Island. The journal describes Guanahani
as well wooded, and having much water; a large lake in the centre, and
two several running streams flowing into the sea. Turk’s Island has
about one-third of its surface covered with lakes of salt and fresh
water; and a few years before vessels had sailed into one of the ponds.
Although the island was now without trees, Mr. Gibbs recollected some
remains of a forest existing in his youth. Moreover the journal makes
no allusion to the Great Bahama Bank, which must have been passed in
approaching San Salvador.[15] As Mr. Gibbs’s personal observation thus
appeared to corroborate the deductions of Señor de Navarrete, I yielded
to this combination of evidence and so submitted it to the reader. Since
that time, however, we have seen other arguments advanced, in which
local investigation, as well as the examination of the early documents,
have resulted in conclusions as divergent as those which preceded them.
Captain Becher, R.N., of our own Hydrographic Office, in his _Landfall of
Columbus_, published London, 1856, examining the question from a seaman’s
point of view, fell in with the opinion formed by Muñoz in 1793, that
Guanahani was Watling’s Island, while Señor de Varnhagen, in his _La
verdadera Guanahani de Colon_, published at Santiago, 1864, maintains
the unique opinion that it was the island of Mayaguana.

Under these circumstances it has become a duty in me to revise my old
opinion; and while the process to which I shall resort will, as I hope,
finally settle this much vexed question, it is happily one which will not
lay me open to the charge of presumption in giving a judicial verdict
where men of such high renown have differed. I congratulate myself on
having found a means of enabling the reader to judge for himself by a
very simple mode of examination. Annexed is a fac-simile of Herrera’s
map of the Bahama Islands, as laid down from the original documents
in the handwriting of Columbus and his contemporaries, to which, as
official historiographer of the Indies in the sixteenth century, Herrera
had exclusive access; and side by side with it is a map, reduced from
the Admiralty survey, showing those islands as now known, and with
their modern names. I indulge the hope that no one will contest the
identification[16] of the respective islands laid down in the old map
with those which I have set forth as their correlatives in the modern
one, and if so, the Guanahani of Columbus will be plainly seen to be
Watling’s Island. The correctness of this identification is not only
confirmed, but made easily perceptible, by the fact that certain islands
of the series have retained their ancient names without change from
the beginning, thus affording stations for comparison which reduce the
chances of error to a minimum. This map of Herrera’s is of especial value
for the purpose, because while it embodies the information contained in
the map of the pilot Juan de la Cosa, who was with Columbus in his second
voyage (1493-96); it has the advantage over the latter in having been
made nearly a century later, and so contains the entire chain of islands,
many of which had not been explored at the time when De la Cosa laid down
his map in 1500. For the satisfaction of the reader, however, a reduction
of that part of De la Cosa’s map which shows these islands is here given.

[Illustration: BAHAMA ISLANDS

ANTONIO DE HERRERA

1601.]

[Illustration: BAHAMA ISLANDS

MODERN]

     Herrera                              Modern

    _Bahama_                             _Gᵗ. Bahama Iᵈ._
    _Bimini_                           } _Andros Iˢ._
    _Habacoa_                          }
    _Cabeça de los Martires_             _Cay Sal Bank_
    _Yucayoneque_                        _Gᵗ. Abaco Iᵈ._
    _Cigateo_                            _Eleuthera_
    _Curateo_                            _Little S. Salvador_
    _Guanima_                            _S. Salvador or Cat Iᵈ._
    _Anonymous between Habacoa & Yuma_   _Great Exuma_
    _Guanihana_                          _Watlings Iᵈ._
    _Yuma_                               _Yuma_
    _Samana_                             _Samana_
    _Xumeto_                             _Crooked Iᵈ._
    _Yabaque_                            _Acklin’s Iᵈ._
    _Mayaguana_                          _Mariguana_
    _Caycos_                           } _The Caycos Group_
    _Amana_                            }
    _Canciba_                            _Turks Iˢ._
    _Abreojo_                            _Mouchoir Carré_
    _Canaman_                            _Silver Plate Bank_
    _Macarey_                            _Navidad or Ship B._
    _Mira por vos_                       _Miraporvos_
    _Ynagua_                             _Gᵗ. Inagua_
    _La Tortuga_                         _Tortuga_

But while it is hoped that the identity of Guanahani with Watling’s
Island will be admitted to be authoritatively established by this
comparison, it would be wanting in respect to those who have put forth
other claims not to show, I will not say the ground on which these claims
were advanced, but rather, for brevity’s sake, the points at which their
arguments fail. I adopt this plan on the principle that a chain is no
stronger than its weakest link. Of all these I fear none occupies so
disadvantageous a position as His Excellency Senhor de Varnhagen; for
having unfortunately adopted for his _protégée_ an island (Mayaguana),
which is represented _together with_ the island of Guanahani both on
De la Cosa’s and Herrera’s maps, I regret to say that he seems to me
to be _ipso facto_ put out of court, since no reasoning whatever could
by any possibility make identical two islands so markedly distinct
that several other islands are shown to lie between them. Washington
Irving, in advocating Cat Island, or the island at present called St.
Salvador, as the genuine Guanahani, adduces an examination of the route
of Columbus by Commander Alexander Slidell Mackenzie of the U.S. navy,
but which being principally addressed to the disproval of Navarrete’s
Turk’s Island, fails to establish Cat Island as the real landfall in
contradistinction to Watling’s Island. In examining this route I observe
a startling inaccuracy, which underlies the whole question. It is stated
that Columbus describes the island as _very large_. On referring to
Columbus’s logbook in Navarrete, I find it, on the contrary, called an
“isleta,” or islet, _i. e._ _small_ island, a term which could scarcely
be applied to an island forty-two miles long and the loftiest of the
Bahamas, which Cat Island is, whereas it would be correctly applied to
Watling’s Island, which is only twelve miles long, cut up by salt water
lagoons, separated from each other by small woody hills. At the close,
reference is made to the identity preserved to Cat Island as San Salvador
with that given by Columbus, and a remonstrance against disturbing the
ancient landmarks. But this is a _petitio principii_, inasmuch as at
the period when the name of San Salvador was first continuously applied
to Cat Island, viz., the middle of the seventeenth century, both map
makers and sailors were possessed of no better materials, nor even so
good, as ourselves, for coming to an accurate determination. Humboldt,
in accepting the conclusions of Commander Mackenzie as adopted by
Irving, thinks them confirmed by the map of Juan de la Cosa, of which I
have given an extract. But here I would observe that the attention of
the illustrious philosopher was bent on the point to which Mackenzie’s
paper was directed, viz., the disproval of Turk’s Island, and not to
a discrimination between Cat Island and Watling’s Island for the true
landfall. A glance will show that the imperfectness of the Bahama group
in Juan de la Cosa’s map renders it perfectly inadequate for settling so
minute a question.

[Illustration: JUAN DE LA COSA

1500.]

It is needless to dwell here upon the events which followed this
discovery, as they are for the most part described in the letter here
translated. The main result of the voyage was the discovery of the
islands of St. Salvador, Santa Maria de la Concepcion, Exuma, Isabella,
Cuba, Bohio, the Archipelago off the south coast of Cuba (which he names
the Jardin del Rey, or King’s Garden), the islands of St. Catherine and
Hispaniola, on which latter Columbus erected the fortress of La Navidad,
and established a colony. Finally, on the 16th of January, he began to
steer his course for Spain, and he was already near the Azores when, on
the 12th February, the wind came on to blow violently, with a heavy
sea, and on the following day a frightful tempest broke upon them, which
obliged them to scud under bare poles. The storm continuing with unabated
violence, on the night of the 14th of February the two caravels parted
company, each following the course where the fury of the tempest drove
them. The sailors, giving themselves up for lost, offered up prayers and
vows; while the admiral, full of gloomy apprehensions that, after all,
his discovery might turn to nought, and his two sons be left destitute,
wrote upon parchment the account of the voyage, addressed it to the
king of Spain, with a promise, written outside, of one thousand ducats
to whomsoever would deliver it unopened. He then wrapped the packet up
in waxed cloth, and put it into the middle of a cake of wax, and after
inclosing it in a barrel well hooped and stopped up, he threw it into the
sea. He also placed on the poop of his own vessel a similar barrel, with
the same account enclosed, in order that if the ship went to the bottom
the barrel might float, and the narrative be saved. During this period
Columbus passed three days and nights without sleep, and with scanty and
bad food, so that when, on the 18th, he arrived at St. Mary’s, one of
the Azores, he felt his limbs quite crippled with exposure to the cold
and wet. There was a small church there, in a solitary place, dedicated
to the Virgin. Columbus, with the view of discharging the vows made
during the storm, sent half of his people on shore to the church, but
the Portuguese Governor of the island took them all prisoners, seized
their boat, and would have attacked Columbus’s own vessel, by orders,
as he said, received from his court, but for the firmness with which
the latter confronted him. Columbus indignantly asserted his own rank
and office, showed his letters patent sealed with the royal seal, and
threatened the Governor with the vengeance of the Castilian government.
After a few days, during which Columbus was driven from his anchorage
and had to beat about in great danger, the Governor, who in the interval
had thought better of the matter, liberated the prisoners and allowed
the caravel to proceed on her course. The state of the weather was most
terrible; the sea ran mountains high; the lightnings rent the clouds,
and the violence of the winds was such that the vessel was obliged to
scud under bare poles, in which state she arrived, at last, in the Tagus,
near Lisbon, on the 4th of March. Columbus immediately wrote a letter
to the King of Portugal, then at Valparaiso, informing him that he was
not come from Guinea but from the Indies, and requesting protection
for his caravel, and permission to bring it up to Lisbon. Not only was
this granted, but Columbus was immediately invited to Valparaiso and
was received by the monarch and his courtiers with the highest honours.
There were not wanting, however, some who would gladly have slain him to
prevent his going to Castile as the bearer of such great and glorious
news. The magnanimity of the king prevented this injustice, and leaving
Portugal in safety, on the 13th of March, Columbus arrived on the 15th
at the little port of Palos, from whence he had sailed on the 3rd of
August in the preceding year. Meanwhile Pinzon, the captain of the other
caravel, who in the late storm had been driven into Galicia, wished to
anticipate the admiral, but an express order from the court, forbidding
him to come without Columbus, made him actually die of spite and chagrin.
The reception of Columbus in Spain was such as the grandeur and dignity
of his unrivalled achievement deserved, and his entrance into Barcelona
was scarcely inferior to a Roman triumph.[17]

Very shortly after his arrival the papal bull was obtained, which fixed
the famous line of demarcation, determining the right of the Spanish and
Portuguese to discovered lands. This line was drawn from the north to the
south pole, at a hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape de Verde
islands; the discoveries to the westward were to belong to Spain, and
those to the eastward to Portugal.

The seductive adulation of the court and the people did not, however,
divert the thoughts of Columbus from the preparations for a second
expedition. A stay of five months sufficed to make all ready for this
purpose; but these preparations gave rise to a malignant feeling towards
him on the part of Juan Rodriguez Fonseca, Bishop of Badajos, which
eventually led to such disgraceful ill-usage of the admiral as will
remain a stain upon the character of Spain while the name of Columbus
exists in the memory of man.

On the 25th September 1493, Columbus took his departure from Cadiz, with
a fleet of three large ships of heavy burthen, and fourteen caravels,
and after a pleasant voyage reached the island of Dominica on the 3rd of
November. The letter of Dr. Chanca, here translated, gives an interesting
description of a considerable portion of the events of this voyage, but
it is to be regretted that his account terminates so abruptly, and the
“memorial” of Columbus to the sovereigns adds but few incidents of moment
to the narrative. We should be straining the necessary limits of a mere
introduction to these translated documents, were we to undertake to lead
the reader through the various history of this eventful period of the
life of Columbus. Such a task has been rendered perfectly unnecessary
by the much admired work of Washington Irving. Suffice it that we
state, that the principal geographical information supplied by this
voyage consists in the discovery of the Caribbee Islands, Jamaica, an
Archipelago (named by Columbus the Queen’s Gardens, supposed to be the
Morant Keys), Evangelista, or the Isle of Pines; and the island of Mona.

He sailed with his fleet finally for Spain on the 28th of April, 1496,
and after nearly two months’ struggle against the trade-winds (during
which provisions became so reduced, that there was talk of killing,
and even eating the Indian prisoners), reached the bay of Cadiz on the
11th of June. The emaciated state of the crew when they disembarked,
presenting so mournful a contrast with the joyous and triumphant
appearance which they were expected to make, produced a very discouraging
impression upon the opinions of the public, and reflected a corresponding
depression upon the spirits of Columbus himself. He was reassured,
however, by the receipt of a gracious letter from the sovereigns inviting
him to the court, which was the more gratifying to him that he had feared
he had fallen into disgrace. He was received with distinguished favour,
and had a verbal concession of his request to be furnished with eight
ships for a third voyage. He was doomed, however, to have his patience
severely tried by the delay which occurred in the performance of this
promise, which was partly attributable to the engrossing character of
the public events of the day, and partly to the machinations of his
inveterate enemy, the bishop Fonseca.

It was not till the 30th of May 1498, that he set sail from San Lucar,
with six of the eight vessels promised, the other two having been
despatched to Hispaniola, with provisions, in the beginning of the
year. When off Ferro he despatched three of his six vessels to the same
island, with a store of fresh supplies for the colony, while with his
remaining three he steered for the Cape Verde Islands, which he reached
on the 27th of June. On the 5th of July he left Boavista, and proceeded
southward and westward. In the course of this voyage the crews suffered
intensely from the heat, having at one time reached the fifth degree of
north latitude, but at length land was descried on the 31st of July,—a
most providential occurrence, as but one cask of water remained in the
ship. The island they came to formed an addition to his discoveries; and
as the first land which appeared consisted of three mountains, united
at their base, he christened the island, from the name of the Trinity,
La Trinidad. It was in this voyage that he discovered terra firma,[18]
and the islands of Margarita and Cubagua. His supposition that Paria had
formed the original abode of our first parents, is curiously described
in our translated letter; and to a careful observer the sagacity of his
mode of reasoning is perceptible even in a speculation so fanciful as
this. On reaching Hispaniola (to which he was drawn by his anxiety on
account of the infant colony), he had the mortification to find that his
authority had suffered considerable diminution, and that the colony was
in a state of organized rebellion. He had scarcely, by his active and at
the same time politic conduct, brought matters to a state of comparative
tranquillity, when a new storm gathered round him from the quarter of
the Spanish court. The hatred of his ancient enemies availed itself of
the clamour raised against him by some of the rebels who had recently
returned to Spain, and charges of tyranny, cruelty, and ambition were
heaped unsparingly upon him. The king and queen, wearied with reiterated
complaints, at length resolved to send out a judge, to inquire into his
conduct,—injudiciously authorizing him to seize the governorship in the
place of Columbus, should the accusations brought against him prove
to be valid. The person chosen was Don Francisco de Bobadilla, whose
character and qualifications for the office are best demonstrated by
the fact, that, on the day after his arrival in Hispaniola, he seized
upon the government before he had investigated the conduct of Columbus,
who was then absent; he also took up his residence in his house, and
took possession of all his property, public and private, even to his
most secret papers. A summons to appear before the new governor was
despatched to Columbus, who was at Fort Concepcion; and in the interval
between the despatch of the summons and his arrival, his brother, Don
Diego, was seized, thrown into irons, and confined on board of a caravel,
without any reason being assigned for his imprisonment. No sooner did
the admiral himself arrive, than he likewise was put in chains, and
thrown into confinement. The habitual reverence due to his venerable
person and exalted character, made each bystander shrink from the task of
fixing the fetters on him, till one of his own domestics, described by
Las Casas as “a graceless and shameless cook,” filled up the measure of
ingratitude that he seemed doomed to experience, by riveting the irons,
not merely with apathy, but with manifest alacrity. In this shackled
condition he was conveyed, in the early part of October, from prison to
the ship that was to convey him home; and when Andreas Martin, the master
of the caravel, touched with respect for Columbus, and deeply moved at
this unworthy treatment, proposed to take off his irons, he declined
the offered benefit, with the following magnanimous reply: “Since the
king has commanded that I should obey his governor, he shall find me as
obedient in this as I have been to all his other orders; nothing but
his command shall release me. If twelve years’ hardship and fatigue;
if continual dangers and frequent famine; if the ocean first opened,
and five times passed and repassed, to add a new world, abounding with
wealth, to the Spanish monarchy; and if an infirm and premature old age,
brought on by these services, deserve these chains as a reward, it is
very fit I should wear them to Spain, and keep them by me as memorials to
the end of my life.” This in truth he did; for he always kept them hung
on the walls of his chamber, and desired that when he died they might be
buried with him.

His arrival in Spain in this painful and degraded condition produced
so general a sensation of indignation and astonishment, that a warm
manifestation in his favour was the immediate consequence. A letter (here
translated), written by him to Doña Juana de la Torre, a lady of the
court, detailing the wrongs he had suffered, was read to queen Isabella,
whose generous mind was filled with sympathy and indignation at the
recital. The sovereigns hastened to order him to be set at liberty,
and ordered two thousand ducats to be advanced, for the purpose of
bringing him to court with all distinction and an honourable retinue.
His reception at the Alhambra was gracious and flattering in the highest
degree; the strongest indignation was expressed against Bobadilla, with
an assurance that he should be immediately dismissed from his command,
while ample restitution and reward were promised to Columbus, and he had
every sanction for indulging the fondest hopes of returning in honour and
triumph to St. Domingo. But here a grievous disappointment awaited him;
his re-appointment was postponed from time to time with various plausible
excuses. Though Bobadilla was dismissed, it was deemed desirable to
refill his place for two years, by some prudent and talented officer,
who should be able to put a stop to all remaining faction in the colony,
and thus prepare the way for Columbus to enjoy the rights and dignities
of his government both peacefully and beneficially to the crown. The
newly-selected governor was Nicolas de Ovando, who, though described by
Las Casas as a man of prudence, justice, and humanity, certainly betrayed
a want both of generosity and justice in his subsequent transactions with
Columbus. It is possible that the delay manifested by the sovereigns
in redeeming their promise might have continued until the death of
Columbus, had not a fresh stimulant to the cupidity of Ferdinand been
suggested by a new project of discovering a strait, of the existence of
which Columbus felt persuaded from his own observations, and which would
connect the New World which he had discovered with the wealthy shores
of the east. His enthusiasm on the subject was heightened by an emulous
consideration of the recent achievements of Vasco da Gama and Cabral, the
former of whom had, in 1497, found a maritime passage to India by the
Cape, and the latter, in 1500, had discovered for Portugal the vast and
opulent empire of Brazil. The prospect of a more direct and safe route
to India than that discovered by da Gama, at length gained for Columbus
the accomplishment of his wish for another armament; and, finally, on the
9th of May, 1502, he sailed from Cadiz on his fourth and last voyage of
discovery.

It is painful to contrast the splendour of the fleet with which Ovando
left Spain to assume the government of Hispaniola, with the slender and
inexpensive armament granted to Columbus for the purpose of exploring an
unknown strait into an unknown ocean, the traversing of whose unmeasured
breadth would complete the circumnavigation of the globe. Ovando’s fleet
consisted of thirty sail, five of them from ninety to one hundred and
fifty tons burden, twenty-four caravels of from thirty to ninety tons,
and one bark of twenty-five tons; and the number of souls amounted to
about two thousand five hundred. The heroic and injured man, to whose
unparalleled combination of noble qualities, the very dignity which
called for all this state was indebted for its existence, had now in
the decline of his years and strength, and stripped both of honour and
emolument, to venture forth with four caravels,—the largest of seventy,
and the smallest of fifty tons burthen—accompanied by one hundred and
fifty men, on one of the most toilsome and perilous enterprises of which
the mind can form a conception.

On the 20th of May he reached the Grand Canary, and starting from thence
on the 25th, took his departure for the west. Favoured by the trade
winds, he made’a gentle and easy passage, and reached one of the Caribbee
Islands, called by the natives Matinino (Martinique), on the 15th of
June. After staying three days at this island, he steered northwards,
and touched at Dominica, and from thence directed his course, contrary
to his own original intention and the commands of the sovereigns, to
St. Domingo. His reason was that his principal vessel sailed so ill
as to delay the progress of the fleet, which he feared might be an
obstacle to the safety and success of the enterprise, and he held this
as a sufficient motive for infringing the orders he had received. On
his arrival at San Domingo, he found the ships which had brought out
Ovando ready to put to sea on their return to Spain. He immediately
sent to the governor to explain that his intention in calling at the
island was to procure a vessel in exchange for one of his caravels,
which was very defective; and further begged permission for his squadron
to take shelter in the harbour, from a hurricane, which, from his
acquaintance with the prognostics of the weather, he had foreseen was
rapidly approaching. This request was ungraciously refused; upon which
Columbus, though denied shelter for himself, endeavoured to avert the
danger of the fleet, which was about to sail, and sent back immediately
to the governor to entreat that he would not allow it to put to sea
for some days. His predictions and requests were treated with equal
contempt, and Columbus had not only to suffer these insulting refusals
and the risk of life for himself and squadron, but the loud murmurings
of his own crew that they had sailed with a commander whose position
exposed them to such treatment. All he could do was to draw his ships
up as close as possible to the shore, and seek the securest anchorage
that chance might present him with. Meanwhile the weather appeared fair
and tranquil, and the fleet of Bobadilla put boldly out to sea. The
predicted storm came on the next night with terrific fury, and all the
ships belonging to the governor’s fleet, with the exception of one,
were either lost, or put back to San Domingo in a shattered condition.
The only vessel that escaped was the one which had been freighted with
some four thousand gold pieces, rescued from the pillage of Columbus’s
fortune. Bobadilla, Roldan, and a number of the most inveterate enemies
of the admiral, perished in this tremendous hurricane, while his own
fleet, though separated and considerably damaged by the storm, all
arrived safe at last at Port Hermoso, on the south of San Domingo. He
repaired his vessels at Port Hermoso, but had scarcely left the harbour
before another storm drove him into Port Brazil, more to the westward.
On the 14th of July he left this port, steering for terra firma, and
on the 30th discovered the small island of Guanaga or Bonacca, a few
leagues east of the bay of Honduras. He continued an eastern course,
and discovered the cape now known as Cape Honduras. While moving along
this coast, he experienced one of those frightful tempests to which the
tropics are liable, and of which he gives so impressive a description in
the letter we have translated. At length, after forty days’ struggle to
make as much as seventy leagues from the cape of Honduras, he reached a
cape, by doubling which he found a direct southward course open, offering
at the same time an unobstructed navigation and a favourable wind. To
commemorate this sudden relief from toil and danger, Columbus named this
point Cape _Gracias a Dios_, or “Thanks to God.” A melancholy occurrence
took place on the 16th of September, while they were anchored off this
coast. The boats had been sent up a large river to procure supplies of
wood and water, when, on returning, the encounter of the sea with the
rapid current of the river caused so violent and sudden a commotion, that
one of the boats was swallowed up, and all on board perished. On the
25th of September he reached Cariay, or Cariari, where he stayed till
the 5th of October. The next point was the Bay of Carumbaru, which was
the first place on that coast where he met with specimens of pure gold.
Leaving this bay on the 17th of October, he sailed along the coast of
Veragua, and here he was informed by the Indians of the wealthy country
of Ciguare, which he supposed to be some province belonging to the Grand
Khan, and also of a river ten days’ journey beyond Ciguare, which he
conceived to be the Ganges. On the 2nd of November he discovered Puerto
Bello, in which harbour he was detained till the 9th by stormy weather;
when, continuing his course eastward, he reached, near the end of the
month, a small harbour, to which he gave the name of El Retrete, or the
Cabinet. It was here that a continuance of stormy weather, in addition
to the murmurs of his crew at-being compelled to prosecute an indefinite
search, with worm-eaten ships, against opposing currents, determined
Columbus on relinquishing his eastward voyage for the present, and to
return in search of the gold mines of Veragua. But on altering his
course to the westward, he had the mortification to find the wind for
which he had long been wishing, come now, as if in direct opposition
to his adopted course, and for nine days he was exposed to so terrible
a storm that it was a marvel how his crazy vessels could outlive it.
At length, after a month’s anxiety and suffering, they anchored, on
the day of the Epiphany, at the mouth of a river called by the natives
Yebra, but which Columbus named Belem, or Bethlehem. Here a settlement
was formed, and here occurred the sad disasters and conflicts with the
natives, which he describes in his letter from Jamaica, and in which
the faithful and zealous Diego Mendez proved an eminently efficient
assistant to his much loved master. The history of this unhappy voyage,
the toils and perils of which were aggravated to Columbus by extreme
bodily suffering, closes by his reaching Jamaica, where he would in
all probability have perished, but for the devotedness and activity of
Mendez. The highly interesting description of that brave man’s exploits
on behalf of Columbus, has been quoted by Navarrete from his will, and is
here translated. When at length, through the agency of Mendez, two ships
arrived from Hispaniola to the assistance of the admiral, he was enabled,
on the 28th of June, 1504, to leave his wrecked vessels behind him, and
start with revived hopes for San Domingo, which he reached on the 13th of
August. His sojourn there was not, as may be judged, calculated to afford
him satisfaction or pleasure. The overstrained courtesy of the governor
offered but a poor alleviation to the rush of rankling feelings which the
past associations and present desolation of the place summoned up to his
mind.

On the 12th of September he set sail for Spain, and the same tempestuous
weather which had all along tended to make this his last voyage the most
disastrous, did not forsake him now. The ship in which he came home
sprung her mainmast in four places in one tempest, and in a subsequent
storm the foremast was sprung, and finally, on the 7th of November, he
arrived, in a vessel as shattered as his own broken and care-worn frame,
in the welcome harbour of San Lucar.

The two years which intervened between this period and his death
present a picture of black ingratitude on the part of the crown to this
distinguished benefactor of the kingdom, which it is truly painful to
contemplate. We behold an extraordinary man, the discoverer of a second
hemisphere, reduced by his very success to so low a state of poverty
that, in his prematurely infirm old age, he is compelled to subsist by
borrowing, and to plead, in the apologetic language of a culprit, for the
rights of which the very sovereign whom he has benefited has deprived
him. The death of the benignant and high-minded Isabella, in 1505, gave
a finishing blow to his hope of obtaining redress, and we find him thus
writing subsequently to this period to his old and faithful friend Diego
de Deza:—“It appears that his majesty does not think fit to fulfil that
which he, with the queen, who is now in glory, promised me by word and
seal. For me to contend for the contrary, would be to contend with the
wind. I have done all that I could do: I leave the rest to God, whom I
have ever found propitious to me in my necessities.” The selfish and
cold-hearted Ferdinand beheld his illustrious and loyal servant sink,
without relief, under bodily infirmity, and the palsying sickness of
hope deferred; and at length, on the 20th of May 1506, the generous
heart which had done so much without reward and suffered so much without
upbraiding, found rest in a world where neither gratitude nor justice is
either asked or withheld.

His body was in the first instance buried at Valladolid, in the parish
church of Santa Maria de la Antigua, but was transferred, in 1513, to
the Cartuja de las Cuevas, near Seville, where a monument was erected
over his grave with the memorable inscription,—

                            A CASTILLA Y A LEON
                          NUEVO MUNDO DIÓ COLON.

In the year 1536, both his body, and that of his son Diego, who had been
likewise buried in the Cartuja, were transported to St. Domingo, and
deposited in the cathedral of that city. From hence they were removed to
Havannah in 1795, on the cession of Hispaniola to the French, and the
ashes of the immortal discoverer now quietly repose in the cathedral
church of that city.[19]

But injustice, unhappily, was not buried with Columbus in the tomb. It
was but one twelvemonth after his death that an attempt was made, and
only too successfully, to name the new world which he had discovered,
after another, who was not only his inferior, but his pupil in the
school of maritime enterprise. In an obscure corner of Lorraine, at the
little cathedral town of St. Dié, a cluster of learned priests, who had
there established a printing-press under the auspices of René II, Duke
of Lorraine, suggested to give to the newly discovered continent the
name of the Florentine, Amerigo Vespucci, whose nautical career did not
commence till after Columbus had returned from his second voyage to the
western hemisphere. The first time that the name of Amerigo came into
notice was in the year 1504, when Johann Ottmar published at Augsburg the
_Mundus Novus_, a description of Vespucci’s third voyage, now extremely
rare, embodied in a letter addressed by Vespucci himself to Lorenzo di
Pier Francesco de’ Medici. In this voyage, which occupied from May 1501
to September 1502, he was in the service of Portugal, and explored the
coasts of South America as far as beyond the fifty-second degree. But
it was not till May, 1507, when Columbus had been a twelvemonth dead,
that the world was informed of four voyages professed to have been made
by Vespucci, of which the one just mentioned was only the third, the
two former having been made, as he states, in the service of Spain. As
the first of these was asserted to have taken place between May 20th,
1497, and October, 1499 [say 1498], and, if correct, would involve the
discovery by him not only of the north coasts of South America, but a
large extent of the coast of North America also, and that in priority of
the claims both of Cabot and Columbus as regards the discovery of the
American continent, it has been a matter of keen interest to many to
examine minutely the correctness of Vespucci’s claim to having made this
voyage.

It would be out of place here to enter into the complicated arguments
in which this question is involved; but I have elsewhere shown[20] on
how frail a tenure the claim in question is founded. In the same place
I have also traced in detail the mode adopted for giving to the New
World the name of Vespucci instead of that of Columbus, who, by the
exercise of such transcendently superior qualities had earned for himself
that honour. I will here sketch it in brief. Vespucci was an intimate
friend of the Giocondi family, one of whom, the celebrated architect,
Fra Giovanni Giocondi, who built the bridge of Nôtre Dame at Paris,
was the translator into Latin of Vespucci’s letter to Lorenzo di Pier
Francesco de’ Medici describing his third voyage. A young Alsatian,
named Mathias Ringmann, who was at this time pursuing his studies in
Paris, appears to have made the acquaintance of this Giocondi and to
have carried back with him into Alsace an admiration for Vespucci and
his achievements, which showed itself in his editing at Strasbourg in
1505, Giocondi’s translation of Vespucci’s letter, accompanied by some
laudatory verses in Latin by himself. Now in the neighbouring province of
Lorraine, one of the canons of the cathedral at St. Dié, Walter Lud, who
was secretary to René II, Duke of Lorraine, had already for many years
established a gymnasium or college under the duke’s auspices, and also a
printing-press. Ringmann, better known in literature by the pseudonym of
Philesius, became professor of Latin at the college and corrector of the
press in the printing-office. On the 25th of April, 1507, _a year after
the death of Columbus_, one of the members of this little clique, named
Martin Waldseemüller, otherwise known as Hylacomylus, produced from this
press a small work entitled _Cosmographiæ Introductio_, to which was
appended a Latin translation of Vespucci’s four voyages, as described by
himself and addressed to Duke René II, although it can be shown by the
contents to have been really intended for Pietro Soderini, Gonfaloniere
of Florence, who had been Vespucci’s schoolfellow. In my _Life of
Prince Henry the Navigator_, I have ventured to suggest the process
by which these letters, intended for another, came to be addressed to
Duke René, and that suggestion supplies the solution of some riddles,
there treated of, which it would be out of place to speak of here. We
have seen the connection of the Giocondi with Vespucci. We have seen,
also, the connection of Ringmann with the work of Fra Giovanni Giocondi
and his interest in the glory of Vespucci. This interest he infuses
into the little circle of St. Dié, and we can imagine their pleasure at
having the opportunity of blazoning forth to the world, from their own
printing-press, a story which would throw so bright a reflection on the
obscurity of their secluded valley. But in the little book thus issued,
not only were printed for the first time four voyages of Vespucci, but
also a suggestion was made that from his name, Amerigo, should be given
the name of “Amerige” or “America” to the newly-discovered western world.
In September of the same year, 1507, appeared a re-issue of the same
book; and in 1509 a new edition of it was issued from the printing-press
of Johann Grüninger of Strasburg. In this same year, 1509, three years
before the death of Vespucci, the name of America appears, as if it were
already accepted as a well-known denomination, in an anonymous work
entitled _Globus Mundi_, printed also at Strasburg. But although this
work is anonymous, it was my good fortune to detect from the colophon,
in which occur the words “Adelpho Castigatore,” that the source of the
suggestion of the name of America in the one case, and of the adoption of
the suggestion in the other, are either identical or in close proximity,
inasmuch as the already mentioned re-issue of the _Cosmographiæ
Introductio_ in 1509, has in the colophon, “Johanne Adelpho Mulicho
Argentinensi Castigatore.” Now, Mulicho merely means native of Muhlingen,
near Strasburg, and this Adelphus, so named, was a physician established
in that city, and reviser of both the one work and the other.

The first place in which we find the name of America used a little
further a-field, is in a letter dated Vienna, 1512, from Joachim Vadianus
to Rudolphus Agricola, and inserted in the _Pomponius Mela_ of 1518,
edited by the former. The expression used is “America discovered by
Vesputius.”[21] But although this Vadianus, whose real name was Joachim
Watt, writes from Vienna in 1512, I find that he was a native of St.
Gall, whence in 1508, being then twenty-four years old, he went to the
High School of Vienna. His learned disputations and verses gained him
the chair of the professorship of the liberal arts at that school, and
he subsequently studied medicine, of which faculty he obtained the
doctorate. This attachment to the study of medicine recalls to my mind a
fact which awakens a suspicion that he may have been a personal friend of
John Adelphus, just referred to, and if so, of the little confraternity
of St. Dié. Before Adelphus established himself in Strasburg, he had
practised as a physician at Schaffhausen, and this at the time when
Joachim Watt was a young man, still resident at St. Gall, which is
distant from Schaffhausen seventy English miles, a distance which would
offer very little hindrance to Swiss intercommunication. Whether this
suspicion be worth anything or no, I advance it as a possible clue to
yet further researches which may show the process by which this spurious
appellation of America became adopted, through the efforts of a small
cluster of men in an obscure corner of France.

The earliest engraved map of the new world yet known as bearing the name
of America, is a mappe-monde by Appianus, bearing the date of 1520,
annexed to the edition by Camers of the Polyhistoria of Julius Solinus
(_Viennæ Austr._, 1520), and a second time to the edition of _Pomponius
Mela_ by Vadianus, printed at Basle in 1522. The earliest manuscript
map hitherto found bearing that name, is in a most precious collection
of drawings by the hand of Leonardo da Vinci, now in Her Majesty’s
collections at Windsor, to which, from an examination of its contents, I
have assigned the date of 1513-14.[22]

I have thus endeavoured to unravel the intricate story of a great
and irreparable injustice. No one can deny to Vespucci the credit of
possessing courage, perseverance, and a practical acquaintance with the
art of navigation; but he had never been the commander of an expedition,
and had it not been for the great initiatory achievement of Columbus, we
have no reason to suppose that we should ever have heard his name.

“To say the truth,” as has been well remarked by the illustrious Baron
von Humboldt, “Vespucci shone only by reflection from an age of glory.
When compared with Columbus, Sebastian Cabot, Bartolomé Dias, and Da
Gama, his place is an inferior one. The majesty of great memories seems
concentrated in the name of Christopher Columbus. It is the originality
of his vast idea, the largeness and fertility of his genius, and the
courage which bore up against a long series of misfortunes, which have
exalted the Admiral high above all his contemporaries.”

A tardy tribute has been at length paid to his memory by his
fellow-citizens of Genoa, and the first stone of a monument in
commemoration of his achievements was laid in that city on the 27th of
September, 1846, and completed in 1862. There is now serious talk of his
canonization.

Among the many so-called portraits of Columbus, too numerous to be
detailed here, but for elaborate notices of which the reader is referred
to the works mentioned at foot,[23] there is not one that can be regarded
as unquestionably authentic. It was at the suggestion of my friend
M. Ferdinand Denis, the distinguished Librarian of the Ste. Geneviève
in Paris, that I have inserted as the frontispiece to this volume a
chromolithograph fac-simile of the St. Christopher on the famous map
of Juan de la Cosa, Columbus’s pilot, made in 1500. My friend most
reasonably suggests that, in this case, St. Christopher represented
Christopher Columbus carrying the Christian faith across the Atlantic,
and that the face would be a portrait. In corroboration of his idea,
I may quote the words of Herrera, whose possession of the Columbian
documents enabled him to speak with accuracy. He says, “Columbus was
tall of stature, with a long and imposing visage. His nose was aquiline;
his eyes blue; his complexion clear, and having a tendency to a glowing
red; the beard and hair red in his youth, but his fatigues early turned
them white.” The cap and costume seem also less those of the saint than
of the sailor. It is to my late revered and dear friend, His Excellency
the Count de Lavradio, that I am indebted for procuring the coloured
photograph from the original map on his visit to Madrid in 1869. The
chromolithograph has been prepared in Berlin.


FOOTNOTES:

[1] The Society possesses, in my _Early Voyages to Terra Australis_,
printed in 1859, the evidence of these discoveries; and in my _Prince
Henry the Navigator_, published in 1868, will be seen the procession of
these discoveries from the Prince’s efforts.

[2] The _li_ is about one-tenth of the common league.

[3] The most strenuous advocate for the truth of the tradition that
America was discovered by Prince Madoc, was Dr. John Williams of
Sydenham, who wrote two tracts on the subject in the year 1791 and 1792,
which, if betraying a little of the bias of prejudice, yet manifest a
degree of research that does great credit to his industry and zeal.

[4] A copy of this map is given in the second vol. of Sastre’s _Mercurio
Italico_, Lond. 1789, 8vo., and a photograph of it was published in
Venice in 1869 by H. F. and M. Münster.

[5] The work quoted is Cordeyro’s _Historia Insulana das Ilhas a Portugal
sugeytas no Oceano Occidental_, Lisbon 1717.

[6] For a demonstration that the discovery of the east coast of North
America was made by Sebastian Cabot in 1497, a year before Columbus
reached the terra firma, I must refer the reader to a paper of mine read
before the Society of Antiquaries on May 5, 1870, and now being printed
for the _Archæologia_.

[7] Humboldt has fallen into an error in saying that Joachim Lelewel,
in his _Pisma pomniejsze geogr. historyczné_, 1814, has recently called
up fresh attention to this Polish pilot. The editor has examined the
work carefully from beginning to end, and does not find the name even
once mentioned, although the page to which reference is made contains
allusions to early discoveries.

[8] A copy of this globe is given in Dr. F. W. Ghillany’s _Geschichte des
Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim_, Nürnberg, 1853, 4to.

[9] _Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo_, cap. iv.

[10] “_Siendo yo nacido en Genova”; and “mando al dicho Don Diego, mi
hijo, a la persona que heredare el dicho mayorazgo que tenga y sostenga
siempre en la Ciudad de Genova una persona de nuestro linage ... pues que
della salí y en ella nací._”

[11] Another Caseneuve, probably of this family, is said by De Bry to
have been captain of the fourth expedition of the French to Mexico, in
the year 1567.

[12] Las Casas, in his _History of the Indies_, tells us distinctly that
Columbus derived much information from Perestrello’s maps and papers,
and adds that “in order to acquaint himself practically with the method
pursued by the Portuguese in navigating to the coast of Guinea, he sailed
several times with them as if he had been one of them.” Las Casas says
that he learned this from the admiral’s son Diego, adding that “some time
before his famous voyage Columbus resided in Madeira, where news of fresh
discoveries was constantly arriving, and this,” he says, “appeared to
have been the occasion of Christopher Columbus coming to Spain, and the
beginning of the discovery of this great world” (America).

[13] Humboldt, _Examen Critique_, vol. ii, p. 246-251.

[14] It was shortly after this period that Bartholomew Columbus was
sent by his brother to king Henry VII, to offer his services in a
voyage of navigation; the king is said to have received the offer “con
allegro volto”—“with a cheerful countenance”; but his acceptance of the
proposition was rendered null by Columbus having in the interim attached
himself to the service of queen Isabella.

[15] Vide _Athenæum_ for 1846, page 1274.

[16] While agreeing with Captain Becher in the identification of
Guanahani with Watling’s Island, I find that officer entirely at issue
with the Diary of Columbus in making him anchor near the N.E. end of
the island, and then sail round its northern point. In a detailed Paper
on this subject, read by me on the 16th of September of this year, at
the Meeting of the Geographical Section of the British Association at
Liverpool, I had the honour of proving for the first time that the
first anchorage of Columbus in the New World was off the S.E. point
of Watling’s Island, a position which entirely tallies with all his
movements as mentioned in the Diary.

[17] The following remark by Mr. George Sumner was kindly supplied to me
by that gentleman in 1847, as an interesting item connected with this
period of the history of Columbus:—

From the brilliant description given by Irving and Prescott of the
arrival of Columbus at Barcelona, and of his reception there by the
Catholic sovereigns, it seemed to me as probable that some contemporary
account of this arrival and reception, as well as of the sojourn of
Columbus, might be found at Barcelona; and, while there in the spring
of 1844, I searched the admirably arranged archives of Aragon, and also
those of the city of Barcelona, for such notice, but without any success.
I could not so much as find a mention of the name of Columbus.

The _Dietaria_, or day book, of Barcelona, notices the arrival of
ambassadors, the movements of the king and queen, and even records
incidents of as trifling note as those which in our day serve to fill the
columns of a court journal; yet not a word appears in regard to Columbus.

How account for this silence? Is it another evidence of the old feeling
of jealousy between the Aragonese and Castilians, of which the student of
Spanish history meets so many proofs? Such was the opinion to which I was
forced, and such I found also was the interpretation given to it by the
intelligent Archevero, who had himself gone over this ground a few years
since at the request of Navarrete. The voyage of Columbus was undertaken
at the expense and for the benefit of the crown of Castile. It was not to
Aragon, but to Castilla and Leon, that Columbus gave a new world, and as
the Aragonese did not profit directly by this gift, they saw fit to treat
it and its donor with scornful silence.

In one of the notes to the great work of Capmany,—_Memorias sobre la
ciudad de Barcelona_, 1789—he gives a list of distinguished men who have
enjoyed the hospitality of the city, and among them places the name of
Columbus, making no allusion however to any contemporary account of his
sojourn there.

In the _Dietaria_ of Barcelona, under date 15th November 1492, is the
following entry:—“The king, queen, and primogenito, entered to-day the
city, and lodged in the palace of the bishop of Urgil in the Calle
Ancha.” This is followed by a description of the festivities which
followed. “1493, 4th February.—King and queen went to Alserrat. 14th—King
and queen returned to Barcelona.”

As there appears no notice of the king having changed his abode after
taking possession of the palace in the Calle Ancha, it was probably there
that Columbus recounted to Isabella his adventures and his success. The
American pilgrim may still, in the beautiful Alcazar of the Moorish
kings, recall the figure of the discoverer of his land, standing in the
presence of the Catholic sovereigns of Spain;—in the cotton-spinning town
of Barcelona the besom of modern improvement has long since swept away
the palace of the bishop of Urgil.

[18] It is well known that Columbus was preceded in the discovery of
terra firma by John Cabot in 1497.

[19] I am indebted to Mr. George Sumner for the following copy of the
inscription on the tomb of Fernando Columbus, in the pavement of the
cathedral of Seville, and for the note which accompanies it:—

“Aqui yaze el M. Magnifico S. D. Hernando Colon, el qual aplicó y gastó
toda su vida y hazienda en aumento de las letras, y juntar y perpetuar
en esta ciudad todos sus libros de todas las ciencias, que en su tiempo
halló y en reducirlo a quatro libros. Falleció en esta ciudad a 12 de
Julio de 1539 de edad de 50 años 9 meses y 14 dias, fue hijo del valeroso
y memorable S. D. Christ. Colon primero Almirante que descubrió las
Yndias y nuevo mundo en vida de los Cat. R. D. Fernando y D. Ysabel de
gloriosa memoria a 11 de Oct. de 1492 con tres galeras y 90 personas, y
partió del puerto de Palos a descubrirlas a 3 de Agosto antes, y Bolvió
a Castilla con victoria a 7 de Maio del Año Siguiente y tornó despues
otras dos veces ā poblar lo que descubrió. Falleció en Valladolid à 20 de
Agosto de 1506 años.

                         “ROGAD A DIOS POR ELLOS.”

Beneath this is described, in a circle, a globe, presenting the western
and part of the eastern hemispheres, surmounted by a pair of compasses.
Within the border of the circle is the same inscription as that which was
placed over Columbus himself at the Cartuja, with the exception of the
word “mundo” being placed before, instead of after, the word “nuevo”.

Throughout all Spain I know of no other inscription to the memory of
Columbus. At Valladolid, where he died, and where his body lay for some
years, there is none that I could discover, neither is there any trace
of any at the Cartuja, near Seville, to which his body was afterwards
transferred, and in which his brother was buried.

It is a striking confirmation of the reproach of negligence, in regard to
the memory of this great man, that in this solitary inscription in old
Spain, the date of his death should be inaccurately given.

                                                                     G. S.

[20] See _Life of Prince Henry the Navigator_, pp. 367 to 379.

[21] “Americam a Vespuccio repertam.”

[22] See _Archæologia_, vol. xl, 1866.

[23] Carderera (Valentin): Informe sobre los retratos de Cristóbal Colon,
su trage y escudo de Armas. Imprenta de la Real Academia de la historia.
Madrid. 1851. Small 4to.

Feuillet de Conches (F). “Portraits de Christophe Colomb,” extrait de
la Revue contemporaine, T. xxv, 95ᵐᵉ livraison in 8ᵒ, and in the “Revue
Archéologique,” an article by Mr. Isidore de Lœwenstern, on the Mémoires
of MM. Jomard et Carderera respecting the portraits of Columbus.




A POEM

COMPOSED BY GIULIANO DATI IN 1493,

[FROM COLUMBUS’S FIRST LETTER,]

And sung in Florence to announce the discovery of the New World.


LA LETTERA DELLISOLE CHE HA TROVATO NUOVAMENTE IL RE DISPAGNA.

    Omnipotente idio, che tucto regge,
    donami gratia chio possa cantare
    allaude tua & di tu sancta legge,
    cosa che piaccia achi stara ascoltare
    maxim al popol tuo & alla tua grege,
    el qual nō resta mai magnificare,
    como al ꝕsēte ha fatto nella Spagna,
    delle isole trovate cosa magna.

    Io ho gia lecto degli antichi regi
    & principi signori stanti in terra,
    del re della soria & facti egregi,
    & lebactaglie loro & la gran guerra,
    & delle giostre gli acquistati pregi
    di Bello lessi & selmio dir nō erra,
    de persi, medi, & degli ateniensi,
    Dāfinione & gli altri egregi immēsi.

    Et de lacedemoni le grandi entrate,
    di Labores di Oreste & daltri assai,
    del Principe Gisippo cose late,
    come si legge so che inteso lhai,
    di Tholomeo piu cose smisurate,
    & del gran Faraone come saprai.
    di judici & de regi de giudei,
    che afaccia parlavano con lei.

    Et de latini lessi, & degli albani,
    & di quel fiesolano Re Atalante,
    de regi & consolati de romani,
    & de tribuni lessi cose tante,
    dedeci viri electi tanti humani,
    & degli īmperadori potrei dir quāte
    cose chi tengo nel mio pecto fisse.
    ꝓ che sarian nel dir troppo plisse.

    che sio volesse tucti efacti dire
    disopra nominati & altri assai,
    certo farei latua mente stupire
    maximi alcuni che nō ludiron mai,
    q̃ste cose alte degne magne et mire
    che se tu leggi tu letroverrai
    invernacula lingua & ī latino,
    si come narra un decto dagostino.

    Ma chi potessi leggere nel futuro
    duno Alexādro magno papa sexto,
    della sua creatione il modo puro,
    grato a ciascūo anessū mai molesto,
    & del primanno suo il magno muro,
    che nō glipuo nessuno esser infesto
    sesto alexādro pappa borgia ispano,
    justo nel giudicare & tucto humano.

    Et chi leggesi poi del sua Ferrādo
    christianissimo rege xꝕiani
    che lisabella tiene al suo comādo,
    unica sposa sua, che nelle mani
    tanti reami indota allui donando,
    gliha dati ītendi ben cō pēsier sani,
    che glie re della spagna & di castella
    & di leon tolecto villa bella.

    Simile re di cordube chiamato,
    & poi dimutia re mipar che sia
    & digalitia re incoronato,
    dalgarbe re & tienla in sua balia,
    re digranata sai che conquistato
    diragona signor & divalēzia pia
    conte mipar che sia dibarzalona,
    & disicilia re isola buona.

    Di quāta altura principe mipare
    & disardigna tien la signoria,
    & di corsica sifa simil chiamare,
    di q̃lla parte che glha in sua balia
    & conte di serdeina appellare,
    & dirosello conte par che sia
    simile re mi pare che dimaiorica,
    l’altro reame e poi della minorica.

    Et poi signor dibiscaia & molina,
    delalsesiras signor chiamato,
    dellasturias terra peregrina,
    ꝓ tucto il mondo q̃sto e nominato,
    tucto fedele della legge divina,
    chi altro crede e mal dallui trattato
    come sivede che nō e mai satio,
    dimarrani giudei far ogni stratio.

    Pero il signore lha semꝕ īvicto facto,
    che si puo uno agusto nominare,
    ogni sua lega triegua legge o pacto,
    mai nō sividde dallui maculare
    lui nō derise mai savio ne macto
    limosine per dio sempre fa fare
    della chiesa zeloso a tucte lhore
    come fedel, xꝕiano, & pio signore.

    Come mōstra lamagna ābascieria,
    che glha mandato adar lubidiēza
    al suo sesto Alexādro anima pia
    che mai sivide tal magnificenza
    in tucte cose la sua signoria
    dimōstrā aver fra gli altri grā potēza
    ī q̃sti magni ābascidor sispechi
    chi nol credessi nōcti ꝕsti orecchi.

    Se io volessi e sua titoli dire,
    o auditore io ti potrei tediare,
    de sua reame io ti farei stupire,
    sol que che lisabelela volse dare
    indota a q̃sto Re o questo sire,
    quando luso ꝓ marito pigliare
    q̃sta isabella e dispagna Regina,
    honesta doña savia & peregrina.

    Hor vo tornar almio primo tractato
    dellisole trovate incognite a te
    in q̃sto anno presente q̃sto e stato
    nel millequatrocento novātatre,
    uno che xꝕofan colōbo chiamato,
    che e stato in corte del prefato Re
    ha molte volte questo stimolato,
    el Re ch’cerchi acrescere il suo stato.

    Dicendo, signor mio, io vo cercare
    ꝓ che comprēdo che ce molta terra
    che nostri antichi nō seppō trovare
    & spero dacquistarle senza guerra,
    se vostra signoria si vuol degnare
    ajuto darmi che so que non erra
    lamente mia spera nel signore
    chimbrieve cidara rengo & honore.

    Voi mectetē la roba io la persona
    non sara vostra signoria disfacta,
    ispesse volte la fortuna dona
    ꝓ picol prezo assai & non e macta
    che sua sperāza tucto il mōdo sprona
    savio e colui che dicercar sadacta
    ꝑ che dice elvāgelio ī legge nuova
    che chicercādo va spesso truova.

    Hō poi ch’ lebbe ilre piu volte udito
    & facto carisposta sorridendo
    xꝕofano ripigliando come ardito
    q̃sto āno il re secōdo ch’ io cōprēdo
    prese di dargli aiuto per partito
    & disse il tuo sperare oggi cōmēdo
    piglia una nave cō due carovelle
    di q̃ste mie armate le piu belle.

    Et comādo de poi che gli sia dato
    danari & roba q̃l che fa mestiero,
    & poi dimolta gēte acompagnato
    divotamente & cō buō pensiero,
    al sommo dio che fu racomandato,
    & alla madre sua & sancto piero,
    & prese q̃ste cose, & poi licentia
    dalre & laregina & sua clementia.

    Et navico piu giorni per perduto,
    cō pena, con affanni & grāde stento,
    pensa che na in mare no e mai tuto,
    ma semꝕ cōbactēdo ī acqua & uēto
    ꝓdesi spesso elguadagno eltrebuto,
    & nōgli gioua dire io menepento
    ma come piacqꝫ adio ch’ mai nōerra
    in trentatre giornate pose in terra.

    Et messe dua desua huomini armati
    a cercar ꝑle terre che han trouate,
    seforce siscoprissin qualche aguati,
    ma caminaron ben per tre giornate
    che nōsi furon mai indrieto uolti,
    & nō trouaron mai uille o brigate,
    si che simarauiglia che camina
    & piu chi e restato alla marina.

    Ma niēte di manco quella terra
    era di uari fructi molto ornata,
    se chi ha scripto i qua neldir nōerra,
    mōtagne e ue daltura ismisurata,
    & molti fiumi lacircūda & serra,
    doue trouorun poi molta brigata,
    sēza pāni, uestite, o arme, o scudi
    ma tucti emēbri loro si erano nudi.

    Saluo chalcuna donna che coperte
    tiene leparte genitale immonde,
    cō bambagia tessuta, & di po certe
    lhauen coperte con diuerse frōde,
    & come uidon questi lediserte
    forte fuggendo ciascun fina scōde,
    & questi dua in drieto si tornauano,
    & axꝕofano lo facto racontauano.

    Et xꝕofano & glialtri dismontati
    armati tucti il paese cercando
    isole molte & huomini trouati
    come tu intenderai qui ascoltando
    & glistendardi del Re ha rizati,
    & a ciascuno il suo nome mutando,
    come dira questa pistola magna,
    da xꝕofano scripta al Re di spagna.

    Perchio so, signor mio, ch’ grā piacer̃
    hara la uostra magna signoria
    quando potra intendere o sapere,
    delle cose che io presi in mia balia,
    ꝑ uirtu del signore & suo potere,
    & simil della madre sua maria,
    dal partir mio a trētatre giornate,
    molte isole & grā gēte iho trouate.

    Lisola prima chio trouai, signore,
    io lho ꝑ nome facta nominare
    isola magna di san Saluadore,
    & la seconda poi feci chiamare
    conceptio Marie a suo honore,
    di poi laterza feci baptezare
    per uostra signoria ch’ tāto ornata
    isola ferrandina lho nominata,

    Et la quarta Isabella fo chiamare,
    ꝑ la Regina che tānto honorata,
    & alla quinta il nome uolsi dare
    che lisola Giouanna fia chiamata,
    & la festa dun nome uolsi ornare
    che cōgruo miparse a q̃lla fiata,
    che Laspagnuola qlla sichiamasse,
    per che mipar che cosi meritasse.

    Enomi son dellisole trouate
    nel india, signor mio, como uiscriuo,
    & questa & laltre sopra nominate
    notitia auoi nedo signor mio diuo
    trecēto uc̄tun miglio ho caminate,
    & peruenuto alfin colsancto uliuo
    dalla giouāna alla spagnuola elmar̃
    cīquātaquattro miglia largo apare.

    Et per septentrione lanauicai
    cinquantaquattro miglia dimarina,
    doue che alla spagna io arriuai,
    inuerso loriente sauicina,
    & per lalinea recta io caminai
    da onde la spagnuola li confina
    son c̄iquecēsessantaquattro miglia,
    e lalargheza che q̄sta isola piglia.

    Et q̄sta & tucte laltre e molto forte,
    ma q̄sta sopra laltre par fortissima,
    potresi inanzi dare a tucte morte
    ch’ una parte sacquisti piccolissima,
    certo questo eildestino qsto e lesorte,
    ch’ uostra signoria fan felicissima,
    e dotata di fructi molte & uarie,
    & liti, & porti, & cose necessarie,

    Et molti fiumi, & maxime mōtagne,
    che son dalteza molto smisurate,
    arbori, fonte, uccegli, & cose magne,
    chauostri tempi no san mai trouate,
    certo lamente mia signor ne piagne,
    per lalegreza delle cose ornate,
    di tucte cose cie se io non erro,
    saluo ch’ nōsi truoua acciaio o ferro.

    Sonci di septe o uer docto ragioni
    di palme che mifan marauigliare,
    & se alzando gliocchi poni
    pini uison che laria par toccare,
    passere lusignuoli & altri doni,
    che nonsi potre mai tucto narrare,
    della bambagia un pondo ce infinito
    & daltre cose assai ce inquesto lito.

    Arbori cison duna ragion fioriti
    del mese di novembre chenoi siano
    come ī ispagna, & ne suo degno liti,
    liarberi sō elmagio, elmōte, elpiano,
    si che no altri stiano tucti stupiti
    ꝑ labōdantia che trouata habbiano,
    sonci gli arberi uerdi & and lelor foglie,
    chi credo che nō pdā mai lespoglie.

    Di reubarbaro ce tanta abōdantia,
    & dicenamo daltra spetieria,
    loro & largento, el metallo ciauāza,
    maxime un fiume che per q̃sta uia,
    che nō puo questa terra farne senza,
    doue ho trouato cō mia fantasia,
    che dimoltoro e piena quella rena,
    sicome lacqua di quel fiume mena.

    Simil, signore, io uiuoglio auisare,
    che inq̄stisola ce molta pianura,
    doue difizi molti sipuon fare,
    & castelle cipta cō magne mura,
    che nō bisogna poi di dubitare,
    ne dhauer chi cista nulla paura,
    molte terre cison da feminare,
    & depascer lebestie & nutricare.

    Ho po trouati certi fiumicelli,
    ch’ tucti menano oro & nō gia poco,
    & molti porti grādi & da far belli,
    che abōdanza ce dacqua diloco,
    lherbe & leselue facte co pennelli
    nō son si belle & nō cisusa foco,
    glhuomini sono affabile formati,
    timidi semꝕ & alfuggir parati.

    Sonci assai uille ma son picoolecte,
    dhuomini & dōne son tucte calcate,
    glihabitacoli qui son capānecte
    semplici sono & credule brigate,
    & ben che sieno nudi stāno necte,
    si che signor dibuona uoglia state,
    & credon che no siā di cielo ī terra,
    mādati per cāpargli dogni guerra.

    Portano alcun certe cāne appuntate,
    socto lebraccia come noi lespade,
    archi cō frecce dicanne tagliate,
    & uāno īsieme assai come lesquadr̃
    di capegli & di barbe molto ornate,
    nō son micidial persone o ladre,
    ma tucto q̃l ch’ glhiāno ī lor potere
    celodarebbon ꝓ farci piacere.

    Et parmi che cifia grā diferenza
    da questa isola a q̃lla di Giouāna
    darbori, fructi, and dherbe & diꝕsēza,
    nōci manca senon la sancta māna,
    doro ce tanto cha uostra potenza
    chi guerra far sipensa ī uan safāna
    oltre alla roba acquistate lhonore,
    tucti son prōti acreder al signore.

    Questi popoli grādi & infiniti,
    come ꝑ segni ciāno dimōstrato,
    ledōne & lor figluoli & lor mariti
    ciascuno spera desser baptezato,
    priego il signor iesu che puo glīuiti
    apossedere el suo regno beato
    di quāto ben cagion signor sarete
    coluostro auxilio che dato mhauete.

    Iho menati qui certi indiani
    ch’ cōprēdā di q̃sta alcun līguaggio
    tal che parlando con cēni dimani
    q̃lcū diq̃sti ch’e piu sperto & saggio
    dicon di farsi a noi tucti xꝕiani
    tal chiho ꝕso signor mio uātaggio
    & di legname una bastia fo fare
    & lagente uimecto per guardare.

    Et forniti glilascio per uno anno
    darme diuectouaglia ben chi spero
    che nō haranno molestia ne dāno
    ꝑ che gli lascio cō un buon pensiero,
    humili mansueti tucti stanno,
    sich’ auxilio iluostro signor chiero,
    mandimi uostra signoria piacente
    allaude del signore omnipotente.

    Chi nō uede signor lisole degne,
    & lericheze o nobil creatura,
    & lauarieta darbori & legne,
    & deglhuomini & dōne lor figura,
    nō sa ch’ sia delmōdo lesue ī segne,
    chi nō esce delcerchio di sua mura,
    nō puo perfectamente idio laudare
    chi nō gusta lecose che sa fare.

    Signor mio dolce, lapiaceuoleza
    di q̃sta gente io non saprei narrare,
    per una stringa che poco sipreza
    uolson tanto oro aun diquesti dare
    ch’ tre ducati & mezo o che richeza
    hare potuto inqueste parte fare,
    ma io ho comādato alla mia gente
    che ciascun doni & nō pigli niēte.

    Per far lor grata uostra signoria
    dimolta roba io ho facto donare
    di quella dimie gente & della mia,
    come scodelle & piacti damāgiare,
    & uetri & pauni chera in mia balia,
    senza riserbo alcuno per me fare
    ꝓ chio glho conosciuti tante grati,
    iglho come fedeli & buō tractati.

    Vero e ch’ sono assai prōti alfugire
    per che non sono usati di uedere
    gente che usin panni da uestire,
    ma per che uegan noi tucto sapere,
    ciascun diloro ciadora come sire,
    & lalor roba da mangiare o bere,
    nō ho ueduto fare ne tuo ne mio,
    ma lauita comune alparer mio.

    Volsano ancora ꝓ una bocte trista,
    & per un pezo darco che nō uale,
    tre once doro darmi & similmista,
    tanta bambagia che mezo quintale,
    ma poi chi hebbi questa cosa uista
    parsemi dipigliar niente male,
    & ho cōmesso aciaschedun de mia
    chedipigliare niente ardito sia.

    Nō e fra loro alcuna briga o secta,
    ma pacifici tucti insieme stanno,
    di parole & ni facti mai saspecta,
    di far uēdecta alcūa īgiuria o dāno,
    beato a q̃llo che seguir sidilecta,
    acompagnati abraccio semꝕ uāno,
    io glho uisti si buoni recti & grati,
    che abuō fine idio glhara chiamati.

    Nō e fra loro idolatria nessuna,
    tucti lemani al ciel tengono alzate,
    nō adoran pianeti, o sole, o luna,
    ma lelor mente al ciel tucte leuate.
    dicon la gloria ī ciel esser sol una,
    dellaqual patria credon ch’ mādate
    lenostre barche siano & noi ī terra,
    a far pace colciel dogni lor guerra.

    Io nho cō meco semꝕ alcū menato
    equali feci per forza pigliare,
    q̃ndo alprīcipio ī terra fui smōtato,
    non potendo inaltra forma fare
    pelueloce fuggir mai ascoltato
    nō era lemie uoci olmio parlare,
    & q̃sti che per forza allhor pigliai,
    son per amor uenuti sempre mai.

    Semꝕ mangiare, o bere, & adormire,
    acanto a me io glho si ben tractati,
    ch’ gliaferman ꝑ certo & usan dire
    ch’ dalregno del ciel no siā mādati,
    uanocci inanzi gridando uenire,
    debba ciascuno auedere ebeati,
    si chalpresente ognū corre auedere
    & portan tucti damāgîare & bere.

    Da luna isola allaltra q̃sti uāno
    cō certe barche che inquesta isola e,
    lequal dun legno solo facte stanno,
    & son chiamate queste canoe,
    sō lūghe strecte & par quasi uolādo
    andare achiunche messo dētro ce,
    bench’ sien grossamente lauorate
    cō sassi & legni & ossi son cauate.

    Et hōne uista alcuna tāto grāde
    che octanta persone cista dentro,
    & ciascūo hal suo remo & leumāde
    nauica q̃sti & con buon sētimeto
    la roba luno allaltro li sispande
    q̃l chio uscriuo signor nulla mēto
    & uanno baractando tucti quāti
    come sefussin quasi mercatanti.

    Inqueste isole tucte nominate
    nō ho ueduta nulla differenza
    dincarnati diuisi o dibrigate,
    ma tucti quasi son duna presenza
    & dun cōstume tucti cōstumate
    huomini & dōne sō pie dicremēza,
    tucti hāno una loquela & un parlar̃
    che uifarē, signor, marauigliare.

    Che par che util cosa questa sia
    acōuerrirgli a nostra sancta fede.
    che come scriuo auostra signoria
    ciascun disposto ce, & gia lacrede
    dique che han uista lapresenza mia
    no glho tucti ueduti de siuede
    ch’glie margior giouāna senza sotia
    che nōe linghilterra con lascotia.

    Son duo ꝓuincie chio nō ho certate,
    secondo che q̄sti altri decto hāno,
    una cene la qual queste brigate.
    dican che quelle gente che uistāno
    son con le code tucte quante nate
    & Anaan elnome posto lehanno,
    poi caminai ꝓ la spagnuola ciglia
    ꝑ cinquecēsessantoquattro miglia.

    Doue e lauilla laqual io pigliai,
    doue io feci larocca o uer bastia
    che la piu bella che io uedessi mai,
    come iho scripto a uostra signoria
    non miricorda se adir uimandai
    inquesta brieue epistolecta mia
    elnōe ch’ io lho posto & forse auisto
    natiuita del nostro Iesus Xꝕo.

    In queste isole tucti questi stāno
    contenti duna dōna ciascheduno,
    ma q̄sti principali tucti mhanno
    uēti lequal son date lor per uno.
    & luno allaltro mai torto nō fanno,
    che a cio far nō ce pronto nessuno,
    & nelle cose tucte da mangiare
    nulla diuision uiueggo fare.

    Et ben che i q̄ste parti caldo sia,
    lastate eluerno ce digran freddura,
    ma ꝑ che mangiā molta spetieria
    lacarne loro alfreddo molto dura
    inquesta parte nulla cosa ria,
    sitruoua diche questi habbin paura,
    saluo che ce unisola allentrare
    dellindia per uoler qui arriuare.

    In nella quale sta gente uillana
    da q̄sti nō mipar che siano amati,
    ꝑ ch’ dice māgiā carne humana,
    pero nō son da questi qui prezati,
    hanno assai legni q̄sta gente strana,
    da nauicare & hanno gia rubati,
    aquesti di scorrendo dogni banna
    cō archi ī mano & cō frecce dicāna.

    Non e da q̄sti a quegli differenza,
    senō innecapegli che q̄gli hanno
    lunghi come ledōne & dipresenza
    son come q̄sti & fāno molto dāno,
    aq̄ste ch’ son ꝑpro essa clemenza,
    si che ingelosia sempre nestanno,
    ma spero che lauosira signoria
    sapra purgare una tal maltaia.

    Una isola cie decta mactanino,
    nella qual le donne sole stanno,
    & questo iniquo popol glie uicino,
    & ausar con q̄ste spesso uanno,
    ma q̄sto popol tucto feminino
    exercitio di dōne mai nō fanno,
    ma cō gliarchi trahēdo tuctauia,
    che par per cerbo una grā fantasia.

    Et uanno queste ben tucte coperte,
    nō gia di pāni lini, o lani, o ueli,
    ma derbe & giūchi, & q̄ste cose certe
    son che di qua nq̃e lēzuoli o teli
    unaltra isola poi legente offerte,
    femine & maschi nascō senza peli,
    manzi uoglia cōfuso esser nel dire
    chi uoglia alcuna cosa preterire.

    Et dove q̄sti senza peli sono,
    piu oro cie chihabbia ācor trouata
    di q̄l chi scriuo o parlando ragiono,
    signore, io ne son ben giustificato
    auostra signoria un magno dono
    iho per portar meco preparato
    di tucti q̄sti luoghi iuo menare
    gente che possin cio testificare.

    Pero, giusto signor, di Spagna degno,
    stia uostra signoria dibuona uoglia
    chīho cresciuto tāto iluostro regno,
    ch’ chi ua īuida po crepar didoglia
    doro & dargento passarete el segno
    tel ch’ trarra elnimico di sua soglia,
    ma q̃l chi so ch’ molto piu prezate
    son queste gēte a xꝕo preparate.

    Reubarbero assai & aloe,
    Mastice, cinamono, & spetierie,
    tanta richeza, signor mio, qui e
    che discaccia da me leuoglie rie,
    piu allegreza, signor mio, fare,
    si fussi certo che per tucte uie
    q̃sta scripta uenissi asaluamento
    nel mōdo no sare huom piu-cōtēto.

    Nō miacascaltro degno mio signore
    scriuere auostra magna signoria,
    raccomandomi a q̃lla a tucte lhore,
    laqual cōserui ilfigluol di Maria
    parato semꝕmai per uostro amore
    amecter q̃sta breue uita mia
    aquindici de febraio q̃sta sife
    nel mille quattrocento nouāta tre.

    Magnifici & discreti circūstanti
    q̃sta e gran cosa certo da pensare,
    ch’l nostro redēptor̃ cō tucti esancti
    nō resta mai legratie sue mandare
    douerebbon di q̃sto tucti quanti
    ebaptizati a x̃po festa fare,
    chi ue chi uimādo & chi ue andato
    prepari dio alsuo regno beato.

    Questa ha cōposto de dati Giuliano
    apreghiera del magno caualiere
    messer Giouanphilippo ciciliano,
    che fu di Sixto quarto suo scudiere
    & commessario suo & capitano,
    a q̄lle cose che fur di mestiere
    allaude del signor sicanta & dice
    che ciconduca al suo regno felice.

¶ FINIS LAUS DEO.

       ¶ Finita lastoria della īuētione delle nuoue isole dicānaria
          īdiane tracte duna pistola dixꝕofano colōbo, & ꝓmesser
          Giuliano dati tradocta dilatino ī uersi uulgari allaude
            della christiana religione & aꝕghiera delmagnifico
                caualiere messer Giouāfilippo del ignamine
                  domestico familiare dello illustrissimo
                         Redispagna xꝕianissimo a
                            di. xxvi. doctobre.
                                  14.93.

                               _Florentie._




BIBLIOGRAPHY.


In this bibliographical notice I do not propose to deal with any editions
of the first letter of Columbus beyond the “Incunabula,” which I arrange
in the order of their publication, as ascertained from an examination of
the documents themselves.

    1. ¶ Epistola Christofori Colom: cui etas nostra multū
    debet: de | Insulis Indie supra Gangem nuper inuētis. Ad
    quas perqꝫren- | das octauo antea mense auspiciis & ere
    invictissimor’ Fernādi & | Helisabet Hispaniar’ Regū missus
    fuerat: ad magnificum dñm | Gabrielem Sanchis eorundē
    serenissimor’ Regum Tesaurariū | missa: quā nobilis ac
    litteratus vir Leander de Cosco ab Hispa | no ideomate in
    latinum cōuertit tertio kal’s Maii m.cccc.xciii | Pontificatus
    Alexandri Sexti Anno primo.

Small 4to. This edition, which, as I shall presently show, is the _editio
princeps_, was printed by Stephen Plannck at Rome in 1493. It consists
of four leaves, printed in gothic type, and has 33 lines in a full page.
Copies are in the Grenville and King’s Libraries in the British Museum.

    2. ¶ Epistola Christofori Colom: cui etas nostra multum
    debet: de | Insulis Indie supra Gangem nuper inuētis. Ad
    quas perquiren | das octauo antea mense auspiciis & ere
    inuictissimorum Fernandi | ac Helisabet Hispaniar’ Regū missus
    fuerat: ad Magnificū dñm | Gabrielem Sanches: eorundem
    serenissimorum Regum Tesau | rariū missa: Quā generosus
    ac litteratus vir Leander de Cosco ab | Hispano idiomate
    in latinū cōuertit: tertio Kalen’ Maij M.cccc. | xc.iij.
    Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti Anno Primo. | 4to.

    End:—¶ Impressit Rome Eucharius Argenteus [Silber] Anno dñi.
    M.ccccxciij.

Three leaves, printed in gothic letter. 40 lines in a page. A copy is in
the Grenville Library.

    3. ¶ Epistola Christofori Colom: cui etas nostra multū debet:
    de | Insulis Indie supra Gangem nuper inuentis. Ad quas perqui
    | rendas octauo antea mense auspicijs & ere invictissimi Fernan
    | di Hispaniarum Regis missus fuerat: ad Magnificum dñum Ra |
    phaelem Sanxis: eiusdem serenissimi Regis Tesaurariū missa: |
    quam nobilis ac litteratus vir Aliander de Cosco ab Hispano |
    ideomate in latinum conuertit: tertio kal’s Maij. M.cccc.xciij.
    | Pontificatus Alexandri Sexti Anno Primo.

Small 4to. Gothic letter; four leaves, 34 lines in a full page. This
edition is supposed to have been printed by Stephen Plannck at Rome,
about 1493. 3 or 4 copies are known; two are in the General Library and
Grenville Library, British Museum.

    4. De Insulis inuentis | Epistola Cristoferi Colom (cui etas
    nostra | multū debet: de Insulis in mari Indico nup’ | inuētis.
    Ad quas perquirendas octauo antea | mense: auspicijs et ere
    Invictissimi Fernandi | Hispaniarum Regis missus fuerat | ad
    Magnificum dñm Raphaeleꝫ Sanxis: eiusdē sere | nissimi Regis
    Thesaurariū missa. quam nobi | lis ac litterat’ vir Aliander đ
    Cosco: ab His | pano ydeomate in latinū conuertit: tercio k’ls
    | Maij. M.cccc.xciij. Pontificatus Alexandri | Sexti Anno Primo.

Small 8vo. Gothic character; ten leaves, 26 and 27 lines in a page. The
title above given is preceded by a leaf bearing on the recto the arms of
Spain, “Regnū hyspanie”—on the verso the cut of the “Oceanica Classis”.
There are 6 woodcuts—the “Oceanica Classis”, being repeated. A copy is
in the Grenville Library.

    5. Epistola de insulis de | nouo repertis. Impressa | parisius
    in cāpo gaillardi.

Small 4to. Gothic letter; four leaves, 39 lines in a full page. This
edition was printed by Guy Marchand about 1494. Brunet states that the
only copy known is that formerly belonging to M. Ternaux-Compans, now the
property of Mr. John Carter Brown.

This edition was reprinted in 1865, “Lettre de Christophe Colomb sur la
découverte du Nouveau-Monde, publiée d’après la rarissime version latine
conservée à la Bibliothèque Impériale. Traduite en Français, commentée
et enrichie de notes puisées aux sources originales par Lucien de Rosny.
8vo., Paris, 1865.”

    6. Epistola de Insulis noui | ter repertis. Impressa parisius
    In campo gaillardi.

Small 4to. Gothic letter; four leaves, 39 lines in a page. The above
title is in two lines, the first printed in a larger character.
Underneath is the device of the printer, “Guiot Marchant”—two cobblers at
work, one cutting the leather, the other making it up. This edition was
printed by Guy Marchand at Paris, about 1494.

A copy is in the Bodleian Library. A fac-simile made by Mr. John Harris,
sen., is in the British Museum; the impression was limited to five copies.

All the foregoing editions have at the end the Latin Epigram in eight
verses of R. L. de Corbatia, (a pseudonym for Leonardus de Carninis,
Bishop of Monte Peloso in Naples). In this edition, below the epigram,
on the same page, is a woodcut of the Angel appearing to the Shepherds.
Mr. Lenox has given a fac-simile of this in the Appendix to _Syllacius_.
The title on the recto of the following leaf (sig. a, ij) is the same
as in the Roman editions, having the name of Ferdinand without that of
Isabella. It ends with the words: “Vale. Ulisbone pridie Idus Marcij.”

A “pictorial” edition of the Latin letter, in 4to., was printed in 1494.
It is appended to a work by Carolus Verardus, “In laudem Serenissimi
Ferdinandi Hispaniar’ regis.... Et de Insulis in mari Indico nuper
inuentis.”

The work is printed on fifteen pages in Roman characters, and probably
at Basle, by B. de Olpe. The woodcuts are the same as those used in the
small 8vo. edition printed about 1493 (see No. 4).

No sooner did this letter make its appearance in print in the year 1493,
than the narrative it contained was put forth in Italian ottava rima
by Giuliano Dati, one of the most popular poets of the day; and there
is reason to believe that it was sung about the streets to announce to
the Italians the astounding news of the discovery of a new world. (See
_ante_, p. xc.)

The only copy of this curious and valuable poem known at the time of
the issue of the first edition of this work in 1847 is that which I now
reprint.

