diff options
Diffstat (limited to '76054-0.txt')
| -rw-r--r-- | 76054-0.txt | 16055 |
1 files changed, 16055 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/76054-0.txt b/76054-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dbbea16 --- /dev/null +++ b/76054-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,16055 @@ + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 76054 *** + + + + + + HARVARD HISTORICAL STUDIES + + PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF + THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY + FROM THE INCOME OF + THE HENRY WARREN TORREY FUND + + VOLUME XVIII + + +HARVARD HISTORICAL STUDIES + +=I. The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of +America, 1638-1870.= By W. E. B. DU BOIS, Ph.D., Editor of “The Crisis.” +8vo. $1.50 net. + +=II. The Contest over the Ratification of the Federal Constitution in +Massachusetts.= By S. B. HARDING, Ph.D., Professor of European History in +Indiana University. 8vo. $1.25 net. + +=III. A Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina.= By D. F. +HOUSTON, A.M., LL.D., Secretary of Agriculture. 8vo. $1.25 net. + +=IV. Nominations for Elective Office in the United States.= By FREDERICK +W. DALLINGER, A.M., late Member of the Massachusetts Senate. 8vo. $1.50 +net. + +=V. A Bibliography of British Municipal History.= Including Gilds and +Parliamentary Representation. By CHARLES GROSS, Ph.D., late Gurney +Professor of History and Political Science in Harvard University. 8vo. +$2.50 net. + +=VI. The Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the Northwest.= By THEODORE +CLARKE SMITH, Ph.D., Professor of History in Williams College. 8vo. $1.75 +net. + +=VII. The Provincial Governor in the English Colonies of North America.= +By EVARTS BOUTELL GREENE, Ph.D., Professor of History in the University +of Illinois. 8vo. $1.50 net. + +=VIII. The County Palatine of Durham.= A Study in Constitutional History. +By G. T. LAPSLEY, Ph.D., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 8vo. $2.00 +net. + +=IX. The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies.= By ARTHUR +LYON CROSS, Ph.D., Professor of European History in the University of +Michigan. 8vo. $2.50 net. + +=X. The Administration of the American Revolutionary Army.= By LOUIS +CLINTON HATCH, Ph.D. 8vo. $1.50 net. + +=XI. The Civil Service and the Patronage.= By CARL RUSSELL FISH, Ph.D., +Professor of American History in the University of Wisconsin. 8vo. $2.00 +net. + +=XII. The Development of Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts.= By C. A. +DUNIWAY, Ph.D., President of the University of Wyoming. 8vo. $1.50 net. + +=XIII. The Seigniorial System in Canada.= By W. B. MUNRO, Ph.D., +Professor of Municipal Government in Harvard University. 8vo. $2.00 net. + +=XIV. The Frankpledge System.= By WILLIAM ALFRED MORRIS, Ph.D., Assistant +Professor of English History in the University of California. 8vo. $1.50 +net. + +=XV. The Public Life of Joseph Dudley.= By EVERETT KIMBALL, Ph.D., +Associate Professor of History in Smith College. 8vo. $2.00 net. + +=XVI. Mémoire de Marie Caroline, Reine de Naples.= Edited by ROBERT +MATTESON JOHNSTON, A.M., Assistant Professor of Modern History in Harvard +University. 8vo. $2.00 net. + +=XVII. The Barrington-Bernard Correspondence.= Edited by EDWARD CHANNING, +Ph.D., McLean Professor of Ancient and Modern History in Harvard +University. 8vo. $2.00 net. + +=XVIII. The Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Suleiman the +Magnificent.= By ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, Professor of European History in +Oberlin College. 8vo. $2.00 net. + + HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS + CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U. S. A. + + + + + THE GOVERNMENT OF + THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + IN THE TIME OF SULEIMAN + THE MAGNIFICENT + + BY + ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, PH.D. + PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY, OBERLIN COLLEGE + + “Our empire is the home of Islam; from father to son the lamp of our + empire is kept burning with oil from the hearts of the infidels.” + MOHAMMED II, THE CONQUEROR. + + “A lord and his bondsmen.” + RANKE. + + “Les Turcs ... nées de la guerre et organisées pour la conquête.” + CAHUN. + + “The Ottoman government ... seems to have attained during the + sixteenth century the highest degree of perfection of which its + constitution was capable.” + ROBERTSON. + + [Illustration] + + CAMBRIDGE + HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS + LONDON: HENRY FROWDE + OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS + 1913 + + COPYRIGHT, 1913 + BY HARVARD UNIVERSITY + + + + +PREFACE + + +The Ottoman Turks, after the world had long despaired of them, have +in these last years shown signs of renewed vigor. The time is, then, +perhaps not inauspicious for an examination of the structure of their +organization in the period of its greatest power and prestige. It is not +easy for the present age to realize how large the empire of Suleiman +bulked in the eyes of contemporaneous Europe. Amid the vast energies +and activities, the magnificent undertakings and achievements, of the +marvellous sixteenth century, nothing surpassed the manifestations of +power that swept forth from Constantinople. The following pages will have +been worth while if their incomplete presentation shadows forth, however +dimly, the secrets of Ottoman greatness and success. + +This book was originally prepared in partial fulfilment of the +requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Harvard +University, and was subsequently awarded the Toppan Prize. The writer +desires to acknowledge his very great indebtedness for advice, +suggestion, and criticism to a number of kind friends with whom he has +consulted, but especially to Professor A. C. Coolidge and Professor G. F. +Moore. Nor can he let the book go to press without recording his extreme +obligation to his wife for unwearying assistance at every stage of its +preparation. + + A. H. L. + +OBERLIN, OHIO, 1912. + + + + +CONTENTS + + + PAGE + + INTRODUCTION + + IDEAS CONSTITUTE A NATION 3 + + THE BACKGROUND OF OTTOMAN HISTORY 5 + + CHARACTER AND MISSION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 7 + + THE RACIAL DESCENT OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS 10 + + SELJUK AND OTTOMAN TURKS IN ASIA MINOR 14 + + THE SOURCES OF OTTOMAN CULTURE 18 + + CHAPTER I + + THE CHARACTER OF THE OTTOMAN STATE IN GENERAL + + DEFINITION 25 + + THE LIMITATIONS ON DESPOTISM 26 + + THE TERRITORIAL BASIS 28 + + THE PEOPLES 33 + + INSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 35 + + CONTEMPORARY DESCRIPTIONS OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS 38 + + CHAPTER II + + THE OTTOMAN RULING INSTITUTION: AS A SLAVE-FAMILY + + I. GENERAL DESCRIPTION 45 + + II. THE SLAVE-FAMILY 47 + + METHODS OF RECRUITING 49 + + THE TRIBUTE BOYS 51 + + ESTIMATE OF THE SYSTEM 53 + + THE SLAVE STATUS 55 + + THE HAREM, THE EUNUCHS, AND THE ROYAL FAMILY 56 + + OTHER OTTOMAN SLAVE-FAMILIES 58 + + CHARACTER OF OTTOMAN SLAVERY 60 + + CHAPTER III + + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS MISSIONARY ENTERPRISE + AND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM + + I. THE MISSIONARY MOTIVE 62 + + THE OTTOMAN ATTITUDE 63 + + OTHER MOTIVES FOR INCORPORATING CHRISTIANS 65 + + THE REQUIREMENT OF CONVERSION 66 + + SINCERITY OF CONVERSION 68 + + EFFECT OF THE PROCESS 69 + + II. THE EDUCATIONAL SCHEME 71 + + THE COLLEGES OF PAGES 73 + + THE HAREM 78 + + THE AJEM-OGHLANS 79 + + ADVANCEMENT BASED ON MERIT 82 + + PUNISHMENTS 88 + + CHAPTER IV + + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS AN ARMY + + THE MILITARY ASPECT 90 + + THE JANISSARIES 91 + + THE SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE 93 + + THE SPAHIS OF THE PORTE 98 + + THE FEUDAL SPAHIS 100 + + OFFICERS OF THE FEUDAL SPAHIS 103 + + OTHER BODIES OF TROOPS 105 + + DISCIPLINE AND ARDOR 108 + + THE SUPREME COMMAND 109 + + INDIVISIBILITY OF THE ARMY 111 + + CHAPTER V + + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS A NOBILITY AND A COURT + + I. PRIVILEGES OF THE KULLAR 114 + + NOBILITY NOT HEREDITARY 117 + + II. CHARACTER OF THE SULTAN’S COURT 120 + + ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSEHOLD 123 + + THE HAREM 124 + + THE INSIDE SERVICE 126 + + THE OUTSIDE SERVICE 128 + + THE CEREMONIES OF THE COURT 133 + + INFLUENCE OF THE COURT 141 + + CHAPTER VI + + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS GOVERNMENT + + SUMMARY 146 + + FUNCTIONS OF THE OTTOMAN GOVERNMENT 147 + + THE SULTAN AS HEAD OF THE STATE AND OF THE GOVERNMENT 150 + + THE SULTAN AS LEGISLATOR 152 + + THE LEGISLATION OF SULEIMAN 159 + + THE VIZIERS 163 + + THE DEFTERDARS OR TREASURERS 167 + + TAXATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 175 + + SULEIMAN’S INCOME 179 + + THE NISHANJI OR CHANCELLOR 182 + + THE DIVAN OR COUNCIL 187 + + THE RULING INSTITUTION AS A WHOLE 193 + + CHAPTER VII + + THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + + GENERAL DESCRIPTION 199 + + FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION 200 + + THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM 203 + + CLERGY, SEIDS, AND DERVISHES 206 + + JURISTS AND THE MUFTI 207 + + THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 215 + + THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION AS A WHOLE 224 + + CHAPTER VIII + + COMPARISON OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS + + LIKENESSES 227 + + DIFFERENCES 230 + + INTERACTIONS 232 + + THE RELATIVE POWER OF THE INSTITUTIONS 233 + + APPENDICES + + I. THE SECOND BOOK OF THE AFFAIRS OF THE TURKS + + Written in 1534, supposedly by BENEDETTO RAMBERTI. + + Translated from the Italian 239 + + II. PAMPHLET OF JUNIS BEY AND ALVISE GRITTI + + Printed in 1537. Presented in the original Italian 262 + + III. INCOMPLETE TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE KANUN-NAMEH, OR + COLLECTION OF EDICTS, OF SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT + AS ARRANGED BY THE MUFTI EBU SU’UD + + Translated from the Turkish 276 + + IV. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MOGUL EMPIRE IN INDIA + + General Comparison of Ottoman and Indian Conditions 278 + + The Personnel of the Mogul Government 279 + + Relation of Government to Religious Propagation 283 + + The Army 285 + + The Court 287 + + The Government Proper 292 + + The Moslems and the Moslem Church 299 + + Books consulted in the Preparation of Appendix IV 303 + + V. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES + + i. Origins of Ottoman Governmental Ideas 305 + + ii. The Ottoman Government in the Sixteenth Century 307 + + iii. Alphabetical List of Works Cited 322 + + GLOSSARY OF TURKISH WORDS 331 + + INDEX 339 + + + + +THE GOVERNMENT OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + + + + +INTRODUCTION + + +IDEAS CONSTITUTE A NATION + +A nation, when considered from its earliest to its latest days, is much +more a body of ideas than a race of men. Men die, families decay, the +original stock tends to disappear; new individuals are admitted from +without, new family groups take the lead, whole tribes are incorporated +and absorbed; after centuries the anthropological result often bears but +slight resemblance to the original type. Undoubtedly the fabric of ideas +which a nation weaves as its history develops also undergoes changes +of pattern; old principles pass out of sight, and new ones, born of +circumstance, or brought in from without, come to controlling influence. +But ideas are not, like men, mortal: they can be transmitted from man to +man through ages; they can be stored in books and thus pass from the dead +to the living; when built together into a solid and attractive structure, +they impart to the whole something of their individual immortality. +Singly they pass as readily to strangers as to kindred; when organized to +rounded completeness as the culture of a great living nation, they have +a power which lays hold of men of many races, alone or in masses, and in +the absence of strong prejudice compels acceptance. + +Such an assimilative force can clearly be seen in vigorous operation in +the United States of America today. A system of ideas, woven of countless +threads spun by Egyptian, Babylonian, Hebrew, Greek, Roman, and Teuton, +preserved and enlarged by Frank, Anglo-Saxon, Norman, and Englishman, +recombined in a new and striking pattern by the founders of the republic, +is thrown over men from every nation under heaven, who under its +influence all become of one type, not to be mistaken wherever it is seen. + +The history of the Ottoman Empire reveals the constant working of a +like assimilative force. It was not merely, and not even mainly, the +compulsion of the sword that built up and maintained the strongest +national power of the sixteenth century. Swords must be wielded by men; +and how were enough strong and capable men found and bound together +in willing coöperation to conquer large sections of Europe, Asia, and +Africa, to organize and govern their conquests in a fairly satisfactory +fashion, and to establish a structure which, after more than three +hundred years of decay, disaster, and disintegration, has yet enough +strength to form the basis for a new departure? The only answer possible +is that the attraction of a great body of national ideas gathered men +from every direction and many races to unite in a common effort. Although +much violence, injustice, and destructive passion was involved, the +result was a great and on the whole a durable and useful empire. + +The government of the Ottoman Empire when at the height of its power +cannot be understood from a description of its court, costumes, +ceremonies, and officials, with a catalogue of their provinces and +duties. A thorough comprehension of the main political ideas that +constituted the life of the empire is essential. Since most of these +ideas were old and tried, and were wrought in a thousand ways into the +general scheme, a complete treatment would demand that they should be +considered historically from the time of their adoption. Nor would it +be sufficient to go back to the beginning of the house of Osman. The +Turkish nucleus which gathered around him, and the Mohammedans and +Christians from near and far who joined his rising fortunes were already +in possession, in a fairly systematic form, of most of the ideas of the +completed Ottoman government. The inquiry should be begun farther back, +among Byzantine Greeks, Seljuk Turks, Mohammedans of Persia and Arabia, +and Turks of Central Asia. Many of the ideas, indeed, can be traced yet +farther, through Tartary to China and through Parthia and Rome to Babylon +and Egypt. + +These origins, however, cannot be considered here except in the briefest +possible fashion. All that can be done is to outline the background of +Ottoman history, the general character of the Ottoman Empire and its +service to the world, the racial descent of the Ottoman Turks, and the +main influences which affected their institutions and culture. + + +THE BACKGROUND OF OTTOMAN HISTORY + +From early times the developing Chinese civilization in the valley of +the Yellow River had to contend with intermittent attacks from the +barbarians of the north and west. In the latter half of the third century +B.C. China’s work of domestic consolidation and centralization reached +completeness, and foreign conquest began. The policy was then initiated +which has never since been departed from,—the subjugation of the outlying +lands and the cultural assimilation of their inhabitants.[1] Following +up with armies, governors, and garrisons the nomads who fled to the +west, by the beginning of the second century A.D. China held vassal all +the population of the steppe country from the Great Wall to the Caspian +Sea; her frontiers marched with those of Parthia. Early in the third +century she entered upon four hundred years of weakness, and her western +possessions fell away; but she regained strength and restored her western +dominion just in time to confront the rising Saracen flood. During three +brilliant centuries, the seventh, eight, and ninth of our era, she held +the nomads in fairly constant subjection, and presumably taught them many +of her orderly, organized ways. It was probably in part by the strength +of her discipline that in the succeeding half-millennium the descendants +of these nomads, Turks and Mongols, wrought their will from the Sea of +Japan to the Adriatic, over most of Asia, half of Europe, and a goodly +portion of Africa. + +From the eighth century Turks drifted southwestward in ever-increasing +numbers out of Chinese territory into the declining Saracen Empire. +Early in the eleventh century an army followed this course and set up +the vast but short-lived empire of the Seljuk Turks. These broke the +eastern frontier of Asia Minor, which had protected the Greeks and +Romans for fourteen hundred years, and pushed on until they could see +the domes of Constantinople. The eastward pressure of the crusading +period kept them from European shores for two centuries, near the close +of which the Mongols overran their disintegrated lands. A remnant, the +Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm, struggled on in Asia Minor until the close of +the thirteenth century, when it fell into ten parts. The East Roman, or +Byzantine Empire, had by that time also been thoroughly wrecked, and the +Balkan Peninsula was divided among Frank, Italian, and Catalan, Greek, +Serb, Albanian, Wallach, and Bulgarian. + +The people of one of the ten fragments of the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm +took the name of Osmanlis from their chief Osman. Located on the border +of the Greek and Turkish groups of principalities, they drew men and +governmental ideas from both. The rapidity of their growth from so small +a beginning, and under such apparently unfavorable circumstances, into +a durable state is one of the marvellous things of history. In about +two and a quarter centuries from the time of their independence they +were able to attempt for the last time to unite the entire Mediterranean +civilization into one empire. North Africa, Egypt, Syria, Arabia, +the Tigris-Euphrates valley, Armenia, Asia Minor, Greece, the Balkan +Peninsula, a large part of modern Austria-Hungary and of modern Russia, +were theirs; they threatened Italy, Central and Eastern Europe, and +Persia. They thus held all three of the earliest centers of Mediterranean +civilization, the western half of the Old Persian Empire, and all the +dominions of Rome except the northwestern one-third. Apart from Spain and +the lands east of the Zagros Mountains, they ruled the Saracen Empire. +With the exception of Italy (with Illyricum and the adjacent islands) and +the short-lived Byzantine conquests in Spain, the empire of Justinian +lay within their boundaries. The later Byzantine Empire became the heart +of their dominions, and its two chief supports—the trade which passed +through the Bosphorus and the products and men of Asia Minor—became their +own principal supports. The inheritance of lands and of institutions by +the Ottoman Turks from the two great medieval empires of the Levant, the +Saracen and the East Roman, is by all odds the most pregnant fact of +their existence. They were the immediate heirs of a part of the territory +and of the whole of the culture of the Seljuk Turks. The scene of the +“world’s debate” formed but an insignificant part of their dominions. +They gathered into one net all the shoal of feudal, royal, and imperial +powers which made the Levant of the thirteenth century as decentralized +as the Holy Roman Empire or the Italy of the fifteenth century. + + +CHARACTER AND MISSION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + +This rapid survey leads to a number of significant observations. First, +the Ottoman Turks of the sixteenth century ruled countries wholly within +the sphere of the Mediterranean civilization. The only possible exception +was the steppe lands north of the Black Sea; but these had been almost +as much under the sway of Rome and Constantinople as they ever were +under that of Stamboul. Even communication with Eastern and Southern +Asia was well-nigh cut off. The road to China north of the Caspian Sea +alone remained open, but after the break-up of the Mongol Empire it had +become long and dangerous. The rival and hostile New Persian power firmly +closed the southern land route to India and China; and even the sea-way +from Egypt eastward was blockaded by the newly-arrived Portuguese. Thus +the Ottoman Empire, except in remote origins, which, indeed, profoundly +influenced it, grew and flourished within what is commonly considered +the main field of history. Accordingly, it has a greater claim upon the +Western world on the score of kinship than has hitherto generally been +allowed. + +Second, within the Mediterranean civilization the Ottoman Empire combined +regions of both Orient and Occident. The classical world knew chiefly +Romans, Greeks, and Orientals. The Ottoman Turk succeeded to two-thirds +of this world, the lands of Greece and the East. From the day of Issus +to the day of Menzikert, Asia Minor had to all intents and purposes +been a part of Europe. After Menzikert it became a center of Turkish +rule, to which, in the course of time, territories from both Asia and +Europe were added in widening circles. No deep knowledge of historical +forces is necessary to suggest that neither in Southern Europe nor in +Asia Minor itself could the teachings of fourteen centuries or more be +obliterated in five centuries or less, or even in an eternity; nor would +they fail to exert a profound influence from the moment of conquest. To +regard the Ottoman Empire as a mere Oriental state would be to misread +history and to misunderstand human nature. Its lands were of both Orient +and Occident, so also were its people, so also were its culture and its +government. + +Third, the Ottoman Turks drew men and ideas from both Mohammedans and +Christians. They have commonly been regarded as wholly Mohammedan, and +therefore they have been shut off by a well-nigh impenetrable barrier +from the sympathies of a world still possessed by the prejudices of +crusading days. The foundations of such prejudices are easily open to +attack. The main religious ideas of Mohammedanism are not, except as +to the divinity of Christ, inharmonious with those of Christianity; +they were, indeed, in all probability drawn chiefly from the religious +teachings of the Old Testament. The social system of Mohammedanism +is also much like that of the Old Testament. Its most objectionable +features, the seclusion of women, polygamy, and slavery, may be regarded +as survivals from an older condition of mankind out of which a portion +of the human race has emerged—not without frequent cases of atavism—and +which Mohammedans themselves are tending to abandon. But, leaving aside +the question of the kinship of Christianity and Mohammedanism, no one can +deny that the Ottomans ruled over many Christians, that many of their +ablest men and families were of Christian ancestry, and that, according +to the nature of humanity, as much of their civilization and ruling ideas +may have come from Christian as from Mohammedan sources. + +It is true that as a nation the Ottoman Turks remained Mohammedan; this +has constituted the real “tragedy of the Turk.” Bound hand and foot by +that scholastic Mohammedanism which was reaching rigid perfection at the +time when the Turks first became prominent in the Saracen Empire, and +which only in very recent days seems tending toward a Reformation, they +could not amalgamate the subject Christian peoples, already confirmed +in nationalism by the events of centuries. The deadening system stilled +their active spirits, imprisoned their extraordinary adaptability, +and held them at a stage of culture which, though in some respects it +distinctly led Europe in the sixteenth century, was before long passed +through and left behind by the progressive West. Nevertheless, the Turks +were no more limited to Mohammedan ideas than to Mohammedan men, and they +are entitled to be considered in the light of their double origin. + +Fourth and last, the great task before the Ottoman Turks was a work of +unification. Lands which had been united under the great Theodosius, and +then during eleven centuries had been more and more disintegrated by +invasion of German, Slav, Arab, Tatar, and Turk, by war of Byzantine, +Persian, Moslem, Crusader, and Mongol, by destruction of roads and safe +water-routes, and by general decay of civilization, until confusion +and disorder reigned and anarchy seemed not far ahead—these lands were +once more brought under a single control. Was it their destiny to be +genuinely reunited, not merely in a common subjection, not merely by +an external shell of authority, but in the pulsing life of a vigorous +nation, harmonious in every part and run through by patriotism? This +was the well-nigh insoluble problem which the Ottoman Turks attempted +bravely. How they solved the administrative and governmental phase of it +the present treatise will try to show. Religious unity was out of the +question; and in the sixteenth century, in East and West alike, social +and cultural unity waited upon the religious. Had the Ottoman Empire +been able four hundred years ago to set apart religious considerations +as matters for the individual—a process which affords the chief hope of +the new Turkey of the twentieth century—her whole subsequent history must +have been very different. + +But in the measure in which unity was attained in the Levant under the +Ottoman authority, in that measure did the Ottoman Empire render service +to civilization and humanity. After the close of the thirteenth century +Western Europe, absorbed in its own affairs, was able to give little +attention to the East. Two centuries were taken up with the consolidation +of national powers, chiefly at the expense of feudalism and the medieval +church. By the sixteenth century a measure of internal solidarity had +been attained and the struggle for external supremacy over the West +had been begun. The whole situation was complicated by the actively +leavening force of the New Learning and the explosively rending force +of the Reformation. Under such circumstances even the advance of the +Turks into Central Europe could only temporarily divert attention from +absorbing problems and direct it toward the East. To what a state of +minute division and infinite disorder the Levant would have come by that +time, had the Ottoman Empire not grown up, can only be imagined. Egypt, +the only Levantine power of consequence after the close of the crusades, +had reached the natural limits of her dominion, and had she aimed at +wider conquests the Mameluke government would scarcely have been capable +of imperial sway. No other of the countless principalities of the eastern +Mediterranean showed enough life to accomplish unity. But the Ottoman +Turks, cruelly and destructively, imperfectly and clumsily, yet surely +and effectively, built up and maintained a single authority, to which the +world probably owes most of that measure of enlightenment, culture, and +order which can be found in the Levant today. + + +THE RACIAL DESCENT OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS + +The question as to the origin of the Ottoman Turks was raised in Western +Europe as soon as the race began to appear upon the stage of history. +There seemed to be something mysterious and uncanny about their rise to +power. If an innumerable horde of strange barbarians, a second invasion +of Attila, had overrun the Levant and settled down to rule its conquests, +cause and effect would have been apparent. But this nation seemed to +arise out of the earth. Organized and disciplined beyond any parallel in +the West, it seemed to come from nowhere and to begin at once to take +a very real part in human affairs.[2] The problem of its origin is by +no means completely solved as yet, but the main elements can perhaps be +outlined. A search for these carries the inquiry to the steppe lands. + +The great band of open country which stretches with hardly a break across +the whole of Asia and far into Europe resembles the ocean both in its +vastness and in its character as an intermediate region through which +the travel of commerce, statesmanship, religion, learning, and curiosity +can pass between more thickly-settled lands. It differs from the ocean, +however, in being everywhere more or less habitable. The ethnic relations +of its families, tribes, and nations are by no means clear. China, +with a markedly Mongolian population, lay at the east and southeast; +Indo-Europeans of the Caucasian race dwelt at the southwest and west. The +tribes between seem from the earliest recorded times to have presented +every intermediate stage of physical type, as they do now; and in general +the shading from yellow to white appears to have proceeded regularly from +east to west, a circumstance that may have been due largely to climatic +influence, but was probably far more the result of admixture.[3] These +peoples were given to frequent warfare, one of whose objects was the +capture of men, women, and children as the most valuable booty. They +seem to have had no race aversions that would hinder inter-mixture, +and no race pride that would prevent captives, in the course of time, +from attaining full equality in any rank to which their abilities could +carry them. Accordingly, the process of admixture that can be observed in +historic times has probably been followed from the remote past. + +The name Tatars may be used to designate all the inhabitants of the +steppe-ocean who were not distinctly Caucasian. By geographical +designation they are properly called the Ural-Altaic peoples, while +ethnically they constitute the Mongolo-Turki group.[4] Included perhaps +among those unclassified peoples who were known of old to the Greek +as Scythians, to the Persians as Turanians, and to the Chinese as +_Hiung-nu_, the Tatars, despite many differences, show unmistakable +kinship, usually in their physical features, always in their language +and institutions. They have been grouped since medieval times into two +great divisions, the Mongols and the Turks. This division may be said to +correspond in a very general way to their greater and lesser resemblance +to the Chinese, and to a narrower and wider geographical separation from +China. Many tribes possess such intermediate characteristics that they +cannot easily be classified as Turks or Mongols;[5] but a tribe that is +markedly like the Chinese is clearly Mongol, and a tribe that differs +widely from the Chinese is clearly Turkish. If these explanations be +adopted, the Turkish peoples are then in general those Tatars who have +had the greatest admixture of Caucasian blood. Their original seat seems +to have been in Mongolia, but in historic times they had come to occupy +the whole central part of the steppe region, from the Desert of Gobi to +the Volga, in contact with their Mongol kindred on the east and with +Iranians on the south and Slavs on the west. The theory of admixture +receives support from the fact that the peoples of the Mediterranean +civilization found Mongolians repulsive in appearance, but prized Turkish +slaves for their beauty.[6] + +The name Turk does not appear prominently in the Byzantine and Chinese +annals before the fifth century A.D., when the people of a Tatar empire +were designated Τοῦρκοι and _Tu-kiu_.[7] The word _Turcae_ was used by +classical writers soon after the beginning of the Christian era.[8] The +name has been suspected of lying hidden in the _Targitaos_ of Herodotus +and the _Togharmah_ of Scriptures. However this may be, ancestral peoples +possessing the characteristics of the Turks of course existed, and +perhaps appeared in history, in very early times. + +Some have suggested that the Sumero-Accadians of Babylonia were Turks, +but this question hardly bears on the present subject. The relations of +Turks and Persians on the Central Asian frontier is much more apropos. +The legends of the long wars of Iran and Turan, however little detailed +historical value they may have, illustrate the circumstances of continual +contact both in war and in peace.[9] Princes and nobles whose lives +were forfeit in their own country fled over the border; princesses were +exchanged in marriage; and unnumbered thousands of less exalted folk +passed the frontier as captives or slaves. The frontier itself was not +fixed, but left great regions now to the rule of the Persian and now +to the rule of the Turk. The Parthians may have been Turks.[10] After +their downfall the lines of Persian and Turk were drawn sharply by the +nationalist Sassanians. From the middle of the fifth century, indeed, the +Persians had their fill of wars with the Ephthalites, whose appellation +of White Huns may indicate their mixed Mongolian and Caucasian origin; +the Chinese annals specify the kinship of the _Tie-le_ with the _Tu-kiu_. +No sooner had the Arabs engulfed Persia than they began to welcome the +Turks whom they found to the north, and whose semi-nomadic culture was +singularly like their own. The Saracen Empire was administered for about +a century chiefly by Arabs, for another century chiefly by Persians, +and after that chiefly by Turks, who rose rapidly through slavery and +military service to the rule of provinces and even of kingdoms. Thus +great numbers of Turks came or were brought into many parts of Western +Asia. When Toghrul, grandson of Seljuk, led the first great Turkish +invasion into the heart of the Saracen Empire, he found his kindred +everywhere. Under the Seljuk Sultans large numbers of Turks streamed in +and were settled in Persia, Azerbaijan, Syria, and Asia Minor. + +The Turkish occupation of Asia Minor has been called the most thorough +piece of work done by the race.[11] Few details of it have been recorded, +but one great fact stands out: under the Byzantine Empire, Asia Minor was +Greek, Christian, and the home of the empire’s most vigorous and loyal +citizens; under the Ottoman Empire, Asia Minor is Turkish, Mohammedan, +and the home of the empire’s most vigorous and faithful subjects. +The process of this transformation, so far as it is known, deserves +examination. + + +SELJUK AND OTTOMAN TURKS IN ASIA MINOR + +The Seljuk Turks were orthodox, and often fanatical, Moslems; accordingly +they put great pressure upon the inhabitants of the peninsula to make +them exchange Christ for Mohammed. “Great numbers apostatized, ‘many +thousand children were marked by the knife of circumcision; and many +thousand captives were devoted to the service or the pleasures of their +masters.[12]’” + +The Seljuk Turks were already a mixed race, and had no greater objection +than their ancestors to the reception of new members. They had come as a +Turkish army followed by a host of Turcoman nomads.[13] The soldiers took +wives from the women of the land and servants from the men and children, +and the nomads filled the gaps left among their women and children after +the long, hard journey. Those of the adult Anatolians who were left +free found a thousand temporal advantages in following the Prophet, +whose simple faith and consoling doctrines, moreover, suited both their +temperament and their circumstances. Christianity had sat lightly upon +many of them, and Mohammedanism seems to have been accepted as lightly; +for traces of Christian and perhaps of pre-Christian practices and +beliefs can be seen among the Moslems of Asia Minor today.[14] To turn +Moslem was then, as ever since, to turn Turk. In the course of three +centuries the process of settlement and conversion reached virtual +completion; nearly all the plateau of Asia Minor became Mohammedan and +Turkish. Nothing approaching the nature of statistics is available for +determining what the proportion was between invading Turks and converted +Christians. The probabilities, based on the known character of Turkish +invasions and the length and difficulty of the journey from the steppe +lands, point to a relatively small number of Turkish settlers.[15] Yet +this doubly-mixed people has contributed those subjects of the Ottoman +Empire who are accounted the most characteristically Turkish. + +The invasion of Western Asia by the Mongols of Genghis Khan in the +early part of the thirteenth century drove an unknown number of +Persians and Turks to take refuge in Asia Minor. Among these is said +to have been a group led by a chief named Suleiman, whose grandson +Osman gave the Ottomans their name.[16] This group reached the Seljuk +kingdom of Rûm, and was allowed by good custom of the time to proceed +to the Christian frontier and conquer what it could. About the time of +settlement tradition specifies the number as four hundred families, or +444 horsemen, a figure which has clearly been shaped with reference to +the sacred number four, but which shows the belief that the group was +not large.[17] The growth of this band was far more rapid than could +have been accomplished by natural increase. A part of the additional +membership was supplied by Turks and other Moslems of adventurous spirit +who sought the fighting and booty of the border-land. But these were by +no means all. The Ottoman traditions and history reveal at countless +places the hospitable incorporating spirit of the embryonic nation, +which rapidly increased its numbers from the Christian population by +conversion, marriage, and capture, and most strikingly by the tribute +tax of Christian male children. The Ottoman conquests to the eastward +brought gradually into the brotherhood all the Seljuk Turks of Asia +Minor, and as many as were or became Mohammedan from the various +conquered peoples—Greeks of Trebizond, Armenians, Syrians, and others. +The conquests in Europe converted _en masse_ some sections of Bulgarians +and Albanians, who still show evidence of their origin; a very great +number of individuals among the subject Christians, however, were so +completely incorporated as to lose all trace of their source. Thousands +upon thousands of captives from the whole of Southeastern Europe, from +all of Southern Russia and Poland, from the Caucasus region, from Central +Europe as far as Regensburg and Friule, and from the shores and islands +of the Mediterranean were likewise incorporated; till, as a result of all +this Western admixture, the ruling nationality of the Ottoman Empire, +though called Turkish today, retains no physical trace whatever of +Mongolian ancestry.[18] Many of its members undoubtedly have no Tatar +blood in their veins; as for the rest, they are, if the above discussion +be well founded, a mixture of Europeans chiefly with Turks of Asia +Minor, who were themselves a mixture of the former Christian population +with Seljuk Turks, while these again were a mixture dating back through +countless ages of contact between the white and the yellow races. A +simple computation will illustrate the matter. Osman is said to have +captured a fair Greek lady named Nenuphar, or Nilufer, the Lotus-flower, +and to have given her as bride to his son Orchan, the first of the +Ottoman sultans.[19] From that time it became increasingly the policy of +the sultans to take their wives from the Caucasian race.[20] If Orchan +be set down as of pure Mongolian descent, and if it be supposed, as is +certainly very near the truth, that all the mothers of succeeding sultans +were not of Turkish blood, and if the mother be assumed to contribute to +the child an influence equal to the father’s, the proportion of Mongolian +blood in the veins of the reigning sultan, who is of the twentieth +generation from Orchan, can readily be calculated,—about one part in one +million.[21] Similar proportions would hold good for many of the Osmanli +Turks. Probably the nation as a whole has no more of Tatar blood than the +American nation has of Norman. + + +THE SOURCES OF OTTOMAN CULTURE + +The question at once arises: What significance, then, has the name Turk +as applied to modern Turkey? To this query a general answer only can be +given here, as part of a rough statement in regard to the derivation of +the main elements of Ottoman culture. + +Of the whole body of ideas and institutions and intangible inheritances +possessed by the Ottoman Turks in the sixteenth century, no small number +of the most fundamental ones were derived from the remote Tatar ancestors +of a part of the nation, from whom even this part was far separated +in time and space. Foremost among these inheritances is the Turkish +language, which in its principles of monosyllabic stem, inflexion by +postfixes alone, and assonance, and in its general system of grammar and +body of words of ordinary life, has survived from the early days through +all vicissitudes.[22] Old Turkish is the Anglo-Saxon of the Osmanli, as +Persian is his Greek and Arabic his Latin. Somewhat more hospitable than +those who use Western languages, the Turk has nearly always accepted with +a foreign thing its foreign name; and the great majority of the foreign +words and phrases so accepted he has not changed in any way, except to +modify the pronunciation of some sounds about which the tongue does not +readily curl. Among other Tatar bequests to the Osmanlis may be named +the hospitable assimilative tendency to which reference has already been +made; a predisposition to war and conquest, accompanied by an openness +of mind as to the best methods and means of prevailing; an ability and +inclination to govern, combined with great adaptability as to methods and +means; and some acquaintance with systematic and bureaucratic methods +of government impressed upon the nation by the Chinese. Again, the +Tatars, possessed of the tenacious conservatism of a primitive people, +predisposed the Ottomans to a close adherence to custom—to the doctrine +that, when a thing had been done once in a certain way, it should always +thereafter be done in the same way. Finally, the Tatars contributed +various elements of the national character, such as a touch of the old +love of nomad life, a certain stolidity of spirit and calm sobriety of +temper (taught, perhaps, by the vastness of the steppe in comparison with +the littleness of man), and a lack of originality which hindered the +construction of freely-borrowed ideas into new forms of higher relation. +In general, therefore, the foundations of the national character of the +Ottomans were laid in the early days, in a body of ideas which was passed +down continuously from man to man, not so much through blood-relationship +as through willing acceptance or enforced adoption. + +The nature of a Tatar nation in the steppe lands, manifesting many of +the elements mentioned above, is extremely significant as foreshadowing +some features of the Ottoman government. A Tatar nation was a voluntary +association, independent of kinship, formed about a promising leader, and +interested in war and conquest; thus it might grow with extreme rapidity +until the geographical extent of its dominion would be marvellous. The +empire of the _Tu-kiu_, for example, gathered in about twenty-five years +after its foundation territories which reached from China proper to the +confines of the Byzantine Empire. The leader of such a nation maintained +his control by the right voluntarily given him to punish treason and +conspiracy by death;[23] when his controlling hand grew weak, the nation +went to pieces. “A Turkish tribe could maintain a political organization +and a compact grouping only by war; without benefits from pillage and +tributes, it would be obliged to dissolve and to disperse by clans, whose +fractions would group themselves anew, and form another nation about +the strongest man.... In regard to empires like those of the Huns, or +the Turks, military associations without ethnic bonds, one cannot say +that they dissolve; they disband. Reversing the custom of other peoples, +with the Turks it is the king who feeds his people, who clothes them, +who pays them.”[24] Add to this system a loyalty to a hereditary leader +which makes the bonds of union permanent, and the description would apply +fairly well to the growing Ottoman nation. A passage from the _Kudatku +Bilik_ applies yet more closely, since it shows a military government in +the midst of a subject population:[25]— + + “In order to hold a land one needs troops and men; + In order to keep troops one must divide out property; + In order to have property one needs a rich people; + Only laws create the riches of a people: + If one of these be lacking all four are lacking; + Where all four are lacking, the dominion goes to pieces.” + +The ancient Persian seems to have given the Ottoman at long range a +number of his ideas of government, such as the exaltation of the monarch, +the separation of officials of the court from those of the government +proper, the division of the ministry into five departments, the council +of state, the giving of large powers to local governors, and the +beginnings of the so-called “legal” system of taxation.[26] From him also +seems to have come the policy of allowing subjects who professed alien +religions to form separate organizations, which lived in a measure under +their own laws. One writer goes so far as to say: “All investigations +into the oldest state regulations of the Orient, into the origin of +monarchical forms and constitutions, into the ceremonial of courts and +the hierarchy of officials, lead back to the great kingdom of the ancient +Persians, from whom they have come down more or less modified, to the +Arabs, who sat as caliphs on the thrones of the three continents, to +the Seljuk Turks and the Byzantines, who at the same time grew up on +the ruins of the Saracen and Roman kingdoms in Asia and Europe, and +through both to the Ottomans who swallowed up the kingdoms of Iconium +and Byzantium.”[27] The Sassanian Persians handed down through the +Moslems the completed “legal” system of a land tax of two sorts based on +cadasters, and a capitation tax levied on those who practised a foreign +religion. They may also have contributed many features of the Ottoman +feudal system. During the Abbassid period the Persians and the Turks who +gradually displaced the Arabs in the civil and military administration of +the Saracen Empire were thrown into very close contact with each other. +It was only natural, therefore, that the Persians, who possessed the more +advanced culture, should influence the Turks in many directions. Their +chief direct gift lay in the domain of poetry and literature, a field in +which they added a vast number of words and ideas to the original Turkish +stock. + +The Saracens gave the Ottomans a complete religious and social system, +united under a Sacred Law which professed to provide for all relations +of life, and which became more and more rigid as time went on. Into this +had been wrought slowly by generations of learned men most of the Persian +governmental ideas that have been mentioned, together with others from +Arabian and Byzantine sources, such as a species of laws of inheritance +and a system of juristic responses. The Saracens gave also their alphabet +and a large stock of Arabic words. All that the Moslems gave the Ottomans +was embodied in one great, complex institution, which was founded upon an +elaborate system of education and supported by the revenues from a large +part of the land of the empire, and which possessed great solidity and +an almost changeless permanence. In the Ottoman Empire, as in all other +Moslem lands, the influence of this completed institution was ultimately +very injurious; when added to the Tatar love of custom, it laid a heavy +hand on all movements toward improvement and progress. Its ultimate +attitude toward earthly affairs is well expressed in the following +couplet:— + + “To build in this world palaces and castles, there is no need; + They will at last be ruins: to build cities, there is no need.”[28] + +A development which took place among the Turks within the Saracen Empire +was of the profoundest significance to Ottoman history. From some date +in the early ninth century, Turkish youth were brought to Bagdad in +large numbers as purchased, but by no means unwilling, slaves. Having +been trained as soldiers, they became generals and local governors, and +after no great length of time the central government also passed into +their hands. The training of such young Turkish slaves in the palaces of +caliphs and governors clearly foreshadowed Ottoman methods. The account +that perhaps looks farthest back in relation to the Turks is found in the +_Siasset Namèh_, and refers to the time of the Samanid dynasty, which +ruled in East Persia from 874 to 999. It describes the external aspect of +the system of education, such as promotion and marks of honor, but leaves +the severe work which lay behind to be inferred:— + +“This is the rule that was followed at the court of the Samanids: + +“They advanced slaves gradually, taking account of their services, their +courage, and their merit. Thus a slave who had just been purchased served +for one year on foot. Clothed in a cotton tunic, he walked beside the +stirrup of his chief; they did not have him mount on horseback either in +public or in private, and he would be punished if it were learned that he +had done so. When his first year of service was ended, the head of the +chamber informed the chamberlain, and the latter gave the slave a Turkish +horse which had only a rope in its mouth, a bridle and a halter in one. +When he had served one year on horseback, whip in hand, he was given a +leathern girth to put about the horse. The fifth year they gave him a +better saddle, a bridle ornamented with stars, a tunic of cotton mixed +with silk, and a mace which he suspended by a ring from his saddle-bow. +In the sixth year he received a garment of a more splendid color; and in +the seventh year, they gave him a tent held up by a pole and fixed by +sixteen pegs: he had three slaves in his suite, and he was honored with +the title of head of a chamber; he wore on his head a hat of black felt +embroidered with silver and he was clothed with a silk robe. Every year +he was advanced in place and dignity; his retinue and his escort were +increased until the time when he reached the rank of chief of squadron +and finally that of chamberlain. Though his capacity and merit might be +generally recognized, though he had done some noteworthy deed and had +acquired universal esteem and the affection of his sovereign, he was +obliged nevertheless to wait until the age of thirty-five years before +obtaining the title of _emir_ and a government.”