    ¶ La lettera dellisole che ha trouato nuovamente il Re dispagna.

    End:

    ¶ Finita lastoria della iuētione del | le nuoue isole dicānaria
    īdiane trac | te duna pistola dixp̃ofano colōbo & | ꝑmesser
    Giuliano dati tradocta di la | tino ī uersi uulgari allaude
    della ce | lestiale corte & aconsolatione della | christiana
    religione & ap̃ghiera del magnifico caualiere messer Giouā |
    filippo del ignamine domestico fa | mīliare dello illustrissimo
    Re dispa | gna xp̃ianīssimo a di. xxvi. docto | bre. 14.93.
    Florentie.

4to. Printed in Roman characters on four leaves, in double columns. The
poem consists of 68 stanzas in _ottava rima_. Beneath the single-line
title is a woodcut representing the landing of Columbus, and King
Ferdinand seated on his throne on the _opposite shore_. This is the only
copy known.

Since 1847 another edition has been acquired by the British Museum,
bearing the following title:—

    ¶ Questa e la hystoria della inuentiōe delle diese Isole di
    Cannaria In | diane extracte duna Epistola di Christofano
    Colombo & per messer Giu | liano Dati traducta de latino in
    uersi uulgari a laude e gloria della cele | stiale corte & a
    consolatione della christiana religiōe & apreghiera del ma |
    gnifico Caualier miser Giouanfilippo Delignamine domestico
    familia | re dello Sacratissimo Re di spagna Christianissimo a
    di. xxv. doctobre. | M.cccclxxxxiii. |

    End: FINIS

                       Joannes dictus Florentinus.

4to. Printed in gothic characters, in double columns, and, without doubt,
at Florence. A complete copy should contain four leaves. The copy in the
British Museum, the only one of this edition hitherto discovered, is,
unfortunately, deficient in two leaves—viz., the second and the third.
It is printed in a very rude type on coarse paper, and was evidently a
popular edition, sold at a very small price. This edition presents many
variations from the other, both in the orthography and language; _e.g._,
the opening stanza, which may be compared with that given in the present
edition.

    LOīpotente idio ch’l tulto regge
    mi presti gr̃a chi possa cantare
    allaude sua e di sua sancta legge
    cosa che piaza achi stara ascoltare
    maxime alpopul suo & a sua gregge
    elqual non cessa mai magnificare
    come al presente afacto nela spagna
    delle isole trouate cosa magna.

This edition omits the final stanza, which is little else than the
colophon of the other versified:—

    Questa ha cōposta de’ dati Giuliano
           etc. etc. etc.

    Eyn schön hübsch lesen von etlichen insslen | dīe do in kurtzen
    zyten funden synd durch dē | künig von hispania. vnd sagt vō
    grossen wun | derlichen dingen die in dē selbē insslen synd.

    End:

    Getruckt zŭ strassburg vff gruneck vō meīster Bartlomess |
    küstler ym iar. M.cccc.xcvij. vff sant Jeronymus tag.—

Small 4to. Seven leaves, 30 lines in a page. Beneath the title is a
woodcut representing the apprehension of Christ in the garden; this is
repeated on the verso of the last leaf. This edition is very rare. A copy
is in the Grenville Library.

Besides the foregoing we are in possession of a photo-zincographic
fac-simile published at Milan in 1866, by the Marquis Gerolamo d’Adda,
of an early printed edition of the Spanish original, in the Ambrosian
Library in that city. It bears no printer’s name or place or date of
publication, but it is unquestionably of the fifteenth century, and is
considered by bibliographers to be of the date of 1493. Señor Pascual
de Gayangos (in a valuable paper, entitled “La Carta de Cristóbal Colon
al Escribano Luis de Santangel”, printed in the Madrid Journal, _La
America_, under date of 13th April, 1867) suggests that it was printed in
Lisbon.

We have also in Navarrete’s _Coleccion de Viages_, printed at Madrid
1825, vol. i, pp. 167-175, what professes to be an attested literal
rendering of a copy of Columbus’s letter in Spanish to the Escribano de
Racion (whom we know from Argensola’s _Anales de Aragon_ to be Luis de
Santangel), in the Archives at Simancas.

And, further, we have a printed version of a copy of the first letter
in Spanish MS., discovered by His Excellency Senhor de Varnhagen in
Valencia, and published by him in that city in 1858, under the title of
_Primera Epistola del Almirante Don Christobal Colon ... a D. Gabriel
Sanchez Tesorero de Aragon_. As editor, Senhor de Varnhagen assumed
the pseudonym of D. Genaro H. de Volafan; and last year His Excellency
published at Vienna a little work, the nature and contents of which are
explained by its title, which is as follows:—“Carta de Cristóbal Colon
enviada de Lisboa a Barcelona en Marzo de 1493. Nueva Edicion Critica:
Conteniendo las variantes de los diferentes textos, juicio sobre estos,
reflexiones tendentes a mostrar a quien la Carta fue escrita, y varias
otras noticias, por el Seudónimo de Valencia.”

Be it observed that in all these the _titles_ are supplied by the
respective editors, and consequently have no authority beyond the weight
of each editor’s individual opinion. I have carefully collated the three
documents, and the result is a certain conclusion that neither one nor
the other is a correct transcript of the original letter. The grounds
for this conclusion are, that while no two of them entirely agree _inter
se_, every one of them exhibits certain special errors which, as I
shall presently demonstrate, _could_ not have been in the original. The
apparent rashness of this assertion will disappear if the reader will
accompany me in my effort to detect which of the printed Latin editions
which we possess is to receive the distinction of _editio princeps_.
Various have been the opinions on this subject. Mr. Lenox, following
Brunet, has given the lead to the edition which I have ventured to place
_fourth_. Mr. Harrisse, in his elaborate _Notes on Columbus_, gives the
first place to that which stands _third_ in my series, and His Excellency
Senhor de Varnhagen assigns priority to the edition which I make to
be the _second_. That to which I assign the distinction of taking the
lead has the _second_ place given to it by Senhor de Varnhagen, and the
_third_ by Brunet, Mr. Lenox, and Mr. Harrisse. In offering a conclusion
so much at variance with my predecessors, my only means of escaping the
charge of presumption (but that I hope is an effectual one), is neither
to adopt the opinion of any one else nor to offer any opinion of my own,
but to reduce the matter to demonstration by facts either within or
connected with the documents themselves.

On examination of the titles it will be seen that the six editions
resolve themselves by several very strongly marked features into two
distinct groups. One of these groups, embracing four of the editions,
is characterized by remarkable inaccuracy in three separate points—all
four exhibiting all these inaccuracies in common; while the remaining
two, being free from them, stand clearly defined into a distinct group by
themselves.

Thus; the titles of the editions numbered 3, 4, 5, 6, all speak of
Columbus being sent out under the auspices and at the expense of
Ferdinand, King of Spain, without reference to the name of Queen
Isabella. They all describe the letter as addressed to the Treasurer
“Sanxis,” instead of “Sanchez,” whose Christian name they pervert from
“Gabriel” to “Raphael.” Furthermore, they all convert the Christian name
of the translator from “Leander” to “Aliander.”

The titles of the editions numbered 1 and 2, on the contrary, give the
names of both the sovereigns, call the Treasurer in No. 2 Sanches, in No.
1 “Sanchis,” but not Sanxis, and rightly name the translator “Leander de
Cosco.”

Now there is no difficulty in showing which of these groups has the merit
of correctness, or which the demerit of incorrectness.

It is perfectly well known that in 1493 Ferdinand and Isabella held the
common title of _Reyes de España_. Whether “Sanches” or “Sanxis” should
be the correct form of spelling the name of a Spaniard who was treasurer
to the Spanish sovereigns, it would be waste of time to question, and
that his Christian name was Gabriel and not Raphael, we have clear
evidence from an independent document in the Archives of Simancas, dated
December 1495, for which the reader is referred to Navarrete’s _Coleccion
de Viages_, vol. iii, p. 76, line 16, where he is called “El tesorero
Gabriel Sanchez”. His name is also mentioned more than once by Zurita in
his _Anales de Aragon_.

The question then arises whether the palm of priority is to be conceded
to the correct or to the incorrect form. Now all these six titles agree
in stating that the original Spanish letter of Columbus was _sent_ to
the Treasurer Royal. But for a letter to be sent, it must carry an
address, and if Columbus inserted in such address the Treasurer’s name,
he, who knew Spanish so well, would not have insulted that dignitary by
converting his surname of Sanchez into Sanxis, or his Christian name of
Gabriel into Raphael. But even if we suppose that he omitted the name
altogether, as is probable, and simply superscribed his letter with
the title of the Treasurer, the fact still remains that the translator
or editor of the first edition derived the information that the letter
was so sent, directly from the Treasurer himself, who at least knew his
own name and would not allow it to be transmitted for publication (if
Columbus had been guilty of the blunder) under the form of “Raphael
Sanxis.” Nor would he, holding a high official post, have been guilty of
the _maladresse_ of omitting the name of the queen in the description
of his own title. Now of our two groups of printed letters it is
indisputable that that one must take precedence which comes immediately
in connection with the original source, and as that source is at the same
time the head-quarters of correctness, it follows that correctness must
be the criterion of priority.

We thus find our six candidates for the glory of “editio princeps”
reduced to two. Now these two issued from two different printing presses.
One of them is printed by Argenteus, _i.e._, Silber, and bears his name
with the imprint, “Rome, 1493.” The other is without printer’s name or
place or date of publication, but is indisputably from the printing
press of Stephanus Plannck, as may be seen by comparing it with a work
of Benedictus de Nursia of the same date, entitled _“Incipit libellus de
conservatione sanitatis secundum ordinem alphabeti distinctus per eximium
doctorem magistrum Benedictum compositus.” Impressum Rome per magistrum
Stephanum Planck, Anno Domini mccccxciii, quarto nōn Maii._ In this and
other works from the same press the form and type precisely correspond
with those of our letter.

Now these two editions of Plannck and Silber were either printed
simultaneously or not. Instances of the same work being printed by two
different printers on the same day do occur. One example is before me of
this happening in this very year 1493. The work is entitled, “_Illustris
et Reverendi Domini Nicolai Mariæ Estensis Episcopi Hadriensis oratio
pro consanguineo suo inclyto Hercule Estensi Ferrariæ duce secundo_.”
One edition in Roman character bears the colophon, _Romæ impressa per
mgrm Plannck: Julio Campello Spoletino procurante. Anno Salvatoris
mcccclxxxxiii. Nonis Januariis._ The other, in Gothic character, bears
precisely the same title and the same colophon, with the difference
of the words, _impressa per magistrum Andream Fritag_. Both are small
quarto, of the size of our two editions of the letter of Columbus.

But here it must be observed that there was apparently a special object
in resorting to this exceptional procedure, viz., the production
simultaneously of one edition in Roman and another in Gothic types,
to suit the tastes of purchasers. In the case before us, however, the
question of this motive does not arise, for both Plannck’s and Silber’s
editions are in Gothic type; and any way it is clear that, in a case of
the kind, the same text would be handed to each printer to set up, as any
patent discrepancies between the two would be to the self-stultification
of the editor. Now, in the case of the Columbus letter, such patent
discrepancies do occur; by which I mean no mere printer’s blunders, but
deliberate alterations of Latin expressions, as for example “ambularunt”
in Plannck is “ambulaverunt” in Silber; “serenissimos Reges nostros,”
correct Latin in Plannck, is “serenissimorum regum nostrorum,” making bad
grammar, in Silber. This fact of itself I contend disproves simultaneity
of production. But side by side with these discrepancies we observe the
repetition in the one, of eccentricities or inaccuracies occurring in
the other, as in the words “quom,” “benivolentia,” and “nanque.” The
former, though not incorrect, is quaint and unusual, but the two latter
are faulty peculiarities, and their occurrence, in both editions, side
by side with deliberate alterations, proves the one to be copied from
the other either by the hand of the transcriber or of the compositor.
This fact once established, I have to call attention to the following
remarkable difference between the two editions. In the Plannck edition
the distance sailed by Columbus along the north coast of Hispaniola is
stated as DLXIIII miles. In Silber’s the same figures occur minus the D,
and with no space left for the letter to have fallen out. Now it being
understood that one of these is a copy from the other, whether through
a transcriber’s or a compositor’s hand, if we suppose that the Silber
edition, which was minus the D, appeared first, we must perceive that
the error is one which no special knowledge could enable the editor or
printer of the other to suspect, much less to rectify, and yet in the
Plannck edition we should find it so rectified. Whereas if the Plannck
edition be supposed to be the first, we have no such difficulty to
encounter, but simply meet (in the Silber edition) with a negligent
omission of a letter, which may so easily happen. The next enquiry, of
course, is, which number is right, 564 or 64 miles? Fortunately we have
the means of answering this question with certainty, for as we possess
two copies, or copies of copies, of the original Spanish letter, we find
that the translator, Leander de Cosco, converted the leagues of the
Spanish original into miles by multiplying them, though ignorantly, by
three; and in one of these two copies, which can in other respects be
shown to be far more correct than its fellow, these leagues are stated
as 188, which correspond exactly with 564 miles. It must be clear, then,
that the edition containing the number 564 was derived from the original
accounts, while that which contained the number 64 had allowed the D to
be lost. The result I submit to be that Plannck’s edition must claim the
palm to priority.

To this conclusion it has been objected by a friend that the argument
is not complete, inasmuch as Cosco the translator, may have sent his
translation to Rome, with instructions that a copy thereof should be
made, and that, as the work was of importance, two printers should at
once be employed in printing from the two copies; that the copyist
may have thought fit to make the alterations which appear between the
two, or, failing him, that these alterations may have been made by the
compositor of one of them. To which I reply that the deviations in the
Silber edition are all on the side of ignorance, and not such as could
have been made by an original translator. To take the most notable
example: in Plannck’s edition occurs this passage, already slightly
referred to, “quæ res perutilis est ad id quod Serenissimos Reges nostros
exoptare præcipue reor.” “Which thing is very useful for the object which
I think that our most serene Sovereigns principally desire.” Here we
find the right grammatical construction of the accusative before the
infinitive mood, just as the translator would write it. In Silber’s
edition the sentence stands thus: “quæ res perutilis est ad id quod
Serenissimorum regum nostrorum exoptare præcipue reor,” a change showing
such ignorance of grammatical construction that it could not have been
the work of the translator. I contend that, under such circumstances,
even if it should be assumed (though there is no warranty for such
assumption) that the two editions were printed simultaneously, Plannck’s
edition would justly take the lead on account of its more immediate
derivation from the original translation.

But before I leave this subject I must call attention to a notable fact,
which opens up the question whether the real _editio princeps_ has
perished, or not as yet come to our knowledge. It happens that the length
of the north coast of Hispaniola is _twice_ stated by Columbus in this
letter. The _first_ mention of it is given correctly in Plannck’s edition
as “milliaria dlxiiii,” which I have already shown to be a right number,
while in Silber the “d” is lost, and the number stands “lxiiii.” The
_second_ mention of the length of the coast is given _alike incorrectly
by both_ as dxl. This fact, brought into combination with those
evolved by our comparison of the two texts, not only corroborates the
non-originality and secondary position of Silber’s edition, but it raises
a question as to whether Plannck’s was not preceded by another which has
never come to our knowledge, in which both numbers were correctly given.
It might be conjectured that Columbus himself wrote the second number
incorrectly, but here the different Spanish texts come valuably to our
aid, and the curious circumstance that the translator Cosco converted the
leagues of the Spanish into miles in the Latin, supplies a most welcome
means of solving the riddle. Another document, the contemporaneous
rhythmical version of the letter by Giuliano Dati, will also be of great
service in the examination of the subject. For the sake of clearness
I will tabulate them, and distinguish the correct numbers, where they
occur, by italics.

  +--------+--------------------+------------------+------------------+
  |        |  Ambrosian text.   |  Valencia MS.    |   Simancas MS.   |
  +--------+--------------------+------------------+------------------+
  | First  |  clxxviii leguas.  |_ciento e ochenta | ciento e setenta |
  |mention.|                    | y ocho leguas._  |  y ocho leguas.  |
  |        |                    |                  |                  |
  | Second | _clxxxviii leguas._|  ciento treinta  |  ciento treinta  |
  |mention.|                    |  y ocho leguas.  |   y ocho leguas. |
  +--------+--------------------+------------------+------------------+

  +--------+--------------------+------------------+------------------+
  |        | Plannck’s edition. | Silber’s edition.|      Dati.       |
  +--------+--------------------+------------------+------------------+
  | First  |milliaria _dlxiiii_.| miliaria lxiiii. |_cinquecensessanta|
  |mention.|                    |                  | quattro miglia._ |
  |        |                    |                  |                  |
  | Second |   milliaria dxl.   |  miliaria dxl.   |_cinquecensessanta|
  |mention.|                    |                  | quattro miglia._ |
  +--------+--------------------+------------------+------------------+

From this table it will be seen that the erroneous one hundred and
thirty-eight leagues do not tally with the erroneous five hundred and
forty miles; but the most striking fact that this table presents to
our notice is that the _Dati poem_ is the only one of these documents
that has the number right in both places; and it might at first sight
appear a very simple and easy thing for Dati to see that what was right
measurement in the one case must be the right measurement in the other,
even although the other copyists had failed to realise this fact. But not
so. Dati composed his poem from the Latin translation, and if the edition
from which he worked had been as faulty as that of Plannck, now under
notice, he could have had no means of deciding which number was right,
the dlxiiii of the first mention, or the dxl of the second. We have the
means of knowing, but only because we possess the various copies of the
Spanish, which state the distance in leagues. The necessary conclusion
then is that Dati worked from a copy either MS. or printed, in which the
number was right in both places; and this conclusion is corroborated
by the fact that, of the Spanish documents, the Valencia MS. shows the
number right in the first mention, and the Ambrosian text shows it right
in the second. Furthermore, I observe that Dati, who distinctly states
that his poem was “tradocta di latino,” gives the letter the date of Feb.
15th, a date which occurs in the Spanish, but not in the Latin texts
which we possess. It follows, therefore, that if he worked from a printed
text, that edition is lost to us.

But there remains the alternative that he worked from the MS. Latin
translation, and that the latter had been fully rendered from the
original Spanish, but was afterwards modified by the compositor in
setting it up in type. That such was in reality the case the reader
will find proved beyond all dispute at the close of this disquisition.
It therefore remains that, while there is no reason to suppose that an
edition is lost, the edition by Plannck, consisting of four leaves, with
thirty-three lines to the page, must take the lead among those which are
known to us.

But now we come to the very interesting subject of the original Spanish.
Columbus’s manuscript letter is lost, and the only representatives of it
with which we are acquainted are the manuscript copies already mentioned
at Simancas and Valencia, published respectively by Navarrete and Senhor
de Varnhagen, and the valuable printed text in the Ambrosian Library, for
the reproduction of which by photo-zincography all who are interested
in the subject are so deeply indebted to the enlightened liberality of
the Marquis d’Adda. The two former transcripts are confessedly made at
a much later date, while to the latter bibliographers give the credit
of the date of 1493. At the end of the Simancas copy is the expression:
“Esta carta envio Colon al Escribano de Racion de las islas halladas en
las Indias e otra de sus altezas.” This office of Escribano de Racion
was held by Luis de Santangel. The Valencia copy had no such sentence at
the end, but simply bore the title: “Carta del Almirante á D. Gabriel
Sanches.” The Ambrosian text photo-zincographed by the Marquis d’Adda
bore a similar expression at the end to that of the Simancas copy,
but with a difference; thus: “Esta carta embio Colon al Escrivano de
Racion de las Islas halladas en las Indias. Contenida a otra de sus
altezas.” Under these circumstances the Marquis d’Adda, accepting the
pre-supposed fact that Columbus had addressed two similar letters to the
two above-named officials, very naturally regarded the Ambrosian text as
derived from the Simancas MS. A collation of the three texts, _inter se_,
and with the Latin translation of Cosco, exhibits, however, the following
results:—the Valencia MS. addressed to Gabriel Sanchez is almost a
verbatim repetition of the Simancas text addressed to the Escribano
de Racion, while the Ambrosian text also addressed to the Escribano de
Racion agrees with the Latin text addressed to Gabriel Sanchez in certain
forms of expression, which are entirely different from those used in
common in the Valencia and Simancas MSS. to describe the same thing.
This perplexing result has been stated by Senhor de Varnhagen in the
little work published last year already referred to, and I can confirm
it by actual careful collation of all the four documents. The _prima
facie_ inference from this fact would, I think, be that the Escribano de
Racion and Gabriel Sanchez, either really were, or by some mistake had
been taken to be, identical. A very high authority on such a subject,
Senor de Gayangos, in the learned article already referred to, distinctly
maintains the dispatch of two letters to the said two officials, whereas
Senhor de Varnhagen not only limits the dispatch to one single address,
but goes so far as to conclude that the Spanish printed text, from which
he believes the Latin to be translated, is in fact the letter addressed
to the sovereigns, with the change only of “vuestras” into “sus.” But as
his Excellency has given much careful thought to this matter, and has,
under the guidance of a most judicious criticism, supplied an amended
text, derived from a collation of the different texts, it is but justice
to him and to the subject itself to give a literal translation of his
remarks. This is the more requisite as I shall have to submit some facts
which seem to me to lead to conclusions differing from some of those
arrived at by my learned friend.

His Excellency says: “We hold it for certain that the said _primitive_
edition (the Ambrosian) which we have had the opportunity of seeing in
Milan, _must have given origin_ to the text published in Rome the 25th
April[24] of that same year (1493) by Cozco, who perhaps from not being
able to transfer easily to the Latin the last part of it, cut it off.
The said fact is principally _shown_ by the mistake of the date of 14th
(instead of 4th) of March, which could not be in the letter of Columbus,
as he had left Lisbon before that day; nor would it be reasonable to
suppose that the error would be repeated in the same manner, if said
original had been kept in sight. Still less could the repetition of such
a mistake be conceived, if the original manuscript were different.”

Now, before we proceed to an examination of this matter, the first thing
requisite is to lay before the reader a specific difference which exists
between the Spanish and the Latin texts. In the Spanish (I quote from
the Ambrosian text) the letter closes thus: “Esto segun el fecho asi en
breve. Fecha en la calavera sobre las Yslas de Canaria a xv de Febrero
mil et quatrocientos et noventa y tres años.”

Then comes a

                   “Nyma que venia dentro en la carta.”

“Despues desta escripto y estando en mar de Castilla salyo tanto viento
conmigo sul y sueste que me ha fecho descargar la navios por cosi
(correr?) aqui en este puerto de Lysbona oy, que fue la mayor maravilla
del mundo. Adonde acordé escrivir a sus altezas. En todas las Yndias he
siempre hallado los tenporales como en Mayo, adonde yo fuy en xxxiii dias
et volvi en xxviii, salvo questas tormentas me han detenido xiiii dias
corriendo por esta mar. Dizen aqua todos los honbres de la mar que jamas
ovo tan mal yvierno no ni tantas perdidas de naves, fecha a xiiii dias de
marco.

“Esta carta embio Colon al Escrivano de racion de las Islas halladas en
las Indias. Contenida a otra de sus altezas.”

For those who need it, the translation will be found in our printed text
at page 18.

The Latin translation ends very differently; thus: “Hæc ut gesta sunt sic
breviter enarrata. Vale. Ulisbone, pridie Idus Martii.”

Now the reader will observe that in the above “nyma” or postscript,
Columbus states that on the day of his reaching Lisbon he resolved to
write to their Highnesses, and we know from his diaries that that day was
the 4th of March, and yet at the end the postscript is dated the 14th of
March, a day on which we know, from the said diaries, that he was off
Cape St. Vincent on his way from Lisbon to Spain, which he was then on
the point of reaching at the harbour of Palos.

The Latin, it will be perceived, repeats this discrepancy in a more
distinct shape, by bringing the name of Lisbon immediately into
connection with the 14th of March, of which the words: “pridie Idus
Martii” are the equivalent.

With these specialities in his mind, the reader will be able with
greater clearness to follow the following disquisition:—

The perfectly sound piece of criticism by Senhor de Varnhagen, which we
have just read, is based upon the accepted premiss that it was on the
4th of March that Columbus dispatched to the King and Queen the letter
describing his voyage, with the nema attached. The words of the “nema”
itself make such an inference highly reasonable. It states that “el
viento me ha fecho descargar los navios por correr aqui en este puerto
de Lisbona _hoy_ ... adonde acordé de escribir a sus altezas.”—“The wind
made me unload the ships to run into this port of Lisbon to-day ... where
I resolved to write to their Highnesses.” The diary shows that this
day was the 4th of March, and hence, _prima facie_, the date of “14th
of March” in the nema would appear to be not written by Columbus, but
a blunder of the printer of the Ambrosian text. This natural inference
_appears_ confirmed, I find, by the distinct statement of Ferdinand
Columbus that on his father’s arrival in Lisbon on the 4th—“Subito espedì
un corriero a’ Re Catolici con la nuova della sua venuta”—“he immediately
dispatched a courier to the Catholic Sovereigns with the news of his
arrival.”

Now, supposing, for I do not take it for granted, that this statement of
Fernando’s, written many years after, was correct, and that his father
carried out his intention of writing to the Sovereigns from Lisbon, that
statement does not tell us that he then _sent on the account of his
voyage_; and if we inquire a little further, we have good reason to
suppose that he did _not_ forward it on that day. There is no mention
in his Diary of his so doing, although the act would be of sufficient
importance to call for mention. He was in a country where his success in
the cause of Spain was regarded with intense animosity. He was ignorant
of the whereabouts of the Sovereigns, and in prospect of an early arrival
in Spain, when he both would gain the necessary information, and could
send on his precious missive in perfect safety. In harmony with these
suggestions of mine, I find that Herrera, the historiographer, who had
in his charge all the Columbian documents, states that on Wednesday, the
13th March, Columbus left Lisbon for Seville in his caravel. On Thursday,
the 14th, before daybreak, he was off Cape St. Vincent. On Friday, the
15th, at mid-day, he entered the port of Palos, whence he had sailed on
the 3rd of August of the previous year. _And having learned that the
Catholic Sovereigns were at Barcelona_, he at first thought of going
there in his caravel; but subsequently resolving not to go to Barcelona
by sea, he _announced his arrival to the Catholic Sovereigns, and sent
a summary of what had happened to him, reserving the more complete
narrative for their immediate presence_. The _reply_ reached him in
Seville, and contained expressions of joy at his safe arrival and at the
success of his voyage, offered him rewards and honours, and commanded
him to make haste to go to Barcelona. Now, it will be remembered that
Columbus’s narrative was already written, and dated February 15th or
18th, and only waiting to be despatched, and had attached to it the
nema, which Mr. Gayangos tells us was a piece of paper placed on the
outside of a letter like a padlock, and over which the seal was put. On
this nema, beyond all question, was the date of March 4th; and if, as I
gather from Herrera’s statement, Columbus dispatched this narrative of
his voyage, not from Lisbon on the 4th March, but from Palos on the 15th,
or the 16th, it is not unlikely that on the 14th, when he was nearing the
Spanish harbour from which he was looking forward to be able to dispatch
it in safety, he should have altered the remote date of the 4th, which
agreed with the wording of the nema at the time of writing it, into the
later date of the 14th, which was more in accordance with the date of
dispatch. We know that the letter to the Sovereigns was enclosed in the
letter to the Escribano de Racion; and the sentence printed at the end
of the Ambrosian text bears the aspect of an endorsement of the letter
by that officer’s secretary. The date of the Sovereigns’ reply from
Barcelona, March 30th, is in entire harmony, as regards lapse of time,
with the dispatch of Columbus’ letter from Palos on the 15th or 16th of
the month. The Latin translation was completed on the 29th April, a full
month after the arrival of the letter in Barcelona. There was plenty
of time, therefore, it is true, for the letter to have been printed in
Spanish, and for that Spanish to have served for the translation into
Latin; but if my suggestion, as derived from the above data, be correct,
that the alteration of 4 to 14 on the nema was made by Columbus himself,
my friend Senhor de Varnhagen’s conclusion that the Spanish printed text
_must_ have served for that translation becomes a _non sequitur_. Such
alteration by Columbus would naturally lead to the erroneous “ulisbone,
pridie idus Martii” in the Latin text, without the intervention of the
Spanish printed text, in which that alteration would of course also be
copied.

I have stated these facts to show that the occurrence of March 14th both
in the Ambrosian text and the Latin translation, does not, as Senhor de
Varnhagen concluded, prove of necessity that the latter was derived from
the former, but from a common origin, to wit, in all probability the
original MS. of Columbus. But now that I have shown that the Latin _need
not_ have been derived from the Ambrosian, I proceed to show that it
_could not_ have been so.

In the Ambrosian we find Guanahani spelt Guanaham; the island of Matinino
called Matremonio, etc., while in the Latin text we find the first name
correctly written Guanahani, Matinino is more nearly correctly written
Mateunin; and we have the name of an island, Charis, which is left out in
the Spanish altogether. But as the Latin translator possessed no special
knowledge by which he could make such corrections, it is clear that the
Ambrosian text could not have served as the basis for the Latin; whereas
if the two were derived from a common source, the errors of the Ambrosian
text would be those of its copyist, while the accurate rendering of
the corresponding passages in the Latin would be the result, not of
correction, as Senhor de Varnhagen suggests, but of attention to the
original.

Upon this head Senhor de Varnhagen writes as follows:—

“The Latin texts contain a correction of the words Guanahanin, Charis
(Caribes or Caraibes), and Mateunin (Matinino); but these corrections,
if perchance it should be proved that they were made at the time of the
first edition, and not afterwards (which we cannot here examine, not
having the different editions at hand), may have been pointed out by the
editor himself in sight of the original after the publication of the
printed text; or by Columbus himself, on receiving it on his road to
Barcelona, in order that some correct copies might be sent to Rome, by
way of communicating the news of the discovery that had been made, with
the view of obtaining the famous Bull from Alexander VI.”

Now it is pretty clear that the Latin translation had nothing in the
world to do with the Papal bull. The name of _De_ Cosco indicates that
the translator was a Spaniard—and it is reasonable to assume that a
Spaniard would be selected to translate from Spanish into Latin—;
therefore we may fairly suppose that the translation was made in Spain.
It was not completed till the 29th of April—tertio kalendas maii—(not the
25th, an error of Navarrete’s, which Senhor de Varnhagen has adopted),
and the first bull was issued on the 3rd of May. The interval of four
days is scarcely sufficient to allow of the formal dispatch of the
document to Rome, its presentation and the drawing up of the bull, much
less if it had to undergo revision by Columbus, still less if it be a
question of correction of printed proofs set up in type at Rome in that
short interval. It is tolerably evident, then, that the Latin was sent to
Rome, not to the Pope, but only for printing. If, therefore, the missive
to the Pope was in Spanish, and included this letter, the corrections
by Columbus or by Sanchez, suggested by Senhor de Varnhagen, would have
been far better applied to the Spanish than to the Latin, instead of the
reverse, as suggested.

It should, however, be borne in mind that in those days proofs were not
sent out for revision: but as a doubt may reasonably be entertained on
this point, on the score of the many imaginable possibilities that may
not have been foreseen or taken into consideration in this criticism, I
will now proceed to demonstrate that the Spanish and the Latin printed
texts certainly are derived from different, though similar, documents.
That they should be similar is natural, the one being written by Columbus
from the other, with such trivial changes as may have dropped from his
pen in transcribing.

First: we have a Spanish text, the endorsement of which shows it to
have been sent to the Escribano de Racion. That this officer was Luis
de Santangel we know for certainty from Argensola’s _Anales de Aragon_,
lib. 1, cap. 10, p. 99, _et seq._, where he tells us that when the King
looked coldly on Columbus’s proposals, because the royal finances had
been drained by war, Isabella offered her jewels for the enterprise; but
this was rendered needless, as “Luis de Santangel, Escrivano de Racion
de Aragon, advanced seventeen thousand florins for the expenses of the
Armada.” This leaves no room for doubt that Columbus should immediately
send a copy of his letter to Santangel. In it was enclosed the copy
addressed to the Sovereigns.[25] This text sent to Santangel consisted of
a letter dated February 15th, and a postscript, announcing the arrival
off Lisbon on the 4th, subsequently altered to the 14th March.

Secondly: we have a Latin text, distinctly stated to have been translated
from a letter addressed to the Royal Treasurer, Gabriel Sanchez. We have
thus clearly two letters addressed to two persons, but to annihilate
this duality Senhor de Varnhagen suggests “Why not suppose that this
last name, Gabriel Sanxis, which Cosco thought it necessary to announce,
was the result of his own verifications? He would inquire in Rome of the
Catholic delegates the name of the Escribano de Racion, and they would
give him that of the Treasurer General.” But this is inventing _one
surmise_ to fortify _another_, whereas Senhor de Varnhagen’s own zealous
research had provided evidence to prove a contrary _fact_. The Marquis
d’Adda has kindly sent me a photo-lithograph of a fragment of an Italian
version of this letter, of which His Excellency Senhor de Varnhagen had
found the title in the catalogue of the Ambrosian Library. This fragment
distinctly states it to have been a copy of one “sent by the Grand
Treasurer to his brother, Joane Sanxis.”

Thus, beyond all question, it is proved that Columbus addressed these
two several letters to these two different persons, from one of which
the Spanish text was printed, and from the other the Latin translation
was made and subsequently printed. And having reached this point, we
see clearly that my suggestion of Columbus having altered the date of
4th March to 14th _must_ have been correct; and, furthermore, that he
copied the date of “14th,” on whichever of these two letters was written
last, because, while it stands March 14th _in totidem verbis_ in one,
it is rendered “pridie idus Martii” (which means the same thing) in the
translation from the other. We see in this date “Ulisbone, pridie idus
Martii,” a proof that the copy from which the Latin was made, consisted,
like the original of the Ambrosian Spanish text, of a complete letter
with the “nema” added, because the place Lisbon is derived from the
language at the beginning of the nema, and the date from Columbus’s
alteration at the end. Although the printer, Plannck, inserted nothing
of the “nema” beyond the said place and date, which he placed at the
end of the body of the letter in lieu of February 15th, we have a clear
proof that De Cosco had really translated the letter and nema as they
stand in the Spanish, for when we come to look into Dati’s poem, which
he distinctly states to be translated from the Latin, we find _the
date of February 15th retained, but no allusion to the contents of the
nema, which, being detached, had evidently not reached his hands_. This
fact, and others observable in his text, especially when examined in
combination with the Italian, which also came from the Sanchez original,
show that Dati worked from Cosco’s manuscript translation. As to whether
of the two printed texts, the Ambrosian Spanish or Plannck’s Latin,
can claim priority, we have no present means of deciding, but that the
preference is due to the Spanish under critical correction is manifest,
since it has been exposed to modifications from a compositor only, while
the Latin has passed through the two ordeals of a translation and a
compositor’s alterations. For this reason I have adopted the Spanish
in my text, observing that it replaces the very worst Latin text which
I could have adopted, viz., that taken by Navarrete from the _España
Illustrada_. The faults in the Ambrosian text are many and great, and
this has led Señor de Gayangos to suggest that it was printed, not in
Spain, but in Portugal, probably Lisbon. An opinion from one so eminent
has great weight, but while yielding to none in sincere respect for
the judgment of my distinguished friend, I confess I think that the
circumstances of the letter point, as Senhor de Varnhagen has stated,
to Barcelona for the place of printing. Mr. Winter Jones, the Principal
Librarian of the British Museum, and late Keeper of the Department of
Printed Books, whose bibliographical knowledge is so well known, tells
us that he recollects having seen the initial letter S, which commences
the Ambrosian text, but, in spite of great research, I have failed to
find it or the corresponding type in any work in our vast library. It
is here well to remark that no kind of _fac-simile_ is so baulking to
bibliographic comparison as the photographic. The respective sizes of
the letters are altered, and the outline is rendered broken and rotten.
A _fac-simile_ of this same letter, done by the hand, was published in
Milan in 1863, in the sixteenth volume of the _Biblioteca Rara_ of G.
Daelli, and gives the type a far firmer appearance than that in the
photograph. It is obvious that an opportunity is afforded of correcting
the mistakes in the Ambrosian text from the other texts which we possess.
This has been done with great skill and judgment by Senhor de Varnhagen
by collation with the Simancas, the Valencia, and the Latin texts; to
these aids I have added the Italian poem of Giuliano Dati, and the
Italian fragment, for which I have been indebted to the kindness of the
Marquis d’Adda.

We possess no detailed description of the second voyage of Columbus from
his own hand. That which is here printed is the translation of a letter
addressed to the Chapter of Seville by Dr. Chanca, a native of that city,
who was physician to the fleet in this voyage, and was an eye-witness of
the events that he related. For this reason it is preferred to two other
accounts in Latin which are in existence, but which have both been made
up from hearsay. One of these occurs in the second book of the _Decades_
of Peter Martyr of Anghiera, published first at Seville (Hispali) in
1511, and afterwards at Alcala de Henares (Compluti) in 1516, and often
subsequently printed. The other is a compilation by Nicolò Scillacio,
of Messina, who, while studying philosophy at Pavia in 1494 (?), and
living with Giovanni Antonio Biretta, received from Spain, from a certain
nobleman named Guglielmo Coma, a description of the recent discoveries
of Columbus. This, as Mr. Lenox tells us, he translated into Latin,
and inserted such other accounts as were then universally current, but
without changing or adding anything. Mr. James Lenox, of New York, who
is the possessor of one of the only two copies of this work known (the
other being in the possession of the Marquis Trivulzio of Milan), and who
states that it was first published in 1494, or early in 1495, reprinted
it in 1859, with a translation by the Rev. John Mulligan, giving as an
appendix my translation of Doctor Chanca’s letter, as printed in the
first edition of the present work in 1847. It is obvious that this work
of Scillacio’s, which is a pedantic compilation, cannot compare for
authenticity with the account of Dr. Chanca; while the latter contains
more incidents, and is more agreeably written than the narrative of Peter
Martyr.

This letter by Dr. Chanca was copied by Navarrete (as he himself says at
the end of the letter in his work) from a manuscript in the possession
of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, written in the middle of the
sixteenth century, and was amongst the collection of papers referring
to the West Indies, collected by Father Antonio de Aspa, a monk of the
order of St. Jerome, of the monastery of the Mejorada, near Olmedo.—This
document was unpublished previous to Navarrete’s compilation. A copy
was taken from the original by Don Manuel Avella, and deposited in
the collection of Don Juan Bautista Muñoz, and from that copy, after
collation with the original manuscript, the transfer was made by
Navarrete into his valuable work. This letter is followed by a Memorial
respecting the second voyage, addressed to the sovereigns by Columbus,
through the intervention of Antonio de Torres, governor of the city
of Isabella. At the close of each chapter or item is affixed their
highness’s reply. The document was taken by Navarrete from the Archives
of Seville.

The two letters next in order in the present translation, are from the
hand of Columbus himself, and are descriptive of the events of the third
voyage. The first, addressed to the Sovereigns, was taken by Navarrete,
under careful collation by himself and Muñoz, from a manuscript in the
handwriting of the bishop Bartolomé de la Casas, found in the archives
of the duke del Infantado. The second, addressed to the nurse of Prince
John, is taken from a collection of manuscripts, relating to the West
Indies, made by Muñoz, and deposited in the Real Academia de la Historia
at Madrid. The text was collated by Navarrete with a copy inserted in the
Codice Colombo-Americano, said to have been written in the monastery of
Santa Maria de las Cuevas in Seville.

The letter by Columbus, descriptive of his fourth voyage, was taken by
Navarrete from a manuscript in the king’s private library at Madrid,
written in the handwriting of the middle of the sixteenth century,
and probably the same copy as that which Pinelo, at page 61 of his
_Biblioteca Occidental_, 4to., 1629, describes as having been made by Don
Lorenzo Ramirez de Prado, from an edition in 4to., which does not appear
to be now in existence. It was translated into Italian by Constanzo
Bayuera of Brescia, and published at Venice in 1505, and, on account of
its extreme scarcity, was republished, with some learned comments, by
Morelli, the librarian of St. Mark’s at Venice, in 1810.

That it had been printed in Spanish is asserted both by Pinelo and by
Fernando Columbus.

It is presumed that the manuscript from which Navarrete made his copy was
that made by Ramirez de Prado, because it had been removed to the king’s
library, from the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca, in Salamanca, where the papers
of Ramirez had been deposited.

I must not close this bibliographical notice without tendering my warmest
thanks to my friends, William Brenchley Rye, Esq., the learned Keeper of
the Printed Books in the British Museum; and Robert Edmund Graves, Esq.,
one of the most accomplished of his Assistant-Librarians;—to the former
for most kindly making out the foregoing list of incunabula of the first
letter, and the latter for very valuable help in my search for collateral
texts by which to fortify my conclusions in the toilsome examination
which I have here brought to a termination.


FOOTNOTES:

[24] It should be 29th. The mistake is copied from Navarrete.

[25] In pursuance of his idea that not two, but only one letter, was
despatched to head-quarters, Senhor de Varnhagen has translated the
words of the endorsement “Contenida a otra de Sus Altezas.”—“Contenida
_en_ otra, etc.” and then, reasoning from the impossibility of Columbus
showing such familiarity with the Sovereigns, argues, that the letter
was in fact addressed to them only. With all respect I submit that the
natural rendering is “Contenida la otra de Sus Altezas”; Angl. “Contained
the other of their Highnesses”; or, as it would be clearer in French, “Y
contenue l’autre de Leurs Altesses;” and Santangel appropriately appears
as bearer of the missive to the Sovereigns.




SELECT LETTERS OF CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. ETC.

Transcriber’s Note: In the original, the English text was printed at the
top of each page with the Spanish text below. This is not practical to
reproduce in an e-text, so the English is given first, followed by the
Spanish.




FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.[26]


_A Letter sent by Columbus to [Luis de Santangel] Chancellor of the
Exchequer [of Aragon], respecting the Islands found in the Indies,
enclosing another for their Highnesses._

SIR,—Believing that you will take pleasure in hearing of the great
success which our Lord has granted me in my voyage, I write you this
letter, whereby you will learn how in thirty-three days’[27] time I
reached the Indies with the fleet which the most illustrious King and
Queen, our Sovereigns, gave to me, where I found very many islands
thickly peopled, of all which I took possession without resistance,
for their Highnesses by proclamation made and with the royal standard
unfurled. To the first island that I found I gave the name of _San
Salvador_,[28] in remembrance of His High Majesty, who hath marvellously
brought all these things to pass; the Indians call it _Guanaham_. To
the second island I gave the name of _Santa-Maria de Concepcion_;[29]
the third I called _Fernandina_;[30] the fourth, _Isabella_;[31] the
fifth, _Juana_;[32] and so to each one I gave a new name. When I reached
_Juana_, I followed its coast to the westward, and found it so large
that I thought it must be the mainland,—the province of _Cathay_; and,
as I found neither towns nor villages on the sea-coast, but only a few
hamlets, with the inhabitants, of which I could not hold conversation,
because they all immediately fled, I kept on the same route, thinking
that I could not fail to light upon some large cities and towns. At
length, after the proceeding of many leagues, and finding that nothing
new presented itself, and that the coast was leading me northwards
(which I wished to avoid, because winter had already set in, and it
was my intention to move southwards; and because moreover the winds
were contrary), I resolved not to wait for a change in the weather, but
returned to a certain harbour which I had remarked, and from which I sent
two men ashore to ascertain whether there was any king or large cities
in that part. They journeyed for three days and found countless small
hamlets with numberless inhabitants, but with nothing like order; they
therefore returned. In the meantime I had learned from some other Indians
whom I had seized, that this land was certainly an island; accordingly,
I followed the coast eastward for a distance of one hundred and seven
leagues, where it ended in a cape. From this cape, I saw another island
to the eastward at a distance of eighteen leagues from the former, to
which I gave the name of _La Española_.[33] Thither I went, and followed
its northern coast to the eastward (just as I had done with the coast
of _Juana_), one hundred and seventy[34]-eight full leagues due east.
This island, like all the others, is extraordinarily large, and this one
extremely so. In it are many seaports with which none that I know in
Christendom can bear comparison, so good and capacious that it is wonder
to see. The lands are high, and there are many very lofty mountains with
which the island of _Cetefrey_ cannot be compared. They are all most
beautiful, of a thousand different shapes, accessible, and covered with
trees of a thousand kinds of such great height that they seemed to reach
the skies. I am told that the trees never lose their foliage, and I can
well understand it, for I observed that they were as green and luxuriant
as in Spain in the month of May. Some were in bloom, others bearing
fruit, and others otherwise according to their nature. The nightingale
was singing as well as other birds of a thousand different kinds; and
that, in November, the month in which I myself was roaming amongst them.
There are palm-trees of six or eight kinds, wonderful in their beautiful
variety; but this is the case with all the other trees and fruits and
grasses; trees, plants, or fruits filled us with admiration. It contains
extraordinary pine groves, and very extensive plains. There is also
honey, a great variety of birds, and many different kind of fruits. In
the interior there are many mines of metals and a population innumerable.
_Española_ is a wonder. Its mountains and plains, and meadows, and
fields, are so beautiful and rich for planting and sowing, and rearing
cattle of all kinds, and for building towns and villages. The harbours
on the coast, and the number and size and wholesomeness of the rivers,
most of them bearing gold, surpass anything that would be believed by one
who had not seen them. There is a great difference between the trees,
fruits, and plants of this island and those of _Juana_. In this island
there are many spices and extensive mines of gold and other metals. The
inhabitants of this and of all the other islands I have found or gained
intelligence of, both men and women, go as naked as they were born, with
the exception that some of the women cover one part only with a single
leaf of grass or with a piece of cotton, made for that purpose. They have
neither iron, nor steel, nor arms, nor are they competent to use them,
not that they are not well-formed and of handsome stature, but because
they are timid to a surprising degree. Their only arms are reeds cut in
the seeding time,[35] to which they fasten small sharpened sticks, and
even these they dare not use; for on several occasions it has happened
that I have sent ashore two or three men to some village to hold a
parley, and the people have come out in countless numbers, but, as soon
as they saw our men approach, would flee with such precipitation that
a father would not even stop to protect his son; and this not because
any harm had been done to any of them, for, from the first, wherever I
went and got speech with them, I gave them of all that I had, such as
cloth and many other things, without receiving anything in return, but
they are, as I have described, incurably timid. It is true that when
they are reassured and have thrown off this fear, they are guileless,
and so liberal of all they have that no one would believe it who had not
seen it. They never refuse anything that they possess when it is asked
of them; on the contrary, they offer it themselves, and they exhibit
so much loving kindness that they would even give their hearts; and,
whether it be something of value or of little worth that is offered
to them, they are satisfied. I forbade that worthless things, such as
pieces of broken porringers and broken glass, and ends of straps, should
be given to them; although, when they succeeded in obtaining them, they
thought they possessed the finest jewel in the world. It was ascertained
that a sailor received for a leather strap a piece of gold weighing two
_castellanos_[36] and a half, and others received for other objects of
far less value, much more. For new _blancas_[37] they would give all that
they had, whether it was two or three _castellanos_ in gold or one or
two arrobas[38] of spun cotton. They took even bits of the broken hoops
of the wine barrels, and gave, like fools, all that they possessed in
exchange, insomuch that I thought it was wrong, and forbade it. I gave
away a thousand good and pretty articles which I had brought with me
in order to win their affection; and that they might be led to become
Christians, and be well inclined to love and serve their Highnesses
and the whole Spanish nation, and that they might aid us by giving us
things of which we stand in need, but which they possess in abundance.
They are not acquainted with any kind of worship, and are not idolaters;
but believe that all power and, indeed, all good things are in heaven;
and they are firmly convinced that I, with my vessels and crews, came
from heaven, and with this belief received me at every place at which I
touched, after they had overcome their apprehension. And this does not
spring from ignorance, for they are very intelligent, and navigate all
these seas, and relate everything to us, so that it is astonishing what
a good account they are able to give of everything; but they have never
seen men with clothes on, nor vessels like ours. On my reaching the
Indies, I took by force, in the first island that I discovered, some of
these natives, that they might learn our language and give me information
in regard to what existed in these parts; and it so happened that they
soon understood us and we them, either by words or signs, and they have
been very serviceable to us. They are still with me, and, from repeated
conversations that I have had with them, I find that they still believe
that I come from heaven. And they were the first to say this wherever
I went, and the others ran from house to house and to the neighbouring
villages, crying with a loud voice: “Come, come, and see the people from
heaven!” And thus they all, men as well as women, after their minds were
at rest about us, came, both large and small, and brought us something
to eat and drink, which they gave us with extraordinary kindness. They
have in all these islands very many canoes like our row-boats: some
larger, some smaller, but most of them larger than a barge of eighteen
seats. They are not so wide, because they are made of one single piece
of timber, but a barge could not keep up with them in rowing, because
they go with incredible speed, and with these canoes they navigate among
these islands, which are innumerable, and carry on their traffic. I have
seen in some of these canoes seventy and eighty men, each with his oar.
In all these islands I did not notice much difference in the appearance
of the inhabitants, nor in their manners nor language, except that they
all understand each other, which is very singular, and leads me to hope
that their Highnesses will take means for their conversion to our holy
faith, towards which they are very well disposed. I have already said
how I had gone one hundred and seven leagues in following the sea-coast
of _Juana_ in a straight line from west to east: and from that survey I
can state that the island is larger than England and Scotland together,
because, beyond these one hundred and seven leagues, there lie to the
west two provinces which I have not yet visited, one of which is called
_Avan_, where the people are born with a tail. These two provinces cannot
be less in length than from fifty to sixty leagues, from what can be
learned from the Indians that I have with me, and who are acquainted with
all these islands. The other, _Española_, has a greater circumference
than all Spain, from Catalonia by the sea-coast to Fuenterabia in Biscay,
since on one of its four sides I made one hundred and eighty-eight great
leagues in a straight line from west to east. This is something to covet,
and when found not to be lost sight of. Although I have taken possession
of all these islands in the name of their Highnesses, and they are all
more abundant in wealth than I am able to express; and although I hold
them all for their Highnesses, so that they can dispose of them quite
as absolutely as they can of the kingdoms of Castile, yet there was one
large town in _Española_ of which especially I took possession, situated
in a locality well adapted for the working of the gold mines, and for
all kinds of commerce, either with the main land on this side, or with
that beyond which is the land of the great Khan, with which there will be
vast commerce and great profit. To that city I gave the name of _Villa de
Navidad_, and fortified it with a fortress, which by this time will be
quite completed, and I have left in it a sufficient number of men with
arms,[39] artillery, and provisions for more than a year, a barge, and a
sailing master skilful in the arts necessary for building others. I have
also established the greatest friendship with the king of that country,
so much so that he took pride in calling me his brother, and treating
me as such. Even should these people change their intentions towards us
and become hostile, they do not know what arms are, but, as I have said,
go naked, and are the most timid people in the world; so that the men I
have left could, alone, destroy the whole country, and this island has
no danger for them, if they only know how to conduct themselves. In all
those islands it seems to me that the men are content with one wife,
except their chief or king, to whom they give twenty. The women seem to
me to work more than the men. I have not been able to learn whether they
have any property of their own. It seemed to me that what one possessed
belonged to all, especially in the matter of eatables. I have not found
in those islands any monsters, as many imagined; but, on the contrary,
the whole race is very well-formed, nor are they black, as in Guinea,
but their hair is flowing, for they do not dwell in that part where the
force of the sun’s rays is too powerful. It is true that the sun has very
great power there, for the country is distant only twenty-six degrees
from the equinoctial line. In the islands where there are high mountains,
the cold this winter was very great, but they endure it, not only from
being habituated to it, but by eating meat with a variety of excessively
hot spices. As to savages, I did not even hear of any, except at an
island which lies the second in one’s way in coming to the Indies.[40]
It is inhabited by a race which is regarded throughout these islands
as extremely ferocious, and eaters of human flesh. These possess many
canoes, in which they visit all the Indian islands, and rob and plunder
whatever they can. They are no worse formed than the rest, except that
they are in the habit of wearing their hair long, like women, and use
bows and arrows made of reeds, with a small stick at the end, for want
of iron, which they do not possess. They are ferocious amongst these
exceedingly timid people; but I think no more of them than of the rest.
These are they which have intercourse with the women of Matenino,[41]
the first island one comes to on the way from Spain to the Indies, and
in which there are no men. These women employ themselves in no labour
suitable to their sex; but use bows and arrows made of reeds like those
above described, and arm and cover themselves with plates of copper, of
which metal they have a great quantity. They assure me that there is
another island larger than _Española_, in which the inhabitants have no
hair. It is extremely rich in gold; and I bring with me Indians taken
from these different islands, who will testify to all these things.
Finally, and speaking only of what has taken place in this voyage, which
has been so hasty, their Highnesses may see that I shall give them all
the gold they require, if they will give me but a very little assistance;
spices also, and cotton, as much as their Highnesses shall command to
be shipped; and mastic, hitherto found only in Greece, in the island of
Chios, and which the Signoria[42] sells at its own price, as much as
their Highnesses shall command to be shipped; lign aloes, as much as
their Highnesses shall command to be shipped; slaves, as many of these
idolators as their Highnesses shall command to be shipped. I think also
I have found rhubarb and cinnamon, and I shall find a thousand other
valuable things by means of the men that I have left behind me, for I
tarried at no point so long as the wind allowed me to proceed, except
in the town of _Navidad_, where I took the necessary precautions for the
security and settlement of the men I left there. Much more I would have
done if my vessels had been in as good a condition as by rights they
ought to have been. This is much, and praised be the eternal God, our
Lord, who gives to all those who walk in his ways victory over things
which seem impossible; of which this is signally one, for, although
others may have spoken or written concerning these countries, it was
all mere conjecture, as no one could say that he had seen them—it
amounting only to this, that those who heard listened the more, and
regarded the matter rather as a fable than anything else. But our
Redeemer hath granted this victory to our illustrious King and Queen and
their kingdoms, which have acquired great fame by an event of such high
importance, in which all Christendom ought to rejoice, and which it ought
to celebrate with great festivals and the offering of solemn thanks to
the Holy Trinity with many solemn prayers, both for the great exaltation
which may accrue to them in turning so many nations to our holy faith,
and also for the temporal benefits which will bring great refreshment and
gain, not only to Spain, but to all Christians. This, thus briefly, in
accordance with the events.

Done on board the caravel, off the Canary Islands, on the fifteenth of
February, fourteen hundred and ninety-three.

At your orders.

                                                              THE ADMIRAL.

After this letter was written, as I was in the sea of Castile, there
arose a south-west wind, which compelled me to lighten my vessels and run
this day into this port of Lisbon, an event which I consider the most
marvellous thing in the world, and whence I resolved to write to their
Highnesses. In all the Indies I have always found the weather like that
in the month of May. I reached them in thirty-three days, and returned in
twenty-eight, with the exception that these storms detained me fourteen
days knocking about in this sea. All seamen say that they have never seen
such a severe winter nor so many vessels lost.

Done on the fourteenth day of March.


_Esta Carta embió Colon al Escrivano de Racion de las Islas halladas en
las Indias. Contenida la otra de Sus Altezas._

Señor, por que se que aureis[43] plazer de la grand victoria que nuestro
señor me ha dado en mi vyaie, vos escriuo esta por la qual sabreys commo
en xxxiij dias pase a las jndias[44] con la armada que los illustrissimos
Rey et reyna, nuestros señores, me dieron, donde yo falle muy muchas
Islas pobladas con gente syn numero. Y dellas todas he tomado posession
por sus altezas con pregon y vandera real estendida, y non me fue
contradicho. A la primera que yo falle puse nombre Sant Saluador, a
comemoracion de Su Alta Magestad, el qual marauillosamente todo esto
andado;[45] los jndios la llaman Guanaham. A la segunda puse nombre
la ylsa de santa Maria de Concepcion. A la tercera Ferrandina. A la
quarta la Ysabella. A la quinta la isla Juana, et asy a cada vna nombre
nueuo. Quando yo llegue a la Juana segui yo la costa della al poniente
y la falle tan grande que pense que seria tierra firma, la prouincia
de Catayo, y como no falle asi[46] villas y lugares en la costa de la
mar, salvo pequeñas poblaciones, conla gente de las quales non podia
hauer fabla, por que luego fuyan todos, andaua yo adelante por el dicho
camino, pensando de no errar grandes Ciudades o villas, y al cabo de
muchas leguas visto que no hauia innovacion y que la costa me leuaua al
setentrion, de adonde mi voluntad era contraria, por que el yuierno era
ya encarnado,[47] yo tenia proposito de hazer del[48] al austro y tanbien
el viento me dio adelante, determine de no aguardar otro tiempo, y bolui
atras fasta un señalado puerto da donde enbie dos hombres por la tierra
para saber si auia rey o grandes ciudades. Andouieron tres iornadas y
hallaron infinitas poblaciones pequeñas y gente sin numero, mas no cosa
de regimiento, por lo qual se boluieron. Yo entendia harta de otros
jndios que ya tenia tomados commo continuamente esta tierra era isla, et
asi segui la costa della al oriente ciento y siete leguas faste donde
fazia fin: del qual cabo vi[49] otra isla al oriente, distincta[50] de
esta diez o ocho leguas, a la qual luego puse nombre la Spañola, y fui
alli y segui la parte del setentrion asi commo de la Juana al oriente,
clxxviij[51] grandes leguas[52] por linia recta del oriente asi commo
de la Juana, la qual y todas las otras son fortissimas[53] en demasiado
grado, y esta en estremo; en ella ay muchos puertos enla costa dela
mar, sin comparacion de otros que yo sepa en christianos, y sartos, y
buenos, y grandes, que es marauilla. Las tierras della son altas y en
ella muy muchas sierras y montañas altissimas sin comparacion de ysla de
centre.[54] Son todas fermossimas de mill. fechuras y todas andabiles y
llenas de arboles de mil maneras y altas y pareçen que llegan al cielo;
y tengo por dicho que jamas pierden la foia, segun lo puede comprehender
que los vi tan verdes y tan hermosos commo son por Mayo en Spaña, y
dellos stavan floridos, dellos con fruto, y dellos en otro termino segun
es su calidad; y cantaua el ruiseñol[55] y otros paxaricos[56] de mil
maneras en el mes de nouienbre por alli donde yo andaua. Ay palmas de
seys[57] o de ocho maneras, que es admiracion verlas por la disformidad
fermosa dellas; mas asi commo los otros arboles y frutos et yeruas. En
ella ay pinares a marauilla, e ay canpiñas grandissimas et ay mjel, y de
muchas maneras, de aues y frutas muy diversas. En las tierras ay muchas
minas de metales et ay gente inestimable numero. La spañola es marauilla;
las sierras y las montañas y las uegas y las campiñas y las tierras
tan fermosas y gruesas para plantar et senbrar, para criar ganados de
todas suertes para hedificios de villas y lugares. Los puertos de la
mar aqui no hauria creancia sin vista, et delos rios muchos y grandes y
buenas aguas, los mas delos quales traen oro. En los arboles et frutos
et yeruas ay grandes diferencias de aquellas de la Juana. En esta ay
muchas specierias[58] y grandes minas de oro y d’otros metales. La gente
desta jsla et de todas las otras que he fallado y hauido,[59] in aya
hauido noticia, andan todos desnudos, hombres et mugeres, asi commo sus
madres los paren, avnque algunas mugeres se cobijan vn solo lugar con
vna sola foia de yerua o vna cosa[60] de algodon que para ellos fazen.
Ellos no tienen fierro ni azero ni armas, ni son para ello; no porque
no sea gente bien dispuesta et de fermosa estatura, saluo que son muy
temerosos a marauilla. No tienen otras armas saluo las armas de las
cañas, quando estan con la simiente, a la qual ponen al cabo vn palillo
agudo, et no osan usar de aquellas, que muchas vezes me ha acaescido
enbiar a tierra dos o tres honbres alguna villa para hauer fabla, y
salir a ellos dellos sin numero, et despues que los veyan llegar, fuyan
a no aguardar padre a hijo, y esto no porque a ninguno se aya fecho mal;
antes a toda cabo a donde yo ay estado et podido auer fabla, les he dado
de todo lo que tenia, asi paño commo otras cosas muchas, sin recebir
por ello cosa alguna; mas son asi temerosos sin remedio. Verdad es que
despues que aseguran y pierden esta miedo, ellos son tanto sin engaño y
tan liberales delo que tienen que no lo creerian sino el que lo viese.
Ellos de cosa que tengan pidiendo gela, iamas dizen de no; antes conuidan
la persona con ello, y muestran tanto amor que darian los coraçones, et
quieren sea cosa de valor quien sea de poco precio luego por qualquiera
cosica de qualquiera manera que sea que sele de por ello, sean contentos.
Yo defendi que no se les diesen cosas tan siuiles commo pedaços de
escudillas rotas, y pedaços de vidrio roto, y cabos de agugetas: aunque
quando ellos esto podran llegar,[61] los parescia auer la mejor joya del
mundo: que se açerto auer vn marinero por vna agugeta de oro de peso de
dos castellanos y medio, y otros de otras cosas que muy menos valian,
mucho mas. Ya por blancas nuevas dauan por ellas todo quanto tenian
auer que[62] fuesen dos ni tres castellanos de oro o vna arroua[63] o
dos de algodon fylado. Fasta los pedaços delos arcos rotos de las pipas
tomauan y dauan lo que tenian commo bestias, asy que me parescia mal. Yo
lo defendi y daua yo graciosas mil cosas buenas que yo leuaua, por que
tomen amor y allenda desto se faran[64] cristianos, que se jnclinan al
amor y servicio de sus altezas y de toda la nacion castellana, y procuran
de aiuntar[65] de nos dar de las cosas que tienen en abundancia que nos
son neçessarias. Y no conocian ninguna seta nin ydolatria, saluo que
todos creen que las fuerças y el bien es en el cielo. Y creyan muy firme
que yo con estos nauios y gente venia del cielo, y en tal catamiento me
recibian[66] en todo cabo despues de auer perdido el miedo. Y esto no
precede porque sean ygnorantes, saluo de muy sotil ingenio y hombres que
nauegan todas aquellas mares, que es marauilla la buena cuenta quellos
dan de todo, salvo porque nunca vieron gente vestida ny semejantes
nauios. Y luego que legue a las jndias en la primera ysla que halle, tome
por fuerça algunos dellos para que deprendiesen y me diesen notia delo
que auia en aquellas partes, et asy fue que luego entendiron, y nos a
ellos, quando por lengua o señas, y estos han aprouechado mucho. Oy en
dia los traygo que siempre estan de proposito que vengo del cielo por
mucha conuersacion que ayan auido conmigo, y estos eran los primeros a
pronunciarlo adonde yo llegaua; y los otros andauan corriendo de casa
en casa, y alas villas çercenas con bozes altas, venid, venid a ver la
gente del cielo. Asi todos, hombres commo mugeres, despues de auer el
coraçon seguro de nos, venian[67] que no quedauan grande ni pequeño, y
todos trayan algo de comer y de beuer que dauan con un amor marauilloso.
Ellos tienen todas las yslas muy muchas canoas a manera de fustes[68]
de remo, dellas maioras, dellas menores y algunas y muchas son mayoras
que vna fusta de diez et ocho bancos. No son tan anchas porque son de
vn solo madero, mas vna fusta no terna con ellas al remo porque van que
no es cosa de creer, y con estas nauegan todas aquellas yslas que son
jnnumerables, y traten sus mercaderias. Algunas destas canoas he visto
con. lxx. y lxxx. honbres en ella, y cada vno con su remo. En todas
estas yslas no vide mucha diuersidad de la fechura dela gente ni en las
costumbres ni en la lengua, saluo que todos se entienden, que es cosa
muy singular, para lo que espero que determinaren sus altezas para la
conversacion[69] dellos de nuestra santa fe a la qual son muy dispuestos.
Ya dixe commo yo hauia andada c. vij. leguas por la costa de la mar por
la derecha liña de ocidente a oriente por la ysla Juana, segun el qual
camino puedo desir que esta isla es mayor que inglaterra y escosia juntas
por que allen de destas c. vij. leguas, me queda de la parte de poniente
dos prouincias que yo no he andado; la vna de las quales llaman Auan,[70]
adonde nascen la gente con cola, las quales prouincias no pueden tener en
longura menos de l. o lx. leguas, segund puede[71] entender destos jndios
que yo tengo, los quales saben todas las yslas. Esta otra española en
cierco tiene mas que la españa toda desde colunya[72] por costa de mar
fasta fuente rauia en vi scaya pues en vna quadra anduue clxxxviij.[73]
grandes leguas por recta linia de occidente a oriente. Esta es para
desear, et vista, es para nunca dexar; enla qual puesto que de todas
tenga tomada possession por sus altezas, y todas sean mas abastadas
delo que yo se y puedo dezir, y todas las tengo por de sus altezas qual
dellas pueden disponer commo y tan complidamente commo delos Reynos de
castilla. En esta española en el lugar[74] mas conuenible y meyor comarca
para las minas del oro y de todo trato, asi dela tierra firme de aqua
commo de aquella de alla del grand can, adonde aura[75] grand trato et
grand ganança, he tomado possession de vna villa grande, ala qual puse
nombre la villa de Nauidad. Y en ella he fecho fuerça y fortaleza que
ya a estas horas estara del todo acabada, y he dexada en ella gente que
abasta para semejante fecho, con armas y artellarias et vituallas por
mas de un año; y fusta y maestro de la mar en todas artes para fazer
otras, y grande amistad con el rey de aquella tierra en tanto grado que
se preciaua de me llamar y tener por hermano; y aunque le mudasse[76] la
voluntad a offender esta gente, el ni los suyos no saben que sean armas
y andan desnudos commo ya he dicho: son los mas temerosos que ay en el
mundo, asi que solamente la gente que alla queda, es para destroir toda
aquella tierra, y es ysla syn peligro de sus personas sabiendo se regir.
En todas estas yslas me parece que todos los honbres sean contentos con
vna muger, y a su mayoral o rey dan fasta veynte. Las mugeres me parece
que trabaian mas que los honbres, ni he podido entender si tenien bienes
propios, que me parecio ver que aquello que vno tenia todos hazian
parte, en especial de las cosas comederas. En estas yslas fasta aqui no
he hallado honbres mostrudos, commo muchos pensauan; mas antes es toda
gente de muy lindo acatamiento, ny son negros commo en guinea, saluo con
sus cabellos corredios,[77] y no se crian adonde ay jnpeto[78] demasiado
delos rayos solares. Es verdad quel sol tiene alli grande fuerça, puesto
que es didistinta[79] dela linia inquinocial xxvi. grandes. En estas
islas adonde ay montañas, ay tenida[80] a fuerça el frio este yuierno,
mas ellos lo sufren por la costumbre que con la ayuda delas viandas
que comen con[81] especias muchas y muy calientes en demasia. Asy que
mostruos no he hallado jnnoticia,[82] saluo de una ysla[83] que es aqui
en la segunda a la entrada de las jndias, que es poblada de vna gente
que tienen en todas las yslas por muy ferozes, los quales comen carne
humana.[84] Estos tienen muchas canaos, con las quales corren todas las
yslas de jndia: roban y toman quanto pueden. Ellos no son mas difformes
que los otros, saluo que tienen en costumbre de traer los cabellos largos
commo mugeres, y vsan arcos y flechas de las mismas armas de cañas con
vn palillo al cabo, por defecto de fierro, que no tienen. Son feroses
entre estos otros pueblos que son en demasiado grado couardes, mas yo no
lo tengo a nada mas que a los otros. Estos son aquellos que tratan con
las mugeres de matremonio,[85] que es la primera ysla partiendo despaña
para las jndias que se falla, enla qual no ay honbre ninguno. Ellas no
vsan exercicio femenil, saluo arcos y flechas commo los sobredichos de
cañas, y se arman y cobijan con lamines de arambre, de que tienen mucho.
Otra ysla me seguran mayor que la española, en que las personas no tienen
ningun cabello. En esta ay oro sin cuenta, y desta y de las otras traigo
comigo jndios para testimonio. Y conclusion a fablar desto solamente que
sea fecho este viage, que fue si de corrida que pueden ver sus altezas
que yo les dare oro quanto ovieren[86] menester con muy poquita ajuda
que sus altezas me daran, agora specieria y algodon quanto sus altezas
mandaran cargar, y almastica[87] quanta mandaran cargar, et dela qual
fasta oy no se ha fallado, saluo en grecia enla ysla de xio, y el señorio
la vende commo quiere, y liguñaloe quanto mandaran cargar, y esclavos
quanto mandaran cargar et seran delos ydolatres.[88] Y creo auer hallado
ruybaruo y canela y otras mil cosas de sustancia fallare, que auran
fallado la gente que yo alla dexo, por que yo no me he detenido ningun
cabo, en quanto el viento me aya dado lugar de nauegar, solamente en la
villa de Nauidad en quanto dexe asegurado et bien asentado; y ala verdad
mucho mas ficiera si los nauios me siruieran commo razon demandaua. Esto
es harto[89] y eterno dios nuestro señor el qual da a todos aquellos
que andan su camino victoria de cosas que parecen inposibles: y esta
señaladamente fue la vna; porque avnque destas tierras ayan fallado
o escripto,[90] todo va por conlectura sin allegar devista, saluo
comprendiendo a tanto que los oyentes los mas escuchauan y juzgauan mas
por fabla que por poca[91] cosa dello.

Asy que pues nuestro redentor dio victoria a nuestros illustrissimos
rey et reyna y a sus reynos famosos de tan alta cosa, adonde toda la
christianidad deve tomar alegria y fazer grandes fiestas, y dar gracias
solennes a la santa trinidad con muchas oraciones solennes por el tanto
enxalçamiento que auran, en tornandose[92] tantos pueblosa nuestra santa
fe, y despues por los bienes temporales; que no solamente a la españa
mas a todos los cristianos ternan aqui refrigerio y ganancia. Esto segun
el fecho asi en breue[93]. Fecha enla calauera[94] sobre las yslas de
canaria[95] a xv.[96] de febrero, Mill. y quatrocientos y nouenta y tres
años.

Fara[97] lo que mandereys[98].

                                                             EL ALMIRANTE.

Nyma[99] que venia dentro en la carta.

Despues desta escripto:[100] y estando en mar de Castilla salyo tanto
viento conmigo sul y sueste que me ha fecho descargar los nauios por
cori[101] aqui en esto puerto de lysbona oy, que fue la mayor marauilla
del mundo. Adonde acorde escriuir a sus altezas. En todas las yndias
he siempre hallado los tenporales[102] commo en mayo. Adonde yo fuy en
xxxiij.[103] dias y bolui en xxviij.[104] salvo questas tormentas me han
detenido xiiij.[105] dias corriendo por esta mar. Dizen aqua todos los
honbres dela mar que jamas ouo tan mal yuierno, no ni tantas perdidas de
naues.[106] Fecha a. xiiij dias de marco.

Esta carta embio Colon al escrivano Deracion delas Islas halladas en las
Indias. Contenida a otra[107] de sus Altezas.


FOOTNOTES:

[26] The original spelling of the Ambrosian text, with all its faults,
is here preserved, with the exception of the separation of words fused
together, and the addition of punctuation and capitals for the sake of
clearness. Suggested corrections from the other texts will be placed at
the foot of each page, V. standing for Valencian text; S. for Simancas
text; I. for Italian text; L. for Latin; D. for Dati. Such misspellings
as a Spanish scholar will readily recognize as the blunders of the
Spanish printer I have not thought it necessary to notice.

[27] From the 8th of September when Columbus sailed from the Canaries, to
the 11th of October when he first saw land, was thirty-three days.

[28] Watling’s Island.

[29] Long Island.

[30] Great Exuma.

[31] Saometo or Crooked Island.

[32] Cuba.

[33] Hispaniola or San Domingo.

[34] It should be 188 leagues. See Bibliographical Notice.

[35] These canes are probably the flowering stems of large grasses,
similar to the bamboo or to the arundinaria used by the natives of Guiana
for blowing arrows.

[36] An old Spanish coin, equal to the fiftieth part of a mark of gold.

[37] Small copper coins, equal to about the quarter of a farthing.

[38] One _arroba_ weighs twenty-five pounds.

[39] There appears to be a doubt as to the exact number of men left
by Columbus at Española, different accounts variously giving it as
thirty-seven, thirty-eight, thirty-nine, and forty. There is, however, a
list of their names included in one of the diplomatic documents printed
in Navarrete’s work, which makes the number amount to forty, independent
of the governor Diego de Arana, and his two lieutenants Pedro Gutierrez
and Rodrigo de Escobedo. All these men were Spaniards, with the exception
of two; one an Irishman named William Ires, a native of Galway, and one
an Englishman, whose name was given as Tallarte de Lajes, but whose
native designation it is difficult to guess at. The document in question,
was a proclamation to the effect that the heirs of those men should,
on presenting at the office of public business at Seville, sufficient
proof of their being the next of kin, receive payment in conformity with
the royal order to that purpose, issued at Burgos, on the twentieth of
December, 1507.

[40] Dominica.

[41] Martinique.

[42] Of Genoa. The island of Chios belonged to the Genoese Republic from
1346 to 1566.

[43] Habreis.

[44] V. “pasé de las Islas de Canaria a las Indias.”

[45] V. and S. “ha dado.”

[46] V. “ahi.”

[47] So in all the texts. Senhor de Varnhagen suggests “entrado” for
“encarnado.”

[48] So in all the texts. Senhor de Varnhagen suggests “hacerme.”

[49] V. and S. “habia otra isla;” L. “aliam insulam prospexi.”

[50] V. and S. “distante.”

[51] V. “ciento e ochenta y ocho.” S. “ciento e setenta y
ocho.” I. “cento otanta otto leghe.” L. “miliaria dlxiiii.” D.
“cinquecensessantaquattro miglia.”

[52] V. “leguas la cual y todas.” S. “leguas por via reta del oriente asi
como de la Juana, la cual y todos.” I. “leghe por la dritta linea del
oriente cosi como de la Zouana.”

[53] V. “fertilisimas.” S. “fortisimas.” I. “feralissime.”

[54] V. “Teneryfe.” S. “Cetrefrey.” I. “Santaffer.” L. omitted.

[55] V. and S. “ruiseñor.”

[56] V. and S. “pajaros.”

[57] V. and S. “seis.” I. “setto.” L. “septem.” D. “septe.”

[58] V. and S. “especies.”

[59] V. and S. “y ha havido.” I. “ho travado ho inteso.”

[60] V. “cofia.” S. “cosa.” I. “cosa.”

[61] V, “llevar.”

[62] V. and S. “aunque.”

[63] V. and S. omitted.

[64] V. “façan.”

[65] V. and S. “ayudar.”

[66] V. and S. “reciben.”

[67] V. and S. “venieron.”

[68] “fustas.”

[69] V. and S. “conversion.” L. “conversionem.”

[70] V. “Nhan.” S. “Cibau.” L. “Anan.”

[71] V. and S. “puedo.”

[72] V. “Colibre.” S. “Colunia.” L. “Colonia.” Misread from an abridged
word in the original, which the sense of the passage would make
“Catalonia.”

[73] V. and S. “ciento treinta y ocho.” L. “miliaria dxl.” D.
“cinquecensessantoquattro miglia.”

[74] V. and S. “en lugar.”

[75] V. and S. “habra.”

[76] V. and S. “mudasen.”

[77] V. and S. “correndios.”

[78] V. “effeto.” S. “espeto.” Navarrete says that in old Spanish
“espeto” meant a “spit.”

[79] V. and S. “distante.”

[80] V. and S. “ahi tenia fuerza.”

[81] V. and S. “como son.” L. “quibus vescuntur.”

[82] V. and S. “ni noticia.”

[83] V. “isla de Quarives.” L. “insula Charis nuncupata.”

[84] V. and S. “viva.” L. “humana.”