[29] + +In this system of the training of slaves for war and government lay the +nucleus of the fundamental institution of the Ottoman state, which, +together with the institution based on the Sacred Law, was to sum up +practically the entire organized life of the Ottoman nation. Under +the Samanids it was Turkish boys who were thus educated by Arabs and +Persians, but the Ottomans were later to apply the same principle to the +education of Christian youth. + +The Seljuk Turks brought most of the ideas that have been mentioned into +Asia Minor. They served chiefly as mediators between the older Turkish, +Persian, and Mohammedan systems and that of the Ottomans. Besides +adding some features out of their own experience, such as a method of +book-keeping, and handing on a taste for constructing public buildings +like caravanserais, khans, and mosques, they gave rise to several +important religious orders which were to have a place in Ottoman life. + +What was left for the Byzantines to contribute to the Ottoman? He had +received already the main features of his national character,—language, +literary influences, law, and religion. One of his two leading +institutions was already almost fully developed in Moslem lands, and +required only transplantation. The other, however, the institution of war +and government, could still be modified considerably; and this was to +incorporate much from the Byzantines.[30] Many details of governmental +organization, both imperial and local, a supplementary system of +taxation, a greatly elaborated taste for court ceremonial and splendor, +a plan of organizing foreign residents under a special law, and a host +of lesser usages and customs were to be taken over by the Ottomans. +The Ottoman feudal system also probably owed its final form to the +Byzantines; and perhaps it was from them that the Ottomans learned their +abnormal love for fees and gifts. The matchless structure of Saint Sophia +served as a model for the superb mosques that lift the shapely masses of +their great gray domes, supported by clusters of semidomes and lesser +domes, above the cypress trees and gardens of the rounded hills which in +Constantine’s city slope down to the blue waters of the Sea of Marmora, +the Bosphorus, and the Golden Horn. + +This sketch of the origin of the elements of Ottoman culture does not +profess to be in any sense complete. So great a subject is worthy of +separate and extended treatment. No more has been attempted here than +partly to prepare the way for an understanding of the strange system +of government which the Ottoman Turks developed, and to show that that +system was no new creation, but was made of elements which in their +origins reached far back into the past. Out of old and tried ideas was +built up a double structure which was individual, conservative, and +efficient, strong, durable, and useful. + + + + +CHAPTER I + +THE CHARACTER OF THE OTTOMAN STATE IN GENERAL + + +DEFINITION + +The Ottoman Turkish state of the sixteenth century was a despotism, +limited and supported by the Mohammedan Sacred Law; it governed a vast +territory, which had been gathered by the progressive conquest of +many separate lands, and which was consequently held in many diverse +relationships; it ruled a multitude of peoples, some of which were +favored as holding to the state religion, and others of which, though in +an inferior position, had yet the right by sacred compacts to practise +other religions and obey other laws. + +This description reveals at once the complex and parti-colored character +of the Ottoman Empire at the period when its power and prestige were +greatest, when its armies were feared from the shore of the German +Ocean to the borders of India and its fleets from Gibraltar to Bombay, +and when its favor and goodwill were sought by powers great and small +in Asia, Africa, and Europe. For the state as for the individual, the +penalty of greatness is increase of responsibility and care. In any +conquering nation the growth of governmental institutions must keep pace +with increase of territory and population, or advance will be stifled +by confusion. The growth may, however, be too rapid to be intelligently +directed. Most great institutions, in fact, tend to develop a separate +life of their own which may become too vast and powerful for human +comprehension and control; for political, religious, economic, and social +forces proceed out of and act upon them in numerous and unexpected +ways. In the case of the Ottoman Empire the situation was rendered +more difficult by the presence in its territory of stable and vigorous +institutions centuries older than its own. These were profoundly hostile +to its inner spirit, far too powerful and individual to be destroyed or +absorbed by it, and therefore an eternal obstacle to unity. In addition, +the Ottoman institutions themselves grew more and more apart into two +unified groups, which were in striking contrast in many ways; dwelling +together, they acted upon each other continually; and unfortunately they +were so constituted that their reciprocal influence was to the injury of +both. A fuller explanation will make the complicated situation clearer. + + +THE LIMITATIONS ON DESPOTISM + +It may seem a contradiction in terms to speak of a despotism as limited; +yet a little reflection will show that there never has existed and never +can exist a despotism that is not limited. In what land has the will of +one man been obeyed instantly, everywhere, and by all? In what land have +there not been stubborn traditions, ineradicable prejudices, and powerful +organizations, which have blocked the way of the despot as effectively +as lofty mountains and stormy channels? The great limitation upon the +power of the Ottoman sultan was the _Sheri_, or Sacred Law of Islam, +which claimed to be wholly above him and beyond his alteration.[31] He +might by act of violence transgress its provisions, but he had even +then done it no damage; it was still what it had always been. And he +knew well that his transgressions must not be too many, and must not at +all touch certain matters, else he would be declared to have forfeited +the throne.[32] The Sacred Law divided with him the allegiance of his +Mohammedan subjects; it demanded to be consulted before he removed the +head of a criminal,[33] or went to war with an enemy;[34] it took for +itself the revenues of a large share of his lands, and so controlled the +imposition of general taxation as seriously to embarrass his finances; it +even protected his Christian subjects from all efforts of his to bring +them forcibly under its sway;[35] it entered into his very spirit and +persuaded him to relinquish harmless pleasures,[36] while it supported +him in the execution of able and worthy brothers and sons.[37] The +_Sheri_ was a form of rigid constitution which by its own provisions +was incapable of amendment. It purported to regulate for all time the +matters included in its scope. Open to a small measure of modification +by juristic interpretation, it was probably on the whole as changeless +a system as has ever prevailed among men. The sovereign had no right to +modify it in the least respect. + +Nor was the Sacred Law the only real limitation upon the sultan’s power. +Although he was not bound to observe the legislation of his ancestors or +maintain their institutions,[38] yet he could not lightly destroy what +he must at once replace. Some of their laws he might cease to observe, +some institutions he might neglect, improve, or reform; but the main +substance of their work was too useful and too well-established to be +undone. Suleiman bears the name of Legislator (_El Kanuni_); but in his +case it was even more true than in similar instances in other lands that +he did not so much ordain and create anew as rearrange and put in order, +reorganize and regulate. + +Again, few other peoples in the world, perhaps, have been so much under +the power of custom as was the Ottoman nation.[39] That which had +been once done in a certain way must always be done in the same way, +or in what was believed to be the same way, unless a change had been +accomplished by the distinct intervention of fully recognized authority. +The inertia of the people was so marked that the sovereign power seldom +found it worth while, and then only when driven by necessity, to put +forth the great exertion required to make a change in the established +order. + +Restricted thus by an unchangeable constitution, by the presence of +deep-rooted laws and institutions, and by the settled customs of a highly +conservative people, the power of the Ottoman sultan could be exerted +freely in certain directions only. What these were will appear as the +scheme of the government is unfolded. + + +THE TERRITORIAL BASIS + +A fundamental characteristic of the modern state is considered to +lie in the fact that its power is territorial, that it exerts equal +authority over every part of a certain territory, and over every human +being and every material object upon, above, or under the surface of +that territory. Although an authority so evenly applied may be possible +theoretically, it is never in actual existence in any particular +state; for special laws and arrangements always modify the situation. +For example, lands and property devoted to religious or educational +uses, or owned by a foreign nation for its ambassador, are regularly +exempted from taxation. Or, again, the government of the United States +of America stands in different relations toward the soil of the District +of Columbia, the state of Massachusetts, the territory of Alaska, the +Philippine Islands, and the Panama Canal Zone. + +By the laws of Islam the soil of a conquered land is granted by God as +the absolute possession of the _Imâm_, or divinely commissioned prince, +who commands the conquering army.[40] Apart from the question as to where +the sovereignty rests, this theory of ownership is substantially that of +the modern state. The fact that the soil of the Ottoman Empire came into +highly complex relationships with the government, therefore, arose not +so much from a different fundamental theory as from a greater number of +special arrangements based on circumstances and on the personality of +religion and law. + +The Ottoman Empire consisted, first, of a great body of lands which +were directly administered according to a system that was exceedingly +intricate but approximately uniform; second, of a number of regions less +directly administered under special regulations; third, of numerous +tributary provinces; and fourth, of certain protected or vassal states. +Outside the whole, except where the frontiers were natural, lay a belt +of neutral or disputed territory, which tended to be depopulated by +continual raids from both sides, only less frequent and terrible in time +of peace than in time of war.[41] The great significance of this belt +to the Ottoman people and government was that it furnished a continuous +supply of captives for the enormous slave-trade of the empire. Outside of +the raided belt, again, lay the _Dar-ul harb_, or land of war, inhabited +either by peoples whose religions were regarded as inferior, or by +heretics, whom it was a duty to conquer, at least when practical.[42] +The order in which these several regions are mentioned, an order based +on progressive diminution of control, corresponds in general to an +increasing distance from Constantinople. While the Ottoman Empire was +growing, each sort of territory tended to absorb the next, proceeding +from the center outward. + +These lands may be considered rapidly in the reverse order. The +territory in which raiding was frequent consisted of a strip extending +across Austria-Hungary from the head of the Adriatic in a northeasterly +direction, and another band stretching eastwardly across Southern +Poland and Russia in the edge of the forest region. The latter was +separated from Crimean Tartary by the steppe land, which the Tartars kept +uninhabited in order to afford a free passage to their light horse. The +Persian frontier also lay waste; but the country was too much broken for +easy raiding, and Mohammedans, even though heretical, could not lawfully +be enslaved.[43] Similar conditions existed on the Moroccan frontier, +except that the majority of the inhabitants of Morocco were orthodox +Moslems. Another section that may properly be regarded as one of the +raided regions from which slaves and booty were drawn was the Christian +shipping on the Mediterranean Sea, and the islands and shores of that +sea so far as they were held by Christians. Crimean Tartary, Georgia, +Mingrelia, and parts of Arabia were vassal territories, more or less +lightly attached and paying no regular tribute.[44] Venice’s island of +Cyprus, the Emperor Ferdinand’s possessions in Hungary, the territories +of Ragusa, Transylvania, Moldavia, and Wallachia, all paid regular +tribute with occasional presents, for the privilege of maintaining their +own administrations. Egypt was under a special government, adapted +with slight changes from that of the Mamelukes, headed by a pasha sent +out from Constantinople for a term of three years, and delivering a +large part of its annual revenue to the imperial treasury. The Holy +Cities of Mecca and Medina, far from paying tribute, received a large +annual subsidy at the cost of Egypt.[45] North Africa, conquered by +the Corsairs, was brought into the empire by Khaireddin Barbarossa +principally for the sake of prestige and support; but, though in its +organization it imitated the parent government, it was seldom in close +obedience. + +The regions directly administered were divided into districts, or +_sanjaks_, each of which had a separate law or _kanun-nameh_, of +taxation, which rested upon terms made at the time of conquest.[46] +Parts of the mountain lands of Albania and Kurdistan, and the desert +of Arabia, though nominally under direct administration, were in very +slight obedience; they retained their ancient tribal organizations, under +hereditary chieftains who were invested with Ottoman titles in return +for military service, and whose followers might or might not submit to +taxation.[47] The remaining _sanjaks_, more closely under control, were +yet organized in no simple way. + +Parcels of land in the great central portion of the Ottoman Empire were +in three classes,—the tithe lands (_ersi ’ushriyeh_), the tribute lands +(_ersi kharâjiyeh_), and the state lands (_ersi memleket_).[48] The tithe +lands had been granted to Mohammedans in fee-simple (_mulk_) at the time +of conquest, on condition of paying a relatively small portion (not more +than one-tenth) of the produce to the state. The tribute lands had been +granted or left to Christians in fee-simple at the time of conquest, on +payment of one of two taxes—either a fixed sum for the land itself or +a share of the produce—the latter ranging in amount from one-tenth to +one-half.[49] The state lands were such as had never been granted in +fee-simple, and hence their title remained in the sultan. He received +the revenue, however, from only a part of them; for a very large portion +had been given to mosques as endowment (_vakf_) for their maintenance +and the support of their attendants, or for the benefit of the schools, +hospitals, and other buildings attached to them; and another large +portion had been granted in fief to Mohammedans, who in return rendered +military service on horseback.[50] The comparatively small remainder of +the state lands was held as crown domain, administered in a special way +by the sultan as owner. The tenants of state lands held title only by +lease, or _tapu_, and paid both money and crop rent to the church, the +fief-holder, or the crown.[51] All the lands in Europe were regarded as +state land,[52] for the Ottomans gave out in fee-simple few lands that +were conquered from Christians. Asia Minor was also largely state land; +but Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt were held under older arrangements, +and were mainly tribute lands. Arabia and Bosra were almost wholly tithe +lands, as being the oldest Arabian possessions.[53] The fundamental +quality of all tribute land was unchangeable;[54] but original tithe +lands which had come into the hands of Christians were temporarily +regarded as tribute lands,[55] and lands in fee-simple (tithe and +tribute lands) might be devoted by their owners as religious endowments +(_vakf_).[56] Original small fiefs might be made into one large one; or +a number of persons might come to hold a fief without division of it, +provided they jointly furnished the required military service.[57] Many +endowments (_vakf_) were made by private individuals for various public +purposes; in time, through the attachment of pension provisions and by +other devices, a system was built up which had many of the features of +the employment of uses under English law.[58] + +No small amount of land of every sort went out of cultivation, and after +a certain time had elapsed, if the owner was unknown, became state land. +If this or any other unoccupied land was brought again under the plow, it +might be granted to the new cultivator.[59] + +This rapid survey is sufficient to reveal the tangled nature of the +Ottoman land system in both its farther and its nearer aspects, and to +show why the administration had to become markedly and increasingly +bureaucratic. Such a multiplication of relations acted powerfully toward +decentralization, since the regulation of countless details could be +attended to better from points near at hand; and the immense amount of +adjustment to which officials and clerks must devote their time afforded +infinite opportunities for corruption and extortion. Suleiman, in his +legislation, made a series of efforts to simplify and systematize the +situation, and with some success; but he could not remove the causes of +the complications, or arrange matters so that they would not eventually +become worse than before. + + +THE PEOPLES + +The wide Ottoman territory held a great number of peoples, marked off by +differences of race, language, religion, and customs. The raided belt +was inhabited chiefly by Southern Slavs, Germans, Hungarians, Poles, +and Russians; and the Christian shores and islands of the Mediterranean +chiefly by Greeks, Italians, French, and Spaniards. Accordingly, slaves +from all these peoples were constantly forwarded to the center and +distributed widely—in the service of the sultan, in the households of +the great, and on the estates of country gentlemen. They were treated +without prejudice in accordance with their abilities, and in the end the +great majority were brought into the Moslem fold, many of them rising +to the highest positions. The inhabitants of the tributary states were +left in possession of most of their own institutions, but whether to +their advantage in the long run is a question open to debate.[60] They +were plundered directly by their own princes and indirectly by the +Turks, and they had almost no part in the work and life of the empire. +The Mingrelians and Georgians captured and even raised children for the +slave-trade of the empire proper and of Egypt.[61] The Egyptian fellahs +toiled, as they have done through all ages, to produce wealth for their +masters, who were now in two bodies—the Mamelukes, recruited as always +from slaves of many races, and the group of officials and Janissaries +who aided and sustained the Ottoman pasha. The Berbers of North Africa +furnished a sufficient task of government to their rulers, who consisted +of a body of officials and Janissaries recruited from captives and from +the Turks and other inhabitants of southwestern Asia Minor,[62] but +connected only at the top with the central government of the empire. + +In the region which was under more or less direct administration, +Albanians, Servians, Croatians, Bulgarians, and Greeks—in general, +the Christian subjects in the Balkan Peninsula—furnished most of the +tribute children; but some were taken from the Christians of western and +northeastern Asia Minor and the Caucasus region.[63] Kurds and Arabs, +being Moslems, could not be enslaved, but they fought for the empire on +the eastern frontiers. Armenians and Jews were, by ancient privilege, +exempt from both blood tribute and military service.[64] + +The principle of the personality of law and religion came most visibly +into play in the heart of the empire. Prevalent in the Orient from the +time of Assyria’s greatness to the present day, it is not easily to be +understood in a land that has wholly separated religion and law. Where +these two ideas are united, two men who hold different faiths must +perforce live under different laws.[65] Islam inherited the idea of the +personality of law through the Sassanian Persians, and endeavored to +apply it with simplicity by drawing a single line between Moslem citizens +(_Muslim_) and non-Moslem subjects (_Zimmi_).[66] The Ottomans adopted +the idea unreservedly and worked it out into a complicated system: each +considerable body of their non-Moslem subjects, Greek Orthodox, United +Greek, Armenian, and Jewish, they left, in time, not merely to its own +religion, but to its own law and the administration of its law in all +matters that did not concern Moslems.[67] Proceeding yet farther with +the same principle, they granted even greater privileges to foreigners +who wished to reside within the empire. Except for a tax upon the land +which they might occupy, for the necessity of paying customs duties, and +for responsibility to Ottoman courts of justice in civil cases in which +Ottoman subjects were concerned, such foreigners were almost wholly free +from Ottoman control, freer far to do as they pleased than they could be +in their native lands. + +Regions existed where nearly all the inhabitants obeyed one law. In +Bulgaria and Greece few were not Greek Orthodox. In the interior of +Asia Minor few were not, at least legally, Mohammedan. But in the great +cities of the empire, and especially in the capital, there was an immense +variety of obedience. Not only did the various colonies of foreigners +and the various subject nationalities have their separate rights under +different systems, but individuals among them, such as ambassadors +and clergymen, had special privileges and immunities. Even among the +Mohammedans there were various distinctions. Several large classes were +privileged, and in different ways, including all the people of court and +church, of the army and the law, of government and education. The social +and legal structure was thus scarcely less complicated than that of +medieval Western Europe, with its interlocking of feudal and official and +royal privilege, of clergy and nobility, of free and chartered cities. + + +INSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT + +In the midst of so much territorial complexity and among so many peoples +which enjoyed different rights, what unifying institutions did the +Ottoman Empire possess? In the largest sense, the government included +every organization that could lay claim to any public character, and +all of these must be brought into view if there is to be a complete +understanding of the conditions. In the first place, however, it is +necessary to discover and comprehend the genuinely great and powerful +institutions. These were two, and not, as is essential to the modern +conception of the state, a single one. Each was, it is true, composed +of several parts, which may be regarded as distinct institutions in +themselves; and yet each had an inherent unity that must be firmly +grasped and held if the situation is to be understood. + +If names must be assigned to these two great composite institutions, the +nearest approximation would perhaps be to call them State and Church. +But these words give no adequate idea of them, since each embraced +a little less and at the same time far more than is included in the +conception of the corresponding Western institutions. They will therefore +be described and discussed as the “Ottoman Ruling Institution,” and the +“Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire.” The character of each and +the distinction between them will become clear as they are explained in +detail. For the present, a brief statement of the composition of each and +of its function in the government of the empire will suffice. + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution included the sultan and his family, the +officers of his household, the executive officers of the government, +the standing army composed of cavalry and infantry, and a large body of +young men who were being educated for service in the standing army, the +court, and the government. These men wielded the sword, the pen, and +the scepter. They conducted the whole of the government except the mere +rendering of justice in matters that were controlled by the Sacred Law, +and those limited functions that were left in the hands of subject and +foreign groups of non-Moslems. The most vital and characteristic features +of this institution were, first, that its personnel consisted, with few +exceptions, of men born of Christian parents or of the sons of such; and, +second, that almost every member of the Institution came into it as the +sultan’s slave, and remained the sultan’s slave throughout life no matter +to what height of wealth, power, and greatness he might attain. + +The Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire included the educators, +priests, jurisconsults, and judges of the empire, and all who were +in training for such duties, besides certain allied groups, such as +dervishes or monks, and emirs or descendants of the Prophet Mohammed. +These men embodied and maintained the whole substance and structure +of Mohammedan learning, religion, and law in the empire. They took +part in the government by applying the Sacred Law as judges assisted +by jurisconsults, and in these capacities they paralleled the entire +structure of administration to the remotest corner of the empire.[68] In +fact, their system extended to regions where direct administration was +not exercised. In the Crimea, for example, the rendering of justice was +in their hands, while the other functions of government were performed by +a vassal state in light obedience. The situation in Arabia and in North +Africa was somewhat similar, though complicated by the presence of rival +systems of jurisprudence. In direct contrast to the Ruling Institution, +the personnel of the Moslem Institution consisted, with hardly an +exception, of men born of Moslem parents, and born and brought up free. + +Both these institutions, while uniquely powerful and independent within +the empire, were paralleled by lesser institutions, but in different +ways. The Ruling Institution was followed closely by the governments of +Egypt and North Africa, and less closely by those of the tributary and +vassal states; but all these were strictly subordinate, and exercised +what authority they possessed only within definite territorial limits. +The Moslem Institution was followed closely by the Greek and Armenian +and Jewish national institutions, and to some extent by the organization +of the foreign colonies. Each of these various institutions rested on +a religious organization or theory, cared for the learning, religion, +and law of its people, and rendered justice in matters not covered by +the Ottoman administration; but all were wholly independent of the +Moslem Institution, and, since they were based on personality instead +of territory, they exercised jurisdictions which were territorially +co-extensive with its jurisdiction and often with the jurisdictions of +each other. + +The two great institutions and the lesser parallel ones included +practically all the government of the empire when regarded in its widest +aspect. In the time of Suleiman the Ruling Institution was perhaps of +greater power and influence than the Moslem Institution, but the tendency +of the latter was to gain upon the former. Notable progress in that +direction was made during his reign, and indeed through his personality. +The policy of both toward the parallel lesser institutions was to prevent +them from gaining in power, and, so far as possible, to weaken them. +In the former aim this policy succeeded with all but two classes,—the +governments of North Africa, which were separated by a sea under their +own control, and the organizations of the foreign settlements, which were +supported by active and increasing powers outside of the empire. But the +two great institutions were restrained by circumstances and their own +inherent structure from extirpating the parallel institutions, and in +time they were to cease to weaken them. The greatest dangers to the whole +Ottoman system lay, however, in the rivalry of the two great institutions +and in a tendency of the Ruling Institution toward decentralization and +division into its component parts. + + +CONTEMPORARY DESCRIPTIONS OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS + +Few writers on the history and government of the Ottoman Empire since the +sixteenth century have grasped the individual unity, the parallelism, +and the contrast of its two leading institutions. D’Ohsson and Von +Hammer understood the Moslem Institution, but missed the conception of +the Ruling Institution, the unity of which had disappeared long before +their time. Ranke obtained from a few of the Italian writers a very vivid +conception of the Ruling Institution, particularly as a slave-family and +an army; but he did not see the Moslem Institution in its due proportion +and importance. Zinkeisen, making wider use of the Italians, came nearer +than any other to a clear understanding of the whole scheme; yet his +exposition does not leave a distinct impression. Bury, in his lucid +chapter in the _Cambridge Modern History_, describes well the _Spahis_ +and the Janissaries, and notes that many tribute children rose to high +positions; but he does not grasp the unity of the Ruling Institution, +and he seems hardly at all to see the Moslem Institution. Jorga, the +latest to write a general history of Turkey, makes it his avowed purpose +to exhibit cultural and institutional growth; he comes near, but does +not attain, a distinct conception of the Ruling Institution; while +giving especial attention to the renegades who reached high position in +the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, he seems not to recognize how +definite, and how intelligently constructed and directed, were the policy +and organization which raised them to power.[69] + +In order to show how clearly some of the Italian writers of the sixteenth +century understood the two institutions, though not under any particular +names, translations of certain quotations are subjoined. Since they will +serve also to justify the present writer’s point of view, no apology need +be made for their length. + +Andrea Gritti, Venetian orator extraordinary to Bayezid II, in his report +to the Venetian senate on December 2, 1503, mentions the highest Turkish +officials as follows:—“For affairs of state and every other matter of +importance His Majesty is wont to take counsel with the pashas.... These +are ordinarily four in number, who reside in Constantinople; they are +born of Christian parents, seized from the provinces while small, and +educated in different places by men delegated for that purpose; raised +then to certain positions either through the affection which the Grand +Signor bears for them, or by some enterprises valorously carried through, +they quickly become very rich, selling, among matters of importance, +justice and favors; but when they find themselves at the summit of +felicity they live in great danger.”[70] + +Antonio Barbarigo, Venetian _Bailo_ at Constantinople from 1555 to 1560, +speaks further of the high officials: “Nor does there exist in this so +great empire either superiority or illustriousness of blood, so that any +one can glory in his descent, but all are in an equal condition, and +they themselves wish to be named and called slaves of the Grand Signor, +and their greatest pride is when they say that they are slaves of the +Signor; and all his chief men and governors are slaves, and Christian +renegades, and sons of Christians brought up from an early age in the +seraglio, and then in time, according to their worth, exalted and +rewarded and made great by His Majesty.”[71] + +Marcantonio Barbaro, _Bailo_ of Venice at Constantinople from 1568 to +1573, seems to have been the first to discern clearly the contrast of the +two institutions. + +“It is a fact truly worthy of much consideration, that the riches, the +forces, the government, and in short the whole state of the Ottoman +Empire is founded upon and placed in the hands of persons all born +in the faith of Christ; who by different methods are made slaves and +transferred into the Mohammedan sect. Then whoever will carefully direct +his attention to this principal consideration, will come more easily to +an understanding of the government and nature of the Turks.... + +“Other sorts of persons are not ordinarily admitted to the honors +and the pay of the Grand Signor, except the above-mentioned, all +Christian-born.... + +“The emperor of the Turks has ordinarily no other ordinances and no +other laws which regulate justice, the state, and religion, than the +Koran; so that, as the arms and the forces are wholly reposed in the +hands of persons all born Christians, so, as I have already said, the +administration of the laws is all solely in the hands of those who are +born Turks, who bring up their sons in the service of the mosques, where +they learn the Koran, until being come of age they are made _kazis_ of +the land, who are like our _podestas_, and administer justice, although +the execution remains in the hands of those who wield arms.... + +“I have taken much space to demonstrate to your most excellent Signory +how the government of this empire is wholly reposed in the hands +of slaves born Christians, this appearing to me a matter for much +consideration....”[72] + +Gianfrancesco Morosini, Venetian _Bailo_ at Constantinople from 1582 to +1585, later made a cardinal of the Roman church, yields to none in the +fulness and depth of his observation of the Turks. He too distinguishes +clearly the great institutions:— + +“There are two sorts of Turks: one of these is composed of natives born +of Turkish fathers, and the other of renegades, who are sons of Christian +fathers, taken violently in the depredations which his fleets and sailors +are accustomed to make on Christian territories, or levied in his own +territory by force of hand from the subjects and non-Moslem tax-payers +(_carzeri_) of the Signor, who while boys are by allurement or by force +circumcised and made Turks.... Not only does the greater part of the +soldiery of the Turks consist of these renegades, but in yet greater +proportion all the principal offices of the Porte are wont to be given +to them, from the grand vizier to the lowest chief of this soldiery, it +being established by ancient custom that the sons of Turks cannot have +these positions.... + +“To the native Turks are reserved then the governing of the mosques, the +judging of civil and criminal cases, and the office of the chancery: from +these are taken the _kazis_ and the _kaziaskers_, the teachers (_hojas_), +and their _Mufti_, who is the head of their false religion; and the +_kazis_ are like podestas, and render justice to every one, and the +_kaziaskers_ are like judges of appeal from these _kazis_....” + +“The renegades are all slaves and take great pride in being able to +say, ‘I am a slave of the Grand Signor’; since they know that this is a +lordship or a republic of slaves, where it is theirs to command.”[73] + +Lorenzo Bernardo was _Bailo_ of Venice in Constantinople from 1584 to +1587. After a second period of service in 1591 and 1592 he presented the +longest extant report to the Venetian senate on the Ottoman Empire. After +describing the principal officers of the Ottoman government at the time +he says in his involved style:— + +“These are they, in whom is reposed not only the whole government of the +state, but also the command of all the arms of this so great an empire; +and yet these are neither dukes, nor marquises, nor counts, but all by +origin are shepherds, and persons base and vile; wherefore it would be +well if this most serene republic, imitating in this direction the Grand +Signor, he who from this sort of persons, his slaves, creates and makes +the best captains, _sanjaks_ and _beylerbeys_, giving them in this way +credit and reputation.... + +“Just as the whole government of the affairs of the state and the command +of its arms is reposed in the hands or the control of slaves by origin +Christian, and then made Turks by various accidents; so the government +of the affairs which look toward justice, and all the charge of affairs +of religion are located in the hands of native Turks, sons of Turks, who +having been educated in the universities instituted by the Grand Signor +and the present ministers, and made learned in their laws, which consist, +both civil and criminal, in no other teaching than that of the sole book, +the Koran, become _imâms_, or priests, who govern mosques; _kazis_, or +podestas; _hojas_, or preceptors of great men; and finally _kaziaskers_, +or judges of supreme appeal, of whom there are only two, the one in Asia +and the other in Europe; and the head of all these and supreme in their +religion is the _mufti_, like the pope among us, who is chosen by the +Grand Signor.”[74] + +Lastly, Matteo Zane shall speak, Venetian _Bailo_ in Constantinople +from 1591 to 1597. In the imperfect record of his vigorous report, +the illustrious diplomatist says: “The Turks are partly natives and +partly renegades; the natives, who live for the most part in Asia, are +in comparison with the renegades less depraved and less tyrannous, +because they still have in them some religion, which the others have +not,—the most arrogant and scoundrelly men that can be imagined, having +seemingly with the true faith lost all humanity. This alienation from +religion is fitting in desperate characters, who are induced to it by +licentious freedom of life, and by seeing placed in their hands the arms, +the government, the riches, and in short the whole empire, excluding +the native Turks, who are admitted only to the careers of justice, as +that of _kazi_ and the like, and to those of religion, such as _mufti_, +_hoja_, and _imâm_, as is very well known.”[75] + +The impending break-down of the system near the close of the sixteenth +century is also set forth clearly by Zane: “The government of the Turkish +Empire is suffering within itself so many and such great alterations, +that one may very reasonably hope, divine aid mediating, for some notable +revolution within a short time, because the native Turks continue to +sustain the greatest dissatisfaction, from seeing all the confidence +of the government reposed in the renegades, who, at a tender age for +the most part, are taken into the seraglio of the king or of private +citizens, and made Turks. To the renegades is committed not merely the +care of arms, but the entire command and the execution of the acts +of justice of the _kazis_ (although they do not allow appeals), and +the superintendence of religion; whence one may say that they rule +everything and that the native Turks are their subjects as are servants +to their masters; which was not true in other times to such excess as at +present.”[76] + +To these testimonies from Italian writers may be added a paragraph +written about 1603 by the great English historian of Turkey, Richard +Knolles. Knolles shows no acquaintance with the Moslem Institution, but +his recognition of the Ruling Institution is good:— + +“The _Othoman_ Government in this his so great an Empire, is altogether +like the Government of the Master over his Slave, and indeed meer +tyrannical; for the Great Sultan is so absolute a Lord of all things +within the compass of his Empire, that all his Subjects and People, be +they never so great, do call themselves his Slaves and not his Subjects; +neither hath any man power over himself, much less is he Lord of the +House wherein he dwelleth, or of the Land which he tilleth, except some +few Families in _Constantinople_, to whom some few such things were by +way of reward, and upon especial favour given by _Mahomet_ the Second, at +such time as he won the same. Neither is any man in that Empire so great, +or yet so far in favour with the Great Sultan, as that he can assure +himself of his Life, much less of his present Fortune or State, longer +than it pleaseth the Sultan. In which so absolute a Sovereignty (by any +free born People not to be endured) the Tyrant preserveth himself by +two most especial means; first, by taking off all Arms from his natural +Subjects; and then by putting the same and all things else concerning the +State and Government thereof into the Hands of the Apostata, or Renegade +Christians, whom for the most part every third, fourth, or fifth Year +(or oftner, if his need so require) he taketh in their Child-hood, from +their miserable Parents, as his Tenths or Tribute Children; whereby he +gaineth two great Commodities: First, For that in so doing he spoileth +the Provinces he most feareth, of the flower, sinews, and strength of +the People, choice being still made of the strongest Youths, and fittest +for War; then, for that with these, as with his own Creatures, he armeth +himself, and by them assureth his State; for they, in their Child-hood, +taken from their Parents Laps, and delivered in Charge to one or other +appointed for that purpose, quickly, and before they are aware, become +Mahometans; and so no more acknowledging Father or Mother, depend wholly +on the Great Sultan; who, to make use of them, both feeds them and +fosters them, at whose hands onely they look for all things, and whom +alone they thank for all. Of which Fry, so taken from their Christian +Parents (the only Seminary of his Wars) some become Horse-men, some +Foot-men, and so in time the greatest Commanders of his State and Empire, +next unto himself; the natural Turks, in the mean time, giving themselves +wholly unto the Trade of Merchandise, and other their Mechanical +Occupations; or else to the feeding of Cattel, their most ancient and +natural Vocation, not intermedling at all with matters of Government or +State.”[77] + + + + +CHAPTER II + +THE OTTOMAN RULING INSTITUTION: AS A SLAVE-FAMILY + + +I. GENERAL DESCRIPTION + +Perhaps no more daring experiment has been tried on a large scale +upon the face of the earth than that embodied in the Ottoman Ruling +Institution. Its nearest ideal analogue is found in the Republic of +Plato, its nearest actual parallel in the Mameluke system of Egypt; +but it was not restrained within the aristocratic Hellenic limitations +of the first, and it subdued and outlived the second. In the United +States of America men have risen from the rude work of the backwoods +to the presidential chair, but they have done so by their own effort +and not through the gradations of a system carefully organized to push +them forward. The Roman Catholic church can still train a peasant to +become a pope, but it has never begun by choosing its candidates almost +exclusively from families which profess a hostile religion. The Ottoman +system deliberately took slaves and made them ministers of state; it took +boys from the sheep-run and the plow-tail and made them courtiers and +the husbands of princesses; it took young men whose ancestors had borne +the Christian name for centuries, and made them rulers in the greatest +of Mohammedan states, and soldiers and generals in invincible armies +whose chief joy was to beat down the Cross and elevate the Crescent. It +never asked its novices, “Who was your father?” or “What do you know?” or +even “Can you speak our tongue?”; but it studied their faces and their +frames and said, “_You_ shall be a soldier, and if you show yourself +worthy, a general,” or, “_You_ shall be a scholar and a gentleman, and +if the ability lies in you, a governor and a prime minister.” Grandly +disregarding that fabric of fundamental customs which is called “human +nature,” and those religious and social prejudices which are thought +to be almost as deep as life itself, the Ottoman system took children +forever from parents, discouraged family cares among its members through +their most active years, allowed them no certain hold on property, gave +them no definite promise that their sons and daughters would profit by +their success and sacrifice, raised and lowered them with no regard for +ancestry or previous distinction, taught them a strange law, ethics, and +religion, and ever kept them conscious of a sword raised above their +heads which might put an end at any moment to a brilliant career along a +matchless path of human glory. + +The members of this system were, in a general way, as long as they lived, +at once slaves, proselytes, students, soldiers, nobles, courtiers, and +officers of government. To be understood fully, the institution should +be considered from each of these points of view. The aspects which were +of central and controlling importance, however, were those of war and +government; the others were preparatory or accessory. Furthermore, the +sultan was the head and center of the institution in every one of its +aspects. He gave it its unity, its vigor, and its propelling force. +Although his despotic power was limited in many directions, it knew no +limits with regard to the members and the mechanism of this institution. +The person, the fortune, the property, and the life of every member lay +in his hand.[78] + +The absolute character of the sultan’s authority was an element of great +strength to the institution, but it contained also the possibility of a +great danger. To manage the system well required an almost superhuman +intelligence. The sultan held the position of Deity toward his slaves, +and he needed the omniscience and benevolence of Deity to exercise his +power wisely and justly. Unfortunately, his position, which controlled +the whole scheme, was the only one that was filled by the uncertain lot +of heredity. While strong men came to the throne, the system worked out +marvellous results. When weak men were to come, as happened immediately +after Suleiman, the system was to begin to fall apart into dangerous +fragments. Yet its vitality was so strong that it lived on through +nearly three centuries of alternate decline and rehabilitation, and its +spirit may almost be said to abide still. + +The Ruling Institution contained certain component parts, which were +capable of separate existence, and some of which at times tended +to escape complete control. Among these the best-known, though not +intrinsically the most important, was the body of permanent infantry +known as the Janissaries. They represented the brute force of the system +and its most dangerous element. Another component institution was the +permanent cavalry, the _Spahis_ of the Porte.[79] These were more +numerous than the Janissaries, but being better educated and encouraged +by the presence of greater opportunities, they were not so dangerous. A +third important sub-institution was the hierarchy of governing officials. +Although these had great power, they could be dealt with individually; +and the sword was never far from their necks. Subordinate bodies of a +secondary influence were the _Ajem-oghlans_, or apprentice Janissaries, +and the colleges of pages, which trained many of the _Spahis_ of the +Porte and most of the officers of government. Each of these component +parts will be dealt with in its proper place. Theoretically, and except +at certain junctures practically, they were strictly subordinated to +the main institution and yet fully incorporated with it. The Ruling +Institution as a whole will be considered as a slave-family, a missionary +institution, an educational system, an army, a court, a nobility, and a +government. + + +II. THE SLAVE-FAMILY + +Every one who belonged to the Ruling Institution in any capacity from +gardener to grand vizier, save only the members of the royal family, bore +the title of _kul_, or slave, of the sultan.[80] Nor was this title a +mere form: with few exceptions, all members entered the system as actual +slaves, and there was nowhere along the line of promotion any formal or +real process of emancipation. The power of the sultan over the lives, +persons, and property of the members of the institution, and his right +to their absolute obedience, bear every mark of having been derived from +the idea of slavery. The very word despot means by derivation the master +of slaves, and it was only over his _kullar_ that the sultan’s power was +despotic in the fullest sense.[81] + +Entrance to the system came by the door of slavery, which was open +regularly only to Christian boys from ten to twenty years of age. It +is an error, found in some writers even lately, to name eight years as +the usual age.[82] The correct limits are given approximately by many +contemporary writers.[83] It is probable that the preferred ages were +between fourteen and eighteen, and that only in exceptional cases were +boys taken before the age of twelve or after the age of twenty. + + +METHODS OF RECRUITING + +Four methods were employed for obtaining recruits for the system,—by +capture, purchase, gift, and tribute. Of these only the last is commonly +considered;[84] but it was originally, and probably always, merely +supplementary to the others.[85] The four methods ultimately rested on +two. Slaves who were bought for the sultan or given to him had nearly +all been either taken as captives or levied illegally with the tribute +boys; there was hardly any other way, since slaves passed too rapidly +into the Moslem fold to have their children available for the system. As +to the comparative numbers obtained by the different methods there are +few data for calculation. Probably about three thousand tribute boys was +the annual average in the sixteenth century,[86] but there is no reason +to think that this was a majority in the number of annual recruits. The +whole number in the system may be estimated at about eighty thousand.