[85] V. “que tomaban las mugeres de Matinino.” S. “que trocaban las
mugeres de matrimonio.” L. “qui coeunt cum quibusdam feminis quæ insulam
Mateunim habitant.” D. “isola decta Matanino.”

[86] V. and S. “hobieren.”

[87] V. and S. “almasiga.”

[88] In the corrupt edition of the Latin translation reprinted
by Navarrete from the _España Illustrada_, this word is rendered
“hydrophilatorum.”

[89] V. and S. “cierto.”

[90] V. and S. “fablado otros.” L. “scripserunt vel locuti sunt.”

[91] V. and S. “otra.” L. “prope videbatur fabula.”

[92] V. and S. “ayuntandose.”

[93] V. and S. “esto segundo ha fecho ser muy breve.” L. “hæc ut gesta
sunt sic breviter enarrata.”

[94] V. and S. “carabela.”

[95] V. “la isla de Sa. Maria.”

[96] V. “18.” This latter date is the only one which corresponds with the
fourteen days, mentioned in the postscript, during which Columbus was
detained at sea by the weather previously to his reaching Lisbon on the
4th of March.

[97] V. “Para.”

[98] V. “mandaredes.”

[99] S. “Anima.” V. The entire nema wanting. The same in L. and D.

[100] S. “escrita.”

[101] S. “correr.”

[102] S. “tiempos.”

[103] S. “noventa y tres.”

[104] S. “setenta y ocho.” Both are wrong. It should be forty-eight, from
January 16 to March 4.

[105] S. “trece.”

[106] S. “los quatro.” Columbus really arrived at Lisbon on the 4th of
March. For an explanation of this discrepancy, see Bibliographical Notice.

[107] S. “Indias e otra.”




SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.


_A Letter addressed to the Chapter of Seville by Dr. Chanca,[108] native
of that city, and physician to the fleet of Columbus, in his second
voyage to the West Indies, describing the principal events which occurred
during that voyage._

Most noble sir,—Since the occurrences which I relate in private letters
to other persons, are not of such general interest as those which are
contained in this epistle, I have resolved to give you a distinct
narrative of the events of our voyage, as well as to treat of the other
matters which form the subject of my petition to you. The news I have
to communicate are as follows: The expedition which their Catholic
Majesties sent, by Divine permission, from Spain to the Indies, under
the command of Christopher Columbus, admiral of the ocean, left Cadiz on
the twenty-fifth of September, of the year [109], with wind and weather
favourable for the voyage. This wind lasted two days, during which time
we managed to make nearly fifty leagues. The weather then changing,
we made little or no progress for the next two days; it pleased God,
however, after this, to restore us fine weather, so that in two days more
we reached the Great Canary. Here we put into harbour, which we were
obliged to do, to repair one of the ships which made a great deal of
water; we remained all that day, and on the following set sail again, but
were several times becalmed, so that we were four or five days before we
reached Gomera. We had to remain at Gomera one day to lay in our stores
of meat, wood, and as much water as we could stow, preparatory to the
long voyage which we expected to make without seeing land: thus through
the delay at these two ports, and being calmed the day after leaving
Gomera, we were nineteen or twenty days before we arrived at the Island
of Ferro. After this we had, by the goodness of God, a return of fine
weather, more continuous than any fleet ever enjoyed during so long a
voyage; so that leaving Ferro on the thirteenth of October, within twenty
days we came in sight of land: and we should have seen it in fourteen or
fifteen days, if the ship _Capitana_ had been as good a sailer as the
other vessels; for many times the others had to shorten sail, because
they were leaving us much behind. During all this time we had great
good fortune, for throughout the voyage we encountered no storm, with
the exception of one on St. Simon’s eve, which for four hours put us in
considerable jeopardy.

On the first Sunday after All Saints, namely, the third of November,
about dawn, a pilot of the ship _Capitana_ cried out “The reward, I see
the land!”

The joy of the people was so great, that it was wonderful to hear their
cries and exclamations of pleasure; and they had good reason to be
delighted, for they had become so wearied of bad living, and of working
the water out of the ships, that all sighed most anxiously for land.
The pilots of the fleet reckoned on that day, that between leaving Ferro
and first reaching land, we had made eight hundred leagues; others said
seven hundred and eighty (so that the difference was not great), and
three hundred more between Ferro and Cadiz, making in all eleven hundred
leagues; I do not therefore feel as one who had not seen enough of the
water. On the morning of the aforesaid Sunday, we saw lying before us
an island, and soon on the right hand another appeared: the first[110]
was high and mountainous, on the side nearest to us; the other[111]
flat, and very thickly wooded: as soon as it became lighter, other
islands began to appear on both sides; so that on that day, there were
six islands to be seen lying in different directions, and most of them
of considerable size. We directed our course towards that which we had
first seen, and reaching the coast, we proceeded more than a league in
search of a port where we might anchor, but without finding one: all
that part of the island which met our view, appeared mountainous, very
beautiful, and green even up to the water, which was delightful to see,
for at that season there is scarcely any thing green in our own country.
When we found that there was no harbour there,[112] the admiral decided
that we should go to the other island, which appeared on the right, and
which was at four or five leagues distance: one vessel however still
remained on the first island all that day seeking for a harbour, in case
it should be necessary to return thither. At length, having found a good
one, where they saw both people and dwellings, they returned that night
to the fleet, which had put into harbour at the other island,[113] and
there the admiral, accompanied by a great number of men, landed with the
royal banner in his hands, and took formal possession on behalf of their
Majesties. This island was filled with an astonishingly thick growth of
wood; the variety of unknown trees, some bearing fruit and some flowers,
was surprising, and indeed every spot was covered with verdure. We found
there a tree whose leaf had the finest smell of cloves that I have ever
met with; it was like a laurel leaf, but not so large: but I think it
was a species of laurel. There were wild fruits of various kinds, some
of which our men, not very prudently, tasted; and upon only touching
them with their tongues, their countenances became inflamed,[114] and
such great heat and pain followed, that they seemed to be mad, and
were obliged to resort to refrigerants to cure themselves. We found no
signs of any people in this island, and concluded it was uninhabited;
we remained only two hours, for it was very late when we landed, and
on the following morning we left for another very large island,[115]
situated below this at the distance of seven or eight leagues. We
approached it under the side of a great mountain, that seemed almost
to reach the skies, in the middle of which rose a peak higher than all
the rest of the mountain, whence many streams diverged into different
channels, especially towards the part at which we arrived. At three
leagues distance, we could see an immense fall of water, which looked
of the breadth of an ox, and discharged itself from such a height that
it appeared to fall from the sky; it was seen from so great a distance
that it occasioned many wagers to be laid on board the ships, some
maintaining that it was but a series of white rocks, and others that it
was water. When we came nearer to it, it showed itself distinctly, and it
was the most beautiful thing in the world to see from how great a height
and from what a small space so large a fall of water was discharged. As
soon as we neared the island the admiral ordered a light caravel to run
along the coast to search for a harbour; the captain put into land in a
boat, and seeing some houses, leapt on shore and went up to them, the
inhabitants fleeing at sight of our men; he then went into the houses
and there found various household articles that had been left unremoved,
from which he took two parrots, very large and quite different from any
we had before seen; he found a great quantity of cotton, both spun and
prepared for spinning, and articles of food, of all of which he brought
away a portion; besides these, he also brought away four or five bones
of human arms and legs. On seeing these we suspected that we were
amongst the Caribbee islands, whose inhabitants eat human flesh; for the
admiral, guided by the information respecting their situation which he
had received from the Indians of the islands discovered in his former
voyage, had directed his course with a view to their discovery, both
because they were the nearest to Spain, and because this was the direct
track for the island of Española, where he had left some of his people.
Thither, by the goodness of God and the wise management of the admiral,
we came in as straight a track as if we had sailed by a well known and
frequented route. This island is very large, and on the side where we
arrived it seemed to us to be twenty-five leagues in length. We sailed
more than two leagues along the shore in search of a harbour. On the part
towards which we moved appeared very high mountains, and on that which we
left extensive plains; on the sea coast there were a few small villages,
whose inhabitants fled as soon as they saw the sails. At length after
proceeding two leagues we found a port late in the evening. That night
the admiral resolved that some of the men should land at break of day in
order to confer with the natives, and learn what sort of people they
were; although it was suspected, from the appearance of those who had
fled at our approach, that they were naked, like those whom the admiral
had seen in his former voyage. In the morning several detachments under
their respective captains sallied forth; one of them returned at the
dinner hour, with a boy of about fourteen years of age, as it afterwards
appeared, who said that he was one of the prisoners taken by these
people. The others divided themselves, and one party took a little boy,
whom a man was leading by the hand, but who left him and fled; this boy
they sent on board immediately with some of our men; others remained,
and took certain women, natives of the island, together with other women
from among the captives who came of their own accord. One captain of this
last company, not knowing that any intelligence of the people had been
obtained, advanced farther into the island and lost himself, with the
six men who accompanied him: they could not find their way back until
after four days, when they lighted upon the sea shore, and following
the line of coast returned to the fleet.[116] We had already looked
upon them as killed and eaten by the people that are called Caribbees;
for we could not account for their long absence in any other way, since
they had among them some pilots who by their knowledge of the stars
could navigate either to or from Spain, so that we imagined that they
could not lose themselves in so small a space. On this first day of our
landing several men and women came on the beach up to the water’s edge,
and gazed at the ships in astonishment at so novel a sight; and when a
boat pushed on shore in order to speak with them, they cried out “tayno
tayno,” which is as much as to say, “good,” and waited for the landing
of the sailors, standing by the boat in such a manner that they might
escape when they pleased. The result was, that none of the men could be
persuaded to join us, and only two were taken by force, who were secured
and led away. More than twenty of the female captives were taken with
their own consent, and other women natives of the island were surprised
and carried off: several of the boys, who were captives, came to us
fleeing from the natives of the island who had taken them prisoners.
We remained eight days in this port in consequence of the loss of the
aforesaid captain, and went many times on shore, passing amongst the
dwellings and villages which were on the coast; we found a vast number of
human bones and skulls hung up about the houses, like vessels intended
for holding various things. There were very few men to be seen here, and
the women informed us that this was in consequence of ten canoes having
gone to make an attack upon other islands. These islanders appeared to us
to be more civilised than those that we had hitherto seen; for although
all the Indians have houses of straw, yet the houses of these people
are constructed in a much superior fashion, are better stocked with
provisions, and exhibit more evidences of industry, both on the part of
the men and the women. They had a considerable quantity of cotton, both
spun and prepared for spinning, and many cotton sheets, so well woven as
to be no way inferior to those of our country. We inquired of the women,
who were prisoners in the island, what people these islanders were:
they replied that they were Caribbees. As soon as they learned that we
abhorred such people, on account of their evil practice of eating human
flesh, they were much delighted; and, after that, if they brought forward
any woman or man of the Caribbees, they informed us (but secretly), that
they were such, still evincing by their dread of their conquerors, that
they belonged to a vanquished nation, though they knew them all to be in
our power.

We were enabled to distinguish which of the women were natives, and
which were captives, by the Caribbees wearing on each leg two bands of
woven cotton, the one fastened round the knee, and the other round the
ankle; by this means they make the calves of their legs large, and the
above-mentioned parts very small, which I imagine that they regard as
a matter of prettiness: by this peculiarity we distinguished them. The
habits of these Caribbees are brutal. There are three islands: the one
called Turuqueira; the other, which was the first that we saw, is called
Ceyre;[117] the third is called Ayay: there is a resemblance among the
natives of all these, as if they were of one race, and they do no injury
to each other; but each and all of them wage war against the other
neighbouring islands, and for the purpose of attacking them, make voyages
of a hundred and fifty leagues at sea, with their numerous canoes, which
are a small kind of craft made out of a single trunk of a tree. Their
arms are arrows, in the place of iron weapons, and as they have no iron,
some of them point their arrows with tortoise-shell, and others make
their arrow heads of fish spines, which are naturally barbed like coarse
saws: these prove dangerous weapons to a naked people like the Indians,
and may cause death or severe injury, but to men of our nation they are
not very formidable. In their attacks upon the neighbouring islands,
these people capture as many of the women as they can, especially those
who are young and beautiful, and keep them as concubines; and so great
a number do they carry off, that in fifty houses no men were to be
seen; and out of the number of the captives, more than twenty were
young girls. These women also say that the Caribbees use them with such
cruelty as would scarcely be believed; and that they eat the children
which they bear to them, and only bring up those which they have by their
native wives. Such of their male enemies as they can take alive, they
bring to their houses to make a feast of them, and those who are killed
they devour at once. They say that man’s flesh is so good, that there
is nothing like it in the world; and this is pretty evident, for of the
bones which we found in their houses, they had gnawed everything that
could be gnawed, so that nothing remained of them but what was too tough
to be eaten: in one of the houses we found the neck of a man, undergoing
the process of cooking in a pot. When they take any boys prisoners, they
dismember them, and make use of them until they grow up to manhood, and
then when they wish to make a feast they kill and eat them, for they say
that the flesh of boys and women is not good to eat. Three of these boys
came fleeing to us thus mutilated.

At the end of four days arrived the captain who had lost himself with
his companions, of whose return we had by this time given up all hope;
for other parties had been twice sent out to seek him, one of which
came back on the same day that he rejoined us, without having gained
any information respecting the wanderers: we rejoiced at their arrival,
regarding it as a new accession to our numbers. The captain and the men
who accompanied him brought back some women and boys, ten in number.
Neither this party, nor those who went out to seek them, had seen any of
the men of the island, which must have arisen either from their having
fled, or possibly from their being but very few men in that locality;
for, as the women informed us, ten canoes had gone away to make an attack
upon the neighbouring islands. The wanderers had returned from the
mountains in such an emaciated condition, that it was distressing to see
them. When we asked them how it was that they lost themselves, they said
that the trees were so thick and close that they could not see the sky.
Some of them who were mariners had climbed the trees to get a sight of
the stars, but could never see them, and if they had not found their way
to the sea coast, it would have been impossible to have returned to the
fleet. We left this island eight days after our arrival.[118] The next
day at noon we saw another island,[119] not very large, at about twelve
leagues distance from the one we were leaving. The greater part of the
first day of our departure we were kept close in to the coast of this
island by a calm, but as the Indian women whom we brought with us said
that it was not inhabited, but had been dispeopled by the Caribbees, we
made no stay in it. On that evening we saw another island:[120] and in
the night finding there were some sand-banks near, we dropped anchor, not
venturing to proceed until the morning. On the morrow another island[121]
appeared, of considerable size, but we touched at none of these because
we were anxious to convey consolation to our people who had been left
in Española; but it did not please God to grant us our desire, as will
hereafter appear. Another day at the dinner hour we arrived at an
island[122] which seemed worth the finding, for judging by the extent
of cultivation in it, it appeared very populous. We went thither and put
into harbour, when the admiral immediately sent on shore a well manned
barge to hold speech with the Indians, in order to ascertain what race
they were, and also because it was necessary to gain some information
respecting our course; although it afterwards plainly appeared that
the admiral, who had never made that passage before, had taken a very
correct route. But as matters of doubt should always be brought to as
great a certainty as possible by inquiry, he wished the natives to be
communicated with, and some of the men who went in the barge landed and
went up to a village, whence the inhabitants had already withdrawn and
hidden themselves. They took in this island five or six women and some
boys, most of whom were captives, like those in the other island; for,
as we learned from the women whom we had brought with us, the natives of
this place also were Caribbees. As this barge was about to return to the
ships with the capture which they had made, a canoe came along the coast
containing four men, two women, and a boy; and when they saw the fleet
they were so stupified with amazement, that for a good hour they remained
motionless at the distance of nearly two gunshots from the ships. In this
position they were seen by those who were in the barge and also by all
the fleet. Meanwhile those in the barge moved towards the canoe, but so
close in shore, that the Indians, in their perplexity and astonishment as
to what all this could mean, never saw them, until they were so near that
escape was impossible; for our men pressed on them so rapidly that they
could not get away, although they made considerable effort to do so.

When the Caribbees saw that all attempt at flight was useless, they
most courageously took to their bows, both women and men; I say most
courageously, because they were only four men and two women, and our
people were twenty-five in number. Two of our men were wounded by the
Indians, one with two arrow-shots in his breast, and another with one in
his side, and if it had not happened that they carried shields and wooden
bucklers, and that they soon got near them with the barge and upset
their canoe, most of them would have been killed with their arrows.
After their canoe was upset, they remained in the water swimming and
occasionally wading (for there were shallows in that part), still using
their bows as much as they could, so that our men had enough to do to
take them: and after all there was one of them whom they were unable to
secure till he had received a mortal wound with a lance, and whom thus
wounded they took to the ships. The difference between these Caribbees
and the other Indians, with respect to dress, consists in their wearing
their hair very long, while the others have it clipt irregularly and
paint their heads with crosses and a hundred thousand different devices,
each according to his fancy; which they do with sharpened reeds. All
of them, both the Caribbees and the others, are beardless, so that
it is a rare thing to find a man with a beard: the Caribbees whom we
took had their eyes and eyebrows stained, which I imagine they do from
ostentation. It gave them a more formidable appearance. One of these
captives said, that in an island belonging to them called Cayre[123]
(which is the first that we saw, though we did not go to it), there is
a great quantity of gold; and that if we were to take them nails and
tools with which to make their canoes, we might bring away as much gold
as we liked. On the same day we left that island, having been there
no more than six or seven hours; and, steering for another point of
land[124] which appeared to lie in our intended course, we reached it
by night. On the morning of the following day we coasted along it, and
found it to be a large extent of country, but not continuous, for it was
divided into more than forty islets.[125] The land was very high and
most of it barren, an appearance which we have never observed in any of
the islands visited by us before or since: the surface of the ground
seemed to suggest the probability of its containing metals. None of us
went on shore here, but a small latteen caravel went up to one of the
islets and found in it some fishermen’s huts; the Indian women whom we
brought with us said they were not inhabited. We proceeded along the
coast the greater part of that day, and on the evening of the next we
discovered another island called Burenquen,[126] which we judged to be
thirty leagues in length, for we were coasting along it the whole of one
day. This island is very beautiful and apparently fertile: hither the
Caribbees come with the view of subduing the inhabitants, and often carry
away many of the people. These islanders have no boats nor any knowledge
of navigation; but, as our captives inform us, they use bows as well as
the Caribbees, and if by chance when they are attacked they succeed in
taking any of their invaders, they will eat them in like manner as the
Caribbees themselves in the contrary event would devour them. We remained
two days in this island, and a great number of our men went on shore, but
could never get speech of the natives, who had all fled, from fear of
the Caribbees. All the above-mentioned islands were discovered in this
voyage, the admiral having seen nothing of them in his former voyage.
They are all very beautiful and possess a most luxuriant soil, but this
last island appeared to exceed all the others in beauty. Here terminated
the islands, which on the side towards Spain had not been seen before
by the admiral, although we regard it as a matter of certainty that
there is land more than forty leagues beyond the foremost of these newly
discovered islands, on the side nearest to Spain. We believe this to be
the case, because, two days before we saw land, we observed some birds
called rabihorcados (or pelicans), marine birds of prey which do not sit
or sleep upon the water, making circumvolutions in the air at the close
of evening previous to taking their flight towards land for the night.
These birds could not be going to settle at more than twelve or fifteen
leagues distance, because it was late in the evening, and this was on
our right hand on the side towards Spain; from which we all judged that
there was land there still undiscovered; but we did not go in search of
it, because it would have taken us round out of our intended route. I
hope that in a few voyages it will be discovered. It was at dawn that
we left the before-mentioned island of Burenquen,[127] and on that day
before nightfall we caught sight of land, which though not recognized
by any of those who had come hither in the former voyage, we believed to
be Española, from the information given us by the Indian women whom we
had with us: and in this island we remain at present.[128] Between it and
Burenquen[129] another island appeared at a distance, but of no great
size. When we reached Española the land, at the part where we approached
it, was low and very flat,[130] on seeing which, a general doubt arose
as to its identity; for, neither the admiral nor his companions, on the
previous voyage, had seen it on this side.

The island being large, is divided into provinces; the part which we
first touched at, is called Hayti; another province adjoining it, they
call Xamaná; and the next province is named Bohio, where we now are.
These provinces are again subdivided, for they are of great extent.
Those who have seen the length of its coast, state that it is two
hundred leagues long, and I, myself, should judge it not to be less
than a hundred and fifty leagues: as to its breadth, nothing is hitherto
known; it is now forty days since a caravel left us with the view of
circumnavigating it, and is not yet returned.[131] The country is very
remarkable, and contains a vast number of large rivers, and extensive
chains of mountains, with broad open valleys, and the mountains are very
high: it does not appear that the grass is ever cut throughout the year.
I do not think that they have any winter in this part, for at Christmas
were found many birds-nests, some containing the young birds, and others
containing eggs. No four-footed animal has ever been seen in this or any
of the other islands, except some dogs of various colours, as in our
own country, but in shape like large house-dogs; and also some little
animals, in colour, size, and fur, like a rabbit, with long tails, and
feet like those of a rat; these animals climb up the trees, and many who
have tasted them, say they are very good to eat:[132] there are not any
wild beasts. There are great numbers of small snakes, and some lizards,
but not many; for the Indians consider them as great a luxury as we do
pheasants: they are of the same size as ours, but different in shape. In
a small adjacent island[133] (close by a harbour called Monte Christo,
where we stayed several days), our men saw an enormous kind of lizard,
which they said was as large round as a calf,[134] with a tail as long as
a lance, which they often went out to kill: but bulky as it was, it got
into the sea, so that they could not catch it. There are, both in this
and the other islands, an infinite number of birds like those in our own
country, and many others such as we had never seen. No kind of domestic
fowl has been seen here, with the exception of some ducks in the houses
in Zuruquia; these ducks were larger than those of Spain, though smaller
than geese,—very pretty, with flat crests, most of them as white as snow,
but some black.

We ran along the coast of this island nearly a hundred leagues,
concluding, that within this range we should find the spot where the
admiral had left some of his men, and which we supposed to be about the
middle of the coast. As we passed by the province called Xamaná, we sent
on shore one of the Indians, who had been taken in the previous voyage,
clothed, and carrying some trifles, which the admiral had ordered to
be given him. On that day died one of our sailors, a Biscayan, who had
been wounded in the affray with the Caribbees, when they were captured,
as I have already described, through their want of caution. As we were
proceeding along the coast, an opportunity was afforded for a boat to
go on shore to bury him, the boat being accompanied by two caravels to
protect it. When they reached the shore, a great number of Indians came
out to the boat, some of them wearing necklaces and ear-rings of gold,
and expressed a wish to accompany the Spaniards to the ships; but our
men refused to take them, because they had not received permission from
the admiral. When the Indians found that they would not take them, two
of them got into a small canoe, and went up to one of the caravels that
had put in to shore; they were received on board with great kindness,
and taken to the admiral’s ship, where, through the medium of an
interpreter, they related that a certain king had sent them to ascertain
who we were, and to invite us to land, adding that they had plenty of
gold, and also of provisions, to which we should be welcome. The admiral
desired that shirts, and caps, and other trifles, should be given to
each of them, and said that as he was going to the place where Guacamari
dwelt, he would not stop then, but that on a future day they would have
an opportunity of seeing him, and with that they departed. We continued
our route till we came to an harbour called Monte Cristi, where we
remained two days, in order to observe the position of the land; for the
admiral had an objection to the spot where his men had been left with
the view of forming a station. We went on shore therefore to observe
the formation of the land. There was a large river of excellent water
close by;[135] but the ground was inundated, and very ill-calculated for
habitation. As we went on making our observations on the river and the
land, some of our men found two dead bodies by the river’s side, one with
a rope round his neck, and the other with one round his foot: this was
on the first day of our landing. On the following day they found two
other corpses farther on, and one of these was observed to have a great
quantity of beard. This was regarded as a very suspicious circumstance
by many of our people, because, as I have already said, all the Indians
are beardless. This harbour is twelve leagues from the place where the
Spaniards had been left under the protection of Guacamari, the king of
that province, whom I suppose to be one of the chief men of the island.
After two days we set sail for that spot, but as it was late when we
arrived,[136] and there were some shoals, where the admiral’s ship had
been lost, we did not venture to put in close to the shore, but remained
that night at a little less than a league from the coast, waiting until
the morning, when we might enter securely. On that evening, a canoe,
containing five or six Indians, came out at a considerable distance
from where we were, and approached us with great celerity. The admiral
believing that he insured our safety by keeping the sails set, would
not wait for them; they, however, perseveringly rowed up to us within
gunshot, and then stopped to look at us; but when they saw that we did
not wait for them, they put back and went away. After we had anchored
that night at the spot in question,[137] the admiral ordered two guns to
be fired, to see if the Spaniards, who had remained with Guacamari, would
fire in return, for they also had guns with them; but when we received
no reply, and could not perceive any fires, nor the slightest symptom of
habitations on the spot, the spirits of our people became much depressed,
and they began to entertain the suspicion which the circumstances were
naturally calculated to excite. While all were in this desponding mood,
and when four or five hours of the night had passed away, the same canoe
which we had seen in the evening, came up, and the Indians with a loud
voice addressed the captain of the caravel which they first approached,
inquiring for the admiral; they were conducted to the admiral’s vessel,
but would not go on board till he had spoken to them, and they had asked
for a light, in order to assure themselves that it was he who conversed
with them. One of them was a cousin of Guacamari, who had been sent
by him once before: it appeared, that after they had turned back the
previous evening, they had been charged by Guacamari with two masks of
gold as a present; one for the admiral, the other for a captain who
had accompanied him on the former voyage. They remained on board for
three hours, talking with the admiral in the presence of all of us, he
showing much pleasure in their conversation, and inquiring respecting
the welfare of the Spaniards whom he had left behind. Guacamari’s cousin
replied, that those who remained were all well, but that some of them
had died of disease, and others had been killed in quarrels that had
arisen amongst them: he said also that the province had been invaded,
by two kings named Caonabó and Mayreni, who had burned the habitations
of the people; and that Guacamari was at some distance, lying ill of a
wound in his leg, which was the occasion of his not appearing, but that
he would come on the next day. The Indians then departed, saying they
would return on the following day with the said Guacamari, and left us
consoled for that night. Next morning we looked for Guacamari’s arrival;
and, meanwhile, some of our men landed by command of the admiral, and
went to the spot where the Spaniards had formerly been: they found the
building which they had inhabited, and which they had in some degree
fortified with a palisade, burnt and levelled with the ground; they
found also some rags and stuffs which the Indians had brought to throw
upon the house. They observed too that the Indians who were seen near
the spot, looked very shy, and dared not approach, but, on the contrary,
fled from them. This we thought did not look well; for the admiral had
told us that in the former voyage, when he arrived at this place, so many
came in canoes to see our people, that there was no keeping them off;
and as we now noticed that they were suspicious of us, it gave us a very
unfavourable impression. We threw trifles, such as buttons and beads,
towards them, in order to conciliate them, but only four, a relation
of Guacamari’s and three others, took courage to enter the boat, and
were rowed on board. When they were asked concerning the Spaniards, they
replied that all of them were dead: we had been told this already by one
of the Indians whom we had brought from Spain, and who had conversed
with the two Indians that on the former occasion came on board with
their canoe, but we had not believed it. Guacamari’s kinsman was asked
who had killed them: he replied that king Caonabó and king Mayreni had
made an attack upon them, and burnt the buildings on the spot, that many
were wounded in the affray, and among them Guacamari, who had received
a wound in his thigh, and had retired to some distance: he also stated
that he wished to go and fetch him; upon which some trifles were given to
him, and he took his departure for the place of Guacamari’s abode. All
that day we remained in expectation of them, and when we saw that they
did not come, many suspected that the Indians who had been on board the
night before, had been drowned; for they had had wine given them two or
three times, and they had come in a small canoe that might be easily
upset. The next morning the admiral went on shore, taking some of us
with him; we went to the spot where the settlement had been, and found
it utterly destroyed by fire, and the clothes of the Spaniards lying
about upon the grass, but on that occasion we saw no dead body. There
were many different opinions amongst us; some suspecting that Guacamari
himself was concerned in the betrayal and death of the Christians; others
thought not, because his own residence was burnt: so that it remained
a very doubtful question. The admiral ordered all the ground which had
been occupied by the fortifications of the Spaniards to be searched,
for he had left orders with them to bury all the gold that they might
get. While this was being done, the admiral wished to examine a spot at
about a league’s distance, which seemed to be suitable for building a
town, for there was yet time to do so;—and some of us went thither with
him, making our observations of the land as we went along the coast,
until we reached a village of seven or eight houses, which the Indians
forsook when they saw us approach, carrying away what they could, and
leaving the things which they could not remove, hidden amongst the
grass, around the houses. These people are so degraded that they have
not even the sense to select a fitting place to live in; those who dwell
on the shore, build for themselves the most miserable hovels that can
be imagined, and all the houses are so covered with grass and dampness,
that I wonder how they can contrive to exist. In these houses we found
many things belonging to the Spaniards, which it could not be supposed
they would have bartered; such as a very handsome Moorish mantle, which
had not been unfolded since it was brought from Spain, stockings and
pieces of cloth, also an anchor belonging to the ship which the admiral
had lost here on the previous voyage; with other articles, which the more
confirmed our suspicions. On examining some things which had been very
cautiously sewn up in a small basket, we found a man’s head wrapped up
with great care; this we judged might be the head of a father, or mother,
or of some person whom they much regarded: I have since heard that many
were found in the same state, which makes me believe that our first
impression was the true one. After this we returned. We went on the same
day to the site of the settlement; and when we arrived, we found many
Indians, who had regained their courage, bartering gold with our men:
they had bartered to the extent of a mark: we also learned that they had
shown where the bodies of eleven of the dead Spaniards were laid, which
were already covered with the grass that had grown over them; and they
all with one voice asserted that Caonabó and Mayreni had killed them; but
notwithstanding all this, we began to hear complaints that one of the
Spaniards had taken three women to himself, and another four, from whence
we drew the inference that jealousy was the cause of the misfortune that
had occurred. On the next morning, as no spot in that vicinity appeared
suitable for our making a settlement, the admiral ordered a caravel to go
in one direction to look for a convenient locality, while some of us went
with him another way. In the course of our explorations, we discovered a
harbour of great security; the neighbourhood of which, so far as regarded
the formation of the land, was excellent for habitation; but as it was
far from any mine of gold, the proximity of which was very desirable, the
admiral decided that we should settle in some spot which would give us
greater certainty of attaining that object, provided the position of the
land should prove equally convenient. On our return, we found the other
caravel arrived, in which Melchior and four or five other trustworthy
men had been exploring with a similar object. They reported that as they
went along the coast, a canoe came out to them containing two Indians,
one of whom was the brother of Guacamari, and was recognised by a pilot
who was in the caravel. When he questioned them as to their purpose, they
replied that Guacamari sent to beg the Spaniards to come on shore, as he
was residing near, with as many as fifty families around him. The chief
men of the party then went on shore in the boat, and proceeding to the
place where Guacamari was, found him stretched on his bed, complaining
of a severe wound. They conferred with him, and inquired respecting the
Spaniards; his reply was in accordance with the account already given by
the others, viz.—that they had been killed by Caonabó and Mayreni, who
also had wounded him in the thigh. In confirmation of his assertion,
he showed them the limb bound up, on seeing which, they concluded that
his statement was correct. At their departure he gave to each of them
a jewel of gold, according to his estimate of their respective merits.
The Indians beat the gold into very thin plates, in order to make masks
of it, and set it in a cement which they make for that purpose. Other
ornaments they make of it, to wear on the head and to hang in the ears
and nostrils, and for these also they require it to be thin. It is not
the costliness of the gold that they value in their ornaments, but its
showy appearance. Guacamari desired them by signs as well as he was able,
to tell the admiral that as he was thus wounded, he prayed him to have
the goodness to come to see him. The sailors told this to the admiral
when he arrived, and he resolved to go the next morning, for the spot
could be reached in three hours, being scarcely three leagues distance
from the place where we were; but as it would be the dinner-hour when we
arrived, we dined before we went on shore. After dinner, the admiral gave
orders that all the captains should come with their barges to proceed
to the shore, for already on that morning, previous to our departure,
the aforesaid brother of Guacamari had come to speak to the admiral
to urge his visit. Then the admiral went on shore accompanied by all
the principal officers, so richly dressed that they would have made a
distinguished appearance even in any of our chief cities: he took with
him some articles as presents, having already received from Guacamari a
certain quantity of gold, and it was reasonable that he should make a
commensurate response to his acts and expressions of good-will: Guacamari
had also provided himself with a present. When we arrived, we found him
stretched upon his bed, which was made of cotton net-work, and, according
to their custom, suspended.[138] He did not arise, but from his bed made
the best gesture of courtesy of which he was capable. He showed much
feeling; with tears in his eyes lamented the death of the Spaniards, and
began by explaining to the best of his power, how some died of disease,
others had gone to Caonabó in search of the mine of gold, and had there
been killed, and that the rest had been attacked and slain in their own
town. According to the appearance of the dead bodies, it was not two
months since this had happened. He then presented the admiral with eight
marks and a half of gold, five or six hundred pieces of jewellery of
various colours, and a cap with similar jewel-work, which I think they
must value very highly, because in it was a jewel which was presented
with great reverence. It appears to me that these people put more value
upon copper than gold. The surgeon of the fleet and myself being present,
the admiral told Guacamari that we were skilled in the treatment of
human disorders, and wished that he would shew us his wound. He replied
that he was willing; upon which I said it would be necessary that he
should, if possible, go out of the house, because we could not see well
on account of the place being darkened by the throng of people; to this
he consented, I think more from timidity than inclination, and left the
house leaning on the arm of the admiral. After he was seated, the surgeon
approached him and began to untie his bandage; then he told the admiral
that the wound was made with a _ciba_, by which he meant with a stone.
When the wound was uncovered, we went up to examine it: it is certain
that there was no more wound on that leg than on the other, although he
cunningly pretended that it pained him much. Ignorant as we were of the
facts, it was impossible to come to a definite conclusion. There were
certainly many proofs of an invasion by a hostile people, so that the
admiral was at a loss what to do. He with many others thought, however,
that for the present, and until they could ascertain the truth, they
ought to conceal their distrust; for, after ascertaining it, they would
be able to claim whatever indemnity they thought proper. That evening
Guacamari accompanied the admiral to the ships, and when they showed
him the horses and other objects of interest, their novelty struck him
with the greatest amazement: he took supper on board, and returned that
evening to his house. The admiral told him that he wished to settle there
and to build houses; to which he assented, but said that the place was
not wholesome, because it was very damp: and so it most certainly was.

All this passed through the interpretation of two of the Indians who had
gone to Spain in the last voyage, and who were the sole survivors of
seven that had embarked with us; five died on the voyage, and these but
narrowly escaped. The next day we anchored in that port: Guacamari sent
to know when the admiral intended leaving, and was told that he should do
so on the morrow. The same day Guacamari’s brother, and others with him,
came on board, bringing gold to barter: on the day of our departure also
they bartered a great quantity of gold. There were ten women on board,
of those which had been taken in the Caribbee islands, principally from
Burenquen, and it was observed that the brother of Guacamari spoke with
them; we think that he told them to make an effort to escape that night;
for certainly during our first sleep they dropped themselves quietly into
the water, and went on shore, so that by the time they were missed they
had reached such a distance that only four could be taken by the boats
which went in pursuit, and these were secured when just leaving the
water: they had to swim considerably more than half a league. The next
morning the admiral sent to desire that Guacamari would cause search to
be made for the women who had escaped in the night, and that he would
send them back to the ships. When the messengers arrived they found the
place forsaken and not a soul there; this made many openly declare their
suspicions, but others said they might have removed to another village,
as was their custom. That day we remained quiet, because the weather was
unfavourable for our departure. On the next morning the admiral resolved
that as the wind was adverse, it would be well to go with the boats to
inspect a harbour on the coast at two leagues distance further up,[139]
to see if the formation of the land was favourable for a settlement;
and we went thither with all the ship’s boats, leaving the ships in the
harbour. As we moved along the coast the people manifested a sense of
insecurity, and when we reached the spot to which we were bound all the
natives had fled. While we were walking about this place we found an
Indian stretched on the hill-side, close by the houses, with a gaping
wound in his shoulder caused by a dart, so that he had been disabled from
fleeing any further. The natives of this island fight with sharp darts,
which they discharge from cross-bows in the same manner as boys in Spain
shoot their small arrows, and which they send with considerable skill to
a great distance; and certainly upon an unarmed people these weapons are
calculated to do serious injury. The man told us that Caonabó and his
people had wounded him and burnt the houses of Guacamari. Thus we are
still kept in uncertainty respecting the death of our people, on account
of the paucity of information on which to form an opinion, and the
conflicting and equivocal character of the evidence we have obtained. We
did not find the position of the land in this port favourable for healthy
habitation, and the admiral resolved upon returning along the upper coast
by which we had come from Spain, because we had had tidings of gold in
that direction. But the weather was so adverse that it cost more labour
to sail thirty leagues in a backward direction than the whole voyage
from Spain; so that, what with the contrary wind and the length of the
passage, three months had elapsed before we set foot on land. It pleased
God, however, that through the check upon our progress caused by contrary
winds, we succeeded in finding the best and most suitable spot that
we could have selected for a settlement, where there was an excellent
harbour[140] and abundance of fish, an article of which we stood in great
need from the scarcity of meat. The fish caught here are very singular
and more wholesome than those of Spain. The climate does not allow the
fish to be kept from one day to another, for all animal food speedily
becomes unwholesome, on account of the alternate heat and damp.

The land is very rich for all purposes. Near the harbour there are two
rivers; one large,[141] and another of moderate breadth somewhat near
it: the water is of a very remarkable quality. On the bank of it is
being built a city called Marta,[142] one side of which is bounded by
the water with a ravine of cleft rock, so that at that part there is no
need of fortification; the other half is girt with a plantation of trees
so thick that a rabbit could scarcely pass through it; and so green
that fire will never be able to burn it. A channel has been commenced
for a branch of the river, which the managers say they will lead through
the middle of the settlement, and will place on it mills of all kinds
requiring to be worked by water. Great quantities of vegetables have been
planted, which certainly attain a more luxuriant growth here in eight
days than they would in Spain in twenty. We were frequently visited by
numbers of Indians, among whom were some of their caciques or chiefs, and
many women. They all came loaded with _ages_,[143] a sort of turnip, very
excellent for food, which we dressed in various ways. This food was so
nutritious as to prove a great support to all of us after the privations
we endured when at sea, which in truth were more severe than ever were
suffered by man; and as we could not tell what weather it would please
God to send us on our voyage, we were obliged to limit ourselves most
rigorously with regard to food, in order that, at all events, we might at
least have the means of supporting life: this _age_ the Caribbees call
_nabi_, and the Indians _hage_. The Indians barter gold, provisions, and
every thing they bring with them, for tags of laces, beads, and pins, and
pieces of porringers and dishes. They all, as I have said, go naked as
they were born, except the women of this island, who some of them wear a
covering of cotton, which they bind round their hips, while others use
grass and leaves of trees. When they wish to appear fulldressed, both men
and women paint themselves, some black, others white and various colours,
in so many devices that the effect is very laughable: they shave some
parts of their heads, and in others wear long tufts of matted hair, which
have an indescribably ridiculous appearance: in short, whatever would
be looked upon in our country as characteristic of a madman, is here
regarded by the highest of the Indians as a mark of distinction.

In our present position, we are in the neighbourhood of many mines of
gold, not one of which, we are told, is more than twenty or twenty-five
leagues off: the Indians say that some of them are in Niti, in the
possession of Caonabó, who killed the Christians; the others are in
another place called Cibao, which, if it please God, we shall see with
our eyes before many days are over; indeed we should go there at once,
but that we have so many things to provide that we are not equal to it at
present. One third of our people have fallen sick within the last four
or five days, which I think has principally arisen from the toil and
privations of the journey; another cause has been the variableness of
the climate; but I hope in our Lord that all will be restored to health.
My idea of this people is, that if we could converse with them, they
would all become converted, for they do whatever they see us do, making
genuflections to the altars, and at the Ave Maria and the other parts of
the devotional service, and making the sign of the cross. They all say
that they wish to be Christians, although in truth they are idolaters,
for in their houses they have many kinds of figures: when asked what such
a figure was, they would reply it is a thing of _Turey_, by which they
meant “of Heaven.” I made a pretence of throwing them on the fire, which
grieved them so that they began to weep: they believe that everything
we bring comes from heaven, and therefore call it _Turey_, which, as I
have already said, means heaven in their language. The first day that I
went on shore to sleep, was the Lord’s day. The little time that we have
spent on land, has been so much occupied in seeking for a fitting spot
for the settlement, and in providing necessaries, that we have had little
opportunity of becoming acquainted with the productions of the soil, yet
although the time has been so short, many marvellous things have been
seen. We have met with trees bearing wool, of a sufficiently fine quality
(according to the opinion of those who are acquainted with the art) to
be woven into good cloth; there are so many of these trees that we might
load the caravels with wool, although it is troublesome to collect, for
the trees are very thorny,[144] but some means may be easily found of
overcoming this difficulty. There are also cotton trees as large as peach
trees, which produce cotton in the greatest abundance. We found trees
producing wax as good both in colour and smell as bees-wax and equally
useful for burning, indeed there is no great difference between them.
There are vast numbers of trees which yield surprisingly fine turpentine,
and a great abundance of tragacanth, also very good. We found other
trees which I think bear nutmegs, because the bark tastes and smells
like that spice, but at present there is no fruit on them;[145] I saw
one root of ginger, which an Indian wore hanging round his neck. There
were also aloes; not like those which we have hitherto seen in Spain, but
no doubt they are of the same kind as those used by our doctors.[146] A
sort of cinnamon also has been found; but, to speak the truth, it is not
so fine as that with which we are already acquainted in Spain. I do not
know whether this arises from ignorance of the proper season to gather
it, or whether the soil does not produce better. We have also seen some
yellow mirabolans; at this season they are all lying under the trees, and
have a bitter flavour, arising, I think, from the rottenness occasioned
by the moisture of the ground; but the taste of such parts as have
remained sound, is that of the genuine mirabolan. There is also very
good mastic. None of the natives of these islands, as far as we have yet
seen, possess any iron; they have, however, many tools, such as hatchets
and axes, made of stone, which are so handsome and well finished, that
it is wonderful how they contrive to make them without the use of iron.
Their food consists of bread, made of the roots of a vegetable which
is between a tree and a vegetable, and the _age_, which I have already
described as being like the turnip, and very good food; they use, to
season it, a spice called _agi_, which they also eat with fish and such
birds as they can catch of the many kinds which abound in the island.
They have, besides, a kind of grain like hazel-nuts, very good to eat.
They eat all the snakes, and lizards, and spiders, and worms, that they
find upon the ground; so that, to my fancy, their bestiality is greater
than that of any beast upon the face of the earth. The admiral had at
one time determined to leave the search for the mines until he had first
dispatched the ships which were to return to Spain[147] on account of
the great sickness which had prevailed among the men, but afterwards
he resolved upon sending two bands under the command of two captains,
the one to Cibao,[148] and the other to Niti, where, as I have already
said, Caonabó lived. These parties went, one of them returning on the
twentieth, and the other on the twenty-first of January. The party that
went to Cibao saw gold in so many places that one scarcely dares state
the fact, for in truth they found it in more than fifty streamlets and
rivers, as well as upon their banks; so that, the captain said they had
only to seek throughout that province, and they would find as much as
they wished. He brought specimens from the different parts, that is, from
the sand of the rivers and small springs. It is thought, that by digging
as we know how, it will be found in greater pieces, for the Indians
neither know how to dig nor have the means of digging more than a hand’s
depth. The other captain who went to Niti, returned also with news of
a great quantity of gold in three or four places; of which he likewise
brought specimens.

Thus, surely, their Highnesses the King and Queen may henceforth regard
themselves as the most prosperous and wealthy Sovereigns in the world;
never yet, since the creation, has such a thing been seen or read of;
for on the return of the ships from their next voyage, they will be able
to carry back such a quantity of gold as will fill with amazement all
who hear of it. Here I think I shall do well to break off my narrative.
I think those who do not know me who hear these things may consider me
prolix, and somewhat an exaggerator, but God is my witness, that I have
not exceeded, by one tittle, the bounds of truth.

The preceding is the translation of that part of Doctor Chanca’s letter,
which refers to intelligence respecting the Indies.[149] The remainder
of the letter does not bear upon the subject, but treats of private
matters, in which Doctor Chanca requests the interference and support
of the Chapter of Seville (of which city he was a native), in behalf of
his family and property, which he had left in the said city. This letter
reached Seville in the month of [150] in the year fourteen hundred and
ninety-three.


SEGUNDA VIAGE DE COLON.

_La Carta del Doctor Chanca, que escribió a la Ciudad de Sevilla._

Muy magnífico Señor: Porque las cosas que yo particularmente escribo á
otros en otras cartas no son igualmente comunicables como las que en
esta escritura van, acordé de escribir distintamente las nuevas de acá y
las otras que á mi conviene suplicar á vuestra Señoría, é las nuevas son
las siguientes: Que la flota que los Reyes Católicos, nuestros Señores,
enviaron de España para las Indias é gobernacion del su Almirante del mar
Océano Cristóbal Colon por la divina permision, parte de Caliz á veinte y
cinco de Setiembre del año de [109] años con tiempo é viento convenible á
nuestro camino, é duró este tiempo dos dias, en los cuales pudimos andar
al pie de cincuenta leguas: y luego nos cambió el tiempo otros dos, en
los cuales anduvimos muy poco ó no nada; plogó á Dios que pasados los
dias nos tornó buen tiempo, en manera que en otros dos llegamos á la
Gran Canaria donde tomamos puerto, lo cual nos fue necesario por reparar
un navío que hacia mucha agua, y estovímos ende todo aquel dia, é luego
otra dia partimos é fizonos algunas calmerías, de manera que estovímos
en llegar al Gomero cuatro ó cinco dias, y en la Gomera fue necesario
estar algun dia por facer provisiones de carne, leña é agua la, que mas
pudiesen, por la larga jornada que se esperaba hacer sin ver mas tierra:
ansi que en la estada destos puertos y en un dia despues de partidos de
la Gomera, que nos fizo calma, que tardamos en llegar fasta la isla del
Fierro, estovimos diez y nueve ó veinte dias: desde aqui por la bondad
de Dios nos tornó buen tiempo, el mejor que nunca flota llevó tan largo
camino, tal que partidos del Fierro á trece de Octubre dentro de veinte
dias hobimos vista de tierra: y vieramosla á catorce ó quince si la noa
Capitana fuera tan buena velera comos los otros navíos, porque muchas
veces los otros navíos sacaban velas porque nos dejaban mucho atras. En
todo este tiempo hobimos mucha bonanza, que en él ni en todo el camino no
hobimos fortuna, salvo la víspera de S. Simon que nos vino una que por
cuatro horas nos puso en harto estrecho. El primero domingo despues de
Todos Santos, que fue á tres dias de Noviembre, cerca del alba, dijó un
piloto de la nao Capitana: albricias, que tenemos tierra. Fue el alegría
tan grande en la gente que era maravilla oir las gritas y placeres que
todos hacian, y con mucha razon, que la gente venian ya tan fatigados
de mala vida y de pasar agua, que con muchos deseos sospiraban todos
por tierra. Contaron aquel dia los pilotos del armada desde la isla de
Fierro hasta la primera tierra que vimos unas ochocientas leguas, otros
setecientas é ochenta, de manera que la diferencia no ere mucha, é mas
trescientas que ponen de la isla de Fierro fasta Caliz, que eran por
todos mil é ciento; ansí que no siento quien no fuese satisfecho de ver
agua. Vimos el Domingo de mañana sobredicho, por proa de los navíos, una
isla y luego á la man derecha parecio otra: la primera era la tierra alta
de sierras por aquella parte que vimos, la otra era tierra llana, tambien
muy llena de árboles muy espesos, y luego que fue mas de dia comenzó á
parecer á una parte é á otra islas; de manera que aquel dia eran seis
islas á diversas partes, y las mas harto grandes. Fuimos enderezados
para ver aquella que primero habiamos visto, é llegamos por la costa
andando mas de una lagua buscando puerto para sorgir, el cual todo aquel
espacio nunca se pudo hallar. Era en todo aquello que parecia desta isla
todo montaña muy hermosa y muy verde, fasta el agua que era alegria en
mirarla, porque en aquel tiempo no hay en nuestra tierra apenas cosa
verde. Despues que allí no hallamos puerto acordó el Almirante que nos
volviesemos á la otra isla que parescia á la mano derecha, que estaba
desta otra cuatro ó cinco leguas. Quedó por entonces un navío en esta
isla buscando puerto todo aquel dia para cuando fuese necesario venir
á ella, en la cual halló buen puerto é vido casas é gentes, é luego se
tornó aquella noche para donde estaba la flota que habia tomado puerto
en la otra isla, donde decendió el Almirante é mucha gente con él con
la bandera Real en las manos, adonde tomó posesion por sus Altezas en
forma de derecho. En esta isla habia tanta espesura de arboledas que
era maravilla, é tanta diferencia de árboles no conocidos á nadie que
era para espantar, dellos con fruto, dellos con flor, ansí que todo
era verde. Allí hallamos un arbol, cuya hoja tenia el mas fino olor de
clavos que nunca ví, y era como laurel, salvo que no era ansi grande;
yo ansí pienso que era laurel su especia. Allí habia frutas salvaginas
de diferentes maneras, de las quales algunos no muy sabios probaban,
y del gusto solamente tocándoles con las lenguas se les hinchaban las
caras, y les venia tan grande ardor y dolor que parecian que rabiaban,
los cuales se remediaban con cosas frias. En esta isla no hallamos gente
nin señal della, creimos que era despoblada, en la cual estovimos bien
dos horas, porque cuando allí llegamos era sobre tarde, é luego otro dia
de mañana partimos para otra isla que parescia en bajo desta que era muy
grande, fasta la cual desta que habria siete ú ocho leguas, llegamos á
ella hácia la parte de una gran montaña que parecia que queria llegar
al cielo, en medio de la cual montaña estaba un pico mas alto que toda
la otra montaña, del cual se vertian á diversas partes muchus aguas, en
especial hácia la parte donde ibamos: de tres leguas paresció un golpe
de agua tan gordo como un buey, que se despeñaba de tan alto como si
cayera del cielo: parescia de tan lejos, que hobo en los navíos muchas
apuestas, que unos decian que eran peñas blancas y otros que era agua.
Desque llegamos mas á cerca vídose lo cierto, y era la mas hermosa cosa
del mundo de ver cuan alto se despeñaba é de tan poco logar nacia tan
gran golpe de agua. Luego que llegamos cerco mandó el Almirante á una
carbela ligera que fuese costeando á buscar puerto, la cual se adelantó
y llegando á la tierra vido unas casas, é con la barca saltó el Capitan
en tierra é llegó á las casas, en las cuales halló su gente, y luego
que los vieron fueron huyendo, é entró en ellas, donde halló las cosas
que ellos tienen, que no habian llevado nada, donde tomó dos papagayos
muy grandes y muy diferenciados de cuantos se habian visto. Halló mucho
algodon hilado é por hilar, é cosas de sus mantenimientos, é de todo
trajo un poco, en especial trajo cuatro ó cinco huesos de brazos é
piernas de hombres. Luego que aquello vimos sospechamos que aquellas
islas eran las de Caribe, que son habitadas de gente que comen carne
humana, porque el Almirante por las señas que le habian dado del sitio
destas islas, el otro camino, los indios de las islas que antes habian
descubierto, habia enderezado el camino por descubrirlas, porque estaban
mas cerca de España, y tambien porque por allí se hacia el camino derecho
para venir á la isla Española, donde antes habia dejado la gente, á los
cuales, por la bondad de Dios y por el buen saber del Almirante, venimos
tan derechos como si por camino sabido é seguido vinieramos. Esta isla
es muy grande, y por el lado nos pareció que habia de luengo de costa
veinta é cinco leguas: fuimos costeando por ella buscando puerto mas
de dos leguas; por la parte donde ibamos eran montañas muy altas, á la
parte que dejamos parecian grandes llanos, á la orilla de la mar habia
algunos poblados pequeños, é luego que veian las velas huian todos.
Andadas dos leguas hallamos puerto y bien tarde. Esa noche acordó el
Almirante que á la madrugada saliesen algunos para tomar lengua é saber
que gente era, no embargante la sospecha é los que ya habian visto ir
huyendo, que era gente desnuda como la otra que ya el Almirante habia
visto el otro viage. Salieron esa madrugada ciertos Capitanes; los unos
vinieron á hora de comer é trageron un mozo de fasta catorce años, á
lo que despues se sopo, é él dijo que era de los que esta gente tenian
cativos. Los otros se dividieron, los unos tomaron un mochacho pequeño,
al cual llevaba un hombre por la mano, é por huir lo desamparó. Este
enviaron luego con algunos dellos, otros quedaron, é destos unos tomaron
ciertas mugeres naturales de la isla, é otras que se vinieron de grado,
que eran de las cativas. Desta compañía se apartó un Capitan no sabiendo
que se habia habido lengua con seis hombres, el cual se perdió con los
que con él iban, que jamas sopieron tornar, fasta que á cabo de cuatro
dias toparon con la costa de la mar, é siguiendo por ella tornaron á
topar con la flota. Ya los teniamos por perdidos é comidos de aquellas
gentes que se dicen los Caribes, porque no bastaba razon para creer que
eran perdidos de otra manera, porque iban entre ellos pilotos, marineros
que por la estrella saben ir é venir hasta España, creiamos que en tan
pequeño espacio no se podian perder. Este dia primero que allí decendimos
andaban por la playa junto con el agua muchos hombres é mugeres mirando
la flota, é maravillándose de cosa tan nueva é llegándose alguna barca á
tierra á hablar con ellos, diciéndolos _tayno tayno_, que quiere decir
_bueno_, esperaban en tanto que no salian del agua, junto con él moran,
de manera que cuando ellos querian se podian salvar: en conclusion, que
de los hombres ninguno se pudo tomar por fuerza ni por grado, salvo dos
que se seguraron é despues los trajeron por fuerza allí. Se tomaron
mas de veinte mugeres de las cativas, y de su grado se venian otros
naturales de la isla, que fueron salteadas é tomadas por fuerza. Ciertos
mochachos cabtivos se vinieron á nosotros huyendo de los naturales de
la isla que los tenian cabtivos. En este puerto estovimos ocho dias á
causa de la perdida del sobredicho Capitan, donde muchas veces salimos
á tierra andando por sus moradas é pueblos, que estaban á la costa,
donde hallamos infinitos huesos de hombres, é los cascos de las cabezas
colgados por las casas á manera de vasijas para tener cosas. Aquí no
parescieron muchos hombres; la causa era, segun nos dijeron las mugeres,
que eran idas diez canoas con gentes á saltear á otras islas. Esta
gente nos pareció mas pulítica que la que habita en estas otras islas
que habemos visto, aunque todos tienen las moradas de paja; pero estos
las tienen de mucho mejor hechura, é mas proveidas de mantenimientos,
é parece en ellas mas industria ansi veril como femenil. Tenian mucho
algodon hilado y por hilar, y muchas mantas de algodon tan bien tejidas
que no deben nada á las de nuestra patria. Preguntamos á las mugeres,
que eran cativas en esta isla, que qué gente era esta; respondieron que
eran Caribes. Despues que entendieron que nosotros aborreciamos tal gente
por su mal uso de comer carne de hombres, holgaban mucho, y sí de nuevo
traian alguna muger ó hombre de los Caribes, secretamente decian que eran
Caribes, que allí donde estaban todos en nuestro poder mostraban temor
dellos como gente sojuzgada, y de allí conocimos cuáles eran Caribes de
las mugeres é cuáles nó, porque las Caribes traian en las piernas en
cada una dos argollas tejidas de algodon, la una junto con rodilla, la
otra junto con los tobillos; de manera que les hacen las pantorrillas
grandes, é de los sobredichos logares muy ceñidas, que esto me parece
que tienen ellos por cosa gentil, ansi que por esta diferencia conocemos
los unos de los otros. La costumbre desta gente de Caribes es bestial:
son tres islas, esta se llama Turuqueira, la otra que primero vimos se
llama Ceyre, la tercera se llama Ayay; estos todos son conformidad como
si fuesen de un linage, los cuales no se hacen mal: unos é otros hacen
guerra á todas las otras islas comarcanas, los cuales van por mar ciento
é cincuenta leguas á saltear con muchas canoas que tienen, que son unas
fustas pequeñas de un solo madero. Sus armas son frechas en lugar de
hierros; porque no poseen ningun hierro, ponen unas puntas fechas de
huesos de torgugas los unos, otros de otro isla ponen unas espinas de un
pez fechas dentadas, que ansi lo son naturalmente, á manera de sierras
bien recias, que para gente desarmada, como son todos, es cosa que les
puede matar é hacer harto daño; pero para gente de nuestra nacion no son
armas para mucho temer. Esta gente saltea en las otras islas, que traen
las mugeres que pueden haber, en especial mozas y hermosas, las cuales
tienen para su servicio, é para tener por mancebas, é traen tantas que
en cincuenta casas ellos no parecieron, y de las cativas se vinieron
mas de veinte mozas. Dicen tambien estas mugeres que estos usan de una
crueldad que parece cosa increible; que los hijos que en ellas han se
los comen, que solamente crian los que han en sus mugeres naturales. Los
hombres que pueden haber, los que son vivos llevánselos á sus casas para
hacer carnicería dellos, y los que han muertos luego se los comen. Dicen
que la carne del hombre es tan buena que no hay tal cosa en el mundo; y
bien parece porque los huesos que en estas casas hallamos todo lo que se
puede roer todo lo tenian roido, que no habia en ellos sino lo que por
su mucha dureza no se podia comer. Allí se halló en una casa cociendo en
una olla un pezcuezo de un hombre. Los mochachos que cativan cortanlos
el miembro, é sirvense de ellos fasta que son hombres, y despues cuando
quieren facer fiesta mátanlos é cómenselos, porque dicen que que la
carne de los mochachos é de las mogeres no es buena para comer. Destos
mochachos se vinieron para nosotros huyendo tres todos tres cortados sus
miembros. E á cabo de cuatro dias vino el Capitan que se habia perdido,
de cuya venida estabamos ya bien desesparados, porque ya los habian
ido á buscar otras cuadrillas por dos veces, é aquel dia vino la una
caudrilla sin saber dellos ciertamente. Holgamos con su venida como si
nuevamente se hobieran hallado: trajo este Capitan con los que fueron
con él diez cabezas entre mochachos y mugeres. Estos ni los otros que
los fueron á buscar, nunca hallaron hombres porque se habien huido, ó
por ventura que en aquella comarca habia pocos hombres, porque segun se
supo de las mugeres eran idas diez canoas con gentes á saltear á otras
islas. Vino él é los que fueron con él tan destrozados del monte, que
era lástima de los ver: decian, preguntándoles como se habien perdido,
dijeron que era la espesura de los arboles tanta que el cielo no podian
ver, é que algunos de ellos, que eran marineros, habian subido por los
árboles para mirar el estrella é que nunca la podieron ver, é que si no
toparan con el mar fuera imposible tornar á la flota. Partimos desta isla
ocho dias despues que allí llegamos. Luego otro dia á medio dia vimos
otra isla, no muy grande, que estaria desta otra doce leguas; porque el
primero dia que partimos lo mas del dia nos fizo calma, fuimos junto
con la costa desta isla, é dijeron las Indias que llevabamos que no era
habitada, que los Caribes la habian despoblado, é por esto no paramos
en ella. Luego esa tarde vimos otra: á esa noche, cerca desta isla,
fallamos unos bajos, por cuyo temor sorgimos, que no osamos andar fasta
que fuese de dia. Luego á la mañana paresció otra isla harto grande:
á ninguna destas no llegamos por consolar los que habian dejado en la
Española, é no plogó á Dios segun que abajo paracerá. Otro dia á hora
de comer llegamos á una isla é pareciónos mucho bien, porque parecia
muy poblada, segun las muchas labranzas que en ella habia. Fuimos allá
é tomamos puerto en la costa: luego mandó el Almirante ir á tierra una
barca guarnecida de gente para si pudiese tomar lengua para saber que
gente era, é tambien porque habiamos menester informarnos del camino,
caso quel Almirante, aunque nunca habia fecho aquel camino, iba muy bien
encaminado segun en cabo pareció. Pero porque las cosas dubdosas se
deben siempre buscar con la mayor certinidad que haberse pueda, quiso
haber allí lengua, de la cual gente que iba en la barca ciertas personas
saltaron en tierra, llegaron en tierra á un poblado de donde la gente
ya se habia escondido. Tomaron allí cinco ó seis mugeres y ciertos
mochachos, de las cuales las mas eran tambien de las cativas como en la
otra isla, porque tambien estos eran de los Caribes, segun ya sabiamos
por la relacion de las mugeres que traiamos. Ya que esta barca se queria
tornar á los navíos con su presa que habia fecho por parte debajo; por
la costa venia una canoa en que venian cuatro hombres é dos mugeres
é un mochacho, é desque vieron la flota maravillados se embebecieron
tanto que por una grande hora estovieron que no se movieron de un lugar
casi dos tiros de lombarda de los navíos. En esto fueron vistos de los
que estaban en la barca é aun de toda la flota. Luego los de la barca
fueron para ellos tan junto con la tierra, que con el embebecimiento
que tenian, maravillándose é pensando que cosa seria, nunca los vieron
hasta que estovieron muy cerca dellos, que no les pudieron mucho huir
aunque harto trabajaron por ello; pero los nuestros aguijaron con tanta
priesa que no se les pudieron ir. Los Caribes desque vieron que el hoir
no les aprovechaba, con mucha osadia pusieron mano á los arcos, tambien
las mugeres como los hombres; é digo con mucha osadia porque ellos no
eran mas de cuatro hombres y dos mugeres, é los nuestros mas de veinte
é cinco, de los cuales firieron dos, al uno dieron dos frechadas en
los pechos é al otro una por el costado, é sino fuera porque llevaban
adargas é tablachutas, é porque los invistieron presto con la barca é
les trastornaron su canoa, asaetearan con sus frechas los mas dellos.
E despues de trastornada su canoa quedaron en el agua nadando, é á las
veces haciendo pie, que allí habia unos bajos, é tovieron harto que hacer
en tomarlos, que todavía cuanto podian tiraban, é con todo eso el uno
no lo pudieron tomar sino mal herido de una lanzada que murió, el cual
trajeron ansi herido fasta les navíos. La diferencia destos á los otros
indios en el hábito, es que los de Caribe tienen el cabello muy largo,
los otros son tresquilados é fechas cien mil diferencias en las cabezas
de cruces, é de otras pinturas en diversas maneras, cada uno como se le
antoja, lo cual se hacen con cañas agudas. Todos ansi los de Caribe como
los otros es gente sin barbas, que por maravilla hallarás hombre que las
tenga. Estos Caribes que allí tomaron venian tiznados los ojos é las
cejas, lo cual me parece que hacen por gala, é con aquello parescian mas
espantables; el uno destos dice que en una isla dellos, llamada Cayre,
que es la primera que vimos, á la cual no llegamos, hay mucho oro; que
vayan allá con clavos é contezuelas para hacer sus canoas, é que traerán
cuanto oro quisieren. Luego aquel dia partimos de esta isla, que no
estariamos allí mas de seis ó siete horas, fuemos para otra tierra que
pareció á ojo que estaba en el camino que habiamos de facer: llegamos
noche cerca della. Otro dia de mañana fuimos por la costa della: era
muy gran tierra, aunque no era muy continua, que eran mas de cuarenta y
tantos islones, tierra muy alta, é la mas della pelada, la cual no era
ninguna ni es de las que antes ni despues habemos visto. Parescia tierra
dispuesta para haber en ella metales: á esta no llegamos para saltar en
tierra, salvo una carabela latina llegó á un islon de estos, en el cual
hallaron ciertas casas de pescadores. Las Indias que traiamos dijeron
que no eran pobladas. Andovimos por esta costa lo mas deste dia, hasta
otro dia en la tarde que llegamos á vista de otra isla llamada Burenquen,
cuya costa corrimos todo un dia: juzgábase que ternia por aquella banda
treinta leguas. Esta isla es muy hermosa y muy fértil á parecer: á estu
vienon los de Caribe á conquistar, de la cual llevaban mucha gente; estos
no tienen fustas ningunas nin saben andar por mar; pero, segun dicen
estos Caribes que tomamos, usan arcos como ellos, é si por caso cuando
los vienen á saltear los pueden prender tambien se los comen como los de
Caribe á ellos. En un puerto desta isla estovimos dos dias, donde saltó
mucha gente en tierra; pero jamas podimos haber lengua, que todos se
fuyeron como gente temorizadas de los Caribes. Todas estas islas dichas
fueron descubiertas deste camino, que fasta aquí ninguna dellas habia
visto el Almirante el otro viage, todos son muy hermosas é de muy buena
tierra; pero esta paresció mejor á todos: aquí casi se acabaron las islas
que fácia la parte de España habia dejado de ver el Almirante, aunque
tenemos por cosa cierta que hay tierra mas de cuarenta leguas antes de
estas primeras hasta España, porque dos dias antes que viesemos tierra
vimos unas aves que llaman rabihorcados, que son aves de rapiña marinas
é ni sientan ni duermen sobre el agua, sobre tarde rodeando sobir en
alto, é despues tiran su via á buscar tierra para dormir, las cuales
no podrian ir á caer segun era tarde de doce ó quince leguas arriba, y
esto era á la man derecha donde veniamos hasta la parte de España; de
donde todos juzgaron allí quedar tierra, lo cual no se buscó porque se
nos hacia rodeo para la via que traiamos. Espero que á pocos viages se
hallará. Desta isla sobredicha partimos una madrugada, é aquel dia, antes
que fuese noche, hobimos vista de tierra, la cual tampoco era conocida de
ninguno de los qua habian venido el otro viage; pero por las nuevas de
las indias que traiamos sospechamos que era la Española, en la cual agora
estamos. Entre esta isla é la otra de Buriquen parecia de lejos otra,
aunque no era grande. Desque llegamos á esta Española, por el comienzo
de alla era tierra baja y muy llana, del conocimiento de la cual aun
estaban todos dubdosos si fuese la que es, porque aquella parte nin el
Almirante ni los otros que con él vinieron habian visto, é aquesta isla
como es grande es nombrada por provincias, e á esta parte que primero
llegamos llaman Hayti, y luego á la otra provincia junta con esta llaman
Xamaná, é á la otra Bohio; en la cual agora estamos; ansi hay en ellas
muchas provincias porque es gran cosa, porque segun afirman los que la
han visto por la costa de largo, dicen que habrá doscientas leguas: á
mi me parece que á lo menos habrá ciento é cincuenta; del ancho della
hasta agora no se sabe. Alla es ido cuarenta dias ha á rodearla una
carebela, la cual no es venida hasta hoy. Es tierra muy singular, donde
hay infinitos rios grandes é sierras grandes é valles grandes rasos,
grandes montañas: sospecho que nunca se secan las yerbas en todo el año.
Non creo que hay invierno ninguno en esta nin en las atras, porque por
Navidad se fallan muchos nidos de aves, dellas con pájaros, é dellas con
huevos. En ella ni en las otras nunca se ha visto animal de cuatro pies,
salvo algunos perros de todas colores como en nuestra patria, la hechura
como unos gosques grandes; de animales salvages no hay. Otrosí, hay un
animal de color de conejo é de su pelo, el grandor de un conejo nuevo,
el rabo largo, los pies é manos como de raton, suben por los árboles,
muchos los han comido, dicen que es muy bueno de comer: hay culebras
muchas no grandes; lagartos aunque no muchos, porque los indios hacen
tanta fiesta dellos como hariamos allá con faisanes, son del tamaño
de los de allá, salvo que en la hechura son diferentes, aunque en una
isleta pequeña, que está junto con un puerto que llaman Monte Christo,
donde estovimos muchos dias, vieron muchos dias un lagarto muy grande
que decian que seria de gordura de un becerro é atan complido como una
lanza, é muchas veces salieron por lo matar, é con la mucha espesura se
les metia en la mar, de manera que no se pudo haber dél derecho. Hay en
esta isla y en las otras infinitas aves de las de nuestra patria, é otras
muchas que allá nunca se vieron: de las aves domésticas nunca se ha visto
acá ninguna, salvo en la Zuruquia habia en las casas unas ánades, las
mas dellas blancas como la nieve é algunas dellas negras, muy lindas,
con crestas rasas, mayores que las de allá, menores que ánsares. Por
la costa desta isla corrimos al pie de cien leguas porque hasta donde
el Almirante habia dejado la gente, habria en este compás, que será en
comedio ó en medio de la isla. Andando por la provincia della llamada
Xamaná, en derecho echamos en tierra uno de los indios quel etro viage
habian llevado vestido, é con algunas cosillas quel Almirante le habia
mandado dar. Aquel dia se nos murió un marinero vizcaino que habia seido
herido de los Caribes, que ya dije que se tomaron, por su mala guarda,
ó porque ibamos por costa de tierra, dióse lugar que saliese una barca
á enterrarlo, é fueron en reguarda de la barca dos carabelas cerca con
tierra. Salieron á la barca en llegando en tierra muchos indios, de los
cuales algunos traian oro al cuello, é á las orejas; querian venir con
los cristianos á los navíos, é no los quisieron traer, porque no llevaban
licencia del Almirante; los cuales desque vieron que no los querian traer
se metieron dos dellos en una canoa pequeña, é se vinieron á una carabela
de las que se habian acercado á tierra, en la cual los recibieron con
su amor, é trajéronlos á la nao del Almirante, é dijeron, mediante un
interprete, que un Rey fulano les enviaba á saber que gente eramos, é
á rogar que quisiesemos llegar á tierra, porque tenian mucho oro é le
darian dello, é de lo que tenian de comer: el Almirante les mandó dar
sendas camisas é bonetes é otras cosillas, é les dijo que porque iba á
donde estaba Guacamarí non se podria detener, que otro tiempo habria que
le pudiese ver, é con esto se fueron. No cesamos de andar nuestro camino
fasta llegar á un puerto llamado Monte Cristi, donde estuvimos dos dias
para ver la disposicion de la tierra, porque no habia parecido bien
al Almirante el logar donde habia dejado la gente para hacer asiento.
Decendimos en tierra para ver la dispusicion: habia cerca de allí un gran
rio de muy buena agua; pero es toda tierra anegada é muy indispuesta
para habitar. Andando veyendo el rio é tierra hallaron algunos de los
nuestros en una parte dos hombres muertos junto con el rio, el uno con
un lazo al pescuezo y el otro con otro al pie, esto fue el primero dia.
Otro dia siguiente hallaron otros dos muertos mas adelante de aquellos,
el uno destos estaba en disposicion que se le pudo conocer tener muchas
barbas. Algunos de los nuestros sospecharon mas mal que bien, é con
razon, porque los indios son todos desbarbados, como dicho he. Este
puerto está del lugar donde estaba la gente cristiana doce leguas:
pasados dos dias alzamos velas para el lugar donde el Almirante habia
dejado la sobredicha gente, en compañía de un Rey destos indios, que se
llamaba Guacamarí, que pienso ser de los principales desta isla. Este
dia llegamos en derecho de aquel lugar; pero era ya tarde, é porque allí
habia unos bajos donde el otro dia se habia perdido la nao en que habia
ido el Almirante, no osamos tomar el puerto cerca de tierra fasta que
otro dia de mañana se desfondase é pudiesen entrar seguramente: quedamos
aquella noche no una legua de tierra. Esa tarde, viniendo para allí de
lejos, salió una canoa en que parescian cinco ó seis indios, los cuales
venian á prisa para nosotros. El Almirante creyendo que nos seguraba
hasta alzarnos, no quiso que los esperasemos, é porfiando llegaron hasta
un tiro de lombarda de nosotros, é parabanse á mirar, é desde allí desque
vieron que no los esperabamos dieron vuelta é tornaron su via. Despues
que surgimos en aquel lugar sobredicho tarde, el Almirante mandó tirar
dos lombardas á ver si respondian los cristianos que habian quedado con
el dicho Guacamarí, porque tambien tenian lombardas, los cuales nunca
respondieron ni menos parescian huegos ni señal de casas en aquel lugar,
de lo qual se desconsoló mucho la gente é tomaron la sospecha que de
tal caso se debia tomar. Estando ansi todos muy tristes, pasadas cuatro
ó cinco horas de la noche, vino la misma canoa que esa tarde habiamos
visto, é venia dando voces, preguntando por el Almirante un Capitan de
una carabela donde primero llegaron: trajéronlos á la nao del Almirante,
los cuales nunca quisieron entrar hasta que el Almirante los hablase;
demandaron lumbre para lo conocer, é despues que lo conocieron entraron.
Era uno dellos primo del Guacamarí, el cual los habia enviado otra vez.
Despues que se habian tornado aquella tarde traian caratulas de oro
que Guacamarí enviaba en presente; la una para el Almirante é la otra
para un Capitan quel otro viage habia ido con él. Estovieron en la nao
hablando con el Almirante en presencia de todos por tres horas mostrando
mucho placer, preguntándoles por los Cristianos que tales estaban: aquel
pariente dijo que estaban todos buenos, aunque entro ellos habia algunos
muertos de dolencia é otros de diferencia que habia contecido entre
ellos, é que Guacamarí estaba en otro lugar ferido en una pierna é por
eso no habia venido, pero que otro dia vernia; porque otros dos Reyes,
llamado el uno Caonabó y el otro Mayrení, habian venido á pelear con él
é que le habian quemado el logar; é luego esa noche se tornaron diciendo
que otra dia vernian con el dicho Guacamarí, é con esto nos dejaron por
esa noche consolados. Otro dia en la mañana estovimos esperando que
viniese el dicho Guacamarí, é entretanto saltaron en tierra algunos por
mandado del Almirante, é fueron al lugar donde solian estar, é halláronle
quemado un cortijo algo fuerte con una palizada, donde los Cristianos
habitaban, é tenian lo suyo quemado é derribado, é ciertas bernias é
ropas que los indios habian traido á echar en la casa. Los dichos indios
que por allí parecian andaban muy cahareños, que no se osaban allegar á
nosotros, antes huian; lo cual no nos pareció bien porque el Almirante
nos habia dicho que en llegando á quel lugar salian tantas canoas dellos
á bordo de los navíos á vernos que no nos podriamos defender dellos, é
que en el otro viage ansí lo facian; é como agora veiamos que estaban
sospechosos de nosotros no nos parecia bien, con todo halagándoles aquel
dia é arrojándolos algunas cosas, ansi como cascabeles é cuentas, hobo de
asegurarse un su pariente del dicho Guacamarí é otros tres, los cuales
entraron en la barca é trajéronlos á la nao. Despues que le preguntaron
por los Cristianos dijeron que todos eran muertos, aunque ya nos lo
habia dicho un indio de los que llevabamos de Castilla que lo habian
hablado los dos indios que antes habian venido á la nao, que se habian
quedado á bordo de la nao con su canao, pero lo ne habiamos creido. Fue
preguntado á este pariente do Guacamarí quien los habia muerto: dijo
que el Rey de Canoabó y el Rey Mayrení, é que le quemaron las cosas del
lugar, que estaban dellos muchos heridos, é tambien él dicho Guacamarí
estaba pasado un muslo, y él que estaba en otro lugar y que él queria ir
luego allá á lo llamar, al cual dieron algunas cosas, é luego se partió
para donde estaba Guacamarí. Todo aquel dia los estobimos esperando,
é desque vimos que no venian, muchos tenian sospecha que se habian
ahogado los indios que antenoche habian venido, porque los habian dado
á beber dos ó tres veces de vino, é venian en una canoa pequeña que se
los podria trastornar. Otro dia de mañana salió á tierra el Almirante é
algunos de nosotros, é fuemos donde solia estar la villa, la cual nos
vimos toda quemada é los vestidos de los cristianos se hallaban por
aquella yerba. Por aquella hora no vimos ningun muerto. Habia entre
nosotros muchas razones diferentes, unos sospechando que el mismo
Guacamarí fuese en la traicion ó muerte de los Cristianos, otros les
parecia que no, pues estaba quemada su villa, ansí que la cosa era mucho
para dudar. El Almirante mandó catar todo el sitio donde los Cristianos
estaban fortalecidos porquel los habia mandado que desque toviesen
alguna cantidad de oro que lo enterrasen. Entretanto que esto se hacia
quiso llegar á ver á cerca de una legua do nos parecia que podria haber
asiento para poder edificar una villa porque ya era tiempo, adonde fuimos
ciertos con él mirando la tierra por la costa, fasta que llegamos á un
poblado donde habia siete ú ocho casas; las quales habian desamparado
los indios luego que nos vieron ir, é llevaron lo que pudieron é lo otro
dejaron escondido entre yerbas junto con las casas, que es gente tan
bestial que no tienen discrecion para buscar lugar para habitar, que los
que viven á la marina es maravilla cuan bestialmente edifican, que las
casas enderedor tienen tan cubiertas de yerba ó de humidad, que estoy
espantado como viven. En aquellas casas hallamos muchas cosas de los
Cristianos, las cuales no se creian que ellos hobiesen rescatado, ansí
como una almalafa muy gentil, la cual no se habia descogido de como la
llevaron de Castilla, é calzas é pedazos de paños, é una ancla de la
nao quel Almirante habia allí perdido el otro viage, é otras cosas, de
las cuales mas se esforzó nuestra opinion; y de acá hallamos, buscando
las cosas que tenian guardadas en una esportilla mucho cosida é mucho á
recabdo, una cabeza de hombre mucho guardada. Allí juzgamos por entonces
que seria la cabeza de padre ó madre, ó de persona que mucho querian.
Despues he oido que hayan hallado muchas desta manera, por donde creo
ser verdad lo que allí juzgamos; desde allí nos tornamos. Aquel dia
venimos por donde estaba la villa, y cuando llegamos hallamos muchos
indios que se habian asegurado y estaban rescatando oro: tenian rescatado
fasta un marco: hallamos que habian mostrado donde estaban muertos once
cristianos, cubiertos ya de la yerba que habia crecido sobre ellos, é
todos hablaban por una boca que Caonabó é Mayreni les habian muerto; pero
con todo eso asomaban queja que los Cristianos uno tenia tres mugeres,
otro cuatro, doude creemos quel mal que les vino fue de zelos. Otro dia
de mañana, porque en todo aquello no habia logar dispuesto para nosotros
poder hacer asiento, acordó el Almirante fuese una carabela á una parte
para mirar lugar conveniente, é algunos que fuimos con él fuimos á otra
parte, á do hallamos un puerto muy seguro é muy gentil disposicion de
tierra para habitar, pero porque estaba lejos de donde nos deseabamos
que estaba la mina de oro, no acordó el Almirante de poblar sino en otra
parte que fuese mas cierta si se hallase conveniente disposicion. Cuando
venimos deste lugar hallamos venida la otra carabela que habia ido á la
otra parte á buscar el dicho lugar en la cual habio ido Melchior e otros
cuatro ó cinco hombres de pro. E yendo costeando por tierra salió á ellos
una canoa en que venian dos indios, el uno era hermano de Guacamarí, el
cual fue conocido por un piloto que iba en la dicha carabela, é preguntó
quien iba allí, al cual, dijeron los hombres principales, dijeron que
Guacamarí les rogaba que se llegasen á tierra, donde él tenia su asiento
con fasta cincuenta casas. Los dichos prencipales saltaron en tierra con
la barca é fueron donde él estaba, el cual fallaron en su cama echado
faciendo del doliente ferido. Fablaron con él preguntándole por los
Cristianos: respondió concertando con la mesma razon de los otros, que
era que Caonabó é Mayreni los habian muerto, é que á él habian ferido
en un muslo, el cual mostró ligado: los que entonces lo vieron ansí
les pareció que era verdad como él lo dijo: al tiempo del despedirse
dió á cada uno dellos una joya de oro, á cada uno como le pareció que
lo merescia. Este oro facian en fojas muy delgadas, porque lo quieren
para facer carátulas é para poderse asentar en betun que ellos facen,
si así no fuese no se asentaria. Otro facen para traer en la cabeza é
para colgar en las orejas é narices, ansí que todavía es menester que
sea delgado, pues que ellos nada desto hacen por riqueza salvo por buen
parecer. Dijo el dicho Guacamarí por señas e como mejor pudo, que porque
él estaba ansí herido que dijesen al Almirante que quisiese venir á
verlo. Luego quel Almirante llegó los sobredichos le contaron este caso.
Otro dia de mañana acordó partir para allá, al cual lugar llegariamos
dentro de tres horas, porque apenas habria dende donde estábamos allá
tres leguas; ansí que cuando allí llegamos era hora de comer; comimos
ante de salir en tierra. Luego que hobimos comido mandó el Almirante que
todos los Capitanes viniesen con sus barcas para ir en tierra, porque
ya esa mañana antes que partiesemos de donde estábamos habia venido el
sobredicho su hermano á hablar con el Almirante, é á darle priesa que
fuese al lugar donde estaba el dicho Guacamari. Allí fue el Almirante á
tierra é toda la gente de pro con él, tan ataviados que en una cibdad
prencipal parecieran bien: llevó algunas cosas para le presentar porque
ya habia recibido dél alguna cantidad de oro, é era razon le respondiese
con la obra é voluntad quel habia mostrado. El dicho Guacamarí ansí mismo
tenia aparejado para hacerle presente. Cuando llegamos hallámosle echado
en su cama, como ellos lo usan, colgado en el aire, fecha una cama de
algodon como de red; no se levantó, salvo dende la cama hizo el semblante
de cortesia como él mejor sopo, mostró mucho sentimiento con lágrimas
en los ojos por la muerte de los Cristianos, é comenzó á hablar en ello
mostrando, como mejor podia, como unos murieron de dolencia, é como otros
se habian ido á Caonabó á buscar la mina del oro é que allí los habian
muerto, é los otros que se los habian venido á matar allí en su villa. A
lo que parecian los cuerpos de los muertos no habia dos meses que habia
acaecido. Esa hora el presentó al Almirante ocho marcos y medio de oro, é
cinco ó seiscientos labrados de pedreria de diversos colores, é un bonete
de la misma pedrería, lo cual me parece deben tener ellos en mucho. En el
bonete estaba un joyel, lo cual le dió en mucha veneracion. Paraceme que
tienen en mas el cobre quel oro. Estábamos presentes yo y un zurugiano
de armada; entonces dijo el Almirante al dicho Guacamarí que nosotros
eramos sabios de las enfermedades de los hombres que nos quisiese mostrar
la herida: él respondió que le placia, para lo cual yo dije que seria
necesario, si pudiese, que saliese fuera de casa, porque con la mucha
gente estaba escura é no se podria ver bien; lo cual él fizo luego, creo
mas de empacho que de gana; arrimándose á el salió fuera. Despues de
asentado, llego el zurugiano á él é comenzó de desligarle: entonces dijo
al Almirante que era ferida fecha con ciba, que quiere decir con piedra.
Despues que fue desatada llegamos á tentarle. Es cierto que no tenia mas
mal en aquella que en la otra, aunque él hacia del raposo que le dolia
mucho. Ciertamente no se podia bien determinar porque las razones eran
ignotas, que ciertamente muchas cosas habia que mostraban haber venido
á él gente contraria. Ansimesmo el Almirante no sabia que se hacer:
parescióle, é á otros muchos, que por entonces fasta bien saber la verdad
que se debia disimular, porque despues de sabida, cada que quisiesen,
se podia dél recibir enmienda. E aquella tarde se vino con el Almirante
á las naos, é mostráronle caballos é cuanto ahí habia, de lo cual quedó
muy maravillado como de cosa estraña á él; tomó colacion en la nao, é esa
tarde luego se tornó á su casa: el Almirante dijo que queria ir á habitar
allí con él é queria facer casas, y él respondió que le placia, pero que
el lugar era mal sano porque era muy humido, é tal era él por cierto.
Esto todo pasaba estando por intérpretes dos indios de los que el otro
viage habian ido á Castilla, los cuales habian quedado vivos de siete que
metimos en el puerto, que los cinco se murieron en el camino, los cuales
escaparon á uña de caballo. Otro dia estuvimos surtos en aquel puerto; é
quiso saber cuando se partiria el Almirante: le mandó decir que otro dia.
En aquel dia vinieron á la nao el sobredicho hermano suyo é otros con él,
é trajeron algun oro para rescatar. Ansí mesmo el dia que allá salimos se
rescató buena cantidad de oro. En la nao habia diez mugeres de las que se
habian tomado en las islas de Cariby; eran las mas dellas de Boriquen.
Aquel hermano de Guacamarí habló con ellas: creemos que les dijo lo que
luego esa noche pusieron por obra y es que al primer sueño muy mansamente
se echaron al agua é se fueron á tierra, de manera que cuando fueron
falladas menos iban tanto trecho que con las barcas no pudieron tomar
mas de las cuatro, las cuales tomaron al salir del agua; fueron nadando
mas de una gran media legua. Otro dia de mañana envió el Almirante á
decir á Guacamarí que le enviase aquellas mugeres que la noche antes se
habian huido, é que luego las mandase buscar. Cuando fueren hallaron
el lugar despoblado, que no estaba persona en el: ahí tornaron muchos
fuerte á afirmar su sospecha, otros decian que se habria mudado á otra
poblacion quellos ansí lo suelen hacer. Aquel dia estovimos allí quedos
por que el tiempo era contrario para salir: otro dia de mañana acordó
el Almirante, pues que el tiempo era contrario, que seria bien ir con
las barcas á ver un puerto la costa arriba, fasta el cual habria dos
leguas, para ver si habria dispusicion de tierra para hacer habitacion;
donde fuemos con todas las barcas de los navíos dejando los navíos en el
puerto. Fuimos corriendo toda la costa, é tambien estos no se seguraban
bien de nosotros; llegamos á un lugar de donde todos eran huidos. Andando
por él fallamos junto con las casas, metido en el monte, un indio ferido
de una vara, de una ferida que resollaba por las espaldas, que no habia
podido huir mas lejos. Los desta isla pelean con unas varas agudas, las
cuales tiran con unas tiranderas como las que tiran los mochachos las
varillas en Castilla, con las cuales tiran muy lejos asaz certero. Es
cierto que para gente desarmada que pueden hacer harto daño. Este nos
dijo que Caonabó é los suyos lo habian ferido, é habian quemado las casas
á Guacamarí. Ansí quel poco entender que los entendemos é las razones
equívocas nos han traido á todos tan afuscados que fasta agora no se
ha podido saber la verdad de la muerte de nuestra gente, é no hallamos
en aquel puerto dispusicion saludable parer hacer habitacion. Acordó
el Almirante nos tornásemos por la costa arriba por do habiámos venido
de Castilla, porque la nueva del oro era fasta allá. Fuenos el tiempo
contrario, que mayor pena nos fue tornar treinta leguas atrás que venir
desde Castilla, que con el tiempo contrario é la largueza del camino ya
eran tres meses pasados cuando decendimos en tierra. Plugó á nuestro
Señor que por la contrariedad del tiempo que no nos dejó ir mas adelante,
hobimos de tomar tierra en el mejor sitio y dispusicion que pudieramos
escoger, donde hay mucho buen puerto é grrn pesquería, de la cual tenemos
mucha necesidad por el carecimiento de las carnes. Hay en esta tierra muy
singular pescado mas sano quel de España. Verdad sea que la tierra no
consiente que se guarde de un dia para otro porque es caliente é humida,
é por ende luego las cosas introfatibles ligeramente se corrompen. La
tierra es muy gruesa para todas cosas; tiene junto un rio prencipal é
otro razonable, asaz cerca de muy singular agua: edificase sobre la
ribera dél una cibdad Marta, junto quel lugar se deslinda con el agua, de
manera que la metad de la cibdad queda cercada de agua con una barranca
de peña tajada, tal que por allí no ha menester defensa ninguna; la otra
metad está cercada de una arboleda espesa que apenas podrá un conejo
andar por ella; es tan verde que en ningun tiempo del mundo fuego la
podrá quemar: hase comenzado á traer un brazo del rio, el cual dicen los
maestros que trairán por medio del lugar, é asentarán en él moliendas é
sierras de agua, é cuanto se pudiere hacer con agua. Han sembrado mucha
hortaliza, la cual es cierto que crece mas en ocho dias que en España en
veinte. Vienen aquí continuamente muchos indios é caciques con ellos,
que son como capitanes dellos, é muchas indias: todos vienen cargados de
_ages_, que son como nabos, muy excelente manjar, de los cuales facemos
acá muchas maneras de manjares en cualquier manera; es tanto cordial
manjar que nos tiene á todos muy consolados, porque de verdad la vida que
se trajo por la mar ha seido la mas estrecha que nunca hombres pasaron,
é fue ansí necesario porque no sabiamos que tiempo nos haria, ó cuanto
permitiría Dios que estoviesemos en el camino; ansí que fue cordura
estrecharnos, porque cualquier tiempo que viniera pudieramos conservar
la vida. Rescatan el oro é mantenimientos é todo lo que traen por cabos
de agujetas, por cuentas, por alfileres, por pedasos de escudillas é de
plateles. A este _age_ llaman los de Caribi _nabi_, é los indios _hage_.
Toda esta gente, como dicho tengo, andan como nacieron, salvo las mugeres
de esta isla traen cubiertas sus verguenzas, dellos con ropa de algodon
que les ciñen las caderas, otras con yerbas é fojas de árboles. Sus galas
dellos é dellas es pintarse, unos de negro, otros de blanco é colorado,
de tantos visajes que en verlos es bien cosa de reir; las cabezas rapadas
en logares, é en logares con vedijas de tantas maneras que no se podria
escrebir. En conclusion, que todo lo que allá en nuestra España quieren
hacer en la cabeza de un loco; acá el mejor dellos vos lo terná en mucha
merced. Aquí estamos en comarca de muchas minas de ora, que segun lo que
ellos dicen no hay cada una dellas de veinte ó veinte é cinco leguas:
las unas dicen que son en Niti, en poder de Caonabó, aquel que mató los
cristianos; otras hay en otra parte que se llama Cibao, las cuales, si
place á nuestro Señor, sabremos é veremos con los ojos antes que pasen
muchos dias, porque agora se ficiera sino porque hay tantas cosas de
proveer que no bastamos para todo, porque la gente ha adolecido en cuatro
ó cinco dias el tercio della, creo la mayor causa dello ha seido el
trabajo é mala pasada del camino: allende de la diversidad de la tierra;
pero espero en nuestro Señor que todos se levantarán con salud. Lo que
parece desta gente es que si lengua toviesemos que todos se convertirian,
porque cuanto nos veen facer tanto facen, en hincar las rodillas á
los altares, é al Ave Maria, é á las otras devociones é santiguarse:
todos dicen que quieren ser cristianos, puesto que verdaderamente son
idólatras, porque en sus casas hay figuras de muchas maneras; yo les he
preguntado que es aquello, dicenme que es cosa de _Turey_, que quiere
decir del cielo. Yo acometi á querer echarselos en el fuego é haciaseles
de mal que querian llorar: pero ansi piensan que cuanto nosotros traemos
que es cosa del cielo, que á todo llaman _Turey_, que quiere decir cielo.
El dia que yo salí á dormir en tierra fue el primero dia del Señor: el
poco tiempo que habemos gastado en tierra ha seido mas en hacer donde
nos metamos, é buscar las cosas necessarias, que en saber las cosas que
hay en la tierra, pero aunque ha sido poco se han visto cosas bien de
maravillar, que se han visto árboles que llevan lana y harto fina, tal
que los que saben del arte dicen que podrán hacer buenos paños dellos.
Destos árboles hay tantos que se podrán cargar las carabelas de la lana,
aunque es trabajosa de coger, porque los árboles son muy espinosos;
pero bien se puede hallar ingenio para la coger. Hay infinito algodon
de árboles perpetuos tan grandes como duraznos. Hay árboles que llevan
cera en color y en sabor, é en arder tan buena como la de abejas, tal
que no hay diferencia mucha de la una á la otra. Hay infinitos árboles
de trementina muy singular é muy fina. Hay mucho alquitira, tambien
muy buena. Hay árboles que pienso que llevan nueces moscadas, salvo
que agora estan sin fruto, é digo que lo pienso porque el sabor y olor
de la corteza es como de nueces moscadas. Vi una raiz de gengibre que
la traía un indio colgada al cuello. Hay tambien linaloe, aunque no es
de la manera del que fasta agora se ha visto en nuestras partes; pero
no es de dudar que sea una de las especias de linaloes que los dotores
ponemos. Tambien se ha hallado una manera de canela, verdad es que no es
tan fina como la que allá se ha visto, no sabemos si por veutura lo hace
el defeto de saberla coger en sus tiempos como se ha de coger, ó si por
ventura la tierra no la lleva mejor. Tambien se ha hallado mirabolanos
cetrinos, salvo que agora no estan sino debajo del árbol, como la tierra
es muy humida estan podridos, tienen el sabor mucho amargo, yo creo sea
del podrimiento; pero todo lo otro, salvo el sabor que está corrompido,
es de mirabolanos verdaderos. Hay tambien almástica muy buena. Todas
estas gentes destas islas, que fasta agora se han visto, no poseen fierro
ninguno. Tienen muchas ferramientas, ansi como hachas é azuelas hechas de
piedra tan gentiles é tan labradas que es maravilla como sin fierro se
pueden hacer. El mantenimiento suyo es pan hecho de raices de una yerba
que es entre árbol é yerba, é el age, de que ya tengo dicho que es como
nabos, que es muy buen mantenimiento: tienen por especia, por lo adobar,
una especia que se llama _agi_, con la cual comen tambien el pescado,
como aves cuando las pueden haber, que hay infinitas de muchas maneras.
Tienen otrosí unos granos como avellanas, muy buenos de comer. Comen
cuantas culebras é lagartos é arañas é cuantos gusanos se hallan por el
suelo; ansi que me parece es mayor su bestialidad que de ninguna bestia
del mundo. Despues de una vez haber determinado el Almirante de dejar
el descobrir las minas fasta primero enviar los navíos que se habian de
partir á Castilla, por la mucha enfermedad que habia seido en la gente,
acordó de enviar dos cuadrillas con dos Capitanes, el uno á Cibao y el
otro á Niti, donde está Caonobó, de que ya he dicho, las cuales fueron
é vinieron el uno á veinte dias de Enero, é el otro á veinte é uno: el
que fue á Cibao halló oro en tantas partes que no lo osa hombre decir,
que de verdad en mas de cincuenta arroyos é rios hallaban oro, é fuera
de los rios por tierra; de manera que en toda aquella provincia dice que
do quiera que lo quieran buscar lo hallarán. Trajo muestra de muchas
partes como en la arena de los rios é en las hontizuelas, que estan sobre
tierra, creese que cabando, como sabemos hacer, se hallará en mayores
pedazos, porque los indios no saben cabar ni tienen con que puedan cabar
de un palmo arriba. El otro que fue á Niti trajo tambien nueva de mucho
oro en tres ó cuatro partes; ansi mesmo trajo la muestra dello. Ansi
que de cierto los Reyes nuestros Señores desde agora se pueden tener
por los mas prósperos é mas ricos Príncipes del mundo, porque tal cosa
hasta agora no se ha visto ni leido de ninguno en el mundo, porque
verdaderamente á otro camino que los navíos vuelvan pueden llevar tanta
cantidad de oro que se puedan maravillar cualesquiera que lo supieren.
Aquí me parece sera bien cesar el cuento: creo los que no me conocen que
oyeren éstas cosas, me ternán por prolijo é por hombre que ha alargado
algo; pero Dios es testigo que yo no he traspasado una jota los términos
de la verdad.

Hasta aquí es el treslado de lo que conviene á nuevas de aquellas partes
é Indias. Lo demas que venia en la carta no hace al caso, porque son
cosas particulares que el dicho Dotor Chanca, como natural de Sevilla,
suplicaba y encomendaba á los del Cabildo de Sevilla que tocaba á su
hacienda y á los suyos, que en la dicha cibdad habia dejado, y llegó esta
á Sevilla en el mes de [150] año de mil é cuatrocientos énoventa y tres
años.


FOOTNOTES:

[108] Doctor Chanca was appointed physician to Columbus’s fleet by a
dispatch of the 23rd of May, 1493; and on the 24th, the chief accountants
were instructed to pay him salary and rations as scrivener in the Indies.
Señor de Navarrete, who saw the manuscript, “Historia de la Reyes
Católicos,” says that its author, Andres Bernaldez, Cura de los Palacios,
makes mention of Dr. Chanca, and had this same narration before him, as
may be seen in the one hundred and twentieth chapter of his history.

[109] A similar gap in the original: it should say _of the year 1493_.

[110] The island of Dominica, so called from having been discovered on a
Sunday.

[111] The island Marigalante, so called from the name of the ship in
which Columbus sailed.

[112] Dominica has no harbours, but there are several good roadsteads on
the western side.

[113] Marigalante.

[114] The fruit of the manchineal, which apparently produces similar
effects.

[115] Guadaloupe.

[116] It was Diego Marquez, the caterer, who with eight other men went
on shore into the interior of the island, without permission from the
admiral, who caused him to be sought for by parties of men with trumpets,
but without success. One of those who were sent out with this object, was
Alonzo de Hojeda, who took with him forty men, and on their return they
reported that they had found many aromatic plants, a variety of birds,
and some considerable rivers. The wanderers were not able to find their
way to the ships until the eighth of November. (M. F. Navarrete’s note,
from Bartholomeo de las Casas’ Manuscript History, chap. 84.)

[117] This island, called further on Cayre, is most probably the “Charis”
or “Carib” referred to on page 14, which the log of the first voyage
makes to be next to and westward of Matenin, which latter all evidence
shows to be Martinique. Dominica, therefore, will be Charis or Ceyre.
Turuqueira and Ayay, probably the two islands which form Guadaloupe.

[118] Tuesday the 12th of November.

[119] The island Montserrat. See Herrera, Dec. 1. L. 2, c. vii.

[120] The admiral called it Santa Maria la Redonda. See _ibid._

[121] Santa Maria la Antigua. See _ibid._

[122] The island of St. Martin. See _ibid._

[123] Dominica, see note, p. 31.

[124] The island of _Santa Cruz_, where they anchored on Thursday the
fourteenth of November. See Herrera, Dec. 1. L. 2, cap. vii.

[125] The admiral named the largest of these islands _St. Ursula_, and
all the others _The eleven thousand Virgins_. See _ibid._

[126] The island of _Porto Rico_, to which the admiral gave the name of
_St. John the Baptist_. See Herrera, Dec. 1. L. 2, cap. vii.

[127] Porto Rico.

[128] On Friday, the twenty-second of November, the admiral first caught
sight of the island of Española. See Herrera, Dec. 1. L. 2, cap. vii.

[129] Mona Island.

[130] Apparently between Point Macao and Point Engaño, which is flat. The
higher land of the north coast commences at Point Macao.

[131] On the parallel of 18° 25′ the island has an extreme length of 400
miles, and its extreme breadth may be taken at 150 on the meridian of 71°
20′.

[132] In all probability a species of _capromys_.

[133] Cabras or Goat Island, close to “el Fraile” in the Bay of Monte
Cristi.

[134] An alligator.

[135] The river Yaque.

[136] The admiral anchored at the entrance of the harbour of Navidad, on
Wednesday, the twenty-seventh of November, towards midnight, and on the
following day put into the harbour. See Herrera, Dec. 1. L. 2, cap. viii
and ix.

[137] The Bay of Caracol, four leagues west of Fort Dauphin.

[138] This is the earliest mention of a hammock.

[139] Port Dauphin.

[140] Port Isabelique, or Isabella, ten leagues to the east of Monte
Christi.

[141] The river Isabella.

[142] The infant city of Isabella.

[143] Yams.

[144] A species of the natural order _Bombaceæ_; perhaps the _Eriodendron
anfractuosum_.

[145] These were probably trees of the laurel tribe, the bark of which is
generally spicy like cinnamon. The cinnamon mentioned below was probably
also one of these and not true cinnamon.

[146] Barbadoes aloes, still considered as of inferior quality to those
of Socotra.

[147] In fact he sent twelve vessels under the command of Antonio de
Torres, who set sail from the port of Navidad, on the second of February,
1494, charged with an account of all that had occurred. (Navarrete.)

[148] This was Alonzo de Ojeda, who went out with fifteen men, in the
month of January 1494, to seek the mines of Cibao, and returned a few
days after with good news, having been well received everywhere by the
natives. (Navarrete.)

[149] It is to be regretted, Navarrete here justly remarks, that
Dr. Chanca should not have described the subsequent occurrences in
Hispaniola, which are very important, and which have been related by
cotemporary historians.

[150] A similar gap in the original. The date of the year is a mistake.
This letter might have been brought by the ships commanded by Torres, and
consequently must have been written at the end of January, 1494, after
the expedition of Ojeda. (Navarrete.)




MEMORIAL.


_Memorial of the results of the Second Voyage of the Admiral, Christopher
Columbus, to the Indies, drawn up by him for their Highnesses King
Ferdinand and Queen Isabella; and addressed to Antonio de Torres, from
the City of Isabella, the 30th of January, 1494. The reply of their
Highnesses is affixed at the end of each chapter._[151]

The report which you, Antonio de Torres, captain of the ship
_Marigalante_, and Governor of the city of Isabella, have to make, on my
behalf, to the King and Queen our sovereigns, is as follows:

Imprimis: after having delivered the credentials which you bear from me
to their Highnesses, you will do homage in my name, and commend me to
them as to my natural sovereigns, in whose service I desire to continue
till death; and you will furthermore be able to lay before them all that
you have yourself seen and known respecting me.

_Their Highnesses accept and acknowledge the service._

Item: Although, by the letters which I have written to their Highnesses,
as well as to Father Buil and to the Treasurer, a clear and comprehensive
idea may be formed of all that has transpired since our arrival; you
will, notwithstanding, inform their Highnesses, on my behalf, that God
has been pleased to manifest such favour towards their service, that not
only has nothing hitherto occurred to diminish the importance of what I
have formerly written or said to their Highnesses; but on the contrary I
hope, by God’s grace, shortly to prove it more clearly by facts; because
we have found upon the sea shore, without penetrating into the interior
of the country, some spots showing so many indications of various spices,
as naturally to suggest the hope of the best results for the future. The
same holds good with respect to the gold mines; for two parties only,
who were sent, out in different directions to discover them, and who,
because they had few people with them, remained out but a short time,
found, nevertheless, a great number of rivers whose sands contained this
precious metal in such quantity, that each man took up a sample of it
in his hand; so that our two messengers returned so joyous, and boasted
so much of the abundance of gold, that I feel a hesitation in speaking
and writing of it to their Highnesses. But as Gorbalan, who was one of
the persons who went on the discovery, is returning to Spain, he will be
able to relate all that he has seen and observed; although there remains
here another individual,—named Hojeda, formerly servant of the Duke of
Medinaceli, and a very discreet and pains-taking youth,—who without doubt
discovered, beyond all comparison, more than the other, judging by the
account which he gave of the rivers he had seen; for he reported, that
each of them contained things that appeared incredible. It results from
all this, that their Highnesses ought to return thanks to God, for the
favour which He thus accords to all their Highnesses’ enterprises.

_Their Highnesses return thanks to God for all that is recorded, and
regard as a very signal service all that the Admiral has already done,
and is yet doing; for they are sensible that, under God, it is he who
has procured for them their present and future possessions in these
countries; and as they are about to write to him on this subject more at
length, they refer to their letter._

Item. You will repeat to their Highnesses what I have already written
to them, that I should have ardently desired to have been able to send
them, by this occasion, a larger quantity of gold than what they have
any hope of our being able to collect, but that the greater part of the
people we employed fell suddenly ill. Moreover, the departure of this
present expedition could not be delayed any longer, for two reasons:
namely, on account of the heavy expense which their stay here occasioned;
and because the weather was favourable for their departure, and for the
return of those who should bring back the articles of which we stand in
the most pressing need. If the former were to put off the time of their
starting, and the latter were to delay their departure, they would not
be able to reach here by the month of May. Besides, if I wished now to
undertake a journey to the rivers with those who are well,—whether with
those who are at sea, or those who are on land in the huts,—I should
experience great difficulties, and even dangers; because, in traversing
three or four-and-twenty leagues, where there are bays and rivers to
pass, we should be obliged to carry, as provision for so long a journey,
and for the time necessary for collecting the gold, many articles of
food, etc., which could not be carried on our backs, and there are
no beasts of burden to be found, to afford the necessary assistance.
Moreover, the roads and passes are not in such a condition as I should
wish for travelling over; but they have already begun to make them
passable. It would be also extremely inconvenient to leave the sick men
here in the open air, or in huts, with such food and defences as they
have on shore; although these Indians appear every day to be more simple
and harmless to those who land for the purpose of making investigations.
In short, although they come every day to visit us, it would nevertheless
be imprudent to risk the loss of our men and our provisions, which might
very easily happen, if an Indian were only, with a lighted coal, to set
fire to the huts, for they ramble about both night and day; for this
reason, we keep sentinels constantly on the watch while the dwellings are
exposed and undefended.

_He has done well._

Further, as we have remarked that the greatest part of those who have
gone out to make discoveries, have fallen sick on their return, and that
some have even been obliged to abandon the undertaking in the middle of
their journey, and return, it was equally to be feared that the same
would occur to those who were at the time enjoying good health, if
they were also to go. There were two evils to fear:—one, the chance of
falling ill in undertaking the same work, in a place where there were no
houses nor any kind of protection, and of being exposed to the attacks
of the cacique called Caonabo, who, by all accounts, is a badly-disposed
man, and extremely daring; who, if he were to find us in a dispirited
condition and sick, might venture upon what he would not dare to do if
we were well. The other evil consisted in the difficulty of carrying the
gold; for, either we should have to carry it in small quantities, and go
and return every day, and thus daily expose ourselves to the chance of
sickness; or we should have to send it under the escort of a party of
our people, and equally run the risk of losing them.

_He has done well._

These are the reasons, you will tell their Highnesses, why the departure
of the expedition has not been delayed, and why only a sample of the
gold is sent to them; but I trust in the mercy of God, who in all
things and in every place has guided us hitherto, that all our men will
be soon restored to health, as, indeed, they are already beginning to
be; for they have but to try this country for a little time and they
speedily recover their health. One thing is certain, that if they could
have fresh meat, they would very quickly, by the help of God, be up and
doing; and those who are most sickly, would speedily recover. I hope
that they may be restored. The small number of those who continue well,
are employed every day in barricading our dwelling, so as to put it in
a state of defence, and in taking necessary measures for the safety
of our ammunition; which will be finished now in a few days, for all
our fortifications will consist simply of stone walls.[152] These
precautions will be sufficient, as the Indians are not a people to be
much afraid of; and, unless they should find us asleep, they would not
dare to undertake any hostile movement against us, even if they should
entertain the idea of so doing. The misfortune which happened to those
who remained here, must be attributed to their want of vigilance; for
however few they were in number, and however favourable the opportunities
that the Indians may have had for doing what they did, they would never
have ventured to do them any injury, if they had only seen that they took
proper precautions against an attack. As soon as this object is gained, I
will undertake to go in search of these rivers; either proceeding hence
by land, and looking out for the best expedients that may offer, or else
by sea, rounding the island until we come to the place which is described
as being only six or seven leagues from where these rivers that I speak
of are situated; so that we may collect the gold in safety, and put it
in security against all attacks in some stronghold or tower, which may
be quickly built for that purpose: and thus, when the two caravels shall
return thither, the gold may be taken away and finally sent home in
safety at the first favourable season for making the voyage.

_This is well and exactly as he should do._

Item. You will inform their Highnesses (as indeed has been already
said), that the cause of the sickness so general among us, is the change
of air and water, for we find that all of us are affected, though few
dangerously; consequently, the preservation of the health of the people
will depend, under God, on their being provided with the same food
that they are accustomed to in Spain: neither those who are here now,
nor those that shall come, will be in a position to be of service to
their Highnesses, unless they enjoy good health. We ought to have fresh
supplies of provisions until the time that we may be able to gather a
sufficient crop from what we shall have sown or planted here: I speak
of wheat, barley, and grapes, towards the cultivation of which not
much has been done this year, from our being unable earlier to choose
a convenient settlement. When we had chosen it, the small number of
labourers that were with us fell sick; and, even when they recovered,
we had so few cattle, and those so lean and weak, that the utmost they
could do was very little; however, they have sown a few plots of ground,
for the sake of trying the soil, which seems excellent, in the hope of
thereby obtaining some relief in our necessities. We are very confident,
from what we can see, that wheat and grapes will grow very well in
this country. We must, however, wait for the fruit; and if it grows as
quickly and well as the corn, in proportion to the number of vines that
have been planted, we shall certainly not stand in need of Andalusia and
Sicily here. There are also sugar-canes, of which the small quantity
that we have planted has taken root. The beauty of the country in these
islands,—the mountains, the valleys, the streams, the fields watered by
broad rivers,—is such that there is no country on which the sun sheds his
beams that can present a more charming appearance.

_Since the land is so fertile, it is desirable to sow of all kinds as
much as possible; and Don Juan de Fonseca is instructed to send over
immediately everything requisite for that purpose._

Item. You will say, that as a large portion of the wine that we brought
with us has run away, in consequence, as most of the men say, of the bad
cooperage of the butts made at Seville, the article that we stand most
in need of now, and shall stand in need of, is wine; and although we
have biscuit and corn for some time longer, it is nevertheless necessary
that a reasonable quantity of these be sent to us, for the voyage is
a long one, and it is impossible to make a calculation for every day;
the same holds good with respect to pork and salt beef, which should be
better than what we brought out with us on this voyage. Sheep, and still
better, lambs and lambkins, more females than males, young calves and
heifers, also are wanted, and should be sent by every caravel that may
be dispatched hither; and at the same time some asses, both male and
female, and mares for labour and tillage; for here there are no beasts
that a man can turn to any use. As I fear that their Highnesses may not
be at Seville, and that their officers or ministers will not, without
their express instructions, make any movement towards the carrying out
of the necessary arrangements for the return voyage; and that, in the
interval between the report and the reply, the favourable moment for the
departure of the vessels which are to return hither (and which should
be in all the month of May) may elapse, you will tell their Highnesses,
as I charged and ordered you, that I have given strict orders that the
gold that you carry with you be placed in the hands of some merchant in
Seville, in order that he may therefrom disburse the sums necessary for
loading the two caravels with wine, corn, and other articles detailed in
this memorial; and this merchant shall convey or send the said gold to
their Highnesses, that they may see it, receive it, and from it cause to
be defrayed the expenses that may arise from the fitting-up and loading
of the said two caravels. It is necessary, for the encouragement of the
men who remain here, and for the support of their spirits, that an effort
should be made to let the expedition arrive in the course of the month of
May, so that before summer they may have the fresh provisions, and other
necessaries, especially against sickness. We particularly stand in need
of raisins, sugar, almonds, honey, and rice, of which we ought to have
had a great quantity, but brought very little with us, and what we had is
now consumed. The greater part of the medicines, also, that we brought
from Spain are used up, so many of our number having been sick. For all
these articles, both for those who are in good health and for the sick,
you carry, as I have already said, memorials signed by my hand; you will
execute my orders to the full, if there be sufficient money wherewith to
do so, or you will at least procure what is more immediately necessary,
and which ought, consequently, to come as speedily as possible by the
two vessels. As to the remainder, you will obtain their Highnesses’
permission for their being sent by other vessels without loss of time.

_Their Highnesses will give instructions to Don Juan de Fonseca to make
immediate inquiry respecting the imposition in the matter of the casks,
in order that those who supplied them shall at their own expense make
good the loss occasioned by the waste of the wine, together with the
costs. He will have to see that sugar-canes of good quality be sent,
and will immediately look to the despatch of the other articles herein
required._

Item. You will tell their Highnesses, that as we have no interpreter
through whom we can make these people acquainted with our holy faith,
as their Highnesses and we ourselves desire, and as we will do so soon
as we are able, we send by these two vessels some of these cannibal men
and women, as well as some children, both male and female, whom their
Highnesses might order to be placed under the care of the most competent
persons to teach them the language. At the same time they might be
employed in useful occupations, and by degrees through somewhat more care
being bestowed upon them than upon other slaves, they would learn one
from the other. By not seeing or speaking to each other for a long time,
they will learn much sooner in Spain than they will here, and become much
better interpreters. We will, however, not fail to do what we can; it
is true, that as there is but little communication between one of these
islands and another, there is some difference in their mode of expressing
themselves, which mainly depends on the distance between them. But as
amongst all these islands, those inhabited by the cannibals are the
largest and the most populous, it must be evident that nothing but good
can come from sending to Spain men and women who may thus one day be led
to abandon their barbarous custom of eating their fellow-creatures. By
learning the Spanish language in Spain, they will much earlier receive
baptism and advance the welfare of their souls; moreover, we shall gain
great credit with the Indians who do not practise the above-mentioned
cruel custom, when they see that we have seized and led captive those
who injure them, and whose very name alone fills them with horror. You
will assure their Highnesses, that our arrival in this country, and the
sight of so fine a fleet, have produced the most imposing effect for the
present, and promise great security hereafter; for all the inhabitants of
this great island, and of the others, when they see the good treatment
that we shall shew to those who do well, and the punishment that we shall
inflict on those who do wrong, will hasten to submit, so that we shall be
able to lay our commands on them as vassals of their Highnesses. And as
even now they not only readily comply with every wish that we express,
but also of their own accord endeavour to do what they think will please
us, I think that their Highnesses may feel assured that, on the other
side also, the arrival of this fleet has, in many respects, secured for
them, both for the present and the future, a wide renown amongst all
Christian Princes; but they themselves will be able to form a much better
judgment on this subject than it is in my power to give expression to.

_Let him be informed of what has transpired respecting the cannibals that
came over to Spain. He has done well and let him do as he says; but let
him endeavour by all possible means to convert them to our holy Catholic
religion, and do the same with respect to the inhabitants of all the
islands to which he may go._

Item. You will tell their Highnesses, that the welfare of the souls of
the said cannibals, and of the inhabitants of this island also, has
suggested the thought that the greater the number that are sent over to
Spain the better, and thus good service may result to their Highnesses
in the following manner. Considering what great need we have of cattle
and of beasts of burthen, both for food and to assist the settlers in
this and all these islands, both for peopling the land and cultivating
the soil, their Highnesses might authorize a suitable number of caravels
to come here every year to bring over the said cattle, and provisions,
and other articles; these cattle, etc., might be sold at moderate prices
for account of the bearers, and the latter might be paid with slaves,
taken from among the Caribbees, who are a wild people, fit for any work,
well proportioned and very intelligent, and who, when they have got rid
of the cruel habits to which they have become accustomed, will be better
than any other kind of slaves. When they are out of their country, they
will forget their cruel customs; and it will be easy to obtain plenty of
these savages by means of row-boats that we propose to build. It is taken
for granted, that each of the caravels sent by their Highnesses, will
have on board a confidential man, who will take care that the vessels do
not stop anywhere else than here, where they are to unload and reload
their vessels. Their Highnesses might fix duties on the slaves that may
be taken over, upon their arrival in Spain. You will ask for a reply upon
this point, and bring it to me, in order that I may be able to take the
necessary measures, should the proposition merit the approbation of their
Highnesses.

_The consideration of this subject has been suspended for a time, until
fresh advices arrive from the other side: let the Admiral write what he
thinks upon the subject._

Item. You will also tell their Highnesses, that freighting the ships
by the ton, as the Flemish merchants do, will be more advantageous and
less expensive than any other mode, and it is for this reason that I
have given you instructions to freight in this manner the caravels that
you have now to send off, and it will be well to adopt this plan with
all the others that their Highnesses may send provided it meets their
approbation; but I do not mean to say that this measure should be applied
to the vessels that shall come over licensed for the traffic of slaves.

_Their Highnesses have given directions to Don Juan de Fonseca, to have
the caravels freighted in the manner described, if it can be done._

Item. You will tell their Highnesses, that in order to save any extra
expense, I have purchased the caravels mentioned in the memorial of which
you are the bearer, in order to keep them here with the two vessels,
the _Gallega_ and the _Capitana_, of which, by advice of the pilot its
commander, I purchased the three-eighths for the price declared in the
said memorial, signed by my hand. These vessels will not only give
authority and great security to those who will have to remain on shore
and whose duty it will be to make arrangements with the Indians for
collecting the gold; but they will be also very useful to ward off any
attack that may be made upon them by strangers; moreover, the caravels
will be required for the task of making the discovery of terra firma,
and of the islands which lie scattered about in this vicinity. You will
therefore beg their Highnesses to pay, at the term of credit arranged
with the sellers, the sums which these vessels shall cost, for without
doubt their Highnesses will be very soon reimbursed for what they may
expend; at least, such is my belief and hope in the mercy of God.

_The Admiral has done well. You will tell him that the sum mentioned has
been paid to the seller of the vessels, and that Don Juan de Fonseca has
been ordered to pay the cost of the caravels purchased by the Admiral._

Item. You will speak to their Highnesses, and beseech them on my behalf,
in the most humble manner possible, to be pleased to give mature
reflection to the observations I may make, in letters or more detailed
statements, with reference to the peacefulness, harmony, and good
feeling of those who come hither; in order that for their Highnesses
service persons may be selected who will hold in view the purpose for
which these men are sent, rather than their own interest; and since you
yourself have seen and are acquainted with these matters, you will speak
to their Highnesses upon this subject, and will tell them the truth on
every point exactly as you have understood it; you will also take care
that the orders which their Highnesses shall give on this point be put
into effect, if possible, by the first vessels, in order that no further
injury occur here in the matters that affect their service.

_Their Highnesses are well informed of all that takes place, and will see
to it that everything is done as it should be._

Item. You will describe to their Highnesses the position of this city,
the beauty of the province in which it is situated, as you have seen it,
and as you can honestly speak of it; and you can inform them, that in
virtue of the powers which I have received from them, I have made you
governor of the said city; and you will tell them also that I humbly
beseech them, out of consideration for your services, to receive your
nomination favourably, which I sincerely hope they may do.

_Their Highnesses are pleased to sanction your appointment as governor._

Item. As Messire Pedro Margarite, an officer of the household to their
Highnesses, has done good service, and will, I hope, continue to do so
for the future in all matters which may be entrusted to him, I have
felt great pleasure in his continuing his stay in this country; and I
have been much pleased to find that Gaspar and Beltran also remain:
and as they are all three well known to their Highnesses as faithful
servants, I shall place them in posts or employments of trust. You will
beg their Highnesses especially to have regard to the situation of
the said Messire Pedro Margarite, who is married and the father of a
family, and beseech them to give him some vacant command in the order of
Santiago, of which he is a knight, in order that his wife and children
may thus have a competence to live upon. You will also make mention of
Juan Aguado, a servant of their Highnesses; you will inform them of the
zeal and activity with which he has served them in all matters that have
been entrusted to him; and also that I beseech their Highnesses on his
behalf, as well as on behalf of those above mentioned, not to forget my
recommendation, but to give it full consideration.

_Their Highnesses grant an annual pension of thirty thousand maravedis
to Messire Pedro Margarite, and pensions of fifteen thousand maravedis
to Gaspard and Beltram, which will be reckoned from this day, the 15th
of August 1494. They give orders that the said pensions be paid by the
Admiral out of the sums to be paid in the Indies, and by Don Juan de
Fonseca out of the sums to be paid in Spain. With respect to the matter
of Juan Aguado, their Highnesses will not be forgetful._

Item. You will inform their Highnesses of the continual labour that
Doctor Chanca has undergone, from the prodigious number of sick and the
scarcity of provisions: and that, in spite of all this, he exhibits the
greatest zeal and kindness in everything that relates to his profession.
As their highnesses have entrusted me with the charge of fixing the
salary that is to be paid to him while out here (although it is certain
that he neither receives, nor can receive anything from any one, and
does not receive anything from his position, equal to what he did, and
could still do in Spain, where he lived peaceably and at ease, in a very
different style from what he does here; and, although he declares that he
earned more in Spain, exclusive of the pay which he received from their
Highnesses), I have, nevertheless, not ventured to place to the credit
of his account more than fifty thousand maravedis per annum, as the sum
which he is to receive for his yearly labour during the time of his stay
in this country. I beg their Highnesses to give their sanction to this
salary, exclusive of his maintenance while here; and I do so, because he
asserts that all the medical men who attend their Highnesses in the royal
yachts, or in any of their expeditions, are accustomed to receive by
right the day’s pay out of the annual salary of each individual. Let this
be as it may, I am informed for certain, that on whatever service they
are engaged, it is the custom to give them a certain fixed sum, settled
at the will and by order of their Highnesses, as compensation for the
said day’s pay. You will, therefore, beg their Highnesses to decide this
matter, as well with respect to the annual pay as to the above-mentioned
usage, so that the said doctor may be reasonably satisfied.

_Their Highnesses acknowledge the justice of Doctor Chanca’s
observations, and it is their wish that the Admiral shall pay him the
sum which he has allowed him, exclusive of his fixed annual salary. With
respect to the day’s pay allowed to medical men, it is not the custom to
authorize them to receive it, except when they are in personal attendance
upon our Lord the King._

Item. You will tell their Highnesses what great devotion Coronel has
shown to the service in many respects, and what great proofs he has given
of it in every important matter that has been trusted to him, and how
much we feel his loss now that he is sick. You will represent to them
how just it is that he should receive the recompense of such good and
loyal services, not only in the favours which may hereafter be shown to
him, but also in his present pay, in order that he, and all those that
are with us, may see what profit will accrue to them from their zeal in
the service; for the importance and difficulty of exploring the mines
should call for great consideration towards those to whom such extensive
interests are entrusted; and, as the talents of the said Coronel have
made me determine upon appointing him principal constable of this portion
of the Indies, and, as his salary is left open, I beg their Highnesses
to make it as liberal as may be in consideration of his services, and to
confirm his nomination to the service which I have allotted to him, by
giving him an official appointment thereto.

_Their Highnesses grant him, besides his salary, an annual pension of
fifteen thousand maravedis; the same to be paid him at the same time as
the said salary._

Item. You will, at the same time, tell their Highnesses that the
bachelor, Gil Garcia, came out here in quality of principal alcalde,
without having any salary fixed or allowed to him: that he is a good man,
well-informed, correct in his conduct, and very necessary to us; and that
I beg their Highnesses to be pleased to appoint him a salary sufficient
for his support; and that it be remitted to him together with his pay
from the other side.

_Their Highnesses grant him an annual pension of twenty thousand
maravedis during his stay in the Indies, and that over and above his
fixed appointments; and it is their order that this pension be paid to
him at the same time as his salary._

Item. You will tell their Highnesses, as I have already told them in
writing, that I think it will be impossible to go this year to make
discoveries until arrangements have been made to work the two rivers in
which the gold has been found in the most profitable manner for their
Highnesses’ interest; and this may be done more effectively hereafter,
because it is not a thing that every one can do to my satisfaction, or
with advantage to their Highnesses’ service, unless I be present; for
whatever is to be done always turns out best under the eye of the party
interested.

_It is the most necessary thing possible that he should strive to find
the way to this gold._

Item. You will tell their Highnesses, that the horse-soldiers that came
from Grenada to the review which took place at Seville, offered good
horses, but that at the time of their being sent on board, they took
advantage of my absence (for I was somewhat indisposed), and changed them
for others, the best of which does not seem worth two thousand maravedis,
for they sold the first and bought these; and this deception on the part
of the horse-soldiers, is very like what I have known to occur to many
gentlemen in Seville of my acquaintance. It seems that Juan de Soria,
after the price was paid, for some private interest of his own, put
other horses in the place of those that I expected to find, and when I
came to see them, there were horses there that had never been offered
to me for sale. In all this the greatest dishonesty has been shown,
so that I do not know whether I ought to complain of him alone, since
these horse-soldiers have been paid their expenses up to the present
day, besides their salary and the hire of their horses, and when they
are ill, they will not allow their horses to be used, because they are
not present. It is not their Highnesses’ wish that these horses should
be purchased for anything but their Highnesses’ service, but these men
think they are only to be employed on work which requires them to ride
on horse-back, which is not the case at present. All these considerations
lead me to think, that it would be more convenient to buy their horses,
which are worth but little, and thus avoid being exposed daily to new
disputes; finally, their Highnesses will decide on what plan is best for
their own interests.

_Their Highnesses order Don Juan de Fonseca to make inquiries respecting
the matter of the horses, and if it be true that such a deception has
been practised, to send up the culprits to be punished as they deserve;
also to gain information respecting the other people that the admiral
speaks of, and to send the result of the information to their Highnesses.
With respect to the horse soldiers, it is their Highnesses’ wish and
command that they continue where they are, and remain in service, because
they belong to the guards and to the class of their Highnesses’ servants.
Their Highnesses also command the said horse soldiers to give up their
horses into the charge of the Admiral on all occasions when they shall be
required, and if the use of the horses should occasion any loss, their
Highnesses direct that compensation shall be made for the amount of the
injury, through the medium of the Admiral._

Item. You will mention to their Highnesses, that more than two hundred
persons have come here without fixed salaries, and that some of them
are very useful to the service; and in order to preserve system and
uniformity, the others have been ordered to imitate them. For the first
three years, it is desirable that we should have here a thousand men, in
order to keep a safeguard upon the island and upon the rivers that supply
the gold: and even if we were able to mount a hundred men on horse-back,
so far from being an evil, it will be a very necessary thing for us; but
their Highnesses might pass by the question of the horse-men until gold
shall be sent. In short, their Highnesses should give instructions as to
whether the two hundred people who have come over without pay, should
receive pay like the others, if they do their work well; for we certainly
have great need of them to commence our labours, as I have already shown.

_It is their Highnesses’ wish and command, that the two hundred persons
without pay shall replace such of those who are paid as have failed, or
as shall hereafter fail, in their duty, provided they are fit for the
service and please the Admiral; and their Highnesses order the Accomptant
to enter their names in the place of those who shall fail in their duty,
as the Admiral shall determine._

Item. As there are means of diminishing the expenses that these people
occasion, by employing them, as other Princes do, in industrial
occupations, I think it would be well that all ships that come here
should be ordered to bring, besides the ordinary stores and medicines,
shoes, and leather for making shoes, shirts, both of common and superior
quality, doublets, laces, some peasants’ clothing, breeches, and cloth
for making clothes, all at moderate prices; they might also bring other
articles, such as conserves, which do not enter into the daily ration,
yet are good for preserving health. The Spaniards that are here would
always be happy to receive such articles as these in lieu of part of
their pay; and if they were purchased by men who were selected for
their known loyalty, and who take an interest in the service of their
Highnesses, considerable economy would result from this arrangement.
Ascertain their Highnesses’ pleasure on this head, and if the plan be
deemed expedient for the service, it should be put in practice at once.

_This matter may rest for the present until the Admiral shall write more
fully on the subject; meanwhile, Don Juan de Fonseca shall be ordered to
instruct Don Ximenes de Bribiesca to make the necessary arrangements for
the execution of the proposed plans._

Item. You will tell their Highnesses that, in a review that was holden
yesterday, it was remarked that a great number of the people were without
arms, which I think must be attributed partly to the exchange made at
Seville, or in the harbour, when those who presented themselves armed
were left for a while, and for a trifle exchanged their arms for others
of an inferior quality. I think it would be desirable that two hundred
cuirasses, a hundred arquebuses, a hundred arblasts, and many other
articles of defensive armour, should be sent over to us; for we have
great need of them to arm those who are at present without them.

_Don Juan de Fonseca has already been written to, to provide them._

Item. Inasmuch as many married persons have come over here, and are
engaged in regular duties, such as masons and other tradesmen, who have
left their wives in Spain, and wish that the pay that falls due to them
may be paid to their wives, or whomsoever they may appoint, in order that
they may purchase for them such articles as they may need, I therefore
beseech their Highnesses to take such measures as they may deem expedient
on this subject; for it is of importance to their interests that these
people be well provided for.

_Their Highnesses have already ordered Don Juan de Fonseca to attend to
this matter._

Item. Besides the other articles which I have begged from their
Highnesses in the memorial which you bear, signed by my hand, and which
articles consist of provisions and other stores, both for those who are
well and for those who are sick, it would be very serviceable that fifty
pipes of molasses should be sent hither from the island of Madeira; for
it is the most nutritious food in the world, and the most wholesome. A
pipe of it does not ordinarily cost more than two ducats, exclusive of
the casks; and if their Highnesses would order one of the caravels to
call at the said island on the return voyage, the purchase might be made,
and they might, at the same time, buy ten casks of sugar, of which we
stand greatly in need. It is the most favourable season of the year to
obtain it at a cheap rate, that is to say, between this and the month of
April. The necessary orders might be given, if their Highnesses think
proper, and yet the place of destination be carefully concealed.

_Don Juan de Fonseca will see to it._

Item. You will tell their Highnesses that, although the rivers contain
in their beds the quantity of gold described by those who have seen it,
there is no doubt that the gold is produced not in the rivers but the
earth; and that the water happening to come in contact with the mines,
washes it away mingled with the sand. And as among the great number of
rivers that have been already discovered there are some of considerable
magnitude, there are also some so small that they might rather be called
brooks than rivers, only two fingers’ breadth deep, and very short in
their course; there will, therefore, be some men wanted to wash the
gold from the sand, and others to dig it out of the earth. This latter
operation will be the principal and the most productive; it will be
expedient, therefore, that their Highnesses send men both for the
washing and for the mining, from among those who are employed in Spain in
the mines at Almaden[153], so that the work may be done in both manners.
We shall not, however, wait for the arrival of these workmen, but hope,
with the aid of God and with the washers that we have here with us, when
they shall be restored to health, to send a good quantity of gold by the
first caravels that shall leave for Spain.

_This shall be completely provided for in the next voyage out; meanwhile,
Don Juan de Fonseca has their Highnesses’ orders to send as many miners
as he can find. Their Highnesses write also to Almaden, with instructions
to select the greatest number that can be procured, and to send them up._

Item. You will beseech their Highnesses very humbly in my name, to be
pleased to pay regard to my strong recommendation of Villacorta, who,
as their Highnesses are aware, has been extremely useful, and has shown
the greatest possible zeal in this affair. As I know him to be a zealous
man and well disposed to their Highnesses’ service, I shall take it as a
favour if they will deign to grant him some post of trust adapted to his
qualifications, and in which he might give proof of his industry and warm
desire to serve their Highnesses: and you will manage that Villacorta
shall have practical evidence that the work which he has done for me, and
in which I found him needful to me, has been of some profit to him.

_This shall be done as he wishes._

Item. That the said Messire Pedro, Gaspar, Beltran, and others remaining
here, came out in command of caravels which have now gone back, and are
in receipt of no salary whatever; but as these are people who should be
employed in the most important and confidential positions, their pay has
not been fixed, because it ought to be different from that of the rest;
you will beg their Highnesses, therefore, on my behalf, to settle what
ought to be given them either yearly or monthly, for the advantage of
their Highnesses’ service.

Given in the City of Isabella, the thirtieth of January, in the year
fourteen hundred and ninety-four.

_This point has been already replied to above; but as in the said clause
he says that they should receive their pay, it is now their Highnesses’
command that their salary shall be paid to them from the time that they
gave up their command._


MEMORIAL

_Que para los Reyes Católicos dió el Almirante D. Cristobal Colon, en
la ciudad Isabela, á 30 de Enero de 1494 á Antonio de Torres, sobre el
suceso de su segundo viage á las Indias; y al final de cada capítulo la
respuesta de sus Altezas._

Lo que vos Antonio de Torres, capitan de la nao _Marigalante_, é Alcaide
de la ciudad Isabela, habeis de decir é suplicar de mi parte al Rey é la
Reina nuestros Señores es lo siguiente:

Primeramente, dadas las cartas de creencia que llevais de mí para sus
Altezas, besareis por mi sus reales pies é manos, é me encomendareis en
sus Altezas como á Rey é Reina mis Señores naturales, en cuyo servicio yo
deseo fenecer mis dias, como esto mas largamente vos podreis decir á sus
Altezas, segun lo que en mi vistes é supistes.

_Sus Altezas se lo tienen en servicio._

Item: Como quiera que por las cartas que á sus altezas escribo y aun el
Padre Fray Buil y el Tesorero, podrán comprender todo lo que acá despues
de nuestra llegada se fizo, y esto harto por menudo y extensamente;
con todo direis á sus Altezas de mi parte, que á Dios ha placido darme
tal gracia para en su servicio, que hasta aquí no hallo yo menos ni se
ha hallado en cosa alguna de lo que yo escribí y dije, y afirmé á sus
Altezas en los dias pasados, antes por gracia de Dios espero que aun muy
mas claramente y muy presto por la obra parecerá, porque las cosas de
especeria en solas las orillas de la mar, sin haber entrado dentro en
la tierra, se halla tal rastro é principios della, que es razon que se
esperen muy mejores fines, y esto mismo en las minas del oro, porque con
solos dos que fueron á descubrir cada uno por su parte, sin detenerse
allá porque era poca gente, se han descubierto tantos rios tan poblados
de oro, que cualquier de los que lo vieron é cogieron, solamente con
las manos por muestra, vinieron tan alegres, y dicen tantas cosas de la
abundancia dello, que yo tengo empacho de las decir y escribir á sus
altezas; pero porque allá vá Gorbalan, que fue uno de los descubridores,
el dirá lo que vió, aunque acá queda otro que llaman Hojeda, criado del
Duque de Medinaceli, muy discreto mozo y de muy gran recabdo, que sin
duda y aun sin comparacion, descubrió mucho mas, segun el memorial de
los rios que él trajo, diciendo que en cada uno de ellos hay cosa de no
creella; por lo cual sus Altezas pueden dar gracias á Dios, pues tan
favorablemente se ha en todas sus cosas.

_Sus Altezas dan muchas gracias a Dios por esto, y tienen en muy senalado
servicio al Almirante todo lo que en esto ha fecho y hace, porque conocen
que despues de Dios á él son en cargo de todo lo que en esto han habido
y hobieren; y porque cerca desto le escriben mas largo, á su carta se
remiten._

Item: Dieris á sus Altezas, como quier que ya se les escribe, que yo
deseaba mucho en esta armada poderles enviar mayor cuantidad de oro del
que acá se espera poder coger, si la gente que acá está nuestra, la
mayor parte subitamente no cayera doliente; pero porque ya esta armada
non so podia detener acá mas, siquiera por la costa grande que hace,
siquiera porque el tiempo es este propio para ir y poder volver los
que han de traer acá las cosas que aquí hacen mucha mengua, porque si
tardasen de irse de aquí non podrian volverse para Mayo los que han de
volver, y allende desto si con los sanos que acá se hallan, así en mar
como en tierra en la poblacion, yo quisiera emprender de ir á las minas
ó rios agora, habia muchas dificultades é aun peligros, porque de aquí
á veinte y tres ó veinte y cuatro leguas, en donde hay puertos é rios
para pasar y para tan largo camino, y para estar allá al tiempo que seria
menester para coger el oro, habia menester llevar muchos mantenimientos,
los cuales non podrian llevar á cuestas, ni hay bestias acá que á esto
pudiesen suplir, ni los caminos é pasos non estan tan aparejados, como
quier que se han comenzado á adobar para que se podiesen pasar; y tambien
era grande inconveniente dejar acá los dolientes en lugar abierto y
chozas, y las provisiones y mantenimientos que estan en tierra, que
como quier que estos indios se hayan mostrado á los descubridores, y se
muestran cada dia muy simples y sin malicia; con todo, porque cada dia
vienen acá entre nosotros non pareció que fuera buen consejo meter á
riesgo y á ventura de perderse esta gente y los mantenimientos, lo que un
indio con un tizon podria hacer poniendo huego á las chozas, porque de
noche y de dia siempre van y vienen; á causa dellos tenemos guardas en el
campo mientras la poblacion está abierta y sin defension.

_Que lo hizo bien._

Otrosí: Como habemos visto en los que fueron por tierra á descobrir que
los mas cayeron dolientes despues de vueltos, y aun algunos se hobieron
de volver del camino, era tambien razon de temer que otro tal conteciese
a los que agora irian destos sanos que se hallan, y seguirse hian dos
peligros de allí, el uno de adolecer allá en la misma obra dó no hay
casa ni reparo alguno de aquel Cacique que llaman Caonabó que es hombre,
segun relacion de todos, muy malo y muy mas atrevido, el cual viéndonos
allá así desbaratados y dolientes, podria emprender lo que non osaria si
fuesemos sanos: y con esto mismo se allega otra dificultad de traer acá
lo que llegasemos de oro, porque ó habiamos de traer poco y ir y venir
cada dia, y meterse en el riesgo de las dolencias, ó se habia de enviar
con alguna parte de la gente con el mismo peligro de perderlo.

_Lo hizo bien._

Así que, direis á sus Altezas, que estas son las cabsas porque de
presente non se ha detenido el armada, ni se les envia oro mas de las
muestras; pero confiando en la misericordia de Dios, que en todo y por
todo nos ha guiado hasta aquí, esta gente convalescerá presto, como ya
lo hace, porque solamente les prueba la tierra de algunas ceciones, y
luego se levantan; y es cierto que si toviesen algunas carnes frescas
para convalescer muy presto serian todos en pie con ayuda de Dios, é
aun los mas estarian ya convalescidos en este tiempo, espero que ellos
convalescerán: con estos pocos sanos que acá quedan, cada dia se entiende
en cerrar la poblacion y meterla en alguna defensa, y los mantenimientos
en seguro, que será fecho en breves dias, porque non ha de ser sino
albarradas que non son gente los indios, que si dormiendo non nos
fallasen para emprender cosa ninguna, aunque la toviesen pensada, que
así hicieron á los otros que acá quedaron por su mal recabdo, los cuales
por pocos que fuesen, y por mayores ocasiones que dieran á los indios
de haber é de hacer lo que hicieron, nunca ellos osaran emprender de
dañarles si los vieran á buen recabdo: y esto fecho luego se entenderá
en ir á los dichos rios, ó desde acquí tomando el camino, y buscando los
mejores expedientes que se puedan, ó por la mar rodeando la isla fasta
aquella parte de donde se dice que no debe haber mas de seis ó siete
leguas hasta los dichos rios; por forma que con seguridad se pueda cojer
el oro y ponerlo en recabdo de alguna fortaleza ó torre que allí se haga
luego, para tenerlo cogido al tiempo que las dos carabelas volverán acá,
é para que luego con el primer tiempo que sea para navegar este camino se
envie á buen recabdo.

_Que está bien, y así lo debe hacer._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas, como dicho es, que las causas de las
dolencias tan general de todos es de mudamiento de aguas y aires, porque
vemos que á todos arreo se extiende y peligran pocos; por consiguiente
la conservacion de la sanidad, despues de Dios, está que esta gente sea
proveida de los mantenimientos que en España acostumbraba, porque dellos,
ni de otros que viniesen de nuevo sus Altezas se podrán servir si no
estan sanos; y esta provision ha de durar hasta que acá se haya fecho
cimiento de lo que acá se sembrare é plantare, digo de trigos y cebadas,
é viñas, de lo cual para este año se ho fecho poco, porque no se pudo de
antes tomar asiento, y luego que se tomó adolescieron aquellos poquitos
labradores que acá estaban, los cuales aunque estovieran sanos tenian
tan pocas bestias y tau magras y flacas, que poco es lo que pudieran
hacer: con todo, alguna cosa han sembrado, mas para probar la tierra, que
parece muy maravillosa, para que de alli se puede esperar remedio alguno
en nuestras necesidades. Somos bien ciertos, como la obra lo muestra,
que en esta tierra asi el trigo como el vino nacerá muy bien; pero hase
de esperar el fruto, el cual si tal será como muestra la presteza del
nacer del trigo, y de algunos poquitos de sarmientos que se pusieron, es
cierto que non fará mengua el Andalucía ni Secilia aquí, ni en las cañas
de azucar, segun unas poquitas que se pusieron han prendido; porque es
cierto que la hermosura de la tierra de estas islas, así de montes é
sierras y aguas, como de vegas donde hay rios cabdales, es tal la vista
que ninguna otra tierra que sol escaliente puede ser mejor al parecer ni
tan fermosa.

_Pues la tierra es tal, que debe procurar que se siembre lo mas que ser
pudiere de todas cosas, y á D. Juan de Fonseca se escribe que envie de
contino todo lo que fuere menester para esto._

Item: Direis que á cabsa de haberse derramado mucho vino en este camino
del que la flota traia, y esto, segun dicen los mas, á culpa de la mala
obra que los toneleros ficieron en Sevilla, la mayor mengua que agora
tenemos, aquí, ó esperamos por esto tener, es de vinos, y como quier que
tengamos para mas tiempo así vizcocho como trigo, con todo es necesario
que tambien se envie alguna cuantidad razonable, porque el camino es
largo y cada dia no se puede proveer, é asimismo algunas canales, digo
tocinos, y otra cecina que sea mejor que la que habemos traido este
camino. De carneros vivos y aun antes corderos y cordericas, mas fembras
que machos, y algunos becerros y becerras pequeños son menester, que cada
vez vengan en cualquier carabela que acá se enviare, y algunas asnas
y asnos, y yeguas para trabajo y simiente, que acá ninguna de estas
animalias hay de que hombre se pueda ayudar ni valer. Y porque recelo
que sus Altezas no se fallarán en Sevilla, ni los Oficiales ó Ministros
suyos sin expreso mandamiento non proveerían en lo porque agora con
este primero camino es necesario que venga, porque en la consulta y en
la respuesta se pasaria la sazon del partir los navíos que acá por todo
Mayo es necesario que sean; direis á sus Altezas, como yo vos dí cargo y
mandé, que del oro que allá llevais empeñándolo, ó poniêndolo en poder
de algun mercader en Sevilla, el cual distraya y ponga los maravedis que
serán menester para cargar dos carabelas de víno y de trigo, y de las
otras cosas que llevais por memorial, el cual mercader lleve ó envie el
dicho oro para sus Altezas, que le vean, resciban y hagan pagar lo que
hobiere distraido é puesto para el despacho y cargazon de las dichas
dos carabelas, las cuales por consolar y esforzar esta gente que acá
queda, cumple que fagan mas de poder de ser acá vueltas por todo el
mes de Mayo, porque la gente antes de entrar en el verano vea é tengan
algun refrescamiento destas cosas, en especial para las dolencias; de
las cuales cosas acá ya tenemos gran mengua, como son pasas, azucar,
almendras, miel é arroz, que debiera venir en gran cuantidad y vino muy
poca, é aquello que vino es ya consumido é gastado, y aun la mayor parte
de las medecinas que de allá trojieron, por la muchedumbre de los muchos
dolientes; de las cuales cosas, como dicho es, vos llevais memoriales
así para sanos, como para dolientes, firmados de mi mano, los cuales
cumplidamente si el dinero bastare, ó á lo menos lo que mas necesario sea
para agora despachar, es para que lo puedan luego traer los dichos dos
navíos, y lo que quedare procurareis con sus Altezas que con otros navíos
venga lo mas presto que ser pudiere.

_Sus Altezas enviaron á mandar á D. Juan de Fonseca que luego haya
informacion de los que hicieron ese engaño en los toneles, y de sus
bienes haga que se cobre todo el daño que vino en el vino, con las
costas; y en lo de las cañas vea como las que se enviaren sean buenas, y
en las otras cosas que aquí dice que las provea luego._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas que á cabsa que acá no hay lengua por medio
de la cual á esta gente se pueda dar á entender nuestra santa Fé,
como sus Altezas desean, y aun los que acá estamos, como quier que se
trabajará cuanto pudieren, se envian de presente con estos navíos así
de los canibales, hombres y mugeres y niños y niñas, los cuales sus
Altezas pueden mandar poner en poder de personas con quien puedan mejor
aprender la lengua, ejercitándolos en cosas de servicio, y poco á poco
mandando poner en ellos algun mas cuidado que en otros esclavos para que
deprendan unos de otros, que no se hablen ni se vean sino muy tarde, que
mas presto deprenderán allá que no acá, y serán mejores intérpretes, como
quier que acá non se dejará de hacer lo que se pueda; es verdad que como
esta gente platican poco los de la una isla con los de la otra, en las
lenguas hay alguna diferencia entre ellos, segun como estan mas cerca
ó mas lejos: y porque entre las otras islas las de los canibales son
mucho grandes, y mucho bien pobladas, parecerá acá que tomar dellos y
dellas y enviarlos allá á Castilla non seria sino bien, porque quitarse
hian una vez de aquella inhumana costumbre que tienen de comer hombres,
y allá en Castilla entendiendo la lengua muy mas presto rescibirian el
Bautismo, y farian el provecho de sus animas: aun entre estos pueblos
que non son de esas costumbres, se ganaria gran crédito por nosotros
viendo que aquellos prendiesemos y cativasemos, de quien ellos suelen
rescibir daños, y tienen tamaño miedo que del nombre solo se espantan;
certificando á sus Altezas que la venida é vista de esta flota acá en
esta tierra así junta y hermosa, ha dado muy grande autoridad á esto y
muy grande seguridad para las cosas venideras, por que toda esta gente
de esta grande isla y de las otras, viendo el buen tratamiento que á los
buenos se fará, y el castigo que á los malos se dará, verná á obediencia
prestament para poderlos mandar como vasallos de sus Altezas. Y como
quier que ellos agora donde quier que hombre se halle non solo hacen de
grado lo que hombre quiere que fagan, mas ellos de su voluntad se ponen á
todo lo que entienden que nos puede placer, y tambien pueden ser ciertos
sus Altezas que non menos allá, entre los cristianos Principes haber dado
gran reputacion la venida desta armada por muchos respetos, así presentes
como venideros, los cuales sus Altezas podrán mejor pensar y entender que
non sabria decir.

_Decirle heis lo que acá ha habido en lo de dos canibales que acá
vinieron._

_Que está muy bien, y así lo debe hacer; pero que procure allá, como
si ser pudiere, se reduzgan á nuestra santa Fé católica, y asimismo lo
procure con los de las islas donde está._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas, que el provecho de las almas de los dichos
canibales, y aun destos de acá, ha traido el pensamiento que cuantos mas
allá se llevasen seria mejor, y en ello podrian sus Altezas ser servidos
desta manera: que visto cuanto son acá menester los ganados y bestias de
trabajo para el sostenimiento de la gente que acá ha de estar, y bien de
todas estas islas, sus Altezas podrán dar licencia é permiso á un número
de carabelas suficiente que vengan acá cada año, y trayan de los dichos
ganados y otros mantenimientos y cosas para poblar el campo y aprovechar
la tierra, y esto en precios razonables á sus costas de los que las
trugieren, las cuales cosas se les podrian pagar en esclavos de estos
canibales, gente tan fiera y dispuesta, y bien proporcionada y de muy
buen entendimiento, los cuales quitados de aquella inhumanidad creemos
que serán mejores que otros ningunos esclavos, la cual luego perderán que
sean fuera de su tierra, y de estos podrán haber muchos con las fustas de
remos que acá se entienden de hacer, fecho empero presupuesto que cada
una de las carabelas que viniesen de sus Altezas pusiesen una persona
fiable, la cual defendiese las dichas carabelas que non descendiesen
á ninguna otra parte ni isla salvo aquí, donde ha de estar la carga y
descarga de toda la mercaduría; y aun destos esclavos que se llevaren,
sus Altezas podrian haber sus derechos allá; y desto traereís ó enviareis
respuesta, porque acá se hagan los aparejos que son menester con mas
confianza, si á sus Altezas pareciere bien.

_En esto se ha suspendido por agora hasta que venga otro camino de allá,
y escriba el Almirante lo que en esto le paresciere._

Item: Tambien direis á sus Altezas que mas provechoso es, y menos costa,
fletar los navíos como los fletan los mercaderes para Flandes por
toneladas que non de otra manera; por ende que yo vos dí cargo de fletar
á este respecto las dos carabelas que habeis luego de enviar: y así se
podrá hacer de todas las otras que sus Altezas enviaren, si de aquella
forma se ternán por servidos; pero non entiendo decir esto de las que han
de venir con su licencia por la mercaduria de los esclavos.

_Sus Altezas mandan á D. Juan de Fonseca que en el fletar de las
carabelas tenga esta forma si ser pudiere._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas que á causa de escusar alguna mas costa, yo
merqué estas carabelas que llevais por memorial para retenerlas acá con
estos dos naos, conviene á saber, la Gallega y esa otra Capitana, de
la cual merqué por semejante del Maestre della los tres ochavos por el
precio que en el dicho memorial destas copias llevais firmado de mi mano,
los cuales navíos non solo darán autoridad y gran seguridad á la gente
que ha de estar dentro y conversar con los indios para cojer el oro, mas
aun para otra cualquier cosa de peligro que de gente estraña pudiese
acontescer, allende que las carabelas son necesarias para el descubrir de
la tierra firme y otras islas que entre aquí é allá estan; y suplicareis
á sus Altezas que los maravedis que estos navíos cuestan manden pagar en
los tiempos que se les ha prometido, porque sin dubda ellos ganarán bien
su costa, segun yo creo y espero en la misericordia de Dios.

_El Almirante lo hizo bien, y decirle heis como acá se pago al que vendió
la nao, y mandaron á D. Juan de Fonseca que pague lo de las carabelas que
el Almirante compró._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas y suplicareis de mi parte cuanto mas
humilmente pueda, que les plega mucho mirar en lo que por las cartas
y otras escripturas verán mas largamente tocante á la paz é sosiego e
concordia de los que acá estan, y que para las cosas del servicio de
sus Altezas escojan tales personas que non se tenga recelo dellas y que
miren mas á lo por que se envian que non á sus propios intereses; y en
esto, pues que todas las cosas vistes é supistes, hablareis é direis á
sus Altezas la verdad de todas las cosas como las comprendistes, y que
la provision de sus Altezas que sobre ello mandaren facer venga con los
primeros navíos si posible fuere, á fin que acá non se hagan escándalos
en cosa que tanto va en el servicio de sus Altezas.

_Sus Altezas estan bien informados desto, y en todo se proveerá como
conviene._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas el asiento de esta ciudad, é la fermosura de
la provincia alderedor como lo vistes y compreendistes, y como yo vos
hice Alcayde della por los poderes que de sus Altezas tengo para ello,
á las cuales humilmente suplico que en alguna parte de satisfaccion
de vuestros servicios tengan por bien la dicha provision, como de sus
Altezas yo espero.

_A sus Altezas plaze que vos seais Alcayde._

Item: Porque Mosen Pedro Margarité, criado de sus Altezas, há bien
servido, y espero que así lo hara adelante en las cosas que le fueren
encomendadas, he habido placer de su quedada aqui, y tambien de Gaspar
y de Beltran por ser conocidos criados de sus Altezas para los poner en
cosas de confianza: suplicareis á sus Altezas que especial al dicho Mosen
Pedro, que es casado y tiene hijos le provean de alguna encomienda en la
Orden de Santiago, de la cual él tiene el hábito, porque su muger é hijos
tengan en que vivir. Asimismo hareis relacion de Juan Aguado, criado de
sus Altezas, cuan bien é diligentemente ha servido en todo lo que le ha
seido mandado; que suplico á sus Altezas á él é á los sobredichos los
hayan por encomendados é por presentes.