[87] +Since the losses by war were sometimes tremendous, it is probable that +the average annual renewal required was as much as one-tenth, or between +seven and eight thousand. On this basis the tribute boys furnished +somewhat less than one-half of the whole number. These calculations are, +of course, more or less arbitrary. + +It is true that children of _Spahis_ of the Porte might be admitted +to the college of pages at the pleasure of the sultan, but their +grandchildren and the children of all other Moslems were excluded by +rigid rules.[88] These rules began to be invaded about the close of +Suleiman’s reign by the admission of the sons of Janissaries,[89] an +innovation that was of ultimately fatal import to the system. A certain +number of adults were also received and some of these were sons of +Moslems; exceptional individuals from among the irregular troops were +admitted to the _Spahis_ of the Porte by way of reward,[90] and that body +contained a Foreign Legion of about two thousand, composed of renegade +Christians, Arabs, Nubians, and the like.[91] Occasionally, also, some +high official of Suleiman’s government had been born a Moslem.[92] But +the total effect of all these exceptions was so slight as to cause them +to be disregarded by more than one contemporary observer.[93] + +The original homes of the captives have been described.[94] By the +Sacred Law the sultan was entitled to one-fifth of all captives taken in +war;[95] and he chose as his share, through agents, such young men as +seemed suitable for a place in his system.[96] Since by special Ottoman +regulation the sultan’s fifth belonged to the church, he was accustomed +to pay twenty-five aspers to the church for each slave that he took.[97] +His officers also purchased in the public slave-market of the capital +such youths as were available.[98] These came from the captives that the +Tartars of the Crimea took in great numbers, from the quasi-slave-farms +of the Caucasus,[99] from the irregular raids in Austria, and from the +corsair expeditions. The sultan received a large number of boys as gifts, +since it was well known that no presents were more acceptable.[100] Those +who desired his favor kept a lookout for such as would please him. + + +THE TRIBUTE BOYS + +Although the levying of tribute boys in the Christian provinces of the +empire seems not to have produced the majority of neophytes for the +system, the practice has always received a share of attention far beyond +its numerical importance. Several reasons for this suggest themselves. +In the first place, it rested on a unique and almost unparalleled idea; +then, it involved an extraordinary disregard of human affection and of +the generally acknowledged right of parents to bring up their children +in their own law and religion;[101] and, finally, it produced the ablest +and highest officials of the system.[102] In the latter respect its youth +seem to have borne some such relation to those obtained by capture as the +cultivated fruits of the garden do to those gathered in the woods. + +The levying was accomplished by a regular process, the _devshurmeh_. +Normally every four years, but oftener in case of need,[103] a body +of officials more skilled in judging boys than trained horse-dealers +are in judging colts were sent out by the government to the regions +from which tribute was taken.[104] The whole of the Balkan Peninsula, +Hungary, the western coast of Asia Minor, and the southern and eastern +shores of the Black Sea were included in the territory visited; but the +strongest and ablest youths came from the mountain regions inhabited by +Albanians and the Southern Slavic peoples.[105] The recruiting officers +were commissioned each to bring in a certain number, which had been +apportioned to them out of a total determined at the capital.[106] There +was no principle of tithing, and no fixed proportion or number of boys +was levied from each village or family;[107] the quota desired from +each district was obtained for the government by selection of the most +available youths. The recruiting officers sometimes collected a larger +number than was asked for, and sold the surplus on their own account to +high officials or wealthy private citizens.[108] A regular procedure was +followed. The officers obtained from the Christian priest of the village +a list of the boys whom he had baptized, and who were between the ages +of twelve and twenty years or thereabouts.[109] All these were brought +before the officers, who selected the best.[110] Parents who had strong +and well-favored sons might lose them all, while those who had weaklings +would lose none.[111] On leaving each village, the officer took with him +the boys whom he had selected; and, when his quota had been gathered, he +took them to the capital.[112] + + +ESTIMATE OF THE SYSTEM + +This levying of boys as tribute has always elicited a great amount +of moral indignation, as representing an extreme of oppression, +heartlessness, and cruelty. The religious factor has increased the odium +of the custom. Certainly no argument can be found which will justify it +to those who believe in the liberty of the individual, the absolute right +of parents over minor children, and a complete withdrawal of human beings +from the category of property,—principles which seem in the sixteenth +century to have had no place in Ottoman philosophy or jurisprudence, at +least as regards Christian subjects. It may be said at once that the +custom cannot be brought into harmony with Western ideas. So much being +granted, how did the system bear upon the parents who were despoiled and +the boys who were taken? + +In the midst of the conflicting testimony of reputable witnesses, it is +evident that the parents of tribute boys did not all feel alike. The +grief at parting was often a heart-breaking thing to witness;[113] the +mother whose son was taken by force to an unknown life among enemies of +all that she had been taught to hold dear would hardly have suffered more +at the death of her son. At the same time, she might hope to see him one +day in the possession of great wealth and power. It is not to be supposed +that youth taken at from twelve to twenty years of age would ever forget +their parents; and, if they lived and prospered, they would sometimes +seek them out, as did Ibrahim, even though they might not try his +unfortunate experiment of bringing them up to the capital.[114] Fathers +would appreciate the opportunities which arose before their sons much +more than would the mothers. Both would be more or less reluctant to let +them go, according as their Christian religious convictions were deep or +shallow. Parents who wished to keep their sons would sometimes marry them +in tender years, since married boys were ineligible; those who had means +bought exemption for their sons from the recruiting officers, who thus +reaped great rewards.[115] On the contrary, many parents were glad to +have their sons chosen, knowing that they would thus escape from grinding +poverty,[116] receive a first-rate training suited to their abilities, +and enter upon the possibility of a great career. Some parents, in fact, +came to regard the process as a privilege rather than a burden;[117] +and they had reason to do so, since Turkish parents envied them the +opportunity, and sometimes tried to evade the regulations by paying +Christians to take their Moslem sons, and declare them as Christian +children, so that they might be enrolled as the sultan’s slaves.[118] +Apart, then, from political theory and religious prepossession, the +levying of tribute children was by no means a mere evil to the parents. + +The situation of the boys themselves, considered under the same +reservations, was almost wholly favorable. They were taken at an age when +they would not feel the parting as they might have felt it in earlier +or later years, when their attachment to things and places would be at +its weakest, and before their religious convictions were likely to have +become fixed. They were taken from the narrow mountain valleys and the +labor-hungry plains. They were taken at the age when the bounding pulse +and the increasing strength of youth suggests great hope and promises +great achievement. They were taken to opportunities as great as their +utmost abilities, greater often than they could possibly imagine. They +might still have to labor for a time, but a distinct career lay ahead. +The best military education in the world would certainly be theirs. +If their abilities lay in that direction they could have a finished +and thorough, though specialized, education of the mind. They could +look forward to travel, wealth, power, and all else that human ambition +desires. In that land and that age of the world, the question of the +religious and social systems being laid aside, an unprejudiced observer +could hardly imagine a more brilliant opportunity than that which lay +before the tribute boys. + + +THE SLAVE STATUS + +Whether captured, purchased, presented, or levied, the young men who +entered the system were the slaves of the sultan, the personal property +of a despot. They were his slaves for life, and, though they felt honored +by the title,[119] they were never allowed to forget the responsibilities +of their condition. They must to the end of their days go where the +sultan chose to send them, obey his slightest wish, submit to disgrace as +readily as to promotion,[120] and, though in the highest office of state, +they must accept death by his order from the hands of their humblest +fellow-slaves.[121] If one of them was executed, all his property went +to his master. The time had not yet come when heads would be removed for +the sake of the owner’s possessions; yet Suleiman profited greatly by the +death of several of his slaves, in particular from the estates of the +_Defterdar_ Iskender Chelebi and the grand vizier Ibrahim.[122] When one +of the sultan’s slaves died leaving sons or daughters, the master sealed +up his property, and took the tenth part for himself before distributing +the rest to the children;[123] the nine-tenths was, indeed, given to the +children rather by the favor of a bountiful and wealthy master than as a +right. If the slave had no sons or daughters, the sultan took his whole +estate;[124] and a day was to come when his empty treasury would demand +the whole estate under all circumstances.[125] Thus in all essential +respects the eighty thousand _kullar_ of the sultan constituted one great +slave-family. + + +THE HAREM, THE EUNUCHS, AND THE ROYAL FAMILY + +Two or three less numerous but highly important groups may properly be +discussed in the present connection. The imperial harem and the imperial +family itself were virtually parts of the same slave system.[126] The +harem of Suleiman was not the large and costly institution that was +maintained by some of his successors; like his father Selim,[127] he was +not given to sensuality, but is said to have been faithful to Khurrem +from the time that he made her his wife.[128] The character of an +Oriental royal harem has often been set forth incorrectly. While it may +contain hundreds or even thousands of women, a very few of these are the +actual consorts of the monarch. A large number are the personal servants +and entertainers of himself, his mother, his consorts, his daughters, and +his infant sons. Another section consists of those who are being educated +for the same personal service. A fourth group, probably the great +majority, are mere house-servants, who attend to all the domestic labors +of the harem and are seldom promoted to more honorable positions. There +is, finally, a group of older women who preserve order and peace, teach, +keep accounts, and manage the establishment generally.[129] + +Suleiman’s harem contained about three hundred women, who were kept in a +separate palace well fortified and guarded.[130] His harem fully deserves +to be reckoned as part of the great slave-family, since all its inmates +except his children were purchased or presented slaves.[131] These +women, brought for the most part from the region of the Caucasus,[132] +and including in their number some of the fairest female captives of +many lands, were nearly all daughters of Christians. Khurrem herself +was a Russian, while the rival of her youth seems to have been a +Circassian.[133] In another respect the harem deserves to be reckoned +with the Ruling Institution, in that its inmates, upon attaining the age +of twenty-five, were, if they had not attracted the sultan’s special +attention, as a rule given in marriage to distinguished _Spahis_ of the +Porte.[134] + +A comparatively small group, not hitherto mentioned, of the attendants at +the sultan’s palace and harem belong within the slave-family. Although +the Sacred Law strongly disapproved of the employment of eunuchs, that +unfortunate class was thought too useful to be dispensed with entirely. +Some were white, brought mainly from the Caucasus region; but the great +majority were negroes brought from Africa. Tribute children seem rarely +to have been made eunuchs.[135] The class deserves mention because +several of the important offices of state among the “men of the pen” were +held by eunuchs, and now and then one rose to high place in the army or +the administration.[136] + +The royal family also may rightly be included in the slave-family. The +mothers of the sultan’s children were slaves; the sultan himself was the +son of a slave; and his daughters were married to men, who, though they +might be called vizier and pasha, wore these titles at the sultan’s +pleasure, whereas they bore indelibly the title of _kul_, or slave.[137] +The sultan’s sons, though they might sit upon the throne, would be the +consorts of none but slaves. Long before Suleiman’s time, the sultans +had practically ceased either to obtain brides of royal rank, or to give +the title of wife to the mothers of their children.[138] Suleiman, given +to legality and religious observance, and greatly devoted to the lovely +Roxelana, made her his lawful wife. Since, by the Sacred Law, the status +of the mother as wife or slave does not affect the legitimacy of the +children if the father acknowledges them,[139] all children born in the +harem were of equal legitimacy and rank. + + +OTHER OTTOMAN SLAVE-FAMILIES + +The ruling institution of any state is apt to be copied in miniature by +many organizations within the same state. The municipalities of Rome, and +the state and city governments of the United States, were each modeled +after the central government. In a similar way, every great officer +of the Ottoman court built up a slave-family after the model of the +Ruling Institution. The grand vizier had a very large establishment; +the viziers had somewhat smaller ones; the governors of provinces had +households in proportion to their incomes;[140] and each adult prince +kept a miniature government. Not only the slave-family feature but all +the other features of the Ruling Institution were imitated. All deemed it +meritorious to purchase Christians and turn them into Moslems. Iskender +Chelebi had a highly successful educational system;[141] he also kept a +little standing army, and at a later time so did Rustem.[142] Each great +officer protected his slaves, each kept them about him like a court, each +used them as a little government to rule his affairs. Such imitation +might easily become a danger to the state, but ordinarily a prompt +remedy could be applied. Every such household was strictly personal; +it was gathered about a living man; that man was ordinarily himself a +slave of the sultan: let him show the least movement toward treason, and +his head would be removed, his property would come to his master, his +household would be incorporated with the central slave-family, all danger +would be at an end, and the sultan would only be the stronger. Further +safeguards lay in the close relations of the head of each slave-family +to the sultan, and in the fact that some _Spahis_ of the Porte and other +imperial _kullar_ of inferior position seem usually to have been attached +to the suite of each great official.[143] Moslem private citizens also +kept slave-families as numerous as they could afford,[144] but these +could hardly become dangerous under any circumstances. They might emulate +the missionary and educational character of the greater households, but +they would not dare attempt any imitation of the military features. +Further, the whole Ottoman system so discouraged great accumulations of +wealth that private citizens could never hope to compete with the power +of officials and of the sultan. + + +CHARACTER OF OTTOMAN SLAVERY + +Ottoman slavery was a very different institution from that which +Anglo-Saxons have practised. In it there could ordinarily be no +color-line, and therefore no ineffaceable distinction. Where difference +in color existed it counted for nothing, by old Islamic customs. Nor +did the fact of slavery impart any indelible taint. Islam knew slave +and free;[145] in the Ottoman Empire, at least, it knew no intermediate +class of freedmen.[146] The sultan seems never to have emancipated +his slaves, probably because of a lingering Oriental theory, foreign +to Mohammedanism,[147] that all his subjects were his slaves. Private +citizens had the power of emancipation,[148] and they often exercised +it as a meritorious act. The slave who was set free was immediately +in possession of full rights.[149] Slavery had therefore no inherent +quality. It was merely an accidental misfortune from which complete +recovery was possible. The idea of Aristotle, that some men are born to +be slaves, was wholly absent. + +Where no permanent wall of separation exists, natural human affection +can have free play. The Moslem religion teaches kindness and benevolence +to all but armed enemies of the faith.[150] Moslem masters, in constant +personal association with persons whose condition led them to strive to +please, were apt to become very friendly toward them. Such friendliness +often led to warm affection and the bestowal of benefits. Emancipation +was one of these; and, further, not only the sultan but many of his +subjects did not hesitate to give their daughters in marriage to worthy +slaves.[151] A slave was often beloved above a son;[152] it was felt +that, while a son possessed a character which was more or less a matter +of chance, a slave had been selected. Thus it is clear why the sultan’s +slaves were sometimes called his children,[153] and why the title of +_kul_ was prized.[154] Suleiman was a stern, and sometimes a cruel parent +to his great family; but he was as just in rewarding as in punishing, and +it is not surprising that all his slaves were true to him.[155] + +Thus was woven what has well been termed “a wonderful fabric of +slavery.”[156] History may have known as large a slave-family, but +certainly none that was more powerful and honorable, better provided for +and rewarded, more obedient and more contented. + + + + +CHAPTER III + +THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS MISSIONARY ENTERPRISE AND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM + + +I. THE MISSIONARY MOTIVE + +Although almost every member of the governing group in the Ottoman +Empire had been born a Christian, it was absolutely necessary for his +advancement that he should profess the Moslem faith. A keen contemporary +observer knew of only one Christian who had been entrusted with great +power. Alvise Gritti was allowed to hold special command in Hungary, but +this appointment was made outside the system, as a personal affair of the +grand vizier Ibrahim, without the concurrence of the sultan.[157] Various +Christians were employed in such matters as the superintendence of +ship-building and cannon-founding;[158] but this was a purely commercial +relationship, and such a man had no place in the _cursus honorum_. The +fundamental rule, open to the few exceptions previously described, was +very simple. Every member of the Ruling Institution must have been born a +Christian and must have become a Mohammedan. + +A number of questions arise at once. Why were none but sons of Christians +admitted? Why was conversion essential to promotion? What was the process +of accomplishing conversion? How thorough was the conversion? Why were +the sons of most of the converts, and the grandsons of practically all, +carefully pushed out of the system? + +The first of these questions might be answered in terms of policy of +state; but since, in all Moslem thinking, church, state, and society +form one undivided whole, such an answer would be inadequate. Conversion +to Mohammedanism meant much more than an inward change and an outward +association for religious purposes with a new group of worshippers. +It meant the adoption of a new law for the whole of life, beginning +with the religious and ethical, but including as equally essential +portions the regulation of all social, commercial, military, and +political relationships.[159] It meant admission to a new social system, +naturalization in a new nation, an entire separation from the old life +in all its aspects and a complete incorporation with the new. Expansion +of membership was always a cardinal principle of Mohammedanism; and the +expansion was to be not merely by the aid of the sword, but far more by +peaceful means. The sword took the land and sometimes the body of the +unbeliever; but his soul was to be won by the benefits of the system, +first religious, then social, financial, and political.[160] Every nation +that has reached eminence has believed firmly that its general system +was immensely the superior of every other in the world, and no nations +have been more thoroughly convinced of this than those of Moslem faith. +Accordingly, their desire to convert the unbeliever was founded primarily +on benevolence. Closely connected with this motive was a burning interest +in the grandeur of Islam as a militant, expanding system; and subordinate +thereto was a purpose to increase the wealth, numbers, and power of the +state. + + +THE OTTOMAN ATTITUDE + +The Ottoman system incorporated young Christians not merely to obtain +more faithful, more obedient, and more single-hearted servants, but, +before and beyond this, to obtain new members of the Ottoman nationality, +new believers in the Moslem faith, and new warriors for the Ottoman +Empire as representing Islam. This missionary purpose stands out +very clearly in the words attributed to Kara Khalil Chendereli, the +traditional founder of the corps of Janissaries, by a poet-historian +of the early sixteenth century, who no doubt here, as elsewhere in his +writings, introduced the ideas of his own day: “The conquered are slaves +of the conquerors, to whom their goods, their women, and their children +belong as a lawful possession; in converting the children to Islam by +force, and in enrolling them as soldiers in the service of the faith, one +is working for their happiness in this world and their eternal salvation. +According to the words of the Prophet, every infant comes into the world +with the beginnings of Islam, which, developing in an army formed of +Christian children, will encourage even in that of the infidels the ardor +of conversion to Islam; and the new troop will recruit itself not merely +with the children of the conquered, but also with a crowd of deserters +from the enemy, united to the believers by common origin or pretended +opinions.”[161] The sentiment of this declaration is woven of two +strands, both ultimately religious,—a desire to convert great numbers to +Islam, and a purpose to strengthen the army which wars for the faith. + +Mohammed the Conqueror expressed the same idea poetically in a letter +to Uzun Hassan: “Our empire is the home of Islam; from father to son +the lamp of our empire is kept burning with oil from the hearts of the +infidels.”[162] This declaration seems to reveal two things. First, the +Conqueror asserts that, since by Moslem theory there can be but one _Dar +ul-Islam_, or land of Islam, his empire is the sole lawful Moslem state; +second, he declares that, by the policy of his house, the empire derives +its strength from the ever-renewed supply of Christians. Whether this +exegesis be exact or not, the fact is indisputable that the fundamental +missionary spirit of Islam was strong in the Ottomans of the sixteenth +century,[163] and that the Ruling Institution was deliberately conducted +for the purpose, among others, of transferring the ablest and most useful +of the subject Christians in each generation into the dominant nation. As +the first Western observer who comprehended the system remarked, “This +comes from no accident, but from a certain essential interior foundation +and cause, which,” he feels it his Christian duty to say, with a helpless +admiration, “is desperation of good, and obstinacy in evil, and ... is +the work of the devil.”[164] Not only did Mohammedanism encourage the +practice of taking in outsiders to serve, fight, and aid in ruling, but +this practice was thoroughly in harmony with the old Turkish spirit which +prevailed in the steppe lands, and a similar policy had been followed +by the Byzantine Empire. Thus, in encouraging the incorporation of +foreigners the three great influences which met in the Ottoman state had +exerted a combined activity as perhaps in no other direction. The Ruling +Institution acted for centuries as a great steadily-working machine for +conversion. + + +OTHER MOTIVES FOR INCORPORATING CHRISTIANS + +Besides the combined religious and national purpose which led to the +introduction of Christian youth into the system, other motives helped +to give it definite shape. That purpose alone would hardly have caused +a rigid rule to be laid down which would exclude Mohammedans. Here, +undoubtedly, the well-known tendency of governments that rest on force +to rely upon servants brought from a distance and owing all to their +favor came strongly into play.[165] The sultan’s _kullar_ were uniformly +faithful to the hand that had raised them from poverty to high position. +“Being all slaves by condition, and slaves of a single lord, from whom +alone they hope for greatness, honor, and riches, and from whom alone +on the other hand they fear punishment, chastisement, and death, what +wonder that in his presence and in rivalry with each other they will +do stupendous things?”[166] Having expected ill treatment from the +enemies of their nation, they were drawn by the surprising contrast to +deep gratitude and boundless devotion;[167] they were not attached to +interests and traditions of family and property which would prevent full +and loyal obedience; they learned what was taught them by their master’s +command, and were not possessed by ideas and prejudices that would make +them independent in mind and intractable. On the contrary, Moslems born +and bred in pride of religion and nationality could not easily be moulded +to the shape desired; the very title of _kul_ was out of harmony with +their beliefs; hence they were inherently unavailable for the system, and +the recognition of this fact led to their rigid exclusion. An important +reason for excluding children of renegades was that heredity of privilege +and office was against Ottoman policy. The immunity from taxation that +was enjoyed by the sultan’s officials would tend to the building up of +vast fortunes that would be beyond the reach of public taxation;[168] and +the power of great families entrenched behind large property interests +would in time endanger the supremacy of the throne.[169] + + +THE REQUIREMENT OF CONVERSION + +Conversion was a principal object of the system, and favor and promotion +waited as rewards upon acceptance of the Moslem faith. In fact, a young +man was not fitted to participate in the system until he had turned +Moslem. He could not be an Ottoman warrior and statesman and fail to +profess and practise, in most respects, at any rate, the system which +inspired his fighting and on whose principles the state rested. The +garment was seamless: it must be either worn or not worn. + +At the same time, conversion of the neophytes of the Ruling Institution +seems not ordinarily to have been forcible.[170] The Ottomans were too +wise to believe that the best results could be accomplished by such +means. Their policy was rather to throw every difficulty in the way +of remaining a Christian, and to offer every inducement to make the +Moslem faith and system seem attractive. To this end their educational +scheme helped greatly;[171] for it involved complete isolation from +Christian ideas of every sort, and complete saturation in all the ideas +of Mohammedanism, religious, moral, social, and political. Even those +whose education was mainly physical were isolated from Christians in a +strict Moslem environment. No doubt there were special rejoicings and +rewards when a _kul_ was ready to declare, “There is no God but Allah +and Mohammed is His Prophet,” as there were in like circumstances in the +rest of the Ottoman world.[172] But the _kullar_ seem not to have been +urged to change their faith; on the contrary, an attitude of apparent +indifference was sometimes taken with them.[173] Probably, however, few +who remained long in the system failed to surrender sooner or later. +Prejudices of child-hood would in time be overcome; what the majority +did would tend to act powerfully upon the individual; the reward of a +brilliant career would take clearer and more alluring shape, until in +time, in the absence of all contrary suggestion, the real truth and value +of the Mohammedan religion would make it appear to be the only worthy +system. It is not surprising that the scheme seemed to Christians one of +diabolical ingenuity. + +What went on in the sultan’s slave-family in regard to the conversion +of slaves went on in every Mohammedan household. Conversion was desired +but not compelled, and reward awaited it.[174] Among female slaves also, +even in the imperial harem, the same process was employed. Not merely +the imperial slave-family, but the entire system of slavery that existed +in the Ottoman Empire, was thus a great machine for the conversion of +Christians into Turks. + + +SINCERITY OF CONVERSION + +It is not easy to learn what thoughts possessed the hearts of the members +of the Ruling Institution. Enough is recorded, however, to show that not +all who turned Moslem did so without mental reservation, and to prove +that it was possible to hold fast to an inward belief in the superiority +of Christianity through many years spent in the sultan’s service. It +has been said sometimes that the converted Christians were more severe +than the Moslems toward their brethren who remained steadfast.[175] This +would be natural both because of the zeal of new converts, and because +Christianity is intrinsically less tolerant than Mohammedanism; but the +accusation does not seem to be supported as against the members of the +Ruling Institution. A distinction must be drawn between behavior in time +of war and in time of peace. The Janissaries were fierce fighters and +terrible enemies; but religiously they belonged to a sect which was so +liberal as to be accused of rank heresy, and even, it is said, to have +been denied the name of true believers.[176] Many of the renegades were +persons who held no sort of religion.[177] The grand vizier Rustem told +Busbecq, after offering him great rewards if he would turn Moslem, that +he believed in the salvation of those of other faiths;[178] and a _deli_, +or scout, in his service confided to a French gentleman that, while he +pretended to follow Mohammedanism, he was a Christian at heart.[179] +The fact that a Genoese boy, taken at twelve years of age, educated as +a favored page for eight or nine years, and evidently trained carefully +in Mohammedan beliefs, would seize the first opportunity to escape shows +what was possible beneath the surface.[180] Two generations earlier there +was a renegade who cursed the day when he had turned Turk, but who felt +that he could not go back.[181] Nor were the members of the system always +submissive to the stricter rules of Mohammedan ethics. The Janissaries, +for example, forced Bayezid II to reopen the wine shops of the capital, +which in the religious fervor of his later years he had ordered +closed;[182] and the members of the government were led by fondness for +display and lavish expenditure into shameless venality, the cause and the +effect being equally contrary to the teachings and example of Mohammed. +The probability is that large numbers of the sultan’s slaves were merely +nominal Mohammedans in religious belief, though they necessarily followed +the larger part of the Moslem scheme of life. + + +EFFECT OF THE PROCESS + +Sons of Janissaries were not allowed to become Janissaries, although the +rule began to be infringed about the end of Suleiman’s reign.[183] Sons +of _Spahis_ of the Porte might be admitted as pages and to the corps of +_Spahi-oghlans_, but their grandsons were rigidly excluded.[184] Sons of +great officials were provided with fiefs, or pensions, and so usually +passed out of the Ruling Institution into the territorial army.[185] +Thus few were allowed in the scheme beyond the first generation in the +Moslem faith, and almost none beyond the second. The explanation of this +has been given already: descendants of renegades were Moslems, and hence +subject to the same disqualifications as members of Mohammedan families +of long standing. Not all Moslems of the empire were counted Ottomans, +or, as they called themselves, Osmanlis, or, as they are commonly called +nowadays, Turks; for Arabs, Kurds, and other Mohammedans who had not +adopted the Turkish language did not bear the Turkish name. But all +the descendants of members of the Ruling Institution were added to the +Ottoman-Turkish nationality. The total number of Janissaries in the three +centuries during which they were recruited from Christian children has +been estimated at five hundred thousand;[186] but, as reckoned above, +the tribute boys furnished less than one-half of the recruits of the +institution,[187] and the page system persisted in its original form +after the Janissaries had become hereditary. From one to two millions of +the flower of the Christian population must have been brought into the +Ottoman nation by the operation of the Ruling Institution. + +It does not necessarily follow that a like number of new Turkish families +were thus founded. The Janissaries were not supposed to marry, although +the rule was not strictly enforced;[188] a hundred years later, at +any rate, the majority are said to have been unmarried.[189] As the +_Spahis_ of the Porte probably married late, when they married at all, +the whole system had thus something of a monastic aspect.[190] High +officials, it is true, were apt to keep harems of some size; yet the +children even of these were ordinarily few in number.[191] Furthermore, +the frequent fierce wars carried off many of the sultan’s slaves, and +the danger of execution and of confiscation of property put a check on +their establishment of families. It is probable, therefore, that the +Ruling Institution, like most great slave-families, was wasteful of +human life.[192] But although its Christian-born members may not have +perpetuated their numbers, they nevertheless increased the Ottoman nation +by the addition of such children as were born to them; and the Moslem +descendants of these, sailing in quieter waters, doubtless became, both +numerically and otherwise, a great strength to the nation. + + +II. THE EDUCATIONAL SCHEME + +Plato would have been delighted with the training of the sultan’s great +family, though his nature would have revolted from its lowliness of +birth. He would have approved of the life-long education, the equally +careful training of body and mind, the separation into soldiers and +rulers (even though it was not complete), the relative freedom from +family ties, the system’s rigid control of the individual, and, above +all, of the government by the wise. Whether the founders of the Ottoman +system were acquainted with Plato will probably never be known, but they +seem to have come as near to his plan as it is possible to come in a +workable scheme. In some practical ways they even improved upon Plato,—as +by avoiding the uncertainties of heredity, by supplying a personal +directing power, by insuring permanence through a balance of forces, and +by making their system capable of vast imperial rule. + +In the largest sense the Ruling Institution was a school in which the +pupils were enrolled for life. Constantly under careful drill and +discipline, they advanced from stage to stage through all their days, +rewarded systematically in accordance with their deserts by promotions, +honors, and gifts, and punished rigorously for infraction of rules, while +both rewards and punishments increased from stage to stage until the +former included all that life under the Moslem scheme could offer, and +the latter threatened to take away the life itself. The system also cared +for all sides of the nature of its pupils, subject to the considerable +limitation that it was especially a school of war and government. The +bodies of all were trained as thoroughly as were the minds of the +best. Though all received some mental training, including at least an +acquaintance with the Moslem mode of life, the ablest were put through a +severe course in Oriental languages and Moslem and Ottoman law, which +embraced ethics and theology. Thus both body and mind, as well as the +religious nature, were provided for systematically and through life. +Looked at thus, the Ottoman educational scheme, in its relations to the +whole lives of those under instruction, was more comprehensive than any +Western institution of learning. The officers of a Western army are +educated and organized in a life-long system which provides for both +body and mind; but they do not learn theology and they do not govern the +nation. Great American railroads and manufacturing corporations possess +schemes of education and advancement which bear comparison to the Ottoman +system in life-long scope, promotion for merit, and the possibility of +rising from the bottom to the top; but the mental training which they +give even to their ablest helpers is of a highly technical sort, which +bears no comparison to the general learning and finished culture bestowed +upon the most studious in the Ottoman scheme. In general, Western +universities and educational systems, although they far surpass the +Ottoman scheme in the scope and character of the intellectual training +which they give, do not provide a comparable systematic training of the +body; and their control over the lives of their students ceases early. +The superior comprehensiveness of the Ottoman system was, of course, +based upon the fact that its members were slaves. Their master could keep +them at school all their lives, in order that they might become better +and better trained to serve him. At the same time, reward was considered +more potent than the rod. Unequalled prizes were offered in this school, +so skilfully disposed and graded as to call out the utmost strivings and +the best work of every pupil. + +The first stages of the wide scheme, which constitute the educational +system in its narrower sense, were a fitting introduction to the rest. +All the recruits for the sultan’s slave-family, whether captured, bought, +presented, or levied, to the number of probably three or four thousand +annually, with an addition of ten or twelve thousand in the years of +the _devshurmeh_,[193] were brought by a regular process before trained +officials, carefully registered, and divided into two classes.[194] +Those who best satisfied the criterions of bodily perfection, muscular +strength, and intellectual ability so far as it could be judged without +long testing,[195]—about one in every ten of the whole number,—were +chosen for a superior quality of training, especially on the intellectual +side. The remainder were destined for a different education, which was +mainly physical.[196] The first regularly became pages and _Spahis_ +of the Porte, and the ablest of them rose to the great offices of the +army and the government. The others regularly became _Ajem-oghlans_ and +Janissaries, but the ablest of these might also rise to positions as +_Spahis_ of the Porte and even as generals and officers of state.[197] +Failure to be selected for the higher school was not, therefore, a +final restriction to low position. Merit was recognized everywhere, and +regularly led to promotion. At the same time, it was a distinct advantage +to a young man to be chosen for the higher training, since he would +receive greater care, would acquire more of both ornamental and useful +learning, and would associate with those already great, and perhaps with +the sultan himself. + + +THE COLLEGES OF PAGES + +Of those selected for the higher training, a portion were distributed +among the households of the provincial governors and high officers at +the capital.[198] These were probably brought up in much the same way as +if they had remained with the sultan. The very choicest of the recruits, +to the number of perhaps two hundred annually, or twelve to fifteen +hundred in all,[199] were taken into three palaces of the sultan as +_Itch-oghlans_, or pages. Three or four hundred were in the palace at +Adrianople,[200] a like number in one at Galata,[201] and from five to +eight hundred in the principal palace at Stamboul.[202] These were all +handsome boys, physically perfect, and of marked intellectual promise. +An excellent idea of the international character of the college is given +by a Venetian writer, who said that the pages of the palace included +Bulgarians, Hungarians, Transylvanians, Poles, Bohemians, Germans, +Italians, Spaniards, a few French, many Albanians, Slavs, Greeks, +Circassians, and Russians.[203] + +The _Itch-oghlans_ were dressed in suitable raiment and were well cared +for without luxury.[204] That the sultan took a particular interest in +the arrival of excellent specimens is evident from the reception that +Menavino received.[205] The general Ottoman attitude toward the pages, +and indeed toward all recruits, has been well expressed by a thoughtful +observer: “The Turks rejoice greatly when they find an exceptional man, +as though they had acquired a precious object, and they spare no labor or +effort in cultivating him; especially if they discern that he is fit for +war. Our plan [that is, in Western Europe] is very different; for if we +find a good dog, hawk, or horse, we are greatly delighted, and we spare +nothing to bring it to the greatest perfection of its kind. But if a man +happens to possess an extraordinary disposition, we do not take like +pains; nor do we think that his education is especially our affair; and +we receive much pleasure and many kinds of service from the well-trained +horse, dog, and hawk; but the Turks much more from a well-educated man +(_ex homine bonis moribus informato_), in proportion as the nature +of a man is more admirable and more excellent than that of the other +animals.”[206] + +That the primary object of the page system was educational appears from +all contemporary observations. Not merely are their palaces termed +“places for nourishing youths,”[207] but Menavino calls the place where +he was taught “the palace school.”[208] Another writer gives chapters +on “The Education of Young Men in the Seraglio,” and “The Studies and +Learning in the Seraglio,”[209] and speaks of the young men as “designed +for the great offices of the empire.” Another says, “And the said emperor +does this good for the profit of his soul, and when they are grown up he +takes them from there and gives them dignities and offices, according +as it seems to the emperor they have deserved.”[210] Some of the pages +were the personal servants of the sultan, and a band of thirty-nine +constituted his gentlemen of the bedchamber, or _Khas Oda_.[211] These +were the élite of all, chosen by selection after selection; and, though +young, they ranked very high in the system. Since only a few of all +the pages could attain to this honor, the remainder were at school for +outside service.[212] + +Besides many less direct descriptions of the course of training, +two exist which are derived from men who passed through the palace +school. Menavino tells his own story;[213] and Ricaut records what +he learned from a Polish captive who had spent nineteen years in the +sultan’s service and had reached high position.[214] Although these +accounts were written one hundred and fifty years apart, they agree in +essentials. Menavino does not refer to the physical training in arms and +horsemanship; but at the time of his escape he showed himself, if not a +courageous, yet an accomplished horseman. Postel, some twenty years after +Menavino’s time, describes this training in some detail. He probably had +his information from a French page named Cabazolles, whom he quotes as +authority on one point.[215] + +The pages were trained in the art of war, the use of all sorts of arms, +and good horsemanship.[216] Suleiman took especial delight in watching +their cavalry evolutions, and occasionally summoned a page who pleased +him, conversed with him, and dismissed him with presents.[217] Also, by +old Oriental custom, every page was taught some handicraft useful in his +master’s service, and, no doubt, intended to provide for his own support +in case of need.[218] + +Menavino describes the course of study in the so-called _Yeni Oda_, or +New Chamber, which contained from eighty to a hundred boys. “When a boy +has remained five or six days in that school, they set him to learning +the alphabet. There are four teachers in the school. One drills the +boys in reading during their first year. Another teaches the Koran in +the Arabic (_Moresco_) language, giving explanations of the different +articles of their faith. After this a third teaches books in the +Persian tongue, and some write a little, but they do not teach writing +willingly. A fourth teaches Arabic books, both vulgar and literary.” It +is interesting to notice that, from the first, rewards in the form of +pay were given for labor. “These boys,” continues Menavino, “have a daily +allowance of two aspers during the first year, three during the second +year, four during the third year, and thus their allowance increases +each year. They receive scarlet garments twice a year, and some robes +of white cloth for the summer.”[219] Postel describes how they learned +with great diligence Arabic and Turkish letters and the law.[220] Ricaut +explains in more detail that the chief object of the course of study +was to teach reading and writing for the purpose of giving inspection +into the books of law and religion, especially the Koran. He says that +Arabic was taught to enable the boys to inspect the writings of the +judges and to have knowledge of religion, Persian to give them quaint +words and handsome and gentle deportment, and adds that both tongues +might be needed in governing Eastern regions. He gives a list of their +text-books, and remarks that those who wished to become men of the pen +studied with greater exactness. They were not, he says, taught logic, +physics, metaphysics, mathematics, or geography, and their knowledge of +ancient history was much mixed. “Yet as to the successes and progress +of Affairs in their own Dominions,” he adds, “they keep most strict +Registers and Records, which serve them as Presidents and Rules for the +present Government of their Affairs.”[221] This shows that the pages were +instructed in Turkish history and the various _Kanun-namehs_, or imperial +laws. Most of the teachers were Anatolian Turks,[222] chosen no doubt, as +imparting better pronunciation and more orthodox religious views. + +Discipline was severe,[223] but was kept within bounds. A page could be +beaten on the soles of his feet with no more than ten strokes, and not +more than once on any one day.[224] The boys, organized in groups of ten, +were watched carefully by eunuchs, both day and night.[225] Absolute +obedience, modest behavior and decorum, and good manners were taught +with great insistency.[226] The two sections, or _odalar_, at the palace +seem to have been of equal rank,[227] while the schools in Pera and +Adrianople ranked lower.[228] Select boys who had finished their studies +were promoted through the different chambers of the personal service of +the sultan to the Inner Chamber,[229] where twelve or fifteen of the +thirty-nine held titular offices.[230] On reaching the age of twenty-five +every page was sent out from the school.[231] Those from the Inner +Chamber passed at once to places in the Noble Guard (_Muteferrika_), or +to governorships of towns.[232] Ibrahim passed almost directly to the +place of grand vizier;[233] but he was the first to break the regular +order of promotion, and in after times much evil was held to date from +the precedent.[234] The majority passed into the regular cavalry, or +_Spahis_ of the Porte.[235] Those who left the school were honored by a +ceremony of farewell. The sultan personally commended each one, and gave +him encouragement for good conduct in his new position. He presented each +with an embroidered coat and one of his most beautiful horses, and often +a gift in money. The young man, with all the presents he had received +during his stay, was escorted to the great gate, where he mounted his +horse triumphantly, and departed from the palace forever.[236] + + +THE HAREM + +Probably because of the tendency of the human mind to construct along +parallel lines, the imperial harem partook of the characteristics of the +schools of pages. There were two _odalar_, or rooms, for the recruits of +the harem, in which they were taught housework, sewing and embroidery, +manners and deportment.[237] They were organized in groups of ten, +each group under a matron. Those with a taste for music and dancing +learned those accomplishments, those who were studious learned to read +and write. All were carefully instructed in the system of Islam. Like +the pages, nearly all of them passed out of the palace at the age of +twenty-five, being given in marriage to _Spahis_ of the Porte or to other +officials.[238] Thus the harem might be considered a training-school of +slave-wives for the sultan himself and for the most highly honored of his +_kullar_. + + +THE AJEM-OGHLANS + +The term _ajemi-oghlanlar_ signifies “foreign youth,” and was sometimes +applied to all the young recruits. Ordinarily, however, it was given +only to the remainder left after the pages had been selected. These, for +the most part destined to become Janissaries, probably numbered about +twenty thousand.[239] Their training was largely physical, industrial, +and military, with oral instruction in the Turkish language and the +principles of the Mohammedan system. The _Ajem-oghlans_ usually passed +through two or three stages. Unless they knew Turkish and something +of Turkish ways, they were first scattered through Asia Minor in the +service of Moslem country gentlemen.[240] There they were set at hard +agricultural labor, to strengthen their bodies to the utmost. They were +expected to learn to speak and understand the Turkish language and to +learn the faith, the laws, and the customs of the Turks. The sultan +allowed them no pay. The gentlemen whom they served, responsible for +them to the sultan, supplied them with food and clothing and whatever +else they were pleased to give.[241] The number of these _Ajem-oghlans_ +of the first stage may be estimated as ten thousand.[242] At the +end of two or three years, or perhaps at about the time for a new +_devshurmeh_,[243] officers came to examine them. If they knew enough +Turkish and were strong and well-grown, they passed to the next stage. + +Having been brought to Constantinople, and once more carefully inscribed +and estimated,[244] the _Ajem-oghlans_ were again distributed, but now +in groups. About two thousand were assigned to service with the fleet +at Gallipoli.[245] Another two thousand, probably the most intelligent, +were appointed as gardeners, or _Bostanjis_, to the sultan’s palaces in +Stamboul, Adrianople, Brusa, and Magnesia;[246] and five hundred or more +served in other capacities about the palaces, as wood-cutters, helpers +in the kitchen, and the like.[247] Five or six thousand were kept in +Constantinople and employed in the shipyards or on public buildings,[248] +or were hired out in bands of one hundred or more to private citizens +for hard labor of various sorts.[249] Some were hired out similarly in +other cities.[250] In the midst of such a variety of occupations, two +objects seem always to have been kept in mind,—the _Ajem-oghlans_ were +to develop the utmost strength of body, and they were to learn some +trade useful in war.[251] In this stage they were normally organized +in groups or messes of ten. The gardeners were under the charge of an +official of high rank and great authority, who bore the humble title of +_Bostanji-bashi_, or head gardener; he was aided by under officers and +an administrative staff. Those in Constantinople were under the orders +of an _Agha_, or general officer, with a staff of under officials, +clerks, and accountants.[252] Being filled with the spirit of youth, +conscious of their superior physical strength and privileged position, +gathered together in large groups, and unrestrained by substantial mental +instruction, the _Ajem-oghlans_ were by no means easy to manage. They +frequently raised great disturbances in the city, in emulation perhaps +of the Janissaries.[253] Those who wished were allowed to learn to read +and write, but they were not obliged to do so.[254] They received a small +amount of pay, with food and clothing.[255] + +After a certain time spent in this stage of development, the majority +of the _Ajem-oghlans_ were assigned, one by one as each seemed ready, +to the service of the _odalar_, or messes, of the Janissaries.[256] The +latter then became responsible for their training in the art of war, +and discharged this duty with much zeal. In the course of time, as the +_Ajem-oghlans_ acquired sufficient skill, and as vacancies occurred, +they were enrolled as full-fledged Janissaries.[257] The gardeners of +the sultan’s palaces and the palace servants seem not ordinarily to have +become Janissaries, but to have been advanced toward the directing of +the transport, commissary, and artillery services, the oversight of the +imperial stables, and like positions in the administration of the army +and the great household.[258] No doubt some of those assigned to the +fleet were promoted in the navy, but most of them seem to have become +Janissaries.[259] Thus a large number and variety of openings lay before +the _Ajem-oghlans_, who as they became ready were advanced into them. The +ordinary age of graduation from the corps was twenty-five years,[260] +which may be regarded as the age of majority for all the sultan’s +slaves. At times war caused such depletion of the upper service that +_Ajem-oghlans_ were promoted before they had reached the desired age or +were thoroughly ready.[261] + + +ADVANCEMENT BASED ON MERIT + +The entire system from start to finish was designed to reward merit and +fully to satisfy every ambition that was backed by ability, effort, and +sufficient preparation. Two parallel lines of reward were established, +the honorable and the financial. In the page school the first was +represented by promotion from class to class, and, in the case of those +who were observed to be the most suitable, by advancement through the +chambers of personal service to the _Khas Oda_. In this _oda_ they were +promoted in regular order through the twelve or more special offices.[262] + +Among the _Ajem-oghlans_ the process seems to have been carried on by +carefully observing and testing individuals, by advancing them from +stage to stage on this basis, and by entrusting them in the later stages +with greater and greater responsibilities. The financial reward began +for the pages immediately upon admission to the school. It was then +probably about equal to the daily wages of an unskilled laborer. This +was increased regularly year by year, and in the _Khas Oda_ reached the +proportions of a handsome salary.[263] The _Ajem-oghlans_ depended +during the first stage on the rewards assigned by their temporary +masters. After that stage they began to receive a small amount of +pay from the sultan, which was gradually increased.[264] All were +provided with food, lodging, and at least a part of their clothing, and +individuals might hope to obtain special gifts. + +This double system was continued without a break through the entire +institution. The lowest Janissary might hopefully aspire to promotion, +either through the hierarchy of office in his own corps, or by +being lifted out of it for service in the cavalry or the active +administration.[265] The pages who had passed out of the school were +already well up in the scale of advancement, and every place except the +sultan’s own was within their grasp. The grand vizier, indeed, might +wield almost the whole of the sultan’s power, a fact which Ibrahim, +shortly before his fall, realized so fully that he added to his title of +_Seraskier_ the word Sultan.[266] The losses occasioned by fierce and +frequent wars, and by not infrequent depositions and executions, gave +abundant opportunity for men to rise from below. Conquest was continually +adding new offices and commands. The whole Ruling Institution was, so to +speak, in a constant state of boiling, in which the human particles were +rapidly rising to the top, and, alas, disappearing, while others rose as +rapidly behind them. + +The figure just employed is applicable, however, only to the mere +phenomenon of rising: the upward movement was not in the least accidental +or automatic; it was conducted with keen intelligence at every stage. +Now and then, as in the case of Ibrahim, favor disturbed the scheme; +but this happened very seldom before the end of Suleiman’s reign. +Sometimes a temporary confusion resulted from extraordinary losses in +war, but order was soon restored. There is reason to believe that human +history has never known a political institution which during so long a +period was so completely dominated by sheer intellect, and thereby so +unerringly held to its original plan and purpose, as was the Ottoman +Ruling Institution. The democracy of Athens attained an unexampled level +of average intelligence, but under its sway the exceptional mind received +discouragement rather than exceptional training. The free democracies of +the present age allow the gifted individual opportunities to fight his +way upward, but against obstacles which sometimes become insuperable. +These systems are unquestionably superior on the whole to the Ottoman +scheme, because of their inclusiveness and individual freedom; but as +regards sheer efficiency, unobstructed opportunity, and certainty of +reward, their operation is wasteful, clumsy, and blind by comparison. + +Some testimonies of shrewd contemporary observers will show how they +regarded the Ottoman scheme of promotion both in itself and in comparison +with Western ways. The intelligent author of the _Tractatus_ is impressed +by the unity and control of the scheme. “Out of the aforesaid slaves,” he +writes, “promotions are made to the offices of the kingdom according to +the virtues found in them. Whence it comes about that all the magnates +and princes of the whole kingdom are as it were officials made by the +king, and not lords or possessors; and as a consequence he is the sole +lord and possessor, and the lawful dispenser, distributer, and governor +of the whole kingdom; the others are only executors, officials, and +administrators according to his will and command.... Whence it follows +that in his kingdom, although there is an innumerable multitude, no +contradiction or opposition can arise; but, united as one man in all +respects and for all purposes, they look to his command alone, they obey +and serve unwearyingly.”[267] + +Postel says: “The Seigneur [or sultan] has four or several principal +personages for all the business of his empire, whether in war or justice, +and they are promoted to this honor by degrees from lower offices, +always mounting and giving good examples of living, unless by some +extraordinary favor the prince raises them from some low place, which is +very perilous.”[268] Speaking of the pages in the palace, he adds: “When +they have lived there a long time and done well, they are given a place +where they receive pay, and they are made Castellans and given other +offices used among them. If there are some who have the ability to make +themselves known, they may have the best fortune in the world, and become +governors of the land and Pashas; for there they judge of nobility by the +worth which they see appearing in a man, and they give honors according +to the evidence of his past.”[269] Of Suleiman, Tanco says, “He sows hope +of certain reward in all conditions of men, who by means of virtue, may +succeed in mounting to better fortune”; and of the Janissaries, “Each has +his good and real fortune in his hand.”[270] + +Among all observers, Busbecq seems to have been most impressed with the +system of advancement by merit. “The Turks,” he tells us, “do not measure +even their own people by any other rule than that of personal merit. The +only exception is the house of Ottoman; in this case, and in this case +only, does birth confer distinction.”[271] + +Referring to his audience with Suleiman, he says: “There was not in all +that great assembly a single man who owed his position to aught save +his valour and his merit. No distinction is attached to birth among the +Turks; the deference to be paid to a man is measured by the position +he holds in the public service. There is no fighting for precedence; a +man’s place is marked out by the duties he discharges. In making his +appointments the sultan pays no regard to any pretensions on the score +of wealth or rank, nor does he take into consideration recommendations +or popularity; he considers each case on its own merits, and examines +carefully into the character, ability, and disposition of the man whose +promotion is in question. It is by merit that men rise in the service, a +system which ensures that posts should only be assigned to the competent. +Each man in Turkey carries in his own hand his ancestry and his position +in life, which he may make or mar as he will. Those who receive the +highest offices from the sultan are for the most part the sons of +shepherds or herdsmen, and so far from being ashamed of their parentage, +they actually glory in it, and consider it a matter of boasting that +they owe nothing to the accident of birth; for they do not believe that +high qualities are either natural or hereditary, nor do they think that +they can be handed down from father to son, but that they are partly the +gift of God, and partly the result of good training, great industry, and +unwearied zeal; arguing that high qualities do not descend from a father +to his son or heir, any more than a talent for music, mathematics, or +the like; and that the mind does not derive its origin from the father, +so that the son should necessarily be like the father in character, but +emanates from heaven, and is thence infused into the human body. Among +the Turks, therefore, honours, high posts, and judgeships are the rewards +of great ability and good service. If a man be dishonest, or lazy, or +careless, he remains at the bottom of the ladder, an object of contempt; +for such qualities there are no honours in Turkey! + +“This is the reason that they are successful in their undertakings, that +they lord it over others, and are daily extending the bounds of their +empire. These are not our ideas; with us there is no opening left for +merit; birth is the standard for everything; the prestige of birth is the +sole key to advancement in the public service.”[272] + +Finally, Ricaut, after describing the _Ajem-oghlans_, declares that this +part of the system “is one of the most Politick Constitutions in the +World, and none of the meanest supports of the _Ottoman_ Empire.”[273] + +Financial rewards paralleled advancement in office with great exactness. +When a man came to high position, he was provided with the means to live +splendidly in proportion to his rank. In addition to his salary, many +opportunities of increasing his income presented themselves; and though +some of these would be considered undignified in Western eyes,[274] +and others were undoubtedly stained with rapacity and extortion,[275] +they were allowed to be enjoyed under all ordinary circumstances. +The sultan’s higher officials not only lived in great splendor, with +a numerous retinue, a large harem, and many costly garments, dishes, +gems, and the like, but they often accumulated great wealth in money, +houses, lands, mills, horses, cattle, sheep, and everything else that is +considered worth collecting.[276] Thus, as men were promoted, they were +enabled regularly to proportion display of wealth to rank and office. + +The example of one of Suleiman’s chief servants will illustrate +the _cursus honorum_ in the Ottoman system. Ali Pasha was a native +of Dalmatia. Levied with the tribute boys, he was admitted to the +principal palace at the time when Ibrahim was _Oda-bashi_, or head +of the Inner Chamber of pages. In the course of time he was made +_Kapuji_, or gatekeeper. When Ibrahim became grand vizier, Ali became +_Chasnejir_, or chief taster, to Suleiman, and held that office during +the expedition to Vienna in 1529. In due course he was discharged from +the palace, and appointed to high office outside. He soon reached the +grade of _Agha_, or general or the _Ghurebas_, the lowest of the four +divisions of the regular cavalry, and was then promoted to be _Agha_ +of the _Spahi-oghlans_, the highest of the cavalry divisions. Next he +became second equerry and later first equerry (_Emir-al-Akhor_), then +_Agha_ of the Janissaries, then _Beylerbey_ of Rumelia. In the last +capacity he attended the sultan in the Persian war of 1548-1549. As a +reward for special services in the war he was made pasha of Egypt in +1549, and at the time of his departure was nominated vizier. Returning +to Constantinople in 1553, he was made third vizier, and upon the +death of Rustem in 1561, he became grand vizier. Because of jealousies +and enmities caused by his promotions he had hardly a friend left; +nevertheless, he was able to hold the favor of Suleiman until his death +in 1565.[277] + + +PUNISHMENTS + +The system did not attempt to rely wholly upon the glittering attractions +of indefinite promotion and enormously increasing wealth. Not all men +can be allured to remain unswervingly within a narrow path of strict +obedience and whole-hearted service. Pages and _Ajem-oghlans_ were held +to severe discipline by sufficient and certain punishment; but their +teachers and eunuch masters were required to keep that punishment within +bounds by the certainty of yet severer punishment.[278] _Ajem-oghlans_ +might be beaten, or sold out of the sultan’s service. After the close +of the strictly educational period, punishment, like reward, followed +continuously the law of proportionate increase. The higher the position, +the heavier the punishment of being passed over in promotion, or of +being actually degraded. Fines and confiscations also grew with rank. At +no great height in the scale, the personal punishments reached that of +death, and death was always very near the highest officials. Any tendency +toward treason or revolt, any act of disobedience, sometimes a plot +against a higher official, sometimes even a disagreement with the sultan +in a matter of policy,[279] would lead to sudden execution. The viziers +of Selim I carried their wills in their bosoms; and well they might, +since the heads of seven are said to have fallen at his command.[280] + +Thus was the system carefully kept clear of all the human material +that seemed to endanger its working or threaten its unity. There was +no sympathy for weakness, no accepting of excuses, no suspension of +sentence, no mercy. Suleiman did not always have the heart to execute +promptly; but in the end he had no alternative, so remorseless was +the system. Even his best friend, Ibrahim, went too far and had to be +removed. Two of his sons, the oldest and ablest, threatened the system +in turn, and one after the other suffered the bow-string. Small wonder +that Suleiman’s soul was not filled with joy at the victory of Jerbé. +“Those who saw Solyman’s face in this hour of triumph,” says Busbecq, +“failed to detect in it the slightest trace of undue elation. I can +myself positively declare, that when I saw him two days later on his way +to the mosque, the expression of his countenance was unchanged; his stern +features had lost nothing of their habitual gloom; one would have thought +that the victory concerned him not, and that this startling success of +his arms had caused him no surprise. So self-contained was the heart of +that grand old man, so schooled to meet each change of fortune however +great, that all the applause and triumph of that day wrung from him no +sign of satisfaction.”[281] Arbiter of the destinies of so many men, +compelled to be remorseless as fate, Suleiman could allow joy no place in +his soul. He who wielded as severe a rod as ever man held must maintain +over himself the sternest discipline of all. + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS AN ARMY + + +THE MILITARY ASPECT + +The Ottoman government had been an army before it was anything else. +Like the Turkish nations of the steppe lands, the Ottoman nation was +“born of war and organized for conquest.”[282] Fighting was originally +the first business of the state and governing the second. As time went +on, and particularly after the capture of Constantinople, the necessity +of administering immense territories transferred the preponderance to +the governmental aspect; but even in Suleiman’s time the two great +functions of the Ruling Institution were very closely united. War +carried practically the whole government into the field.[283] Of course +substitute officials had to be left behind to attend to what public +business was absolutely necessary, but these were paralleled by, and +indeed were usually identical with, the officers and soldiers who had to +be left behind to preserve public order. So completely was the government +an army, that the more important judges, who did not belong directly +to the Ruling Institution, were taken into the field. Suleiman on his +last campaign had 48,316 men under pay.[284] Acceptance of the sultan’s +pay by ordinary usage signified that the recipient was a _kul_.[285] +Evidently, then, almost the entire personnel of the Ruling Institution, +except the younger pages and the _Ajem-oghlans_ who were as yet unfit, +accompanied the master to war.[286] In fact, army and government were +one. War was the external purpose, government the internal purpose, of +one institution, composed of one body of men. On the military side, +this institution carried on war abroad, repressed revolt at home, kept +itself in power, and preserved sufficient order in the empire to allow +a busy and varied economic and social activity. On the governmental +side, it supplied itself with funds, regulated its own workings,—which +was no small task,—kept the operations of the other institutions of the +empire in order, and enforced the law. The high officials of government +held high command in war. The generals of the army had extensive +administrative duties in regard to the affairs of the troops under them, +the management of departments of state, or the government of provinces. + +The scope of the present treatise confines the discussion of the +Ruling Institution as an army to those features which lie nearest the +governmental aspect. The great majority of its members constituted the +standing army of the empire, in the two great sections of Janissaries, +or infantry, and _Spahis_ of the Porte, or cavalry. Subordinate sections +cared for the artillery and transport services, and for other necessary +adjuncts to campaigning. Although the feudal _Spahis_ did not receive pay +from the sultan, and hence were not properly _kullar_, their officers +were his slaves, even though many of them were supported during their +term of service from fiefs. Besides these regular troops there were +also attached to the Ottoman army certain irregular bodies of a lower +order,—the _Akinji_, the _Azabs_, the Kurds, and so on. + + +THE JANISSARIES[287] + +The body of regular infantry known as _Yenicheri_, or “new troops,” a +name which the West has changed to Janissaries, comes near to standing +in the Western imagination for the sultan’s entire slave-family.[288] +In the sixteenth century, however, it formed not more than a fourth of +the whole number; nor does its importance seem to have been beyond its +numerical proportion, except in one or two respects. Since its members +were physically trained beyond comparison with their intellectual +education, since they were kept in poverty and hence were comparatively +irresponsible, and since a large portion of them were in comparative +idleness in time of peace, they were liable to act as an organized and +very dangerous mob. They might start a riot on short notice, or burn a +section of the city in order to pillage the neighboring houses, or rifle +the shops of the Jews, or plunder the grand vizier’s establishment.[289] +They could not easily be restrained from plundering cities which had +capitulated or from violating terms of surrender.[290] They felt that +the death of a sultan gave them an interregnum of license before the +accession of a new sovereign.[291] They demanded donatives at the +succession of a new ruler with such increasing rapacity as to embarrass +the treasury;[292] and they needed to be braced at critical moments +by liberal presents.[293] In time of battle, however, they drew up an +invincible line behind which the person of their sovereign was as safe as +in an impregnable fortress. Their devotion to his person was the greater +because they were in a special sense his _kullar_, and because he was one +of them, being inscribed in one of their _odas_ and receiving his pay +regularly.[294] In small groups on garrison duty their severe training +seems to have made of them an efficient police.[295] Yet their _esprit de +corps_, resting on consciousness of power, made them feared at all times. +They took an active part in determining the destinies of the empire in +two ways,—by limiting conquests, and by influencing the succession to +the throne.[296] They compelled the mighty Selim to turn back from both +Persia and Egypt.[297] They murmured before Vienna, and without doubt +hastened the raising of the siege.[298] + + +THE SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE + +The Janissaries had no small influence in determining the succession to +the throne.[299] There was no law fixing the succession, since neither +the _Sheri_ nor the _Kanuns_ provided for such things;[300] but it was +a matter of fundamental custom that a prince of the house of Osman +should rule, and it was almost as fundamental that a son of a sultan +should succeed him. Not until 1617 was the present rule established, by +which the oldest male of the royal house is heir apparent.[301] Before +that, when a sultan had several sons, the eldest had no inherent right +to succeed, as is the practice in Western Europe. The Turkish father +naturally desired to choose which of his sons should follow him; and to +this end, when he gave them provincial governments, he often placed the +favorite nearest the capital. After Mohammed II had issued his famous +_Kanun_, by which the son who reached the throne was legally authorized +to execute his brothers,[302] a situation of unstable equilibrium arose +as soon as the sons of a sultan began to grow up. Each knew that he must +either obtain the throne or die soon after his father; hence revolt +was almost forced upon a son who found himself placed farther from the +capital than a favored brother. When Bayezid II grew old and feeble, his +active and warlike son Selim opposed his wish to leave the empire to +Achmet;[303] in the end Selim triumphed, and Bayezid, forced to abdicate, +met a death that was believed by many not to have been natural.[304] +The Janissaries turned the scale in this struggle, and henceforth they +were felt to be a dangerous element whenever a sultan came to have more +than one grown son. They had a great part in the death of both Mustapha +and Bayezid, the ablest sons of Suleiman; indeed, their sympathy for +the former was undoubtedly a chief reason in determining Suleiman to +execute him, since only thus could his own safety be assured.[305] In +the case of Bayezid, the fact that the Janissaries did not support him +spelled his doom, even though his father, beyond all precedent, pardoned +his first revolt, and though the influence of his mother Roxelana was +strong in his favor.[306] Speculation is dangerous; but the Janissaries +may have done Western Europe a great service on these occasions. Had +either Mustapha or Bayezid come to the throne instead of the drunken and +dissolute Selim II, the issue of Lepanto might have been different, a new +expedition against Vienna led by a vigorous and idolized young monarch +might have succeeded, the Ottoman power might have ruled more widely and +permanently than it did, and the decay of the Ruling Institution might +have been long postponed.[307] + +The Janissaries in Suleiman’s time numbered between twelve and fourteen +thousand;[308] and this number probably did not include the garrison +which supported the power of the empire in Egypt,[309] still less that +which upheld the corsair rule in North Africa. Except in time of war many +of the Janissaries were distributed in garrisons, so that probably not +more than half resided in the capital.[310] Such of these as were married +lived at home, and the others were lodged in two great barracks.[311] +They were organized in messes of ten; ten messes constituted an _orta_ +or _oda_, of which there were one hundred and sixty-five in Suleiman’s +time.[312] Each _orta_ had its officers, who had been promoted from its +ranks; and above all the _ortas_ was a graded set of officers, under the +_Agha_, or general, of the Janissaries.[313] This official had never +been a Janissary, but had come through the colleges of pages.[314] He +not merely commanded the Janissaries, but was a sort of minister of war +for them. Aided by his _Kiaya_, or lieutenant,[315] his chief _Yaziji_, +or scribe, and a bureau of clerks, he directed their enrolment, the +distribution of their pay, their promotions, their location, the purchase +of their supplies and clothing, and all the other business of the corps. +He was well paid and was of great authority, outranking all other +generals, though on some occasions he was obliged to yield precedence to +two of the generals of cavalry, whose corps were older than those of the +Janissaries.[316] + +The Janissaries had a regular ladder of promotion through the offices of +their _odas_ and above, as far as the position of _Segban-bashi_, which +was the office next below that of _Agha_.[317] One hundred and fifty of +their best bowmen were honored by being detailed to accompany the sultan +on the march, as his _Solaks_.[318] They might also for distinguished +ability or service be taken into the regular cavalry, and have all its +opportunities open to them. No less than the rest of the army, they kept +marvellous order in camp, and, except at the crises above described, were +completely obedient to their officers.[319] They were punishable only by +their own officers, not even the grand vizier having direct jurisdiction +over them.[320] They had a strong sense of maintaining their privileges +and what they considered to be their rights. Busbecq, who gives +illumination at so many points, shows how the grand vizier Rustem, and +even Suleiman himself, felt toward these men when they were all together +and their blood was hot. On one occasion Busbecq’s servants quarreled +with some Janissaries, and he was disposed to back his men up; whereupon +Rustem sent a trusty messenger to him with a verbal message, asking +him “to remove every cause of offence which might occasion a quarrel +with those atrocious scoundrels. Was I not aware,” he asked, “that it +was war time, when they were masters, so that not even Solyman himself +had control over them, and was actually himself afraid of receiving +violence at their hands?”[321] Great care had to be taken to keep the +Janissaries under control, for they were capable of wrecking the whole +government. They were, to be sure, constantly drained of their ablest +men by promotion; but this only left the others the more liable, like +sheep, to follow a new leader into evil. They could be repressed more or +less by punishment: now and then an especially active promoter of trouble +was executed;[322] officers who offended were sometimes sent to command +distant garrisons, and sometimes they were stricken from the roll.[323] +Suleiman succeeded, on the whole, in keeping the Janissaries in hand, and +he was able to lead them farther east than could his father Selim. They +never revolted against him,[324] and they supported him against Bayezid. + + +THE SPAHIS OF THE PORTE[325] + +The regular cavalry were all included under the general name of _Spahis_, +or horsemen; but the name was also applied to one of the four divisions +into which Osman’s corps of daring riders had been organized after the +model of the cavalry of the caliph Omar I.[326] Their organization +was older than that of the Janissaries; it had come down continuously +from the early days.[327] The members were not organized into a single +body, they had high pay, and they were in the presence of excellent +opportunities to acquire wealth and to rise with rapidity. Accordingly, +they appear never to have caused Suleiman any special trouble.[328] + +The four corps were the _Spahis_ in the narrower sense, often called +_Spahi-Oghlans_; the _Silihdars_, or weapon-bearers; the _Ulufajis_, +or paid troops, in two divisions, the left and the right; and the +_Ghurebas_, or Foreign Legion, also in two divisions, the left and the +right.[329] The _Spahis_ were most honored and best paid, but each +had to bring with him to war five or six armed slaves on horseback. +The _Silihdars_ had less pay and furnished four or five horsemen. The +_Ulufajis_ furnished two or three horsemen each.[330] These three corps +were recruited from the pages and the Janissaries, the _Ulufajis_ +receiving also occasional members by special promotions from the +irregular troops.[331] The Foreign Legion had least pay of all, and its +members came alone; not having begun as the sultan’s _kullar_, and often +not even as Ottomans, they enjoyed small honor.[332] Each of the first +two corps, and each division of the last two corps of the _Spahis_ of the +Porte, was organized separately after the fashion of the Janissaries, +with its own general, who supervised the administration of all its +affairs.[333] The number of the _Spahis_ of the Porte is given on two +bases. In Suleiman’s time the actual members of the four corps counted +from ten to twelve thousand men, or a little less than the number of the +Janissaries;[334] but, since most of them had each to bring from two to +six additional horsemen, the total force which they assembled was from +forty to fifty thousand.[335] Whether the entire number or only the +actual members were regularly considered to be the sultan’s _kullar_, +under his pay, does not appear clearly. Probably he did not pay the +additional horsemen directly; for strictly speaking, they were _kullar_ +of his _kullar_. In time of battle all the regular troops, _Spahis_ and +Janissaries alike, were drawn up to protect the sultan, the Janissaries +being aligned in front, the _Spahis_ proper on the right, the _Silihdars_ +on the left, and the _Ulufajis_ and _Ghurebas_ in the rear.[336] + + +THE FEUDAL SPAHIS[337] + +Outside the towns the greater part of the European dominions of the +sultan, and a large part of Asia Minor, were granted in fief to Moslems +who were for the most part not _kullar_ of the sultan.[338] They +deserve to be considered in a discussion of the government, however, +not only because they collected the revenues and exercised seigniorial +jurisdiction in their estates,[339] but also because they were officered +by the sultan’s _kullar_. The estates were of different sizes and were +reckoned in three classes: _timars_, when the yearly revenue was under +twenty thousand aspers; _ziamets_, when it was twenty thousand to one +hundred thousand aspers; _khasses_, when it was over one hundred +thousand aspers.[340] _Timars_ might be united into a _ziamet_, but +_ziamets_ could not be divided.[341] Every fief-holder must appear in +person when summoned to war. If the annual income of a _Timarji_, or +Timariote, reached six thousand aspers, he must bring with him an armed +horseman; and he must bring another for each additional three thousand +aspers of his revenue. The holder of a larger fief must bring with him +an armed horseman if his income amounted to ten thousand aspers, and +another horseman for each additional five thousand aspers of income.[342] +In the sixteenth century this service was strictly exacted, and the +fief-holders were held to residence on their estates. The principle +of heredity entered into the distribution of these estates, but under +limitations. One son of the holder of a small fief had a right to the +fief;[343] not more than three sons of the holder of a large fief were +entitled to small fiefs.[344] The sons of _kullar_ in high position might +receive fiefs large in proportion to the rank of their father;[345] by +this means they were honorably conveyed from the ruling Institution into +the Moslem population. The _Zaims_ and Timariotes, as the holders of +the corresponding fiefs were named, were a class of country gentlemen, +honest, sober, true to the Moslem faith and to the sultan, better in +morals than the _kullar_ if not so able of intellect, the substantial +middle class of the empire, ancestors of those who today give hope that +Turkey may become a modern nation. It was these who gave the first +training to the _Ajem-oghlans_, starting them well on the road from +Christianity to Islam, and preparing them to become members of the +Ottoman nation. + +In the time of Suleiman the system of fiefs had become greatly +disarranged.[346] The distribution of them had been left to the local +governors, and corruption had crept in; the frequent wars also had led +to rapid changes and consequent confusion. Moreover, the army always +contained a large number of _Gonnullu_, or volunteers, who came at their +own expense, and fought with the hope, often realized, of receiving the +fiefs of slain men as the reward of signally brave conduct.[347] It is +said that during the course of a single bloody day one fief changed +owners seven times. If fiefs might thus be granted in the midst of +battle, it is not easy to see how a condition of reasonable order could +have been preserved in the feudal system. Suleiman, therefore, by a +_Kanun_ of the year 1530, attached the granting of all fiefs above a +certain size once more to the central government.[348] Each holder of +such a fief must obtain a _teskereh_, or document, from Constantinople, +in order to have good title.[349] The central treasury administered such +estates during vacancies. Only those fief-holders who held by _teskereh_ +were entitled to be called _Spahis_;[350] the others were known as +_Timarjis_, or Timariotes. The feudal _Spahis_ of Anatolia were more +under the authority of the governor than were those of Europe; they were +not so well paid, did not have so much practice in fighting, and were not +so highly esteemed as soldiers.[351] + +Thus the country gentry were kept under good control; the accumulation +of estates was prevented, any tendency toward independence could easily +be thwarted, and the sultan obtained regularly the service for which the +lands were granted. In addition, most of the subject Christian population +was governed locally without any trouble to the sultan, and was held +down well and uniformly by resident seigneurs. A great advantage of the +system was that, by the granting of new fiefs in newly-conquered lands, +the territorial army was automatically increased in proportion to the +increase of the empire.[352] + + +OFFICERS OF THE FEUDAL SPAHIS + +Local government and the command of the feudal _Spahis_ was cared for +by officials who belonged to the sultan’s great slave-family, and who +brought with them to their posts a number, proportioned to their rank, +of _Spahis_ of the Porte, pages, _Ajem-oghlans_, and slaves of their +own. The lowest of these officers were the _Subashis_, or captains, who +were in time of peace governors of towns, with enough Janissaries and +_Azabs_, or irregular infantry, to police the locality.[353] Next above +these were the _Alai Beys_, or colonels, who in time of peace were ready +with a company of from two hundred to five hundred troops to pass from +place to place as there might be need.[354] Above these again were the +_Sanjak Beys_, who governed important cities and held superior rule over +a number of towns and the district in which they lay.[355] Finally, in +the Balkan Peninsula and in Western Asia Minor there was from of old a +_Beylerbey_, who had authority over all the _Beys_ of his region. Incomes +were provided by the assignment of fiefs proportioned in size to each +officer’s importance.[356] All of these officers of local government +had a sufficient staff of lieutenants, treasurers, book-keepers and +clerks.[357] The _Beylerbey_ of Rumelia resided in time of peace at +Constantinople. The _Beylerbey_ of Anatolia seems to have spent much time +in his dominions,[358] though undoubtedly he was often at the capital, +since he had his regular place in the Divan. + +In time of war this official scheme, detached from its function of local +government, drew together the feudal _Spahis_, section by section, into a +perfectly organized territorial army for each of the two regions. Notice +of time and place was sent round, and within a month every man called had +joined his proper standard.[359] After uniting with the sultan’s regular +army, the army of Rumelia under its _Beylerbey_ had the right of the +battle-line when fighting in Europe, and the army of Anatolia under its +_Beylerbey_ had the right of the line when fighting in Asia.[360] The +enrolled feudal troops of Europe numbered about fifty thousand, and those +of Asia, including Anatolia, Karamania, Amasia, and Avandole, thirty +thousand.[361] In each case the number should be doubled or tripled to +allow for the additional horsemen which all the _Spahis_ were required to +bring.[362] On the other hand, a considerable proportion of the feudal +troops, sometimes estimated at one-half,[363] remained on duty at home +in time of war to protect the provinces and prevent uprisings. The feudal +troops, while brave, eager, and regardless of their lives, had not the +physical strength nor the practice of fighting in squadrons which the +regular troops had, and hence were not their equals. + +The _Beylerbeys_ of Rumelia and Anatolia were called out with their +troops for every campaign. The eight other _Beylerbeys_ of Suleiman’s +time,—those of Karamania, Amasia, Avandole, Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, +Hungary,[364] and Temesvar,[365]—who had fewer feudal troops at command +and more need of them at home, were summoned only when the war was in +their region. + + +OTHER BODIES OF TROOPS + +There were three principal bodies of irregular troops, the _Akinji_ or +cavalry, the _Azabs_ or infantry, and the Kurds; besides various smaller +groups, such as the descendants of the ancient corps of _Yayas_ and +_Mosellems_, who held fiefs of a sort in the oldest _sanjaks_ of the +empire, and the _Deli_ or “crazy” company of scouts.[366] The _Akinji_ +numbered perhaps thirty thousand in time of peace and were mainly near +the European frontier, where they made a living by raiding. They received +no pay either in peace or in war, but gathered booty and slaves and hoped +for promotion.[367] The _Azabs_ numbered perhaps ten thousand in peace +and forty thousand in war.[368] Some of them served in the garrisons and +some with the fleet.[369] The number of the _Akinjis_ and _Azabs_ was +greatly augmented in time of war by the addition of volunteers, many of +whom were criminals and ruffians.[370] The irregular troops were the +terror of the invaded lands in war time; for the regular army was held +under iron discipline, but these irresponsible creatures carried fire, +rapine, and sword over wide areas of country. In time of siege and battle +the _Azabs_ were sent forward to break the charge of the enemy, or to +aid in filling the moats by their own bodies.[371] Such as lived were +rewarded generously; the rest were believed to pass at once by a martyr’s +death to heavenly reward.[372] The Kurds lay near the Persian frontier +to the number of about thirty thousand. Individuals among the _Akinji_, +_Azabs_, and Kurds might hope to become gentlemen through distinguished +bravery, by being made _Ulufajis_ among the _Spahis_ of the Porte.[373] + +Attached to the regular army there were also various auxiliary corps of +armorers, cannoneers, men of transport service, musicians, commissaries, +and the like, to the number of three or four thousand in all.[374] The +Tartars of the Crimea, and the Moldavians and Wallachians, were also +obliged to furnish contingents.[375] All told, the enrolled strength of +the entire army was something more or less than two hundred thousand +men. But, since the _Spahis_ were required to bring other fighting men +with them in proportion to their revenues, since numerous slaves and +private servants accompanied the soldiers, and since the feudal and +irregular troops were joined by great numbers of volunteers, both horse +and foot, high and low, the complete army for the greatest expeditions +probably numbered about three hundred thousand men.[376] At the close of +Suleiman’s reign the paid nucleus was about fifty thousand strong; the +feudal _Spahis_ for a European campaign numbered about sixty thousand, +with perhaps a like number of helpers. The remaining troops were of no +great value in battle, unless to break the first shock of the enemy’s +charge. They served chiefly to lay waste the hostile country and to +gather booty and slaves. + + +DISCIPLINE AND ARDOR + +Contemporary observers were strongly impressed with the wonderful +discipline and intense zeal for fighting that was seen among the +Turks. The silence, order, and cleanliness of the camps, the absolute +obedience, enforced if need be by severe punishments and executions, +the submissiveness to long marches, hard labor, and scanty food, the +eagerness for battle, the joy in conflict, the recklessness of life, +presented a perfection of discipline, self-control, and single-hearted +purpose that seemed miraculous. A few of the many witnesses may be heard +briefly: + +“The Turks come together for war as though they had been invited to a +wedding.”[377] + +“The Great Turk is the best obeyed by his subjects of all the lords that +I know.”[378] + +“I think there is no prince in all the world who has his armies and +camps in better order, both as regards the abundance of victuals and of +all other necessities which are usually provided, and as regards the +beautiful order and manner they use, in encamping without any confusion +or embarrassment.”[379] + +“Their military discipline has such justice and severity as easily to +surpass the ancient Greeks and Romans; the Turks surpass our soldiers +for three reasons: they obey their commanders promptly; they never show +the least concern for their lives in battle; they can live a long time +without bread and wine, content with barley and water.”[380] + +“Peace and silence reign in a Turkish camp.... Such is the result +produced by military discipline, and the stern laws bequeathed them by +their ancestors.”[381] + +“It is marvellous how the force and rigor of justice increase in war.... +If the soldiers rob or beat, the head comes off, or they are so beaten +that they can never be well again.”[382] + +“They keep the divinest order in the world.”[383] + +“In truth the discipline could not be better, nor the obedience +greater.”[384] + +“For such as are acquainted with the Histories of the Turkish affaires, +and doe aduisedly looke into the order and course of their proceedinges: +doe well perceiue, that the chiefest cause of their sodaine and fearefull +puissaunce, hath beene the excellence of their Martial discipline joyned +with a singular desire and resolution to aduaunce and enlarge both the +bounds of their Empire and the profession of their Religion. The which +was alwaies accompanied with such notable Policie and prudence, that +the singularitie of their vertue and good gouernment, hath made their +Armes alwaies fearefull and fortunate, and consequently, hath caused the +greatnesse of their estate.”[385] + + +THE SUPREME COMMAND + +The sultan was commander-in-chief of the entire army, standing, feudal, +and irregular. When the army was summoned for a great campaign, it +gathered about him; on the march and in camp every body of troops had +its place with reference to him;[386] in formation of battle, he was the +central point about which the whole vast display was organized. When +the army was assembled, and then only, the sultan stood forth visibly +and palpably as the head and center of the Ruling Institution and of +the Ottoman nation upon which it rested. His _kullar_ were gathered +about him in devotion of body and soul; they were going forth under his +leadership against the infidel or the heretic; they were manifesting the +results of the long and careful training that he had given them; they +marched, encamped, and fought under his eye and command; they formed +an honored and privileged nucleus in the midst of a vast, loyal, and +ambitious national army; they surrounded and served him as monarch with a +splendor seen at no other time;[387] with complete apparatus of council, +ministry, treasury, and chancery, they carried on his government from +whatever city, valley, mountain, or plain he might be occupying. Here was +the Ruling Institution in being, exhibiting in varying degrees all its +aspects, revealing its essential unity, enforcing the despotic will of +its master, commander-in-chief, and chief executive. + +The very greatness and unity of the Ruling Institution as an army was not +without serious disadvantages. The power could not wisely be delegated, +and the army could not effectively be divided. At the opening of the +campaign of 1529 Suleiman issued to Ibrahim a commission as _Seraskier_, +or general of the army, which placed the Ruling Institution, the Moslem +Institution, the Ottoman nation and all the subject nations under his +command. The Sultan’s order ran as follows: “My Viziers, _Beylerbeys_, +Judges of the Army, Jurists, Judges, _Seids_, _Sheiks_, Dignitaries +of the Court and Supports of the Empire, _Sanjak Beys_, Generals of +Cavalry or of Infantry, _Alai Beys_, _Subashis_, _Cheribashis_, and all +the victorious Soldiery great and small, high and low, the Officials +and Appointees, all inhabitants of My kingdoms and lands, the people of +city and country, rich and poor, distinguished and ordinary, and all +men are to recognize My above-named Grand Vizier as _Seraskier_ ... +and to consider all that he says and desires as a command from My own +mouth....”[388] This was a delegation of the supreme command of the +army and all the human military resources of the empire to Ibrahim. +Since Suleiman himself went on this campaign, the supreme command was +not then exercised apart from the sultan’s presence. Four years later, +however, Ibrahim, clothed with the same authority, was sent ahead to +open the Persian campaign. On the return march he added the title of +Sultan to that of _Seraskier_ in issuing his daily orders.