_Sus Altezas mandan asentar á Mosen Pedro 30000 maravedis cada ano, y
á Gaspar y Beltran á cada uno 15000 maravedis cada año desde hoy 15 de
Agosto de 94 en adelante, y así les haga pagar el Almirante en lo que
allá se hobiere de pagar, y D. Juan de Fonseca en lo que acá se hobiere
de pagar: y en lo de Juan Aguado sus Altezas habrān memoria de él._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas el trabajo que el Doctor Chanca tiene con el
afruenta de tantos dolientes, y aun la estrechura de los mantenimientos,
é aun con todo ello se dispone con gran diligencia y caridad en todo lo
que cumple á su oficio, y porque sus Altezas remitieron á mí el salario
que acá se le habia de dar, porque estando acá es cierto quel non toma
ni puede haber nada de ninguno, ni ganar de su oficio como en Castilla
ganaba, ó podria ganar estando á su reposo é viviendo de otra manera
que acá no vive; y así que como quiera que él jura que es mas lo que
allá ganaba allende el salario que sus Altezas le dan, y non me quise
estender mas de cincuenta mil maravedis por el trabajo que acá pasa
cada un año mientras acá estoviere; los cuales suplico á sus Altezas
le manden librar con el sueldo de acá y eso mismo, porque él dice y
afirma que todos los fisicos de vuestras Altezas, que andan en reales ó
semejantes cosas que estas, suelen haber de derecho un dia de sueldo en
todo el año de toda la gente: con todo he seido informado, y dicenme, que
como quier que esto sea, la costumbre es de darles cierta suma tasada á
voluntad y mandamiento de sus Altezas en compensa de aquel dia de sueldo.
Suplicareis á sus Altezas que en ello manden proveer, así en lo del
salario como de esta costumbre, por forma que el dicho Doctor tenga razon
de ser contento.

_A sus Altezas place desto del Doctor Chanca, y que se le pague esto
desde quel Almirante gelo asentó, y que gelos pague con lo del sueldo._

_En esto del dia del sueldo de los fisicos, non lo acostumbran haber sino
donde el Rey nuestro Senor esté en persona._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas de Coronel cuanto es hombre para servir á sus
Altezas en muchas cosas, y cuanto ha servido hasta aquí en todo lo mas
necesario, y la mengua que dél sentimos agora que está doliente, y que
sirviendo de tal manera es razon quel sienta el fruto de su servicio, non
solo en las mercedes para despues mas en lo de su salario en lo presente,
en manera quél é los que acá estan sientan que les aprovecha el servicio,
porque segun el ejercicio que acá se ha de tener en cojer este oro, no
son de tener en poco las personas en quien tanta diligencia hay: y porque
por su habilidad se proveyó acá por mí del oficio de Alguacil mayor
destas Indias, y en la provision va el salario en blanco, que suplico á
sus Altezas gelo manden henchir como mas sea su servicio, mirando sus
servicios, confirmándole la provision que acá se le dió, e proveyéndole
de él de juro.

_Sus Altezas mandan que le asienten quince mil maravedis cada año mas de
su sueldo, é que se le paguen cuando le pagaren su sueldo._

Asimismo direis á sus Altezas como aquí vino el Bachiller Gil García por
Alcade mayor é non se le ha consignado ni nombrado salario, y es persona
de bien y de buenas letras, é diligente, é es acá bien necesario; que
suplico á sus Altezas le manden nombrar é consignar su salario, por
manera que él se pueda sostener, é le sea librado con el dinero del
sueldo de acá.

_Sus Altezas le mandan asentar cada año viente mal maravedis en tanto
que allá estoviere y mas su sueldo, y que gelo paguen cuando pagaren el
sueldo._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas como quier que ya se lo escribo por las
cartas, que para este año non entiendo que sea posible ir á descobrir
hasta que esto destos rios que se hallaron de oro sea puesto en el
asiento debido á servicio do sus Altezas, que despues mucho mejor
se podrá facer, porque no es cosa que nadie la podiese facer sin mi
presencia á mi grado, ni á servicio de sus Altezas, por muy bien que lo
ficiese, como es en dubda segun lo que hombre vee por su presencia.

_Trabaje como lo mas preciso que ser pueda se sepa lo adito de ese oro._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas como los escuderos de caballo que vinieron de
Granada, en el alarde que ficieron en Sevilla mostraron buenos caballos,
é despues al embarcar, yo no lo ví porque estaba un poco doliente,
y metiéronlos tales quel mejor dellos non parece que vale dos mil
maravedis, porque vendieron los otros y compraron estos, y esto fue de la
suerte que se hizo lo de mucha gente que allá en los alardes de Sevilla
yo vi muy buena; parece que Juan de Soria, despues dea dado el dinero
del sueldo, por algun interese suyo puso otros en lugar de aquellos que
yo acá pensaba fallar, y fallo gente que yo nunca habia visto: en esto
ha habido gran maldad, de tal manera que yo no sé si me queje dél solo:
por esto, visto que á estos escuderos se ha fecho la costa hasta aquí,
allende de sus sueldos y tambien á sus caballos, y se hace de presente y
son personas que cuando ellos estan dolientes, ó non se les antoja, non
quieren que sus caballos sirvan sin ellos mismos; sus Altezas no quieren
que se les compren estos caballos sino que sirvan á sus Altezas, y esto
mismo no les paresce que deban servir ni cosa ninguna sino á caballo;
lo cual agora de presente non face mucho al caso, é por esto parece que
seria mejor comprarles los caballos, pues que tan poco valen, y non
estar cada dia con ellos en estas pendencias; por ende que sus Altezas
determinen esto como fuere su servicio.

_Sus Altezas mandan á D. Juan de Fonseca, que se informe de esto de estos
caballos, y si se hallare que es verdad que hicieron ese engaño, lo
envien á sus Altezas porque lo mandarán castigar; y tambien se informe
desto que dice de la otra gente, y envie la pesquisa á sus Altezas: y en
lo destos escuderos sus Altezas mandan que esten allá y sirvan, pues son
de las guardas y criados de sus Altezas; y á los escuderos mandan sus
Altezas que den los caballos cada vez que fueren menester y el Almirante
lo mandare, y si algun daño recibieren los caballos yendo otros en ellos,
por medio del Almirante mandan sus Altezas que gelo paguen._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas como aquí han venido mas de doscientas
personas sin sueldo, y hay algunos dellos que sirven bien, y aun los
otros por semejante se mandan que lo hagan así y porque para estos
primeros tres años será gran bien que aqui esten mil hombres para asentar
y poner en muy gran seguridad esta Isla y rios de oro, y aunque hobiese
ciento de caballo non se perderia nada, antes parece necesario, aunque
en estos de caballo fasta que oro se envie sus Altezas podrán sobreceer:
con todo á estas doscientas personas, que vienen sin sueldo, sus Altezas
deben enviar á decir si se les pagará sueldo como á los otros sirviendo
bien, porque cierto son necesarios como dicho tengo para este comienzo.

_De estas doscientas personas que aquî dice que fueron sin sueldo, mandan
sus Altezas que entren en lugar de los que han faltado y faltaren de los
que iban á sueldo, seyendo habiles y á contentamiento del Almirante,
y sus Altezas mandan al Contador que los asiente en lugar de los que
faltaren como el Almirante lo dijere._

Item: Porque en algo la costa de esta gente se puede aliviar con
industria y formas que otros Principes suelen tener en otras, lo gastado
mejor que acá se podria escusar, paresce que seria bien mandar traer
en los navíos que vinieren allende de las otras cosas que son para los
mantenimientos comunes, y de la botica, zapatos y cueras para los mandar
facer; camisas comunes y de otras, jubones, lienzo, sayos, calzas, paños
para vestir en razonables precios; y otras cosas, como son conservas, que
son fuera de racion, y para conservacion de la salud, las cuales cosas
todas la gente de acá rescibiria de grado en descuento de su sueldo, y
si allá esto se mercase por Ministros leales y que mirasen el servicio
de sus Altezas, se ahorraria algo: por ende sabreis la voluntad de sus
Altezas cerca desto, y si les pareciere ser su servicio luego se debe
poner en obra.

_Por este camino se solia ser fasta que mas escriba el Almirante, y ya
enviarán á mandar á D. Juan de Fonseca con Jimeno de Bribiesca que provea
en esto._

Item: Tambien direis á sus Altezas, que por cuanto ayer en el alarde
que se tomó se falló la gente muy desarmada lo cual pienso que en parte
contesció por aquel trocar que allá se fizo en Sevilla ó en el puerto
cuando se dejaron los que se mostraron armados, y tomaron otros que daban
algo á quien los trocaba, paresce que seria bien que se mandasen traer
doscientas corazas, y cien espingardas y cien ballestas, y mucho almacen,
que es la cosa que mas menester habemos, y de todas estas armas se podrán
dar á los desarmados.

_Ya se escribe á D. Juan de Fonseca que provea en esto._

Item: Por cuanto algunos oficiales que acá vinieron como son albañies y
de otros oficios, que son casados y tienen sus mugeres allá, y querrian
que allá lo que se les debe de su sueldo se diese á sus mugeres ó á las
personas á quien ellos enviaren sus recabdos, para que les compren las
cosas que acá han menester; que á sus Altezas suplico les mande librar,
porque su servicio es que estos esten proveidos acá.

_Ya enviaron á mandar sus Altezas á D. Juan de Fonseca que provea en
esto._

Item: Porque allende las otras cosas que allá se envian á pedir por los
memoriales que llevais de mi mano firmados, así para mantenimiento de
los sanos como para los dolientes, seria muy bien que se hobiesen de la
isla de la Madera cincuenta pipas de miel de azúcar, porque es el mejor
mantenimiento del mundo y mas sano, y non suele costar cada pipa sino
á dos ducados sin el casco, y si sus Altezas mandan que á la vuelta
pase por allí alguna carabela las podrá mercar, y tambien diez cajas de
azúcar que es mucho menester, que esta es la mejor sazon del año, digo
entre aquí é el mes de Abril para fallarlo, é haber dello buena razon y
podriase dar orden mandándolo sus Altezas, é que non supiesen allá para
donde lo quieren.

_D. Juan de Fonseca que provea en esto._

Item: Direis á sus Altezas, por cuanto aunque los rios tengan en la
cuantidad que se dice por los que lo han visto, pero que lo cierto dello
es quel oro non se engendra en los rios mas en la tierra, quel agua
topando con las minas lo trae envuelto en las arenas, y porque en estos
tantos rios se han descubierto, como quiera que hay algunos grandecitos
hay otros tan pequeños que son mas fuentes que no rios, que non llevan
de dos dedos de agua, y se falla luego el cabo doede nasce; para lo cual
non solo serán provechosos los lavadores para cogerlo en el arena, mas
los otros para cavarlo en la tierra, que será lo mas especial é de mayor
cuantidad; é por esto será bien que sus Altezas envien lavadores, é de
los que andan en las minas allá en Almaden, porque en la una manera y en
la otra se faga el ejercicio, como quier que acá non esperaremos á ellos,
que con los lavadores que aquí tenemos, esperamos con la ayuda de Dios,
si una vez la gente está sana, allegar un buen golpe de oro para las
primeras carabelas que fueren.

_A otro camino se proveerá en esto cumplidamente; en tanto mandan sus
Altezas á D. Juan de Fonseca que envie luego los mas minadores que
pudiere haber, y escriben al Almaden, que de allí tomen los que mas
pudieren y los envien._

Item: Suplicareis á sus Altezas de mi parte muy humildemente, que quieran
tener por muy encomendado á Villacorta, el cual, como sus Altezas saben,
ha mucho servido en esta negociacion, y con muy buena voluntad, y segun
le conozco persona diligente y afecionada á su servicio; rescebiré merced
que se le dé algun cargo de confianza, para lo cual él ser sufficiente,
y pueda mostrar su deseo de servir y diligencia, y esto procurareis por
forma que el Villacorta conozca por la obra que lo que ha trabajado por
mi en lo que yo le hobe menester le aprovecha en esto.

_Así se hará._

Item: Que los dichos Mosen Pedro y Gaspar y Beltran, y otros que han
quedado acá, trajieron capítanias de carabelas, que son agora vueltas, y
non gozan del sueldo; pero porque son tales personas, que se han de poner
en cosas principales y de confianza, non se les ha determinado el sueldo
que sea diferenciado de los otros: suplicareis de mi parte á sus Altezas
determinen lo que se les ha de dar en cada un año, ó por meses, como mas
fueren servidos. Fecho en la ciudad Isabela á treinta dias de Enero de
mil cuatrocientos y noventa y cuatro años.

_Ya está respondido arriba, pero porque en el dicho capítulo que en esto
habia dice que gozan del salario, desde agora mandan sus Altezas que se
les cuenten á todos sus salarios desde que dejaron las capitanías._


FOOTNOTES:

[151] In the original, the replies are affixed in the margin of each
chapter. (Navarrete).

[152] _Albarrada_—an Arabic word implying a stone wall without mortar.

[153] In La Mancha, New Castile, famous for mines of quicksilver.




THIRD VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.


_Narrative of the Voyage which Don Christopher Columbus made the third
time that he came to the Indies, when he discovered terra firma, as he
sent it to their Majesties from the Island of Hispaniola._

Most serene and most exalted and powerful Princes, the King and Queen,
our Sovereigns: The Blessed Trinity moved your Highnesses to this
enterprise of the Indies; and of His Infinite goodness has chosen me to
proclaim it to you; wherefore as His ambassador I approached your royal
presence, moved by the consideration that I was appealing to the most
exalted monarchs in Christendom, who exercised so great an influence over
the Christian faith, and its advancement in the world. Those who heard of
it looked upon it as impossible, for they fixed all their hopes on the
favours of fortune, and pinned their faith solely upon chance. I gave
to the subject six or seven years of great anxiety, explaining, to the
best of my ability, how great service might be done to our Lord, by this
undertaking, in promulgating His sacred name and our holy faith among so
many nations;—an enterprise so exalted in itself, and so calculated to
enhance the glory and immortalise the renown of great sovereigns. It was
also requisite to refer to the temporal prosperity which was foretold in
the writings of so many trustworthy and wise historians, who related that
great riches were to be found in these parts. At the same time I thought
it desirable to bring to bear upon the subject the sayings and opinions
of those who have written upon the geography of the world, and finally,
your Highnesses came to the determination that the undertaking should be
entered upon. In this your Highnesses exhibited the noble spirit which
has been always manifested by you on every great subject; for all others
who had thought of the matter or heard it spoken of, unanimously treated
it with contempt, with the exception of two friars,[154] who always
remained constant in their belief of its practicability. I, myself,
in spite of fatiguing opposition, felt sure that the enterprise would
nevertheless prosper, and continue equally confident of it to this day,
because it is a truth, that though everything will pass away, the Word
of God will not, and everything that he has said will be fulfilled; who
so clearly spoke of these lands, by the mouth of the prophet Isaiah, in
so many places in Scripture, that from Spain the holy name of God was
to be spread abroad. Thus I departed in the name of the Holy Trinity,
and returned very soon, bringing with me an account of the practical
fulfilment of everything I had said. Your Highnesses again sent me out,
and in a short space of time, by God’s mercy, not by [155] I discovered
three hundred and thirty-three leagues of terra firma on the eastern
side, and seven hundred islands,[156] besides those which I discovered
on the first voyage; I also succeeded in circumnavigating the island
of Española, which is larger in circumference than all Spain, the
inhabitants of which are countless, and all of whom may be laid under
tribute. It was then that complaints arose, disparaging the enterprise
that I had undertaken, because, forsooth, I had not immediately sent the
ships home laden with gold,—no allowance being made for the shortness
of the time, and all the other impediments of which I have already
spoken. On this account (either as a punishment for my sins, or, as I
trust, for my salvation), I was held in detestation, and had obstacles
placed in the way of every thing I said, or for which I petitioned. I
therefore resolved to apply to your Highnesses, to inform you of all
the wonderful events that I had experienced, and to explain the reason
of every proposition that I made, making reference to the nations that
I had seen, among whom, and by whose instrumentality, many souls may be
saved. I related how the natives of Española had been laid under tribute
to your Highnesses, and regarded you as their sovereigns. And I laid
before your Highnesses abundant samples of gold and copper,—proving the
existence of extensive mines of those metals. I also laid before your
Highnesses many sorts of spices, too numerous to detail; and I spoke
of the great quantity of brazil-wood, and numberless other articles
found in those lands. All this was of no avail with some persons, who
began, with determined hatred, to speak ill of the enterprise, not
taking into account the service done to our Lord in the salvation of
so many souls, nor the enhancement of your Highnesses’ greatness to a
higher pitch than any earthly prince has yet enjoyed; nor considering,
that from the exercise of your Highnesses’ goodness, and the expense
incurred, both spiritual and temporal advantage was to be expected, and
that Spain must in the process of time derive from thence, beyond all
doubt, an unspeakable increase of wealth. This might be manifestly seen
by the proofs given in the written descriptions of the voyages already
made, showing that the fulfilment of every other hope may be reasonably
expected. Nor were they affected by the consideration of what great
princes throughout the world have done to increase their fame: as, for
example, Solomon, who sent from Jerusalem, to the uttermost parts of
the east, to see Mount Sopora [Σωφίρ, Ophir], in which expedition his
ships were detained three years; and which mountain your Highnesses now
possess in the island of Española. Nor, as in the case of Alexander, who
sent to observe the mode of government in the island of Taprobana,[157]
in India; and Cæsar Nero, to explore the sources of the Nile,[158] and to
learn the causes of its increase in the summer, when water is needed; and
many other mighty deeds that princes have done, and which it is allotted
to princes to achieve. Nor was it of any avail that no prince of Spain,
as far as I have read, has ever hitherto gained possession of land out
of Spain; and that the world of which I speak is different from that
of which the Romans, and Alexander, and the Greeks made mighty efforts
with great armies to gain possession. Nor have they been affected by the
recent noble example of the kings of Portugal, who have had the courage
to explore as far as Guinea, and to make the discovery of it, expending
so much gold and so many lives in the undertaking, that a calculation of
the population of the kingdom would show that one half of them have died
in Guinea: and though it is now a long time since they commenced these
great exertions, the return for their labour and expense has hitherto
been but trifling; this people has also dared to make conquests in
Africa, and to carry on their exploits to Ceuta, Tangier, Argilla, and
Alcazar, repeatedly giving battle to the Moors; and all this at great
expense; simply because it was an exploit worthy of a prince, undertaken
for the service of God, and to advance the enlargement of His kingdom.
The more I said on the subject, the more two-fold was reproach cast upon
it, even to the expression of abhorrence, no consideration being given
to the honour and fame that accrued to your Highnesses throughout all
Christendom from your Highnesses having undertaken this enterprise; so
that there was neither great nor small who did not desire to hear tidings
of it. Your Highnesses replied to me encouragingly, and desired that I
should pay no regard to those who spoke ill of the undertaking, inasmuch
as they had received no authority or countenance whatever from your
Highnesses.

I started from San Lucar, in the name of the most Holy Trinity, on
Wednesday the 30th of May,[159] much fatigued with my voyage, for I had
hoped, when I left the Indies, to find repose in Spain; whereas, on the
contrary, I experienced nothing but opposition and vexation. I sailed
to the island of Madeira by a circuitous route, in order to avoid any
encounter with an armed fleet from France,[160] which was on the look
out for me off Cape St. Vincent. Thence I went to the Canaries,[161]
from which islands I sailed with but one ship and two caravels, having
dispatched the other ships to Española by the direct road to the
Indies;[162] while I myself moved southward, with the view of reaching
the equinoctial line, and of then proceeding westward, so as to leave
the island of Española to the north. But having reached the Cape Verde
islands[163] (an incorrect name[164], for they are so barren that nothing
green was to be seen there, and the people so sickly that I did not
venture to remain among them), I sailed away four hundred and eighty
miles, which is equivalent to a hundred and twenty leagues, towards the
south-west, where, when it grew dark, I found the north star to be in
the fifth degree. The wind then failed me, and I entered a climate where
the intensity of the heat was such, that I thought both ships and men
would have been burnt up, and everything suddenly got into such a state
of confusion, that no man dared go below deck to attend to the securing
of the water-cask and the provisions. This heat lasted eight days; on the
first day the weather was fine, but on the seven other days it rained
and was cloudy, yet we found no alleviation of our distress; so that I
certainly believe, that if the sun had shone as on the first day, we
should not have been able to escape in any way.

I recollect, that in sailing towards the Indies, as soon as I passed a
hundred leagues to the westward of the Azores, I found the temperature
change: and this is so all along from north to south. I determined,
therefore, if it should please the Lord to give me a favourable wind and
good weather, so that I might leave the part where I then was, that I
would give up pursuing the southward course, yet not turn backwards, but
sail towards the west, moving in that direction in the hope of finding
the same temperature that I had experienced when I sailed in the parallel
of the Canaries,—and then, if it proved so, I should still be able to
proceed more to the south. At the end of these eight days it pleased
our Lord to give me a favourable east wind, and I steered to the west,
but did not venture to move lower down towards the south, because I
discovered a very great change in the sky and the stars, although I found
no alteration in the temperature. I resolved, therefore, to keep on the
direct westward course, in a line from Sierra Leone, and not to change
it until I reached the point where I had thought I should find land,
where I would repair the vessels, and renew, if possible, our stock of
provisions, and take in what water we wanted. At the end of seventeen
days, during which our Lord gave me a propitious wind, we saw land at
noon of Tuesday the 31st of July.[165] This I had expected on the Monday
before, and held that route up to this point; but as the sun’s strength
increased, and our supply of water was failing, I resolved to make for
the Caribee Islands, and set sail in that direction; when, by the mercy
of God, which He has always extended to me, one of the sailors went up
to the main-top and saw to the westward a range of three mountains. Upon
this we repeated the “Salve Regina,” and other prayers, and all of us
gave many thanks to our Lord. I then gave up our northward course, and
put in for the land: at the hour of complines we reached a cape, which I
called Cape Galea,[166] having already given to the island the name of
Trinidad, and here we found a harbour, which would have been excellent
but there was no good anchorage. We saw houses and people on the spot,
and the country around was very beautiful, and as fresh and green as
the gardens of Valencia in the month of March. I was disappointed at
not being able to put into the harbour, and ran along the coast to
the westward. After sailing five leagues I found very good bottom and
anchored. The next day I set sail in the same direction, in search of a
harbour where I might repair the vessels and take in water, as well as
improve the stock of provisions which I had brought out with me. When
we had taken in a pipe of water, we proceeded onwards till we reached
the cape, and there finding good anchorage and protection from the east
wind, I ordered the anchors to be dropped, the water-cask to be repaired,
a supply of water and wood to be taken in, and the people to rest
themselves from the fatigues which they had endured for so long a time.
I gave to this point the name of Sandy Point (Punta del Arenal). All
the ground in the neighbourhood was filled with foot-marks of animals,
like the impression of the foot of a goat;[167] but although it would
have appeared from this circumstance that they were very numerous, only
one was seen, and that was dead. On the following day a large canoe
came from the eastward, containing twenty-four men, all in the prime
of life, and well provided with arms, such as bows, arrows, and wooden
shields; they were all, as I have said, young, well-proportioned, and
not dark black, but whiter than any other Indians that I had seen,—of
very graceful gesture and handsome forms, wearing their hair long and
straight, and cut in the Spanish style. Their heads were bound round
with cotton scarfs elaborately worked in colours, which resembled the
Moorish head-dresses. Some of these scarfs were worn round the body and
used as a covering in lieu of trousers. The natives spoke to us from
the canoe while it was yet at a considerable distance, but none of us
could understand them; I made signs to, them, however, to come nearer
to us, and more than two hours were spent in this manner,—but if by any
chance they moved a little nearer, they soon pushed off again. I caused
basins and other shining objects to be shown to them to tempt them to
come near; and after a long time, they came somewhat nearer than they
had hitherto done,—upon which, as I was very anxious to speak with them
and had nothing else to show them to induce them to approach, I ordered
a drum to be played upon the quarter-deck, and some of our young men
to dance, believing the Indians would come to see the amusement. No
sooner, however, did they perceive the beating of the drum and the
dancing, than they all left their oars, and strung their bows, and each
man laying hold of his shield, they commenced discharging their arrows
at us; upon this, the music and dancing soon ceased; and I ordered a
charge to be made from some of our cross-bows; they then left us, and
went rapidly to the other caravel, and placed themselves under its poop.
The pilot of that vessel received them courteously, and gave to the man
who appeared to be their chief, a coat and hat; and it was then arranged
between them, that he should go to speak with him on shore. Upon this the
Indians immediately went thither and waited for him; but as he would not
go without my permission, he came to my ship in a boat, whereupon the
Indians got into their canoe again and went away, and I never saw any
more of them or of any of the other inhabitants of the island. When I
reached the point of Arenal, I found that the island of Trinidad formed
with the land of Gracia[168] a strait of two leagues’ width from west to
east, and as we had to pass through it to go to the north, we found some
strong currents which crossed the strait, and which made a great roaring,
so that I concluded there must be a reef of sand or rocks, which would
preclude our entrance; and behind this current was another and another,
all making a roaring noise like the sound of breakers against the rocks.
I anchored there, under the said point of Arenal, outside of the strait,
and found the water rush from east to west with as much impetuosity as
that of the Guadalquivir at its conflux with the sea; and this continued
constantly day and night, so that it appeared to be impossible to move
backwards for the current or forwards for the shoals. In the dead of
night, while I was on deck, I heard an awful roaring that came from the
south towards the ship; I stopped to observe what it might be, and I saw
the sea rolling from west to east like a mountain as high as the ship,
and approaching by little and little; on the top of this rolling sea came
a mighty wave roaring with a frightful noise and the same terrific uproar
as the other currents, producing, as I have already said, a sound as of
breakers upon the rocks.[169] To this day I have a vivid recollection
of the dread I then felt, lest the ship might founder under the force
of that tremendous sea; but it passed by, and reached the mouth of the
before-mentioned passage, where the uproar lasted for a considerable
time. On the following day I sent out boats to take soundings, and found
that in the strait, at the deepest part of the embouchure, there were
six or seven fathoms of water, and that there were constant contrary
currents, one running inwards, and the other outwards. It pleased the
Lord, however, to give us a favourable wind, and I passed inwards through
that strait, and soon came to still water. In fact some water which was
drawn up from the sea, proved to be fresh. I then sailed northwards till
I came to a very high mountain, at about twenty-six leagues from the
Punta del Arenal; here two lofty headlands appeared, one towards the
east, and forming part of the island of Trinidad,[170] and the other, on
the west, being part of the land which I have already called Gracia;[171]
we found here a channel still narrower than that of Arenal,[172] with
similar currents, and a tremendous roaring of water; the water here also
was fresh. Hitherto I had held no communication with any of the people of
this country, although I very earnestly desired it; I therefore sailed
along the coast westwards, and the further I advanced, the fresher and
more wholesome I found the water; and when I had proceeded a considerable
distance, I reached a spot where the land appeared to be cultivated.
There I anchored, and sent the boats ashore, and the men who went in them
found the natives had recently left the place; they also observed that
the mountain was covered with monkeys. They came back, and as the coast
at that part presented nothing but a chain of mountains, I concluded that
further west we should find the land flatter, and consequently in all
probability inhabited. Actuated by this thought I weighed anchor, and
ran along the coast until we came to the end of the cordillera; I then
anchored at the mouth of a river, and we were soon visited by a great
number of the inhabitants, who informed us, that the country was called
Paria, and that further westward it was more fully peopled. I took four
of these natives, and proceeded on my westward voyage; and when I had
gone eight leagues further, I found on the other side of a point which
I called Punta de la Aguja (Needle Point)[173] one of the most lovely
countries in the world, and very thickly peopled: it was three o’clock
in the morning when I reached it, and seeing its verdure and beauty, I
resolved to anchor there and communicate with the inhabitants. Some of
the natives soon came out to the ship, in canoes, to beg me, in the name
of their king, to go on shore; and when they saw that I paid no attention
to them, they came to the ship in their canoes in countless numbers, many
of them wearing pieces of gold on their breasts, and some with bracelets
of pearls on their arms; on seeing which I was much delighted, and made
many inquiries with the view of learning where they found them. They
informed me, that they were to be procured in their own neighbourhood,
and also northward of that country. I would have remained here, but the
provisions of corn, and wine, and meats, which I had brought out with so
much care for the people whom I had left behind, were nearly wasted, so
that all my anxiety was to get them into a place of safety, and not to
stop for any thing. I wished, however, to get some of the pearls that I
had seen, and with that view sent the boats on shore. The natives are
very numerous, and all handsome in person, and of the same colour as
the Indians we had already seen; they are, moreover, very affable, and
received our men who went on shore most courteously, seeming very well
disposed towards us. These men relate, that when the boats reached the
shore, two of the chiefs, whom they took to be father and son, came
forward in advance of the mass of the people, and conducted them to a
very large house with façades, and not round and tent-shaped as the
other houses were; in this house were many seats, on which they made our
men sit down, they themselves sitting with them. They then caused bread
to be brought, with many kinds of fruits, and various sorts of wine,
both white and red, not made of grapes, but apparently produced from
different fruits. The most reasonable inference is, that they use maize,
which is a plant that bears an ear like that of wheat, some of which I
took with me to Spain, where it now grows abundantly; the best of this
they seemed to regard as most excellent, and set a great value upon
it. The men remained together at one end of the house, and the women at
the other. Great vexation was felt by both parties that they could not
understand each other, for they were mutually anxious to make inquiries
respecting each other’s country. After our men had been entertained
at the house of the elder Indian, the younger took them to his house,
and gave them an equally cordial reception; after which they returned
to their boats and came on board. I weighed anchor forthwith, for I
was hastened by my anxiety to save the provisions which were becoming
spoiled, and which I had procured and preserved with so much care and
trouble, as well as to attend to my own health, which had been affected
by long watching; and although on my former voyage, when I went out to
discover terra firma, I passed thirty-three days without natural rest,
and was all that time without seeing it, yet never were my eyes so much
affected with bleeding or so painful as at this period. These people, as
I have already said, are very graceful in form,—tall, and lithe in their
movements, and wear their hair very long and smooth. They also bind
their heads with handsome worked handkerchiefs, which from a distance
look like silk or gauze; others use the same material in a longer form,
wound round them so as to cover them like trousers, and this is done
by both the men and the women. These people are of a whiter skin than
any I have seen in the Indies. It is the fashion among all classes to
wear something at the breast, and on the arms, and many wear pieces of
gold hanging low on the bosom. Their canoes are larger, lighter, and
of better build than those of the islands which I have hitherto seen,
and in the middle of each they have a cabin or room, which I found was
occupied by the chiefs and their wives. I called this place “Jardines,”
that is “the Gardens,” for it corresponded to that appellation. I made
many inquiries as to where they found the gold, in reply to which, all
of them directed me to an elevated tract of land at no great distance,
on the confines of their country, lying to the westward; but they all
advised me not to go there, for fear of being eaten, and at the time, I
imagined that by their description they wished to imply, that they were
cannibals who dwelt there, but I have since thought it possible, that
they meant merely to express, that the country was filled with beasts
of prey. I also inquired of them where they obtained the pearls, and
in reply to this question likewise, they directed me to the westward,
and also to the north, behind the country they occupied. I did not put
this information to the test, on account of the provisions, and the
weakness of my eyes, and because the large ship that I had with me was
not calculated for such an undertaking. The short time that I spent with
them was all passed in putting questions; and at the hour of vespers
[six P.M.], as I have already said, we returned to the ships, upon which
I weighed anchor and sailed to the westward. I proceeded onwards on the
following day, until I found that we were only in three fathoms water;
at this time I was still under the idea that it was but an island, and
that I should be able to make my exit by the north. With this view I sent
a light caravel in advance of us, to see whether there was any exit, or
whether the passage was closed. The caravel proceeded a great distance,
until it reached a very large gulf, in which there appeared to be four
smaller gulfs, from one of which debouched a large river. They invariably
found ground at five fathoms, and a great quantity of very fresh water,
indeed, I never tasted any equal to it. I was very disappointed when I
found that I could make no exit, either by the north, south, or west,
but that I was enclosed on all three sides by land. I therefore weighed
anchor, and sailed in a backward direction, with the hope of finding a
passage to the north by the strait, which I have already described; but
I could not return along the inhabited part where I had already been, on
account of the currents, which drove me entirely out of my course. But
constantly, at every headland, I found the water sweet and clear, and we
were carried eastwards very powerfully towards the two straits already
mentioned. I then conjectured, that the currents and the overwhelming
mountains of water which rushed into these straits with such an awful
roaring, arose from the contest between the fresh water and the sea. The
fresh water struggled with the salt to oppose its entrance, and the salt
contended against the fresh in its efforts to gain a passage outwards. I
also formed the conjecture, that at one time there was a continuous neck
of land from the island of Trinidad to the land of Gracia, where the
two straits now are, as your Highnesses will see, by the drawing which
accompanies this letter. I passed out by this northern strait, and found
the fresh water come even there; and when, by the force of the wind, I
was enabled to effect a passage, I remarked, while on one of the watery
billows which I have described, that the water on the inner side of the
current was fresh, and on the outside salt.

When I sailed from Spain to the Indies, I found, that as soon as I had
passed a hundred leagues westward of the Azores, there was a very great
change in the sky and the stars, in the temperature of the air, and in
the water of the sea; and I have been very diligent in observing these
things. I remarked, that from north to south, in traversing these hundred
leagues from the said islands, the needle of the compass, which hitherto
had turned towards the north-east, turned a full quarter of the wind to
the north-west, and this took place from the time when we reached that
line. At the same time an appearance was presented, as if the sea shore
had been transplanted thither, for we found the sea covered all over
with a sort of weed, resembling pine branches, and with fruits like
that of the mastic tree, so thick, that on my first voyage I thought it
was a reef, and that the ships could not avoid running aground; whereas
until I reached this line, I did not meet with a single bough. I also
observed, that at this point the sea was very smooth, and that though the
wind was rough, the ships never rolled. I likewise found, that within
the same line, towards the west, the temperature was always mild, and
that it did not vary summer or winter. While there, I observed that the
north star described a circle five degrees in diameter; that when its
satellites[174] are on the right side, then the star was at its lowest
point, and from this point it continues rising until it reaches the
left side, where it is also at five degrees, and then again it sinks
until it at length returns to the right side. In this voyage I proceeded
immediately from Spain to the island of Madeira, thence to the Canaries,
and then to the Cape Verde islands, and from the Cape Verde islands I
sailed southwards, even below the equinoctial line, as I have already
described. When I reached the parallel of Sierra Leone, in Guinea, I
found the heat so intense, and the rays of the sun so fierce, that I
thought that we should have been burnt; and although it rained and
the sky was heavy with clouds, I still suffered the same oppression,
until our Lord was pleased to grant me a favourable wind, giving me an
opportunity of sailing to the west, so that I reached a latitude where
I experienced, as I have already said, a change in the temperature.
Immediately upon my reaching this line, the temperature became very
mild, and the more I advanced, the more this mildness increased; but I
did not find the positions of the stars correspond with these effects.
I remarked at this place, that when night came on, the polar star was
five degrees high, and then the satellites were over head; afterwards,
at midnight, I found that star elevated ten degrees, and when morning
approached, the satellites were fifteen degrees below. I found the
smoothness of the sea continue, but not so the weeds; as to the polar
star, I watched it with great wonder, and devoted many nights to a
careful examination of it with the quadrant, and I always found that
the lead and line fell to the same point. I look upon this as something
new, and it will probably be admitted, that it is a short distance for
so great a change to take place in the temperature. I have always read,
that the world comprising the land and the water was spherical, and the
recorded experiences of Ptolemy and all others, have proved this by the
eclipses of the moon, and other observations made from east to west, as
well as by the elevation of the pole from north to south. But as I have
already described, I have now seen so much irregularity, that I have
come to another conclusion respecting the earth, namely, that it is not
round as they describe, but of the form of a pear, which is very round
except where the stalk grows, at which part it is most prominent; or
like a round ball, upon one part of which is a prominence like a woman’s
nipple, this protrusion being the highest and nearest the sky, situated
under the equinoctial line, and at the eastern extremity of this sea,—I
call that the eastern extremity, where the land and the islands end.
In confirmation of my opinion, I revert to the arguments which I have
above detailed respecting the line, which passes from north to south, a
hundred leagues westward of the Azores; for in sailing thence westward,
the ships went on rising smoothly towards the sky, and then the weather
was felt to be milder, on account of which mildness, the needle shifted
one point of the compass; the further we went, the more the needle moved
to the north-west, this elevation producing the variation of the circle,
which the north star describes with its satellites; and the nearer I
approached the equinoctial line, the more they rose, and the greater
was the difference in these stars and in their circles. Ptolemy and the
other philosophers, who have written upon the globe, thought that it was
spherical, believing that this hemisphere was round as well as that in
which they themselves dwelt, the centre of which was in the island of
Arin,[175] which is under the equinoctial line between the Arabian Gulf
and the Gulf of Persia; and the circle passes over Cape St. Vincent,
in Portugal, westward, and eastward, by Cangara and the Seras,[176] in
which hemisphere I make no difficulty as to its being a perfect sphere
as they describe; but this western half of the world, I maintain, is
like the half of a very round pear, having a raised projection for
the stalk, as I have already described, or like a woman’s nipple on a
round ball. Ptolemy and the others who have written upon the globe,
had no information respecting this part of the world, which was then
unexplored; they only established their arguments with respect to their
own hemisphere, which, as I have already said, is half of a perfect
sphere. And now that your Highnesses have commissioned me to make this
voyage of discovery, the truths which I have stated are evidently proved,
because in this voyage, when I was off the island of Hargin,[177] and
its vicinity, which is twenty degrees to the north of the equinoctial
line, I found the people are black, and the land very much burnt; and
when after that I went to the Cape Verde islands, I found the people
there much darker still, and the more southward we went, the more they
approach the extreme of blackness; so that when I reached the parallel of
Sierra Leone, where, as night came on, the north star rose five degrees,
the people there were excessively black; and as I sailed westward, the
heat became extreme. But after I had passed the meridian, or line which
I have already described, I found the climate become gradually more
temperate; so that when I reached the island of Trinidad, where the
north star rose five degrees as night came on, there, and in the land
of Gracia, I found the temperature exceedingly mild; the fields and the
foliage likewise were remarkably fresh and green, and as beautiful as
the gardens of Valencia in April. The people there are very graceful in
form, less dark than those whom I had before seen in the Indies, and wear
their hair long and smooth; they are also more shrewd, intelligent, and
courageous. The sun was then in the sign of Virgo, over our heads and
theirs; therefore, all this must proceed from the extreme blandness of
the temperature, which arises, as I have said, from this country being
the most elevated in the world, and the nearest to the sky. On these
grounds, therefore, I affirm, that the globe is not spherical, but that
there is the difference in its form which I have described; the which
is to be found in this hemisphere, at the point where the Indies meet
the ocean, the extremity of the hemisphere being below the equinoctial
line. And a great confirmation of this is, that when our Lord made the
sun, the first light appeared in the first point of the east, where the
most elevated point of the globe is; and although it was the opinion of
Aristotle, that the antarctic pole, or the land under it, was the highest
part of the world, and the nearest to the heavens, other philosophers
oppose him, and say, that the highest part was below the arctic pole, by
which reasoning it appears, that they understood, that one part of the
world must be loftier, and nearer the sky, than the other; but it never
struck them that it might be under the equinoctial, in the way that I
have said, which is not to be wondered at, because they had no certain
knowledge respecting this hemisphere, but merely vague suppositions, for
no one has ever gone or been sent to investigate the matter, until now
that your Highnesses have sent me to explore both the sea and the land.
I found that between the two straits, which, as I have said, face each
other in a line from north to south, is a distance of twenty-six leagues;
and there can be no mistake in this calculation, because it was made
with the quadrant. I also find, that from these two straits on the west
up to the above-mentioned gulf, to which I gave the name of the Gulf of
Pearls,[178] there are sixty-eight leagues of four miles to the league,
which is the reckoning we are accustomed to make at sea; from this gulf
the water runs constantly with great impetuosity towards the east, and
this is the cause why, in these two straits, there is so fierce a turmoil
from the fresh water encountering the water of the sea. In the southern
strait, which I named the Serpent’s Mouth, I found that towards evening
the polar star was nearly at five degrees elevation; and in the northern,
which I called the Dragon’s Mouth, it was at an elevation of nearly seven
degrees. The before-mentioned Gulf of Pearls is to the west of the [179]
of Ptolemy, nearly three thousand nine hundred miles, which make nearly
seventy equinoctial degrees, reckoning fifty-six miles and two-thirds
to a degree. The Holy Scriptures record, that our Lord made the earthly
paradise, and planted in it the tree of life, and thence springs a
fountain from which the four principal rivers in the world take their
source; namely, the Ganges in India, the Tigris, and Euphrates in [180]
which rivers divide a chain of mountains, and forming Mesopotamia, flow
thence into Persia,—and the Nile, which rises in Ethiopia, and falls into
the sea at Alexandria.

I do not find, nor have ever found, any account by the Romans or Greeks,
which fixes in a positive manner the site of the terrestrial paradise,
neither have I seen it given in any mappe-monde, laid down from authentic
sources. Some placed it in Ethiopia, at the sources of the Nile, but
others, traversing all these countries, found neither the temperature
nor the altitude of the sun correspond with their ideas respecting it;
nor did it appear that the overwhelming waters of the deluge had been
there. Some pagans pretended to adduce arguments to establish that it was
in the Fortunate Islands, now called the Canaries, etc.

St. Isidore, Bede, Strabo,[181] and the Master of scholastic
history,[182] with St. Ambrose, and Scotus, and all the learned
theologians, agree that the earthly paradise is in the east, etc.

I have already described my ideas concerning this hemisphere and its
form, and I have no doubt, that if I could pass below the equinoctial
line, after reaching the highest point of which I have spoken, I should
find a much milder temperature, and a variation in the stars and in the
water; not that I suppose that elevated point to be navigable, nor even
that there is water there; indeed, I believe it is impossible to ascend
thither, because I am convinced that it is the spot of the earthly
paradise, whither no one can go but by God’s permission; but this land
which your Highnesses have now sent me to explore, is very extensive,
and I think there are many other countries in the south, of which the
world has never had any knowledge.

I do not suppose that the earthly paradise is in the form of a rugged
mountain, as the descriptions of it have made it appear, but that it is
on the summit of the spot, which I have described as being in the form
of the stalk of a pear; the approach to it from a distance must be by a
constant and gradual ascent; but I believe that, as I have already said,
no one could ever reach the top; I think also, that the water I have
described may proceed from it, though it be far off, and that stopping
at the place which I have just left, it forms this lake. There are
great indications of this being the terrestrial paradise, for its site
coincides with the opinion of the holy and wise theologians whom I have
mentioned; and moreover, the other evidences agree with the supposition,
for I have never either read or heard of fresh water coming in so large
a quantity, in close conjunction with the water of the sea; the idea is
also corroborated by the blandness of the temperature; and if the water
of which I speak, does not proceed from the earthly paradise, it seems to
be a still greater wonder, for I do not believe that there is any river
in the world so large or so deep.

When I left the Dragon’s Mouth, which is the northernmost of the two
straits which I have described, and which I so named on the day of
our Lady of August,[183] I found that the sea ran so strongly to the
westward, that between the hour of mass,[184] when I weighed anchor, and
the hour of complines,[185] I made sixty-five leagues of four miles each;
and not only was the wind not violent, but on the contrary very gentle,
which confirmed me in the conclusion, that in sailing southward, there is
a continuous ascent, while there is a corresponding descent towards the
north.

I hold it for certain, that the waters of the sea move from east to west
with the sky, and that in passing this track, they hold a more rapid
course, and have thus eaten away large tracts of land, and hence has
resulted this great number of islands; indeed, these islands themselves
afford an additional proof of it, for on the one hand all those which lie
west and east, or a little more obliquely north-west and south-east,
are broad; while those which lie north and south, or north-east and
south-west, that is, in a directly contrary direction to the said winds,
are narrow; furthermore, that these islands should possess the most
costly productions, is to be accounted for by the mild temperature, which
comes to them from heaven, since these are the most elevated parts of
the world. It is true, that in some parts, the waters do not appear to
take this course, but this only occurs in certain spots, where they are
obstructed by land, and hence they appear to take different directions.

Pliny writes that the sea and land together form a sphere, but that the
ocean forms the greatest mass, and lies uppermost, while the earth is
below and supports the ocean, and that the two afford a mutual support to
each other, as the kernel of a nut is confined by its shell. The Master
of scholastic history, in commenting upon Genesis, says, that the waters
are not very extensive; and that although when they were first created
they covered the earth, they were yet vaporous like a cloud, and that
afterwards they became condensed, and occupied but small space, and in
this notion Nicolas de Lira agrees. Aristotle says that the world is
small, and the water very limited in extent, and that it is easy to pass
from Spain to the Indies; and this is confirmed by Avenruyz,[186] and
by the Cardinal Pedro de Aliaco, who, in supporting this opinion, shows
that it agrees with that of Seneca, and says that Aristotle had been
enabled to gain information respecting the world by means of Alexander
the Great, and Seneca by means of the Emperor Nero, and Pliny through the
Romans; all of them having expended large sums of money, and employed
a vast number of people, in diligent inquiry concerning the secrets of
the world, and in spreading abroad the knowledge thus obtained. The said
cardinal allows to these writers greater authority than to Ptolemy, and
other Greeks and Arabs; and in confirmation of their opinion concerning
the small quantity of water on the surface of the globe, and the limited
amount of land covered by that water, in comparison of what had been
related on the authority of Ptolemy and his disciples, he finds a
passage in the third book of Esdras, where that sacred writer says, that
of seven parts of the world six are discovered, and the other is covered
with water. The authority of the third and fourth books of Esdras is
also confirmed by holy persons, such as St. Augustin, and St. Ambrose
in his _Exameron_, where he says,—“Here my son Jesus shall first come,
and here my son Christ shall die!” These holy men say that Esdras was a
prophet as well as Zacharias, the father of St. John, and _El Braso_[187]
Simon; authorities which are also quoted by Francis de Mairones.[188]
With respect to the dryness of the land, experience has shown that it is
greater than is commonly believed; and this is no wonder, for the further
one goes the more one learns.

I now return to my subject of the land of Gracia, and of the river and
lake found there, which latter might more properly be called a sea; for
a lake is but a small expanse of water, which, when it becomes great,
deserves the name of a sea, just as we speak of the Sea of Galilee and
the Dead Sea; and I think that if the river mentioned does not proceed
from the terrestrial paradise, it comes from an immense tract of land
situated in the south, of which no knowledge has been hitherto obtained.
But the more I reason on the subject, the more satisfied I become that
the terrestrial paradise is situated in the spot I have described; and I
ground my opinion upon the arguments and authorities already quoted. May
it please the Lord to grant your Highnesses a long life, and health and
peace to follow out so noble an investigation; in which I think our Lord
will receive great service, Spain considerable increase of its greatness,
and all Christians much consolation and pleasure, because by this means
the name of our Lord will be published abroad.

In all the countries visited by your Highnesses’ ships, I have caused
a high cross to be fixed upon every headland, and have proclaimed, to
every nation that I have discovered, the lofty estate of your Highnesses,
and of your court in Spain. I also tell them all I can respecting our
holy faith and of the belief in the holy mother Church, which has its
members in all the world; and I speak to them also of the courtesy and
nobleness of all Christians, and of the faith they have in the Holy
Trinity. May it please the Lord to forgive those who have calumniated
and still calumniate this excellent enterprise, and oppose and have
opposed its advancement, without considering how much glory and greatness
will accrue from it to your Highnesses throughout all the world. They
cannot state anything in disparagement of it, except its expense, and
that I have not immediately sent back the ships loaded with gold. They
speak this without considering the shortness of the time, and how many
difficulties there are to contend with; and that every year there are
individuals who singly earn by their deserts out of your Majesties’ own
household, more revenue than would cover the whole of this expense. Nor
do they take into consideration that the princes of Spain have never
gained possession of any land out of their own country, until now that
your Highnesses have become the masters of another world, where our holy
faith may become so much increased, and whence such stores of wealth may
be derived; for although we have not sent home ships laden with gold,
we have, nevertheless, sent satisfactory samples, both of gold and of
other valuable commodities, by which it may be judged that in a short
time large profit may be derived. Neither do they take into consideration
the noble spirit of the princes of Portugal, who so long ago carried into
execution the exploration of Guinea, and still follow it up along the
coast of Africa, in which one-half of the population of the country has
been employed, and yet the King is more determined on the enterprise than
ever. The Lord grant all that I have said, and lead them to think deeply
upon what I have written; which is not the thousandth part of what might
be written of the deeds of princes who have set their minds upon gaining
knowledge, and upon obtaining territory and keeping it.

I say all this, not because I doubt the inclination of your Highnesses
to pursue the enterprise while you live,—for I rely confidently on the
answers your Highnesses once gave me by word of mouth,—nor because I
have seen any change in your Highnesses, but from the fear of what I
have heard from those of whom I have been speaking; for I know that
water dropping on a stone will at length make a hole. Your Highnesses
responded to me with that nobleness of feeling which all the world knows
you to possess, and told me to pay no attention to these calumniations;
for that your intention was to follow up and support the undertaking,
even if nothing were gained by it but stones and sand. Your Highnesses
also desired me to be in no way anxious about the expense, for that much
greater cost had been incurred on much more trifling matters, and that
you considered all the past and future expense as well laid out; for that
your Highnesses believed that our holy faith would be increased, and your
royal dignity enhanced, and that they were no friends of the royal estate
who spoke ill of the enterprise.

And now, during the despatch of the information respecting these lands
which I have recently discovered, and where I believe in my soul that
the earthly paradise is situated, the “Adelantado” will proceed with
three ships, well stocked with provisions, on a further investigation,
and will make all the discoveries he can about these parts. Meanwhile,
I shall send your Highnesses this letter, accompanied by a map of the
country, and your Majesties will determine on what is to be done, and
give your orders as to how it is your pleasure that I should proceed: the
which, by the aid of the Holy Trinity, shall be carried into execution
with all possible diligence, in the faithful service and to the entire
satisfaction of your Majesties. Thanks be to God.


TERCER VIAGE DE COLON.

_La historia del viage quel Almirante D. Cristobal Colon hizo la tercera
vez que vino á las Indias cuando descubrió la tierra firme, como lo envió
á los Reyes desde la Isla Española._

Serenísimos é muy altos é muy poderosos Príncipes Rey é Reina nuestros
Señores: La Santa Trinidad movió á vuestras Altezas á esta empresa de las
Indias, y por su infinita bondad hizo á mí mensagero dello, al cual vine
con el embajada á su Real conspetu, movido como á los mas altos Príncipes
de cristianos y que tanto se ejercisaban en la fé y acrecentamiento
della; las personas que entendieron en ello lo tuvieron por imposible,
y el caudal hacian sobre bienes de fortuna, y allí echaron el clavo.
Puse en esto seis ó siete años de grave pena, amostrando lo mejor que
yo sabia cuanto servicio se podia hacer á nuestro Señor en esto en
divulgar su santo nombre y Fé á tantos pueblos; lo cual todo era cosa
de tanta excelencia y buena fama y gran memoria para grandes Príncipes:
fue tambien necesario de hablar del temporal adonde se les amostró el
escrebir de tantos sabios dignos de fé, los cuales escribieron historias.
Los cuales contaban que en estas partes habia muchas riquezas, y asimismo
fue necesario traer á esto el decir é epinion de aquellos que escribieron
é situaron el mundo: en fin vuestras Altezas determinaron questo se
pusiese en obra. Aquí mostraron el grande corazon que siempre ficieron
en toda cosa grande, porque todos los que habian entendido en ello y
oido esta platica todos á una mano lo tenian á burla, salvo dos frailes
que siempre fueron constantes. Yo, bien que llevase fatiga, estaba bien
seguro que esto no vernia á menos, y estoy de contino, porque es verdad
que todo pasará, y no la palabra de Dios, y se complirá todo lo que dijó;
el cual tan claro habló de estas tierras por la boca de Isaías en tantos
lugares de su Escriptura, afirmando que de España les seria divulgado su
santo nombre. E partí en nombre de la Santa Trinidad, y volví muy presto
con la experiencia de todo cuanto yo habia dicho en la mano: tornáronme á
enviar vuestras Altezas, y en poco espacio digo, no de [155] le descubri
por virtud divinal trescientas y treinta y tres leguas de la tierra
firme, fin de Oriente, y setcentas [_sic_] islas de nombre, allende de
lo descubierto en el primero víage, y le allané la Isla Española que
boja mas que España, en que la gente della es sin cuento, y que todos
le pagasen tributo. Nació allí mal decir y menosprecio de la empresa
comenzada en ello, porque no habia yo enviado luego los navíos cargados
de oro, sin considerar le brevedad del tiempo, y lo otro que yo dije
de tantos inconvenientes; y en esto por mis pecados ó por mi salvacion
creo que será, fue puesto en aborrecimiento y dado impedimento á cuanto
yo decia y demandaba; por lo cual acordé de venir á vuestras Altezas,
y maravillarme de todo, y mostrarles la razon que en todo habia, y les
dige de los pneblos que yo habia visto, en qué ó de qué se podrian
salvar muchas animas, y les truje las obligaciones de la gente de la
Isla Española, de como se obligaban á pagar tributo é les tenian por sos
Reyes y Señores, y les truje abastante muestra de oro, y que hay mineros
y granos muy grandes, y asimismo de cobre; y les truje de muchas maneras
de especerias, de que seria largo de escrebir, y les dije de la gran
cantidad de brasil, y otras infinitas cosas. Todo no aprovechó para con
algunas personas que tenian gana y dado comienzo á mal decir del negocio,
ni entrar con fabla del servicio de nuestro Señor con se salvar tantas
animas, ni á decir questo era grandeza de vuestras Altezas, de la mejor
calidad que hasta hoy haya usado Príncipe, por quel ejercicio é gasto
era para el espiritual y temporal, y que no podia ser que andando el
tiempo no hobiese la España de aquí grandes provechos, pues que se veian
las señales que escribieron de lo de estas partidas tan manifiestas;
que tambien se llegaria á ver todo el otro complimiento, ni á decir
cosas que usaron grandes Principes en el mundo para crecer su fama, así
como de Salomon que envió desde Hierusalem en fin de Oriente á ver el
monte Sopora, en que se detovieron los navíos tres años, el cual tienen
vuestras Altezas agora en la Isla Española; ni de Alejandre, que envió á
ver el regimiento de la Isla de Trapobana en India, y Nero Cesar á ver
las fuentes del Nilo, y la razon porque crecian en el verano, cuando las
aguas son pocas, y otras muchas grandezas que hicieron Príncipes, y que
á Príncipes son estas cosas dadas de hacer; ni valia decir que yo nunca
habia leido que Príncipes de Castilla jamas hobiesen ganado tierra fuera
della, y que esta de acáes otro mundo en que se trabajaron Romanos y
Alejandre y Griegos, para la haber con grandes ejercicios, ni decir del
presente de los Reyes de Portugal, que tovieron corazon para sostener á
Guinea, y del descobrir della, y que gastaron oro y gente á tanta, que
quien contase toda la del Reino se hallaria que otra tanta como la mitad
son muertos en Guinea, y todavia la continuaron hasta que les salió
dello lo que parece, lo cual todo comenzaron de largo tiempo, y hay muy
poco que les da renta; los cuales tambien osaron conquistar en Africa, y
sostener la empresa á Cepta, Tanjar y Arcilla, é Alcazar, y de contino
dar guerra á los moros, y todo esto con grande gasto, solo por hacer cosa
de Príncipe servir á Dios y acrecentar su Señorío.

Cuanto yo mas decia tanto mas se doblaba á poner esto á vituperio,
amostrando en ello aborrecimiento, sin considerar cuánto bien parecio en
todo el mundo, y cuánto bien se dijo en todos los cristianos de vuestras
Altezas por haber tomado esta empresa, que no hobo grande ni pequeño
que no quisiese dello carta. Respondiéronme vuestras Altezas riéndose y
diciendo que yo no curase de nada porque no daban autoridad ni creencia á
quien les mal decia de esta empresa.

Partí en nombre de la Santísima Trinidad, Miercoles 30 de Mayo de la
villa de S. Lúcar, bien fatigado de mi viage, que adonde esperaba
descanso, cuando yo partí de estas Indias, se me dobló la pena, y navegué
á la Isla de la Madera por camino no acostumbrado, por evitar escándalo
que pudiera tener con un armada de Francia, que me aguardaba al Cabo de
S. Vicente, y de allí á las Islas de Canaria, de adonde me partí con
una nao y dos carabelas, y envié los otros navíos á derecho camino á
las Indias á la Isla Española, y yo navegué al Austro con propósito de
llegar á la línea equinocial, y de allí seguir al Poniente hasta que la
Isla Española me quedase al Septentrion, y llegado á las Islas de Cabo
Verde, falso nombre, porque son atan secas que no ví cosa verde en ellas,
y toda la gente enferma, que no osé detenerme en ellas, y navegué al
Sudueste cuatrocientas y ochenta millas, que son ciento y veinte leguas,
adonde en anocheciendo tenia la estrella del norte en cinco grados; allí
me desamparó el viento y entré en tanto ardor y tan grande que creí
que se me quemasen los navíos y gente, que todo de un golpe vino á tan
desordenado, que no habia persona que osase descender debajo de cubierta
á remediar la vasija y mantenimientos; duró este ardor ocho dias; al
primer dia fue claro, y los siete dias siguientes llovió é hizo ñumblado,
y con todo no fallamos remedio, que cierto si así fuera de sol como el
primero, yo creo que no pudiera escapar en ninguna manera.

Acórdome que navegando á las Indias siempre que yo paso al Poniente de
las Islas de los Azores cien leguas, allí fallo mudar la temperanza,
y esto es todo de Septentrion en Austro, y determiné que si á nuestro
Señor le pluguiese de me dar viento y buen tiempo que pudiese salir de
adonde estaba, de dejar de ir mas al Austro, ni volver tampoco atrás,
salvo de navegar al Poniente, á tanto que ya llegase á estar con esta
raya con esperanza que yo fallaria allí así temperamiento, como habia
fallado cuando yo navegaba en el paralelo de Canaria. E que si así fuese
que entonces yo podria ir mas al Austro, y plugó á nuestro Señor que al
cabo de estos ocho dias de me dar buen viento Levante, y yo seguí al
Poniente, mas no osé declinar abajo al Austro porque fallé grandísimo
mudamiento en el cielo y en las estrellas, mas non fallé mudamiento en la
temperancia; así acordé de proseguir delante siempre justo al Poniente,
en aquel derecho de la Sierra Lioa, con propósito de non mudar derrota
fasta adonde yo habia pensado que fallaria tierra, y allí adobar los
navíos, y remediar si pudiese los mantenimientos y tomar agua que no
tenia; y al cabo de diez y siete dias, los cuales nuestro Señor me dió de
próspero viento, Martes 31 de Julio á medio dia nos amostró tierra é yo
la esperaba el Lunes antes, y tuve aquel camino fasta entonces, que en
saliendo el sol, por defecto del agua que no tenia, determiné de andar á
las Islas de los Caribales, y tomé esa vuelta; y como su alta Magestad
haya siempre usado de misericordia conmigo, por acertamiento subió un
marinero á la gavia, y vido al Poniente tres moñtanas juntas: dijimos
la Salve Regina y otras prosas, y dimos todos muchas gracias á nuestro
Señor, y despues dejé el camino de Septentrion, y volví hácia la tierra,
adonde yo llegué á hora de completas á un Cabo á que dije de la Galea
despues de haber nombrado á la Isla de la Trinidad, y allí hobiera muy
buen puerto si fuera fondo, y habia casas y gente, y muy lindas tierras,
atan fermosas y verdes come las huertas de Valencia en Marzo. Pesóme
cuando no pude entrar en el puerto, y corri la costa de esta tierra del
luengo fasta el poniente, y andadas cinco leguas fallé muy buen fondo y
surgí, y en el otro dia dí la vela á este camino buscando puerto para
adobar los navíos y tomar agua, y remediar el trigo y los bastimentos que
llevaba solamente. Allí tomé una pipa de agua, y con ella anduve ansi
hasta llegar al cabo, y allí fallé abrigo de Levante y buen fondo, y así
mandé surgir y adobar la vasija y tomar agua y leña, y descendir la gente
á descansar de tanto tiempo que andaban penando.

A esta punta llamé del Arenal, y allí se falló toda la tierra follada
de unas animalías que tenian la pata como de cabra, y bien que segun
parece ser allí haya muchas, no se vido sino una muerta. El dia siguiente
vino de hácia oriente una grande canoa con veinte y cuatro hombres,
todos mancebos é muy ataviados de armas, arcos y flechas y tablachinas,
y ellos, como dije, todos, mancebos, de buena disposicion y no negros,
salvo mas blancos que otros que haya visto en las Indias, y de muy lindo
gesto, y fermosos cuerpos, y los cabellos largos y llanos, cortados á
la guisa Castilla, y traian la cabeza atada con un pañuelo de algodon
tejido á labores y colores, el cual creia yo que era almaizar. Otro de
estos pañuelos traían ceñido é se cobijaban con él en lugar de pañetes.
Cuando llegó esta canoa habló de muy lejos, é yo ni otro ninguno no los
entendiamos, salvo que yo les mandaba hacer señas que se allegasen, y
en esto se pasó mas de dos horas, y si se llegaban un poco luego se
desviaban. Yo les hacia mostrar bacines y otras cosas que lucian por
enamorarlos porque viniesen, y á cabo de buen rato se allegaron mas que
hasta entonces no habian, y yo deseaba mucho haber lengua, y no tenia
ya cosa que me pareciese que era de mostrarles para que viniesen; salvo
que hice sobir un tamborin en el castillo de popa que tañesen, é unos
mancebos que danzasen, creyendo que se allegarian á ver la fiesta;
y luego que vieron tañer y danzar todos dejaron los remos y echaron
mano á los arcos y los encordaron, y embrazo cada uno su tablachina, y
comenzaron á tirarnos flechas: cesó luego el tañer y danzar, y mandé
luego sacar unas ballestas, y ellos dejáronme y fueren á mas andar á otra
carabela y de golpe se fueron debajo la popa della, y el piloto entró con
ellos, y dió un sayo é un bonete á un hombre principal que le pareció
dellos, y quedó concertado que le iria hablar allí en la playa, adonde
ellos luego fueron con la canoa esperándole, y él como no quiso ir sin mi
licencia, como ellos le vieron venir á la nao con la barca, tornaron á
entrar en la canoa é se fueron, é nunca mas los vide ni á otros de esta
isla.

Cuando yo llegué á esta punta del Arenal, allí se hace una boca grande de
dos leguas de Poniente á Levante, la Isla de la Trinidad con la tierra de
Gracia y que para haber de entrar dentro para pasar al Septentrion habia
unos hileros de corrientes que atravesaban aquella boca y traían un rugir
muy grande, y creí yo que sería un arrecife de bajos é peñas, por el cual
no se ponria entrar dentro en ella, y detras de este hilero habia otro y
otro que todos traian un rugir grande como ola de la mar que va á romper
y dar en peñas. Surgí allí á la dicha punta del Arenal, fuera de la dicha
boca, y fallé que venia el agua del Oriente fasta el Poniente con tanta
furia como hace Guadalquivir en tiempo de avenida, y esto de contino
noche y dia, que creí quo no podria volver atrás por la corriente, ni ir
adelante por los bajos; y en la noche ya muy tarde, estando al bordo de
la nao, oí un rugir muy terrible que venia de la parte del Austro hácia
la nao, y me paré á mirar, y ví levantando la mar de Poniente á Levante,
en manera de una loma tan alta como la nao, y todavia venia hácia mi poco
á poco, y encima della venia un filero de corriente que venia rugiendo
con muy grande estrépito con aquella furia de aquel rugir que de los
otros hileros que yo dije que me parecian ondas de mar que daban en
peñas, que hoy en dia tengo el miedo en el cuerpo que no me trabucasen la
nao cuando llegasen debajo della, y passó y llegó fasta la boca adonde
allí se detuvo grande espacio. Y el otro dia siguiente envié las barcas á
sondar y fallé en el mas bajo de la boca, que habia seis ó siete brazas
de fondo, y de contino andaban aquellos hileros unos por entrar y otros
por salir, y plugo á nuestro Señor de me dar buen viento, y atravesé por
esa boca adentro, y luego hallé tranquilidad, y por acertamiento se sacó
del agua de la mar y la hallé dulce. Navegué al Septentrion fasta una
sierra muy alta, adonde serian veinte y seis leguas de esta punta del
Arenal, y allí habia dos cabos de tierra muy alta, el uno de la parte del
Oriente, y era de la misma Isla de la Trinidad, y el otro del Occidente
de la tierra que dije de Gracia, y allí hacia una boca muy angosta mas
que aquella de la punta del Arenal, y allí habia los mismos hileros y
aquel rugir fuerte del agua como era en la punta del Arenal, y asimismo
allí la mar era agua dulce; y fasta entonces yo no habia habido lengua
con ninguna gente de estas tierras, y lo deseaba en gran manera, y por
esto navegué al luengo de la costa de esta tierra hácia el Poniente, y
cuanto mas andaba hallaba el agua de la mar mas dulce y mas sabrosa, y
andando una gran parte llegué á un lugar donde me parecian las tierras
labradas y surgí y envié las barcas á tierra, y fallaron que de fresco
se habia ido de allí gente, y fallaron todo el monte cubierto de gatos
paules: volviéronse, y como esta fuese sierra me pareció que mas allá
al Poniente las tierras eran mas llanas, y que allí seria poblado, y
por esto seria poblado, y mandé levantar las anclas y corrí esta costa
fasta el cabo de esta sierra, y allí á un rio surgi, y luego vino mucha
gente, y me dijeron como llamaron á esta tierra Paria y que de allí mas
al Poniente era mas poblada; tomé dellos cuatro, y despues navegué al
Poniente, y andadas ocho leguas mas al Poniente allende una punta á que
yo llamé del Aguja: hallé unas tierras las mas hermosas del mundo, y
muy pobladas: llegué allí una mañana á hora de tercia, y por ver esta
verdura y esta hermosura acordé surgir y ver esta gente, de los cuales
luego vinieron en canoas á la nao á rogarme, de partes de su Rey, que
descendiese en tierra; é cuando vieron que no curé dellos vinieron á la
nao infinitísimos en canoas, y muchos traían piezas de oro al pescuezo, y
algunos atados á los brazos algunas perlas: holgué mucho cuando las ví é
procuré mucho de saber donde las hallaban, y me dijeron que allí, y de la
parte del Norte de aquella tierra.

Quisiera detenerme, mas estos bastimentos, que yo traía, trigo y vino é
carne para esta gente que acá esta se me acababan de perder, los cuales
hobe allá con tanta fatiga, y por esto yo no buscaba sino á mas andar á
venir á poner en ellos cobro, y no me detener para cosa alguna: procuré
de haber de aquellas perlas, y envié las barcas á tierra: esta gente es
muy mucha, y toda de muy buen parecer, de la misma color que los otros de
antes, y muy tratables: la gente nuestra que fue á tierra los hallaron
tan convenibles, y los recibieron muy honradamente: dicen que luego que
llegaron las barcas á tierra que vinieron dos personas principales cón
todo el pueblo, creen que el uno el padre y el otro era su hijo, y los
llevaron á una casa muy grande hecha á dos aguas, y no redonda, como
tienda de campo, como son estas otras, y allí tenian muchas sillas á
donde los ficieron asentar, y otras donde ellos se asentaron; y hicieron
traer pan, y de muchas maneras frutas é vino de muchas maneras blanco
é tinto, mas no de uvas: debe él de ser de diversas maneras uno de una
fruta y otro de otra; y asimismo debe de ser dello de maiz, que es una
simiente que hace una espiga como una mazorca de que llevé yo allá, y hay
ya mucho en Castilla, y parece que aquel que lo tenia mejor lo traía por
mayor excelencia, y lo daba en gran precio: los hombres todos estaban
juntos á un cabo de la casa, y las mugeres en otro. Recibieron ambas
las partes gran pena porque no se entendian, ellos para preguntar á los
otros de nuestra patria, y los nuestros por saber de la suya. E despues
que hobieron rescebido colacion allí en casa del mas viejo, los llevó el
mozo á la suya, e fizo otro tanto, é despues se pusieron en las barcas
é se vinieron á la nao, é yo luego levanté las anclas porque andaba
mucho de priesa por remediar los mantenimientos que se me perdian que yo
habia habido con tanta fatiga, y tambien por remediarme á mí que habia
adolescido por el desvelar de los ojos, que bien quel viage que yo fuí
á descubrir la tierra firme estuviese teinta y tres dias sin concebir
sueño, y estoviese tanto tiempo sin vista, non se me deñaron los ojos, ni
se me rompieron de sangre y con tantos dolores como agora.

Esta gente, como ya dije, son todos de muy linda estatura, altos de
cuerpos, é de muy lindos gestos, los cabellos muy largos é llanos, y
traen las cabezas atadas con unos pañuelos labrados, como ya dije,
hermosos, que parecen de lejos de seda y almaizares: otro traen ceñido
mas largo que se cobijan con él en lugar de pañetes, ansi hombres como
mugeres. La color de esta gente es mas blanca que otra que haya visto en
las Indias; todos traían al pescuezo y á los brazos algo á la guisa de
estas tierras, y muchos traían piezas de oro bajo colgado al pescuezo.
Las canoas de ellos son muy grandes y de mejor hechura que no son estas
otras, y mas livianas, y en el medio de cada una tienen un apartamiento
como cámara en que ví que andaban los principales con sus mugeres. Llamé
allí á este lugar Jardines, porque así conforman por el nombre. Procuré
mucho de saber donde cogian aquel oro, y todos me aseñalaban una tierra
frontera dellos al Poniente, que era muy alta, mas no lejos; mas todos
me decian que no fuese allá porque allí comian los hombres, y entendí
entonces que decian que eran hombres caribales, é que serian como los
otros, y despues he pensado que podria ser que lo decian porque allí
habria animalias. Tambien les pregunté adonde cogian las perlas, y me
señalaron tambien que al Poniente, y al Norte detrás de esta tierra donde
estaban. Dejélo de probar por esto de los mantenimientos, y del mal de
mis ojos, y por una nao grande que traigo que no es para semejante hecho.

Y como el tiempo fue breve se pasó todo en preguntas, y se volvieron á
los navíos, que seria hora de visperas, como ya dije, y luego levanté las
anclas y navegué al Poniente; y asimesmo el dia siguiente fasta que me
fallé que no habia si non tres brazas de fondo, con creencia que todavía
esta seria isla, y que yo podria salir al Norte; y así visto envié una
carabela sotil adelante á ver si habia salida ó si estaba cerrado, y ansi
anduvo mucho camino fasta un golfo muy grande en el cual parecia que
habia otros cuatro medianos, y del uno salia un rio grandísimo: fallaron
siempre cinco brazas de fondo y el agua muy dulce, en tanta cantidad que
yo jamas bebíla pareja della. Fuí yo muy descontento della cuando ví
que no podia salir al Norte ni podia andar ya al Austro ni al Poniente
porque yo estaba cercado por todas partes de la tierra, y así levanté
las anclas, y torne atrás para salir al Norte por la boca que yo arriba
dije, y no pude volver por la poblacion adonde yo habia estado, por causa
de las corrientes que me habian desviado della, y siempre en todo cabo
hallaba el agua dulce y clara, y que me llevaba al Oriente muy recio
fácia las dos bocas que arriba dije, y entonces conjeturé que los hilos
de la corriente, y aquellas lomas que salian y entraban en estas bocas
con aquel rugir tan fuerte que era pelea del agua dulce con la salada. La
dulce empujaba á la otra porque no entrase, y la salada porque la otra no
saliese; y conjeturé que allí donde son estas dos bocas que algun tiempo
seria tierra continua á la Isla de la Trinidad con la tierra de Gracia,
como podrán ver vuestras Altezas por la pintura de lo que con esta les
envio. Salí yo por esta boca del Norte y hallé quel agua dulce siempre
vencia, y cuando pasé, que fue con fuerza de viento, estando en una de
aquellas lomas, hallé en aquellos hilos de la parte de dentro el agua
dulce, y de fuera salada.

Cuando yo navegué de España á las Indias fallo luego en pasando cien
leguas á Poniente de los Azores grandísimo mudamiento en el cielo é en
las estrellas, y en la temperancia del aire, y en las aguas de la mar, y
en esto he tenido mucha diligencia en la experiencia.

Fallo que de Septentrion en Austro, pasando las dichas cien leguas de
las dichas islas, que luego en las agujas de marear, que fasta entonces
nordesteaban, noruestean una cuarta de viento todo entero, y esto es en
allegando allí á aquella línea, como quien traspone una cuesta, asimesmo
fallo la mar toda llena de yerba de una calidad que parece ramitos de
pino y muy cargada de fruta como de lantisco, y es tan espesa que al
primer viage pensé que era bajo, y que daria en seco con los navíos, y
hasta llegar con esta raya no se falla un solo ramito: fallo tambien en
llegando allí la mar muy suave y llana, y bien que vente recio nunca
se levanta. Asimismo hallo dentro de la dicha raya hácia Poniente la
temperancia del cielo muy suave, y no discrepa de la cantidad quier sea
invierno, quier sea en verano. Cuando allí estoy hallo que la estrella
del Norte escribe un círculo el cualo tiene en el diámetro cinco grados,
y estando las guardas en el brazo derecho estonces está la estrella en el
mas bajo, y se vá alzando fasta que llega al brazo izquierdo, y estonces
está cinco grados, y de allí se vá abajando fasta llegar á volver otra
vez al brazo derecho.

Yo allegué agora de España á la Isla de la Madera, y de allí á Canaria, y
dende á las Islas de Cabo Verde, de adonde cometí el viage para navegar
al Austro fasta debajo la linea equinocial, como ya dije: allegado á
estar en derecho con el paralelo que pasa por la Sierra Leoa en Guinea,
fallo tan grande ardor, y los rayos del sol tan calientes que pensaba
de quemar, y bien que lloviese y el cielo fuese muy turbado siempre yo
estaba en esta fatiga, fasta que nuestro Señor proveyó de buen viento y
á mi puso en voluntad que yo navegase al Occidente con este esfuerzo,
que en llegando á la raya de que yo dije que allí fallaria mudamiento
en la temperancia. Despues que yo emparejé á estar en derecho de esta
raya luego fallé la temperancia del cielo muy suave, y cuanto mas andaba
adelante mas multiplicaba; mas no hallé conforme á esto las estrellas.

Fallé allí que en anocheciendo tenia yo la estrella del Norte alta cinco
grados, y estonces las guardas estaban encima de la cabeza, y despues á
la media noche fallaba la estrella alta diez grados, y en amaneciendo que
las guardas estaban en los pies quince.

La suavelidad de la mar fallé conforme, mas no en la yerba: en esto de la
estrella del Norte tomé grande admiracion, y por esto muchas noches con
mucha diligencia tornaba yo á repricar la vista della con el cuadrante, y
siempre fallé que caía el plomo y hilo á un punto.

Por cosa nueva tengo yo esto, y podrá ser que será tenida que en poco
espacio haga tanta diferencia el cielo.