[389] Perhaps +he felt like Pepin the Short, that he who had the power of king should +also bear the name. But Suleiman was no _roi fainéant_; Ibrahim had +gone too far, the empire could have but one head, and Ibrahim suffered +the bow-string.[390] Suleiman profited by the experience; he appointed +no more _Seraskiers_ with such exalted powers, but himself led the +army when it was assembled as a whole. The campaign of Szigeth was the +thirteenth which he directed in person.[391] The precedent of delegating +the supreme command was, however, a fatal one; for Selim the Sot and +all his successors were to use this method to avoid the exertion of +campaigning, and from this step was to date the beginning of the empire’s +downfall.[392] “This so constituted organization had need of two things: +it needed for its animation a man filled himself with a vivid spirit +and free and mighty impulses, and to give it movement and activity it +required continual campaigns and progressive conquests; in a word, war +and a warlike chief.”[393] When another than the sultan should become +head of the Ruling Institution as visibly assembled, and yet be only an +official removable at a cloistered monarch’s caprice, the army would lose +the keystone of its organization, and ere long victory would depart from +its banners. + + +INDIVISIBILITY OF THE ARMY + +The essential oneness of the army, based on the sultan’s ownership of +the standing body of cavalry and infantry and its attachment to his +person,[394] and on the incapacity of the territorial armies to carry on +great campaigns alone, was also a fact injurious to the Ottoman power. +At the accession of Selim I, the empire had been nearly identical in +territory with the Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty. No +great power had marched with it. The conquests of Selim in the East +and of Suleiman in Hungary had pushed the frontiers to the borders of +two great powers: Persia on the east and Austria on the west remained +henceforth constantly hostile in feeling and often hostile in fact to the +Ottoman Empire.[395] They were so far away from the Ottoman capital that +the road to either was a journey of months for the army, and relations +with both were often disturbed at the same time; but there was only +one great army, and there could be only one serious war. If, while war +was in progress on one frontier, conditions became intolerable on the +other, it was necessary to make peace on what terms could be had, and +carry the army to the other extremity of the empire. Thus, Suleiman and +Ibrahim concluded the peace of 1533 with Charles and Ferdinand, in order +to be free to proceed against Persia at once;[396] and thus Suleiman +was obliged to arrange terms with Ferdinand in 1547, in order to march +against Persia in 1548.[397] Had a Cardinal Cesarini absolved Charles and +Ferdinand from either treaty, and had they been able to act, they could +have marched to Constantinople in 1534, 1535, or 1548 against practically +no resistance.[398] On the other hand, had the Ottoman standing army been +divisible, and separable from the person of the monarch, the Sultan could +have kept a steady pressure at both frontiers; and by taking advantage +of opportunities he might have conquered far to the west and north, and +realized his ambition of adding all the heretical Persian dominions to +his empire so as to reach the Chinese frontier, and of sending the +horsetail standards to the Atlantic shore of North Africa.[399] Or +he might have carried out the intention expressed through Ibrahim in +1533—which was quite in keeping with his character—of aiding the Emperor +Charles V to enforce unity of religious belief upon the Protestants and +the pope.[400] It is interesting to notice that Austria possessed two +great advantages over Persia in the wars with Turkey. The Ottomans did +not wish to pass the winter in the cold north, but they did not object +seriously to staying in Aleppo or Bagdad. This attitude probably saved +Vienna for Austria and lost Bagdad for Persia. Again, since the journey +from Vienna to Constantinople was much easier than that from Tabriz to +Constantinople, the Austrians could have reached Constantinople while +the Ottoman army was in the East, whereas the Persians could not have +reached Constantinople while the Ottomans were in Austria. This advantage +remained theoretical, however, in Suleiman’s time, since neither Austria +nor Persia was ever able to attempt invasion. + +Thus the inherent character of the Ottoman Ruling Institution, as a +single magnificent army united under the supreme command of the sultan, +made the institution incapable of adaptation to an indefinitely expanding +empire, and so set bounds, certain as those of fate, to Ottoman conquest. +The sultan had but one arm; it was a long arm and a strong one, yet it +could reach only a fixed distance, and it could strike but one blow. + + + + +CHAPTER V + +THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS A NOBILITY AND A COURT + + +I. PRIVILEGES OF THE KULLAR + +No disgrace was attached to the condition of being the sultan’s slave; +on the contrary, the title of _kul_ was felt to be an honor. Boys longed +to bear it.[401] No one who had it desired to be rid of it. It carried +marked distinction and secured deference everywhere. Those who revealed +by their costume, bearing, or assertion that they were the sultan’s +property were treated with the consideration always granted in monarchies +to property and persons closely related to the sovereign. + +This honor shown to the _kullar_ rested, however, on no mere servile +attachment to the sultan and on no mere fear of an Oriental despot. The +sultan’s slaves from lowest to highest were set off from his subjects +by a distinct set of privileges which in Western minds were associated +only with nobility. Besides a general protection over them all by means +of careful registration and watchful organization, the sultan bestowed +upon all his _kullar_ the personal rights of immunity from taxation,[402] +and responsibility to none but their own officials and courts and to +him.[403] At the same time he freed them all from anxiety about the +necessities of life, and enabled most of them to enjoy its luxuries, by +regular pay from his treasury, or, in the case of some high officials, +by revenues from ample estates. In return for these privileges they +were all sternly required to render him honorable service, usually of +a military character. This service was not always of a character that +the West considered honorable. The labors of the _Ajem-oghlans_, and +the foot service of the Janissaries and auxiliary corps were not noble +in Christian feudalism, which knew no implements but sword and spear +and fought from the back of a horse. But these humble slaves of the +sultan possessed the same privileges as the highest, and any service was +honorable which would make their muscles stronger for fighting and teach +them to contribute to the sultan’s military undertakings on sea and land. +All members of the sultan’s family were supposed to use their income in +strengthening his military forces. Janissaries had pay for themselves +alone. _Ghurebas_ had only enough to keep themselves and one horse for +each man. Other _Spahis_ of the Porte brought additional horsemen in +accordance with their pay. Higher officials were expected to support +armed households large in proportion to their revenues. After the model +of the sultan’s household, every _kul_ according to his means built up a +military establishment which followed him and his master to war. + +Immunity from taxation grew naturally out of the slave status. There +would be no advantage to the sultan in exacting taxes from persons +whom he supported and who were supposed to devote all their energies +to his service and use all their income for him. As long as the Ruling +Institution was kept firmly to its purpose, pressure was applied, not +so that successful _kullar_ would surrender part of their income to the +master, but so that they would bring as large a contingent as possible +to fight his battles. Suleiman’s grand vizier, Rustem, following a +long-disused precedent of the time of Bayezid I,[404]—a reign which +had in various ways foreshadowed later evils,—established a tax upon +the greater offices of the empire;[405] but, since the sultan did not +receive the whole of such charges, the custom amounted to the sale of +offices. Not only was such a practice out of harmony with the theory +of the Ruling Institution, but it proved very injurious in operation, +and was rightly accounted one of the causes of the decay of the empire. +The sultan took pay at the granting of an office, and so presently did +every official from the men under him; until in time the practice became +so systematized that a regular tariff was arranged and brought into +use on the occasion of every appointment.[406] Those who thus were put +to great expense on coming into office felt the necessity of recouping +themselves by whatever means lay in their power.[407] Hence arose not +merely oppression of the sultan’s subjects, both Christian and Moslem, +but also a partial recovery of losses at the expense of the sultan +himself. His servants were forced to devote to personal affairs a large +part of the attention that should have been all his, and to curtail by +various devices the contingent which they furnished for his military +service. When the members of the Ruling Institution began to prey upon +each other, the grand vizier, on behalf of the sultan, taking the lead, +the solidarity of the institution began to be broken. It may be true +that in the West, as Montesquieu said, the honor of a monarchy was not +inconsistent with the sale of office;[408] but in the Ottoman Empire it +opened the door to fatal corruption. + +The members of the Ruling Institution had not always had their own +system of justice; they had long been under the jurisdiction of the +ordinary Moslem courts. This had led to an essential difficulty; the +ordinary courts were part of another institution and were recruited in a +wholly different way; their judges had risen through a rival system of +education, and were men of letters rather than men of war; the favored +_kullar_ of the sultan had, therefore, come to feel averse to obeying +them.[409] Accordingly, Bayezid II had ordered that the members of his +family should be judged by their own officers.[410] This was a radical +change; for it brought into prominence the distinction between the two +institutions, and had the further effect of setting off the _kullar_ +from all the rest of the population of the empire, and of constituting +them almost a separate nationality. Their position became one greatly +to be desired. The Moslem-born population came to feel that somewhere +there was a great injustice. They whose ancestors had shed their blood +for the faith were, in the lands which their fathers had conquered, +denied admittance to the class which not only filled most of the offices +of army and state but enjoyed high privileges. Sons of the conquered +inhabitants, infidel-born, might alone become nobles, paid by the state +rather than contributing to its expenses, not subject to the judges +trained from boyhood in the Sacred Law; while their own Moslem sons were +rigidly excluded from the honored class, were obliged to bear a part in +the burdens of the state with small hope of sharing its glory, and were +expected to take their chances before the same courts to which Christians +and Jews were brought for civil and criminal cases. The very extent of +the privileges of the _kullar_ made toward the break-down of the system. + + +NOBILITY NOT HEREDITARY + +The privileges of the sultan’s _kullar_ fell short of those of Western +nobility in one very important respect, namely, that they could not +normally be handed on to the descendants and heirs of those privileged. +This exception is so important that various Western writers have affirmed +that the Turks had no nobles.[411] As the word is used in this treatise, +heredity is not regarded as of the essence of nobility; the latter is +considered to lie in the possession of special personal privilege, +recognized in the structure of the state. + +In the early Ottoman days, several of the high offices of state became +the appanages of particular families. The family of Kara Khalil +Chendereli held the office of grand vizier continuously for a century, +and furnished an occupant of the office at a later date.[412] The +descendants of Michael of the Pointed Beard led the _Akinjis_ until +the time of the first siege of Vienna.[413] The family of Samsamat +Chaush held the office of master of ceremonies for generations.[414] A +descendant of the thirteenth-century poet Jelal ad-din Rumi held office +under Suleiman.[415] Some writers of the early sixteenth century said +that, whereas Osman had been aided in winning his dominions by two Greek +renegades, Michael of the Pointed Beard, and Malco, and by Aurami or +Eurcasi, a Turk, he had promised that he would “never put hand in their +blood or fail to give them a magistracy.”[416] The promise had been kept, +and in 1537 one of the Michaloglou was _Sanjak_ in Bosnia and one of the +Malcosoglou was _Sanjak_ in Greece. The other family was then extinct. It +is said that these were considered to be of royal blood, and that in case +of failure in the line of Osman the succession to the throne would fall +to them. + +Apart from these few exceptions, the principle of heredity in office +had been excluded from the Ottoman system by the time of Suleiman. The +Ottomans, by old Turkish rule probably derived from the Chinese, knew +no nobility apart from office and public service. An exception was +introduced by Islam in the case of _Seids_, or _Emirs_, descendants +of the Prophet; but this modification the Ottomans did not wholly +respect.[417] Accordingly, Ottoman nobility became official,[418] +personal, and without hereditary quality. It was, in fact, the reverse of +hereditary, since nobility in the father was an actual hindrance to the +son and to all his descendants. But the _kullar_ were not the only class +in the Ottoman Empire which enjoyed official, personal nobility. The +members of the Moslem Institution were also exempt from taxation, were +supported out of public revenues, and were left in enjoyment of their own +government as a part of their general jurisdiction in the empire. They +had an advantage over the _kullar_ in that their property was not subject +to confiscation. Their position will be discussed later.[419] + +In the program of the Ruling Institution the policy of avoiding heredity +of nobility fitted in exactly with the slave system, the educational +scheme, and the army arrangements; for the knowledge that every man +was considered to be “his own ancestry,” and that increased honor and +privilege depended on achievement alone, made every ambitious member a +devoted slave, an indefatigable learner, and a dauntless warrior. The +reasons for this policy, the method of applying it by advancement through +merit, and the vivid impression which it made on thoughtful Western +observers have been described already;[420] but for its observance an +additional reason of great weight may be mentioned. Not only did it +prevent the accumulation of property and power in the hands of the +members of one family, but it allowed no influence to become intrenched +in the offices of central and local government. No _Beylerbey_ or _Sanjak +Bey_ could hope to rebel successfully. All were “but strangers and +foreigners in the countries they ruled,”[421] and held their positions +by the most insecure tenure. The Ottoman Empire was not destined to go +the way of that of Charlemagne or of the Seljuk Turks. Whatever decay it +might undergo, it could not break up into small independent states under +officials who had converted their governorships into sovereignties, so +long as its two great institutions were maintained consistently.[422] + +Against this policy two main tendencies conspired, both based on “human +nature,” the strife of favor against merit, and the desire of the +excluded to share in privilege. The first was liable to disturb the order +of promotion, the second to open the system to the sons and descendants +of the officials and to other Moslems. No one but Selim the Grim was +fitted to maintain the policy rigidly against such pressure. Suleiman +yielded a little on the first point, in such matters as the promotion of +Ibrahim and Rustem;[423] and the second began in his time to gain ground +at the bottom, by the admission of sons of Janissaries to the ranks of +the _Ajem-oghlans_. Within a generation after his death, however, the +flood-gates were to be opened.[424] The body of Janissaries and the body +of _Spahis_ of the Porte were gradually but swiftly to be made Moslem +and so cut off from the Ruling Institution; the age at which the pages +passed out of the palace was to be postponed; and in time the divided +Ruling Institution was to cease to be the admiration of the West and was +to become its laughing-stock. But Suleiman was spared the sight of such +a decadence. Near the end of his reign, after Rustem and Roxelana had +ceased to disturb, the system brought to the top one of the greatest of +Ottoman statesmen, Mohammed Sokolli. At about the same time the Moslem +Institution also raised up a great legist, Ebu su’ud.[425] These two +upheld the institutions and the empire at the height of their glory for +nearly thirty years, of which fifteen lay after the death of Suleiman. + + +II. CHARACTER OF THE SULTAN’S COURT + +In the early stages of all monarchies the household of the prince and +the government of the state have probably been identical.[426] After +the period of establishment has come to an end and settled institutions +have been organized, the household and the government have tended to +draw apart into separate and distinct systems under different officials. +Which of the two has become of the greater importance in the eyes of +the sovereign and in influence upon the policy and destiny of the nation +has depended on circumstances, and particularly on the character of +individual monarchs. While such a state has been in a period of increase +of power and influence, the government has regularly been the more +prominent: men of practical experience in affairs and in the field have +overshadowed the palace servants. When decay and decline have set in, the +household, partly by way of cause and partly by way of effect, has risen +to supremacy: individuals of more or less secluded life, but possessing +opportunities for personal intercourse with the monarch,—favorites, +body-servants, women, and eunuchs,—have made the men of affairs and of +war dependent upon them for place and authority. The Ottoman Empire +came clearly into the stage of differentiation between household and +government after the conquest of Constantinople in the reign of Mohammed +II. In the time of Suleiman the empire was still in the period when +government was greater than household; but clear signs were appearing +that a less active and more plastic sovereign would turn the scale. + +The household of the Ottoman sultan was curiously divided and limited. +An essential difference between the courts of Christian and Moslem +monarchs was created by the seclusion of women in Mohammedan society. In +the West, women appeared with the men of the court not only on occasions +of amusement and diversion, but also in public parades and ceremonies +of less and greater importance, and the ladies of the royal family led +the fashionable society of the land. In the East, on the other hand, +the visible court and retinue of the monarch was wholly ungraced by the +presence of the fair sex; all the great ceremonies and cavalcades were +participated in by men alone. It seems to be a fact that, before the +middle of the reign of Suleiman, no woman resided in the entire vast +palace where the sultan spent most of his time.[427] The women of his +family were elsewhere, carefully guarded behind walls which with very +few exceptions no man but himself might pass.[428] The men and the women +who were associated with the sultan constituted two separate worlds, +between which the only bond was himself. + +The sultan’s household was divided in another way. By the maxims of +despotic government it is forbidden that the ruler should associate on +terms of intimate friendship with those who are his high officials of +state. In order to avoid this regulation and yet provide his master +with intelligent and amusing companionship, the _Nizam-al-mulk_ advised +the Seljuk sultan Melik Shah to choose as boon companions a band of +courtiers who would be allowed to have no share whatever in the conduct +of affairs.[429] This resource was hardly open to the Ottoman sultans, +first because the dignity and independence of Moslem-born Ottoman Turks +deprived them of the pliancy which is expected from courtiers, and second +because the sultan’s Christian-born slaves, who had been led onward by +ambition ever since they had entered his service, and at the end of +their education were ready to become men of affairs, were not fitted +to be mere courtiers. The difficulty became greater after Mohammed II, +filled with the Byzantine notion of imperial sacredness, ordered that +no one should sit with him at table.[430] A sultan was thus practically +forced by a combination of principles and circumstances to spend his +leisure hours with boys, eunuchs, and women.[431] The only mature men +with whom he could converse freely were a small and select group of +religious advisers, astrologers, and physicians; all the other men of his +household met him only formally and for the transaction of business. So +great limitations on his companionship could not fail to influence his +character, and in the course of a few generations to tend greatly toward +the predominance of household over government. + +To confine the consideration of Suleiman’s court to his immediate +household would be to narrow the discussion too much. The chief officers +of government formed a part of his retinue on all ceremonial occasions, +and had not ceased to be counted as his personal followers. In fact, +all the members of the Ruling Institution, except the _Ajem-oghlans_ +and young pages, may be regarded as belonging to the sultan’s court in +that large sense of the term which includes all those individuals who +are attached to the person of the monarch as his daily associates, his +councillors, the officers and members of his household, his body-guard +and palace-guard, and his retinue on ceremonial occasions and in camp. +The splendid court of Suleiman the Magnificent is worthy of separate and +special treatment for which there is no room here; in describing it, as +in describing his army, only those aspects which are of a governmental +nature can be considered. The topics that will claim attention are the +subdivisions of his household and the main features of its organization, +the importance given to personal and public ceremony, the splendor of the +court, and the influence of the court on the destiny of the empire. + + +ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSEHOLD[432] + +The sultan’s household may be considered in three principal subdivisions, +each of them composed of a number of parts: the outside service of the +palace, the inside service of the palace, and the harem. The outside +service was composed of men and _Ajem-oghlans_, the inside service of +white eunuchs and pages, the harem of black eunuchs and women. The first +two subdivisions were, in time of peace, in attendance at the principal +palace which had been built by Mohammed II on the site of the acropolis +of ancient Byzantium. The grounds of this palace were extensive: within +the first gate was a large open space used on state occasions as a +parade ground; within the second gate were the buildings of the palace +proper, a beautiful garden, and an exercise ground for the pages. The +members of the outside service, except the gardeners, did not ordinarily +pass beyond the second gate of this palace. The harem was permanently +located some distance away in the center of the city, in the first palace +occupied after the conquest, known in the sixteenth century as the Old +Palace.[433] In time of war, practically the entire outside service, and +the principal officers and personal attendants from the inside service, +accompanied the sultan. None of the women of the harem were taken with +the army, as this was against the Ottoman custom, though permitted by the +Sacred Law.[434] In excursions during time of peace some of the ladies +might accompany their lord.[435] The three subdivisions of the household +will be considered in the reverse order. + + +THE HAREM + +The harem was so distinct in Suleiman’s time from the rest of his +household, so little seen and known, so much his personal affair, that it +would seem scarcely to demand attention in a consideration of his court. +The importance of its officials and personages was small as compared with +later times, after the harem had been removed to the principal palace and +the sultans had begun to spend a much larger portion of their time in +its society. Yet the influence of two of its ladies upon Suleiman was so +great as to give them a place in history and a relation to the destiny +of the nation. Accordingly, the harem cannot be passed over without +mention. Its organization has already been sketched so far as regards the +recruiting, conversion, and education of the women;[436] its groupings +and principal personages remain to be described. + +The guard and order of the palace of the harem was committed to forty or +more black eunuchs,[437] under an official known as the _Kizlar Aghasi_, +or, literally, the “general of the girls.” This _Agha_ was held in great +honor, and was made administrator of many religious endowments for the +benefit of various mosques, and particularly of the _vakfs_ of the Holy +Cities of Mecca and Medina. His importance in Suleiman’s time bears no +comparison with what it became later. Other black eunuchs held official +positions in the service of the principal ladies, and had the oversight +of the education of the young princes.[438] + +The greatest lady of the harem, while life was spared to her, was the +sultan’s mother, the _Sultana Valideh_. Not only did she receive great +respect and deference from her son, but she had a general oversight and +authority over all his women. The next lady in importance was the mother +of the sultan’s first son; and after her came the mothers of other sons. +Mothers of daughters enjoyed much less consideration. Each of these +favored ladies had her own suite of apartments, her business staff under +a woman known as her _Kiaya_, which may here be translated as steward or +housekeeper, and her group of personal and domestic servants. The _Kiaya_ +of the queen mother enjoyed great importance. The group of slave girls +who were the sultan’s personal and domestic servants when he visited +the harem were also under a _Kiaya_ with assistants. Sons of the sultan +lived with their mothers during their tender years. They were carefully +educated in letters and arms, much as were the pages, but with greater +deference.[439] At a suitable age they were sent out, with carefully +selected little courts, to the governorship of provinces. Daughters were +married at an early age to high officials of the sultan.[440] In later +generations infant sons who might be born to them were not allowed to +live, lest they might become a menace to the throne. This seems not +to have been the case in the time of Suleiman, who avoided danger by +excluding them carefully from office.[441] + +Information about Suleiman’s harem and family comes guarded with +explanations of the difficulty found in obtaining trustworthy reports. +Some facts are known, and probabilities exist as to others. Suleiman’s +mother lived until far along in his reign. The mother of his eldest son, +Mustapha, held, according to custom, the next place in his harem. After +the year 1534 she divided her time between the palace at Magnesia, where +her son was _Sanjak Bey_, and the harem palace in Constantinople.[442] +Khurrem, usually called Roxelana, had supplanted her in favor at some +previous date, and, being legal wife of the Sultan, held a position +superior to hers in some respects. Suleiman seems not to have visited his +harem very often.[443] Mihrmah, his daughter by Roxelana, who became the +wife of Rustem, was very dear to him. + + +THE INSIDE SERVICE + +The five chambers of pages, under the control of white eunuchs, and +the doorkeepers supplied the inside service of the principal palace. +The head of this service was the _Kapu Aghasi_, or “general of the +gate,” a white eunuch, who was also charged with the management of many +religious endowments. He had the right to speak to the sultan when he +wished,[444] and hence was very highly regarded. The _Kapuji-bashi_, or +head doorkeeper, was also a white eunuch, who had charge constantly of +the second gate of the principal palace, with a company of twenty or more +white eunuchs who were guards under him.[445] The pages have already +received attention from the educational point of view. Nearest the person +of the sultan were the pages of the _Khas Oda_, or Inner Chamber, of whom +there were probably thirty-nine, the sultan himself being reckoned the +fortieth.[446] A number of these pages later bore the title of _Agha_, +but they seem not to have done so in Suleiman’s time. Their chief officer +was the _Khas Oda-bashi_, or head of the Inner Chamber, one of the +pages in Suleiman’s day, but in later times a white eunuch. The pages +of highest rank were the _Silihdar_, who outside the palace carried the +sultan’s weapons, the _Chokadar_, who carried his garments, and the +_Sharabdar_, or cup-bearer.[447] The others took care of his apartments +and his wardrobe, and brought his food to him. The second group of pages +constituted the _Khazineh Odassi_, or treasury, under a well-paid white +eunuch, the inside _Khazinehdar-bashi_. These, to the number of sixty or +seventy, cared for all the treasures in the sultan’s palace, made all +payments, and kept all accounts.[448] Another _Khazinehdar-bashi_ took +care of all the financial affairs of the inside service which needed +attention outside the palace walls. The _Kiler Odassi_, or pantry, under +a white eunuch called the _Kilerji-bashi_, cared for the bread, pastry, +and game of the sultan; their chief controlled also the kitchen service +of the palace. The pages of this chamber seem not yet to have finished +their education.[449] They, together with the pages of the Inner Chamber, +rode with the sultan whenever he left the palace. The remaining two +chambers, the Large and the Small, or the Old and the New, were concerned +wholly with the education of the pages.[450] They were under the general +direction of the _Ikinji-Kapu-oghlan_, or eunuch of the second gate.[451] +The entire personnel of the inside service amounted to from six to eight +hundred persons. The eunuch officers maintained severe discipline, exact +obedience, and perfect order among them all.[452] The groups of eunuchs +who had charge of the colleges of pages in Pera and Adrianople may also +be reckoned in the inside service. It would seem that the accounts of all +these palaces were kept as one, and that therefore the chief officers of +the principal palace must have supervised the officers of the others.[453] + + +THE OUTSIDE SERVICE + +The members of the household who were not held within the inner regions +of the palace or near the person of the sultan were far more numerous. +Many stood in close relations to the members of the inner service, either +being under their authority or having regular dealings with them. All, +of course, served the sultan, either directly or nearly so, through +the mediation of one or more officers. To describe at length their +subdivisions, duties, and officers would be to repeat an account which +has been given often by others. Only a general sketch will be attempted +here, by way of distinguishing the various groups of the service. +Beginning with those in closest relations to the sultan, they were the +learned associates of the master, the kitchen service, the body-guard, +the palace-guards, the gardeners, the stable service, the tent-pitchers, +the masters of the hunt, and the intendants. + +The learned associates of the sultan belonged chiefly to the corps of +the _Ulema_. They therefore represented the Moslem Institution near the +person of the monarch. Chief among them was the sultan’s _Hoja_, or +teacher, a confessor or adviser in religious matters, who was held in +very great esteem and was often advanced to high judicial office. Next +came two _Imâms_, or preachers to the sultan, associated with whom were a +number of muezzins, or chanters. After these ranked the _Hekim-bashi_, or +chief physician, who had ten or more associates; the _Munejim-bashi_, or +chief astrologer, whose services were believed to have a very real value; +and the _Jerrah-bashi_, or chief surgeon, with ten or more helpers. + +The kitchen service under the oversight of the _Kilerji-bashi_ comprised +bakers, scullions, cooks, confectioners, tasters, and musicians, each to +the number of from fifty to one hundred.[454] Allied to these were the +companies of tailors, shoemakers, furriers, goldsmiths, and the like, who +were employed exclusively in the palace service.[455] Each group had its +responsible head and was subject to a thorough oversight, since even such +remote affairs, when under the care of the Ottoman Ruling Institution, +were regulated and ordered with great precision. A number of these +servants, such as the scullions, wood-cutters, and water-carriers, were +_Ajem-oghlans_. + +The body-guards were three, the _Muteferrika_, the _Solaks_, and the +_Peiks_. The _Muteferrika_, or Noble Guard, consisted of from one to two +hundred of the choicest graduates from the page schools and of sons of +high officials.[456] Among them, in 1575, were brothers of the _Voivodes_ +of Wallachia and Moldavia. The _Muteferrika_ followed immediately after +the sultan on horseback, and in time of battle were ready to defend him +to the end. The _Solaks_ were veteran Janissary archers, to the number +of about one hundred and fifty, who marched on foot beside the sultan +wherever he went, with bows and arrows ready for instant use. The _Peiks_ +were a picturesque company of halberdiers of about one hundred men,[457] +which had been taken over, arms, costumes, and all, from the Byzantine +emperors. They ran in front of the sultan when he rode, and were always +ready to be sent on missions. + +The palace-guards were the _Kapujis_, the _Chaushes_, and the +_Bostanjis_. The _Kapujis_, or gatekeepers, were _Ajem-oghlans_ who, to +the number of three or four hundred,[458] watched the outside gates of +the principal palace and of the palace of the harem. Like all the other +guards, they accompanied the sultan to war, where they were the guards +of his tent. The _Chaushes_, who numbered about one hundred,[459] were +ushers who acted as marshals on the days of Divan and of state ceremony, +and who in time of war dressed the ranks of the troops.[460] They also +acted as messengers of state within the empire. When a distant officer +had been condemned to death, a _Chaush_ was sent to execute the sentence +and bring back the offender’s head.[461] Since among the _Chaushes_ +there were many renegades who knew various European languages, they were +useful as interpreters and were sometimes sent as envoys on important +missions.[462] The _Bostanjis_, or gardeners, were _Ajem-oghlans_, +and as such have been mentioned already. To the number of about four +hundred,[463] they cared for the garden and grounds of the principal +palace, and rowed the sultan’s caiques when he wished to enjoy the +matchless scenery of the Bosphorus. Their chief, the _Bostanji-bashi_, +who had risen from their ranks, seems to have been the only adult +man besides the sultan who resided within the inner regions of the +palace.[464] His general charge over all the sultan’s gardens, wherever +they might be, included oversight of the banks and shores of the +Bosphorus, the Sea of Marmora, and the Dardanelles.[465] This gave him +great power, and his favor was much courted. + +The stable service was exceedingly important in a nation which relied +so much upon cavalry, and which was still under the influence of the +tradition of the steppe lands. The sultan for his own use kept a +stable of two hundred horses tended by a hundred men, and for the use +of his retinue four thousand horses tended by two thousand men.[466] +Besides these, a thousand or more Bulgarian Christians known as Voinaks +tended herds of horses on the great domanial pastures.[467] All these +followed the army to war as grooms. They were under the control of a +very great official, the _Emir-al-Akhor_,[468] or grand equerry, who, +with the second equerry, also had oversight of the numerous saddlers, +camel-drivers, and muleteers of the imperial service, and control of all +the domanial pastures and forests of the empire.[469] + +The head gardener, the head gatekeeper, the grand equerry, the second +equerry, and the _Mir-Alem_[470] or standard-bearer, constituted the +special group of officers known as the _Rekiab-Aghalari_, or “generals +of the [imperial] stirrup.” The _Mir-Alem_ had charge of the imperial +standards and the six horsetails which were borne before the sultan. +He distributed standards and horsetails to _Beylerbeys_ and _Sanjak +Beys_, who thus in a way received investiture at his hands.[471] As +a consequence he ranked first among the officers of the household +as related to the government. He also had superior control over the +gatekeepers, and he commanded the military music. + +The tent-pitchers, under a _Mihter-bashi_, cared for the sultan’s tents +in peace and war. Similar groups were the _Veznedars_ (who weighed the +money received by the sultan), the guards of the outside treasury, the +purchasing agents of cloth and muslins for the palace, and the guardians +of presents.[472] + +The masters of the hunt were important officials in the time of Suleiman, +who practised the ancient royal custom of going with great state and +numerous attendants to hunt over a large region.[473] Heads of the +dog-keepers, falconers, vulturers, gerfalconers, and hawkers held +honorable position. A number of the pages of the higher _odalar_ had +subsidiary duties as falconers;[474] Ibrahim was chief falconer at the +time of his promotion to the position of grand vizier. A part of the +regular army aided in the hunts. The Janissaries show by the names of +some of their chief officers that their corps grew in part out of the +hunting organization of the early sultans.[475] + +The intendants, or _Umena_, had charge of various departments of supply +and administration. They were the _Shehr-emini_, or intendant of +imperial buildings; the _Zarabkhaneh-emini_, or intendant of mints and +mines; the _Mutbakh-emini_, or intendant of the kitchen and pantry; the +_Arpa-emini_, or intendant of forage for the stables of the palace; and +the _Masraf-shehriyari_, or substitute for the intendant of the kitchens. + +This rapid survey, though by no means complete, shows something of +the complicated organization, the numerous personnel, and the various +functions of the groups of the imperial household. The number of +individuals connected with it may be estimated to have been between ten +and fifteen thousand, many of whom were not the sultan’s slaves, but his +servants and employees in various capacities. All, however, except the +few members of the _Ulema_, were under the complete control and command +of members of the Ruling Institution. No confusion resulted from such +great complexity, for each group of servants had its definite duties, +and knew exactly from whom to receive orders and to whom to report +accomplishment. + +It is clear that the functions of many of the officials of the household, +especially those of the head gardener, the grand equerry, and the +standard-bearer, intrenched upon the province of government. The chief +black eunuch and the chief white eunuch collected and administered the +revenues of many parcels of land which were devoted to special purposes. +The _Umena_ were so clearly recognized as exercising governmental +functions that they were regarded as chancellors,—an exception, made +for the sake of convenience, to the rule of separating household and +governmental officials. It resulted, therefore, that, while order was +maintained with comparative ease within the mechanism of the household +and, as will be seen, of the government, difficulty and confusion +accumulated in the relations of the Ruling Institution to the rest of +the empire. The splendid organization worked admirably down a certain +distance from the top; but, as the energy of the single will became +mediated by many officials, and as the multiplex land-ownership and +varied population of the empire was approached, disorder to the extent +of unworkability was so constantly threatened that only more or less +convulsive readjustments, resorted to from time to time, enabled the +institutions of the empire to remain in being. + + +THE CEREMONIES OF THE COURT + +The Sacred Law, based on the practice of Mohammed and the four early +caliphs, discouraged display of every sort;[476] nor did the Seljuk +Turks take readily to the magnificence which under Persian influence had +prevailed at the court of the Bagdad caliphate.[477] So, too, the early +Ottoman sovereigns appear to have maintained simplicity of life down to +the time of Murad II. A contemporary observer said: “The very Magnates +and Princes observe such simplicity in all things, that they cannot be +distinguished from others. I saw the King going a long distance from his +palace to Church accompanied by two youths.... I saw him also praying in +Church, not in a chair (_cathedra_) or royal throne, but seated like the +rest on a rug spread on the ground; nor was there about him any ornament, +either suspended or exhibited or displayed. He used no singularity in +regard to his garments or his horse, by which he could be distinguished +from others. I saw him at the funeral of his mother, and I could not +possibly have recognized him, had he not been pointed out to me.”[478] + +In the understanding of Mohammed II, however, the capture of the +imperial city seems to have included the appropriation of imperial +forms and ceremonies; for no small number of his _Kanuns_ dealt with +matters of rank and ceremony.[479] By the time of Suleiman the _Kanuni +Teshrifat_, or Law of Ceremonies, had become a collection of considerable +magnitude.[480] It is significant that the regulations concerning such +matters as the color and shape and material of robes and turbans, +the order of precedence on small as well as great occasions, and the +observances proper to each such occasion were made a matter of law. On +the one hand, a body of practice was set up which, though not distinctly +forbidden by the Sacred Law, was contrary to its essential spirit. On +the other hand, to rules of court etiquette, which in the West are +often unwritten and certainly have not similar standing with acts of +legislation, were given the rank and authority of imperial laws. The Law +of Ceremonies stood on a par with the Law of Subjects, the Law of Fiefs, +the Law of Egypt, and the Law of Fines and Punishments. In fact, this law +was observed even more carefully than the others, since the matters which +it covered usually came under the eye of the sultan himself. It was as +much the duty of an officer to wear the proper costume, and to appear in +the right place and at the right time at public ceremonies, as to attend +to the business connected with his position. + +All the classes of members of the sultan’s household, all the high +officers of government, and all the separate bodies of troops in the +standing army were clearly distinguished from each other by costume or +head-dress or by both. Each group and every officer in each group had +his exact place in every ceremonial assembly and his exact rank in every +procession. Each great official, beginning with the sultan, had his title +for use in public documents, a designation which, though not exactly +fixed, varied little from time to time.[481] + +Ceremonial occasions were numerous and splendid. All were participated +in by representatives from each division of the Ruling Institution, and +on the greatest occasions practically its whole membership was present. +The ceremonies may be grouped as simple occasions, religious festivals, +and extraordinary ceremonies. Among the simpler ceremonial occasions were +the regular meetings of the Divan, which in time of peace took place four +times a week, on Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday. On Fridays the +sultan rode forth to mosque in magnificent state.[482] On other days some +of the officials made visits of state to their superiors. Every three +months the Janissaries were paid with much ceremony in the parade-ground +between the first and second gates of the palace. For the sake of giving +an impression of wealth and magnificence, such occasions were frequently +chosen for the reception of ambassadors.[483] + +The great religious festivals of Islam, in which all the Moslems of the +empire participated, were celebrated by the court with great pomp. These +were the two feasts of Bairam, one of which comes at the close of the +fast of the month of Ramazan, and the other and greater seventy days +later.[484] On the great day of Bairam the ceremony of kissing the hand +of the sultan was performed by all the officials of the household and +government. + +The principal extraordinary ceremonies were those in celebration of +the birth of sons or daughters to the sultan, of the circumcision of +princes and the marriage of princesses, the accession to the throne, and +the going forth of the sultan to war. The greatest of all Suleiman’s +celebrations was probably that of the circumcision of his sons, Mustapha, +Mohammed, and Selim, in 1530. Twenty-one successive days of display, +feasting, games, and formal presentation of gifts contributed to the +unparalleled grandeur of the occasion.[485] + +It is not impossible to obtain an idea of the appearance of the sultan’s +court and retinue at this time of the empire’s greatest splendor. One +observer, often quoted already, who was gifted with superb powers of +expression, has left a clear record. Seer and seen alike vanished from +the earth more than three centuries ago; yet through the keen eyes of +Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq the world has ever since looked upon the great +Suleiman as he sat and rode in state. Busbecq, ambassador to the Ottoman +court from Emperor Charles the Fifth and his brother Ferdinand, describes +his first audience with Suleiman in camp at Amasia in 1555, also the +train that attended the sultan as he went forth from Constantinople to +war against his son Bayezid in 1559, and a Bairam ceremony in camp near +Scutari a few weeks after the latter event. Some quotations from these +descriptions will give a better idea of Suleiman’s court than any number +of statistics. The first describes the audience at Amasia:— + +“The Sultan was seated on a very low ottoman, not more than a foot from +the ground, which was covered with a quantity of costly rugs and cushions +of exquisite workmanship; near him lay his bow and arrows.... + +“On entering we were separately conducted into the royal presence by the +chamberlains, who grasped our arms. This has been the Turkish fashion of +admitting people to the Sovereign ever since a Croat, in order to avenge +the death of his master, Marcus, Despot of Servia, asked Amurath for an +audience, and took advantage of it to slay him. After having gone through +a pretence of kissing his hand, we were conducted backwards to the wall +opposite his seat, care being taken that we should never turn our backs +on him.... + +“The Sultan’s hall was crowded with people, among whom were several +officers of high rank. Besides these there were all the troopers of +the Imperial guard, Spahis, Ghourebas, Ouloufedgis, and a large force +of Janissaries.... Take your stand by my side, and look at the sea of +turbaned heads, each wrapped in twisted folds of the whitest silk; look +at those marvellously handsome dresses of every kind and every colour; +time would fail me to tell how all around is glittering with gold, with +silver, with purple, with silk, and with velvet; words cannot convey +an adequate idea of that strange and wondrous sight: it was the most +beautiful spectacle I ever saw. + +“With all this luxury great simplicity and economy are combined; every +man’s dress, whatever his position may be, is of the same pattern; no +fringes or useless points are sewn on, as is the case with us, appendages +which cost a great deal of money, and are worn out in three days. In +Turkey the tailor’s bill for a silk or velvet dress, even though it be +richly embroidered, as most of them are, is only a ducat. They were quite +as much surprised at our manner of dressing as we were at theirs. They +use long robes reaching down to the ankles, which have a stately effect +and add to the wearer’s height, while our dress is so short and scanty +that it leaves exposed to view more than is comely of the human shape; +besides, somehow or other, our fashion of dress seems to take from the +wearer’s height, and make him look shorter than he really is. + +“I was greatly struck with the silence and order that prevailed in +this great crowd. There were no cries, no hum of voices, the usual +accompaniments of a motley gathering, neither was there any jostling; +without the slightest disturbance each man took his proper place +according to his rank. The Agas, as they call their chiefs, were seated, +to wit, generals, colonels (bimbaschi), and captains (soubaschi). Men +of a lower position stood. The most interesting sight in this assembly +was a body of several thousand Janissaries, who were drawn up in a long +line apart from the rest; their array was so steady and motionless that, +being at a little distance, it was some time before I could make up my +mind as to whether they were human beings or statues; at last I received +a hint to salute them, and saw all their heads bending at the same moment +to return my bow.