Yo siempre lei que el mundo, tierra é agua era esférico é las autoridades
y esperiencias que Tolomeo y todos los otros escribieron de este
sitio, daban é amostraban para ello así por eclipses de la luna y
otras demostraciones que hacen de Oriente fasta Occidente, como de la
elevacion del polo de Septentrion en Austro. Agora ví tanta disformidad,
como ya dije, y por esto me puse á tener esto del mundo, y fallé que no
era redondo en la forma que escriben; salvo que es de la forma de una
pera que sea toda muy redonda, salvo allí donde tiene el pezon que allí
tiene mas alto, ó como quien tiene una pelota muy redonda, y en un lugar
della fuese como una teta de muger allí puesta, y que esta parte deste
pezon sea la mas alta é mas propincua al cielo, y sea debajo la línea
equinocial, y en esta mar Océana en fin del Oriente: llamo yo fin de
Oriente, adonde acaba toda la tierra é islas, é para esto allego todas
las razones sobre-escriptas de la raya que pasa al Occidente delas islas
de los Azores cien leguas de Septentrion en Austro, que en pasando de
allí al Poniente ya van los navíos alzándose hácia el cielo suavemente, y
entonces se goza de mas suave temperancia y se muda el aguja del marear
por causa de la suavidad desa cuarta de viento, y cuanto mas va adelante
é alzándose mas noruestea, y esta altura causa el desvariar del circulo
que escribe la estrella del Norte con las guardas, y cuanto mas pasare
junto con la línea equinocial, mas se subirán en alto, y mas diferencia
habrá en las dichas estrellas, y en los circulos dellas. Y Tolomeo y los
otros sabios que escribieron de este mundo, creyeron que era esférico,
creyendo queste hemisferio que fuese redondo como aquel de allá donde
ellos estaban, el cual tiene el centro en la Isla de Arin, qués debajo la
linea equinocial entre el sino Arabico y aquel de Persia, y el círculo
pasa sobre el Cabo de S. Vicente en Portugal por el Poniente, y pasa en
Oriente por Cangara y por las Seras, en el cual hemisferio no hago yo que
hay ninguna dificultad, salvo que sea esférico redondo como ellos dicen:
mas este otro digo que es como sería la mitad de la pera bien redonda, la
cual toviese el pezon alto como y dije, ó como una teta de muger en una
pelota redonda, así que desta media parte non hobo noticia Tolomeo ni los
otros que escribieron del mundo por ser muy ignoto; solamente hicieron
raiz sobre el hemisferio, adonde ellos estaban ques redondo esférico,
como arriba dije. Y agora que vuestras Altezas lo han mandado navegar y
buscar y descobrir, se amuestra evidentísimo, porque estando yo en este
viage al Septentrion veinte grados de la línea equinocial, allí era en
derecho de Hargin, é de aquellas tierras: é allí es la gente negra é la
tierra muy quemada, y despues que fuí á las Islas de Cabo Verde, allí en
aquellas tierras es la gente mucho mas negra, y cuanto mas bajo se van al
Austro tanto mas llegan al extremo, en manera que allí en derecho donde
yo estaba, qués la Sierra Leoa, adonde se me alzaba la estrella del Norte
en anocheciendo cinco grados, allí es la gente negra en extrema cantidad,
y despues que de allí navegué al Occidente tan extremos calores; y pasada
la raya de que yo dije fallé multiplicar la temperancia, andando en
tanta cantidad que cuando yo llegué á la isla de la Trinidad, adonde la
estrella del Norte en anocheciendo tambien se me alzaba cinco grados,
allí y en la tierra de Gracia hallé temperancia suavísima, y las tierras
y árboles muy verdes, y tan hermosos como en Abril en las huertas de
Valencia; y la gente de allí de muy linda estatura, y blancos mas que
otros que haya visto en las Indias, é los cabellos muy largos é llanos, é
gente mas astuta é de mayor ingenio, é no cobardes. Entonces era el sol
en Virgen encima de nuestras cabezas é suyas, ansí que todo esto procede
por la suavísima temperancia que allí es, la cual procede por estar mas
alto en el mundo mas cerca del aire que cuento; y así me afirmo quel
mundo no es esférico, salvo que tiene esta diferencia que ya dije: la
cual es en este hemisferio adonde caen las Indias é la mar Oceana, y el
extremo dello es debajo la línea equinocial, y ayuda mucho á esto que
sea ansí, porque el sol cuando nuestro Señor lo hizo fue en el primer
punto de Oriente, ó la primera luz fue aquí en Oriente, allí donde es el
extremo de la altura deste mundo; y bien quel parecer de Aristotel fuese
que el Polo antártico ó la tierra ques debajo dél sea la mas alta parte
en el mundo, y mas propincua al cielo, otros sabios le impugnan diciendo
que es esta ques debajo del ártico, por las cuales razones parece que
entendian que una parte deste mundo debia de ser mas propincua y noble al
cielo que otra, y no cayeron en esto que sea debajo del equinocial por
la forma que yo dije, y no es maravilla porque deste hemisferio non se
hobiese noticia cierta, salvo muy liviana y por argumento, porque nadie
nunca lo ha andado ni enviado á buscar, hasta agora que vuestras Altezas
le mandaron explorar é descubrir la mar y la tierra.

Fallo que de allí de estas dos bocas, las cuales como yo dije estan
frontero por línea de Septentrion en Austro, que haya de la una á la otra
veinte y seis leguas, y no pudo haber en ello yerro porque se midieron
con cuadrante, y destas dos bocas de accidente fasta el golfo que yo
dije, al cual llamé de las Perlas, que son sesenta é ocho leguas de
cuatro millas dada una como acostumbramos en la mar, y que de allá de
este golfo corre de contino el agua muy fuerte hácia el oriente; y que
por esto tienen aquel combate estas dos bocas con la salada. En esta
boca de Austro á que yo llamé de la Sierpe, fallé en anocheciendo que yo
tenia la estrella del Norte alta cuasi cinco grados, y en aquella del
otra Septentrion, á que yo llamé del Drago, eran cuasi siete, y fallo
queldicho Golfo de las Perlas está occidentalal Occidente de el [179] de
Tolomeo cuasi tres mil é novecientas millas, que son cuasi setenta grados
equinociales, contando por cada uno cincuenta y seis millas é dos tercios.

La Sacra Escriptura testifica que nuestro Señor hizo al Paraiso terrenal,
y en él puso el Arbol de la vida, y del sale una fuente de donde
resultan en este mundo cuatro rios principales: Ganges en India, Tigris
y Eufrates en [180] los cuales apartan la sierra y hacen la Mesopotamia
y van à tener en Persia, y el Nilo que nace en Etiopia y va en la mar en
Alejandría.

Yo no hallo ni jamas he hallado escriptura de Latinos ni de Griegos que
certificadamente diga el sitio en este mundo del Paraiso terrenal, ni
visto en ningun mapamundo, salvo, situado con autoridad de argumento.
Algunos le ponian allí donde son las fuentes del Nilo en Etiopia; mas
otros anduvieron todas estas tierras y no hallaron conformidad dello en
la temperancia del cielo, en la altura hácia el cielo, porque se pudiese
comprehender que el era allí, ni que las aguas del diluvio hobiesen
llegado allí, las cuales subieron encima, &c. Algunos gentiles quisieron
decir por argumentos, que el era en las islas Fortunatas que son las
Canarias, &c.

S. Isidro y Beda y Strabo, y el Maestro de la historia escolástica, y San
Ambrosio, y Scoto, y todos los sanos teólogos conciertan quel Paraiso
terrenal es en el Oriente, &c.

Ya dije lo que yo hallaba deste hemisferio y de la hechura, y creo que si
yo pasara por debajo de la línea equinocial que en llegando allí en esto
mas alto que fallara muy mayor temperancia, y diversidad en las estrellas
y en las aguas; no porque yo crea que allí donde es el altura del extremo
sea navegable ni agua, ni que se pueda subir allá, porque creo que allí
es el Paraiso terrenal adonde no puede llegar nadie, salvo por voluntad
Divina; y creo que esta tierra que agora mandaron descubrir vuestras
Altezas sea grandísima y haya otras muchas en el Austro de que jamas se
hobo noticia.

Yo no tomo quel Paraise terrenal sea en forma de montaña aspera como el
escrebir dello nos amuestra, salvo quel sea en el colmo allí donde dije
la figura del pezon de la pera, y que poco á poco andando hácía allí
desde muy lejos se va subiendo á él; y creo que nadie no podria llegar
al colmo como yo dije, y creo que pueda salir de allí esa agua, bien que
sea lejos y venga á parar allí donde yo vengo, y faga este lago. Grandes
indicios son estos del Paraiso terrenal, porquel sitio es conforme á la
opinion de estos santos é sanos teólogos, y asimismo las señales son
muy conformes, que yo jamas leí ni oí que tanta cantidad de agua dulce
fuese así adentro é vecina con la salada; y en ello ayuda asimismo la
suavísima temperancia, y si de allí del Paraiso no sale, parece aun mayor
maravilla, porque no creo que se sepa en el mundo de rio tan grande y tan
fondo.

Despues que yo salí de la boca del Dragon, ques la una de las dos aquella
del Septentrion, á la cual así puse nombre, el dia siguiente, que fue dia
de Nuestra Señora de Agosto, fallé que corria tanto la mar al Poniente,
que despues de hora de misa que entré en camino, anduve fasta hora de
completas sesenta y cinco leguas de cuatro millas cada una, y el viento
no era demasiado, salvo muy suave; y esto ayuda el cognoscimiento que de
allí yendo al Austro se va mas alto, y andando hácia el Septentrion, como
entonces, se va descendiendo.

Muy conoscido tengo que las aguas de la mar llevan su curso de Oriente á
Occidente con los cielos, y que allí en esta comarca cuando pasan llevan
mas veloce camino, y por esto han comido tanta parte de la tierra, porque
por eso son acá tantas islas, y ellas mismas hacen desto testimonio,
porque todas á una mano son largas de Poniente á Levante, y Norueste
é Sueste ques un poco mas alto é bajo, y angostas de Norte á Sur, y
Nordeste Sudueste, que son en contrario de los otros dichos vientos, y
aquí en ellas todas nascen cosas preciosas por la suave temperancia que
les procede del cielo por estar hácia el mas alto del mundo. Verdad es
que parece en algunos lugares que las aguas no hagan este curso; mas esto
no es, salvo particularmente en algunos lugares donde alguna tierra le
está al encuentro, y hace parecer que andan diversos caminos.

Plinio escribe que la mar é la tierra hace todo una esfera, y pone questa
mar Oceana sea la mayor cantidad del agua, y está hácia el cielo, y
que la tierra sea debajo y que le sostenga, y mezclado es uno con otro
como el amago de la nuez con una tela gorda que va abrazado en ello. El
Maestro de la Historia escolástica sobre el Genesis dice que las aguas
son muy pocas, que bien que cuando fueron criadas que cobijasen toda la
tierra que entonces eran vaporables en manera de niebla, y que despues
que fueron sólidas é juntadas que ocuparon muy poco lugar, y en esto
concierta Nicolao de Lira. El Aristotel dice que este mundo es pequeño
y es el agua muy poca, y que facilmente se puede pasar de España á las
Indias, y esto confirma el Avenruyz y le alega el Cardenal Pedro de
Aliaco, autorizando este decir y aquel de Séneca, el cual conforma con
estos diciendo que Aristoteles pudo saber muchos secretos del mundo á
causa de Alejandro Magno, y Séneca á causa de Cesar Nero y Plinio por
respecto de los Romanos, los cuales todos gastaron dineros é gente, y
pusieron mucha diligencia en saber los secretos del mundo y darlos á
entender á los pueblos; el cual Cardenal da á estos grande autoridad mas
que á Tolomeo ni á otros Griegos ni Arabes, y á confirmacion de decir
quel agua sea poca y quel cubierto del mundo della sea poco, al respecto
de lo que se decia por autoridad de Tolomeo y de sus secuaces: á esto
trae una autoridad de Esdras del 3ᵒ. libro suyo, adonde dice que de
siete partes del mundo las seis son descubiertas y la una es cubierta de
agua, la cual autoridad es aprobada por Santos, los cuales dan autoridad
al 3ᵒ. é 4ᵒ. libro de Esdras, ansí como es S. Agustin é S. Ambrosio en
su _exameron_, adonde alega allí vendrá mi hijo Jesus é morira mi hijo
Cristo, y dicen que Esdrás fue Profeta, y asimismo Zacarías, padre de S.
Juan, y el braso Simon; las cuales autoridades tambien alega Francisco
de Mairones: en cuanto en esto del enjuto de la tierra mucho se ha
experimentado ques mucho mas de lo quel vulgo crea; y no es maravilla,
porque andando mas mas se sabe.

Torno á mi propósito de la tierra de Gracia y rio y lago que allí fallé,
atan grande que mas se le puede llamar mar que lago, porque _lago_ es
lugar de agua, y en seyendo grande se dice _mar_, como se dijo á la mar
de Galilea y al mar Muerto, y digo que sino procede del Paraiso terrenal
que viene este rio y procede de tierra infinita, pues al Austro, de la
cual fasta agora no se ha habido noticia, mas yo muy asentado tengo en el
anima que allí adonde dije es el Paraiso terrenal, y descanso sobre las
razones y autoridades sobre-escriptas.

Plega á nuestro Señor de dar mucha vida y salud y descanso á vuestras
Altezas para que puedan proseguir esta tan noble empresa, en la cual me
parece que rescibe nuestro Señor mucho servicio, y la España crece de
mucha grandeza, y todos los Cristianos mucha consolacion y placer, porque
aquí se divulgará el nombre de nuestro Señor; y en todas las tierras
adonde los navíos de vuestras Altezas van, y en todo cabo mando plantar
una alta cruz, y á toda la gente que hallo notifico el estado de vuestras
Altezas y como su asiento es en España, y les digo de nuestra santa fe
todo lo que yo puedo, y de la creencia de la Santa Madre Iglesia, la cual
tiene sus miembros en todo el mundo, y les digo la policía y nobleza de
todos los Cristianos, y la fe que en la Santa Trinidad tienen; y plega
á nuestro Señor de tirar de memoria á las personas que han impugnado y
impugnan tan excelente empresa, y impiden y impidieron porque no vaya
adelante, sin considerar cuanta honra y grandeza es del Real Estado da
vuestras Altezas en todo el mundo; no saben que entreponer á maldecir
de esto, salvo que se hace gasto en ello, y porque luego no enviaron
los navíos cargados de oro sin considerar la brevedad del tiempo y
tantos inconvenientes como acá se han habido, y no considerar que en
Castilla en casa de vuestras Altezas salen cada año personas que por
su merecimiento ganaron en ella mas de renta cada uno dellos mas de
lo ques necesario que se gaste en esto; ansimesmo sin considerar que
ningunos Príncipes de España jamas ganaron tierra alguna fuera della,
salvo agora que vuestras Altezas tienen acá otro mundo, de adonde puede
ser tan acrescentada nuestra santa fe, y de donde se podrán sacar tantos
provechos, que bien que no se hayan enviado los navíos cargados de oro,
se han enviado suficientes muestras dello y de otras cosas de valor, por
donde se puede juzgar que en breve tiempo se podrá haber mucho provecho,
y sin mirar el gran corazon de los Príncipes de Portugal que há tanto
tiempo que prosiguen la impresa de Guinea, y prosiguen aquella de Africa,
adonde han gastado la mitad de la gente de su Reino, y agora está el Rey
mas determinado á ello que nunca. Nuestro Señor provea en esto como yo
dije, y les ponga en memoria de considerar de todo esto que va escripto,
que no es de mil partes la una de lo que yo podria escrebir de cosas de
Príncipes que se ocuparon á saber y conquistar y sostener.

Todo esto dije, y no porque crea que la voluntad de vuestras Altezas sea
salvo proseguir en ello en cuanto vivan, y tengo por muy firme lo que me
respondió vuestras Altezas una vez que por palabra le decir desto, no
porque yo hobiese visto mudamiento ninguno en vuestras Altezas salvo por
temor de lo que yo oia destos que yo digo, y tanto da una gotera de agua
en una piedra que le hace un agujero; y vuestras Altezas me respondió
con aquel corazon que se sabe en todo el mundo que tienen, y me dijo
que no curase de nada de eso, porque su voluntad era de proseguir esta
empresa y sostenerla, aunque no fuese sino piedras y peñas, y quel gasto
que en ello se hacia que lo tenia en nada, que en otras cosas no tan
grandes gastaban mucho mas, y que lo tenian todo por muy bien gastado lo
del pasado y lo que se gastase en adelante, porque creian que nuestra
santa fe sería acrecentada y su Real Señorío ensanchado, y que no eran
amigos de su Real Estado aquellos que les maldecian de esta empresa: y
agora entre tanto que vengan á noticia desto destas tierras que agora
nuevamente he descubierto, en que tengo asentado en el ánima que allí es
el Paraiso terrenal, irá el Adelantado con tres navíos bien ataviados
para ello á ver mas adelante, y descubrirán todo lo que pudieren hacia
aquellas partes. Entretanto yo enviaré á vuestras Altezas esta escriptura
y la pintura de la tierra, y acordarán lo que en ello se deba facer, y me
enviarán á mandar, y se cumplirá con ayuda de la Santa Trinidad con toda
diligencia en manera que vuestras Altezas sean servidos y hayan placer.
Deo gracias.


FOOTNOTES:

[154] These were Fray Juan Perez de Marchena, a Franciscan, keeper of the
Convent de la Rabida, and Fray Diejo de Deza, a Dominican, afterwards
Archbishop of Seville.

[155] A similar gap in the original.

[156] He did not discover terra firma in the second voyage as he here
says, but imagined the island of Cuba to be terra firma, because
he was unable to explore it fully; nor was it ascertained to be an
island till two years after his death, when, by order of the king, the
Comendador Mayor Nicolas Ovando gave Sebastian de Ocampo a commission to
circumnavigate the island, and he explored the whole coast in the year
1508. (See Herrera, Dec. i, lib. 7, cap. i.) Amongst the number of these
islands, Columbus doubtless included many of those to the south of Cuba,
lying in the part which he called the _Queen’s Gardens_.

[157] Ceylon.

[158] These examples quoted by the admiral from ancient history, are
commented upon very learnedly, and at considerable length, by his
historian, Las Casas, in chapters 128 and 129 of his unpublished history.
(Navarrete.)

[159] Of the year 1498.

[160] Herrera says (Dec. i, lib. 3, cap. 9) that it was a Portuguese
squadron; but Las Casas (cap. 30) distinctly states it to have been
French.

[161] Herrera and Don Ferdinand Columbus say that he reached the island
of Puerto Santo on the seventh of June, from which island he sailed
directly for Madeira, and thence to Gomera, which he reached on the
nineteenth, and put to sea again on the twenty-first.

[162] The commanders of the three ships which the admiral despatched to
Española, were Pedro de Arana, native of Cordova, brother to the mother
of Ferdinand Columbus; Alonzo Sanchez de Carabajal, magistrate of Baeza;
and Juan Antonio Columbus, a relative of the admiral; all of whom were
known to and are spoken of by F. Bartolomé de Las Casas, in chapter 130
of his unpublished history. (Navarrete.)

[163] This was on the twenty-seventh of June. He anchored in the island
of Sal, and on the thirtieth proceeded to the island of Santiago, from
whence he put to sea again on the fourth of July.

[164] The islands took the name from the Cape itself, not from the
verdure which had caused that name to be given to the Cape. The Cape
Verde was discovered by Diniz Dias about 1445: the Cape Verde Islands
were discovered in 1460 by Diogo Gomez, as shown for the first time in my
_Prince Henry the Navigator_, pp. 297-298, and not by Antonio de Nolle in
1457, as incorrectly stated by Cadamosto.

[165] It was first seen by a mariner of Huelva, a servant of the admiral,
named Alonzo Perez. (Navarrete.)

[166] It is now called Cape Galeota, and is the most south-eastern point
of the island of Trinidad.

[167] In all probability deer.

[168] Coast of Paria.

[169] Produced by the confluence of the Oronoco with the sea. See Rapin,
_Hist. Phil._, vol. iv, p. 272.

[170] Point Peña Blanca.

[171] Point Peña.

[172] Serpent’s Mouth.

[173] It is now called Point Alcatraz, or Point Pelican.

[174] The stars composing the constellation of Ursa Minor.

[175] A misspelling, not infrequent in those days, for the sacred city
(not island) of Odjein or Ougein in Malwa, whence the Indians reckoned
their first meridian. The change of the name to Arin in Arabic is thus
explained by M. Reinaud in his _Mémoire sur l’Inde_, p. 373. The dj of
the Indians was sometimes rendered z by the Arabs, and thus the Arab
translators wrote the word Ozein; but as in manuscripts the vowels
were often omitted, the mass of readers to whom the name of Odjein was
indifferent, would pronounce it Azin, and as the copyist would sometimes
forget to insert the point which distinguished a z from an r, Azin would
be read Arin.

[176] Japan and China.

[177] Arguin, off the west coast of Africa.

[178] The innermost gulf within the Gulf of Paria.

[179] A similar gap in the original. In all probability “first meridian”
or some such words, are omitted.

[180] A similar gap in the original, which would seem to want the words
“Asiatic Turkey.”

[181] Walafried Strabus, Abbé of Reichenau in Baden.

[182] Petrus Comestor, who wrote the “Historica Scholastica.”

[183] The feast of the Assumption.

[184] Probably six A.M.

[185] Nine P.M.

[186] Averrhóes, an Arabian philosopher of the twelfth century.

[187] This expression is described by the ancient copyist of the letter
as being “badly written”; probably miscopied for “El beato”, “The
blessed.”

[188] A Scotist of the fourteenth century, surnamed “Doctor illuminatus
et acutus.”




LETTER


_Of the Admiral to the (quondam) nurse[189] of the Prince John, written
near the end of the year 1500._

Most virtuous lady: Although it is a novelty for me to complain of
the ill-usage of the world, it is, nevertheless, no novelty for the
world to practise ill-usage. Innumerable are the contests which I have
had with it, and I have resisted all its attacks until now, when I
find, that neither strength nor prudence is of any avail to me: it has
cruelly reduced me to the lowest ebb. Hope in Him who created us all
is my support: His assistance I have always found near at hand. On one
occasion, not long since, when I was extremely depressed, He raised me
with His Divine arm, saying: “O man of little faith, arise, it is I,
be not afraid.”[190] I offered myself with such earnest devotion to the
service of these princes, and I have served them with a fidelity hitherto
unequalled and unheard of. God made me the messenger of the new heaven
and the new earth, of which He spoke in the Apocalypse by St. John, after
having spoken of it by the mouth of Isaiah; and He showed me the spot
where to find it. All proved incredulous; except the Queen my mistress,
to whom the Lord gave the spirit of intelligence and great courage,
and made her the heiress of all, as a dear and well beloved daughter.
I went to take possession of it in her royal name. All sought to cover
the ignorance in which they were sunk, by dwelling on the inconveniences
and expense of the proposed enterprise. Her Highness held the contrary
opinion, and supported it with all her power. Seven years passed away in
deliberations, and nine have been spent in accomplishing things truly
memorable, and worthy of being preserved in the history of man. Never had
such a thing been conceived.

I have now reached that point, that there is no man so vile but thinks
it his right to insult me. The day will come when the world will reckon
it a virtue to him who has not given his consent to their abuse. If I
had plundered the Indies, even to the country where is the fabled altar
of St. Peter’s, and had given them all to the Moors, they could not have
shown towards me more bitter enmity than they have done in Spain. Who
would believe such things of a country where there has always been so
much nobility? I should much like to clear myself of this affair, if only
it were consistent with etiquette to do so, face to face with my queen.
The support which I have found in our Lord, and in her Highness, made
me persevere, and, in order to relieve somewhat the griefs which death
had occasioned her,[191] I undertook another voyage to the new heavens
and new earth, which had been hitherto concealed; and if these are not
appreciated in Spain, like the other parts of the Indies, it is not at
all wonderful, since it is to my labours that they are indebted for them.
The Holy Spirit encompassed St. Peter, and the rest of the twelve, who
all had conflicts here below; they wrought many works, they suffered
great fatigues, but at last they obtained the victory. I believed that
this voyage to Paria would produce a certain amount of contentment,
because of the pearls and the discovery of gold in the island of
Española. I left orders for the people to fish for pearls, and collect
them together, and made an agreement with them that I should return for
them; and I was given to understand that the supply would be abundant.

If I have not written respecting this to their Highnesses, it is because
I wished first to render an equally favourable account of the gold; but
it has happened with this as with many other things; I should not have
lost them, and with them my honour, if I had been only occupied about my
own private interests, and had suffered Española to be lost, or even if
they had respected my privileges and the treaties. I say the same with
regard to the gold which I had then collected, and which I have brought
in safety, by Divine grace, after so much loss of life and such excessive
fatigues.

In the voyage which I made by way of Paria, I found nearly half the
colonists of Española in a state of revolt, and they have made war upon
me until now as if I had been a Moor;[192] while on the other side, I
had to contend with the no less cruel Indians. Then arrived Hojeda,[193]
and he attempted to put the seal to all these disorders; he said that
their Highnesses had sent him, with promises of presents, of immunities,
and treaties; he collected a numerous band, for in the whole island of
Española, there were few men who were not vagabonds, and there were
none who had either wife or children. This Hojeda troubled me much, but
he was obliged to retreat, and at his departure he said, that he would
return with more ships and men, and reported also, that he had left the
queen at the point of death.[194] In the meanwhile, Vincent Yañez came
with four caravels; and there were some tumults and suspicions, but no
further evil. The Indians reported many other caravels to the cannibals,
and in Paria; and afterwards spread the news of the arrival of six other
caravels, commanded by a brother of the alcalde; but this was from pure
malice, and at a time when at length there remained but little hope
that their Highnesses would send any more ships to the Indies, and we
no longer expected them, and when it was said openly that her Highness
(the queen) was dead. At this time, one Adrian attempted a new revolt,
as he had done before;[195] but our Lord did not permit his evil designs
to succeed. I had determined not to inflict punishment on any person,
but his ingratitude obliged me, however regretfully, to abandon this
resolution, I should not have acted otherwise with my own brother, if
he had sought to assassinate me, and to rob me of the lordship which my
sovereigns had given to my keeping. This Adrian, as is now evident, had
sent Don Ferdinand to Xaragua, to assemble some of his partisans, and
had some discussions with the alcalde, which ended in violence, but all
without any good. The alcalde seized him and a part of his band; and in
fact, executed justice without my having ordered it. While they were in
prison, they were expecting a caravel, in which they hoped to embark; but
the news which I told them of what had happened to Hojeda, deprived them
of the hope that he would arrive in this ship. It is now six months that
I have been ready to leave, to bring to their Highnesses the good news of
the gold, and to give up the government of these dissolute people, who
fear neither God nor their king nor queen, but are full of imbecility
and malice. I should have been able to pay every one with six hundred
thousand maravedis, and for this purpose there were four millions and
more of the tithes, without reckoning the third part of the gold.

Before my departure (from Spain) I have often entreated their Highnesses
to send to these parts, at my expense, some one charged to administer
justice; and since, when I found the alcalde in a state of revolt, I
have besought them afresh to send at least one of their servants with
letters, because I myself have had so strange a character given to me,
that if I were to build churches or hospitals, they would call them
caves for robbers. Their Highnesses provided for this at last, but in
a manner quite unequal to the urgency of the circumstances; however,
let that point rest, since such is their good pleasure. I remained two
years in Spain without being able to obtain anything for myself, or
those who came with me,[196] but this man has gained for himself a full
purse: God knows if all will be employed for his service. Already, to
begin with, there is a revenue for twenty years, which is, according to
man’s calculation, an age; and they gather gold in such abundance, that
there are people who, in four hours, have found the equivalent of five
marks; but I will speak on this subject more fully hereafter. If their
Highnesses would condescend to silence the popular rumours, which have
gained credence among those who know what fatigues I have sustained, it
would be a real charity; for calumny has done me more injury than the
services which I have rendered to their Highnesses, and the care with
which I have preserved their property and their government, have done me
good. By their so doing, I should be re-established in reputation, and
spoken of throughout the universe: for the matter is of a kind which must
every day be more talked of and appreciated.

In the meanwhile, the commander Bobadilla arrived at St. Domingo,[197] at
which time I was at La Vega, and the Adelantado at Xaragua, where this
Adrian had made his attempt; but by that time everything was quiet, the
land was thriving, and the people at peace. The day after his arrival
he declared himself governor, created magistrates, ordered executions,
published immunities from the collection of gold and from the paying of
tithes; and, in fine, announced a general franchise for twenty years,
which is, as I have said, the calculation of an age. He also gave out
that he was going to pay everyone, although they had not even done the
service which was due up to that day; and he further proclaimed that he
had to send me back loaded with chains, and my brother also (this he
has done);[198] and that neither I, nor any of my family, should ever
return to these lands: and, in addition, he made innumerable unjust and
disgraceful charges against me. All this took place, as I have said, on
the very day after his arrival, at which time I was absent at a distance,
thinking neither of him nor of his coming. Some letters of their
Highnesses, of which he brought a considerable number signed in blank,
he filled up with exaggerated language, and sent round to the alcalde
and his myrmidons, accompanying them with compliments and flattery. To
me he never sent either a letter or a messenger, nor has he done so to
this day. Reflect upon this, madam! what could any man in my situation
think? Could it be that honour and favour were to be conferred on him who
had lent himself to plundering their Highnesses of their sovereignty, and
who had done so much injury and mischief?—Could it be that he who had
defended and preserved their cause through so many dangers, was to be
dragged through the mire? When I heard this, I thought he must be like
Hojeda, or one of the other rebels; but I held my peace, when I learned
for certain, from the friars, that he had been sent by their Highnesses.
I wrote to him, to salute him on his arrival, to let him know that I was
ready to set out to go to court, and that I had put up to sale all that
I possessed. I entreated him not to be in haste on the subject of the
grants; and I assured him that I would shortly yield this, and everything
else connected with the government, implicitly into his charge. I wrote
the same thing to the ecclesiastics, but I received no answer either
from the one or the other. On the contrary, he took a hostile position,
and obliged those who went to his residence to acknowledge him for
governor, as I have been told, for twenty years. As soon as I knew what
he had done with regard to the immunities, I proposed to repair this
great mistake, and I thought he would himself be glad of it; for, without
any reason or necessity, he had bestowed upon vagabonds privileges of
such importance, that they would have been excessive even for men with
wives and children. I published verbally, and in writing, that he could
not make use of his credentials, because mine were of higher authority,
and I showed the grants brought by Juan Aguado. All this I did for the
purpose of gaining time, that their Highnesses might be informed as to
the state of the country, and that they might have opportunity to give
fresh orders upon everything touching their interests. It is useless
to publish such grants in the Indies,—all is in favour of the settlers
who have taken up their abode there, because the best lands are given
up to them; and, at a low estimate, they are worth two hundred thousand
maravedis a head for the four years, at which they are taken, without a
single stroke of the mattock. I should not say so much if these people
were married men; but there are not six among them all, whose purpose
is not to amass all they can, and then decamp with it. It would be well
that people should come from Spain, but that only such should be sent
as are well known, so that the country may be peopled with honest men.
I had agreed with these settlers that they should pay the third of the
gold and of the tithes; and this they not only assented to, but were
very grateful to their Highnesses. I reproached them when I heard they
had afterwards refused it; they expected, however, to deal with me on
the same terms as with the commander, but I would not consent to it. He
meanwhile irritated them against me, saying, that I wished to deprive
them of that which their Highnesses had given them; and strove to make me
appear their enemy, in which he succeeded to the full. He induced them to
write to their Highnesses, that they should send me no more commissioned
as governor (truly I do not desire it any more for myself, or for any
who belong to me, while the people remain unchanged); and to conciliate
them, he ordered inquiries to be made respecting me with reference to
imputed misdeeds, such as were never invented in hell. But God is above,
who with so much wisdom and power rescued Daniel and the three children,
and who, if he please, can rescue me with a similar manifestation of
his power, and to the advancement of his own cause. I should have known
well enough how to find a remedy for the evils which I now describe and
have been describing as having happened to me since I came to the Indies,
if I had had the wish or had thought it decent, to busy myself about my
personal interest; but now I find myself undone, because I have hitherto
maintained the justice and augmented the territorial dominions of their
Highnesses. Now that so much gold is found, these people stop to consider
whether they can obtain the greatest quantity of it by theft, or by
going to the mines. For one woman they give a hundred castellanos,[199]
as for a farm; and this sort of trading is very common, and there are
already a great number of merchants who go in search of girls; there are
at this moment from nine or ten on sale; they fetch a good price, let
their age be what it will. I assert that when I said that the commander
could not confer immunities, I did what he desired, although I told him
that it was to gain time until their Highnesses had received information
respecting the country, and had given their orders as to the regulations
best calculated to advance their interest. I assert that the calumnies
of injurious men have done me more harm, than my services have done me
good: which is a bad example for the present as well as for the future.
I declare solemnly that a great number of men have been to the Indies,
who did not deserve baptism in the eyes of God or men, and who are now
returning thither. The governor has made every one hostile to me; and
it appears, from the manner of his acting, and the plans that he has
adopted, that he was already my enemy, and very virulent against me when
he arrived; and it is said, that he has been at great expense to obtain
this office: but I know nothing about the matter except what I have
heard. I never before heard of any one who was commissioned to make an
inquiry, assembling the rebels, and taking, as evidence against their
governor, wretches without faith, and who are unworthy of unbelief. If
their Highnesses would cause a general inquiry to be made throughout the
land, I assure you they would be astonished, that the island has not
been swallowed up. I believe that you will recollect, that when I was
driven by a tempest into the port of Lisbon (having lost my sails), I was
falsely accused of having put in thither with the intention of giving the
Indies to the sovereign of that country. Since then, their Highnesses
have learned the contrary, and that it was all malice. Although I am an
ignorant man, I do not imagine that any one supposed me so stupid as
not to be aware, that even if the Indies had belonged to me, I could
not support myself without the assistance of some prince. In such case
where should I find better support, or more security against expulsion,
than in the king and queen our sovereigns? who, from nothing, have
raised me to so great an elevation, and who are the greatest princes of
the world, on the land and on the sea. These princes know how I have
served them, and they uphold my privileges and rewards; and if any one
violates them, their Highnesses augment them by ordering great favour to
be shown me, and ordain me many honours, as was shown in the affair of
Juan Aguado. Yes, as I have said, their Highnesses have received some
services from me, and have taken my sons into their household, which
would not have happened with another prince, because where there is no
attachment, all other considerations prove of little weight. If I have
now spoken severely of a malicious slander, it is against my will, for
it is a subject I would not willingly recall even in my dreams. The
governor Bobadilla has maliciously exhibited in open day his character
and conduct in this affair; but I will prove without difficulty, that his
ignorance, his cowardice, and his inordinate cupidity, have frustrated
all his undertakings. I have already said that I wrote to him, as well
as to the monks, and I set out almost alone, all our people being with
the Adelantado and elsewhere, to remove suspicion; when he heard this he
seized Don Diego, and sent him on board a caravel, loaded with irons;
on my arrival he did the same to me; and afterwards to the Adelantado
when he came. I have never spoken with him, and to this day he has not
permitted any one to hold converse with me, and I solemnly declare that
I cannot think for what reason I was made prisoner. His first care was
to take the gold that I had, and that without measuring or weighing it,
although I was absent; he said he would pay those to whom it was owing,
and if I am to believe what has been reported to me, he reserved to
himself the greater part, and sent for strangers to make the bargains.
I had put aside some samples of this gold, some as large as a goose’s
or a hen’s egg, and of various sizes, which a few persons had collected
in a short space of time, that their Highnesses might be gratified and
impressed with the importance of the affair, when they saw a quantity of
large stones full of gold. This gold was the first that, after he had
feathered his own nest (which he was in great haste to do), his malice
suggested to give away, in order that their Highnesses might have a low
opinion of the whole affair: the gold which required melting, diminished
at the fire, and a chain weighing nearly twenty marks disappeared
altogether. I have been yet more concerned respecting this matter of
the gold than even about the affair of the pearls, that I have not been
able to bring them to their Highnesses. In every thing that he thought
could add to my annoyance, the governor has always shown himself ready
to bestir himself. Thus, as I have said, with six hundred thousand
maravedis, I should have paid every one, without injustice to any; and
I had more than four millions of tithes and constabulary dues, without
touching the gold. He made the most absurd gifts, although I believe he
began with himself first; their Highnesses will be able to ascertain
the truth on this subject when they demand the account to be rendered
them, especially if I may assist at the examination. He is continually
saying, that there is a considerable sum owing, while it is only what I
have already reported, and even less. I have been wounded extremely by
the thought, that a man should have been sent out to make inquiry into
my conduct, who knew, that if he sent home a very aggravated account
of the result of his investigation, he would remain at the head of the
government. Would to God, their Highnesses had sent either him or some
other person two years ago, for then I know that I should have had no
cause to fear either scandal or disgrace; they could not then have taken
away my honour, and I could not have been in the position to have lost
it. God is just, and He will in due time make known by whom and how it
has been done. Let them judge me, as a governor who had been sent to
Sicily or some province or city under regular government, and where the
laws could be executed without fear of danger to the public weal or
subjection to any enormous wrong. I ought to be judged as a captain sent
from Spain to the Indies, to conquer a nation numerous and warlike, with
customs and religion altogether different to ours; a people who dwell
in the mountains, without regular habitations for themselves or for
us; and where, by the Divine will, I have subdued another world to the
dominion of the King and Queen, our sovereigns; in consequence of which,
Spain, that used to be called poor, is now the most wealthy of kingdoms.
I ought to be judged as a captain, who for so many years has borne arms,
never quitting them for an instant. I ought to be judged by cavaliers who
have themselves won the meed of victory;[200] by knights of the sword
and not of title deeds; as least, so it would have been among the Greeks
and Romans, or any modern nation in which exists so much nobility as in
Spain; for under any other judgment I receive great injury, because in
the Indies there is neither civil right nor judgment seat.

Already the road is opened to the gold and pearls, and it may surely
be hoped that precious stones, spices, and a thousand other things,
will also be found. Would to God that it were as certain that I should
suffer no greater wrongs than I have already experienced, as it is that
I would, in the name of our Lord, again undertake my first voyage; and
that I would undertake to go to Arabia Felix as far as Mecca, as I have
said in the letter that I sent to their Highnesses by Antonio de Torres,
in answer to the division of the sea and land between Spain and the
Portuguese; and I would go afterwards to the North Pole, as I have said
and given in writing to the monastery of the Mejorada.

The tidings of the gold which I said I would give, are, that on
Christmas-day, being greatly afflicted and tormented by the wicked
Spaniards and the Indians, when I was at the point of leaving all to
save my life if possible, our Lord comforted me miraculously, saying to
me, “_Take courage, be not dismayed nor fear, I will provide for all;
the seven years, the term of the gold, are not yet passed; and in this,
as in the rest, I will redress thee._” I learned that same day, that
there were twenty-four leagues of land where they found mines at every
step, which appear now to form but one. Some of the people collected a
hundred and twenty castellanos’ worth in one day, others ninety; and
there have been those who have gathered the equivalent of nearly two
hundred and fifty castellanos. They consider it a good day’s work when
they collect from fifty to seventy, or even from twenty to fifty, and
many continue searching; the mean day’s work is from six to twelve, and
those who get less are very dissatisfied. It appears that these mines,
like all others, do not yield equally every day; the mines are new, and
those who collect their produce inexperienced. According to the judgment
of everybody here, it seems that, if all Spain were to come over, every
individual, however inexpert he might be, would gain the equivalent of
at least one or two castellanos in a day; and so it is up to the present
time. It is certain that any man who has an Indian to work for him,
collects as much, but the management depends upon the Spaniard. See, now,
what discernment was shown by Bobadilla when he gave up everything for
nothing, and four millions of tithes without any reason, and even without
being asked to do so, and without first giving notice to their Highnesses
of his intention; and this is not the only evil which he has caused. I
know, assuredly, that the errors which I may have fallen into, have been
committed without any intention of doing wrong, and I think that their
Highnesses will believe me when I say so; but I know and see that they
show mercy towards those who intentionally do injury to their service. I,
however, feel very certain that the day will come when they will treat me
much better; since, if I have been in error, it has been innocently and
under the force of circumstances, as they will shortly understand beyond
all doubt: I, who am their creature, and whose services and usefulness
they will every day be more willing to acknowledge. They will weigh all
in the balance, even as, according to the Holy Scripture, it will be with
the evil and the good at the day of judgment. If, nevertheless, their
Highnesses ordain me another judge, which I do not expect, and if my
examination is to be holden in the Indies, I humbly beseech them to send
over two conscientious and respectable persons at my expense, and they
would readily acknowledge that, at this time, five marks of gold may be
found in four hours: be it however as it may, it is highly necessary that
their Highnesses should have this matter inquired into. The governor,
on his arrival at St. Domingo, took up his abode in my house, and
appropriated to himself all that was therein. Well and good; perhaps
he was in want of it: but even a pirate does not behave in this manner
towards the merchants that he plunders. That which grieves me most is the
seizure of my papers, of which I have never been able to recover one; and
those that would have been most useful to me in proving my innocence,
are precisely those which he has kept most carefully concealed. Behold
the just and honest inquisitor! But whatever he may have done, they tell
me that he has now bidden good bye to justice and is simply a despot. Our
Lord God retains His power and wisdom as of old; and, above all things,
He punishes injustice and ingratitude.


CARTA

_Del Almirante al ama (que habia sido) del Principe D. Juan, escrita
hacia fines del año 1500._

Muy virtuosa Señora: Si mi queja del mundo es nueva, su uso de maltratar
es de muy antiguo. Mil combates me ha dado y á todos resistí fasta agora
que no me aprovechó armas ni avisos. Con crueldad me tiene echado al
fondo. La esperanza de aquel que crio á todos me sostiene: su socorro
fue siempre muy presto. Otra vez, y no de lejos estando yo mas bajo, me
levantó con su brazo divino, diciendo: _ó hombre de poca fe, levantate
que yo soy, no hayas miedo_. Yo vine con amor tan entrañable á servir
á estos Principes, y hé servido de servicio de que jamas se oyó ni
vido. Del nuevo cielo y tierra que decia muestro Señor por S. Juan
en el Apocalipse, despues de dicho por boca de Isaías, me hizo dello
mensagero, y amostró en cual parte. En todos hobo incredulidad, y á la
Reina mi Señor dió dello el espíritu de inteligencia y esfuerzo grande,
y lo hizo de todo heredera como á cara y muy amada hija. La posesion de
todo esto fuí yo á tomar en su Real nombre. La ignorancia en que habian
estado todos quisieron enmendallo traspasando el poco saber á fablar en
inconvenientes y gastos. Su Alteza lo aprobaba al contrario, y lo sostuvo
fasta que pudo. Siete años se pasaron en la platica y nueve ejecutando
cosas muy señaladas y dignas de memoria se pasaron en este tiempo: de
todo no se fizo concepto. Llegué yo y estoy que non ha nadie tan vil que
no piense de ultrajarme. Por virtud se contará en el mundo á quien puede
no consentillo. Si yo robara las Indias ó tierra que san face[201] en
ello de que agora es la fabla del altar de S. Pedro, y las diera á los
moros, no pudieran en España amostrarme mayor enemiga. Quién creyera tal
adonde hobo siempre tanta nobleza? Yo mucho quisiera despedir del negocio
si fuera honesto para con mi Reina: el esfuerzo de nuestro Señor y de
su Alteza fizo que yo continuase, y por aliviarle algo de los enojos
en que á causa de la muerte estaba, cometí viaje nuevo al nuevo cielo
é mundo, que fasta entonces estaba en oculto, y sino es tenido allí en
estima, así como los otros de las Indias, no es maravilla porque salió
á parecer de mi industria. A S. Pedro abrasó el Espíritu Santo y con él
otros doce, y todos combatieron acá, y los trabajos y fatigas fueron
muchas; en fin de todo llevaron la victoria. Este viaje de Paria creí que
apaciguara algo por las perlas y la fallada del oro en la Española. Las
perlas mandé yo ayuntar y pescar á la gente con quien quedó el concierto
de mi vuelta por ellas, y á mi comprender á medida de fanega: si yo non
lo escribí a SS. AA. fue porque así quisiera haber fecho del oro antes.
Esto me salió como otras cosas muchas; no las perdiera ni mi honra si
buscara yo mi bien propio y dejara perder la Española, ó se guardaran
mis previlegios é asientos. Y otro tanto digo del oro que yo tenia agora
junto, que con tantas muertés y trabajos, por virtud divinal, he llegado
á perfecto. Cuando yo fuí á Paria fallé cuasi la mitad de la gente en
la Española alzados, y me han guerreado fasta agora como á moro, y los
indios por otro cabo gravemente. En esto vino Hojeda y probó á echar
el sello, y dijo que sus Altezas lo enviaban con promesas de dádivas y
franquezas y paga: allegó gran cuadrilla, que en toda la Española muy
pocos hay, salvo vagabundos y ninguno con muger y fijos. Este Hojeda me
trabajó harto y fuele necesario de se ir, y dejó dicho que luego seria de
vuelta con mas navíos y gente, y que dejaba la Real persona de la Reina
á la muerte. En esto llegó Viceinte Yañez con cuatro carabelas: hobo
alboroto y sospechas, mas no daño. Los indios dijeron de otras muchas á
los canibales y en Paria, y despues una nueva de seis otras carabelas que
traía un hermano del Alcalde, mas fue con malicia, y esto fue ya á la
postre cuando ya estaba muy rota la esperanza que sus Altezas hobiesen
jamas de enviar navios á las Indias, ni nos esperarlos, y que vulgarmente
decian que su Alteza era muerta. Un Adrian en este tiempo probó alzarse
otra vez como de antes, mas nuestro Señor no quiso que llegase á efecto
su mal propósito. Yo tenia propuesto en mi de no tocar el cabello á
nadie, y á este por su ingratitud con lágrimas no se pudo guardar, así
como yo lo tenia pensado. A mi hermano no hiciera menos si me quisiera
matar y robar el señorío que mi Rey é Reina me tenian dado en guarda.
Este Adrian, segun se muestra, tenia enviado á D. Fernando á Jaragua á
allegar á algunos sus secuaces, y allá hobo debate con el Alcalde, adonde
nació discordia de muerte; mas no llegó á efecto. El Alcalde le prendió
y á parte de su cuadrilla: y el caso era que él los justiciaba sin que
yo lo proveyere: estovieren presos esperando carabela en que se fuesen:
las nuevas de Hojeda que yo dije ficieron perder la esperanza que ya no
venia. Seis meses habia que yo estaba despachado para venir á sus Altezas
con las buenas nuevas del oro y fuir de gobernar gente disoluta que no
teme á Dios ni á su Rey ni Reina, llena de achaques y de malicias. A la
gente acabara yo de pagar con seiscientos mil maravedises: y para ello
habia cuatro cuentos de diezmos é alguno sin el tercio del oro. Antes de
mi partida supliqué tantas veces á sus Altezas que enviasen allá á mi
costa á quien tuviese cargo de la justicia, y despues que fallé alzado
al Alcalde se lo supliqué de nuevo ó por alguna gente, ó al menos algun
criado con cartas, porque mi fama es tal que aunque yo faga iglesias y
hospitales siempre serán dichas espeluncas para latrones. Proveyeron ya
al fin, y fue muy al contrario de lo que la negociacion demandaba: vaya
en buena, hora, pues que es á su grado. Yo estuve allá dos años sin poder
ganar una provision de favor para mí ni por los que allá fuesen, y este
llevó una arca llena: si pararán todas á su servicio Dios lo sabe. Ya por
comienzos hay franquezas por veinte años, que es la edad de un hombre, y
se coge el oro, que hobo persona de cinco marcos en cuatro horas, de que
diré despues mas largo. Si pluguiese á sus Altezas de desfacer un vulgo
de los que saben mis fatigas, que mayor daño me ha hecho el mal decir de
las gentes que no me ha aprovechado el mucho servir y guardar su facienda
y senorío, seria limosna, é yo restituido en mi honra, é se fablaria
dello en todo el mundo, porquel negocio es de calidad que cada dia ha de
ser mas sonada y en alta estima. En esto vino el Comendador Bobadilla á
Santo Domingo, yo estaba en la Vega y el Adelantado en Jaragua, donde
este Adrian habia hecho cabeza, mas ya todo era llano y la tierra rica, y
en paz toda. El segundo dia que llegó se crió Gobernador y fizo oficiales
y ejecuciones, y apregonó franquezas del oro y diezmos, y generalmente de
toda otra cosa por veinte años, que como digo es la edad de un hombre,
y que venia para pagar á todos, bien que no habian servido llenamente
hasta ese dia, y publicó que á mi me habia de enviar en fierros, y á mis
hermanos, así como lo ha fecho, y que nunca yo volveria mas allí ni otro
de mi linage, diciendo de mi mil deshonestidades y descorteses cosas.
Esto todo fue el segundo dia quel llegó, como dije, y estando yo lejos
absente sin saber dello ni de su venida. Unas cartas de sus Altezas
firmadas en blanco, de que el llevaba una cantidad, hinchó y envió al
Alcalde y á su compañía con favores y encomiendas. A mi nunca me envió
carta ni mensagero, ni me ha dado fasta hoy. Piense vuestra merced qué
pensaria quien tuviera mi cargo? honrar y favorecer á quien probó á robar
á sus Altezas el señorío, y ha fecho tanto mal y daño! y arrastrar á
quien con tantos peligros se lo sostuvo? Cuando supe esto, creí que esto
seria como lo de Hojeda, ó uno de los otros: templóme que supe de los
frailes de cierto que sus Altezas lo enviaban. Escrebile yo que su venida
fuese en buena hora, y que yo estaba despachado para ir á la corte, y
fecho almoneda de cuanto yo tenia, y que en esto de las franquezas que no
se acelerase, que esto y el gobierno yo se lo daria luego tan llano como
la palma, y así lo escribí a los religiosos. Ni él ni ellos me dieron
respuesta, antes se puso él en son de guerra, y apremiaba á cuantos allí
iban que le jurasen por Gobernador, dijeronme que por veinte años. Luego
que yo supe de estas franquezas pensé de adobar un yerro tan grande,
y que él seria contento, las cuales dió sin necesidad y causa de cosa
tan gruesa y á gente vagabunda, que fuera demasiado para quien trujera
muger y hijos. Publiqué por palabra y por cartas que él no podia usar
de sus provisiones, porque las mias eran las mas fuertes, y les mostré
las franquezas que llevó Juan Aguado. Todo esto que yo fice era por
dilatar, porque sus Altezas fuesen sabidores del estado de la tierra, y
hobiesen lugar de tornar á mandar en ello lo que fuese su servicio. Tales
franquezas escusado es de las apregonar en las Indias. Los vecinos que
han tomado vecindad es logro, porque se les dan las mejores tierras y á
poco valer valerán docientos mil maravedis al cabo de los cuatro años
que la vecindad se acaba, sin que den una azadonada en ellas. No diria
yo así si los vecinos fuesen casados, mas no hay seis entre todos que no
esten sobre el aviso de ayuntar lo que pudieren y se ir en buena hora. De
Castilla seria bien que fuesen, y aun saber quién y cómo, y se poblase de
gente honrada. Yo tenia asentado con estos vecinos que pagarian el tercio
del oro y los diezmos, y esto á su ruego, y lo recibieron en grande
merced de sus Altezas. Reprendiles cuando yo oí que se dejaban dello, y
esperaban quél conmigo faria otro tanto, mas fue el contrario. Indignólos
contra mí diciendo, que yo les queria quitar lo que sus Altezas les
daban, y trabajo de me los echar acuestas, y lo hizo, y que escribiesen
á sus Altezas que no me enviasen mas al cargo, y así se lo suplico yo
por mí y por toda cosa mia, en cuanto no haya otro pueblo, y me ordenó
él con ellos pesquisas de maldades que al infierno nunca se supo de las
semejantes. Allí está nuestro Señor que escapó á Daniel y á los tres
muchachos con tanto saber y fuerza como tenia, y con tanto aparejo si le
pluguiere como con su gana. Supiera yo remediar todo esto y lo otro que
está dicho y ha pasado despues que estoy en las Indias, si me consintiera
la voluntad á procurar por mi bien propio y me fuera honesto. Mas el
sostener de la justicia y acrecentar el señorío de sus Altezas fasta
agora, me tiene al fondo. Hoy en dia que se falla tanto oro hay division
en que haya mas ganancia, ir robando ó ir á las minas. Por una muger
tambien se fallan cien castellanos como por una labranza, y es mucho en
uso, y ha ya fartos mercaderes que andan buscando muchachas: de nueve á
diez son agora en precio: de todas edades ha de tener un bueno. Digo que
en decir yo que el Comendador no podia dar franquezas que hice yo lo que
él deseaba; bien que yo á él dijese que era para dilatar fasta que sus
Altezas toviesen el aviso de la tierra y tornasen á ver y mandar lo que
fuese su servicio. Digo que la fuerza del maldecir de desconcertados me
ha hecho mas daño que mis servicios fecho provecho: mal ejemplo es por
lo presente y por lo futuro. Fago juramento que cantidad de hombres han
ido á las Indias que no merescian el agua para con Dios y con el mundo,
y agora vuelven allá. Enemistólos á ellos todos conmigo, y él parece,
segun se hobo y segun sus formas, que ya lo venia y bien encendido, ó es
que se dice que ha gastado mucho por venir á este negocio; no se dello
mas de lo que oyo. Yo nunca oí que el pesquisidor allegase los rebeldes y
los tomase por testigos contra aquel que gobierna á ellos y á otros sin
fe, ni dignos della. Si sus Altezas mandasen hacer una pesquisa general
allí vos digo yo que verian por gran maravilla como la isla no sé funde.
Yo creo que se acordará vuestra merced cuando lo tormenta sin velas me
echó en Lisbona, que fuí acusado falsamente que habia ido ya allá al Rey
para darle las Indias. Despues supieron sus Altezas al contrario, y que
todo fue con malicia. Bien que yo sepa poco: no sé quien me tenga por tan
torpe que yo no conozca que aunque las Indias fuesen mias, que yo no me
pudiera sostener sin ayuda de Príncipe. Si esto es así, adónde pudiera
yo tener mejor arrimo y seguridad de no ser echado dellas del todo que
en el Rey é Reina nuestros Señores, que de nada me han puesto en tanta
honra y son los mas altos Príncipes por la mar y por la tierra del mundo?
los cuales tienen que yo les haya servido, é me guardan mis privilegios y
mercedes, y si alguien me los quebranta sus Altezas me los acrescientan
con aventaja, como se vido en lo de Juan Aguado, y me mandar hacer mucha
honra, y como dije ya sus Altezas rescibieron de mí servicios y tienen
mis hijos sus criados, lo que en ninguna manera pudiera esto llegar con
otro Príncipe, porque adonde no hay amor todo lo otro cesa. Dije yo agora
ansi contra un maldecir con malicia y contra mi voluntad, porque es cosa
que ni en sueños debiera allegar á memoria, porque las formas y fechos
del Comendador Bobadilla, con malicia las quiere alumbrar en esto: mas yo
le faré ver con el brazo izquierdo que su poco saber y gran cobardiá con
desordenada cudicia le ha fecho caer en ello. Ya dije como yo le escrebí
y á los frailes, y luego partí así como le dije muy solo, porque toda la
gente estaba con el Adelantado, y tambien por le quitar de sospecha: él
cuando lo supo echó á D. Diego preso en una carabela cargado de fierros,
y á mi en llegando fizo otro tanto, y despues al Adelantado, cuando vino.
Ni le fablé mas á él ni consintió que hasta hoy nadie me haya fablado,
y fago juramento que no puedo pensar por qué sea yo preso. La primera
diligencia que fizo fue á tomar el oro, el cual hobo sin medida ni peso,
é yo absente dijo que queria él pagar dello á la gente, y segun oí para
sí fizo la primera parte, y enviar por resgate resgatadores nuevos. Desto
oro tenia yo apartado ciertas muestras, granos muy gruesos como huevos
como de ánsar, de gallina y de pollas, y de otras muchas fechuras, que
algunas personas tenian cogido en breve espacio, con que se alegrasen sus
Altezas, y por ello comprendiesen el negocio con una cantidad de piedras
grandes llenas de oro. Este fue el primero á se dar con malicia, porque
sus Altezas no tuviesen este negocio en algo fasta quel tenga fecho el
nido de que se dá buena priesa. El oro que está por fundir mengua al
fuego: una cadena que pesaria fasta veinte marcos nunca se ha visto. Yo
he sido muy agraviado en esto del oro mas aun que de las perlas, porque
no las he traido á sus Altezas. El Comendador en todo lo que le pareció
que me dañaria luego fue puesto en obra. Ya dije, con seiscientos mil
maravedises pagara á todos sin robar á nadie y habia mas de cuatro
cuentos de diezmos y alguacilazgo sin tocar en el oro. Hizo unas
larguezas que son de risa, bien que creo que encomenzó en sí la primera
parte: allá lo sabran sus Altezas cuando le mandaren tomar cuenta, en
especial si yo estuviese á ella. El no face sino decir que se debe gran
suma, y es la que yo dije y no tanto. Yo he sido muy mucho agraviado en
que se haya enviado pesquisidor sobre mí, que sepa que si la pesquisa
que él enviare fuere muy grave que él quedará en el gobierno.—Pluguiera
á nuestro Señor que sus Altezas le enviaran á él ó á otro dos años ha,
porque sé que yo fuera ya libre de escándalo y de infamia, y no se me
quitara mi honra ni la perdiera: Dios es justo, y ha de hacer que se
sepa por que y cómo. Allí me juzgan como Gobernador que fue á Cecilia ó
ciudad ó villa puesta en regimiento y adonde las leyes se pueden guardar
por entero sin temor de que se pierda todo, y rescibo grande agravio.
Yo debo ser juzgado como Capitan que fue de España á conquistar fasta
las Indias á gente belicosa y mucha, y de costumbres y seta á nos muy
contraria: los cuales viven por sierras y montes, sin pueblo asentado
ni nosotros; y adonde por voluntad Divina he puesto só el señorio del
Rey é de la Reina nuestros Señores otro mundo; y por donde la España,
que era dicha pobre, es la mas rica. Yo dobo ser juzgado como Capitan
que de tanto tiempo fasta hoy trae las armas á cuestas sin las dejar una
hora, y de Caballeros de conquistas y del uso, y no de letras, salvo si
fuesen de Griegos ó de Romanos, ó de otros modernos de que hay tantos y
tan nobles en España, ca de otra guisa rescibo grande agravio porque en
las Indias no hay pueblo ni asiento. Del oro y perlas ya está abierta la
puerta y cantidad de todo, piedras preciosas y especería, y de otras mil
cosas se pueden esperar firmemente; y nunca mas mal me viniese como con
el nombre de Nuestro Señor le daria el primer viage, así como diera la
negociacion del Arabia feliz fasta la Meca, como yo escribí á sus Altezas
con Antonio de Torres en la respuesta de la reparticion del mar é tierra
con los Portogueses: y despues viniera á lo de polo artico, así coma lo
dije y dí por escripto en el monesterio de la Mejorada. Las nuevas del
oro que yo dije que daria son que dia de Navidad, estando yo muy afligido
guerreado de los malos Cristianos y de Indios, en términos de dejar todo
y escapar si pudiese la vida; me consoló nuestro Señor milagrosamente y
dijo: “_Esfuerza, no desmayes mi temas: yo proveeré en todo; los siete
años del término del oro no son pasados, y en ello y en lo otro te daré
remedio._” Ese dia supe que habia ochenta leguas de tierra, y en todo
cabo dellas minas; el parecer agora es que sea toda una. Algunos han
cogido ciento y veinte castellanos en un dia, otros noventa, y se ha
llegado fasta docientos y cincuenta. De cincuenta fasta setenta, y otros
muchos de veínte fasta cincuenta, es tenido por buen jornal y muchos lo
continuaban: el comun es seis fasta doce, y quien de aquí abaja no es
contento. Parece tambien que estas minas son como las otras que responden
en los dias no igualmente: las minas son nuevas y los cogedores. El
parecer de todos es que aunque vaya allá toda Castilla, que por torpe
que sea la persona, que no abajará de un castellano ó dos cada dia, y
agora es esto así en fresco. Es verdad que el que tiene algun indio coge
esto, mas el negocio consiste en el Cristiano. Ved que discrecion fue
de Bobadilla dar todo por ninguno y cuatro cuentos de diezmos sin causa
ni ser requerido, sin primero lo notificar á sus Altezas; y el daño no
es este solo. Yo sé que mis yerros no han sido con fin de facer mal, y
creo que sus Altezas lo creen así como yo lo digo; y sé y veo que usan de
misericordia con quien maliciosamente los desirve. Yo creo y tengo por
muy cierto que muy mejor y mas piedad harán conmigo que caí en ello con
inocencia y forzosamente, como sabran despues por entero, y el cual soy
su fechura, y mirirán á mis servicíos, y cognoscerán de cada dia que son
muy aventajados. Todo pornan en una balanza, así como nos cuenta la Santa
Escriptura que será el bien con el mal en el dia del juicio. Si todavía
mandan que otro me juzgue, lo cual no espero, y que sea por pesquisa
de las Indias, humilmente les suplico que envien allá dos personas de
consciencia y honrados á mi costa, los cuales fallaran de ligero agora
que se halla el oro cinco marcos en cuatro horas, con esto é sin ello es
muy necesario que lo provean. El Comendador, en llegando á Santo Domingo
se aposentó en mi casa; así como la falló así dió todo por suyo: vaya en
buena hora, quizá lo habia menester: cosario nunca tal usó con mercader.
De mis escripturas tengo yo mayor queja que así me las haya tomado, que
jamas se le pudo sacar una, y aquellas que mas me habian de aprovechar en
mi disculpa esas tenia mas ocultas. Ved que justo y honesto pesquisidor.
Cosa de cuantas él haya hecho me dicen que haya seido con término de
justicia, salvo absolutamente. Dios nuestro Señor está con sus fuerzas y
saber, como solia, y castiga en todo cabo, en especial la ingratitud de
injurias.


FOOTNOTES:

[189] Although Zuñiga says that Doña Maria de Guzman was appointed nurse
by Queen Isabella at the birth of Prince John, it is nevertheless certain
that this letter was addressed by Columbus to Doña Juana de la Torres, a
great favourite of the queen, sister of Antonio de Torres, who was with
the admiral in the second voyage, and who bore the memorial to their
Highnesses.

[190] This is related by his son Don Ferdinand, in cap. 84 of his
history, and is more amply described in the letter addressed by Columbus
to the sovereigns, describing his fourth voyage. It took place the day
after Christmas day, 1499.

[191] He refers to the death of Prince John, which occurred in Salamanca,
on the fourth of October 1497.

[192] After the admiral had discovered the island of Trinidad, he sailed
along the coast of Paria, discovered the island of Margarita, and entered
the harbour of San Domingo the thirtieth of August 1498, where he found
the colony in rebellion, and the Spaniards embroiled in quarrels, both
with each other and with the Indians.

[193] Alonzo de Hojeda reached Española on the fifth of September 1498.

[194] Roldan was by this time reconciled to the Admiral, and the
rebellion was allayed, when Hojeda arrived, making great boast of his
favour with bishop Fonseca, Columbus’ enemy, and endeavoured to excite
fresh animosity against him; but he had to leave Española completely.

[195] Adrian Mogica, who had been one of the rebels with Roldan.

[196] Columbus returned to Cadiz from his second voyage, on the 11th of
June, 1496. He was well received by the sovereigns, and they gave orders
for preparing the requisites for a third voyage; but the fulfilment of
these orders was delayed by Bishop Fonseca until the 30th of May, 1498.

[197] Francesco de Bobadilla, commander of the order of Calatrava,
reached San Domingo on the 23rd of August, 1500.

[198] This expression of the Admiral’s, makes it appear that he wrote
this letter when he was near reaching Cadiz, on the 25th of November,
1500.

[199] An ancient gold coin, varying in value under different kings.

[200] The old Spaniards used to give the name of “_caballero de
conquista_,” to each of the conquerors, among whom the conquered lands
were divided.

[201] There is no sense in this expression, nor as it is given in the
“Codice Colombo Americano”, where it stands thus: “que jaz hase ellas de
que”, etc. Perhaps “hase” is miscopied for “hacia” “towards.”




FOURTH VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS.


_A Letter written by Don Christopher Columbus, Viceroy and Admiral of
the Indies, to the most Christian and mighty Sovereigns, the King and
Queen of Spain, in which are described the events of his voyage, and
the countries, provinces, cities, rivers, and other marvellous matters
therein discovered, as well as the places where gold and other substances
of great richness and value are to be found._

Most Serene, and very high and mighty Princes, the King and Queen our
Sovereigns:—My passage from Cadiz to the Canary occupied four days, and
thence to the Indies, from which I wrote, sixteen days. My intention was
to expedite my voyage as much as possible while I had good vessels, good
crews and stores, and because Jamaica was the place to which I was bound.
I wrote this in Dominica.

Up to the period of my reaching these shores I experienced most
excellent weather, but the night of my arrival came in with a dreadful
tempest, and the same bad weather has continued ever since. On reaching
the island of Española I despatched a packet of letters, by which I
begged as a favour that a ship should be supplied me at my own cost in
lieu of one of those that I had brought with me, and which had become
unseaworthy, and could no longer carry sail. The letters were taken,
and your Highnesses will know if a reply has been given to them. For my
part I was forbidden to go on shore; the hearts of my people failed them
lest I should take them further, and they said that if any danger were
to befall them, they should receive no succour, but, on the contrary,
in all probability have some great affront offered them. Moreover every
man had it in his power to tell me that the new Governor would have the
superintendence of the countries that I might acquire.

The tempest was terrible throughout the night, all the ships were
separated, and each one driven to the last extremity, without hope of
anything but death; each of them also looked upon the loss of the rest
as a matter of certainty. What man was ever born, not even excepting
Job, who would not have been ready to die of despair at finding himself
as I then was, in anxious fear for my own safety, and that of my son, my
brother, and my friends, and yet refused permission either to land or
to put into harbour on the shores which by God’s mercy I had gained for
Spain with so much toil and danger?

But to return to the ships: although the tempest had so completely
separated them from me as to leave me single, yet the Lord restored them
to me in his own good time. The ship which we had the greatest fear
for, had put out to sea for safety, and reached the island of Gallega,
having lost her boat and a great part of her provisions, which latter
loss indeed all the ships suffered. The vessel in which I was, though
dreadfully buffeted, was saved by our Lord’s mercy from any injury
whatever; my brother went in the ship that was unsound, and he under God
was the cause of its being saved. With this tempest I struggled on till
I reached Jamaica, and there the sea became calm, but there was a strong
current which carried me as far as the Queen’s Garden without seeing
land. Hence as opportunity afforded I pushed on for terra firma, in spite
of the wind and a fearful contrary current, against which I contended
for sixty days, and after all only made seventy leagues. All this time
I was unable to get into harbour, nor was there any cessation of the
tempest, which was one continuation of rain, thunder, and lightning;
indeed it seemed as if it were the end of the world. I at length
reached the Cape of Gracias a Dios, and after that the Lord granted me
fair wind and tide; this was on the twelfth of September. Eighty-eight
days did this fearful tempest continue, during which I was at sea, and
saw neither sun nor stars; my ships lay exposed, with sails torn, and
anchors, rigging, cables, boats, and a great quantity of provisions lost;
my people were very weak and humbled in spirit, many of them promising
to lead a religious life, and all making vows and promising to perform
pilgrimages, while some of them would frequently go to their messmates
to make confession. Other tempests have been experienced, but never of
so long a duration or so fearful as this: many whom we looked upon as
brave men, on several occasions showed considerable trepidation; but the
distress of my son who was with me grieved me to the soul, and the more
when I considered his tender age, for he was but thirteen years old,
and he enduring so much toil for so long a time. Our Lord, however, gave
him strength even to enable him to encourage the rest, and he worked as
if he had been eighty years at sea, and all this was a consolation to
me. I myself had fallen sick, and was many times at the point of death,
but from a little cabin that I had caused to be constructed on deck, I
directed our course. My brother was in the ship that was in the worst
condition and the most exposed to danger; and my grief on this account
was the greater that I brought him with me against his will.

Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service through which I have
passed with so much toil and danger, have profited me nothing, and at
this very day I do not possess a roof in Spain that I can call my own; if
I wish to eat or sleep, I have nowhere to go but to the inn or tavern,
and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill. Another anxiety wrung my
very heartstrings, which was the thought of my son Diego, whom I had left
an orphan in Spain, and stripped of the honour and property which were
due to him on my account, although I had looked upon it as a certainty,
that your Majesties, as just and grateful Princes, would restore it to
him in all respects with increase. I reached the land of Cariay, where I
stopped to repair my vessels and take in provisions, as well as to afford
relaxation to the men, who had become very weak. I myself (who, as I said
before, had been several times at the point of death) gained information
respecting the gold mines of which I was in search, in the province of
Ciamba; and two Indians conducted me to Carambaru, where the people (who
go naked) wear golden mirrors round their necks, which they will neither
sell, give, nor part with for any consideration. They named to me many
places on the sea-coast where there were both gold and mines. The last
that they mentioned was Veragua, which was about five-and-twenty leagues
distant from the place where we then were. I started with the intention
of visiting all of them, but when I had reached the middle of my journey
I learned that there were other mines at so short a distance that they
might be reached in two days. I determined on sending to see them. It was
on the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude, which was the day fixed for our
departure; but that night there arose so violent a storm, that we were
forced to go wherever it drove us, and the Indian who was to conduct us
to the mines was with us all the time. As I had found every thing true
that had been told me in the different places which I had visited, I felt
satisfied it would be the same with respect to Ciguare, which according
to their account, is nine days’ journey across the country westward: they
tell me there is a great quantity of gold there, and that the inhabitants
wear coral ornaments on their heads, and very large coral bracelets and
anklets, with which article also they adorn and inlay their seats, boxes,
and tables. They also said that the women there wore necklaces hanging
down to their shoulders. All the people agree in the report I now repeat,
and their account is so favourable that I should be content with the
tithe of the advantages that their description holds out. They are all
likewise acquainted with the pepper-plant. According to the account of
these people, the inhabitants of Ciguare are accustomed to hold fairs and
markets for carrying on their commerce, and they showed me also the mode
and form in which they transact their various exchanges. Others assert
that their ships carry guns, and that the men go clothed and use bows
and arrows, swords, and cuirasses, and that on shore they have horses
which they use in battle, and that they wear rich clothes and have most
excellent houses.[202] They also say that the sea surrounds Ciguare, and
that at ten days’ journey from thence is the river Ganges. These lands
appear to have the same bearings with respect to Veragua, as Tortosa
has to Fontarabia, or Pisa to Venice. When I left Carambaru and reached
the places in its neighbourhood, which I have above-mentioned as being
spoken of by the Indians, I found the customs of the people correspond
with the accounts that had been given of them, except as regarded the
golden mirrors: any man who had one of them would willingly part with it
for three hawks’-bells, although they were equivalent in weight to ten
or fifteen ducats. These people resemble the natives of Española in all
their habits. They have various modes of collecting the gold, none of
which will bear comparison with the plans adopted by the Christians.

All that I have here stated is from hearsay. This, however, I know, that
in the year ninety-four I sailed twenty-four degrees to the westward in
nine hours, and there can be no mistake upon the subject, because there
was an eclipse; the sun was in Libra and the moon in Aries. What I had
learned by the mouth of these people I already knew in detail from books.
Ptolemy thought that he had satisfactorily corrected Marinus, and yet
this latter appears to have come very near to the truth. Ptolemy places
Catigara at a distance of twelve lines to the west of his meridian,[203]
which he fixes at two degrees and a third above Cape St. Vincent, in
Portugal. Marinus comprises the earth and its limits in fifteen lines,
and the same author describes the Indus in Ethiopia as being more than
four-and-twenty degrees from the equinoctial line, and now that the
Portuguese have sailed there they find it correct. Ptolemy says also that
the most southern land is the first boundary, and that it does not go
lower down than fifteen degrees and a third. The world is but small; out
of seven divisions of it the dry part occupies six, and the seventh only
is covered by water.[204] Experience has shown it, and I have written it
with quotations from the Holy Scripture, in other letters, where I have
treated of the situation of the terrestrial paradise, as approved by Holy
Church; and I say that the world is not so large as vulgar opinion makes
it, and that one degree from the equinoctial line measures fifty-six
miles and two-thirds; and this may be proved to a nicety. But I leave
this subject, which it is not my intention now to treat upon, but simply
to give a narrative of my laborious and painful voyage, although of all
my voyages it is the most honourable and advantageous. I have said that
on the eve of St. Simon and St. Jude I ran before the wind wherever it
took me, without power to resist it; at length I found shelter for ten
days from the roughness of the sea and the tempest overhead, and resolved
not to attempt to go back to the mines, which I regarded as already in
our possession. When I started in pursuance of my voyage it was under
a heavy rain, and reaching the harbour of Bastimentos I put in, though
much against my will. The storm and a rapid current kept me in for
fourteen days, when I again set sail, but not with favourable weather.
After I had made fifteen leagues with great exertions, the wind and the
current drove me back again with great fury, but in again making for
the port which I had quitted, I found on the way another port, which I
named Retrete, where I put in for shelter with as much risk as regret,
the ships being in sad condition, and my crews and myself exceedingly
fatigued. I remained there fifteen days, kept in by stress of weather,
and when I fancied my troubles were at an end, I found them only begun.
It was then that I changed my resolution with respect to proceeding to
the mines, and proposed doing something in the interim, until the weather
should prove more favourable for my voyage. I had already made four
leagues when the storm recommenced, and wearied me to such a degree that
I absolutely knew not what to do; my wound reopened, and for nine days my
life was despaired of. Never was the sea seen so high, so terrific, and
so covered with foam; not only did the wind oppose our proceeding onward,
but it also rendered it highly dangerous to run in for any headland, and
kept me in that sea which seemed to me as a sea of blood, seething like a
cauldron on a mighty fire. Never did the sky look more fearful; during
one day and one night it burned like a furnace, and emitted flashes in
such fashion that each time I looked to see if my masts and my sails
were not destroyed; these flashes came with such alarming fury that we
all thought the ship must have been consumed. All this time the waters
from heaven never ceased, not to say that it rained, for it was like a
repetition of the deluge. The men were at this time so crushed in spirit,
that they longed for death as a deliverance from so many martyrdoms.
Twice already had the ships suffered loss in boats, anchors, and rigging,
and were now lying bare without sails.

When it pleased our Lord, I returned to Puerto Gordo, where I recruited
my condition as well as I could. I then once more attempted the voyage
towards Veragua, although I was by no means in a fit state to undertake
it. The wind and currents were still contrary. I arrived at nearly the
same spot as before, and there again the wind and currents still opposed
my progress; once more I was compelled to put into harbour, not daring
to encounter the opposition of Saturn[205] with such a boisterous sea,
and on so formidable a coast; for it almost always brings on a tempest
or severe weather. This was on Christmas-day, about the hour of mass.
Thus, after all these fatigues, I had once more to return to the spot
from whence I started; and when the new year had set in, I returned
again to my task: but although I had fine weather for my voyage, the
ships were no longer in a sailing condition, and my people were either
dying or very sick. On the day of the Epiphany, I reached Veragua in a
state of exhaustion; there, by our Lord’s goodness, I found a river and
a safe harbour, although at the entrance there were only ten spans of
water. I succeeded in making an entry, but with great difficulty; and
on the following day the storm recommenced, and had I been still on the
outside at that time, I should have been unable to enter on account of
the bar. It rained without ceasing until the fourteenth of February, so
that I could find no opportunity of penetrating into the interior, nor of
recruiting my condition in any respect whatever; and on the twenty-fourth
of January, when I considered myself in perfect safety, the river
suddenly rose with great violence to a considerable height, breaking my
cables and the supports[206] to which they were fastened, and nearly
carrying away my ships altogether, which certainly appeared to me to be
in greater danger than ever. Our Lord, however, brought a remedy as He
has always done. I do not know if any one else ever suffered greater
trials.

On the sixth of February, while it was still raining, I sent seventy men
on shore to go into the interior, and, at five leagues’ distance they
found several mines. The Indians who went with them, conducted them to
a very lofty mountain, and thence showing them the country all round,
as far as the eye could reach, told them there was gold in every part,
and that, towards the west, the mines extended twenty days’ journey;
they also recounted the names of the towns and villages where there was
more or less of it. I afterwards learned that the cacique Quibian, who
had lent these Indians, had ordered them to show the distant mines, and
which belonged to an enemy of his; but that in his own territory, one
man might, if he would, collect in ten days as much as a child could
carry. I bring with me some Indians, his servants, who can bear witness
to this fact. The boats went up to the spot where the dwellings of these
people are situated; and, after four hours, my brother returned with
the guides, all of them bringing back gold which they had collected at
that place. The gold must therefore be abundant, and of good quality,
for none of these men had ever seen mines before; very many of them had
never seen pure gold, and most of them were seamen and lads. Having
building materials in abundance, I established a settlement, and made
many presents to Quibian, which is the name they gave to the lord of the
country. I plainly saw that harmony would not last long, for the natives
are of a very rough disposition, and the Spaniards very encroaching;
and, moreover, I had taken possession of land belonging to Quibian. When
he saw what we did, and found the traffic increasing, he resolved upon
burning the houses, and putting us all to death; but his project did not
succeed, for we took him prisoner, together with his wives, his children,
and his servants. His captivity, it is true, lasted but a short time, for
he eluded the custody of a trustworthy man, into whose charge he had
been given, with a guard of men; and his sons escaped from a ship, in
which they had been placed under the special charge of the master.

In the month of January the mouth of the river was entirely closed up,
and in April the vessels were so eaten with the teredo, that they could
scarcely be kept above water. At this time the river forced a channel for
itself, by which I managed, with great difficulty, to extricate three of
them after I had unloaded them. The boats were then sent back into the
river for water and salt, but the sea became so high and furious, that
it afforded them no chance of exit; upon which the Indians collected
themselves together in great numbers, and made an attack upon the boats,
and at length massacred the men. My brother, and all the rest of our
people, were in a ship which remained inside; I was alone, outside,
upon that dangerous coast, suffering from a severe fever and worn with
fatigue. All hope of escape was gone. I toiled up to the highest part of
the ship, and, with a quivering voice and fast-falling tears, I called
upon your Highnesses’ war-captains from each point of the compass to
come to my succour, but there was no reply. At length, groaning with
exhaustion, I fell asleep, and heard a compassionate voice address me
thus:—“_O fool, and slow to believe and to serve thy God, the God of
all! what did He do more for Moses, or for David his servant, than
He has done for thee? From thine infancy He has kept thee under His
constant and watchful care. When He saw thee arrived at an age which
suited His designs respecting thee, He brought wonderful renown to thy
name throughout all the land. He gave thee for thine own the Indies,
which form so rich a portion of the world, and thou hast divided them
as it pleased thee, for He gave thee power to do so. He gave thee also
the keys of those barriers of the ocean sea which were closed with such
mighty chains; and thou wast obeyed through many lands, and gained an
honourable fame throughout Christendom. What did the Most High do for the
people of Israel, when He brought them out of Egypt? or for David, whom
from a shepherd He made to be king in Judæa? Turn to Him, and acknowledge
thine error—His mercy is infinite. Thine old age shall not prevent thee
from accomplishing any great undertaking. He holds under His sway the
greatest possessions. Abraham had exceeded a hundred years of age when
he begat Isaac; nor was Sarah young. Thou criest out for uncertain help:
answer, who has afflicted thee so much and so often, God or the world?
The privileges promised by God, He never fails in bestowing; nor does
He ever declare, after a service has been rendered Him, that such was
not agreeable with His intention, or that He had regarded the matter in
another light; nor does He inflict suffering, in order to make a show of
His power. His acts answer to His words; and He performs all His promises
with interest. Is this the usual course? Thus I have told you what the
Creator has done for thee, and what He does for all men. Even now He
partially shows thee the reward of so many toils and dangers incurred by
thee in the service of others._”

I heard all this, as it were, in a trance; but I had no answer to give
in definite words, and could but weep for my errors. He who spoke to
me, whoever he was, concluded by saying,—“_Fear not, but trust; all
these tribulations are recorded on marble, and not without cause._” I
arose as soon as I could; and at the end of nine days there came fine
weather, but not sufficiently so to allow of drawing the vessels out of
the river. I collected the men who were on land, and, in fact, all of
them that I could, because there were not enough to admit of one party
remaining on shore while another stayed on board to work the vessels. I
myself should have remained with my men to defend the buildings I had
constructed, had your Highnesses been cognizant of all the facts; but
the doubt whether any ships would ever reach the spot where we were, as
well as the thought, that while I was asking for succour I might bring
succour to myself, made me decide upon leaving. I departed, in the name
of the Holy Trinity, on Easter night, with the ships rotten, worm-eaten,
and full of holes. One of them I left at Belem, with a supply of
necessaries; I did the same at Belpuerto. I then had only two left, and
they in the same state as the others. I was without boats or provisions,
and in this condition I had to cross seven thousand miles of sea; or, as
an alternative, to die on the passage with my son, my brother, and so
many of my people. Let those who are in the habit of finding fault and
censuring, ask, while they sit in security at home, “Why did you not do
so and so under such circumstances?” I wish they now had this voyage to
make. I verily believe that another journey of another kind awaits them,
if there is any reliance to be placed upon our holy faith.

On the thirteenth of May I reached the province of Mago,[207] which is
contiguous to that of Cathay, and thence I started for the island of
Española. I sailed two days with a good wind, after which it became
contrary. The route that I followed called forth all my care to avoid the
numerous islands, that I might not be stranded on the shoals that lie
in their neighbourhood. The sea was very tempestuous, and I was driven
backward under bare poles. I anchored at an island, where I lost, at
one stroke, three anchors; and, at midnight, when the weather was such
that the world appeared to be coming to an end, the cables of the other
ship broke, and it came down upon my vessel with such force that it was
a wonder we were not dashed to pieces; the single anchor that remained
to me, was, next to the Lord, our only preservation. After six days,
when the weather became calm, I resumed my journey having already lost
all my tackle; my ships were pierced with worm-holes, like a bee-hive,
and the crew entirely paralysed with fear and in despair. I reached the
island a little beyond the point at which I first arrived at it, and
there I stayed to recover myself from the effects of the storm; but I
afterwards put into a much safer port in the same island. After eight
days I put to sea again, and reached Jamaica by the end of June; but
always beating against contrary winds, and with the ships in the worst
possible condition. With three pumps, and the use of pots and kettles, we
could scarcely with all hands clear the water that came into the ship,
there being no remedy but this for the mischief done by the ship-worm. I
steered in such a manner as to come as near as possible to Española, from
which we were twenty-eight leagues distant, but I afterwards wished I had
not done so, for the other ship which was half under water was obliged
to run in for a port. I determined on keeping the sea in spite of the
weather, and my vessel was on the very point of sinking when our Lord
miraculously brought us upon land. Who will believe what I now write?
I assert that in this letter I have not related one hundredth part of
the wonderful events that occurred in this voyage; those who were with
the Admiral[208] can bear witness to it. If your Highnesses would be
graciously pleased to send to my help a ship of above sixty-four tons,
with two hundred quintals of biscuits and other provisions, there would
then be sufficient to carry me and my crew from Española to Spain. I have
already said that there are not twenty-eight leagues between Jamaica and
Española; and I should not have gone there, even if the ships had been in
a fit condition for so doing, because your Highnesses ordered me not to
land there. God knows if this command has proved of any service. I send
this letter by means of and by the hands of Indians; it will be a miracle
if it reaches its destination.

This is the account I have to give of my voyage. The men who accompanied
me were a hundred and fifty in number, among whom were many calculated
for pilots and good sailors, but none of them can explain whither I
went nor whence I came. The reason is very simple. I started from a
point above the port of Brazil, and while I was in Española, the storm
prevented me from following my intended route, for I was obliged to go
wherever the wind drove me; at the same time I fell very sick, and there
was no one who had navigated in these parts before. However, after some
days, the wind and sea became tranquil, and the storm was succeeded by
a calm, but accompanied with rapid currents. I put into harbour at an
island called Isla de las Bocas, and then steered for terra firma; but
it is impossible to give a correct account of all our movements, because
I was carried away by the current so many days without seeing land. I
ascertained, however, by the compass and by observation, that I moved
parallel with the coast of terra firma. No one could tell under what
part of the heavens we were, nor at what period I bent my course for
the island of Española. The pilots thought we had come to the island of
St. John, whereas it was the land of Mango, four hundred leagues to the
westward of where they said. Let them answer and say if they know where
Veragua is situated. I assert that they can give no other account than
that they went to lands, where there was an abundance of gold, and this
they can certify surely enough; but they do not know the way to return
thither for such a purpose; they would be obliged to go on a voyage of
discovery as much as if they had never been there before. There is a
mode of reckoning derived from astronomy which is sure and safe, and a
sufficient guide to anyone who understands it. This resembles a prophetic
vision. The Indian vessels do not sail except with the wind abaft,
but this is not because they are badly built or clumsy, but because
the strong currents in those parts, together with the wind, render it
impossible to sail with the bowline,[209] for in one day they would lose
as much way as they might have made in seven; for the same reason I could
make no use of caravels, even though they were Portuguese latteens. This
is the cause that they do not sail unless with a regular breeze, and they
will sometimes stay in harbour waiting for this seven or eight months at
a time; nor is this anything wonderful, for the same very often occurs
in Spain. The nation of which Pope Pius writes[210] has now been found,
judging at least by the situation and other evidences, excepting the
horses with the saddles and poitrels and bridles of gold; but this is not
to be wondered at, for the lands on the sea-coast are only inhabited by
fishermen, and moreover I made no stay there, because I was in haste to
proceed on my voyage. In Cariay and the neighbouring country there are
great enchanters of a very fearful character. They would have given the
world to prevent my remaining there an hour. When I arrived they sent
me immediately two girls very showily dressed; the eldest could not be
more than eleven years of age and the other seven, and both exhibited so
much immodesty, that more could not be expected from public women; they
carried concealed about them a magic powder; when they came I gave them
some articles to dress themselves out with, and directly sent them back
to the shore. I saw here, built on a mountain, a sepulchre as large as a
house, and elaborately sculptured, the body lay uncovered and with the
face downwards; they also spoke to me of other very excellent works of
art. There are many species of animals both small and large, and very
different from those of our country. I had at the time two boars, that
an Irish dog would not dare to face. An archer had wounded an animal
like an ape, except that it was larger, and had a face like a man’s; the
arrow had pierced it from the neck to the tail, which made it so fierce
that they were obliged to disable it by cutting off one of its arms and
a leg; one of the boars grew wild on seeing this and fled; upon which I
ordered the _begare_ (as the inhabitants called him) to be thrown to the
boar, and though the animal was nearly dead, and the arrow had passed
quite through his body, yet he threw his tail round the snout of the
boar, and then holding him firmly, seized him by the nape of the neck
with his remaining hand, as if he were engaged with an enemy. This action
was so novel and so extraordinary, that I have thought it worth while
to describe it here. There is a great variety of animals here, but they
all die of the barra.[211] I saw some very large fowls (the feathers of
which resemble wool), lions, stags, fallow-deer, and birds.

When we were so harassed with our troubles at sea, some of our men
imagined that we were under the influence of sorcery, and even to this
day entertain the same notion. Some of the people whom I discovered were
cannibals, as was evidenced by the brutality of their countenances. They
say that there are great mines of copper in the country, of which they
make hatchets and other elaborate articles, both cast and soldered;
they also make of it forges, with all the apparatus of the goldsmith,
and crucibles. The inhabitants go clothed; and in that province I saw
some large sheets of cotton very elaborately and cleverly worked, and
others very delicately pencilled in colours. They told me that more
inland towards Cathay they have them interwoven with gold. For want of
an interpreter we were able to learn but very little respecting these
countries, or what they contain. Although the country is very thickly
peopled, yet each nation has a very different language; indeed so much
so, that they can no more understand each other than we understand the
Arabs. I think, however, that this applies to the barbarians on the
sea-coast, and not to the people who live more inland. When I discovered
the Indies, I said that they composed the richest lordship in the world;
I spoke of gold and pearls and precious stones, of spices, and the
traffic that might be carried on in them; and because all these things
were not forthcoming at once I was abused. This punishment causes me to
refrain from relating anything but what the natives tell me. One thing
I can venture upon stating, because there are so many witnesses of it,
viz., that in this land of Veragua I saw more signs of gold in the two
first days than I saw in Española during four years, and that there is
not a more fertile or better cultivated country in all the world, nor
one whose inhabitants are more timid; added to which there is a good
harbour, a beautiful river, and the whole place is capable of being
easily put into a state of defence. All this tends to the security of the
Christians, and the permanency of their sovereignty, while it affords the
hope of great increase and honour to the Christian religion; moreover
the road hither will be as short as that to Española, because there is a
certainty of a fair wind for the passage. Your Highnesses are as much
lords of this country as of Xeres or Toledo, and your ships that may
come here will do so with the same freedom as if they were going to your
own royal palace. From hence they will obtain gold, and whereas if they
should wish to become masters of the products of other lands, they will
have to take them by force, or retire empty-handed, in this country they
will simply have to trust their persons in the hands of a savage.

I have already explained my reason for refraining to treat of other
subjects respecting which I might speak. I do not state as certain, nor
do I confirm even the sixth part of all that I have said or written,
nor do I pretend to be at the fountain-head of the information. The
Genoese, Venetians, and all other nations that possess pearls, precious
stones, and other articles of value, take them to the ends of the world
to exchange them for gold. Gold is the most precious of all commodities;
gold constitutes treasure, and he who possesses it has all he needs in
this world, as also the means of rescuing souls from purgatory, and
restoring them to the enjoyment of paradise. They say that when one of
the lords of the country of Veragua dies, they bury all the gold he
possessed with his body. There were brought to Solomon at one journey
six hundred and sixty-six quintals of gold, besides what the merchants
and sailors brought, and that which was paid in Arabia. Of this gold he
made two hundred lances and three hundred shields, and the entablature
which was above them was also of gold, and ornamented with precious
stones: many other things he made likewise of gold, and a great number of
vessels of great size, which he enriched with precious stones. This is
related by Josephus in his Chronicle “de Antiquitatibus”; mention is also
made of it in the Chronicles and in the Book of Kings. Josephus thinks
that this gold was found in the Aurea; if it were so, I contend that
these mines of the Aurea are identical with those of Veragua, which, as
I have said before, extends westward twenty days’ journey, at an equal
distance from the Pole and the Line. Solomon bought all of it,—gold,
precious stones, and silver,—but your Majesties need only send to seek
them to have them at your pleasure. David, in his will, left three
thousand quintals of Indian gold to Solomon, to assist in building the
Temple; and, according to Josephus, it came from these lands. Jerusalem
and Mount Sion are to be rebuilt by the hands of Christians, as God has
declared by the mouth of His prophet in the fourteenth Psalm. The Abbé
Joaquim said that he who should do this was to come from Spain; Saint
Jerome showed the holy woman the way to accomplish it; and the emperor
of Cathay has, some time since, sent for wise men to instruct him in
the faith of Christ. Who will offer himself for this work? Should any
one do so, I pledge myself, in the name of God, to convey him safely
thither, provided the Lord permits me to return to Spain. The people who
have sailed with me have passed through incredible toil and danger, and
I beseech your Highnesses, since they are poor, to pay them promptly,
and to be gracious to each of them according to their respective merits;
for I can safely assert, that to my belief they are the bearers of the
best news that ever were carried to Spain. With respect to the gold
which belongs to Quibian, the cacique of Veragua, and other chiefs in
the neighbouring country, although it appears by the accounts we have
received of it to be very abundant, I do not think it would be well or
desirable, on the part of your Highnesses, to take possession of it
in the way of plunder; by fair dealing, scandal and disrepute will be
avoided, and all the gold will thus reach your Highnesses’ treasury
without the loss of a grain. With one month of fair weather I shall
complete my voyage. As I was deficient in ships, I did not persist in
delaying my course; but in everything that concerns your Highnesses’
service, I trust in Him who made me, and I hope also that my health will
be re-established. I think your Highnesses will remember that I had
intended to build some ships in a new manner, but the shortness of the
time did not permit it. I had certainly foreseen how things would be. I
think more of this opening for commerce, and of the lordship over such
extensive mines, than of all that has been done in the Indies. This is
not a child to be left to the care of a step-mother.

I never think of Española, and Paria, and the other countries, without
shedding tears. I thought that what had occurred there would have been
an example for others; on the contrary, these settlements are now in a
languid state, although not dead, and the malady is incurable, or at
least very extensive: let him who brought the evil come now and cure
it, if he knows the remedy, or how to apply it; but when a disturbance
is on foot, every one is ready to take the lead. It used to be the
custom to give thanks and promotion to him who placed his person in
jeopardy; but there is no justice in allowing the man who opposed this
undertaking, to enjoy the fruits of it with his children. Those who
left the Indies, avoiding the toils consequent upon the enterprise,
and speaking evil of it and me, have since returned with official
appointments,—such is the case now in Veragua: it is an evil example, and
profitless both as regards the business in which we are embarked, and
as respects the general maintenance of justice. The fear of this, with
other sufficient considerations, which I clearly foresaw, caused me to
beg your Highnesses, previously to my coming to discover these islands
and terra firma, to grant me permission to govern in your royal name.
Your Highnesses granted my request; and it was a privilege and treaty
granted under the royal seal and oath, by which I was nominated viceroy,
and admiral, and governor-general of all: and your Highnesses limited the
extent of my government to a hundred leagues beyond the Azores and Cape
Verde islands, by a line passing from one pole to the other, and gave me
ample power over all that I might discover beyond this line; all which
is more fully described in the official document.

But the most important affair of all, and that which cries most loudly
for redress, remains inexplicable to this moment. For seven years was
I at your royal court, where every one to whom the enterprise was
mentioned, treated it as ridiculous; but now there is not a man, down to
the very tailors, who does not beg to be allowed to become a discoverer.
There is reason to believe, that they make the voyage only for plunder,
and that they are permitted to do so, to the great disparagement of my
honour, and the detriment of the undertaking itself. It is right to give
God His due,—and to receive that which belongs to one’s self. This is a
just sentiment, and proceeds from just feelings. The lands in this part
of the world, which are now under your Highnesses’ sway, are richer and
more extensive than those of any other Christian power, and yet, after
that I had, by the Divine will, placed them under your high and royal
sovereignty, and was on the point of bringing your majesties into the
receipt of a very great and unexpected revenue; and while I was waiting
for ships, to convey me in safety, and with a heart full of joy, to your
royal presence, victoriously to announce the news of the gold that I
had discovered, I was arrested and thrown, with my two brothers, loaded
with irons, into a ship, stripped, and very ill-treated, without being
allowed any appeal to justice. Who could believe, that a poor foreigner
would have risen against your Highnesses, in such a place, without any
motive or argument on his side; without even the assistance of any other
prince upon which to rely; but on the contrary, amongst your own vassals
and natural subjects, and with my sons staying at your royal court? I was
twenty-eight years old[212] when I came into your Highnesses’ service,
and now I have not a hair upon me that is not grey; my body is infirm,
and all that was left to me, as well as to my brothers, has been taken
away and sold, even to the frock that I wore, to my great dishonour. I
cannot but believe that this was done without your royal permission.
The restitution of my honour, the reparation of my losses, and the
punishment of those who have inflicted them, will redound to the honour
of your royal character; a similar punishment also is due to those who
plundered me of my pearls, and who have brought a disparagement upon
the privileges of my admiralty. Great and unexampled will be the glory
and fame of your Highnesses, if you do this, and the memory of your
Highnesses, as just and grateful sovereigns, will survive as a bright
example to Spain in future ages. The honest devotedness I have always
shown to your majesties’ service, and the so unmerited outrage with which
it has been repaid, will not allow my soul to keep silence, however much
I may wish it: I implore your Highnesses to forgive my complaints. I am
indeed in as ruined a condition as I have related; hitherto I have wept
over others;—may Heaven now have mercy upon me, and may the earth weep
for me. With regard to temporal things, I have not even a blanca for an
offering; and in spiritual things, I have ceased here in the Indies from
observing the prescribed forms of religion. Solitary in my trouble, sick,
and in daily expectation of death, surrounded by millions of hostile
savages full of cruelty, and thus separated from the blessed sacraments
of our holy Church, how will my soul be forgotten if it be separated from
the body in this foreign land? Weep for me, whoever has charity, truth,
and justice! I did not come out on this voyage to gain to myself honour
or wealth; this is a certain fact, for at that time all hope of such a
thing was dead. I do not lie when I say that I went to your Highnesses
with honest purpose of heart, and sincere zeal in your cause. I humbly
beseech your Highnesses, that if it please God to rescue me from this
place, you will graciously sanction my pilgrimage to Rome and other holy
places. May the Holy Trinity protect your Highnesses’ lives, and add to
the prosperity of your exalted position.

Done in the Indies, in the island of Jamaica, on the seventh of July, in
the year one thousand five hundred and three.


CUARTO VIAGE DE COLON.

_Carta que escribió D. Cristóbal Colon, Virey y Almirante de las Indias,
á los Cristianísimos y muy poderosos Rey y Reina de España, nuestros
Señores, en que les notifica cuanto le ha acontecido en su viage; y las
tierras, provincias, ciudades, rios y otras cosas maravillosas, y donde
hay minas de oro en mucha cantidad, y otras cosas de gran riqueza y
valor._

Serenísimos y muy altos y poderosos Príncipes Rey é Reina, nuestros
Señores: De Caliz pasé á Canaria en cuatro dias, y dende á las Indias en
diez y seis dias, donde escribia. Mi intencion era dar prisa á mi viage
en cuanto yo tenia los navíos buenos, la gente y los bastimentos, y que
mi derrota era en el Isla Jamaica; y en la Isla Dominica escribí esto:
fasta allí truje el tiempo á pedir por la boca. Esa noche que alli entré
fué con tormenta y grande, y me persiguió despues siempre. Cuando llegué
sobre la Española invié el envoltorio de cartas, y á pedir por merced un
navío por mis dineros, porque otro que yo llevaba era inavegable y no
sufria velas. Las cartas tomaron, y sabrán si se las dieron la respuesta.
Para mí fué mandarme de parte de ahí, que yo no pasase ni llegase á la
tierra: cayó el corazon á la gente que iba conmigo, por temor de los
llevar yo lejos, diciendo que si algun caso de peligro les viniese que
no serian remediados allí, antes les sería fecha alguna grande afrenta.
Tambien á quien plugo dijo que el Comendador habia de proveer las tierras
que yo ganase. La tormenta era terrible, y en aquella noche me desmembró
los navíos: á cada uno llevó por su cabo sin esperanzas, salvo de
muerte: cada uno de ellos tenia por cierto que los otros eran perdidos.
¿Quién nasció, sin quitar á Job, que no muriera desesperado? que por mi
salvacion y de mi fijo, hermano y amigos me fuese en tal tiempo defendida
la tierra y los puertos que yo, por la voluntad de Dios, gané á España
sudando sangre? E torno á los navíos que así me habia llevado la tormenta
y dejado á mí solo. Deparómelos nuestro Señor cuando le plugo. El navío
Sospechoso habia echado á la mar, por escapar, fasta la isola la Gallega;
perdió la barca, y todos gran parte de los bastimentos: en el que yo
iba, abalumado á maravilla, nuestro Señor le salvó que no hubo daño de
una paja. En el Sospechoso iba mi hermano; y él, despues de Dios, fue
su remedio. E con esta tormenta, así a gatas, me llegué á Jamaica: allí
se mudó de mar alta on calmería y grande corriente, y me llevó fasta
el Jardin de la Reina sin ver tierra. De allí, cuando pude, navegué
á la tierra firme; adonde me salió el viento y corriente terrible al
opósito: combati con ellos sesenta dias, y en fin no le pude ganar mas
de setenta leguas. En todo este tiempo no entré puerto, ni pude, ni me
dejó tormenta del cielo, agua y trombones y relámpagos de continuo, que
parecia el fin del mundo. Llegué al cabo de Gracias á Dios, y de allí
me dió nuestro Señor próspero el viento y corriente. Esto fue á doce de
Setiembre. Ochenta y ocho dias habia que no me habia dejado espantable
tormenta, á tanto que no vide el sol ni estrellas por mar; que á los
navíos tenia yo abiertos, á las velas rotas, y perdidas anclas y jarcia,
cables, con las barcas y muchos bastimentos, la gento muy enferma, y
todos contritos, y muchos con promesa de religion, y no ninguno sin otros
votos y romerías. Muchas veces habian llegado á se confesar los unos
á los otros. Otras tormentas se han visto, mas no durar tanto ni con
tanto espanto. Muchos esmorecieron, harto y hartas veces, que teniamos
por esforzados. El dolor del fijo que yo tenia allí me arrancaba el
ánima, y mas por verle de tan nueva edad de trece años en tanta fatiga,
y durar en ello tanto: nuestro Señor le dió tal esfuerzo que él avivaba
á los otros, y en las obras hacia el como si hubiera navegado ochenta
años, y él me consolaba. Yo habia adolescido y llegado fartas veces á
la muerte. De una camarilla, que yo mandé facer sobre cubierta, mandaba
la via. Mi hermano estaba en el peor navío y mas peligroso. Gran dolor
era mio, y mayor porque lo truje contra su grado; porque por mi dicha,
poco me han aprovechado veinte años de servicio que yo he servido con
tantos trabajos y peligros, que hoy dia no tengo en Castilla una teja;
si quiero comer ó dormir no tengo, salvo al meson ó taberna, y las mas
de las veces falta parar pagar el escote. Otra lastima me arrancaba el
corazon por las espaldas, y era D. Diego mi hijo, que yo dejé en España
tan huérfano y desposesionado de mi honra é hacienda; bien que tenia por
cierto que allá como justos y agradecidos Principes le restituirian con
acrescentamiento en todo. Llegué á tierra de Cariay, adonde me detuve
á remediar los navíos y bastimentos, y dar aliento á la gente, que
venia muy enferma. Yo que, como dije, habia llegado muchas veces á la
muerte, allí supe de las minas del oro de la provincia de Ciamba, que
yo buscaba. Dos indios me llevaron á Carambaru, adonde la gente anda
desnuda y al cuello un espejo de oro, mas no le querian vender ni dar á
trueque. Nombraronme muchos lugares en la costa de la mar, adonde decian
que habia oro y minas; el postrero era Veragua, y lejos de allí obra
de veinte y cinco leguas: partí con intencion de los tentar á todos, y
llegado ya el medio supe que habia minas á dos jornadas de andadura:
acorde de inviarlas á ver vispera de San Simon y Judas, que habia de ser
la partida: en esa noche se levantó tanta mar y viento, que fue necesario
de correr hácia adonde él quiso; é el indio adalid de las minas siempre
conmigo. En todos estos lugares, adonde yo habia estado, fallé verdad
todo lo que yo habia oido: esto me certifico que es así de la provincia
de Ciguare, que segun ellos, es descrita nueve jornadas de andadura por
tierra al Poniente: allí dicen que hay infinito oro, y que traen corales
en las cabezas, manillas á los pies y á los brazos dello, y bien gordas;
y dél, sillas, arcas, y mesas las guarnecen y enforran. Tambien dijeron
que las mugeres de allí traian collares colgados de la cabeza á las
espaldas. En esto que yo dijo, la gente toda de estos lugares conciertan
en ello, y dicen tanto que yo seria contento con el diezmo. Tambien todos
conocieron la pimienta. En Ciguare usan tratar en ferias y mercaderías:
esta gente así lo cuentan, y me amostraban el modo y forma que tienen en
la barata. Otrosi dicen que las naos traen bombardas, arcos y fiechas,
espadas y corazas, y andan vestidos, y en la tierra hay caballos, y usan
la guerra, y traen ricas vestiduras, y tienen buenas cosas. Tambien
dicen que la mar boxa á Ciguare, y de allí á diez jornadas es el rio de
Gangnes. Parece que estas tierras estan con Veragua, como Tortosa con
Fuenterabía, ó Pisa con Venecia. Cuando yo partí de Carambaru y llegué
á esos lugares que dije, fallé la gente en aquel mismo uso, salvo que
los espejos del oro: quien los tenia los daba por tres cascabeles de
gabilan por el uno, bien que pesasan diez ó quince ducados de peso.
En todos sus usos son como los de la Española. El oro cogen con otras
artes, bien que todos son nada con los de los Cristianos. Esto que yo
he dicho es lo que oyo. Lo que yo sé es que el año de noventa y cuatro
navegué en veinte y cuatro grados al Poniente en término de nueve horas,
y no pudo haber yerro porque hubo eclipses: el sol estaba en Libra y la
luna en Ariete. Tambien esto que yo supe por palabra habialo yo sabido
largo por escrito. Tolomeo creyó de haber bien remedado á Marino, y
ahora se falla su escritura bien propincua al cierto. Tolomeo asienta
Catigara á doce lineas lejos de su Occidente, que él asentó sobre el
cabo de San Vicente en Portugal dos grados y un tercio. Marino en quince
líneas constituyó la tierra é términos. Marino en Etiopia escribe al
Indo la línea equinocial mas de veinte y cuatro grados, y ahora que los
Portugueses le navegan le fallan cierto. Tolomeo diz que la tierra mas
austral es el plazo primero, y que no abaja mas de quince grados y un
tercio. E el mundo es poco: el enjuto de ello es seis partes, la séptima
solamente cubierta de agua: la experiencia ya está vista, y la escribí
por otras letras y con adornamiento de la Sacra Escriptura con el sitio
del Paraiso terrenal, que la santa Iglesia aprueba: digo que el mundo no
es tan grande como dice el vulgo, y que un grado de la equinoccial está
cincuenta y seis millas y dos tercios: pero esto se tocará con el dedo.
Dejo esto, por cuanto no es mi propósito de fablar en aquella materia,
salvo de dar cuenta de mi duro y trabajoso viage, bien que él sea el mas
noble y provechoso. Digo que víspera de San Simon y Judas corrí donde el
viento me llevaba, sin poder resistirle. En un puerto excusé diez dias de
gran fortuna de la mar y del cielo: allí acordé de no volver atras á las
minas, y dejelas ya por ganadas. Partí, por seguir mi viage, lloviendo:
llegué á puerto de Bastimentos, adonde entré y no de grado: la tormenta y
gran corriente me entró allí catorce dias; y despues partí, y no con buen
tiempo. Cuando yo hube andado quince leguas forzosamente, me reposó atras
el viento y corriente con furia: volviendo yo al puerto de donde habia
salido fallé en el camino al Retrete, adonde me retruje con harto peligro
y enojo y bien fatigado yo y los navíos y la gente: detúveme allí quince
dias, que así lo quiso el cruel tiempo; y cuando creí de haber acabado
me fallé de comienzo: allí mudé de sentencia de volver á las minas, y
hacer algo fasta que me viniese tiempo para mi viage y marear; y llegado
con cuatro leguas revino la tormenta, y me fatigó tanto á tanto que ya
no sabia de mi parte. Allí se me refrescó del mal la llaga: nueve dias
anduve perdido sin esperanza de vida: ojos nunca vieron la mar tan alta,
fea y hecha espuma. El viento no era para ir adelante, ni daba lugar para
correr hácia algun cabo. Allí me detenia en aquella mar fecha sangre,
herbiendo como caldera por gran fuego. El cielo jamas fue visto tan
espantoso: un dia con la noche ardió como forno: y así echaba la llama
con los rayos, que cada vez miraba yo si me habia llevado los masteles
y velas; venian con tanta furia espantables que todos creiamos que me
habian de fundir los navíos. En todo este tiempo jamas cesó agua del
cielo, y no para decir que llovia, salvo que resegundaba otro diluvio. La
gente estaba ya tan molida que deseaban la muerte para salir de tantos
martirios. Los navíos ya habian perdido dos veces las barcas, anclas,
cuerdas, y estaban abiertos, sin velas.

Cuando plugo á nuestro Señor volví á Puerto Gordo, adonde reparé lo
mejor que pude. Volví otra vez hácia Veragua para mi viage, aunque yo
no estuviera para ello. Todavía era el viento y corrientes contrarios.
Llegué casi adonde antes, y allí me salió otra vez el viento y corrientes
al encuentro, y volví otra vez al puerto, que no osé esparar la oposicion
de Saturno con mares tan desbaratados en costa brava, porque las mas de
las veces trae tempestad ó fuerte tiempo. Esto fue dia de Navidad en
horas de misa. Volví otra vez adonde yo habia salido con harta fatiga;
y pasado año nuevo torné á la porfia, que aunque me hiciera buen tiempo
para mi viage, ya tenia los navíos innavegables, y la gente muerta y
enferma. Dia de la Epifania llegué á Veragua, ya sin aliento: allí me
deparó nuestro Señor un rio y seguro puerto, bien que á la entrada
no tenia salvo diez palmos de fondo: metíme en él con pena, y el dia
siguiente recordó la fortuna: si me falla fuera, no pudiera entrar á
causa del banco. Llovió sin cesar fasta catorce de Febrero, que nunca
hubo lugar de entrar en la tierra, ni de me remediar en nada: y estando
ya seguro á veinte y cuatro de Enero, de improviso vino el rio muy alto
y fuerte; quebróme las amarras y proeses, y hubo de llevar los navíos,
y cierto los ví en mayor peligro que nunca. Remedió nuestro Señor, como
siempre hizo. No sé si hubo otro con mas martirios.

A seis de Febrero, lloviendo, invié setenta hombres la tierra adentro; y
á las cinco leguas fallaron muchas minas: los Indios que iban con ellos
los llevaron á un cerro muy alto, y de allí les mostraron hácia toda
parte cuanto los ojos alcanzaban, diciendo que en toda parte habia oro,
y que hácia el Poniente llegaban las minas veinte jornadas, y nombraban
las villas y lugares, y adonde habia de ello mas ó menos. Despues supe
yo que el Quibian que habia dado estos Indios, les habia mandado que
fuesen á mostrar las minas lejos y de otro su contrario; y que adentro
de su pueblo cogian, cuando el queria, un hombre en diez dias una mozada
de oro: los indios sus criados y testigos de esto traigo conmigo. Adonde
él tiene el pueblo llegan las barcas. Volvió mi hermano con esa gente, y
todos con oro que habian cogido en cuatro horas qué fué allá á la estada.
La calidad es grande, porque ninguno de estos jamas habia visto minas,
y los mas oro. Los mas eran gente de la mar, y casí todos grumetes. Yo
tenia mucho aparejo para edificar y muchos bastimentos. Asenté pueblo,
y dí muchas dádivas al Quibian, que así llaman al Señor de la tierra;
y bien sabia que no habia de durar la concordia: ellos muy rústicos y
nuestra gente muy importunos, y me aposesionaba en su término: despues
que él vido las cosas fechas y el tráfago tan vivo acordó de las quemar
y matarnos á todos: muy al reves salió su propósito: quedó preso él,
mugeres y fijos y criados; bien que su prision duró poco: el Quibian
se fuyo á un hombre honrado, á quien se habia entregado con guarda de
hombres; é los hijos se fueron á un Maestre de navío, a quien se dieron
en él á buen recaudo.

En Enero se habia cerrado la boca del rio. En Abril los navíos estaban
todos comidos de broma, y no los podia sostener sobre agua. En este
tiempo hizo el rio una canal, por donde saqué tres dellos vacios con gran
pena. Las barcas volvieron adentro por la sal y agua. La mar se puso
alta y fea, y no les dejó salir fuera: los Indios fueron muchos y juntos
y las combatieron, y en fin los mataron. Mi hermano y la otra gente
toda estaban en un navío que quedo adentro: yo muy solo de fuera en tan
brava costa, con fuerte fiebre, en tanta fatiga: la esperanza de escapar
era muerta: subi así trabajando lo mas alto, llamando á voz temerosa,
llorando y muy aprisa, los maestros de la guerra de vuestras Altezas,
á todos cuatro los vientos, por socorro; mas nunca me respondieron.
Cansado, me dormecí gimiendo: una voz muy piadosa oí, diciendo: “_¡O
estulto y tardo á creer y servir á tu Dios, Dios de todos! ¿Que hizo él
mas por Moysés ó por David su siervo? Desque nasciste, siempre él tuvo
de tí muy grande cargo. Cuando te vido en edad de que él fue contento,
maravillosamente hizo sonar tu nombre en la tierra. Las Indias, que
son parte del mundo tam ricas, te las dió por tuyas: tu las repartiste
adonde te plugo, y te dió poder para ello. De los atamientos de la mar
océana, que estaban cerrados con cadenas tan fuertes, te dió las llaves;
y fuiste obedescido en tantas tierras, y de los cristianos cobraste tan
honrada fama. ¿Qué hizo el mas Alto [por el] pueblo de Israel cuando le
sacó de Egipto? ¿Ni por David, que de pastor hizo Rey en Judea? Tórnate
á el, y conoce ya tu yerro: su misericordia es infinita: tu vejez no
impedirá á toda cosa grande: muchas heredades tiene él grandísimas.
Abrahan pasaba de cien años cuando engendró á Isaac, ¿ni Sara era moza?
Tú llamas por socorro incierto: responde, ¿quién te ha afligido tanto y
tantas veces, Dios ó el mundo? Los privilegios y promesas que dá Dios,
no las quebranta, ni dice despues de haber recibido el servicio, que su
intencion no era este, y que se entiende de otra manera, ni dá martirios
por dar color á la fuerza: él vá al pie de la letra: todo lo que él
promete cumple con acrescentamiento: ¿esto es uso? Dicho tengo lo que tu
Criador ha fecho por tí y hace con todos. Ahora medio muestra el galardon
áe estos afanes y peligros que has pasado sirviendo á otros._”

Yo así amortecido oí todo; mas no tuve yo respuesta á palabras tan
ciertas, salvo llorar por mis yerros. Acabó él de fablar, quien quiera
que fuese, diciendo: “_No temas, confia: todas estas tribulaciones estan
escritas en piedra mármol, y no sin causa._”

Levantéme cuando pude: y al cabo de nueve dias hizo bonanza, mas no
para sacar navíos del rio. Recogí la gente que estaba en tierra, y todo
el resto que puede, porque no bastaban para quedar y para navegar los
navíos. Quedara yo á sostener el pueblo contodos, si vuestras Altezas
supieran de ello. El temor que nunca aportarian allí navíos me determinó
á esto, y la cuenta que cuando se haya de proveer de socorro se proveera
de todo. Partí en nombre de la Santísima Trinidad, la noche de Pascua,
con los navíos podridos, abrumados, todos fechos agujeros. Allí en Belen
dejé uno, y hartas cosas. En Belpuerto hice otro tanto. No me quedaron
salvo dos en el estado de los otros, y sin barcas y bastimentos, por
haber de pasar siete mil millas de mar y de agua, ó morir en la via con
fijo y hermano y tanta gente. Respondan ahora los que suelen tachar y
reprender, diciendo allá de en salvo: ¿por qué no haciades esto allí?
Los quisiera yo en esta jornada. Yo bien creo que otra de otro saber los
aguarda: á nuestra fe es ninguna. Llegué á trece de Mayo en la provincia
de Mago, que parte con aquella del Catayo, y de allí partí para la
Española: navegué dos dias con buen tiempo, y despues fue contrario.
El camino que yo llevaba era para desechar tanto número de islas, por
no me embarazar en los bajos de ellas. La mar brava me hizo fuerza, y
hube volver atras sin velas: surgí á una isla adonde de golpe perdí tres
anclas, y á la media noche, que parecia que el mundo se ensolvia, se
rompieron las amarras al otro navío, y vino sobre mí, que fue maravilla
como no nos acabamos de se hacer rajas: el ancla, de forma que me quedó,
fue ella despues de nuestro Señor, quien me sostuvo. Al cabo de seis
dias que ya era bonanza, volví á mi camino: asi ya perdido del todo
de aparejos y con los navíos horadados de gusanos mas que un panal de
abejas, y la gente tan acobardada y perdida, pasé algo adelante de donde
yo habia llegado denantes: allí me torné á reposar atras la fortuna: paré
en la misma isla en mas seguro puerto: al cabo de ocho dias torné á la
via y llegué á Jamaica en fin de Junio siempre con vientos punteros, y
los navíos en peor estado: con tres bombas, tinas y calderas no podian
con toda la gente vencer el agua que entraba en el navío, ni para este
mal de broma hay otra cura. Cometí el camino para me acercar á lo mas
cercar de la Española, que son veinte y ocho leguas, y no quisiera
haber comenzado. El otro navío corrió á buscar puerto casi anegado.
Yo porfié la vuelta de la mar con tormenta. El navio se me anegó, que
milagrosamente me trujo nuestro Señor á tierra. ¿Quién creyera lo que
yo aquí escribo? Digo que de cien partes no he dicho la una en esta
letra. Los que fueron con el Almirante lo atestigüen. Si place á vuestras
Altezas de me hacer merced de socorro un navío que pase de sesenta y
cuatro, con ducientos quintales de bizcocho y algun otro bastimento,
abastará para me llevar á mí y á esta gente á España de la Española. En
Jamaica ya dije que no hay veinte y ocho leguas á la Española. No fuera
yo, bien que los navíos estuvieran para ello. Ya dije que me fue mandado
de parte de vuestras Altezas que no llegase á alla. Si este mandar ha
aprovechado, Dios lo sabe. Esta carta invio por via y mano de Indios:
grande maravilla será si allá llega. De mi viage digo: que fueron ciento
y cincuenta personas conmigo, en que hay hartos suficientes para pilotos
y grandes marineros: ninguno puede dar razon cierta por donde fuí yo ni
vine: la razon es muy presta. Yo partí de sobre el puerto del Brasil:
en la Española no me dejó la tormenta ir al camino que yo queria: fue
por fuerza correr adonde el viento quiso. En ese dia caí yo muy enfermo:
ninguno habia navegado hácia aquella parte: cesó el viento y mar dende
á ciertos dias, y se mudó la tormenta en calmería y grandes corrientes.
Fuí á aportar á una isla que se dijo de las Bocas, y de allí a Tierra
firme. Ninguno puede dar cuenta verdadera de esto, porque no hay razon
que abaste; porque fue ir con corriente sin ver tierra tanto número de
dias. Seguí la costa de la Tierra firme: esta se asentó con compás y
arte. Ninguno hay que diga debajo cuál parte del cielo ó cuándo yo partí
de ella para venir á la Española. Los pilotos creian venir á parar á la
isla de Sanct-Joan; y fue en tierra de Mango, cuatrocientas leguas mas
al Poniente de adonde decian. Respondan, si saben, adónde es el sitio de
Veragua. Digo que no pueden dar otra razon ni cuenta, salvo que fueron
á unas tierras adonde hay mucho oro, y certificarle; mas para volver á
ella el camino tienen ignoto: seria necesario para ir á ella descubrirla
como de primero. Una cuenta hay y razon de astrología y cierta: quien la
entiende esto le abasta. A vision profética se asemeja esto. Las naos
de las Indias, si no navegan salvo á popa, no es por la mala fechura,
ni por ser fuertes; las grandes corrientes que allí vienen; juntamente
con el viento hacen que nadie porfie con bolina, porque en un dia
perderian lo que hubiesen ganado en siete; ni saco carabela aunque sea
latina portuguesa. Esta razon hace que no naveguen, salvo con colla,
y por esperarle se detienen á las veces seis y ocho meses en puerto;
ni es maravilla, pues que en España muchas veces acaece otro tanto. La
gente de que escribe Papa Pio, segun el sitio y señas, se ha hallado,
mas no los caballos, pretales y frenos de oro, ni es maravilla, porque
allí las tierras de la costa de la mar no reuieren, salvo pescadores, ni
yo me detuve porque andaba á prisa. En Cariay y en essas tierras de su
comarca, son grandes fechiceros y muy medrosos. Dieran el mundo porque
no me detuviera allí una hora. Cuando llegué allí luego me inviaron dos
muchachas muy ataviadas: la mas vieja no seria de once años y la otra de
siete; ambas con tanta desenvoltura que no serian mas unas putas: traian
polvos de hechizos escondidos: en llegando las mandé adornar de nuestras
cosas y las invié luego á tierra: allí vide una sepultura en el monte,
grande como una casa y labrada, y el cuerpo descubierto y mirando en
ella. De otras artes me dijeron y mas excelentes. Animalias menudas y
grandes hay hartas y muy diversas de las nuestras. Dos puercos hube yo en
presente, y un perro de Irlanda no osaba esperarlos. Un ballestero habia
herido una animalia, que se parece á gato paul, salvo que es mucho mas
grande, y el rostro de hombre: teniale atravesado con una saeta desde
los pechos á la cola, y porque era feroz le hubo de cortar un brazo y
una pierna: el puerco en viéndole se le encrespó y se fue huyendo: yo
cuando esto ví mandé echarle _begare_, que así se llama adonde estaba: en
llegando á él, así estando á la muerte y la saeta siempre en el cuerpo,
le echó la cola por el hocico y se la amarró muy fuerte, y con la mano
que le quedaba le arrebató por el copete como á enemigo. El auto tan
nuevo y hermosa montería me hizo escribir esto. De muchas maneras de
animalias se hubo, mas todas mueren de barra. Gallinas muy grandes y la
pluma como lana vide hartas. Leones, ciervos, corzos otro tanto, y así
aves.

Cuando yo andaba por aquella mar en fatiga en algunos se puso heregía
que estabamos enfechizados, que hoy dia estan en ello. Otra gente fallé
que comian hombres: la desformidad de su gesto lo dice. Allí dicen qué
hay grandes mineros de cobre: hachas de ello, otras cosas labradas,
fundidas, soladas hube, y fraguas con todo su aparejo de platero y
los crisoles. Allí van vestidos; y en aquella provincia vide sábanas
grandes de algodon, labradas de muy sotiles labores; otras píntadas muy
sútilmente á colores con pinceles. Dicen que en la tierra adentro hácia
el Catayo las hay tejidas de oro. De todas estas tierras y de lo que hay
en ellas, falta de lengua, no se saben tan presto. Los pueblos, bien
que sean espesos, cada uno tiene diferenciada lengua, y es en tanto que
no se entienden los unos con los otros, mas que nos con los de Arabia.
Yo creo que esto sea en esta gente salvage de la costa de la mar, mas
no en la tierra dentro. Cuando yo descubrí las Indias dije que eran el
mayor señorío rico que hay en el mundo. Yo dije del oro, perlas, piedras
preciosas, especerías, con los tratos y ferias, y porque no pareció todo
tan presto fuí escandalizado. Este castigo me hace agora que no diga
salvo lo que yo oigo de los naturales de la tierra. De una oso decir,
porque hay tantos testigos, y es que yo vide en esta tierra de Veragua
mayor señal de oro en dos dias primeros que en la Española en cuatro
años, y que las tierras de la comarca no pueden ser mas fermosas, ni
mas labradas, ni la gente mas cobarde, y buen puerto, y fermoso rio, y
defensible al mundo. Todo esto es seguridad de los cristianos y certeza
de señorío, con grande esperanza de la honra y acrescentamiento de la
religion cristiana; y el camino, allí será tan breve como á la Española,
porque ha de ser con viento. Tan señores son vuestras Altezas de esto
como de Jerez ó Toledo: sus navíos que fueren allí van á su casa. De
allí sacarán oro: en otras tierras, para haber de lo que hay en ellas,
conviene que se lo lleven, ó se volverán vacíos; y en la tierra es
necesario que fien sus personas de un salvage. Del otro que yo dejo de
decir, ya dije por qué me encerré: no digo así, ni que yo me afirme en
el tres doble en todo lo que yo haya jamas dicho ni escrito, y que yo
estó a la fuente. Genoveses, Venecianos y toda gente que tenga perlas,
piedras preciosas y otras cosas de valor, todos las llevan hasta el cabo
del mundo para las trocar, convertir en oro: el oro es excelentísimo:
del oro se hace tesoro, y con él, quien lo tiene, hace cuanto quiere
en el mundo, y llega á que echa las animas al paraiso. Los señores de
aquellas tierras de la comarca Veragua cuando mueren entierran el oro
que tienen con el cuerpo, así lo dicen: á Salomon llevaron de un camino
seiscientos y sesenta y seis quintales de oro, allende lo que llevaron
los mercaderes y marineros, y allende lo que se pagó en Arabia. De este
oro fizo doscientas lanzas y trescientos escudos, y fizo el tablado que
habia de estar arriba dellas de oro y adornado de piedras preciosas, y
fizo otras muchas cosas de oro, y vasos muchos y muy grandes y ricos de
piedras preciosas. Josefo en su corónica de Antiquitatibus lo escribe.
En el Paralipomenon y en el libro de los Reyes se cuenta de esto. Josefo
quiere que este oro se hobiese en la Aurea: si así fuese digo que
aquellas minas de la Aurea son unas y se convienen con estas de Veragua,
que como yo dije arriba se alarga al Poniente veinte jornadas, y son en
una distancia lejos del polo y de la línea. Salomon compró todo aquello,
oro, piedras y plata, é allí le pueden mandar á coger si les aplace.
David en su testamento dejó tres mil quintales de oro de las Indías á
Salomon para ayuda de edificar el templo, y segun Josefo era el destas
mismas tierras. Hierusalem y el monte Sion ha de ser reedificado por mano
de cristianos: quien ha de ser, Dios por boca del Profeta en el décimo
cuarto salmo lo dice. El Abad Joaquin dijo que este habia de salir de
España. San Gerónimo á la santa muger le mostró el camino para ello. El
Emperador del Catayo ha dias que mandó sabios que le enseñen en la fé
de Cristo. ¿Quién será que se ofrezca á esto? Si nuestro Señor me lleva
á España, yo me obligo de llevarle, con el nombre de Dios, en salvo.
Esta gente que vino conmigo han pasado increibles peligros y trabajos.
Suplico á V. A., porque son pobres, que les mande pagar luego, y les haga
mercedes á cada uno segun la calidad de la persona, que les certifico
que á mi creer les traen las mejores nuevas que nunca fueron á España.
El oro que tiene el Quibian de Veragua y los otros de la comarca, bien
que segun informacion él sea mucho, no me paresció bien ni servicio de
vuestras Altezas de se le tomar por via de robo: lo buena orden evitará
escándalo y mala fama, y hará que todo ello venga al tesoro, que no quede
un grano. Con un mes de buen tiempo yo acabára todo mi viage: por falta
de los navíos no porfié á esperarle para tornar á ello, y para toda cosa
de su servicio espero en aquel que me hizo, y estaré bueno. Yo creo que
V. A. se acordará que yo queria mandar hacer los navíos de nueva manera:
la brevedad del tiempo no dió lugar á ello, y cierto yo habio caido en lo
que cumplia. Yo tengo en mas esta negociacion y minas con esta escala y
señorio, que todo lo otro que está hecho en las Indias. No es este hijo
para dar á criar á madrastra. De la Española, de Paria y de las otras
tierras no me acuerdo de ellas, que yo no llore: creia yo que el ejemplo
dellas hobiese de ser por estotras al contrario: ellas estan boca á yuso,
bien que no mueren: la enfermedad es incurable, ó muy larga: quien las
llegó á esto venga agora con el remedio si puede ó sabe: al descomponer
cada uno es maestro. Las gracias y acrescentamiento siempre fue uso
de las dar á quien puso su cuerpo á peligro. No es razon que quien ha
sido tan contrario á esta negociacion le goce ni sus fijos. Los que se
fueron de las Indias fuyendo los trabajos y diciendo mal dellas y de mí,
volvieron con cargos: así se ordenaba agora en Veragua: malo ejemplo, y
sin provecho del negocio y para la justicia del mundo: este temor con
otros casos hartos que yo veia claro, me hizo suplicar á V. A. antes que
yo viniese á descubrir esas islas y tierra firme, que me las dejasen
gobernar en su Real nombre: plúgoles: fue por privilegio y asiento, y con
sello y juramento, y me intitularon de Viso-Rey y Almirante y Gobernador
general de todo; y aseñalaron el término sobre las islas de los Azores
cien leguas, y aquellas del Cabo Verde por línea que pasa de polo á
polo, y desto y de todo que mas se descubriese, y me dieron poder largo:
la escritura á mas largamente lo dice. El otro negocio famosísimo está
con los brazos abiertos llamando: extrangero ha sido fasta ahora. Siete
años estuve yo en su Real corte, que á cuantos se fabló de esta empresa
todos á una dijeron que era burla: agora fasta los sastres suplican por
descubrir. Es de creer que van á saltear, y se les otorga, que cobran con
mucho perjuicio de mi honra y tanto daño del negocio. Bueno es de dar á
Dios lo suyo y acetar lo que le pertenece. Esta es justa sentencia, y de
justo. Las tierras que acá obedecen á V. A. son mas que todas las otras
de cristianos y ricas. Despues que yo, por voluntad divina, las hube
puestas debajo de su Real y alto señorío, y en filo para haber grandísima
rénta, de improviso, esperando navíos para venir á su alto conspecto
con victoria y grandes nuevas del oro, muy seguro y alegre, fuí preso
y echado con dos hermanos en un navío, cargados de fierros, desnudo en
cuerpo, con muy mal tratamiento, sin ser llamado ni vencido por justicia:
¿quién creerá que un pobre extrangero se hobiese de alzar en tal lugar
contra V. A. sin causa, ni sin brazo de otro Príncipe, y estando solo
entre sus vasallos y naturales, y teniendo todos mis fijos en su Real
corte? Yo vine á servir de veinte y ocho años, y agora no tengo cabello
en mi persona que no sea cano y el cuerpo enfermo, y gastado cuanto me
quedó de aquellos, y me fue tomado y vendido, y á mis hermanos fasta el
sayo, sin ser oido ni visto, con gran deshonor mio. Es de creer que esto
no se hizo por su Real mandado. La restitucion de mi honra y daños, y el
castigo en quien lo fizo, fará sonar su Real nobleza; y otro tanto en
quien me robó las perlas, y de quien ha fecho daño en ese almirantado.
Grandísima virtud, fama con ejemplo será si hacen esto, y quedará á la
España gloriosa memoria con la de vuestras Altezas de agradecidos y
justos Príncipes. La intencion tan sana que yo siempre tuve al servicio
de vuestras Altezas, y la afrenta tan desigual, no da lugar al anima
que calle, bíen que yo quiera: suplico á vuestras Altezas me perdonen.
Yo estoy tan perdido como dije: yo he llorado fasta aquí á otros: haya
misericordia agora el Cielo, y llore por mi la tierra. En el temporal no
tengo solamente una blanca para el oferta: en el espiritual he parado
aquí en las Indias de la forma que está dicho: aislado en esta pena,
enfermo, aguardando cada dia por la muerte, y cercado de un cuento de
salvages y llenos de crueldad y enemigos nuestros, y tan apartado de
los Santos Sacramentos de la Santa Iglesia, que se olvidará desta anima
si se aparta acá del cuerpo. Llore por mí quien tiene caridad, verdad y
justicia. Yo no vine este viage á navegar por ganar honra ni hacienda:
esto es cierto, porque estaba ya la esperanza de todo en ella muerta.
Yo vine á V. A. con sana intencion y buen zelo, y no miento. Suplico
humildemente á V. A. que si á Dios place de me sacar de aquí, que haya
por bien mi ida á Roma y otras romerías. Cuya vida y alto estado la Santa
Trinidad guarde y acresciente. Fecha en las Indias en la Isla de Jamaica
á siete de Julio de mil quinientos y tres años.


FOOTNOTES:

[202] The word “cosas” has been replaced on conjecture by “casas,” such
being the idea entertained in the Italian translation, republished by
Morelli.

[203] The “line” of Columbus implies fifteen degrees, or one hour of
longitude; and the twelve lines which describe the distance of Catigara
from the meridian of Ptolemy, equal one hundred and eighty degrees.
Marinus of Tyre, reckoned two hundred and twenty-five degrees to the same
space, which is equivalent to the fifteen lines stated by Columbus.

[204] Every one will immediately see the incorrectness of this notion,
arising from the belief of Columbus that the country he had discovered
was the east coast of Asia. Instead of the land bearing a proportion
of six-sevenths to the water, the water bears a proportion of about
two-thirds to the land.

[205] Morelli has given this passage thus: “la opposizion de Saturno con
Marte.” The adjective “desbarados,” however, sufficiently proves this
reading to be incorrect. It would seem that Columbus meant the opposition
of Saturn with the Sun.

[206] The word _proeses_ or _proizes_, answers to our English word
bollards—or the posts to which cables are fastened.

[207] Columbus, who now fancies himself in China, by this word “Mago,”
means Mangi, the name given by Marco Polo, whose travels he had read, to
Southern China, while Northern China was Cathay.

[208] Of course he here speaks of himself.

[209] Bow-lines are ropes employed to keep the windward edges of
the principal sails steady, and are only used when the wind is so
unfavourable that the sails must be all braced sideways, or close hauled
to the wind.

[210] In this remarkable notion, Columbus refers to a work of the learned
Æneas Sylvius Piccolomini, entitled _Cosmographia Pape Pii_, printed in
Venice in 1503. It is not paginated, but if the reader will count to the
nineteenth and twentieth pages he will find the following passages: “Post
Sacas ad septentrionem Messagetæ reperiuntur: ... Fæda gens et brutis
simillima apud quam genus mortis optimum judicabatur ut senio confecti
in frusta cœderentur et cum carnibus ovilis promiscue ederentur: eos
qui morbo decederent ut impios abjicientes tamque dignos qui a feris
devorarentur. Equites ac pedites inter eos optimi fuere arcu; gladio;
thorace; ac securi æneâ utentes; aureas zonas; aurea equorum frena ac
pectoralia habentes. Ferri parum apud eos fuit: argento carebant; ære
et auro abundabant: insularum cultores herbarum radices edebant, et
agrestes fructus: ex quibus pocula exprimebant. Vestis erat arborum
cortex: qui paludes inhabitabant piscibus vescebantur: focarum coria e
mari prodeuntium induebant,” etc. From Herodotus we gather an accurate
idea of the situation of the Massagetæ, viz., in the immense plain to
the east of the Caspian and on the east bank of the Jaxaretes. Strabo
corroborates the account of Herodotus as to the repulsive habits of these
old Mongolians.

[211] This is a malady undefined in any dictionary.

[212] This is most certainly a mistake; probably thirty-eight was
originally written, which, supposing Columbus to have been born in
1446-7, would bring the date referred to to 1484, when Columbus really
did escape from Portugal into Spain.




A NARRATIVE


_Given by Diego Mendez [in his will] of some events that occurred in the
last voyage of the Admiral Don Christopher Columbus._

Diego Mendez, citizen of St. Domingo, in the island of Española, being
in the city of Valladolid, where the Court of their Majesties was at
the time staying, made his will on the sixth day of June, of the year
one thousand five hundred and thirty-six, before Fernando Perez, their
Majesties’ scrivener, and notary public in that their Court, and in all
their Kingdoms and Lordships, the witnesses to the same being Diego de
Arana, Juan Diez Miranda de la Cuadra, Martin de Orduña, Lucas Fernandez,
Alonzo de Angulo, Francisco de Hinojosa and Diego de Aguilar, all
servants of my Lady the Vicequeen of the Indies.[213] And among other
chapters of the said will there is one which runs literally as follows:—

Clause of the will, Item: The very illustrious gentlemen, the admiral Don
Christopher Columbus, of glorious memory, and his son the admiral Don
Diego Columbus, and his grandson the admiral Don Louis, (whom may God
long preserve), and through them my Lady the Vicequeen, as tutress and
guardian of the latter, are in debt to me, for many and great services
that I have rendered them, in as much as I have spent and worn out the
best part of my life even to its close in their service; especially did
I serve the admiral Don Christopher, going with his Lordship to the
discovery of the islands and terra firma, and often putting myself in
danger of death in order to save his life and the lives of those who
were with him, more particularly when we were shut in at the mouth of
the river Belen or Yebra, through the violence of the sea and the winds
which drove up the sand, and raised such a mountain of it as to close up
the entrance of the port. His Lordship being there greatly afflicted, a
multitude of Indians collected together on shore to burn the ships, and
kill us all, pretending that they were going to make war against other
Indians of the province of Cabrava Aurira, with whom they were at enmity.
Though many of them passed by that part where our ships were lying,
none of the fleet took notice of the matter except myself, who went to
the admiral and said to him, “Sir, these people who have passed by in
order of battle, say that they go to unite themselves with the people
of Veragua, to attack the people of Cobrava Aurira: I do not believe
it, but, on the contrary, I think that they are collected together
to burn our ships and kill all of us,”—as in fact was the case. The
admiral then asked me what were the best means of preventing this, and
I proposed to his Lordship that I should go with a boat along the coast
towards Veragua, to see where the royal court sat. I had not proceeded
on my errand half a league when I found nearly a thousand men of war
with great stores of provisions of all kinds, and I went on shore alone
amongst them, leaving my boat afloat; I then spoke with them, making
them understand me as well as I could, and offered to go with them to
the battle with that armed boat; but this they strongly refused, saying
there was no need of such a thing. After that I returned to the boat,
and remained there in sight of them all that night, so that they could
not go to the ships to burn or destroy them, according to their previous
arrangements, without my seeing them, upon which they changed their plan,
and on that same night they all returned to Veragua. I then went back to
the ships, and related all this to his Lordship, who thought no little
of what I had done, and upon his consulting me as to the best manner
of proceeding so as clearly to ascertain what was the intention of the
people, I offered to go to them with one single companion; and this task
I undertook, though more certain of death than of life in the result.

After journeying along the beach up to the river of Veragua, I found two
canoes of strange Indians, who related to me more in detail, that these
people were indeed collected together to burn our ships and kill us all,
and that they had forsaken their purpose in consequence of the boat
coming up to the spot, but that they intended to return after two days
to make the attempt once more. I then asked them to carry me in their
canoes to the upper part of the river, offering to remunerate them if
they would do so; but they excused themselves, and advised me by no means
to go, for that both myself and my companion would certainly be killed.
At length, in spite of their advice, I prevailed upon them to take me in
their canoes to the upper part of the river, until I reached the villages
of the Indians, whom I found in order of battle. They, however, would
not, at first, allow me to go to the principal residence of the cacique,
till I pretended that I was come as a surgeon to cure him of a wound
that he had in his leg; then, after I had made them some presents, they
suffered me to proceed to the seat of royalty, which was situated on the
top of a hillock, surmounted by a plain, with a large square surrounded
by three hundred heads of the enemies he had slain in battle. When I
had passed through the square, and reached the royal house, there was a
great clamour of women and children at the gate, who ran into the palace
screaming. Upon this, one of the chief’s sons came out in a high passion,
uttering angry words in his own language; and, laying hands upon me, with
one push he thrust me far away from him. In order to appease him, I told
him that I was come to cure the wound in his father’s leg, and showed
him an ointment that I had brought for that purpose; but he replied,
that on no account whatever should I go in to the place where his father
was. When I saw that I had no chance of appeasing him in that way, I
took out a comb, a pair of scissors, and a mirror, and caused Escobar,
my companion, to comb my hair and then cut it off. When the Indian, and
those who were with him, saw this, they stood in astonishment; upon
which I prevailed on him to suffer his own hair to be combed and cut by
Escobar; I then made him a present of the scissors, with the comb and the
mirror, and thus he became appeased. After this, I begged him to allow
some food to be brought, which was soon done, and we ate and drank in
love and good fellowship, like very good friends. I then left him and
returned to the ships, and related all this to my lord the Admiral, who
was not a little pleased when he heard all these circumstances, and the
things that had happened to me. He ordered a large stock of provisions to
be put into the ships, and into certain straw houses that we had built
there, with a view that I should remain, with some of the men, to examine
and ascertain the secrets of the country. The next morning his lordship
called me to take counsel with me as to what was to be done. My opinion
was that we ought to seize that chief and all his captains; because,
when they were taken, the common people would submit. His lordship was
of the same opinion. I then submitted the stratagem and plan by which
this might be accomplished; and his lordship ordered that the Adelantado,
his brother, and I, accompanied by eighty men, should go to put it into
execution. We went, and our Lord gave us such good fortune, that we took
the cacique and most of his captains, his wives, sons, and grandsons,
with all the princes of his race; but in sending them to the ships, thus
captured, the cacique extricated himself from the too slight grasp of
the man who held him, a circumstance which afterwards caused us much
injury. At this moment it pleased God to cause it to rain very heavily,
occasioning a great flood, by which the mouth of the harbour was opened
and the Admiral enabled to draw out the ships to sea, in order to proceed
to Spain; I, meanwhile, remaining on land as Accountant of his Highness,
with seventy men, and the greater part of the provisions of biscuit,
wine, oil, and vinegar being left with me.

The Admiral had scarcely got to sea (while I stayed on shore with about
twenty men, for the others had gone to assist the Admiral), when suddenly
more than four hundred natives, armed with cross-bows and arrows, came
down upon me, extending themselves along the face of the mountain;
they then gave a shriek, then another, and another, and these repeated
cries, by the goodness of God, gave me opportunity to prepare for the
engagement. While I was on the shore among the huts which we had built,
and they were collected on the mountain at about the distance of an
arrow’s flight, they began to shoot their arrows and hurl their darts, as
if they had been attacking a bull. The arrows and cross-bow shots came
down thick as hail, and some of the Indians then separated themselves
from the rest, for the purpose of attacking us with clubs; none of them,
however, returned, for with our swords we cut off their arms and legs,
and killed them on the spot; upon which the rest took such fright, that
they fled, after having killed in the contest seven out of twenty of our
men; while, on their side, they lost nine or ten of those who advanced
the most boldly towards us. This contest lasted three long hours, and
our Lord gave us the victory in a marvellous manner, we being so few
and they so numerous. After this fight was over, the captain, Diego
Tristan, came with the boats from the ships to ascend the river, in
order to take in water for the voyage; and, notwithstanding I advised
and warned him not to go, he would not trust me, but, against my wish,
went up the river with two boats and twelve men; upon which the natives
attacked him, and killed him and all the men that he took with him,
except one who escaped by swimming, and from whom we heard the news. The
Indians then took the boats and broke them to pieces, which caused us
great vexation; for the Admiral was at sea with his ships without boats,
while we were on shore deprived of the means of going to him. Besides
this, the Indians came continually to assail us; every instant playing
trumpets and kettle-drums, and uttering loud cries in the belief that
they had conquered us. The only means of defending ourselves against
these people, were two very good brass falconets and plenty of powder
and ball, with which we frightened them so much that they did not dare
approach us. This lasted for the space of four days, during which time
I caused several bags to be made out of the sails of one of the vessels
which we had remaining on shore, and into them I put all our biscuit. I
then took two canoes, and secured them together with sticks across the
tops, and, after loading them with the biscuit, the pipes of wine, and
the oil and vinegar, I fastened them together with a rope, and had them
towed along the sea while it was calm, so that in the seven trips we
contrived to get all of it to the ships, and the people were also carried
over by few at a time. Meanwhile I remained with five men to the last,
and at night I put to sea with the last boatful. The Admiral thought
very highly of this conduct of mine, and did not content himself with
embracing me and kissing me on the cheeks for having performed so great
a service, but asked me to take the captaincy of the ship _Capitana_,
with the government of all the crew, and, in fact, of the entire voyage;
which I accepted in order to oblige him, as it was a service of great
responsibility.

On the last day of April, in the year fifteen hundred and three, we
left Veragua, with three ships, intending to make our passage homeward
to Spain, but as the ships were all pierced and eaten by the teredo, we
could not keep them above water; we abandoned one of them after we had
proceeded thirty leagues; the two which remained were even in a worse
condition than that,[214] so that all the hands were not sufficient with
the use of pumps and kettles and pans to draw off the water that came
through the holes made by the worms. In this state, with the utmost toil
and danger, we sailed for thirty-five days, thinking to reach Spain, and
at the end of this time we arrived at the lowest point of the island of
Cuba, at the province of Homo, where the city of Trinidad now stands, so
that we were three hundred leagues further from Spain than when we left
Veragua for the purpose of proceeding thither; and this, as I have said,
with the vessels in very bad condition, unfit to encounter the sea, and
our provisions nearly gone. It pleased God that we were enabled to reach
the island of Jamaica, where we drove the two ships on shore, and made of
them two cabins thatched with straw, in which we took up our dwelling,
not however without considerable danger from the natives, who were not
yet subdued, and who might easily set fire to our habitation in the
night, in spite of the greatest watchfulness. It was there that I gave
out the last ration of biscuit and wine; I then took a sword in my hand,
three men only accompanying me, and advanced into the island; for no one
else dared go to seek food for the Admiral and those who were with him.
It pleased God that I found some people who were very gentle and did us
no harm, but received us cheerfully, and gave us food with hearty good
will. I then made a stipulation with the Indians, who lived in a village
called Aguacadiba, and with their cacique, that they should make cassava
bread, and that they should hunt and fish to supply the Admiral every
day with a sufficient quantity of provisions, which they were to bring to
the ships, where I promised there should be a person ready to pay them in
blue beads, combs and knives, hawks’-bells and fish-hooks, and other such
articles which we had with us for that purpose. With this understanding,
I despatched one of the Spaniards whom I had brought with me to the
admiral, in order that he might send a person to pay for the provisions,
and secure their being sent. From thence I went to another village, at
three leagues distance from the former, and made a similar agreement with
the natives and their cacique, and then despatched another Spaniard to
the admiral, begging him to send another person with a similar object to
this village. After this I went further on, and came to a great cacique
named Huareo, living in a place which is now called Melilla, thirteen
leagues from where the ships lay. I was very well received by him; he
gave me plenty to eat, and ordered all his subjects to bring together
in the course of three days a great quantity of provisions, which they
did, and laid them before him, whereupon I paid him for them to his full
satisfaction. I stipulated with him that they should furnish a constant
supply, and engaged that there should be a person appointed to pay them;
having made this arrangement, I sent the other Spaniard to the admiral
with the provisions they had given me, and then begged the cacique to
allow me two Indians to go with me to the extremity of the island, one to
carry the hammock in which I slept, and the other carrying the food.

In this manner I journeyed eastward to the end of the island, and came
to a cacique who was named Ameyro, with whom I entered into close
friendship. I gave him my name and took his, which amongst these people
is regarded as a pledge of brotherly attachment. I bought of him a very
good canoe, and gave him in exchange an excellent brass helmet that I
carried in a bag, a frock, and one of the two shirts that I had with me;
I then put out to sea in this canoe, in search of the place that I had
left, the cacique having given me six Indians to assist in guiding the
canoe. When I reached the spot to which I had dispatched the provisions,
I found there the Spaniards whom the admiral had sent, and I loaded them
with the victuals that I had brought with me, and went myself to the
admiral, who gave me a very cordial reception. He was not satisfied with
seeing and embracing me, but asked me respecting everything that had
occurred in the voyage, and offered up thanks to God for having delivered
me in safety from so barbarous a people. The men rejoiced greatly at
my arrival, for there was not a loaf left in the ships when I returned
to them with the means of allaying their hunger; this, and every day
after that, the Indians came to the ships loaded with provisions from
the places where I had made the agreements; so that there was enough for
the two hundred and thirty people who were with the admiral. Ten days
after this, the admiral called me aside, and spoke to me of the great
peril he was in, addressing me as follows:—“Diego Mendez, my son, not
one of those whom I have here with me has any idea of the great danger
in which we stand except myself and you; for we are but few in number,
and these wild Indians are numerous and very fickle and capricious: and
whenever they may take it into their heads to come and burn us in our two
ships, which we have made into straw-thatched cabins, they may easily
do so by setting fire to them on the land side, and so destroy us all.
The arrangement that you have made with them for the supply of food, to
which they agreed with such good-will, may soon prove disagreeable to
them; and it would not be surprising if, on the morrow, they were not to
bring us anything at all: in such case we are not in a position to take
it by main force, but shall be compelled to accede to their terms. I have
thought of a remedy, if you consider it advisable; which is, that some
one should go out in the canoe that you have purchased, and make his way
in it to Española, to purchase a vessel with which we may escape from the
extremely dangerous position in which we now are. Tell me your opinion.”
To which I answered:—“My lord, I distinctly see the danger in which we
stand, which is much greater than would be readily imagined. With respect
to the passage from this island to Española in so small a vessel as a
canoe, I look upon it not merely as difficult, but impossible; for I know
not who would venture to encounter so terrific a danger as to cross a
gulf of forty leagues of sea, and amongst islands where the sea is most
impetuous, and scarcely ever at rest.” His lordship did not agree with
the opinion that I expressed, but adduced strong arguments to show that
I was the person to undertake the enterprise. To which I replied:—“My
lord, I have many times put my life in danger to save yours, and the
lives of all those who are with you, and God has marvellously preserved
me: in consequence of this, there have not been wanting murmurers who
have said that your lordship entrusts every honourable undertaking to me,
while there are others amongst them who would perform them as well as I.
My opinion is, therefore, that your lordship would do well to summon all
the men, and lay this business before them, to see if, amongst them all,
there is one who will volunteer to undertake it, which I certainly doubt;
and if all refuse, I will risk my life in your service, as I have done
many times already.”

On the following day his lordship caused all the men to appear together
before him, and then opened the matter to them in the same manner as
he had done to me. When they heard it they were all silent, until some
said that it was out of the question to speak of such a thing; for it was
impossible, in so small a craft, to cross a boisterous and perilous gulf
of forty leagues’ breadth, and to pass between those two islands, where
very strong vessels had been lost in going to make discoveries, not being
able to encounter the force and fury of the currents. I then arose, and
said:—“My lord, I have but one life, and I am willing to hazard it in
the service of your lordship, and for the welfare of all those who are
here with us; for I trust in God, that in consideration of the motive
which actuates me, he will give me deliverance, as he has already done
on many other occasions.” When the admiral heard my determination, he
arose and embraced me, and, kissing me on the cheek, said,—“Well did I
know that there was no one here but yourself who would dare to undertake
this enterprise: I trust in God, our Lord, that you will come out of it
victoriously, as you have done in the others which you have undertaken.”
On the following day I drew my canoe on to the shore; fixed a false
keel on it, and pitched and greased it; I then nailed some boards upon
the poop and prow, to prevent the sea from coming in, as it was liable
to do from the lowness of the gunwales; I also fixed a mast in it,
set up a sail, and laid in the necessary provisions for myself, one
Spaniard, and six Indians, making eight in all, which was as many as
the canoe would hold. I then bade farewell to his lordship, and all the
others, and proceeded along the coast of Jamaica, up to the extremity
of the island,[215] which was thirty-five leagues from the point whence
we started. Even this distance was not traversed without considerable
toil and danger; for on the passage I was taken prisoner by some Indian
pirates, from whom God delivered me in a marvellous manner. When we had
reached the end of the island, and were remaining there in the hope of
the sea becoming sufficiently calm to allow us to continue our voyage
across it, many of the natives collected together with the determination
of killing me, and seizing the canoe with its contents, and they cast
lots for my life, to see which of them should carry their design into
execution.