[486] On leaving the assembly we had a fresh treat in +the sight of the household cavalry returning to their quarters; the men +were mounted on splendid horses, excellently groomed, and gorgeously +accoutred. And so we left the royal presence.”[487] + +On the second occasion, when Suleiman was going forth to war, Busbecq +obtained a place at a window:— + +“From this I had the pleasure of seeing the magnificent column which +was marching out. The Ghourebas and Ouloufedgis rode in double, and the +Silihdars and Spahis in single file. The cavalry of the Imperial guard +consists of these regiments, each of which forms a distinct body, and +has separate quarters. They are believed to amount to about 6000 men, +more or less. Besides these, I saw a large force, consisting of the +household slaves belonging to the sultan himself, the Pashas, and the +other court dignitaries. The spectacle presented by a Turkish horseman is +indeed magnificent. His high-bred steed generally comes from Cappadocia +or Syria, and its trappings and saddle sparkle with gold and jewels in +silver settings. The rider himself is resplendent in a dress of cloth of +gold or silver, or else of silk or velvet. The very lowest of them is +clothed in scarlet, violet, or blue robes of the finest cloth. Right and +left hang two handsome cases, one of which holds his bow, and the other +is full of painted arrows. Both of these cases are curiously wrought, +and come from Babylon,[488] as does also the targe, which is fitted to +the left arm, and is proof only against arrows or the blows of a mace or +sword. In the right hand, unless he prefers to keep it disengaged, is a +light spear, which is generally painted green. Round his waist is girt a +jewelled scimitar, while a mace of steel hangs from his saddle-bow.... +The covering they wear on the head is made of the whitest and lightest +cotton-cloth, in the middle of which rises a fluted peak of fine purple +silk. It is a favorite fashion to ornament this head-dress with black +plumes. + +“When the cavalry had ridden past, they were followed by a long +procession of Janissaries, but few of whom carried any arms except their +regular weapon, the musket. They were dressed in uniforms of almost +the same shape and colour, so that you might recognize them to be the +slaves, and as it were the household, of the same master. Among them no +extraordinary or startling dress was to be seen, and nothing slashed +or pierced. They say their clothes wear out quite fast enough without +their tearing them themselves. There is only one thing in which they +are extravagant, viz., plumes, head-dresses, etc., and the veterans +who formed the rear guard were specially distinguished by ornaments of +this kind. The plumes which they insert in their frontlets might well +be mistaken for a walking forest.[489] Then followed on horseback their +captains and colonels, distinguished by the badges of their rank. Last +of all, rode their Aga by himself. Then succeeded the chief dignitaries +of the Court, and among them the Pashas, and then the royal body-guard, +consisting of infantry, who wore a special uniform and carried bows +ready strung, all of them being archers.[490] Next came the Sultan’s +grooms leading a number of fine horses with handsome trappings for their +master’s use. He was mounted himself on a noble steed; his look was +stern, and there was a frown on his brow; it was easy to see that his +anger had been aroused. Behind him came three pages, one of whom carried +a flask of water, another a cloak, and the third a box.[491] These were +followed by some eunuchs of the bedchamber, and the procession was closed +by a squadron of horse about two hundred strong [the Muteferrika].”[492] + +Busbecq spent three months in Suleiman’s camp near Scutari:— + +“I should have returned to Constantinople on the day before the Bairam, +had I not been detained by my wish to see that day’s ceremonies. The +Turks were about to celebrate the rites of the festival on an open and +level plain before the tents of Solyman; and I could hardly hope that +such an occasion of seeing them would ever present itself again. I gave +my servants orders to promise a soldier some money and so get me a +place in his tent, on a mound which commanded a good view of Solyman’s +pavilions. Thither I repaired at sunrise. I saw assembled on the plain +a mighty multitude of turbaned heads, attentively following, in the +most profound silence, the words of the priest who was leading their +devotions. They kept their ranks, each in his proper position; the +lines of troops looked like so many hedges or walls parting out the +wide plain, on which they were drawn up. According to its rank in the +service each corps was posted nearer to, or farther from, the place +where the Sultan stood. The troops were dressed in brilliant uniforms, +their head-dresses rivalling snow in whiteness. The scene which met my +eyes was charming, the different colours having a most pleasing effect. +The men were so motionless that they seemed rooted to the ground on +which they stood. There was no coughing, no clearing the throat, and +no voice to be heard, and no one looked behind him or moved his head. +When the priest pronounced the name of Mahommet all alike bowed their +heads to their knees at the same moment, and when he uttered the name of +God they fell on their faces in worship and kissed the ground.... When +prayers were finished, the serried ranks broke up, and the whole plain +was gradually covered with their surging masses. Presently the Sultan’s +servants appeared bringing their master’s dinner, when, lo and behold! +the Janissaries laid their hands on the dishes, seized their contents +and devoured them, amid much merriment. This licence is allowed by +ancient custom as part of that day’s festivity, and the Sultan’s wants +are otherwise provided for. I returned to Constantinople full of the +brilliant spectacle, which I had thoroughly enjoyed.”[493] + + +INFLUENCE OF THE COURT + +The influence of the Ottoman court may be looked at in three ways,—as +affecting the sultan, the Ruling Institution, and the destiny of the +empire; but all three ultimately reduce to the last. The sultan was +influenced by his personal relationships with the different individuals +or groups which came into closest contact with him. Reference has already +been made to Roxelana. Undoubtedly she had much influence over her +imperial husband, but to what extent she pushed him toward particular +decisions and actions cannot be known. It is improbable that she had +anything of consequence to do with the death of Ibrahim, since the +favorite’s own actions had brought matters to such a pass that he was a +menace to the throne; moreover, her influence in public affairs seems not +yet to have become great. Some writers of that date do not mention her +at all, though she had already won the supreme affection of Suleiman, +and had, so to speak, passed round the superior position of the mother +of the first-born son by being made a legal wife.[494] Seventeen years +later the situation was clear: Roxelana had triumphed completely over +the mother of Mustapha; her son-in-law Rustem, married to Suleiman’s +well-beloved daughter Mihrmah, had held the supreme office of grand +vizier for nine years; her hump-backed son Jehangir was Suleiman’s +favorite child. Nevertheless, as late as the beginning of 1553 Suleiman +seems to have intended still that Mustapha should occupy the throne.[495] + +Mustapha became a victim less of Roxelana and Rustem than of the +indeterminate and dangerous condition of the rules of succession to the +throne.[496] Had primogeniture been the established order, Mustapha need +only have been on his guard against poison; he would have lacked motive +for rebellion, and his father would not have been in fear of deposition. +Had not Mohammed II established the terrible _Kanun_ which ordered the +execution of the brothers of a sultan at his accession, Roxelana need not +have feared for the lives of her own sons. Had not the Janissaries helped +Selim to the throne ahead of time and against the wishes of his father, +their favor toward Mustapha would not have forced a crisis. If Suleiman +really desired Mustapha to succeed him, he made a great mistake in +sending him far away to the governorship of Amasia. Bayezid, the ablest +living son of Roxelana, was in Karamania; and Selim, the least promising +of Roxelana’s children, but apparently her favorite, was assigned to +the governorship at Magnesia. Selim was thus removed from the capital +by a journey of only five or six days, Bayezid by a somewhat greater +distance, and Mustapha by a journey of twenty-six days.[497] Suleiman +may have meant by these appointments only to promote his sons to more +distant governorships as they grew in experience and could be entrusted +with greater responsibilities; they, on the other hand, could hardly fail +to suspect that he had different intentions. Without further discussion, +suffice it to say that, with custom and law as it was, the situation +was untenable. First Mustapha, and later Roxelana’s own son Bayezid, +became the victims of inexorable circumstances in which she undoubtedly +played some part, though exactly what it was cannot be known.[498] In +so far as she contributed to the fatal outcome, she hastened the fall +of the empire. If ever a government demanded a strong man to keep it +in operation, the Ottoman government needed one to maintain its Ruling +Institution. From the beginning there had been as yet no failure; but +after Suleiman the Magnificent, the Legislator, was to come Selim the +Sot, the Debauché! + +Nor was the beloved and pious Mihrmah without her influence on the fate +of the empire, if it be true that she urged her father on to the great +expedition against Malta.[499] His reign had opened with two great +triumphs: the fortresses that had defied the great Conqueror, Belgrade +and Rhodes, had fallen before his troops. He had failed before Vienna, +it is true; but in the thirty-five succeeding years he had made large +conquests, he had strengthened his power, and his prestige had grown +steadily. Now, near the close of his life, his mailed fist was broken +upon a rocky isle in the Mediterranean. What but the confidence gained +by that successful resistance gathered and nerved the Christian fleet +that won the day at Lepanto? The influence of Roxelana and Mihrmah +foreshadowed the power exerted in later reigns by far inferior and far +worse women. + +The influence of Ibrahim, for whose promotion Suleiman violated the +rules of advancement in the government service, and of Rustem, for whom +he broke the rule of giving no high place to relatives of the imperial +family, has been discussed already.[500] In his late years the Sultan +came greatly under the influence of the _Ulema_, who had readier access +to him than had any other outside force,[501] and whose power over him +has been thought by some to have been unfavorable. Just what ills it +brought about in his own time, however, are not easily to be discovered. + +The Ruling Institution was affected strongly by the splendor and luxury +of the court of Suleiman. The Sultan had so enormous an establishment, +and was so fond of display and ceremony, that a similar spirit developed +in all his _kullar_. Each officer of position became inordinately +ambitious to have a large household, many horses, much portable wealth, +and superb equipment for his horses and servants on state occasions and +in time of war. Just as Suleiman’s splendor embarrassed his finances, so +that he was willing that Rustem should require payment for office from +newly-appointed great officials, so most of his _kullar_, in order to +keep up display, were led to undignified and extortionate procedures. +In the time of Suleiman’s grandfather the Ottomans of high position +had already been excessively grasping. “And to tell the truth,” writes +Spandugino, “in that country they are more eager after money than devils +after souls. And one cannot accomplish anything with the princes or +lords except by the power of money. In general, as well the emperor as +his princes and lords have mouths only for eating, for if you go to them +without giving them some present you will accomplish nothing.”[502] + +That eagerness for wealth with which Spandugino reproached the Turks +became only worse under the Magnificent sultan’s example. The members of +the Ruling Institution might prey on each other to a certain extent by +the sale of offices; but the ultimate evil effect fell upon the subjects +outside. They in the end must pay for all the luxury and splendor of +the great court and the little courts. The pressure upon them tended to +become worse and worse. Lands began to grow less productive and to pass +out of cultivation. That dead blight began to descend upon agriculture +and trade which persists in Turkey to the present day.[503] Yet in the +time of Suleiman this weakness hardly appeared. Although his best two +sons had come to cruel deaths, although twenty thousand of his troops +had lately died in vain at Malta, he went forth to his last campaign +with a train which surpassed in pomp and splendor all that he had led +before.[504] + + + + +CHAPTER VI + +THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS GOVERNMENT + + +SUMMARY + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution has now been considered in all but the +last of its aspects. The recruiting of its members from Christian +subjects and enemies, their conversion to Mohammedanism, and their +training for the duties of war and government were first explained; then +the military duties and organization of the sultan’s _kullar_, their +privileged and noble status, and their organization and activity as a +household and court were described. Of the seven aspects in which the +Ruling Institution may be considered only one remains, that of government +in the narrow sense. + +With certain exceptions, the Ruling Institution constituted the +government of the Ottoman Empire. According to the Sacred Law, the +rendering of justice belonged to the Moslem Institution, and many +internal matters were left to be regulated by the subject nationalities, +which were organized as churches, and by the foreign colonies, which +remained under their own laws; but even over these bodies the Ruling +Institution held the sword, and in the case of the Moslem Institution +it held the purse-strings also. Aside from such exceptions, it attended +to all the functions of government that were performed within the +empire. These, however, as will appear, were by no means so numerous and +extensive as are the activities of a progressive twentieth-century state. + +Some of the functions of government cared for by the Ruling Institution +have already been described in the previous chapters. The guidance of +the educational system, the management of the army of the empire, the +conduct of local government, the oversight of the household, the care of +the sultan’s gardens, pastures, and forests, the regulation of ceremonies +at his court, may be all be regarded as tasks of government. To some of +them it will be necessary to refer again briefly; but the fact that they +have been described already simplifies the problem of setting forth the +plan of the government in its narrower sense. + + +FUNCTIONS OF THE OTTOMAN GOVERNMENT + +All governments must in some fashion maintain themselves in place and +in operation; they must obtain means to meet expenses, and they must +keep some kind of record of their receipts and expenditures and of their +acts. They must alter and expand the unwritten and the written rules +under which they operate, at least enough to keep their system workable. +They must protect their subjects sufficiently to enable them to earn a +living and the means to meet taxation. They must meet the efforts of +other governments of both a diplomatic and a military character. All +these things the Ottoman government did in its own way. In addition, it +remained in the sixteenth century strongly under the ancient impulse to +increase its bounds and the number of its subjects, particularly at the +expense of Christians and Shiites and in the interest of Sunnite Islam. + +The Ottoman government did not include among its functions the building +and maintenance of systems of roads, bridges, and ferries, the conduct +of a public postal service, the promotion of agriculture, industry, and +commerce, the organization of a system of public and universal education, +the adjustment of taxation and customs duties in the interest of the +welfare of its subjects, or an extension of the activities and liberties +of its subjects. Benevolence toward the common people had hardly emerged +into the consciousness of any sixteenth-century state. Self-maintenance +in power by the most available means, which were usually military +force; increase of power, authority, and territory, by similar means; +and, incidentally, an assurance of the well-being of all the privileged +persons who were connected with the government, in proportion to their +importance: these were the chief objects aimed at by the governments of +that day, whether in the West or in the East. + +Accordingly, the chief energies of the Ottoman Ruling Institution in its +capacity as government were directed toward the smooth running of the +machine. For this object the best and most devoted men were obtained and +trained. They, with as many other members of the Ottoman nationality +as possible, were organized into a magnificent army, which first of +all defended and maintained the government against enemies at home and +abroad, and then increased its dominions and greatness by victorious +campaigns in the “land of war.” The religious motive entered strongly +here, since the power and conquests of the Ottoman nation were felt to +be the power and conquests of Islam. The welfare and contentment of the +members of the government, beginning with the sovereign, were assured by +exclusive privileges, elaborate organization of personal service, and +ceremonies in which they could be flattered by opportunities for display +and by gradations of honor. + +There remained as the special functions of government, first, the careful +elaboration and watchful improvement of the regulations under which the +Ruling Institution and the state were organized; second, the keeping of +every part of the administrative machinery in the best possible order +and condition; third, the acquisition of enough money and means to carry +out the purposes of the government, and the supplying of this money +and means in suitable quantity at the time and place needed and to the +proper persons; and, fourth, the preparing and recording of all written +acts necessary to the transaction of the business of the government. A +fifth function was the adjustment of disputes between subjects of the +empire who were not connected with the government; this was attended to +largely by another institution, though supported and executed by the +members of the government itself. The first of these functions, that of +legislation, was cared for chiefly by the sultan himself; the second, of +administration, was controlled by his viziers; the third, of finance, +was managed by the _Defterdars_ through twenty-five departments; the +fourth, of chancery, was under the power of the _Nishanjis_; the fifth, +of justice between the subjects, was, in matters controlled by the +Sacred Law, administered by the _Ulema_, the learned men of the Moslem +Institution, under the headship of the _Kaziaskers_. These five functions +were by no means so clearly separated as were the groups of officials +concerned with them. A logical classification of duties would have +necessitated much readjustment. + +The striking way in which the Ottoman Ruling Institution, when regarded +as a government, limited its operations almost exclusively to its +own affairs seems to have resulted from its character as a single +slave-family. Although its essential character is somewhat obscured by +the facts that it was by far the largest slave-family in the empire, that +it had ruling authority, and that some of its members exercised general +governmental functions, it is nevertheless true that the legislation +of the sultans and of Suleiman himself was largely directed to the +regulation of the institution itself, most laws of wider and deeper +import being included in the almost unchangeable Sacred Law. The business +of the viziers was also largely that of the institution, aside from the +fact that the grand vizier, as representative of the sultan, headed also +the justice of the empire. The imperial treasury, again, was concerned, +in the first place, with obtaining the revenues due to the sultan, such +of them as did not come from his personal rights as the owner of domain +lands being farmed out, so that the government did not even here touch +the people directly. In the second place, the revenues were paid out to +the members of the institution as soldiers, servants, officials, and +members of the royal family. All who followed the sultan to war without +belonging to his great household provided their own support. Even the +officers of local government, though appointed from his _kullar_, were +supported by the assignment of lands which they administered themselves +by means of the Ruling Institution. The sultan’s chancery was similarly +confined in its operations to the preparation and registration of acts, +decrees, commissions, and the like, most of which were concerned with the +adjustment and operation of the Ruling Institution. Finally, the officers +of the army and the government rendered and administered justice to all +the _kullar_, besides deciding many law cases under imperial laws. To +a very great extent, then, the sultan’s government was that of a large +slave-family, which secured its own interests and managed to the best +advantage its own affairs, which cared little for the welfare of the +great majority of the people of the empire, and which had dealings with +them and attended to their affairs only when obliged to do so by the +pursuit of its own aims. + + +THE SULTAN AS HEAD OF THE STATE AND OF THE GOVERNMENT + +Suleiman’s authority rested actually and immediately upon the military +might which he controlled. Psychologically, it was strongly supported +by the ancient Turkish tradition of absolute obedience to the ruler who +led and fed his people, and by the undying allegiance of the population +of wide areas to the Caesar of New Rome, to whose seat and splendor +Suleiman had succeeded. Theoretically, and, if a modern expression may be +used, constitutionally, Suleiman’s power was that of the ancient caliphs +of Islam. It is true that he suffered under one apparently complete +disqualification. A tradition of high order asserted that the _Imâms_ +must be of the Prophet’s tribe, the Koreish;[505] but by an extension of +the principle of agreement (_ijma_) by which the consensus of the Islamic +doctors of the law of any period may establish an interpretation of some +passage of the Sacred Law, Suleiman’s father, after the acquisition of +the Holy Cities and the resignation of the last Abbassid caliph at Cairo, +had come into full rights as caliph. The title itself seems to have been +known by none of the Western writers of the sixteenth century, nor was it +commonly used by Suleiman in public documents. + +In his capacity as caliph, Suleiman was head of the Islamic state, +defender, executor, and interpreter of the Sacred Law, and defender of +the faith. He was under obligation to punish heretics and unsubmissive +infidels, to protect true believers, and to extend the area of his +divinely-appointed rule. To him, after Allah and the Prophet, was due the +absolute obedience of all good Moslems within his dominions. As for his +Christian subjects, they also regarded him as their lawful sovereign, +given by God as a punishment for their sins. The Sacred Law recognized no +power of legislation in the head of the state, since God through Mohammed +had legislated once for all; but it entrusted to him the functions of +administration and justice, to be exercised to the fullest possible +extent, subject always to the prescriptions of the Law. The sultan being +thus supreme, all the great institutions of the Ottoman Empire are to be +thought of, not as built upward from a basis in the popular will, but +as extended downward from the divinely-appointed sovereign at the top. +To what extent the Ruling Institution held this relationship has been +indicated already. Central and local government, household and court, +standing, feudal, and irregular army, all depended upon the sultan. The +Moslem Institution recognized him as its head, and the highest officials +of the judiciary, chosen out of its membership, were appointed by him +and removable at his will.[506] So also the _Mufti_, the chief of the +jurists, was appointed by the sultan.[507] Even the ecclesiastical +organizations of the subject Christians and Jews were likewise extended +downward from his authority, since at the capture of Constantinople the +Conqueror had at once assumed that temporal headship of the Christian +churches which had been held by the Byzantine emperors.[508] The Greek +Patriarch received from the sultan appointment and investiture, including +a command to bishops, clergy, and people of his faith to render obedience +to him in matters within his province; the other Christian groups and +the Jews were likewise dependent. Finally, the privileges enjoyed by +the foreign settlements all depended upon grants from the sultan or +upon treaties made with him in his sovereign capacity.[509] As for the +officials of the Ruling Institution, they were all either directly or +indirectly the sultan’s appointees. Grand vizier, viziers, treasurers, +chancellor, generals of the inside service, generals of the outside +service and the army, _Beylerbeys_ and _Sanjak Beys_, all took their +places at a word from him, and at a second word all left them without +a murmur. + + +THE SULTAN AS LEGISLATOR + +So far as legislation was possible under the Ottoman system, the sole +power to issue it rested in the sultan. The law which demanded obedience +within the Ottoman Empire was fourfold: the _Sheri_, or Sacred Law of +Islam; the _Kanuns_, or written decrees of the sultans; the _Adet_, or +established custom; and the _Urf_, or sovereign will of the reigning +sultan.[510] The _Sheri_ was above the sultan and unchangeable by him; +the _Kanuns_ and the _Adet_ were subordinate to the _Urf_; the _Urf_, +when expressed and written, became _Kanun_ and annulled all contradictory +_Kanuns_ and _Adet_. + +The _Sheri_ was the whole body of Islamic law as accepted by the Ottoman +nation. Its long history cannot be detailed here. Based originally on +the Koran, supplemented by traditions of Mohammed’s legal decisions +and sayings, and by the decisions of the early caliphs and the +interpretations of early judges,[511] it was first formulated by Abu +Hanifa, who was the earliest of the four great orthodox Moslem doctors, +and who became the accepted teacher of all Turkish peoples.[512] His +code was worked over again and again in the course of six centuries, +as new decisions of judges and interpretations of jurists accumulated. +Mohammed II found it necessary to have a new code prepared, a task for +which he chose Khosrew Pasha, who, singularly enough, was a Christian +renegade, seemingly almost the only one who rose high in the Moslem +Institution.[513] This work, finished in 1470,[514] was not sufficient in +the days of Suleiman. At the time of its preparation the Ottoman Empire +had been still wholly within territory that had remained Christian during +all the early brilliant period of Islam; but since then the sultans had +conquered three seats of the later caliphate, Damascus, Bagdad, and +Cairo, and had come to hold the protectorate of the Holy Cities, where +Mohammed and the early caliphs had ruled. A new code of law, therefore, +better adapted to the more widely Moslem character which the empire +had assumed, was demanded. Suleiman charged Sheik Ibrahim Halebi (of +Aleppo) with the task of preparing such a code; and the result, prepared +before 1549, was the _Multeka ol-ebhar_, the “Confluence of the Seas,” +which remained the foundation of Ottoman law until the reforms of the +nineteenth century.[515] The _Multeka_ did not, however, entirely replace +the previous codes and collections of _fetvas_, or authoritative juristic +opinions, which continued to be used as law books of less weight. + +Early in the process of formulation, the Sacred Law was separated +logically into two great divisions,—matters of faith and morals, and +practical regulations, groups corresponding more or less closely to +the Western conceptions of theology and law. The Moslems never made an +actual separation of these two divisions of the Sacred Law; both in +education and in practice they regarded them as parts of one great unity +of advice, precept, and command, divinely sanctioned and binding upon all +true believers. The practical regulations, or the Law proper, went by +the Arabic name of _fikh_; it included both jurisprudence and positive +law.[516] + +A group of Dutch and German thinkers, led by Dr. Snouck Hurgronje, +has been so strongly impressed by the jurisprudential side of the +_Sheri_ as almost to deny that it has or has ever had an important +practical side;[517] but a careful consideration of the early history +of the Ottoman Empire suggests that their view in its entirety is not +supported by the facts. Dr. Goldziher says: “In later days, historical +consideration has proved that only a small part of this system, +connected with religious and family life, has a practical effect as of +old, while in many parts of merely juristical character this theological +law is entirely put aside in actual jurisdiction.... Snouck Hurgronje was +really the first who set forth with great acuteness and sure judgment the +historical truth, namely, that what we call Muhammedan law is nothing but +an _ideal_ law, a theoretical system; in a word, a learned _school-law_, +which reflects the thoughts of pious theologians about the arrangement +of Islamic society, whose sphere of influence was willingly extended by +pious rulers—as far as possible—but which as a whole could hardly ever +have been the real practical standard of public life. He finds there +rather _a doctrine of duties_ (_Pflichtenlehre_) of quite an ideal and +theological character, traced out by generations of religious scholars, +who wished to rule life by the scale of an age which in their idea +was the golden period, and whose traditions they wished to maintain, +propagate, and develop. Even the penalties for offenses against religious +laws are often nothing else but ideal claims of the pious, dead letters +conceived in studies and fostered in the hearts of God-fearing scholars, +but neglected and suppressed in life where other rules become prevailing. +We find even in the oldest literature of Islam many complaints about the +negligence of the religious law by _Ulema_ in their struggle against +the practical judges, that is to say against the executors of actual +law.”[518] + +The last sentence quoted contains by implication a genuine distinction +between the “religious law,” which may be called jurisprudence, and +the “actual law.” It is true that at the present time “actual law” in +all Mohammedan lands consists only in a comparatively small proportion +of precepts drawn from the _Sheri_; yet a body of precepts which today +requires an elaborate system of courts for its enforcement, and which +offers a career to many thousands of living men as teachers, advisers, +and judges, can hardly be adjudged a mere “doctrine of duties.”[519] +Undoubtedly the _Sheri_ has suffered a gradual shifting of emphasis from +its practical to its jurisprudential side; undoubtedly it has suffered +progressive encroachment upon the area of its practical application, +beginning in very early times and leading up to an invasion in force in +the nineteenth century by the principles, practice, and procedure of +Western Europe. But in the Ottoman Empire of the sixteenth century the +_Sheri_ had no such inferior place. Even then, to be sure, it occupied +by no means the whole field of practical law; but an examination of the +quotations from the Venetian reports which were presented in an earlier +chapter is of itself sufficient to show that at that time the _Sheri_ +held the place of overwhelming preëminence in legal matters, in point of +usefulness as well as of honor; that its practical precepts to the full +extent of their formulated scope were the private law of the land; that +its judges were of equal or greater authority and repute than were the +high officers of government; that the latter were in most cases obliged +to execute decisions of the former, their independent jurisdiction +being confined to a limited class of persons, and to the decision of +administrative cases according to _Kanuns_ outside the field of the +Sacred Law.[520] + +The Sacred Law reached out far beyond the conception of law in the West. +It was originally supposed to be sufficient for the entire government of +the Islamic state (of which there was believed to be but one upon the +earth),[521] as well as for the minute regulation of the social, ethical, +and religious life of all its members.[522] From two circumstances, +however, it rapidly became inadequate as a political constitution: first, +from the expansion of the original simple Islamic society into a great +world-power, with interests and relationships far more complex than had +been dreamed of by the founders; and, second, from the fact that the Law, +believed to be of divine origin,[523] was proclaimed unchangeable by its +own provisions, and hence could not, except with extreme difficulty, be +adapted to new responsibilities and times. Judges and jurists labored +manfully to provide elasticity by interpretation, but the task was too +great to be completely successful. It became necessary, therefore, for +princes to supplement the Sacred Law by decrees of their own, a course in +which they could not transgress the positive commands of the Sacred Law. +But even within the Law itself the jurists had allowed them considerable +latitude, by classifying its provisions under different heads as of +various degrees of obligation: some acts were forbidden, some were +advised against, some were considered indifferent, some were recommended, +and some were rigidly prescribed.[524] Princes were compelled to keep +hands off all matters that were forbidden or prescribed; but in the wide +intervening field there was much that they might do, and an even larger +field was left open in matters that were not touched at all by the Sacred +Law because they had lain outside the experience of the fathers of Islam +or had developed since their time. In case of undoubted transgression of +the Sacred Law, the Moslem society, led by the _Ulema_, was considered +absolved from allegiance to the sovereign and justified in exercising the +right of revolution.[525] The _Sheri_ was thus a written constitution for +the Ottoman Empire, not subject to amendment, but capable of some slight +modification by judicial and juristic decision and interpretation.[526] +The sultan had no power over it except as guardian, interpreter, and +executor. The popular consent which allowed him to remain in authority +did not recognize in him any right to amend or abolish any part of the +Sacred Law. + +The Ottoman sovereigns at first issued their new legislation as +_firmans_, or ordinances,[527] but in the course of time they adopted +from the Greek word κανών, or rule, the word _kanun_, which they applied +to every general law. This Greek word as applied to law thus came to +be used in contrary senses in the East and the West. To the canon law +of the West corresponded the _Sheri_, and to the civil or rather the +national law of the West, the _Kanuns_. It is to be noted, however, that +the _Sheri_ had wider sway in Turkey in the sixteenth century than the +canon law ever had in the West. Not only did it deal with a far larger +field, but its judges seem sometimes to have administered the _Kanuns_ +also; they had, further, the support of the national government, whereas +the rival courts of the great officials had ordinarily a very limited +jurisdiction. The position of the ecclesiastical courts of the Christian +subjects was much more like that of similar courts in the West.[528] + +The _Kanuns_ were issued in accordance with a general formula of the +Sacred Law. “The _Imâm_,” quotes Von Hammer, “has the right to make all +civil and political regulations which are demanded by prudence, the +circumstances, and the public welfare of the administration and the +highest executive power.”[529] The _Kanuns_ of previous sultans were not +binding upon a reigning sultan, except so far as he chose to put them in +force;[530] but the necessity of preserving a continuous administration +led ordinarily to the carrying over to a new reign of all _Kanuns_ that +were actually in use. Reforms or readjustments were often accomplished by +the revival, with modifications, of old _Kanuns_, rather than by wholly +new legislation.[531] + +The _Kanuns_ dealt with matters of military, financial, feudal, criminal, +and police law, and with the law of ceremonies.[532] All these were also +covered in a measure by the Sacred Law, with two exceptions,—the feudal +law and the law of ceremonies, which had to do with matters non-existent +in the early Islamic state.[533] Within these two fields the sultans had +a free hand; in all others their _Kanuns_ were strictly supplementary and +administrative.[534] + +The _Kanuns_ were issued separately to meet special circumstances. A +number of them, when collected according to subject-matter or under the +name of the sultan who issued them, constituted a _Kanun-nameh_, or book +of laws. Each department of the government had its own _Kanun-nameh_, and +the laws of taxation for each _sanjak_ were collected into a separate +group.[535] It is incorrect to think of a _Kanun-nameh_ of Mohammed II +or of Suleiman as bearing any resemblance to the codes of Theodosius or +Justinian. Not in magnitude, scope, character of contents, authorized +unification, or prevailing authority can any comparison be made. The +_Kanun-nameh_ of Mohammed II seems from its opening words to have had +his sanction as a collected body: “This is the _Kanun_ of my fathers and +ancestors, according to which my successors shall act from generation +to generation.”[536] These words themselves show, however, that the +contents were not a unified body, but a collection of _Kanuns_ issued at +different times by former sultans as well as by the one who was reigning; +and an examination of the contents bears out the statement. Nor does the +collection possess completeness in any sense. The first of the three +parts deals mainly with the relative rank of officials, the second with a +miscellaneous lot of usages, chiefly ceremonial, the third with fines for +some serious offenses and with the salaries of some great officials. The +whole code is brief and shows great economy of legislation. + + +THE LEGISLATION OF SULEIMAN + +Suleiman’s laws are not contained in a single _Kanun-nameh_. He is +rightly named the Legislator by comparison with preceding Ottoman +sultans, who were men of the sword and not of the pen; who, saying +little, but doing much, had built up a great empire. With the empire, +institutions which started from small beginnings had also grown great; +but, resting as they did on few written laws or ordinances, they had +tended to reach a confused and complicated condition. The Ruling +Institution itself, gathered closely about the sultans and constantly +amended by them, was kept in excellent order; it needed no _Kanun-nameh_, +and as a whole never had one, though many _Kanuns_ of rank, ceremony, +salary, and inheritance had reference to it. More remote matters, +however, could not have so much attention. By the time of Suleiman’s +accession, for example, the feudal system, and the bearing of the various +forms of taxation and land tenure on the subject population, had come +into great disorder; criminal law also needed further development, and +the market and gild regulations of the cities of the empire demanded +attention. Egyptian affairs were likewise in wild confusion. Already +disordered under the last Mameluke sultans,[537] they were now, by +reason of the many deaths and confiscations in the war of conquest and +the setting-up of a new governing authority, imperatively demanding +settlement. In accordance with the needs of the time, therefore, Suleiman +issued a large number of _Kanuns_, dealing especially with _timars_ +or fiefs, _rayahs_ or subjects, ceremonies, and criminal and market +regulations, and comprising a constitution for Egypt, the _Kanun-nameh +Misr_.[538] The latter appears to be the only body of _Kanuns_ which +the Legislator published as a whole, and which formed a complete +system; issued in 1532,[539] it was probably inspired by Ibrahim, +following up his visit to Egypt in 1524.[540] The collection of the +great _Mufti Ebu su’ud_, which is called the _Kanun-nameh_ of Suleiman, +contains chiefly his ordinances in regard to the land tenure and taxes +of the subject Christians, together with a number of laws designed to +regulate the feudal system, and a few relating to judges and legal +processes.[541] Suleiman was great as a legislator only by comparison +with his predecessors. He set nothing in final order; and the ground +had to be gone over again within fifty years after his death, in the +reign of Achmet I.[542] His legislation was doubly hindered: first, by +the conservatism of his people and his religion, which alike believed +that the old ways were the best, and which made radical departures +practically impossible; and, second, by the weakness inherent in despotic +legislation, in which the distance of the law-giver from the subjects +affected makes true adaptation to circumstances and complete enforcement +impossible of attainment. Because of the first hindrance, most of +Suleiman’s laws professed an attempt to restore a former better state of +affairs. As a matter of fact, they probably did not contain much more +than a statement in black and white, with necessary simplifications, +of a confused body of practice that had grown up gradually, formulated +in parts by the ordinances of his predecessors. Because of the second +hindrance to his legislation, Suleiman was not able to put into +satisfactory and enduring order matters of such vital interest to the +people as the feudal and financial systems. Conferring only with a few +religious men and a limited number of high officials, aside from the +shut-in members of his inner service, he could not possibly know how his +regulations would bear upon the holders of small fiefs and the Christian +tenants and tax-payers in remote parts of the empire. The officials who +formulated the _Kanuns_ for him were only a little better able than he to +judge of such matters; and the persons chiefly affected by the laws were +not consulted at all. Moreover, after issuing his laws the sultan could +not follow them up to see to their execution. In later times, orders to +readjust land titles were sometimes given, but with little further result +than to enrich officials by the bribes which they accepted for declaring +titles good, or by their confiscations of property on which the owners +could not pay enough.[543] Although official corruption was undoubtedly +not so bad under Suleiman as it became later, the suspiciously great +wealth of high officials like Ibrahim and Rustem and the fact that fiefs +and finances were in worse disorder than ever, after no great time had +elapsed, gives evidence that his laws were not faithfully enforced.[544] + +Not much need be said about _Adet_ and _Urf_. _Adet_, or custom, +corresponds primarily to the body of unwritten regulations under which +the Turks of the steppe lands lived. As in most semi-civilized societies, +it was at once far wider in scope, more rigid, and more binding, as +enforced by popular opinion, than written laws in more advanced societies +usually are. Something of these primitive characteristics were carried +over into the Ottoman nation, with all its acquisition of new membership +and incorporation of useful ideas. The conservative character of Islam +strengthened the tendency to perpetuate established custom. It has been +remarked of the caliphate that in no other state have little causes near +the beginning produced such great effects, because of the tendency to +follow precedent minutely.[545] A very similar observation has been made +in regard to the Ottoman state: “The changeless perpetuity of a primitive +institution appears at every step in Ottoman history.”[546] What has been +shall be, was a precept observed by the Ottomans in matters small and +great. The principles of the Sacred Law, the accepted _Kanuns_, and the +local _Adet_ of towns, districts, and manors had almost equally binding +force. In fact, to the unlettered citizen they probably formed one +indistinguishable whole, which seemed almost a feature of the ordering of +nature. Although such sentiments tended strongly toward stability, they +were a great hindrance to improvement. The early Ottomans had adopted +new ideas and institutions with great readiness; but, since they held to +them with equal tenacity, in the course of time they had no room left +for the admission of more novelties. As fusion and combination were +processes little understood, the tendency was thus toward stagnation, +interrupted violently and for short periods when evils became too great +to be endured. But, while the disposition to adhere to the established +order was exceedingly strong among the Ottomans, _Urf_, the will of the +sovereign was recognized to be superior to _Adet_, much as the Creator +was held to be superior to the ordinary operations of nature. The +sultan’s will, however, penetrated but seldom so far as to the masses of +the people. + +_Adet_ supplemented the Sacred Law and the _Kanuns_ in matters which +they did not cover.[547] It differed from district to district, as it +does in the West. _Urf_ was the sovereign will of the reigning sultan; +it was the seat and organ of sovereignty, being absolute to the full +extent in which, according to the Sacred Law, God has delegated the +right of legislation and rule to human beings.[548] The will of a past +sultan could prevail only if it had been expressed in a _Kanun_ and +was enforced by the reigning sovereign. It was by the expression of +_Urf_ that _Kanuns_ were issued or annulled and that _Adet_ was replaced +by _Kanun_. So long as the Sacred Law was untouched, _Urf_ might be +exercised oppressively, cruelly, or unworthily, without giving any one +the right to resist.[549] Against the _Sheri_, however, it had no force; +any attempt to exercise it thus was an invitation to disaster.[550] + +Suleiman was never in danger from transgression of the Sacred Law. A +devout Moslem, whose piety increased in old age, he took seriously +his duty of enforcing its provisions, not even hesitating at such as +were unpopular, like the prohibition of wine-drinking,[551] or at +such as demanded self-sacrifice on his part, like the disapproval of +musical instruments and silver plate.[552] If he did not enact measures +directly to increase the welfare of the common people, his attempts to +regulate the tax and tenancy systems tended to lighten their condition. +Moreover, he used severe measures to put down extortion; and he strove +by his market and police regulations to maintain justice, fairness, and +order.[553] + + +THE VIZIERS + +Ottoman writers represented their government under the figure of a tent +supported by four lofty pillars,[554]—the Viziers, the _Kaziaskers_, the +_Defterdars_, and the _Nishanjis_. It is not safe to press comparisons +too far, however; for, as a matter of fact, the pillars did not bear +equal weight. All four groups of officials were necessary, but they were +not of like importance: the _Nishanjis_ were far less esteemed than the +others; the grand vizier, on the other hand, carried, from the time of +Suleiman, so much greater a burden than any one else that he might be +compared to a central pillar which supported the entire tent. + +The viziers were the chief councillors of the sultan for peace and war, +administration and justice; and they deliberated all important questions +in the meetings of the Divan, which will be described later. The word +vizier means burden-bearer, the idea being that an official so designated +lifted from the shoulders of the sovereign the burden of state, and bore +it upon his own shoulders. The number of viziers was not rigidly fixed, +but in the reign of Suleiman, there were ordinarily four, that being a +sacred number with both Turks and Moslems.[555] All bore the title pasha, +which was sparingly used in the sixteenth century. Ordinary viziers had +no regular responsibilities besides their function as councillors; they +had great incomes from both regular and irregular sources, and kept large +establishments modeled on that of their master.[556] + +In the time of Suleiman, the office of grand vizier reached the climax +of a noteworthy development. Whereas formerly this official had been the +senior member of the sultan’s board of advisers, _primus inter pares_, he +now became a personage far above his fellow-viziers. His position came +to differ from theirs not merely in degree, but in kind, a difference +typified by the fact that, in reporting to Suleiman after the meetings of +the Divan, none spoke but the grand vizier.[557] This development of the +office seems to have resulted from Suleiman’s willingness to entrust much +power to a chosen instrument, who would thus relieve him of many of the +immense cares of empire. Ibrahim first held his master’s confidence for +many years. Later Rustem came to full power, supported by the wife and +the favorite daughter of the monarch. In Suleiman’s last years he left +well-nigh everything to Ali and to Mohammed Sokolli.[558] + +The grand vizier thus came practically to wield the sovereign power of +the Ottoman state: the sultan might almost discharge his mind of public +care. That is why it became easy for Selim II and his successors to +withdraw into the harem, and devote most of their energies to carousing +and debauchery. Had the position of the grand vizier been more secure, +this change might have been for the good of the Ottoman state, as +affording a means of supplementing the scanty abilities of weak sultans +by those of the ablest men of the empire. In the case of Mohammed +Sokolli, and of the Kiuprilis three generations later, such was to be +the fact. More often, however, the place of grand vizier was to be so +thoroughly at the mercy of harem intrigue that only a master of this art +could retain his precarious position by immense efforts, such as would +leave a mere remnant of his energies free for the service of the state. +The increase under Suleiman of the relative power of the grand vizier was +thus a dangerous and eventually a disastrous development. + +It is clear that the grand vizier fully deserved the name of +burden-bearer. Whereas even so earnest a sovereign as Suleiman appears to +have had a sufficiently leisurely life in time of peace, in spite of his +great responsibilities as head of a despotic government,[559] his grand +viziers must have been kept fully occupied. He that has been called the +greatest of all viziers, the _Nizam al-mulk_, spoke out of his experience +when he said: “It is necessary that the sovereign consider with his +vizier affairs of state and all that concerns the army, the finances +and general prosperity. He must needs give attention to the measures +which should be taken against the enemies of the empire and everything +that relates to the subject. All these matters give rise to a great many +annoyances and preoccupations and put the spirit to torture, for they do +not leave a single instant of repose.”[560] + +The grand vizier represented the sultan as head of the civil and +military administration and as supreme judge.[561] He appointed the +highest officials in these departments. He presided over long sessions +of the Divan four days in the week. Some of his other duties, cares, +and obligatory ceremonies appear in the catalogue of his ten special +prerogatives:[562]— + +1. He had the care of the imperial seal, with which, on the days of the +Divan, the doors of the treasury and chancery were sealed. The delivery +of the seal was the symbol of investiture with the office of grand vizier. + +2. He might hold a Divan of his own at his palace in the afternoon. This +was an important session of court at which many cases, both great and +small, were decided.[563] + +3. He had the right to be escorted by the _Chaush-bashi_ and all the +_Chaushes_ from his palace to and from the sultan’s palace. + +4. He received visits of state from the _Kaziaskers_ and _Defterdars_ +every Wednesday. + +5. He was honored by the appearance of the officers of the imperial +stirrup every Monday in the Divan. + +6. He went in solemn procession on Friday to the mosque, escorted by +the _Chaushes_, the _Muteferrika_, and others of the outside service in +turbans of ceremony. + +7. He received a weekly visit from the _Agha_ of the Janissaries, and a +monthly visit from the other viziers. + +8. He inspected the city of Constantinople and its markets, escorted by +the judge of Constantinople, the _Agha_ of the Janissaries, the provost +of the markets, and the prefect of the city. + +9. He received a weekly visit of state from various magistrates and +_Sanjak Beys_. + +10. He was honored at the two Bairams with official felicitations from +the other viziers, the _Defterdars_, the _Beys_, the magistrates, and the +generals of the army. + +Customary ceremonies alone were evidently enough to absorb a very large +part of the grand vizier’s time; but they were a mere incident to the +vast amount of administrative and judicial business that demanded his +attention. It is not to be wondered at that the period of service in +this office was short, on the average. The post was a dangerous one; +for the possessor, with all his greatness, was the sultan’s _kul_, and +liable to summary execution if he failed to give satisfaction. Of some +two hundred men who served as grand viziers in the course of five hundred +years, about twenty were executed at the time of their deposition.[564] + +Suleiman’s grand viziers held office for comparatively long periods.[565] +Seven, taken together, served him forty years; Mohammed Piri Pasha, +whom he found in office at his accession, served in all six years, and +Mohammed Sokolli, whom he left in office at his death, served fifteen +years. Thus in sixty-two years there were only nine in all. Three of them +deserve to be called great,—Ibrahim for his splendor, his breadth of +mind, and his continuance in favor, Rustem for his financial shrewdness, +and Mohammed Sokolli for his statesmanship. These three also served the +longest,—Ibrahim thirteen years, Rustem fifteen years in two periods, and +Mohammed Sokolli fifteen years without a break. Four of the nine ended +their service at death, two were deposed and executed, three were simply +deposed. All except Mohammed Piri Pasha were Christian renegades, who had +risen as slaves to the highest honor of the empire. + +The _Kaziaskers_ were, under the sultan and the grand vizier, the heads +of the judiciary of the empire. They sat in the Divan, where they ranked +next to the grand vizier. Since they belonged to the Moslem Institution, +discussion of their duties will be postponed to the next chapter. + + +THE DEFTERDARS, OR TREASURERS[566] + +The great labor of accounting for the receipts and expenditures of +the Ruling Institution in practically all its capacities was under +the care of the two principal _Defterdars_, or treasurers, one for +Rumelia and one for Anatolia, aided by two of lower rank, one for +Aleppo and the southwest and one for the Danubian countries.[567] The +principal _Defterdars_ were men of great position, with large incomes +and households, and possessing the right of audience with the sultan +in regard to matters of revenue.[568] Under them were twenty-five +departments or bureaus, as instituted by the Conqueror, each with a +chief, or _Khojagan_, who directed a number of clerks of different +grades. Between these and the _Defterdars_ were several intermediate +officials, of whom the most important were the two _Rusnamehjis_, or +book-keepers. The total personnel of the treasury department numbered +more than eight hundred.[569] + +A list of the twenty-five bureaus, or _kalems_, with a statement of +the provinces of each, will give an excellent idea of the complicated +financial arrangements of the Ottoman government.[570] Taken as a whole, +they show in outline the economic substructure of the Ruling Institution, +as well as that of the Moslem Institution, with exception of the sultan’s +private treasury, out of which most of the inner service of the court +was paid, and of the provisions for the officers and judges of local +government:— + +1. The _Buyuk Rusnameh Kalemi_, or greater book-keeping bureau, was the +central office to which all the accounts were brought from the other +bureaus. Once or twice a year it drew up a statement of the finances of +the government. The income of this bureau seems to have been the greatest +of all.[571] + +2. The _Bash Muhasebeh Kalemi_, or head bureau of accounts, was the +largest of all in numerical strength, and the second in income. It kept +account of tithes and taxes from the _sanjaks_, of munitions of war of +all kinds, of the pay of the garrisons of Rumelia and Anatolia, of the +receipts and expenses of the intendants of buildings, the admiralty, +the kitchen, forage,[572] the mint, the three powder factories at +Constantinople, Salonika, and Gallipoli, and of the inspector of +artillery. This bureau received copies of all contracts made in the +public service, and it registered and countersigned the entire vast +number of orders on the treasury. + +3. The _Anatoli Muhasebesi Kalemi_, or bureau of accounts for Anatolia +(though it was by no means confined to Anatolia in its scope), kept +accounts for certain domanial lands, for the garrisons in the Aegean +Islands, and for the pensions of veteran soldiers. + +4. The _Suvari Mukabelesi Kalemi_, or bureau of control for the cavalry, +kept account of the salaries of officials of the inner service, of the +_Kapujis_, of the imperial stables, and of all the _Spahis_ of the Porte. + +5. The _Sipahi Kalemi_, or bureau of the _Spahis_, issued orders for the +pay of the _Spahis_ proper, which required to be countersigned by the +head of the fourth bureau. + +6. The _Silihdar Kalemi_, or bureau of _Silihdars_, was similar to the +fifth bureau, except that it was concerned with the _Silihdars_. + +7. The _Haremein Muhasebeh Kalemi_, or bureau of accounts of the Holy +Cities of Mecca and Medina, kept the books of the religious endowments or +_vakfs_ of the imperial mosques, of the salaries of all persons connected +with these mosques, of all other religious endowments in Constantinople +and elsewhere in Rumelia, and of all Rumelian property dedicated to the +Holy Cities. All certificates of nomination to service in connection +with mosques in Rumelia were prepared here, to be presented to the tenth +bureau for the issuance of diplomas. + +8. The _Jizyeh Muhasebesi Kalemi_, or bureau of accounts for the +capitation tax, issued orders yearly for the payment of this tax +according to the estimated number of adult male subject Christians. A +specified number of these orders was sent to each district, which was +held responsible for a corresponding revenue.[573] The income of this +bureau was only a little less than that of the second bureau. + +9. The _Mevkufat Kalemi_, or bureau of tributes, kept account of taxes +paid in kind, of the quantity of grain in the public storehouses of +Constantinople and the border fortresses, and of the grants of supplies +from these stores to the several army corps and to the households of +military and civil _kullar_ who were required to follow the army. + +10. The _Maliyeh Kalemi_, or chancery bureau of the treasury department, +issued diplomas to all employees of mosques who brought certificates +of nomination from the seventh and twentieth bureaus, and to all +administrators of religious endowments and pensioners upon such funds; +and it drew up for the approval of the sultan and the countersignature of +the _Defterdars_ all _firmans_, or administrative orders, that concerned +the treasury department. + +11. The _Kuchuk Rusnameh Kalemi_, or lesser book-keeping bureau, kept the +accounts of the head _Kapujis_, the stewards, and the marine. + +12. The _Piadeh Mukabelesi Kalemi_, or bureau of control for the +infantry, kept the books of the Janissaries and the auxiliary corps of +the standing army. + +13. The _Kuchuk Evkaf Muhasebesi Kalemi_, or lesser bureau of accounts of +religious endowments, kept the accounts of all pensioners and attendants +of the endowed public hospitals, soup-kitchens, insane asylums, and the +like. + +14. The _Buyuk Kalaa Kalemi_, or greater bureau of fortresses, kept +record of the garrisons and of the militia who were liable for the +service of the fortresses of the Danube regions. + +15. The _Kuchuk Kalaa Kalemi_, or lesser bureau of fortresses, kept like +records for fortresses in Albania and the Morea. + +16. The _Maaden Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of mine leases, kept +account of the tribute required from gipsies, of the receipts from gold +and silver mines in Europe and Asia, of the tributes from Moldavia and +Wallachia, and of the customs duties of Constantinople, Adrianople, +Smyrna, Gallipoli, Chios, and other places.[574] + +17. The _Saliyaneh Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of salaries, arranged the +yearly pay of the captains of the fleet, and of the Khan of the Crimea +and some of his officials. + +18. The _Khaslar Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of domanial leases, kept +the books of the domain lands whose revenues were assigned to the chief +ladies of the harem, including the _Sultana Valideh_ and the sultan’s +daughters, and to the high officials of the government.[575] + +19. The _Bash Mukataasi Kalemi_, or head bureau of leases, cared for the +revenues from the domains in some lower Danubian lands, from the rice +fields of Eastern Rumelia, from various salt works, from the fisheries of +the Aegean and Black seas, and from the forests. + +20. The _Haremein Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of leases of the Holy +Cities, was charged with regard to Anatolia, as was the seventh bureau +with regard to Rumelia. + +21. The _Istambol Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of leases for +Constantinople, kept account of the domanial leases of Salonika, Tirhala, +and Brusa, the market dues of Constantinople and Adrianople, the revenues +from silk and from the manufacture of articles in gold and silver. + +22. The _Brusa Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of the leases of Brusa, kept +account of the domanial leases in the neighborhood of that city. + +23. The _Avlonia Mukataasi Kalemi_, kept similar accounts for the island +of Euboea, or Negropont. + +24. The _Kaffa Mukataasi Kalemi_ kept similar accounts for Kaffa and +certain domain lands of Anatolia. + +25. The _Tarishji Kalemi_, or bureau of dates, dated all public documents +that came from the other bureaus, and, at least in later times, prepared +assignments on the public revenues on behalf of creditors of the +government. + +Supplementary bureaus, attached to some of the others, were the bureau +of confiscations and escheats to the crown, the bureau of the tax on +animals, and the bureau of the Christian churches and monasteries. An +additional office of great importance, called the _Oda_ of the treasury +department, attended to the correspondence of the _Defterdars_, to +their reports to the grand vizier and the sultan, and to the forwarding +of leases for sections of the crown lands. Attached to the treasury +department was a special court under a judge appointed by the _Kaziasker_ +of Rumelia, which was designed to adjust disputes between the department +and private citizens. + +A _Defter-emini_, or book-keeper intendant, kept the records of the +fief-holders and administered their estates during vacancies. He was +well paid, and had a staff of clerks.[576] He appears to have been +independent of the _Defterdars_. Two household treasurers were in charge +of the sultan’s personal funds: the eunuch _Khazinehdar-bashi_, already +mentioned as chief of the treasury chamber of pages, guarded the treasure +stored there, and paid the members of the inner service; a second +official, under the authority of the former and apparently called by the +same name, attended to the business of the sultan’s private purse outside +the palace.[577] The sultan had in the castle of the Seven Towers, or +_Yedi-kuleh_, another deposit of treasure which was supposed to be very +large.[578] + +The characteristics of the treasury scheme give evidence that it +developed by a gradual growth without systematic revision at any time. As +new occasions for expenditure arose, they were put in charge of various +bureaus; as new provinces or other sources of fresh income appeared, they +were either assigned to existing bureaus or given to new ones created +for the purpose. The bureaus of Istambol, Avlona, and Kaffa evidently +date from the time of the Conqueror; most of the others must have been +older. That the conquests of Selim and Suleiman were not administered +from Constantinople is evident from a study of the bureaus, and from the +separate listing of the revenues from Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt in +contemporary estimates. Since the authorities give no source of revenue +for the first bureau, which nevertheless seems to have had the greatest +income of all, it is probable that the tribute from the later conquests +was paid into that department, and by it apportioned to bureaus of +expenditure, such as the fourth, the eleventh, and the twelfth. It is +worthy of notice to what an extent the sources of revenue were ear-marked +for expenditure. The second bureau received the tithes and taxes of the +_sanjaks_, and paid them out for munitions of war, the maintenance of +garrisons, and the expenses of the intendants of the outside service of +the court. The third bureau received the revenue from certain domanial +lands, and supported the garrisons of the Aegean Islands and soldiers +who had been pensioned. The eighteenth bureau administered domanial +lands for the support of the harem and high officials. The ninth bureau +received and delivered to the army taxes paid in kind. The seventh, +thirteenth, and twentieth bureaus took revenues from lands assigned by +religious endowment for the support of the Moslem Institution and certain +beneficiaries, and paid them out as stipulated by the givers. + +Instead of one treasury, into which all revenues should come and out +of which all disbursements should be made, there were fifteen or more +bureaus which received, and as many which spent; and some of those which +both received and spent were, except for the oversight of the first +bureau, practically independent institutions. A distinct tendency toward +decentralization of management is manifest. Whatever could be set off +by itself was made as nearly independent as possible, subject only to +inspection and supervision. This policy undoubtedly resulted from the +despotic character of the government. Since one man, the founder of a +despotic state, can attend to only a limited number of duties, he is +forced, as his power develops, to assign more and more responsibilities +to subordinates. The method which most relieves the central management is +to entrust definite duties to definite groups of men, to support these +with sufficient revenues, and then to leave them to themselves. If things +go wrong in any department, the central authority intervenes, punishes +severely those who were responsible, sets things to rights forcibly, +and again leaves the department to itself. The system is very dangerous +unless the central management can be kept constantly strong and able to +assume full control promptly and effectively. This was the case in the +Ottoman Empire until after the time of Suleiman. + +A yet stronger tendency toward decentralization appeared in connection +with local government. Each _Beylerbey_ had his own _mufti_, _reis +effendi_, and _defterdar_, with a considerable body of clerks, who +advised him, recorded his decisions, attended to the revenues from the +estates assigned for the support of his household, and kept account of +the fief-holders in his dominion.[579] Each _Sanjak Bey_ again had his +group of assistants, with similar duties on a lesser scale.[580] Some +generations later the extension of this decentralization was to become a +great evil. + +The duties of the bureaus of the treasury department reveal clearly the +limited purposes and activities of the Ottoman government. The support +of the Ruling Institution as standing army, court, and government was +provided for; the revenues assigned by former sultans and by private +individuals to the support of the Moslem Institution in its religious +and charitable aspects were supervised; the navy was provided for; and +the _Khan_ of the Crimea was pensioned. But nothing was done for the +great mass of the population. They were expected to furnish the means for +these activities; and the duty of the most conscientious sovereign was +fully performed if he provided that they should labor unmolested, and +should not be burdened with taxation beyond their ability to pay. Under a +strong ruling hand the Ottoman system easily maintained order through the +standing and feudal armies, but it did not so easily regulate the burden +of taxation. This subject deserves special consideration. + + +TAXATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE[581] + +A distinction was drawn between taxes authorized by the Sacred Law, +which were called legal, and all others, which were called arbitrary +as depending on the will of the sovereign. The early Islamic system +of taxation, taken over, it would seem, from the Sassanian Persian +Empire,[582] was extremely simple. No taxes were laid except on land and +on persons. The lands of Arabia and Bosra were charged with a tithe, +or _’ushr_, of their produce. Other conquered lands were more heavily +burdened, being assessed with a _kharâj_, or tax payable in money, and +with a share of the produce, which might be from the tenth to the half +according to the fertility of the land. The tax on persons, the _jizyeh_, +was limited to a poll or capitation tax on adult male subjects who were +not Moslems. The _’ushr_, the _kharâj_, and the _jizyeh_ were the only +taxes recognized by the Sacred Law. + +Other methods of taxation were utilized almost from the beginning. +When, with the conquest of Syria and Egypt, the Byzantine Empire was +entered, it did not seem best to sweep away the customs, tolls, and other +impositions which drew revenue from trade. As such taxes did not rest on +a constitutional foundation, they were discouraged by some legists; but +they became more and more necessary as a worldly government developed, +and as the revenues from a large part of the land were set aside for +religious foundations. + +The early Islamic state also had a vast source of revenue in booty. +Four-fifths of this went to the generals and soldiers actually concerned +in conquest; the remaining fifth was sent to Medina. After the capital +had been removed from Arabia, the “Prophet’s fifth” was still claimed for +the support of legists and judges. + +The Islamic system, with its distinction of legal and arbitrary taxes, +its rules regulating the distribution of booty, and its custom of +devoting revenues to religious foundations, was taken up by the Ottoman +state. At the same time the feudal system, based upon both Seljuk and +Byzantine example, was applied to a large part of the lands conquered +from Christians, an arrangement which yielded considerable revenue for +the support of individuals; and a host of Seljuk and Byzantine imposts +lengthened the list of arbitrary taxes. Much land was retained as +imperial domain, perhaps in many cases land that was already domain of +the Byzantine emperors and other rulers whom the Ottomans dispossessed. +The conquests in Cilicia, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt were left +under the old regulations, with some clearing away of arbitrary taxes, +and preparing of cadasters in the Turkish language.[583] Hungary was +carefully cadastered, to be administered thus during a century and a +half.[584] Special arrangements and exemptions were made for the foreign +colonists, of a character similar to old Byzantine and Saracen treaties +and agreements. + +As a result of all this, the system of taxation in the Ottoman Empire was +very complex. It contained a great variety of taxes,—on persons, land, +trade, animals, produce, mines, markets, and the like,—differing from +_sanjak_ to _sanjak_ and from town to town; and it collected its income +by various methods and through various agencies. The details of the +system cannot be considered here, but a few general observations may be +made. + +Until the time of Mohammed II the revenues were administered directly by +the treasury department, but this method led to so many malversations +at the cost of the government that he changed the system to one of +tax-farming. By this means the government became sure of its money. The +malversations did not stop, however, but went on now at the cost of +the tax-payers.[585] The taxes of regions of large size were sold by +the treasury, usually to high officers among the _kullar_, who did not +intend to collect the taxes themselves, but sold them again by sections. +This process might be repeated several times, till in the end it would +probably be, not Ottomans, but Christians and Jews who applied the screws +to the unfortunate subjects.[586] The amount wrung from them might easily +be double what the government received. + +The strongly conservative tendency of the Ottoman people showed markedly +in regard to taxation. The taxes that had been agreed upon of old were +paid, but a general revision of the system in the direction of uniformity +was never thought of. The revenues of the empire were thus extremely +inelastic.[587] A special war contribution might be laid, as was done +by Suleiman before Mohacs,[588] and requisitions might be made upon the +inhabitants of a region through which the army passed; but a permanent +increase of revenue was practically impossible. The tendency was in the +other direction. As the value of money declined, not without assistance +from the sultans,[589] all revenues payable in agreed sums declined +likewise. Payments in kind from agricultural products may have increased +for a time under local peace and security, but in the end they were to +diminish also. Treaties with Western nations were so favorable to the +latter commercially as to prevent the receipt of extensive revenues +from foreign customs duties; and such trade must have increased with the +growth of the empire and the increasing luxury of the court. But on the +whole the sultan’s receipts from taxation, aside from the effect of new +conquests, and allowing for the fluctuations in tithes due to good and +bad harvests, were probably not far from stationary. + +The receipts from the sultan’s fifth of booty taken in war, which +included slaves, must have been considerable up to the end of Suleiman’s +reign. They were all devoted, however, to the support of the Moslem +Institution.[590] Tribute came in from several countries, as Moldavia, +Wallachia, Transylvania, Ragusa, from Venice for Cyprus, and after +1547 from Austria for Hungary. This was forced up whenever possible +as punishment for unrest, and was shared by the sultan with high +officials.[591] Confiscations of the property of executed persons +brought several great sums to Suleiman. The estates of _kullar_ who +died without children, and the tithes of the estates of those who left +children, constituted a valuable though irregular revenue.[592] The great +treasure of the prince of Gujarat came to Suleiman after the prince’s +death.[593] Something was realized from the administration of the estates +of fief-holders who died without sons; but the lands of these had to +be granted again before long in order to keep up the strength of the +feudal army.[594] Fees connected with the administration of justice went +directly to the support of the judges and other officials concerned.[595] +With regular taxation nearly stationary, the increase from extraordinary +sources did not keep pace with advancing expenditures.[596] + +Suleiman’s expenses grew particularly in regard to the fleet and the +household. Some Western writers remarked that the sultan was put to no +expense by war, since his standing army required to be paid in peace as +well as in war, and since the remainder of his troops came at their own +expense.[597] It is true that his additional expenditure was small as +compared with that for a contemporary Western army, built from a small +permanent nucleus by the hiring of mercenaries and the levy of national +troops which had to be supported by the treasury; but the sultan had +to replace large quantities of munitions of war that were used up or +destroyed, and great numbers of animals of transport. Moreover, the +Janissaries and _Spahis_ had to be placated at times by presents, and it +was more expensive to feed the army in the field than in the barracks. +But the fleet was a great and growing expense, despite the extent to +which it was supported by raiding and by revenues from North Africa;[598] +and the luxury and splendor of the Magnificent Sultan’s court grew apace. +In spite of fresh conquests and large confiscations, therefore, Suleiman +learned to feel the need of money. He found it necessary to compel his +great officials to help him, by exacting sums of money from them at the +time of their appointment.[599] These sums were moderate, but, as already +pointed out, they set a fatal example.[600] + + +SULEIMAN’S INCOME + +Suleiman’s revenues have been variously estimated. The lowest, and +probably the most accurate for the field which it covers, during +the years between 1530 and 1537, is that given by Junis Bey, chief +interpreter of the Ottoman court, and Alvise Gritti, natural son of the +Doge of Venice, and business partner of the grand vizier Ibrahim.[601] +Junis Bey says: “The income of the Great Turk from _kharâj_ or tribute +amounts to 1,300,000 ducats from Anatolia and Greece, and 1,600,000 +ducats from Egypt, and 700,000 ducats from Syria and 150,000 ducats from +Mesopotamia and 250,000 ducats from his farms, the islands which are +under him, and the customs of Constantinople and Pera. Signor Alvise +Gritti says that the income is rather more than less than I have stated, +and I think that the expenses of the Porte or of the Seigneur’s court +consume the entire income or a little less.”[602] + +The total regular revenue of Suleiman would thus have been about four +million ducats.[603] Two estimates made twenty-five or thirty years +later differ notably, however. They indicate about half as much revenue +from Syria and Egypt, allow several times as much from the farms and the +customs duties, and introduce taxes on mines and salt works, tithes paid +in kind, the animal tax, tributes, escheats, and document fees.[604] +According to their estimated total of seven or eight million ducats, +it would seem that a million ducats ought to be added to Junis Bey’s +estimate for the mines, salt works, and tributes, and a million for the +other revenues mentioned. This would give an estimate of six million +ducats for Suleiman’s revenues in the early part of his reign. Toward +the close of his reign, after large territories in Europe and Asia had +been incorporated, and after Rustem had made new arrangements, the total +amount was probably seven or eight million ducats.[605] The bullion value +of six million ducats is less than fourteen million dollars. If, then, +the purchasing power of money be estimated at five times what it is now, +the regular revenue of Suleiman’s government was equivalent to less than +seventy million dollars nowadays, no large sum for so great an empire. It +is necessary to remember, however, that this by no means covers all the +expenses for public purposes within the empire. It probably includes none +of the revenues devoted to the Moslem Institution, nor those specifically +assigned by feudal grant to the officers of local government; certainly +it does not include those gathered by the permanent fief-holders and +used for their own support, which probably amounted to about twice as +much more.[606] Allowing for all this, the sum total, the equivalent +of perhaps two hundred million dollars, for all the expenses of central +and local government was small in proportion to population, according to +modern standards. Had there been no extortion, the people of the empire +would not have been burdened heavily. Even with it, as indicated already, +they probably did not suffer greatly in Suleiman’s time.[607] + + +THE NISHANJI OR CHANCELLOR + +The chancery department of the Ottoman government seems not to have +reached such a stage of development in the sixteenth century as had the +treasury department; certainly it was not so conspicuous. Contemporary +writers give so little information about it that it is hard to draw a +reasonably complete picture of it. They mention several of the officials +who were prominent in the department in later times; but evidently those +of the earlier period were not under the same relationships to each other +as were later ones who bore the same titles. The _Nishanji-bashi_, often +called simply the _Nishanji_, was clearly the chief, but other details +are not easily to be ascertained. It seems necessary, therefore, to +describe the Ottoman chancery as it was two centuries after Suleiman’s +death, and then to endeavor to conjecture what it was in his time.[608] + +In the latter part of the eighteenth century the Ottoman government +had three ministers of state and six under-secretaries of state. The +three ministers were the _Kiaya-bey_, the _Chaush-bashi_, and the _Reis +Effendi_, the last named being by far the most important. The _Kiaya-bey_ +was the substitute or lieutenant of the grand vizier, and attended +especially to affairs of the interior and of war; under him were a +number of officials who formed connecting links between the grand vizier +and the various groups of _kullar_ in the household and the army. The +_Chaush-bashi_ was at the same time second official in the grand vizier’s +court of justice, minister of police, introducer of ambassadors, grand +marshal of the court, and chief of the _Chaushes_. To assist him in the +execution of these varied functions, he had a large number of under +officers and clerks. The _Reis Effendi_, whose full title was _Reis +ul-Khuttab_, “Chief of the Men of the Pen,” was minister of foreign +affairs, secretary of state, and chancellor. In the first capacity he was +prominent in international relations; in the second he was responsible +for the preparation of the addresses and reports which the grand vizier +made to the sultan; in the third, he was head of the three bureaus of +the chancery. In charge of these under him were a _Beylikji_, or general +director of the three bureaus, a _Terjuman Divani Humayun_, or chief +interpreter, and an _Ameji_, who drew up the grand vizier’s reports to +the sultan for the inspection of the _Reis Effendi_. + +Of the three bureaus, the _Beylik Kalemi_ prepared, recorded, or +transmitted, as was proper in each case, _Kanuns_, treaties, and all +_firmans_ that did not concern the treasury department. The _Tahvil +Kalemi_ prepared the diplomas of governors, of judges of large towns, and +of fief-holders. The _Ruus Kalemi_ made out certificates for the clerks +of all bureaus, for _Kapuji-bashis_, professors in endowed colleges, +administrators of religious endowments, pensioners on the treasury or +on religious benefactions, and soldiers of the auxiliary corps of the +regular army. Together the three bureaus kept employed about one hundred +and fifty clerks of three grades, provided for by fiefs. The _Nishanji’s_ +sole duty was to authenticate _firmans_ sent to the provinces, by +tracing at the head of each document the sultan’s _tughra_, or official +signature. He had no influence on the conduct of business, but, as +evidence of past greatness, he ranked above even the _Reis Effendi_ on +ceremonial occasions.[609] + +The under-secretaries were attached by pairs to the ministers. The +_Teshrifatji_, or master of ceremonies, and the _Kiaya Katibi_, or +private secretary, of the _Kiaya-bey_ were attached to the _Kiaya-bey_. +The greater and lesser _Teskerejis_, or masters of petitions, were +attached to the _Chaush-bashi_. The _Beylikji_, mentioned above as head +of the three bureaus of the chancery, and the _Mektubji_, or private +secretary of the grand vizier, in which office he was assisted by a +bureau of thirty clerks, were attached to the _Reis Effendi_. + +It is evident that all the functions of the officials and bureaus +described above must have been performed in some fashion in the time of +Suleiman. The conservative character of Turkish institutions simplifies +the problem of determining how they were performed. It has been seen, +partly by external and partly by internal evidence, that the bureaus +of the treasury department persisted from the time of Mohammed II to +the end of the eighteenth century with few changes. Accordingly, the +inference may fairly be made that the same was true of the chancery +department. Moreover, the chief officials of the later date are mentioned +in sixteenth-century writings, among them the _Kiaya_ of the grand +vizier, the _Chaush-bashi_, and the _Reis Effendi_; Junis Bey held the +position of chief interpreter;[610] and the duties of Suleiman’s master +of ceremonies must have been important. The great change in the chancery +in the interval was the decline of the _Nishanji_ from the highest place +in the department to one of little importance, and the rise of the _Reis +Effendi_ from a subordinate place to the top. From of old the _Nishanji_ +had had the duty of affixing the sultan’s signature to documents; but +in early Ottoman days, when the pen was of very little consequence in +comparison with the sword, he had been held in small esteem. He was +responsible, however, for the accurate and legal formulation of the +papers which he signed; and as the nation grew his importance increased, +till by the sixteenth century he had become a great official, clearly the +head of the chancery department, and the recipient of a large salary. +A description of about the year 1537 says of the _Nishanji_: “There is +a _Teskereji-bashi_, who has the duty of engrossing the ordinances +and commands of the prince and the court, when it has transmitted them +to him, and is like a general secretary of the commands, or recorder +of the documents of the prince, which are called _Teskereh_; and it is +also his duty, in consultation with the pashas, to revise the writings +and take care that they contain no ambiguous expressions, as though +he were a keeper of the seals. The present occupant of the office has +seven thousand ducats of revenue from fiefs, and a large number of +slaves, and other lesser recorders who also prepare commands, licenses, +safe-conducts, and other letters as there may be need. These are paid +here for their trouble, and they may receive three or four hundred +livres. It is said that the present [_Nishanji_] is so just a man, that +he has never in his life received a _sou_ from any one with whom he has +transacted business.”[611] + +The _Reis Effendi_ was at that time, it would seem, little more than +recording secretary of the Divan.[612] The reasons for the later change +in the relative importance of these two officials probably lay in the +withdrawal of the sultan into his inner palace, and the development +of foreign relations. As the sultan became more sequestered, the +_Nishanji’s_ personal relation to him was gradually cut off; for the +same reason the grand vizier came to be more heavily burdened, and left +more responsibility on the _Reis Effendi_. Beginning with Suleiman’s +reign, relations with the Western European nations became ever closer and +more complicated. Cared for in his time by the grand viziers Ibrahim, +Rustem, and Ali,[613] they were entrusted in later reigns to the _Reis +Effendi_. Presently, then, this official displaced the _Nishanji_ at the +head of the chancery, and the latter was gradually reduced almost to the +functions of a name-stamp. Aside from this important difference, and the +general fact that the business of the chancery was not so extensive in +Suleiman’s time as it became later, and that the functions of separate +officials had not come to be so rigidly defined, the inference may be +made that the description of the late eighteenth century holds good +generally of the Ottoman chancery of the sixteenth century. + +Little evidence appears as to the status of the personnel of the treasury +and chancery departments. The upper officials were drawn from the +quieter and more studious members of the school of pages;[614] in the +time of Mohammed II the _Nishanji_ might be drawn from the ranks of the +_Ulema_.[615] Junis Bey refers to the employees of the bureaus sometimes +as slaves and sometimes as companions or scribes. They were paid not in +money but by fiefs. Near the close of Suleiman’s reign, it is said, the +chancery clerks were Turks, whereas they had been Christians and Greeks +not long before, and had written their documents in Greek.[616] Whether +or not this be true, the books of the treasury department had been kept +in Turkish from the first;[617] but it does not follow, of course, that +the clerks of this department had always been Ottomans, or that, if +they were, they had been regularly either Moslem-born or renegades. The +general reasons which led the sultan to build the Ruling Institution +out of slaves in its other aspects would tend to operate here also; on +the other hand, the nature of the work demanded persons of quiet tastes +and, for many positions, those of considerable learning in language and +law, and such persons were more easily to be found in the Moslem-born +population than among the Christian subjects or renegades. It would +seem that in Suleiman’s time, or shortly before, the personnel of the +chancery changed from Christian-born to Moslem-born. Naturally, then, the +personnel of the treasury would have been likely to undergo a similar +transformation at the same time. + +It has been said that when Turks dismount from their horses, they +become bureaucrats and paper-scribblers.[618] Undoubtedly the Ottoman +government gave evidence of the truth of this statement. The twenty-five +bureaus of the treasury and the appended bureaus, the three bureaus of +the chancery, the treasuries and chanceries of _Beylerbeys_ and _Sanjak +Beys_, the offices of the generals of cavalry and infantry, and of the +_Umena_ and other household officials without and within, contained some +thousands of men whose whole time was occupied in writing, recording, and +transmitting laws, ordinances, diplomas, nominations, projects, deeds, +grants, orders for pay, receipts, reports, addresses, petitions, answers, +and the like. The existence of so many component institutions, connected +only at the top and paralleling each other’s activities both near and +far, together with the custom of verifying, authenticating, and recording +many papers in different bureaus and by different officials, created a +vast and growing amount of red tape that in time was greatly to hinder +all government business. Even in Suleiman’s day it seems to have been +the practice on the part of clerks and officials to demand a private fee +for each act of writing or signing or stamping or recording or approving +or inspecting.[619] In the time of prosperity, however, this practice +can hardly have been so vexatious and dilatory as it became later. The +bureaucratic tendency was no doubt based on a desire to keep everything +in order by checks and cross-recording; but in the end it defeated its +object by employing such a multiplicity of devices that order was lost in +confusion. + + +THE DIVAN OR COUNCIL[620] + +In a land where the law was nearly fixed, and where whatever power of +legislation was allowed was definitely lodged in one man, the only +deliberation possible was on administrative and judicial subjects. The +oversight of these matters was given in charge to a council, the Divan, +which held long sessions four times each week throughout the year in +time of peace, unless perhaps in the month of fasting. This council was +composed of _ex officio_ members who represented (when those who came +only on special days are added to those who came each day) all the great +component parts of the Ruling Institution. The Moslem Institution also +was represented in the two _Kaziaskers_; for the grand vizier and the +Divan constituted not only the supreme council of administration but +the supreme court of the empire. It was thus not strictly a part of +the Ruling Institution, but rather the cap-stone of both institutions, +the body that gave final unity, immediately under the sultan, to the +organization of the empire. + +In former times the sultan had presided at the Divan. Suleiman did not, +and he has been greatly blamed for discontinuing the custom.[621] It +is not impossible to sympathize with him, however, for he thus freed +himself from a great burden; to spend several hours in deliberation on +four days of each week during a lifetime is a prospect from which any +man would shrink. Nevertheless, it was a serious rift in both of the +great institutions of the empire at the most dangerous place, and its +effect was decidedly to hasten their disintegration. Suleiman kept the +Divan under control by means of a grated window in the wall of the room +where it met.[622] Not knowing when he might be listening there, his +councillors had always to speak as if he were present with them. + +The arrival of the councillors at the hall of the Divan, their entry, +their places for sitting or standing, their rank at the simple meal of +which they partook while there, the order of their going in to audience +with the sultan afterward, and the manner of their departure, were all +according to _Kanun_ or equally rigid custom. At a later time the details +of these ceremonies were all minutely specified.[623] Probably they were +not so elaborate in the time of Suleiman, but contemporary writings show +them already considerably developed. + +The sessions of the Divan have been described so often that it is not +necessary to go into detail here. Soon after sunrise on Saturday, Sunday, +Monday, and Tuesday the officials who were to participate came to the +palace, accompanied by their secretaries, ushers, body-guards, and other +attendants. They passed the second gate of the palace in the inverse +order of rank, and waited at their prescribed places in the hall of the +Divan until the grand vizier approached, accompanied by his retinue, when +all came out and took places according to rank in two lines, between +which the grand vizier entered. Those who had the right then followed him +in by pairs, and once more took their places.[624] Officials who might +be summoned waited in antechambers near; and attendants, guards, and +soldiers, stood at suitable distances. + +The grand vizier sat Turkish fashion in the middle of a long sofa which +extended round three sides of the hall. On his right sat the other +viziers (unless one or more happened to be absent on a special mission), +and beyond them, on the sofa at the end of the room, the _Nishanji_. On +the grand vizier’s left were the two _Kaziaskers_, and beyond them the +_Defterdars_.[625] The _Beylerbeys_ of Anatolia and Greece, and, after +Barbarossa’s appointment, the _Kapudan Pasha_, sat beyond the viziers +on the right. The _Agha_ of the Janissaries also had a place, and the +chief interpreter was often needed. Other generals and high officials +might be summoned; heads, officials, and clerks of bureaus were at hand; +and _Chaushes_, _Kapuji-bashis_, and _Kapujis_ were in readiness to be +sent on errands and missions. Before the grand vizier, when judicial +business was being considered, stood the _Teskerejis_, or masters +of petitions. On the floor at his left sat the _Reis Effendi_. The +_Kapujilar-kiayasi_, or grand chamberlain of the household, was present; +and the _Chaush-bashi_, as grand marshal of the court, here bearing the +additional title of _Bey_ of the Divan, saw that all went according to +rule. After greetings and other formalities the business was taken up in +order of importance.[626] Great questions, like proposals of ambassadors, +the condition of the provinces, and the possibility or desirability of +war were discussed briefly by the viziers, the others present being +called upon to speak if their views were desired. The grand vizier either +declared the decision on such matters, subject to the sultan’s approval, +or reserved the decision for the master.[627] Lesser matters were decided +by the viziers individually, or were referred by them to the other great +officials present, or to an official in attendance outside. Much of the +time there was no general deliberation, but several affairs might be +considered by different members of the Divan simultaneously. Lawsuits +were presented to the grand vizier by the masters of petitions, and the +parties might appear to plead their own cases, bringing witnesses. The +grand vizier turned over many cases to the _Kaziaskers_. All business was +done with despatch, and a large amount was accomplished. Decisions were +briefly formulated, without discussion of the reasons for action. The +_Reis Effendi_ and lesser secretaries and clerks wrote down carefully all +that was decided upon. After the sultan had signified his approval at the +close of a Divan, the decisions were irrevocable. + +During and also at the close of the session, which might last seven or +eight hours,[628] a simple meal of bread, meat, rice, fruit, and water +was served to all who were in attendance within and without the hall of +the Divan. To meet the expense of this, four days’ pay was reserved each +year from the salaries of all who were expected to attend.[629] Order +was kept most carefully among all who were present within and without +the hall of the Divan, and absolute silence was preserved, except for +such movements and conversation as were necessary to the transaction of +business. Any disturber of order and quiet was taken away and immediately +bastinadoed. + +After the day’s work was done, which might be about noon in summer +time or toward sunset in the winter, those officials of the Divan +who had the right of audience went to the hall of audience to meet +the sultan. They were the viziers, _Kaziaskers_, and _Defterdars_ +regularly, and the _Beylerbeys_ and the _Agha_ of the Janissaries when +they had business;[630] the _Defterdars_, however, received audience +on Sundays and Tuesdays only. The _Kaziaskers_ entered first, and +when their business had been approved they went to the gate and held +court. The _Beylerbeys_, the _Defterdars_, and the viziers entered the +audience chamber together. The _Beylerbeys_ transacted their business +and departed; the _Defterdars_ did likewise, and went to the door of +the treasury to give audience. The ordinary viziers, left behind in the +presence of the sultan, usually said nothing unless asked; the grand +vizier alone reported on the decisions of the day.[631] These the sultan +usually approved as made, sometimes mitigating a decision or himself +dictating a reply to an ambassador.[632] Suleiman was willing to give +a free hand to Ibrahim, Rustem, and Mohammed Sokolli during their long +periods of service.[633] + +In time of war the Divan was held in the grand vizier’s tent, which was +usually pitched near the sultan’s. As all the high officials, and the +heads of bureaus with at least part of their clerks, were present with +the army, much the same ceremony could be gone through with as in the +capital. When the sultan was absent from the city on campaigns, the few +officials of government who were left behind held a secondary Divan on +Saturdays and Sundays. In case of emergency during war-time, or for some +other special reason, a Divan might be held on horseback.