As soon as I became aware of their project, I betook myself secretly to
my canoe, which I had left at three leagues distance from where I then
was, and set sail for the spot where the admiral was staying, and reached
it after an interval of fifteen days from my departure. I related to
him all that had happened, and how God had miraculously rescued me from
the hands of those savages. His lordship was very joyful at my arrival,
and asked me if I would recommence my voyage; I replied that I would,
if I might be allowed to take some men, to be with me at the extremity
of the island until I should find a fair opportunity of putting to sea
to prosecute my voyage. The admiral gave me seventy men, and with them
his brother the Adelantado, to stay with me until I put to sea, and to
remain there for three days after my departure; with this arrangement
I returned to the extremity of the island and waited there four days.
Finding the sea become calm I parted from the rest of the men with much
mutual sorrow; I then commended myself to God and our Lady of Antigua,
and was at sea five days and four nights without laying down the oar from
my hand, but continued steering the canoe while my companions rowed.
It pleased God that at the end of five days I reached the Island of
Española at Cape San Miguel,[216] having been two days without eating or
drinking, for our provisions were exhausted. I brought my canoe up to a
very beautiful part of the coast, to which many of the natives soon came,
and brought with them many articles of food, so that I remained there two
days to take rest. I took six Indians from this place, and leaving those
that I had brought with me, I put off to sea again, moving along the
coast of Española, for it was a hundred and thirty leagues from the spot
where I landed to the city of St. Domingo, where the Governor dwelt, who
was the Commander de Lares. When I had proceeded eighty leagues along the
coast of the island (not without great toil and danger, for that part of
the island was not yet brought into subjugation), I reached the province
of Azoa, which is twenty-four leagues from San Domingo, and there I
learned from the commander Gallego, that the governor was gone out to
subdue the province of Xuragoa, which was at fifty leagues distance.
When I heard this I left my canoe and took the road for Xuragoa,[217]
where I found the governor, who kept me with him seven months, until he
had burned and hanged eighty-four caciques, lords of vassals, and with
them Nacaona, the sovereign mistress of the island, to whom all rendered
service and obedience. When that expedition was finished I went on foot
to San Domingo, a distance of seventy leagues, and waited in expectation
of the arrival of ships from Spain, it being now more than a year since
any had come. In this interval it pleased God that three ships arrived,
one of which I bought, and loaded it with provisions, bread, wine, meat,
hogs, sheep, and fruit, and despatched it to the place where the admiral
was staying, in order that he might come over in it with all his people
to San Domingo, and from thence sail for Spain. I myself went on in
advance with the two other ships, in order to give an account to the king
and queen of all that had occurred in this voyage.

I think I should now do well to say somewhat of the events which
occurred to the admiral and to his family during the year that they were
left on the island. A few days after my departure the Indians became
refractory, and refused to bring food as they had hitherto done; the
admiral therefore caused all the caciques to be summoned, and expressed
to them his surprise that they should not send food as they were wont to
do, knowing as they did, and as he had already told them, that he had
come there by the command of God. He said that he perceived that God was
angry with them, and that He would that very night give tokens of His
displeasure by signs that He would cause to appear in the heavens; and
as on that night there was to be an almost total eclipse of the moon, he
told them that God caused that appearance to signify His anger against
them for not bringing the food. The Indians, believing him, were very
frightened, and promised that they would always bring him food in future;
and so in fact they did until the arrival of the ship which I had sent
loaded with provisions. The Admiral, and those who were with him, felt
no small joy at the arrival of this ship; and his lordship afterwards
informed me in Spain, that in no part of his life did he ever experience
so joyful a day, for he had never hoped to have left that place alive:
and in that same ship he set sail,[218] and went to San Domingo, and
thence to Spain.

I have wished thus to give a succinct account of my troubles, and of
my great and important services; which are such as no man in the world
ever rendered to a master, or ever will again; and I do so in order that
my sons may know these facts, and be encouraged to serve faithfully,
and that, at the same time, his lordship may see that he is bound to
make them a handsome return for such services. When his lordship came
to the court, and while he was at Salamanca, confined to his bed with
the gout, and I was left in sole charge of his affairs, endeavouring to
obtain the restitution of his estate and government for his son Diego, I
addressed him thus: “My lord, your lordship knows how much I have done
in your service, and what trouble I am still taking, night and day, in
the management of your affairs; I beseech your lordship to grant me some
recompense for what I have done.” He cheerfully replied that he would
do for me whatever I asked, adding that there was very great reason for
his so doing. I then specified my wish, and begged his lordship to do me
the favour to grant me the office of principal Alguazil of the island
of Española for life; to which his lordship assented most cordially,
saying, that it was but a trifling remuneration for the great services
I had rendered. He also desired me to communicate his wish to his son
Diego, who was very glad to hear of the favour his father had shown me in
appointing me to the said office; and said, that if his father gave it me
with one hand, he, for his part, gave it with both hands. This promise
holds good as much now as it did then; but when, after I had succeeded,
with considerable difficulty, in securing the restitution of the
government of the Indies to my lord the Admiral Don Diego, (his father
being then dead), I asked him for the provision of the said office, his
lordship replied that he had given it to his uncle, the Adelantado,
saying, however, that he would give me another post equivalent to it. I
told him that he ought to make such a proposition to his uncle, and that
he ought to give me that which his father, and he himself, had promised
to me. But he did not do so; and thus I remained without any recompense
for all my services: while my lord, the Adelantado, without having
rendered any service at all, continued in the enjoyment of the dignity
which belonged to me, and reaped the reward of all my exertions.

When his lordship arrived at the city of San Domingo, he assumed the
reins as governor, and gave the post which he had promised to me, to
Francisco de Garay, a servant of the Adelantado, to hold it for him. This
took place on the tenth day of July of the year fifteen hundred and ten,
and the office was then worth at least a million per annum. My lady, the
Vicequeen, as tutress and guardian of my lord the viceroy, and my lord
the viceroy himself, are really chargeable to me for this loss, and are
debtors to me for it in justice and on the score of conscience. The post
had been given to me by way of recompense, and nothing has been done in
my favour towards the accomplishment of the Admiral’s promise, since the
day in which it was given, to this, the close of my life; if it had been
given to me, I should have been the richest and most honoured man in
the island; whereas, I am now the poorest, and have not even a house of
my own to live in, but am obliged to pay rent for the roof over my head.
As it would be very difficult to refund the revenues which this office
has produced, I will suggest an alternative, which is this: that his
lordship grant the rank of principal Alguazil of the city of San Domingo,
to one of my sons, for his life, and bestow upon the other the rank of
Vice-Admiral in the same city: by the grant of these two offices to my
sons in the manner I have said, and by appointing some one to hold them
on their behalf until they come of age, his lordship will discharge the
conscience of the Admiral his father, and I shall hold myself satisfied,
as duly paid for my services. I shall say nothing further upon the
subject, but leave it to the consciences of their lordships, and let them
do whatever they think proper.

Item. I leave as executors and administrators of my will here at the
court, the bachelor Estrada and Diego de Arana, together with my lady
the Vicequeen; and I beg his lordship to undertake this charge, and to
direct the others to undertake it likewise.

_Another clause._ Item. I order that my executors purchase a large
stone, the best that they can find, and place it upon my grave, and that
they write round the edge of it these words: “Here lies the honourable
Chevalier Diego Mendez, who rendered great services to the royal crown
of Spain, in the discovery and conquest of the Indies, in company with
the discoverer of them, the Admiral Don Christopher Columbus, of glorious
memory, and afterwards rendered other great services by himself, with his
own ships, and at his own cost. He died, etc. He asks of your charity a
Paternoster and an Ave Maria.”

Item. In the middle of the said stone let there be the representation
of a canoe, which is a hollowed tree, such as the Indians use for
navigation; for in such a vessel did I cross three hundred leagues of
sea; and let them engrave above it this word: “Canoa.”

My dear and beloved sons, children of my very dear and beloved wife Doña
Francisca de Ribera,—may the blessing of God Almighty, Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost, descend upon you, together with my blessing, and protect
you, and make you Catholic Christians, and give you grace always to love
and fear Him. My sons, I earnestly recommend you to cultivate peace and
harmony amongst yourselves, and that you be obliging, and not haughty,
but very humble and courteous towards those with whom you have to do, so
that all may love you. Serve loyally my lord the Admiral, and may his
lordship grant you large recompense, considering who he is himself, and
by what great services I have deserved his favours. Above all I charge
you, my sons, to be very pious, and to hear very devoutly the divine
offices, and in so doing, may the Lord grant you long life. May it please
Him of His infinite goodness, to make you as good as I wish you to be,
and guide you always with His hand. Amen.

The books which I send to you are as follows:

_The Art of Well-dying_, by Erasmus; a _Sermon_, of Erasmus, in Spanish;
_Josephus de Bello Judaico_; the _Moral Philosophy_, of Aristotle; the
books called _Lingua Erasmi_; the book of _The Holy Land_;[219] _The
conversations of Erasmus_; _A treatise on the Complaints of Peace_; _A
book of Contemplation of the Passion of our Redeemer_; _A treatise on the
Revenging of the Death of Agamemnon_; and other small tracts.

I have already told you, my sons, that I leave you these books as
heir-looms under the conditions described above in my will, and I wish
them to be put together with my other documents, which will be found in
the cedar box, at Seville, as I have already said; I wish also the marble
mortar should be placed in it, which is now in the possession of Don
Ferdinand, or of his major-domo.

I, Diego Mendez, affirm that this document, contained in thirteen sheets,
is my last will and testament, for I have dictated it and caused it to
be written, and have signed it with my name; and by it I revoke and
annul any other will or wills whatever made by me at any other time or
place, and I desire that this only be considered valid. Made in the city
of Valladolid, the nineteenth day of June, in the year of our Redeemer
one thousand five hundred and thirty-six.—DIEGO MENDEZ. And I, the said
Garcia de Vera, scrivener and notary public, was present at all which has
been herein said; and it has all been set down by me by order of the said
lord-lieutenant, and by request of the said Bachelor Estrada, forming the
testament in these twenty-six leaves of folio paper, as is here seen.
I caused it to be written as it was presented and laid before me, and
have kept the original in my possession. And to this effect I have here
placed this my seal (_here was placed the seal_), in testimony of the
truth.—(_Signed_) GARCIA DE VERA.

_This agrees literally with the clauses copied from a will sealed and
signed by the said scrivener, Garcia de Vera, the original of which is
in the archives of the most excellent the Admiral Duke of Veraguas, from
which I copied it in Madrid on the twenty-eighth day of March, in the
year eighteen hundred and twenty-five.—Thomas Gonzalez._

_Note.—The other clauses of this will of Diego Mendez, refer to his
funeral arrangements, and the declaration of debts, due both to him
and by him, in Spain and in the island of Hispaniola, as well as other
matters purely personal, and relating to his family; but they bear no
reference or allusion to the Admiral Columbus, or to his voyages and
discoveries, and therefore have not been copied._


RELACION

_Hecha por Diego Mendez, de algunos acontecimientos del último viage del
Almirante Don Cristóbal Colon._

Diego Mendez, vecino de la ciudad de Santo Domingo de la Isla Española,
hallándose en la villa de Valladolid, donde á la sazon estaba la Corte
de SS. MM., otorgó testamento en seis dias del mes de Junio del año de
mil quinientos treinta y seis, por testimonio de Fernan Perez, escribano
de SS. MM., y su notario público en la su Corte y en todos los sus
Reinos y Señoríos; siendo testigos al otorgamiento Diego de Arana, Juan
Diez Miranda de la Cuadra, Martin de Orduña, Lucas Fernandez, Alonso de
Angulo, Francísco de Hinojosa y Diego de Aguilar, todos criados de la
Señora Vireina de las Indias. Y entre otros capítulos del mencionado
testamento hay uno que á la letra dice así.

Cláusula del testamento. Item: Los muy ilustres Señores, el Almirante D.
Cristobal Colon, de gloriosa memoria, y su hijo el Almirante D. Diego
Colon, y su nieto el Almirante D. Luis, á quien Dios dé largos dias
de vida, y por ellos la Vireina mi Señora, como su tutriz y curadora,
me son en cargo de muchos y grandes servicios que yo les hice, en que
consumí y gasté todo lo mejor de mi vida hasta acaballa en su servicio;
especialmente serví al gran Almirante D. Cristóbal andando con su Señoria
descubriendo Islas y Tierra firme, en que puse muchas veces mi persona á
péligro de muerte por salvar su vida y de los que con él iban y estaban;
mayormente cuando se nos cerró el puerto del rio de Belen ó Yebra donde
estábamos con la fuerza de las tempestades de la mar y de los vientos
que acarrearon y amontonaron la arena en cantidad con que cegaron la
entrada del puerto. Y estando su Señoria allí muy congojado, juntóse
gran multitud de Indios de la tierra para venir á quemarnos los navios y
matarnos á todos, con color que decian que iban á hacer guerra a otros
Indios de las provincias de Cobrava Aurira con quien tenian guerra: y
como pasaron muchos dellos por aquel puerto en que teniamos nosotros
las naos, ninguno de la armada caia en el negocio sino yo, que fuí al
Almirante y le dije: “Señor, estas gentes que por aquí han pasado en
orden de guerra dicen que se han de juntar con los de Veragoa para ir
contra los de Cobrava Aurira: yo no lo creo sino el contrario, y es que
se juntan para quemarnos los navíos y matarnos á todos,” como de hecho lo
era. Y diciéndome el Almirante cómo se remediaria, yo dije á su Señoría
que saldria con una barca é iría por la costa hácia Veragoa, para ver
donde asentaban el real. Y no hube andado media legua cuando halle al
pie de mil hombres de guerra con muchas vituallas y brevages, y salté en
tierra solo entre ellos, dejando mi barca puesta en flota: y hablé con
ellos segun pude entender, y ofrecíme que queria ir con ellos á la guerra
con aquella barca armada, y ellos se escusaron reciamente diciendo que
no le habian menester: y como yo me volviese á la barca y estuviese allí
á vista dellos toda la noche, vieron que no podian ir á las naos para
quemallas y destruillas, segun tenian acordado, sin que yo lo viese, y
mudaron propósito: y aquella noche se volvieron todos á Veragoa, y yo
me volví á las naos y hice relacion de todo á su Señoría, é no lo tuvo
en poco. Y platicando conmigo sobrello sobre que manera se ternia para
saber claramente el intento de aquella gente, yo me ofrecí de ir allá
con un solo compañero, y lo puse por obra, yendo mas cierto de la muerte
que dela vida: y habiendo caminado por la playa hasta el rio de Veragoa
hallé dos canoas de Indios extrangeros que me contaron muy á la clara
como aquellas gentes iban para quemar las naos y matarnos á todos, y que
lo dejaron de hacer por la barca que allí sobrevino, y questaban todavia
de propósito de volver á hacello dende á dos dias, é yo les rogué que
me llevasen en sus canoas el rio arriba, y que gelo pagaria; y ellos
se escusaban aconsejándome que en ninguna manera fuese, porque fuese
cierto que en llegando me matarian á mí y al compañero que llevaba. E sin
embargo de sus consejos hice que me llevasen en sus canaos el rio arriba
hasta llegar á los pueblos de los Indios, los cuales hallé todos puestos
en orden de guerra, que no me querian dejar ir al asiento principal del
Cacique; y yo fingiendo que le iba á curar como cirujano de una llaga
que tenia en una pierna, y con dádivas que les dí me dejaron ir hasta el
asiento Real, que estaba encima de un cerro llano con una plaza grande,
rodeada de trescientas cabezas de muertos que habian ellos muerto en una
batalla: y como yo hubiese pasado toda la plaza y llegado á la Casa Real
hubo grande alboroto de mugeres y muchachos que estaban á la puerta, que
entraron gritando dentro en el palacio. Y salió de él un hijo del Señor
muy enojado diciendo palabras recias en su lenguage, é puso las manos
en mí y de un empellon me desvió muy lejos de sí: diciéndole yo por
amansarle como iba á curar á su padre de la pierna, y mostrándole cierto
unguento que para ello llevaba, dijo que en ninguna manera habia de
entrar donde estaba su padre. Y visto por mí que por aquella via no podia
amansarle, saqué un peine y unas tijeras y un espejo, y hice que Escobar
mi compañero me peinase y cortase el cabello. Lo cual visto por él y por
los que allí estaban quedaban espantados; y yo entonces hice que Escobar
le peinase á él y le cortase el cabello con las tijeras, y díselas y el
peine y el espejo, y con esto se amansó; y yo pedí que trajesen algo de
comer, y luego lo trajeron, y comimos y bebimos en amor y compaña, y
quedamos amigos; y despedime dél y vine á las naos, y hice relacion de
todo esto al Almirante mi Señor, el cual no poco holgó en saber todas
estas circumstancias y cosas acaecidas por mi; y mandó poner gran recabdo
en las naos y en ciertas casas de paja, que teniamos hechas allí en la
playa con intencion que habia yo de quedar allí con cierta gente para
calar y saber los secretos de la tierra.

Otro dia de mañana su Señoría me llamó para tomar parecer conmigo
de lo que sobre ello se debia hacer, y fue mi parecer que debiamos
prender aquel Señor y todos sus Capitanes, porque presos aquellos se
sojuzgaria la gente menuda; y su Señoria fue del mismo parecer: é yo di
el ardid y la manera con que se debia hacer, y su Señoría mandó que el
Señor Adelantado, su hermano, y yo con él fuesemos á poner en efecto
lo sobredicho con ochenta hombres. Y fuimos, y diónos Nuestro Señor
tan buena dicha que prendimos el Cacique y los mas de sus Capitanes y
mugeres y hijos y nietos con todos los principales de su generacion; y
enviándolos á las naos ansí presos, soltóse el Cacique al que le llevaba
por su mal recabdo, el cual despues nos hizo mucho daño. En este instante
plugó á Dios que lovíó mucho, y con la gran avenida abriósenos el puerto,
y el Almirante sacó los navíos á la mar para venirse á Castilla, quedando
yo en tierra para haber de quedar en ella por Contador de su Alteza con
setenta hombres, y quedábame allí la mayor parte de los mantenimientos de
bizcocho y vino y aceite y vinagre.

Acabado de salir el Almirante á la mar, y quedando yo en tierra con obra
de veinte hombres porque los otros se habian salido con el Almirante á
despedir, subitamente sobrevino sobre mi mucha gente de la tierra, que
serian mas de cuatrocientos hombres armados con sus varas y flechas y
tiraderos, y tendierónse por el monte en haz y dieron una grita y otra
y luego otra, con las cuales plugo á Dios me apercibieron á la pelea y
defensa de ellos: y estando yo en la playa entre los bohios que tenia
hechos, y ellos en el monte á trecho de tíro de dardo, comenzaron á
flechar y á garrochar como quien agarrocha toro, y eran las flechas
y tiraderas tantas y tan continuas como granizo; y algunos dellos se
desmandaban para venirnos á dar con las machadasnas; pero ninguno
dellos volvian porque quedaban allí cortados brazos y piernas y muertos
á espada: de lo cual cobraron tanto miedo que se retiraron atras,
habiéndonos muerto siete hombres en la pelea de veinte que eramos, y
de ellos murieron diez ó nueve de los que se venian á nosotros mas
arriscados. Duró esta pelea tres horas grandes, y Nuestro Soñor nos dio
la vitoria milagrosamente, siendo nosotros tan poquitos y ellos tanta
muchedumbre.

Acabada esta pelea vino de las naos el Capitan Diego Tristan con las
barcas para subir el rio arriba á tomar agua para su viage; y no
embargante que yo le aconsejé y amonesté que no subiese el rio arriba
no me quiso creer, y contra mi grado subió con las dos barcas y doce
hombres el rio arriba, donde le toparon aquella gente y pelearon con
él, y le mataron á él y todos los que llavaba, que no escapó sino uno
á nado que trujo la nueva; y tomaron las barcas y hiciéronlas pedazos,
de que quedamos en gran fatiga, ansí el Almrante en la mar con sus naos
sin barcas como nosotros en tierra sin tener con que poder ir á él. Y á
todo esto no cesaban los Indios de venirnos á cometer cada rato tañiendo
bocinas y atabales, y dando alaridos pensando que nos tenian vencidos.
El remedio contra esta gente que teniamos eran dos tiros falconetes de
fruslera, muy buenos, y mucha pólvora y pelotas con que los ojeábamos
que no osaban llegar á nosotros. Y esto duró por espacio de cuatro dias,
en los cuales yo hice cosar muchos costales de las velas de una nao que
nos quedaba, y en aquellos puse todo el bizcocho que teniamos, y tomé
dos canoas y até la una con la otra parejas, con unos palos atravesados
por encima, y en estos cargué el bizcocho todo en viages, y las pipas
de vino y azeite y vinagre atadas en una guindaleja y á jorno [_sic_,
jorro] por la mar, tirando por ellas las canoas, abonanzando la mar, en
siete caminos que hicieron lo llevaron todo á las naos, y la gente que
conmigo estaba poco á poco la llevaron, é yo quedé con cinco hombres
á la postre siendo de noche, y en la postrera barcada me embarqué: lo
cual el Almirante tuvo á mucho, y no se hartaba de me abrazar y besar en
los carrillos por tan gran servicio como allí le hice, y me rogó tomase
la capitanía de la nao Capitana y el regimiento de toda la gente y del
viage, lo cual yo acepté por le hacer servicio en ello por ser, como era,
cosa de gran trabajo.

Postrero de Abril de mil quinientos y tres partimos de Veragoa con tres
navíos, pensando venir la vuelta de Castilla: y comō los navíos estaban
todos abujerados y comidos de gusanos no los podiamos tener sobre agua;
y andadas treinta leguas dejamos el uno, quedándonos otros dos peor
acondicionados que aquel, que toda la gente no bastaba con las bombas y
calderas y vasijas á sacar el agua que se nos entraba por los abujeros
de la broma: y de esta manera, no sin grandísimo trabajo y peligro,
pensando venir á Castilla navegamos treinta y cinco dias, y en cabo
dellos llegamos á la isla de Cuba á lo mas bajo della, á la provincia
de Homo, allá donde agora está el pueblo de la Trinidad; de manera que
estábamos mas lejos de Castilla trescientas leguas que cuando partimos
de Veragoa para ir á ella; y como digo los navíos mal acondicionados,
innavegables, y las vituallas que se nos acababan. Plugo á Dios Nuestro
Señor que pudimos llegar á la isla de Jamaica, donde zabordamos los dos
navíos en tierra, y hicimos de ellos dos casas pajizas, en que estabamos
no sin gran peligro de la gente de aquella isla, que no estaba domada ni
conquistada, nos pusiesen fuego de noche, que fácilmente lo podian hacer
por mas que nosotros velabamos.

Aquí acabé de dar la postrera racion de bizcocho y vino, y tomé una
espada en la mano y tres hombres conmigo, y fuíme por esa isla adelante,
porque ninguno osaba ir á buscar de comer para el Almirante y los que
con él estaban: y plugo á Dios que hallaba la gente tan mansa que no
me hacian mal, antes se holgaban conmigo y me daban de comer de buena
voluntad. Y en un pueblo que se llama Aguacadiba, concerté con los Indios
y Cacique que harian pan cazabe, y que cazarian y pescarian, y que
darian de todas las vituallas al Almirante cierta cuantía cada dia, y lo
llevarian á las naos, con que estuviese allí persona que ge lo pagase
en cuentas azules y peines y cuchillos y cascabeles, y anzuelos y otros
rescates que para ello llevabamos: y con esto concierto despaché uno
de los dos cristianos que conmigo traía al Almirante, para que enviase
persona que tuviese cargo de pagar aquellas vituallas y enviarlas.

Y de allí fuí á otro pueblo que estaba tres leguas de este y hice el
mismo concierto con el Cacique y Indios, de él, y envié otro cristiano al
Almirante para que enviase allí otra persona al mismo cargo.

Y de allí pasé adelante y llegué á un gran Cacique que se llamaba
Huareo, donde agora dicen Melilla, que es trece leguas de las naos, del
cual fuí muy bien recebido, que me dió muy bien de comer, y mandó que
todos sus vasallos trajiesen dende á tres dias muchas vituallas, que le
presentaron, é yo ge las pagué de manera que fueron contentos: y concerté
que ordinariamente las traerian, habiendo allí persona que ge las pagase,
y con este concierto envié el otro cristiano con los mantenimientos que
allá me dieron al Almirante, y pedí al Cacique que me diese dos Indios
que fuesen conmigo fasta el cabo de la isla, que el uno me llevaba la
hamaca en que dormia é el otro la comida. Y desta manera caminé hasta el
cabo de la isla, á la parte del Oriente, y llegué á un Cacique que se
llamaba Ameyro, é hice con él amistades de hermandad, y díle mi nombre y
tomé el suyo, que entre ellos se tiene por grande hermandad. Y compréle
una canoa muy buena que él tenia, y díle por ella una bacineta de laton
muy buena que llevaba en la manga y el sayo y una camisa de dos que
llevaba, y embarquéme en aquella canoa, y vine por la mar requiriendo las
estancias que habia dejado con seis Indios que el Cacique me dió para que
me la ayudasen á navegar, y venido á los lugares donde yo habia proveido,
hallé en ellos los cristianos que el Almirante habia enviado, y cargué de
todas las vituallas que les hallé, y fuime al Almirante, del cual fuí muy
bien recebido, que no se hartaba de verme y abrazarme, y preguntar lo que
me habia sucedido en el viage, dando gracias á Dios que me habia llevado
y traido á salvamiento libre de tanta gente salvage. Y como el tiempo que
yo llegué á las naos no habia en ellas un pan que comer, fueron todos
muy alegres con mi venida, porque les maté la hambre en tiempo de tanta
necesidad, y de allí adelante cada dia venian los Indios cargados de
vituallas á las naos de aquellos lugares que yo habia concertado, que
bastaban para doscientas y treinta personas que estaban con el Almirante.
Dende á diez dias el Almirante me llamó á parte y me dijo el gran peligro
en que estaba, diciéndome ansi: “Diego Mendez, hijo: ninguno de cuantos
aquí yo tengo siente el gran peligro en que estamos sino yo y vos, porque
somos muy poquitos, y estos indios salvages son muchos y muy mudables y
antojadizos, y en la hora que se les antojare de venir y quemarnos aquí
donde estamos en estos dos navioa hechos casas pajizas fácilmente pueden
echar fuego dende tierra y abrasarnos aquí á todos: y el concierto que
vos habeis hecho con ellos del traer los mantenimientos que traen de tan
buena gana, mañana se les antojará otra cosa y no nos traerán nada, y
nosotros no somos parte para tomargelo per fuerza si no estar á lo que
ellos quisieren. Yo he pensado un remedio si á vos os parece: que en esta
canoa que comprastes se aventurase alguno á pasar á la Isla Española á
comprar una nao en que pudiesen salir de tan gran peligro como este en
que estamos. Decidme vuestro parecer.” Yo le respondí: “Señor: el peligro
en que estamos bien lo veo, que es muy mayor de lo que se puede pensar.
El pasar desta Isla á la Isla Española en tan poca vasija como es la
canoa, no solamente lo tengo por dificultoso, sino por imposible: porque
haber de atravesar un golfo de cuarenta leguas de mar y entre islas donde
la mar es mas impetuosa y de menos reposo, no sé quien se ose aventurar á
peligro tan notorio”. Su Señoría no me replicó, persuadiendome reciamente
que yo era el que lo habia de hacer, á lo cual yo respondí: “Señor:
muchas veces he puesto mi vida á peligro de muerte por salvar la vuestra
y de todos estos que aqui estan, y nuestro Señor milagrosamente me ha
guardado y la vida; y con todo no han faltado murmuradores que dicen que
vuestra Señoria me acomete á mí todas las cosas de honra, habiendo en la
compañía otros que las harian tan bien como yo: y por tanto paréceme á mí
que vuestra Señoría los haga llamar á todos y los proponga este negocio,
para ver si entre todos ellos habrá alguno que lo quiera emprender, lo
cual yo dudo; y cuando todos se echen de fuera, yo pondré mi vida á
muerte por vuestro servicio, como muchas veces lo he hecho”.

Luego el dia siguiente su Señoría los hizo juntar á todos delante sí, y
les propuso el negocio de la manera que á mí: é oido, todos enmudecieron,
y algunos dijeron que era por demas platicarse en semejante cosa, porque
era imposible en tan pequeña vasija pasar tan impetuoso y peligroso golfo
de cuarenta leguas como este, entre estas dos islas donde muy recias
naos se habian perdido andando á descubrir, sin poder romper ni forzar
el ímpetu y furia de las corrientes. Entonces yo me levanté y dije:
“Señor: una vida tengo no mas, yo la quiero aventurar por servicio de
vuestra Señoría y por el bien de todos los que aquí estan, porque tengo
esperanza en Dios nuestro Señor que vista la intencion con que yo lo hago
me librará, como otras muchas veces lo ha hecho.” Oida por el Almirante
mi determinacion levantóse y abrazóme y besóme en el carrillo, diciendo:
“Bien sabia yo que no habia aquí ninguno que osase tomar esta empresa
sino vos: esperanza tengo en Dios nuestro Señor saldreis della con
vitoria como de las otras que habeis emprendido.”

El dia siguiente yo puse mi canoa á monte, y le eché una quilla postiza,
y le dí su brea y sebo, y en la popa y proa clavéle algunas tablas para
defensa de la mar que no se me entrase como hiciera siendo rasa; y
púsele un mástil y su vela, y metí los mantenimientos que pude para mí
y para un cristiano y para seis indios, que éramos ocho personas, y no
cabian mas en la canoa: y despedíme de su Señoría y de todos, y fuime la
costa arriba de la Isla de Jamaica, donde estábamos, que hay dende las
naos hasta el cabo della treinta y cinco leguas, las cuales yo navegué
con gran peligro y trabajo, porque fuí preso en el camino de Indios
salteadores en la mar, de que Dios me libró milagrosamente. Y llegado al
cabo de la isla, estando esperando que la mar se amansase para acometer
mi viage, juntáronse muchos Indios y determinaron de matarme y tomar la
canoa y lo que en ella llevaba; y así juntos jugaron mi vida á la pelota
para ver á cual dellos cabria la ejecucion del negocio. Lo cual sentido
por mí víneme ascondidamente á mi canoa, que tenia tres leguas de allí,
y hícime á la vela y víneme donde estaba el Almirante, habiendo qnince
dias que de allí habia partido: y contele todo lo sucedido, cómo Dios
milagrosamente me habia librado de las manos de aquellos salvages. Su
Señoría fue muy alegre de mi venida, y preguntóme si volveria al viage.
Yo dije que sí, llevando gente que estuviese conmigo en el cabo de la
isla hasta que yo entrase en la mar á proseguir mi viage. Su Señoría me
dió setenta hombres y con ellos á su hermano le Adelantado, que fuesen
y estuviesen conmigo hasta embarcarme, y tres dias despues. Y desta
manera volví al cabo de la isla donde estuve cuatro dias. Viendo que la
mar se amansaba me despedí dellos y ellos de mí, con hartas lágrimas; y
encomendéme á Dios y á nuestra Señora del Antigua, y navegué cinco dias
y cuatro noches que jamas perdí el remo de la mano gobernando la canoa y
los compañeros remando. Plugo á Dios nuestro Señor que en cabo de cinco
dias yo arribé á la Isla Española, al Cabo de S. Miguel, habiendo dos
dias que no comiamos ni bebiamos por no tenello; y entré con mi canoa
en una ribera muy hermosa, donde luego vino mucha gente de la tierra y
trajeron muchas cosas de comer, y estuve allá dos dias descansando. Yo
tomé seis Indios de allí, dejados los que llevaba, y comencé á navegar
por la costa de la Isla Española, que hay dende allí hasta la Cibdad
de Santo Domingo ciento y treinta leguas que yo habia de andar, porque
estaba allí el Gobernador, que era el Comendador de Lares; y habiendo
andado por la costa de la isla ochenta leguas, no sin grandes peligros y
trabajos, porque la isla no estaba conquistada ni allanada, llegué á la
Provincia de Azoa, que es veinte y cuatro leguas antes de Santo Domingo,
y allí supe del Comendador Gallego como el Gobernador era partido á
la Provincia de Xuragoa á allanarla; la cual estaba cincuenta leguas
de allí. Y esto sabido dejé mi canoa y tomé el camino por tierra de
Xuragoa, donde hallé el Gobernador, el cual me detuvo allí siete meses
hasta que hizo quemar y ahorcar ochenta y cuatro Caciques, señores de
vasallos, y con ellos á Nacaona la mayor señora de la isla, á quien todos
ellos obedecian y servian. Y esto acabado vine de pie á tierra de Santo
Domingo, que era setenta leguas de allí, y estuve esperando viniesen naos
de Castilla, que habia mas de un año que no habian venido. Y en este
comedio plugo á Dios que vinieron tres naos, de las cuales yo compré la
una y la cargué de vituallas, de pan y vino y carne y puercos y carneros
y frutas, y la envié adonde estaba el Almirante para en que viniesen él y
toda la gente como vinieron allí á Santo Domingo y de allí á Castilla. E
yo me vine delante en las otras dos naos á hacer relacion al Rey y á la
Reina de todo lo sucedido en aquel viage.

Paraceme que será bien que se diga algo de lo acaecido al Almirante y
á su familiar en un año que estuvieron perdidos en aquesta isla: y es
que dende á pocos dias que yo me partí los Indios se amotinaron y no
le querian traer de comer como antes; y él los hizo llamar á todos los
Caciques y les digo que se maravillaba dellos en no traerle la comida
como solian, sabiendo como él les habia dicho, que habia venido allí
por mandado de Dios, y que Dios estaba enojado dellos, y que él ge lo
mostraria aquella noche por señales que haria en el cielo; y como aquella
noche era el eclipse de la luna que casi toda se escureció, díjoles que
Dios hacia aquello por enojo que tenia dellos porque no le traian de
comer, y ellos lo creyeron y fueron muy espantados, y prometieron que le
traerian siempre de comer, como de hecho lo hicieron, hasta que llegó la
nao con los mantenimentos que yo envié, de que no pequeño gozo fue en el
Almirante y en todos los que con él estaban: que despues en Castilla me
dijo su Señoría que en toda su vida [nunca?] habia visto tan alegre dia,
y que nunca pensó salir de allí vivo: y en esta nao se embarcó y vino á
Santo Domingo y de allí á Castilla.

He querido poner aquí esta breve suma de mis trabajos y grandes señalados
servicios, cuales nunca hizo hombre á Señor, ni los hará de aquí adelante
del mundo; y esto á fin que mis hijos lo sepan y se animen á servir, é su
Señoria sepa que es obligado á hacerles muchas mercedes.

Venido su Señoría á la Corte, y estando en Salamanca en la cama enfermo
de gota, andando yo solo entendiendo en sus negocios y en la restitucion
de su estado y de la gobernacion para su hijo D. Diego, yo le dije ansi:
“Señor: ya vuestra Señoría sabe lo mucho que os he servido y lo mas
que trabajo de noche y de dia en vuestros negocios: suplico á vuestra
Señoria me señale algun galardon para en pago dello:” y él me respondió
alegremente que yo lo señalase y él lo cumpliria, porque era mucha razon.
Y entonces yo le señalé y supliqué á su Señoría me hiciese merced del
oficio del Alguacilazgo mayor de la Isla Española para en toda mi vida: y
su Señoría dijo que de muy buena voluntad, y que era poco para lo mucho
que yo habia servido; y mandóme que lo dijese ansi al Sr. D. Diego, su
hijo, el cual fue muy alegre de la merced á mí hecha de dicho oficio, y
dijo que si su padre me lo daba con una mano, él con dos. Y esto es ansi
la verdad para el siglo que á ellos tiene y á mi espera.

Habiendo yo acabado, no sin grandes trabajos mios, de negociar la
restitucion de la gobernacion de las Indias al Almirante D. Diego, mi
Señor, siendo su padre fallecido, le pedí la provision del dicho oficio.
Su Señoria me respondió que lo tenia dado al Adelantado su tio; pero que
él me daria otra cosa equivalente á aquella. Yo dije que aquella diese
él á su tio, y á mi me diese lo que su padre y él me habian prometido,
lo cual no se hizo; y yo quedé cargado de servicios sin ningun galardon,
y el Sr. Adelantado, sin haberlo servido, quedó con mi oficio y con el
galardon de todos mis afanes.

Llegado su Señoría á la Cibdad de Santo Domingo por Gobernador tomó las
varas dió este oficio á Francisco de Garay, criado del Sr. Adelantado,
que lo sirviese por él. Esto fue en diez dias del mes de Julio de mil
quinientas diez años. Valia entonces el oficio á lo menos un cuento de
renta, del cual la Vireina, mi Señora, como tutriz y curadora del Virey,
mi Señor, y él me son en cargo realmente y me lo deben de justicia y _de
foro conscientiæ_, porque me fue hecha la merced de él, y no se cumplió
conmigo dende el dia que se dió al Adelantado hasta el postrero de mis
dias, porque si se me diera yo fuera el mas rico hombre de la isla y mas
honrado; y por no se me dar soy el mas pobre della, tanto que no tengo
una casa en que more sin alquiler.

Y porque haberseme de pagar lo que el oficio ha rentado seria muy
dificultoso, yo quiero dar un medio y será este: que su Señoría haga
merced del Alguacilazgo mayor de la Cibdad de Santo Domingo á uno de
mis hijos para en toda su vida, y al otro le haga merced de su Teniente
de Almirante en la dicha Cibdad: y con hacer merced destos dos oficios
á mis hijos de la manera que he aquí dicho, y poniéndolos en cabeza de
quien los serva por ellos hasta que sean de edad, su Señoría descargará
la conciencia del Almirante su padre, y yo me satisfaré de la paga que
se me debe de mis servicios: y en esto no diré mes de dejallo en sus
conciencias de sus Señorías, y hagan en ello lo que mejor les pareciere.

Item: Dejo por mis albaceas y ejecutores deste mi testamento, aquí en
la corte, al Bachiller Estrada y á Diego de Arana, juntamente con la
Vireina, mi Señora, y suplico yo á su Señoría lo acepte y les mande á
ellos lo mismo.

_Otra cláusula._ Item: Mando que mis albaceas compren una piedra grande,
la mejor que hallaren, y se ponga sobre mi sepultura, y se escriba en
derredor della estas letras: “Aquí yace el honrado caballero Diego Mendez
que sirvió mucho á la Corona Real de España en el descubrimiento y
conquista de las Indias con el Almirante D. Cristobal Colon, de gloriosa
memoria, que las descubrió, y despues por sí con naos suyas á su costa:
falleció, etc. Pido de limosna un Pater noster y una Ave María.”

Item: En medio de la dicha piedra se haga una canoa, que es un madero
cavado en que los Indios navegan, porque en otra tal navegó trescientas
leguas, y encima pongan unas letras que digan: “Canoa.”

Caros y amados hijos mios, y de mi muy cara y amada muger Doña
Francisca de Ribera, la bendicion de Dios Todopoderoso, Padre y Hijo
y Espíritu Santo y la mia descienda sobre vos y vos cubra y os haga
catolicos cristianos, y os dé gracia que siempre le ameis y temais.
Hijos: encomiendoos mucho la paz y concordia, y que seais muy conformes
y no soberbios, sino muy humildes y muy amigables á todos los que
contratáredes, porque todos os tengan amor: servid lealmente al Almirante
mi Señor, y su Señoría os hará muchas mercedes por quien él es, y
porque mis grandes servicios lo merecen; y sobre todo os mando, hijos
mios, seais muy devotos y oyais muy devotamente los Oficios Divinos, y
haciéndolo ansi Dios nuestro Señor os dará largos dias de vida. A él
plega por su infinita bondad haceros tan buenos como yo deseo que seais,
y os tenga siempre de su mano. Amen.

Los libros que de acá os envio son los siguientes:

Arte de bien morir de Erasmo. Un sermon de Erasmo en romance. Josefo de
Bello Judaico. La Filosofía moral de Aristóteles. Los libros que se dicen
Lingua Erasmi. El libro de la Tierra santa. Los coloquios de Erasmo. Un
tratado de las querellas de la Paz. Un libro de Contemplaciones de la
Pasion de nuestro Redentor. Un tratado de le venganza de la muerte de
Agamenon, y otros tratadillos.

Ya dije, hijos mios, que estos libros os dejo por mayorazgo, con las
condiciones que estan dichas de suso en el testamento, y quiero que
vayan todos con algunas Escrituras mias, que se hallarán en el arca que
está en Sevilla, que es de cedro, como ya está dicho: pongan tambien en
esta el mortero de mármol que está en poder del Sr. D. Hernando, ó de su
mayordomo.

Digo yo Diego Mendez que esta Escritura contenida en trece hojas es mi
testamento y postrimera voluntad, porque yo lo ordené é hice escribir,
y lo firmé de mi nombre, y por él revoco y doy por ningunos otros
cualesquier testamentos hechos en cualesquier otros tiempos ó lugar;
y solo este quiero que valga, que es hecho en la villa de Valladolid
en diez y nueve dias del mes de Junio, año de nuestro Redentor de mil
quinientos treinta y seis años. Diego Mendez. E yo el dicho García de
Vera, Escribano Notario público, presente fui á todo lo que dicho es, que
de mi se hace mencion, é por mandado del dicho Sr. Teniente é pedimento
del dicho Bachiller Estrada, este testamento en estas veinte é seis hojas
de papel, pliego entero, como aquí parece, fice escrebir como ante mí se
presentó é abrió, é ansi queda originalmente en mi poder. E por ende fice
aquí este mi signo tal en (_está signado_) testimonio de verdad. García
de Vera. (_Está firmado._)

_Concuerda literalmente con las cláusulas copiadas de un testimonio
signado y firmado por el expresado Escribano García de Vera, que obra
originalmente en el Archivo del Excmo. Sr. Almirante Duque de Veraguas,
de donde lo copié en Madrid á veinte y cinco dias del mes de Marzo de mil
ochocientos veinte y cinco años.—Tomas Gonzalez._


FOOTNOTES:

[213] Donna Maria de Toledo, widow of Diego Columbus.

[214] Possibly the ship they abandoned was inferior in size, or in some
other respect.

[215] Ferdinand Columbus says that the Indians called this eastern point
of the island Aramaquique, and that it was thirty-four leagues from
Maima, where the admiral was.

[216] This cape is since called Cape Tiburon. Mendez does not speak of
his arrival at the little island of Naraza, and other places spoken of by
Ferdinand Columbus and Herrera.

[217] This should be Xaragua.

[218] On the twenty-eighth of June 1504; he entered the harbour of St.
Domingo on the thirteenth of August, started for Spain on the twelfth of
September, and arrived at San Lucar on Thursday, the seventh of November.

[219] By B. von Breydenbach.(?)


FINIS.




INDEX.


  Adda (Marquis d’), his reproduction of the printed text of the first
        letter, cxxv

  Adelantado, _see_ Bartholomew Columbus

  Adelphus (John), his connection with St. Dié, lxxxvi

  Ages, a kind of turnip used by the Indians, 63, 68

  Aguacadiba, village in Jamaica, 223

  Aguado (Juan), recommended to the notice of the King and Queen, 93

  Aguja (Punta de la), Needle Point, 125

  Ailly (Cardinal Pierre d’), his Imago Mundi studied by Columbus, xlv

  Alcatraz (Point), 125

  Alfragan, the Arab astronomer, his influence on Columbus, xlvii

  Aloes, found in Española, 67

  Ameyro (The Cacique), his friendship for Diego Mendez, 225

  Animals in Española, 42

  —— of Cariay, 200

  Antillia, supposed island of, xxvi

  Appianus, his Mappe-monde bearing the name of America, lxxxvii

  Arabian expedition to America, xix

  Arana (Diego de), Governor of Española, 12

  —— (Pedro de), commander of one of the ships sent on by Columbus
        to Española in the third voyage, 115

  Arenal (Point of), 119

  Arguin, called by Columbus Hargin, 136

  Arin, Island of, 135

  Arrows used by the Caribbees, 31

  Astrolabe rendered useful for seamen, li

  Atlantis, spoken of by Plato, v

  Australia discovered by the Portuguese within one hundred years of
        the rounding of Cape Bojador by Prince Henry’s navigators, i

  Avan, a province of Juana, 10

  Ayala (Pedro de), on the supposed islands in the Atlantic, xxvi

  Ayay, one of the Caribbee Islands, 31

  Axes made of stone used by the Indians, 68

  Azoa, Province of Española, 232


  Bacon (Roger), his _Opus Majus_ supplied the portion of the _Imago
        Mundi_ which is supposed to have inspired Columbus with the
        idea of discovering America, xlvii

  Bardson (Heriulf), establishes himself at Heriulfsnes in Greenland, x

  Barrow (Sir John), his account of Cortereal’s expedition, xxvii

  Bastimentos, harbour of, 184

  Becher (Captain), agrees with Muñoz on the landfall of Columbus, lx

  Behaim (Martin), on the supposed islands in the Atlantic, xxvi;
    said to have discovered the Azores, xxx;
    the evidence of his globe, xxxi;
    in conjunction with Roderigo and Josef, renders the astrolabe
        useful for seamen, li

  Belem and Belpuerto, disabled ships left there, 193

  —— or Yebra, river, 213

  Beltran, recommended to the notice of the King and Queen, 92

  Bianco (Andrea), his map, on which is the word “Antillia,” xxvi

  Bibliography, cviii

  Birds’ nests in Española at Christmas, 42

  Bobadilla (D. Francisco de), his infamous treatment of Columbus, lxxi;
    his death, lxxvi

  —— ——, Columbus’s account of his arrival in Española, 159;
    his conduct, 160;
    arrests Columbus, 167;
    seizes his house and papers, 173

  Bohio discovered, lxiii

  Bohio, a province of Española, 41

  Bojador (Cape), rounded by Prince Henry’s navigators in 1434, i

  Bonacca, _see_ Guanaga

  Brazil, supposed island of, xxvi

  Bremen (Adam of), makes the earliest allusion (_printed_) to the
        colonization of America by the Scandinavians, viii

  Brerewood (Edward), derives the Americans from the Tartars, vi

  Burenquen (Porto Rico), discovered, 39


  Cabot (John), his zeal for the discovery of the supposed islands in
        the Atlantic, xxvi

  —— (Sebastian), his discovery demonstrated, xxviii

  Cabras, Goat Island, 43

  Canaanites supposed to have peopled America, vi

  Cannibals, Caribbee, 26, 29

  —— in Cariay, 201

  Canoes, 9, 10

  Caonabó, a chief in Española accused of having burned the Spanish
        settlement, 48;
    gold mines in Niti belonging to him, 64;
    his bad disposition towards the Christians, 77

  Cape Gracias a Dios, 178

  Cape Honduras, lxxvii

  Cape Verde Islands discovered by Diego Gomez (see _Life of Prince
        Henry the Navigator_), 115, 116

  Capitana ship, the captaincy given to Diego Mendez, 222

  Carabajal, Alonzo Sanchez de, commanded one of the ships sent on by
        Columbus to Española in the third voyage, 115

  Caracol, Bay of, in Española, 47

  Caradoc of Llancarvan’s account of the Welsh expedition, xxi

  Carambaru, golden mirrors worn by the Indians, 180

  Cariay, Columbus arrives there in his fourth voyage, 180;
    enchanters, 199;
    sepulchre, 199;
    animals, 200;
    cannibals, 201;
    copper mines, 201;
    cotton beautifully worked, 201

  Caribbee Islands discovered, 25

  Caseneuve (Guillaume de), his name confounded with that of Columbus,
        xxxviii

  Cathay, Northern China, 194

  Cazadilla, bishop of Ceuta, condemns the proposed enterprise of
        Columbus, lii

  Celts supposed to have peopled America, ix

  Ceyre, Cayre or Charis (Dominica), 31;
    said to abound in gold, 37, 38

  Chanca’s (Dr.) letter, iii;
    history of, cxxxviii, cxl;
    physician to the fleet of Columbus, in his second voyage, his
        letter, 19;
    mentioned in the memorial of Columbus, 93

  Chinese supposed to have reached America by the north, vii

  Ciamba, province of, gold mines, 180

  Cibao, gold mines of, 69

  Ciguare, dress and customs of the people, 181

  Cladera (Don Cristóbal) refutes the statements respecting Behaim, xxx

  Cobrava Aurira, province, 214

  Columbus (Bartholomew) sent by his brother to Henry VII, lvi;
    arrested by Bobadilla, 167

  Columbus (Christopher) derives the idea of explorations to the West
        from Prince Henry’s researches into the Atlantic, i;
    the importance of his original letters, ii;
    the pathos and dignity of his complaints, iii;
    the evidence of European adventurers having visited America before
        his time, does not detract from his merit, xxxi;
    every previous discovery having been accidental, xxxii;
    his parentage and date of birth, xxxii, xxxiv;
    birthplace, xxxv;
    education, xxxv;
    his connection with Guillaume de Caseneuve discussed, xxxvii, xlii;
    his sojourn in Portugal, where he first receives the inspiration
        of his great discovery, his marriage with the daughter of
        Perestrello and consequent inheritance of his papers, etc.,
        xlii, xliii;
    the facts and signs which convinced him there was land to the West,
        xliii, xliv;
    his studies, xlv;
    influenced by al Fergani or Alfragan, xlvii;
    Marco Polo and Sir John Mandeville, xlviii;
    his letter to Toscanelli and the answer, xlix;
    his patience in biding his time for application to the King of
        Portugal, l;
    his letters of 1477 quoted by his son, l;
    his audience with the king, li;
    his enterprise condemned by the Council, lii;
    his unworthy treatment, lii;
    and departure, liii;
    conjectures respecting his subsequent history, liii;
    his visit to the Convent of Rabida, liv;
    his various fortune at the Court of Spain, liv, lvii;
    sets out on his first great voyage, lvii;
    discovers the Island of San Salvador, etc., the true landfall
        discussed, lviii-lxiii;
    establishes a colony in Hispaniola, lxiii;
    his stormy passage home, lxiv;
    reception at the Azores, lxiv;
    arrives at Lisbon, lxv;
    and reaches Spain in safety, lxvi;
    his triumph at Barcelona, lxvi;
    the Papal bull obtained, lxvii;
    his second voyage, lxviii;
    and return, lxix;
    third voyage, lxix;
    his cruel treatment, lxxi, lxxii;
    arrives in Spain and is honourably received by the sovereigns,
        lxxiii;
    his fourth voyage, lxxiv;
    and return, lxxix;
    his sufferings till death, lxxx;
    his first letter addressed to Raphael Sanchez, 1;
    discovers San Salvador, Santa Maria de Conception, Fernandina,
        Isabella and Juana, 2;
    sees another island and names it Española, 3;
    takes possession of Española and builds the fortress of Villa de
        Navidad, 11;
    describes the benefits to be derived from his discoveries, 15, 16;
    leaves Cadiz for his second voyage, arrives at the Great Canary,
        Gomera, 20;
    Ferro, 21;
    discovers Dominica and Marigalante, 22;
    discovers Guadaloupe, 24;
    discovers Montserrat, Santa Maria la Redonda, Santa Maria la
        Antigua, and St. Martin, 34;
    discovers Santa Cruz and St. Ursula, 38;
    discovers Porto Rico, which he names St. John the Baptist, 39;
    arrives at Española, 41;
    receives a deputation from Guacamari, 44;
    finds the settlement destroyed by fire, 51;
    goes to visit Guacamari, 54;
    selects Port Isabella for the new settlement, builds the City of
        Marta, 62;
    sends two parties in search of gold mines, 69;
    his memorial to the King and Queen of the results of the second
        voyage, 72;
    refers to Gorbalan and Hojeda for an account of the gold to be
        found, 74;
    describes the difficulties and dangers to be encountered, 75, 81;
    describes the fertility of the country, 81;
    asks for supplies, 82, 84;
    asks for the confirmation of Antonio de Torres as governor of the
        City of Isabella, 92;
    recommends to the notice of the King and Queen Messire Pedro
        Margarite, Gaspar, Beltran, and Juan Aguado, 92, 93;
    also Dr. Chanca, 93;
    Coronel, 95;
    also Gil Garcia, 96;
    complains of the conduct of Juan de Soria, 98;
    asks for further assistance and stores, 100, 104;
    recommends Villacorta, 105;
    his narrative of his third voyage, 108;
    his address to the King and Queen, 108, 114;
    sails from San Lucar, 114;
    discovers Trinidad, 118;
    describes Indians in a canoe near the point of Arenal, 119;
    violent currents near the Point, 122;
    beauty of the country at the Punta de la Aguja, 125;
    conjectures respecting the violent currents, 130;
    the north star, 133;
    form of the earth, 134, 135;
    describe the Gulf of Pearls, 139;
    his conjectures as to the situation of Paradise, 141, 146;
    letter to the nurse of Prince John, 152;
    describes his troubles on arriving at Española, 155, 156;
    conduct of Hojeda and Vincent Yañez, 156;
    of Adrian Mogica and Don Ferdinand, 157;
    describes Bobadilla’s arrival, 160;
    his arrest by Bobadilla, 167;
    his house and papers seized, 173;
    letter to the King and Queen on his fourth voyage, 175;
    his reception in Española, 176;
    dreadful storm, 176, 178;
    his distress on account of his son and brother, 178, 179;
    arrives at Cariay, hears of gold mines in Ciamba, goes to
        Carambaru, 180;
    describes the people of Ciguare, 181;
    his conjectures with regard to the earth, 183;
    reaches the harbour of Bastimentos, 184;
    his suffering during an awful tempest, 185;
    returns to Puerto Gordo, 186;
    reaches Veragua, 187;
    finds gold mines, 188;
    deceit of the Cacique Quibian, 188;
    establishes a settlement, 189;
    takes the Cacique prisoner, 189;
    describes pathetically his misfortunes on this coast, 190;
    his dream, 191, 192;
    supposes himself in China, 194;
    reaches Jamaica, 195;
    repeats the course of his voyage, 196, 197;
    describes the enchanters of Cariay, 199;
    sculptured sepulchre, 199;
    animals, 200;
    products, 201;
    abundance of gold in Veragua, 202;
    conjectures concerning the gold of Solomon, 204;
    his distress for the condition of Española and Paria, 206;
    his touching complaint of cruel treatment, 209, 211;
    his conference with Diego Mendez related by the latter, 226

  Columbus (Diego), information given by him to Las Casas respecting
        his father, xliii;
    leaves Lisbon with his father, liii;
    his father’s anxiety about him, 179

  —— (Juan Antonio), commanded one of the ships sent on by Columbus
        to Española in the third voyage, 115

  —— (Ferdinand), on the subject of his father’s parentage and date
        of birth, xxxii;
    on the subject of Caseneuve, xxxviii;
    on the subject of his father’s first thoughts of his great
        discovery, xlii;
    relates the facts and signs which led him on to the West, xliii;
    collects his father’s books and bequeaths them to the Cathedral of
        Seville, xlv;
    speaks of the influence of Alfragan, xlvii;
    quotes a letter of his father’s, l;
    his statement that his father went to Spain in 1484, liii

  Copper mines in Cariay, 201

  Coral ornaments worn by the Indians of Ciguare, 181

  Cordeiro quoted by Sir John Barrow, xxvii

  Coronel recommended to the notice of the King and Queen, 95

  Correa (Pedro), brother-in-law of Columbus, confirms his idea of land
        to the West, xliii

  Cortereals, the Portuguese explorers, xxvii

  Cosa (Juan de la), his map, lxi, lxii, lxxxix

  Cosmographiæ Introductio, of Waldseemüller, lxxxiv

  Cotton worn by the Indian women, 6;
    great quantities in the islands, 15;
    found in Guadaloupe, both spun and prepared for spinning, 25;
    spun and woven into sheets by the Caribbees, 29;
    worn in bands round the knee and ankle by the Caribbee women, 30;
    hammock of, 56;
    worn by the Indian women, 64;
    trees of in Española, 66;
    worked in colours and worn by Indians near Point Arenal, 120;
    beautifully worked in Cariay, 201

  Crantor confirms the story told by Plato, v

  Cuba, _see_ Juana

  Cubagua discovered, lxx


  Dati (Giuliano), his poem, xc, cvii

  Dauphin (Port) in Española, 60

  De Murr, his evidence on the subject of Behaim, xxxi

  De Guignes, states that the Chinese reached America by the north,
        vii;
    his opinion on the Arabian expedition, xix

  Deza (Diego de), the faithful friend of Columbus, lv, lxxx

  Documents—Columbus’ letter on the first voyage, 1;
    Dr. Chanca’s on the second voyage, 19;
    Memorial of Columbus on the second voyage, 72;
    letter of Columbus on the third voyage, 108;
    his letter to the nurse of Prince John, 152;
    his letter on the fourth voyage, 175;
    narrative of Diego Mendez, 212

  Dogs in Española, 42

  Dominica, Island of, discovered, 22;
    described in second voyage, 31;
    report of gold there, 37

  Dragon’s mouth, 139

  Ducks found in Zuruquia, 13


  Editio Princeps of first letter of Columbus, the rival claims
        discussed, cxxii, cxxxviii

  Edrisi on the Arabian expedition, xx

  Egyptians supposed to have colonised America, etc., vi

  El Retrete, lxxviii

  Engaño, Point, Española, 41

  Eric the Red colonises Greenland, x

  Eric, Greenland Bishop, visits Vineland in 1121, xvii

  Escobar, companion of Diego Mendez, 217

  Escobedo, Rodrigo de, lieutenant to the governor of Española, 12

  Española (St. Domingo), seen from Juana, 3;
    scenery, harbours, vegetation, spices, gold and other metals, 4-5;
    inhabitants, 5-9;
    great size, 11;
    town of Villa de Navidad, 11;
    manners and customs, 12-14;
    products, 15;
    arrival of Columbus on his second voyage, 41;
    its division into provinces, 41;
    country described, birds and animals, 42-43;
    harbour of Monte Cristi, 45;
    river Yaque, 45;
    Bay of Caracol, 47;
    Port Dauphin, 60;
    Port Isabella, 62;
    city of Marta, 62;
    vegetation, 63;
    the people, 64;
    gold mines, 64;
    products, 66-68;
    abundance of gold, 69-70;
    Columbus finds the colony in a state of revolt when he arrives
        there in his third voyage, 155;
    Bobadilla’s arrival, 160;
    reception of Columbus on his fourth voyage, 176

  Evangelista discovered, lxviii

  Exuma discovered, lxiii


  Fernandina (Great Exuma) discovered, 2

  Fonseca (Juan Rodriguez), Bishop of Badajos, his enmity to Columbus,
        lxviii and 156

  Fortress built at Villa de Navidad, 11-12


  Galea, Cape, now Cape Galeota, the south-east point of Trinidad, 118

  Gallardo (Don Bartolomé), the _Imago Mundi_ not mentioned in his list
        of books in the Columbian library, xlvi

  Gallega Island, 177

  Garcia, land of, 121;
    violent currents between it and the I. of Trinidad, 123

  Garcia (Gil), recommended to the notice of the King and Queen, 96

  Gardar, a Dane, discovers Iceland in 863, x

  Gaspar recommended to the notice of the King and Queen, 92

  Genoa, birthplace of Columbus according to his own assertion, xxxv

  Ghillany’s (Dr. F. W.) copy of Martin Behaim’s globe, xxxi

  Gibbs (Mr.) confirms Navarrete on the landfall of Columbus, lviii

  Giocondi (Fra Giovanni) translated Vespucci’s letter into Latin,
        lxxxiv

  Globus Mundi, lxxxv

  Gold and other metals in Española, 5, 15;
    report of large quantities at Cayre, 37;
    ear-rings and necklaces worn by the Indians, 44;
    masks sent as presents by Guacamari, 48;
    beaten into thin plates by the Indians, 55;
    mines at Cibao and Niti, 69;
    great quantities found by Gorbalan and Hojeda, 74;
    ornaments of, worn by the Indians of Paria, 125;
    Indians direct Columbus where to find it, 128;
    seizure of, by Bobadilla, 167;
    gold mines of Ciamba, 180;
    mirrors of, worn by the Indians of Carambaru, 180;
    ornaments of worn by the Indians of Ciguare, 181;
    mines of Veragua, 188;
    abundance of, in Veragua, 202;
    of Solomon, 204

  Gomara on the subject of the Polish pilot, xxix

  Gorbalan, his discovery of gold, 74

  Greenland discovered and colonised, x

  Grotius (Hugo) describes America as peopled from Norway, ix

  Grüninger (Johann) of Strasburg, his edition of the _Cosmographiæ
        Introductio_, lxxxv

  Guacamari sends a deputation to Columbus, 44;
    sends his cousin with an account of the destruction of the Spanish
        settlement, 48;
    receives Melchior and his party, 54;
    his interview with Columbus, 56;
    his hammock of cotton net-work, 56;
    his pretended wound, 58;
    his disappearance, 60

  Guadaloupe, Island of, discovered, 24;
    immense waterfall, 25;
    deserted houses, 25;
    the inhabitants, 27;
    their arts, 29;
    manners and customs, 30-32

  Guanaga Island discovered, lxxvii

  Guanahani (San Salvador, now Watling’s Island) discovered, 2, lxi

  Gunnbiorn discovers Greenland in 877, x

  Gutierrez (Pedro), lieutenant to the governor of Española, 12


  Hair, various ways of wearing among the Indians, 37

  Hammocks used in Española, 56

  Hatchets and axes made of stone, 68

  —— etc., made of copper in Cariay, 201

  Hayti, a province of Española, 41

  Helgason (Adalbrand and Thorwald), Icelandic clergymen and explorers
        in 1285, xviii

  Henry VII. willing to accept the services of Columbus, lvi

  Herrera on the signs which led Columbus to the West, xliv;
    his map, its evidence on the landfall of Columbus, lx, lxii

  Hispaniola, _see_ Española

  Hojeda (Alonzo de) sent by Columbus to examine gold mines, 74;
    causes great trouble to Columbus in Española, 156

  Homo, province of Cuba, 222

  Honey found in Española, 5

  Hornius, his treatise “_De originibus Americanis_,” vi

  Huareo, Cacique, 224

  Humboldt’s answer to the theory of De Guignes, viii;
    his assertion respecting Ortelius, viii;
    his opinion on the Arabian expedition, xx;
    on the subject of the Polish pilot, xxix-xxx;
    on the date of the _Imago Mundi_, xlvi;
    on Roger Bacon, xlvii;
    on the landfall of Columbus, lviii;
    his testimony to the glory of Columbus, lxxxviii

  Hylacomylus, _see_ Waldseemüller


  Iceland discovered and colonised, x

  Idolatry not practised by the Indians, 8

  _Imago Mundi_, studied by Columbus, xlv;
    dates assigned to the first edition, xlvi

  Indians, their weapons, 6;
    their want of courage, 7;
    simple, honest and liberal, 7;
    not idolaters, 8;
    very intelligent, 9;
    their canoes, 10;
    manners and customs, 13-14;
    deserted houses in Guadeloupe found to contain cotton and human
        bones, 25;
    Caribbee, their characteristics, 29-30;
    their customs, 31-32;
    dress, 37;
    miserable hovels in Española, 52;
    their manner of working gold, 55;
    join readily with the Christians in their acts of worship, 65;
    tools made of stone, 68;
    their food, 68;
    of Paria, description of, 119, 124;
    their houses, food, etc., 126;
    dress, 128;
    tell Columbus where to find gold, 128;
    of Trinidad described, 137;
    of Carambaru wear golden mirrors round their necks, 180;
    of Ciguare, dress and customs, 181;
    of Cariay, enchanters, 199, 201;
    of Veragua, 215, 217;
    conflict with, 219, 221;
    refuse to supply Columbus, but are frightened into obedience by the
        prediction of an eclipse, 234

  Ingolf, a Norwegian, colonises Iceland, x

  Ires (William), native of Galway, one of the men left by Columbus in
        Española, 12

  Iron not known by the Indians, 6

  Isabella, her sympathy with Columbus, lxxiii;
    her death, lxxx

  —— (Saometo or Crooked Island) discovered, 2

  —— city, river, and port of Española, 62

  Isle of Pines, _see_ Evangelista

  Isla de las Bocas, 197


  Jamaica, letter on the fourth voyage dated from, 211;
    Diego Mendez treats with the natives, 223

  John, King of Portugal, grants an audience to Columbus, li;
    calls a council to consider his proposition, li;
    yields to the unworthy advice of his enemies, lii

  Josef and Roderigo, with the assistance of Behaim, render the
        astrolabe useful for seamen, li;
    condemn the proposed enterprise of Columbus, lii

  Juana (Cuba) discovered, 2;
    its size, 10;
    contained two provinces, 10


  Karlsefne (Thorfinn), distinguished early discoverer, xiii

  King’s Garden (The) discovered, lxiii

  Kircher (Athanasius), his conjectures concerning the colonisation of
        America, etc., vi

  Klaproth, his answer to the theory of De Guignes, vii

  Kohl, on the Venetian expedition, xxv


  Lajes (Tallarte de), an Englishman, one of the men left by Columbus
        in Española, 12

  Lambinet on the date of the _Imago Mundi_, xlvi

  Landfall of Columbus discussed, lviii, lxiii

  Las Casas, his evidence respecting Columbus and Perestrello, xliii

  Launoy (Jean de), on the date of the _Imago Mundi_, xlvi

  Leibnitz acknowledges that he had erroneously inserted the name of
        “Christophorus” into the letters supposed to refer to Columbus,
        xxxvii-xxxviii

  Lescarbot (Marc) derives the Americans from the Canaanites, vi

  Lief, son of Eric the Red, discovers Newfoundland and Nova Scotia in
        the year 1000, xi;
    also New England, xii

  Li-Yen, Chinese historian quoted by De Guignes, vii

  Lizards, an Indian luxury, 43

  Lud (Walter), canon of St. Dié, his college and printing press,
        lxxxiv


  Macao (Point), Española, 41

  Mackenzie (Commander Alexander Slidell) on the route of Columbus, lxii

  Malte Brun on the Arabian expedition, xx

  Manchineal, fruit of, 24

  Mandeville (Sir John), influence on Columbus, xlviii

  Mangi, name given to Southern China by Marco Polo, 194

  Maps: by Nicolò Zeno, xxv;
    anonymous, xxvi;
    by Andrea Bianco, xxvi;
    the earliest MS. bearing the name of America, lxxxvii

  _Mappa Mundi_, by Pierre d’Ailly, treats of Alfragan, xlvii

  Mappe-monde, by Appianus, bearing the name of America, lxxxvii

  Marchena (Fray Juan Perez de), his interest in Columbus, liv

  Marco Polo, influence of his work on Columbus, xlviii

  Marcolini (Francesco), his account of the Venetian expedition, xxii

  Margarita, Island, discovered, 156

  Margarite, Messire Pedro, recommended to the notice of the King and
        Queen, 92

  Margry (M.), his pretension founded on the fondness of Columbus for
        the works of Pierre d’Ailly, xlv;
    disproved, xlv

  Marigalante (Island of) discovered, 22

  Marquez (Diego) and his party lost for four days, 27, 28

  Marta (City of), Española, 62

  Martin (Andreas), his respectful treatment of Columbus in his
        trouble, lxxii

  Martin (Fernam), his correspondence with Toscanelli, xlix

  Masks of gold made by the Indians, 55

  Mastic found, 15

  Matenino (Martinique), 14

  Mayaguana, supposed by Varnhagen to be the landfall of Columbus, lx

  Mayreni, a chief in Española, accused of burning the Spanish
        settlement, 48

  Medici (Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de’), letter to him from Vespucci,
        lxxxiii

  Melchior and his party received by Guacamari, 54

  Melilla, 224

  Memorial of Columbus on the second voyage, 72

  Mendez (Diego), extract from his will, iii;
    his devotion to Columbus, lxxviii, lxxix;
    his narrative, 212;
    renders assistance to Columbus at Veragua, 213;
    his reception by the Indians, 216;
    conflict with, 219;
    made captain of the ship _Capitana_, 222;
    goes to treat with the natives of Jamaica for food, 223;
    goes to Española and purchases a ship for Columbus, 233;
    his interview with Columbus and promised reward, 235, 236;
    his disappointment, 237;
    directions respecting his grave, 239

  Mendoza, archbishop of Toledo, adopts the cause of Columbus, lv

  Mogica (Adrian), one of the rebels in Española, 157

  Mona, 41

  Monte Cristi, harbour in Española, 45

  Montserrat (Island of), discovered, 34

  Mundus Novus of Johann Ottmar, lxxxii

  Muñoz, his opinion that Columbus went to Genoa from Lisbon, liii;
    his opinion on the landfall of Columbus, lviii

  Mylius (Abraham) supposes America to have been peopled by the Celts,
        ix


  Narrative by Diego Mendez, 212

  Navarrete on the landfall of Columbus, lviii

  Navidad, villa de, town and fortress in Española, 12

  New England discovered, xii

  Newfoundland discovered A.D. 1000, xi

  Nightingales and other birds singing in November in Española, 4

  Niti, gold mines of, 69

  Norwegians supposed to have peopled America, ix

  Nova Scotia discovered in the year 1000, xi


  Odjein or Ougein, 135

  _Opus Majus_ of Roger Bacon supplied the portion of the _Imago
        Mundi_ which is supposed to have given Columbus the idea of
        discovering America, xlvii

  Oronoco, confluence of the, with the sea, 123

  Ortelius, _not_ the first to recognize the discovery of America by
        the Northmen, viii

  Ottmar (Johann), his _Mundus Novus_, lxxxii

  Otto (Mr.) of New York, his assertion respecting Martin Behaim and
        the Azores, xxx

  Ovando (Nicolas de), the governor of St. Domingo after Bobadilla,
        lxxiii


  Palm-trees, very fine in Española, 4, 5

  Paracelsus, his statement of the peopling of the New World, vi

  Paradise, supposed situation of, 141

  Paria, coast of, 121

  Parrots found in deserted houses in Guadaloupe, 25

  Pearls, Gulf of, 139

  Pearls, bracelets of, worn by the Indians of Paria, 125;
    Columbus leaves orders with the people in Española to fish for
        them, 155

  Pelicans show that land was near, 40

  Pelican (Point), 125

  Peña Blanca (Point), 123

  Pepper plant, known to the people of Ciguare, 181

  Perestrello (Felipe Moñiz de), wife of Columbus, and daughter of
        Bartollomeu Perestrello, xlii

  —— (Bartollomeu), received the commandership of Porto Santo from
        Prince Henry, his widow gives up his papers, etc., to Columbus,
        xlii, xliii

  Perez (Alonzo), the first to see land in the third voyage, 118

  Philesius, pseudonym of Ringmann, lxxxiv

  Pilot of the ship _Capitana_ first to see land on the second voyage,
        21

  Pinzon, his jealousy of Columbus, lxvi

  Plato speaks of an island called Atlantis, v

  Polar star, observations of Columbus on, 133

  _Pomponius Mela_, edited by Vadianus, lxxxvi, lxxxvii

  Porto Rico, named by Columbus St. John the Baptist, discovered, 39

  Portuguese expedition to America, xxvii

  Prince Henry originates the researches into the Atlantic which led to
        the discoveries of Columbus, i

  Puerto Bello discovered, lxxviii

  Puerto Gordo, 186


  Queen’s Gardens discovered, lxviii

  Quibian, the Cacique, attempts to deceive Columbus, 188;
    taken prisoner, 189;
    advice of Columbus respecting him, 205


  Rabida (Convent of Santa Maria de), Columbus’s visit there, liv

  Rafn (Professor), his work _Antiquitates Americanæ_, ix;
    his collection of MSS. on the discoveries of the Northmen, and his
        inferences, ix, xviii

  Reeds used as Indian weapons, 6

  René II, Duke of Lorraine, patron of Walter Lud, lxxxiv

  Reptiles eaten by the Indians, 68

  Rhubarb and other drugs in Española, 15

  Ringmann (Mathias), his admiration of Vespucci, lxxxiv;
    suggests the name of America, lxxxv

  Roderigo and Josef, with the assistance of Behaim, render the
        astrolabe useful for seaman, li;
    condemn the proposed enterprise of Columbus, lii

  Roldan, the enemy of Columbus, perishes in a storm, lxxvi


  Sais, priests of, their story of the Island of Atlantis, v

  Sandy Point (Punta del Arenal), 119

  S. Brandan, supposed island of, xxvi

  St. Catherine discovered, lxiii

  St. Domingo, _see_ Española

  St. Martin (Island of) discovered, 34

  St. Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins (Islands of) discovered,
        38

  San Miguel (Cape), 232

  —— Salvador (Watling’s Island), name given by Columbus to
        Guanahani, 2

  Santa Cruz (Island of) discovered, 38

  —— Maria la Antigua (Island of) discovered, 34

  —— Maria de Concepcion (Long Island) discovered, 2

  —— Maria la Redonda (Island of) discovered, 34

  Santander (Serna) on the earliest date of the first edition of the
        _Imago Mundi_, xlvi

  Scandinavians supposed to have peopled America, viii

  Sepulchre in Cariay, 199

  Serpent’s mouth, 123, 139

  Snakes in Española, 42

  Soderini (Pietro), Vespucci’s schoolfellow, the letter intended for
        him, lxxxiv

  Solon, remarkable story related to, v

  Soria (Juan de), the complaint of Columbus respecting his conduct, 98

  Sousa, Faria y, silent respecting the Cortereals, xxviii;
    supposed discovery of Newfoundland, xxviii

  Spice in Española, 5;
    trees, 67

  Spinning and weaving among the Caribbees, 29

  Sugar canes, 81

  Sumner (Mr. George), his search in the archives of Aragon and
        Barcelona for records of Columbus, lxvi

  Szkolny (John), Polish pilot said to have discovered America in 1476,
        xxix


  Talavera, his opposition to the projects of Columbus, liv

  Tartars supposed to have peopled America, vi

  Terra firma, note on the supposed discovery in the second voyage, 110;
    discovered in the third voyage, 121

  Theopompus, his story relating to the “New World”, iv

  Thorwald, Lief’s brother explores the coast of America, xii

  Toinard (Nicolas), his correction of Leibnitz, xxxviii

  Torfæus (Thormodus), Norwegian historian, relates the discovery of
        America by the Northmen, ix

  Torres (Antonio de), Columbus begs the King and Queen to confirm his
        appointment as governor of the city of Isabella, 92

  —— (Doña Juana de la), letter of Columbus to, lxxii, 152

  Toscanelli (Paolo), his correspondence with Martins and afterwards
        with Columbus, xlv, xlviii, xlix

  Trinidad, Island of, 121;
    violent currents between it and Garcia, 123;
    city of, 222

  Tristan (Diego) killed by Indians, 220

  Turk’s Island, supposed landfall of Columbus, lviii

  Turner’s (Sharon) curious surmise respecting Columbus, liii

  Turuqueira and Ayay, probably the two islands which form Guadaloupe,
        31

  Tychsen’s opinion on the Arabian expedition, xx


  Vadianus (Joachim) uses the name of America in 1512, lxxxvi

  Varnhagen (Señor de), his opinion on the landfall of Columbus, lx;
    proved to be mistaken, lxii;
    referred to on the subject of the earliest edition of the first
        letter, cxxv, cxxvii

  Venetian expedition to America, xxii

  Veragua, Columbus arrives there in his fourth voyage, 187;
    gold mines, 188;
    custom with regard to burial of the chiefs, 203

  Vespucci (Amerigo), his letter addressed to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco
        de’ Medici, lxxxii;
    the question of his voyage discussed, lxxxiii;
    the way in which his name was given to America, lxxxv

  Vicente (Martin), Portuguese pilot, confirms Columbus in his idea of
        land to the West, xliii

  Villacorta recommended to the notice of the King and Queen, 105

  Vineland, New England, xii

  Vitalis (Ordericus) speaks of the country visited by the
        Scandinavians, ix


  Waldseemüller (Martin), his _Cosmographiæ Introductio_, lxxxiv

  Washington Irving on the landfall of Columbus, lviii;
    disproved, lxii

  Watling’s Island proved to be the landfall of Columbus, lxi

  Watt (Joachim), _see_ Vadianus

  Welsh expedition to America, xx

  Williams (Dr.) advocates the truth of the Welsh expedition, xxii


  Xamaná, a province of Española, 41

  Xuragoa (Xaragua), 232


  Yams in Española, 63

  Yañez (Vincent), helps the disaffected in Española, 156

  Yaque (River) in Española, 45


  Zeno (Nicolò and Antonio), Venetian nobles, their expedition, xxii,
        xxiv;
    map published by their descendant, xxv

  Zuruquia, ducks found there, 43

                    T. RICHARDS, 37, QUEEN STREET, W.C.

[Illustration]

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 77820 ***