[634] + +The Divan of Suleiman was a splendid ceremony, and it transacted a great +amount of administrative and judicial business. A large proportion of +the duties of the principal officials was attended to in its sessions +rather than in private offices; and on particular matters there was a +certain amount of deliberation, though the Ottomans were not a people of +many words. The Divan was by no means a legislative chamber. It was in a +sense a combination of a president’s cabinet and a supreme court;[635] +yet it was unlike both. Its presiding officer was appointed; all its +decisions required the approval of the sultan, who was not present at +its sessions; and all its members were responsible to him for good +behavior on penalty of their lives. It was the highest court in the +land, yet not so much a court of appeal as a court of first instance. It +had no power to judge the validity of laws; yet it was not restricted +in its jurisdiction, since it had cognizance of all civil and criminal +cases that might be presented to it from any part of the empire. In +its judicial aspect, again, its decisions had no validity without the +approval of the sultan. With all its limitations, however, it was of +great value to the Ottoman government. Below the sultan, but above all +institutions of the empire, it bound together at the top the Ruling +Institution and the Moslem Institution, and it united similarly all the +component divisions of each; it was the pivot from which were suspended +all the separate parts of the despotically constructed government. +In it met the ablest men of the empire, chosen by selection after +selection, each one charged with great responsibilities and possessing +power to execute without delay what might be agreed upon. The Divan was +excellently adapted to the general Ottoman system. It enabled the ruler, +with a minimum of care, to keep the closest control over every part of +the empire through extremely intelligent and capable agents, who were +bound to him by gratitude, self-interest, ambition, and fear. It was +a training-school of judges, administrators, and statesmen, since men +ordinarily rose from place to place among its offices as they gained +experience; here they imparted ideas and methods to each other, and +made their abilities known to the highest officials, the grand vizier +and the sultan, with whom lay the power of promotion. Nor was the Divan +wholly destitute of legislative influence. All _Kanuns_ were issued in +the sultan’s name and after his definite approval; yet the information +on which they were based must regularly have come through members +of the Divan, and members of the Divan with their subordinates must +certainly have drawn them up and revised them into shape. Controlling +administration and justice and influencing legislation, the Divan, under +the leadership of the grand vizier, governed the Ottoman Empire for the +sultan. + + +THE RULING INSTITUTION AS A WHOLE + +That which for want of a better name has been called in this treatise +the Ottoman Ruling Institution has now been discussed in all its general +aspects. Space has been lacking for the presentation of many details, +though the attempt has been made to introduce all such as would give +necessary evidence or useful illustration. A few statements intended +to summarize and bind together what has been said will complete the +discussion of the institution. + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution was in its most essential aspect a +government for the Ottoman Empire. In this respect its form was a +despotism, centered in one man, the sultan. Yet the despotism was greatly +circumscribed by a rigid constitutional law, which was firmly grounded +in strong religious belief and intense national conservatism. This law +held the sultan within limited functions, but at the same time it gave +him his right to rule. As a government under this law, the Ottoman Ruling +Institution maintained public order, defended the empire against its +enemies, and endeavored by conquest to enlarge its possessions and with +them the domain of the Sacred Law. A large proportion of its energies +was devoted to obtaining and distributing the means of its own support, +to keeping its own machinery in order, and to maintaining its authority +within the empire. The idea of labor for the public welfare or of +effort toward progress was not present. Change came, not by conscious +striving toward betterment, but by growth, development, and decay, the +effects of which were adjusted when it became necessary. But within such +limits, there was in the sixteenth century a distinct desire, founded on +consciousness of greatness, pride of power, and loyalty to Islam, to have +the government well-ordered and intelligently directed, and to cause it +to bear upon its subjects as evenly and lightly as possible. Suleiman +laid hold of many problems which had arisen, and through the agency of +his ablest servants strove to set his house in order. That he did not +succeed in accomplishing more permanent results was due to the fact that +the task was too great for any man. The institution was too artificial to +endure indefinitely. + +The whole institution kept itself in power, and defended and enlarged the +empire, by being organized as an army. With exceptions, all its officers +of government were soldiers and all its army officers had governmental +duties. It constituted a standing army of cavalry and infantry, aided +by artillery, commissary, and transport services; and it controlled a +much larger feudal and irregular army. Through the feudal army it kept +the country in subjection. By garrisons it held the towns quiet. In case +of rebellion, it threw a great force upon the insurgents, and beat them +down with cruel and resistless energy. For foreign wars it gathered +an enormous but well-controlled host, which was victorious in battle +throughout the reign of Suleiman. It took by siege Belgrade and Rhodes, +but it failed at Vienna and Malta. The weakness of the Ruling Institution +as an army was its essential indivisibility. Only one great war could be +waged at a time, although there were great enemies in two directions; +hence an overwhelming defeat of the principal army would have been +irreparably disastrous. But the army was to suffice for a long period; +and for generations its worst foes were to be, not foreign armies, but +internal rivalries and departures from its constitutive principles. + +To maintain the pomp and ceremony which are attached to the idea of an +empire, especially in the East, and to supply the sultan on a large +scale with all the enjoyments which were considered due to his state, +the Ottoman Ruling Institution was in another aspect a great court +and household. Nearly all its members shared in the display of grand +occasions, many went to the hunt with the sultan, and a large proportion +of them had constant duties of ceremonial and personal service. Suleiman +was known as the Legislator and the Conqueror, but beyond both these +titles as the Magnificent; he shone as head of the government and the +army, but still more as head of the court. Splendor and luxury, however, +are expensive, and in the end his example was to be ruinous. + +All the members of the Ruling Institution were set off as a nobility by +exemption from taxation and by special jurisdiction; but, lest they might +prove a danger to the institution, they were not allowed to transmit +their nobility to their descendants. In the end, however, their special +privilege was to become so desirable that the walls of separation would +be invaded and the institution would be wrecked. + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution, at once the government, the army, and the +nobility of a great nation, was at the same time a genuine slave-family. +Almost all its members were recruited as slaves and remained slaves +throughout their days; their lives and their property were at the +disposal of the sultan; they must obey without hesitation, as all slaves +must obey. Yet their condition was far from being miserable. Their +slavery conveyed no taint: one of them might be married to a protégée +or even a daughter of the great master; their children would never be +reproached because of the father’s status. It was an honor to be the +sultan’s _kul_. Vast wealth and almost royal power and rule might be +theirs; yet each member of the Ruling Institution was actually a slave. + +The most characteristic feature of this institution lay in the fact +that its recruits were almost all drawn from children (born within or +without the empire) of Christian parents, and that before they were +advanced they were expected to become Mohammedans. A twofold motive lay +beneath this policy,—a desire to obtain single-hearted servants and to +increase the number of believers in the Mohammedan faith. Sons of these +converts were sometimes admitted to the Ruling Institution, but their +grandsons practically never. Thus a constant stream of the ablest and +fittest Christian children who were born in or near the Ottoman dominions +were brought into the Ruling Institution, the Ottoman nation, and the +Mohammedan fold. + +The next most characteristic and the most abiding feature of the Ottoman +Ruling Institution was its educational quality. The Christian slaves were +all acquired while young, and were trained with the greatest care to +become useful members of the institution, each in the capacity for which +nature had best fitted him. They were provided with an education which, +if not so general or so advanced as the usual training of modern times, +was more nearly complete. Body and mind, social, moral, and religious +nature, all received attention. The immediate object of this education +was to fit the boys for the sultan’s service in war and government; but +they were also trained to adorn his ceremonies and his court, and to live +by the principles and in the faith of Mohammed. When they were first +admitted, their training was more or less like that in schools of an +industrial, military, and cultural character; but it did not stop with +the attainment of majority. Army, household, bureaus, local government, +and Divan, all were conducted much like schools. Strict discipline was +constantly maintained, slackness was severely punished, and industry and +ability were richly rewarded. The results were well-nigh incredible; +they constitute a wonderful demonstration of how little the human +spirit is limited by the ignorance or the restricted and humble life of +ancestors. With hardly an exception, the men who guided Suleiman’s empire +to a height of unexampled glory were sons of peasants and herdsmen, of +downtrodden and miserable subjects, of unlettered and half-civilized men +and women. It is not easy to decide which is more to be admired, the +ability by which such young men rose, or the confidence with which they +were chosen and expected to rise. If these men had not really risen, if +they had remained boorish, ignorant, and narrow, though elevated to high +position and authority, the facts would be less remarkable than they are. +The evidence is, however, that they really became educated, cultured, +and polished men: to this day their descendants have a manner and charm +that can rarely be found among Western peoples. It is much easier to +understand the whole process and its results in a modern democratic +age and land than it was in feudal Europe of the sixteenth century. +The Ottoman Ruling Institution was from start to finish ingeniously +contrived to develop its members, within the limits of its purposes, to +their utmost capacity. Great authority, great position, great financial +rewards, were offered. Great punishments were not far away from those who +might prove dangerous, treacherous, or even incompatible and inefficient. + +As a result of its careful selection and training of men for society, +war, and government, the Ottoman Ruling Institution, allowing for all +imperfections of structure, was a very efficient and permanent entity. +It was later to endure terrible shocks and losses without destruction; +it was to suffer a partial separation of its component institutions +into hostile bodies, and to witness serious departures from its rules +and principles. But, despite attack from without and disintegration and +decay within, it long stood firm; and, together with its dissimilar +companion, the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, it has kept +the vital spark of that empire alive for more than two centuries after +extinction began to be thought imminent. Even today its abiding spirit +gives promise of lighting a new and very different torch, which, having +burned away the limitations and imperfections that caused the ruin of the +older institution, will yet be the brighter for preserving a democratic +faith in the capacity of the able individual, and a disposition to help +him forward by education and to trust him with all the responsibility +that he is able to bear. Most features of the Ottoman Ruling Institution +cannot live in the twentieth century. Despotism, military rule, personal +privilege, excessive imperial splendor, proselytism, and slavery have +been dethroned in favor of political and religious liberty, equality, +fraternity, separation of church and state, and government by the people. +But the idea of an education which will develop the individual to the +full extent of his capacities is thoroughly modern; and the disposition +to entrust high offices to those who, without regard to ancestry, +are the ablest, and who become by their own efforts and by carefully +supervised training the best equipped, is in advance of the ordinary +practice of Western democracies. Herein lies one of the strongest +elements of hope for the future of the new Turkey, which may thus +preserve continuity with the past. + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution, still thus capable of imparting valuable +ideas, was in its halcyon days a thing of immense moment in the world. +Out of carefully selected but most heterogeneous materials it had built +itself up as a firm, strong, and simple structure, which had gathered a +chaotic mass of petty states and hostile peoples into a great and, by +comparison, a well-governed and durable empire. In the reign of the great +Suleiman no human structure existed which equalled this institution in +wealth, splendor, power, simplicity and rapidity of action, and respect +at home and abroad. + + + + +CHAPTER VII + +THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + + +GENERAL DESCRIPTION + +In a survey of the institutional history of the Ottoman Empire, a study +of the complex organization which was based upon and inspired by the +Mohammedan religion would demand as large a space as that given to the +Ruling Institution. In a discussion of the government of the empire, +however, a much briefer treatment will suffice. The Moslem Institution as +a whole will be sketched rapidly; fuller consideration will be given to +its juristic and judicial features, which especially affected and entered +into the government of the nation. + +The structure of the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, as of +the corresponding institutions in all Moslem lands, was and remains to +the present time wholly different from that of any of the Christian +ecclesiastical organizations. As a mere church it claimed far less place +and influence than they do, but in other aspects it reached out far more +widely. It included all those Mohammedans in the Ottoman Empire, outside +of the Ruling Institution, who were in any way lifted above the level +of the ordinary believer. Islam recognized no organized priesthood, no +aristocracy, and no monks; yet the Ottoman Moslem Institution possessed +groups that were much like each of the three. In addition it had a graded +educational system, with a graded corps of teachers, it contained a +hierarchy of jurist-theologians, and it supplied a classified body of +judges, whose combined jurisdictions covered the whole empire. That which +all persons who constituted this institution had in common was a special +relationship to the Mohammedan religion, sometimes based on birth or +piety, but usually established by intellectual training in connection +with the Book and the Law of Islam. In contrast with the Ottoman Ruling +Institution, the Moslem Institution cannot as a whole be regarded under +several aspects. Like the former, it included component institutions; +but these all grew up from the Mohammedan population and rested on +one broad base, instead of being extended downward from the top. At +the same time, the sultan was the head of this institution, whether +it be considered as a whole or in reference to each of its component +institutions. He and his government appointed its most influential +personages, maintained careful oversight of its financial support, and +kept record of the appointments of all its members who shared in this +support. The two great institutions of the Ottoman Empire were therefore +joined together at the top, and, as will appear, they touched at every +other level both in financial and in governmental relations. + +The fundamental difference of the two institutions lay in the fact that +the members of the Ruling Institution were drawn almost exclusively +from Christian families, and the members of the Moslem Institution even +more exclusively from Mohammedan families. While it is likely that the +majority of the Mohammedan families had sprung from Christian ancestors +not many generations back, it is also true that Islam acts rapidly upon +the spirit of converts. Accordingly the two institutions were very +differently constituted. Between them arose a rivalry of tendency and +influence which was to become extremely harmful to the Ottoman state. + +In this treatise the financial side of the Moslem Institution will be +considered, the four great groups of its membership will be discussed in +the proportion of their relation to the government, and some attention +will be given to the institution as a whole. + + +FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION[636] + +As already stated, a large proportion of the land of the Ottoman Empire, +perhaps one-third,[637] was set aside as _vakf_, or religious endowment. +Much of this had been so devoted by sultans, and in such cases the +imperial treasury could use for its own purposes none of the revenue or +income from these lands. Other parcels of land had been set apart by +private individuals, in these instances the treasury receiving for its +own use the same revenues as before the endowment, while the surplus +income from the land was devoted to the purposes specified by the giver. +Each tract of such land was by the original act of endowment assigned to +a particular object, and a _Muteveli_ or administrator and a _Nazir_ or +inspector were appointed to take care of it. In a large proportion of +cases a high official of the government or household, such as the grand +vizier, the _Mufti_, the _Kapu Agha_, or the _Kizlar Agha_, was put in +charge _ex officio_ in one or the other capacity, on the theory that, +being near the person of the sultan, he would be subject to constant +control. In course of time the _Kizlar Agha_, the grand vizier, and +the _Mufti_ found it necessary to organize the properties under their +charge by holding private Divans of the subordinate administrators and +inspectors, and by appointing _Mufettishes_, or special judges, each with +a staff of subordinates and travelling inspectors.[638] + +Although every tract of land was assigned for a definite object and +placed under specified guardians, the _vakfs_ were a matter of public +record, and the accounts of all were kept by the treasury department in +the appropriate bureaus. The subjects who lived on _vakf_ lands seem to +have been better treated than those on lands of other sorts, just as in +the West in the Middle Ages the serfs of the church were often better off +than other serfs.[639] There were three classes of _vakfs_,—the regular +_vakfs_ of the mosques, the _vakfs_ for charitable purposes, and the +customary _vakfs_ of the mosques. The last were chiefly in the nature of +investments of the funds of the mosques, and were according to _Kanun_ +rather than _Sheri_.[640] In the second class were included endowments of +schools, libraries, hospitals, bridges, fountains, caravanserais, public +baths, convents for dervishes, and the like. The narrow provision of the +Ruling Institution for public service was in this way supplemented.[641] +The first class deserves further attention. + +The chief material unit in connection with the Moslem Institution was the +mosque. Each great mosque was a large house of worship, with a group of +smaller institutions clustered about it, such as colleges, law schools, +hospitals, insane asylums, and soup-kitchens. For the support of these +and of all persons who conducted them, the income from the _vakfs_ of +the mosque was applied. In many cases the lands which had belonged to +Christian churches before the Ottoman conquest were assigned as _vakfs_ +for the support of the mosques into which the churches were converted. +For example, the grounds of the sultan’s principal palace had belonged +to the church, and were assigned as _vakf_ to the mosque of Aya Sofia. +When Mohammed II took them for his palace he pledged a revenue of one +thousand and one aspers a day to the great mosque.[642] This church was +one of eight in the city of Constantinople which were so treated.[643] +The revenue of Aya Sofia was estimated at two hundred thousand ducats a +year.[644] The income of the principal mosques being much larger than +the expenses, a considerable portion of the surplus was used by the +guardians for their own benefit, although they were supposed to receive +no compensation, but to labor for the love of God. The fact is that +many of the sultan’s _kullar_ provided an inheritance for their sons +and descendants by setting apart for specific purposes lands in _vakf_, +of which the desired persons should be administrators, it being clearly +understood that a portion of the income should be retained by them.[645] +The remainder of the surplus was held in a special treasury by the +appropriate bureaus, or was reinvested in customary _vakfs_, or was lent +to the government. The _vakfs_ as a whole supported all the official +members of the Moslem Institution, except that the judges derived much +of their income from fees and fines.[646] The treasury department +received and controlled all the revenues from _vakfs_, and paid from the +appropriate funds all who were duly certified as recipients of salaries +and pensions. + +All the _Ulema_, in connection with their support from semi-public funds, +possessed the noble privilege of immunity from taxation. Since the +rendering of justice was in their hands, they had their own justice. In +addition, their property was not subject to confiscation; and, since they +were not _kullar_, it passed by inheritance to their relatives and never +to the sultan. All these privileges gave the learned class in the Ottoman +Empire the prestige of nobility, besides great financial advantage.[647] + + +THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM + +Like the Ruling Institution, the Moslem Institution contained and +embodied an educational system which was of its essential structure. +Through it, from the time of Mohammed II, the great majority of the +members of the institution, including all who expected promotion, +were required to pass; accordingly, they bore as a body the name of +the _Ulema_, or learned men.[648] The schools, supported by _vakfs_ +and attached to mosques, were in three grades: the _mektebs_ or +primary schools, known in the sixteenth century as _okumak-yerleri_ or +reading-places; the ordinary _medressehs_ or colleges; and the higher +_medressehs_ or law schools, of university grade. The _mektebs_ taught +Arabic reading and writing and the Koran; the _medressehs_ gave a course +of ten studies resembling the Seven Arts of the West;[649] the law +schools taught the group of sciences connected with the Koran and the +_Sheri_ and including both law and theology.[650] + +There was no compulsory education; nor could the system, by reason of +the individual character of its foundations, be universal for Mohammedan +children. But it may be supposed that any Moslem parent, the inhabitant +of a town of some size, who desired his son to learn the rather difficult +art of reading and writing Turkish and Arabic, or even to enter upon a +learned career, was not devoid of an opportunity. Furthermore, where +primary schools existed the instruction was free, and some students were +even fed and lodged;[651] the students in the _medressehs_ were also +partially supported, and those in the law schools received a sufficiency. +This system, which dated back at least to the twelfth century in Moslem +lands, probably in the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century gave +better opportunity for education to Moslem boys than was afforded to +Christian children in any land until a much later date. The Ottomans +believed thoroughly in education; but, unfortunately, their conservatism +was in course of time to turn a beneficent institution into a harmful +one. No change of consequence, either in methods of teaching or in +subjects of study, was permitted from century to century; hence the +training that had once carried its earnest pupils to the forefront of +human knowledge was in time to hold them firmly at a stage which the rest +of the world had long passed through and left far behind. + +The _medressehs_ were very numerous in the empire;[652] the mosque of +the Conqueror had eight, that of Suleiman five. It was Suleiman who +set the gradations of the system in their final form. All who aspired +to any official position in the Moslem Institution must pass through a +_medresseh_ of some degree. On first entering they were called _Softas_, +or more properly _Sukhtas_, as those who were _inflamed_ with the +desire for learning. The students were in different grades, but there +seems to have been no fixed number of years of study; the instruction +being largely individual, each could proceed as rapidly as he was +able. On finishing, they received a sort of master’s degree and were +called _Danishmend_, which appears in several of the early sources as +_Talisman_.[653] Such students as were content to teach primary schools, +or to attend to ecclesiastical duties, needed to study no longer. + +Those who aspired to become jurists or judges had to pursue a long course +in law in the higher _medressehs_. At the end of this time they were +examined personally by the _Mufti_, or chief jurist, and if successful +they were dignified with the title of _Mulâzim_, or candidate. Those who +did not aspire to the higher judicial positions ended their preparation +at this point. The more ambitious sought appointment, for which they were +now qualified, as _Muderisler_, or professors, in _medressehs_ of low +grade. The _Muderisler_ received large salaries, which increased as they +rose. They were in three classes,—the _Muderisler_ of Constantinople, +of Adrianople and Brusa, and of the other cities of the empire. The +_Muderisler_ of Constantinople numbered about four hundred; they were in +ten grades, distinguished according to the subjects which they taught. +Those of other cities than the capital, and those at the capital who +did not pass through all the grades, became either jurists or judges +of lesser degrees. Those who wished to reach the higher judgeships +were obliged to pass through all ten grades. Since this was so long a +process as regularly to bring a man to gray hairs before he reached the +top, the rigid grading early began to be circumvented by the practice +of inscribing the sons of _Ulema_ as _Muderisler_ while they were very +young, substitutes being hired to teach in their places.[654] By the age +of thirty or forty they would thus be able to attain high position. A +continuance of this process, combined with the immunities and privileges +of the _Ulema_, was in time to lead to great accumulations of wealth in +the hands of a few families, who would be able to keep most of the high +judicial offices within their own numbers. + + +CLERGY, SEIDS, AND DERVISHES + +The clergy of the Ottoman nation were, as has been shown, of no great +education, and they seem to have possessed less influence than the +priests of any other religion.[655] They were in five classes: the +_Sheiks_, or preachers; the _Khatibs_, or leaders of Friday services; the +_Imâms_, or leaders of daily services; the _Muezzins_, who intoned the +call to prayer; and the _Kaims_, or caretakers of the mosques. + +The _Seids_, also known as _Emirs_ or _Sherifs_, were a class apart +among the Ottomans. They were not properly members of the _Ulema_, +unless, like others, they passed through the schools; they owed their +distinction rather to a real or assumed genealogy which carried their +ancestry back to the Prophet Mohammed. They alone were privileged to +wear a green turban. They were numerous; but the claims of many were +doubted, and some of them seem to have possessed reputations that were +far from savory.[656] They constituted the only hereditary nobility among +the Ottomans, but their privileges appear to have been personal rather +than financial: they were not to be struck, for example, on penalty +of severe punishment, and they had their own justice. Great honor was +shown to two members of this nobility, descendants of the Prophet: +to the _Mir-Alem_, the sultan’s standard-bearer, who was regularly a +_Seid_, and had precedence of all the officers of the army; and to the +_Nakib ol-Eshraf_, head of the _Seids_, who ranked second in the Moslem +Institution, and at the ceremonies of Bairam had precedence even of the +_Mufti_. The _Nakib ol-Eshraf_ was appointed by the sultan for life; +that member of the _Ulema_ who was a _Seid_ and who ranked highest when +the place fell vacant was ordinarily chosen. He had a staff of officers +and clerks in the capital and the provinces, and was head of the separate +jurisdiction of the _Seids_. Under the sultan he held despotic authority +over all _Seids_; and, when the sovereign ordered the punishment or death +of one of them, the _Nakib ol-Eshraf_ was commissioned to carry out the +execution. + +Dervishes also were not members of the _Ulema_. They were of many orders, +though sixteenth-century observers seem to have been impressed with but +four.[657] They represented in Islam the monks, the hermits, and the +begging friars of Christianity. Through them heresies spread, uprisings +were concocted, mobs were gathered, and holy war was preached. On more +than one occasion they endangered the power of the government.[658] Many +were honest, God-fearing folk, while others were scarcely more than +tramps and wandering thieves. + +Clergy, _Seids_, and dervishes represented the merely religious side +of the Moslem Institution. Islam was fundamentally a religion without +priests, monks, or nobles; and these persons never grew to possess +permanent influence and power in the Ottoman state.[659] + + +JURISTS AND THE MUFTI + +A number of the _Ulema_ who had finished the law course, and who at some +previous time had chosen to become counsellors and jurists rather than +to take up the severer and more active judicial career, constituted a +distinct body, the _muftis_, who were held in high esteem. One of these +was assigned as associate to the judge of every important city, to the +number of about two hundred in all, while others were counsellors for +the _Beylerbeys_ and _Sanjak Beys_. Appointed for life, they lived in +retirement, having no initiative of action. When the judge, _Bey_, or any +private citizen, confronted by a case or other matter which involved a +learned knowledge of the Sacred Law, submitted to one of them a question +in writing, usually in the form of a hypothetical case, it was the duty +of the _mufti_, after careful consideration of the question in the light +of the law books of the school of Abu Hanifa, to give an answer that +applied the Sacred Law to the matter concerned. These answers, which +were called _fetvas_, were usually extremely concise and unaccompanied +by reasoning; they were prepared and sealed in solemn form.[660] When a +judge or a _Bey_ proposed to his _mufti_ a question touching a pending +law case, the _mufti’s_ response ordinarily settled the case. Private +citizens who obtained _fetvas_ ordinarily did so to help their causes +in pending law suits; here again a pertinent question and answer would +usually settle the case. Since there was no class of professional +lawyers, the _muftis_ were a necessary and very useful body. + +In ordinary cities the _mufti_ ranked after the judge. This was not the +case in Constantinople, where the sultan and his officers of government +frequently had questions to present which touched matters of the highest +public importance. As a consequence the _mufti_ of Constantinople became +_par excellence_ the _Mufti_. Mohammed II assigned to him also the title +of _Sheik ul-Islam_, the Ancient of Islam, which in later times was to +become his ordinary title. The _Mufti_ was not regularly chosen from +among his fellows, but was usually advanced by the sultan from the active +judicial service.[661] He had the right to appoint and promote all the +other _muftis_ of the empire. A special bureau called the _Fetva-khaneh_ +was created by Suleiman to assist the _Mufti_ in preparing decisions. + +The _Mufti_ was definitely constituted by Suleiman the head of the +_Ulema_;[662] and as such he outranked all officials of government, +except that he yielded place to the grand vizier on ordinary occasions. +He was almost the equal of the sultan himself, since he was the expounder +and representative of the Sacred Law, which was above the sultan. +Bayezid II was accustomed to stand to receive the _Mufti_, and to give +him a seat above his own.[663] Early in Suleiman’s reign it was said, +“The Turk shows his [_Mufti_] the greatest reverence of any man in +his realm, because he represents justice and the image of God.”[664] +Sixteenth-century Westerners compared the _Mufti_ with a “very great +cardinal,”[665] but more often with the pope.[666] The _Mufti_ had, +however, no temporal authority and no active part in affairs; like +his brethren in lesser cities, he could give responses only when his +opinion was asked. He could, however, rightly be compared with the pope +in dignity and in the magnitude of the matters with which he dealt. His +alone was the right to proclaim that war should be begun, and to send +out preachers to declare that the war was holy and incumbent on all +Moslems. He was frequently consulted by the sultan as to the conformity +of proposed _Kanuns_ with the Sacred Law.[667] In his hands rested the +extreme responsibility of pronouncing that a sultan had transgressed +the Sacred Law and ought to be deposed. In short, though he could claim +no divinely delegated power to create new rules of faith or law, he was +the final earthly authority in the interpretation of the Sacred Law as +completed by Mohammed the Prophet. He exercised a function similar to +what in the United States of America is the highest office of the Supreme +Court,—the power of defending the Constitution. In this capacity the +_Mufti_ often withstood the sultan. _Urf_ was subordinate to _Sheri_, +and in case of conflict the former must yield; therefore the sultan, who +embodied the former, could not override the _Mufti_, who represented the +latter. A century after the time of Suleiman it was said:— + +“The _Mufti_ is the principal head of the _Mahometan_ Religion or Oracle +of all doubtful questions in the Law, and is a person of great esteem +and reverence amongst the _Turks_; his Election is solely in the Grand +Signior, who chuses a man to that Office always famous for his Learning +in the Law, and eminent for his vertues and strictness of Life: his +Authority is so great amongst them, that when he passes Judgment or +Determination in any point, the Grand Signior himself will in no wise +contradict or oppose it.... + +“In matters of State the _Sultan_ demands his opinion, whether it be in +Condemnation of any great man to Death, or in making War or Peace, or +other important Affairs of the Empire; either to appear the more just +and religious, or to incline the People more willingly to Obedience. And +this practice is used in business of greatest moment; scarce a Visier +is proscribed, or a _Pashaw_ for pretence of crime displaced, or any +matter of great alteration or change designed, but the Grand Signior arms +himself with the _Mufti’s_ Sentence; for the nature of man reposes more +security in innocence and actions of Justice, than in the absolute and +uncontroulable power of the Sword. And the Grand Signior, tho he himself +is above the Law, and is the Oracle and Fountain of Justice, yet it is +seldom that he proceeds so irregularly to contemn that Authority wherein +their Religion hath placed an ultimate power of Decision in all their +Controversies.”[668] + +The power of the _Mufti_ in the sixteenth century may be illustrated by +one or two instances. In the early years of the century, shortly before +the appearance of the Reformation movement in Western Europe, the Ottoman +Empire was threatened by the presence of large numbers of heretics in +Asia Minor, simultaneously with the rise of a strong Mohammedan heretical +power in Persia. Selim the Grim disposed of the heretics in his dominions +by wholesale execution,[669] and punished, though he failed to crush, +the Persians by the defeat of Khaldiran and the annexation of a large +part of their territory. After he had got rid of Mohammedan heresy in his +dominions, he was impressed with the absence of unity occasioned by the +presence of the Christian subjects.[670] Accordingly he decided to order +all these Christians to accept Islam on pain of death. To say that he +desired to execute the Christians of his dominions would be to put the +emphasis in the wrong place. He seems rather to have had in mind such a +process as was carried through in Spain in the course of the sixteenth +century, as a result of which none were left in that land who professed +another than the dominant religion. + +But here the _Mufti_ Jemali intervened decisively. He had readily given +a _fetva_ authorizing the extermination of the heretics as in accordance +with the Sacred Law, and he was later to sanction the Persian and the +Egyptian wars. In this case, Selim, it is said, deceived him by a +hypothetical question into giving a response which might be interpreted +to authorize the forcible conversion of the Christians. After the order +was issued, however, Jemali, awakened to the situation, put the Greek +Patriarch in possession of a sufficient defence by showing him that the +Sacred Law provided that Christians who had accepted Mohammedan rule and +agreed to pay _kharâj_ and _jizyeh_ (land tribute and poll-tax) were, +aside from certain regulations, to be left unmolested in the exercise +of their religion. This provision the Patriarch, as instructed by the +_Mufti_, claimed to be an irrevocable and eternal compact; therefore, +he urged, since Selim’s intention was contrary to it, his purpose +was unlawful and must be abandoned. The argument prevailed, and the +Christians were not disturbed as to their faith. + +It may be remarked that Selim’s idea was an excellent one from the +point of view of statesmanship, and would, in the end, have resulted +in a great advantage to the Moslem Institution. As pointed out in the +first chapter, the Christian churches in the Ottoman Empire constituted +a group of organizations that were parallel and rival to the Moslem +Institution; hence their removal would have left it a free field. Whether +its unopposed action would, in the long run, have been an advantage to +the empire and to the world is a matter for speculation which would be +out of place here; but as a state the Ottoman Empire would have been +notably unified by the clearing away of these institutions. They were +old, strong, and of a tenacious vitality; in them centered the hopes and +aspirations of the subject Christians; while they persisted, complete +amalgamation of the population was impossible; they were to keep alive a +sentiment of nationality and separatism that three centuries later was +to break off great sections from the empire. It seems clear, then, that, +had Selim been able to carry out his purpose, the history of the Levant +since his time would have been very different from what it has been. But +the _Mufti_, as guardian of the Sacred Law, was right. The position of +the Christian subjects rested on a firm constitutional foundation.[671] +The Prophet Mohammed himself, nine centuries before Selim, had made the +religious and social unity of the Ottoman Empire forever impossible. +He had also made political unity impossible at that time; for in the +sixteenth century political, apart from religious, unity was not +understood in either the East or the West. Only in the twentieth century +was Turkey to arrive at a new hope of political unity through an attempt +to remove religious differences from a position of great influence upon +the state. + +Another instance of the _Mufti’s_ power occurred in the reign of +Suleiman, who, as a willing servant of the Sacred Law, freely recognized +the greatness of the _Mufti’s_ position. The _Mufti_ Ebu su’ud was one +of the most distinguished ornaments of the Legislator’s reign. He had +passed through all the stages of advancement among the _Ulema_, and had +been _Kaziasker_ eight years when he was constituted _Mufti_. He wrote a +great commentary on the Koran, and it was he who collected the best-known +_Kanun-nameh_ of Suleiman.[672] This man was closely connected with +one of those sorrowful events which made the reign of Suleiman, great +as it was in victory, splendor, and learning, equally great in tragic +ruin of hope. Suleiman must have passed through many hours of torturing +indecision before he determined upon the execution of his eldest son, +Mustapha; and in so great a matter he needed to consult the guardian of +the Sacred Law. The story of the part which the _Mufti_ played shall +be told by Busbecq, who appears for the last time in the pages of this +treatise:— + +“Solyman had brought with him [to Amasia, where he joined the army] his +son’s death doom, which he had prepared before leaving home. With a view +to satisfying religious scruples, he had previously consulted his mufti. +This is the name given to the chief priest among the Turks, and answers +to our Pope of Rome. In order to get an impartial answer from the mufti, +he put the case before him as follows:—He told him that there was at +Constantinople a merchant of good position, who, when about to leave home +for some time, placed over his property and household a slave to whom he +had shown the greatest favour, and entrusted his wife and children to his +loyalty. No sooner was the master gone than this slave began to embezzle +his master’s property, and plot against the lives of his wife and +children; nay, more, had attempted to compass his master’s destruction. +The question which he (Solyman) wished the mufti to answer was this: +What sentence could be lawfully pronounced against this slave? The mufti +answered that in his judgment he deserved to be tortured to death. Now, +whether this was the mufti’s own opinion, or whether it was pronounced at +the instigation of Roostem or Roxolana, there is no doubt that it greatly +influenced Solyman, who was already minded to order the execution of his +son; for he considered that the latter’s offence against himself was +quite as great as that of the slave against his master, in the case he +had put before the mufti.”[673] + +The _Mufti’s_ power in reality went beyond the field of interpretation +and entered upon that of legislation. It is well known how much the +Supreme Court of the United States of America has extended the powers of +the federal government by the interpretation of the Constitution. The +_Mufti_ acted similarly, though with less freedom, in interpreting the +Sacred Law. His power in this direction was recognized by some Ottoman +Mohammedans: “The _Mufti_ hath a spacious Field for his Interpretation; +for it is agreed that their Law is temporary, and admits of Expositions +according to times and state of things. And though they Preach to the +People the perfection of their _Alchoran_; yet the wiser men hold, that +the _Mufti_ hath an expository power of the Law to improve and better it, +according to the state of things, times and conveniencies of the Empire; +for that their Law was never designed to be a clog or confinement to the +propagation of Faith, but an advancement thereof, and therefore to be +interpreted in the largest and farthest fetched sense, when the strict +words will not reach the design intended.”[674] + +The _fetvas_ of the _muftis_ amounted in practice to a body of +legislation which was intermediate between the _Sheri_ and the _Kanuns_: +they partook of the sacred character of the former, as being based +directly upon it; they were, like the latter, of a modern and practical +nature derived from recent application to actual cases. In the _fetvas_, +however, nothing radical or startling could ever be attempted; novel +features were obliged to be of a most inconspicuous character. The +_fetvas_ as a whole caused some development in the Sacred Law, but their +combined additions were altogether too slight to keep it abreast of the +march of events. + +In reality, the _muftis_ occupied the most influential position in the +Moslem Institution and perhaps in the Ottoman state. Usually inferior +to judges and officers of government in income and display, and giving +no direct impulse to affairs, they nevertheless wielded the greatest +continuous power in the state,—the quiet, steady, almost changeless, +almost irresistible, force of Mohammedanism. They were “guardians of +the laws” in as full a sense as any Greek could wish. Their authority +rested, first, on the acceptance by the entire Moslem population of the +absolute supremacy of the Sacred Law, and, second, on the recognition by +the same population that they, who had acquired learning in the Law by +long years of arduous mental labor, and who had chosen to continue in +its study rather than take up its more active and lucrative application +in service on the bench, were the persons through whom its supremacy on +earth was rightly to be maintained. Thus by popular consent the _muftis_ +constituted the conservative, regulative force in the Ottoman state. They +were destined to contribute very largely to the empire’s durability, +which, despite frightful shocks, disasters, and losses, was to continue +far beyond the expectation of the world. + +The _muftis_ did their work only too well. The idea of the changelessness +of the Sacred Law was essentially hostile to progress. Although +considerable flexibility was possible under its provisions, the +flexibility lay in its application to particular cases, and hardly at all +in the law itself. When the Ottoman power began to rise, scholasticism +was at its height, both in Christianity and in Mohammedanism. From +this blighting theological and philosophical bondage, which tended to +extend its deadening sway over all the activities of the human spirit, +Christendom was delivered by the Renaissance and the Reformation. The +Ottoman mind, on the contrary, continued to be held under it till the +most recent years. That it remained so long in bondage, with scarcely a +struggle to escape, was due very largely to the authority of the _Ulema_. +They who accomplished much toward building the Ottoman state into a solid +structure, and toward maintaining it against foes without and within, +also held it nearly stationary while the rest of the world moved on. + + +THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM[675] + +The judges who belonged to the corps of the _Ulema_ had jurisdictions +that were based upon territory, and that covered the whole empire to +an even wider extent than did the administration of the government. +The Crimea and North Africa, though under vassal governments, formed +part of the Ottoman judicial system.[676] The tribunals of the judges +seem to have been competent for all kinds of cases, whether civil or +criminal, and whether covered by the _Sheri_, the _Kanuns_, _Adet_, +or none of these.[677] But, as has been seen, they were not competent +to try all persons. The _kullar_, the _Seids_, and the members of the +foreign colonies had their separate systems of justice; even the subject +Christians, in matters between themselves, had their own ecclesiastical +tribunals to which they regularly resorted. Cases concerning the +administration of certain groups of _vakf_ lands were tried in special +courts, which were, however, presided over by members of the regular +judicial body. The fief-holders had seigniorial jurisdiction in certain +matters; and the officers of local government seem also to have had +independent right to decide cases outside the sphere of the Sacred Law, +whether covered by _Kanun_, _Adet_, or unprovided for.[678] The judges +of the Moslem Institution, therefore, tried all cases involving the +Sacred Law which arose within the empire, and which were between Moslem +and Moslem or between Moslem and Christian (except when the Moslem was a +_kul_ of the sultan or a _Seid_), as well as a large proportion of the +cases which were outside the sphere of the Sacred Law. + +Nearly all judges were judges of cities, having jurisdiction also over +the surrounding territory;[679] exceptions were the _Mufettishes_ of +the _vakf_ lands, the judge who accompanied the _Kapudan Pasha_ on his +annual cruise to the Aegean Islands, the two _Kaziaskers_, and the +grand vizier. The judges were all carefully graded in five principal +classes, three of which were each again subdivided into several groups. +By another grouping, on a geographical basis, they were in two divisions +under the _Kaziaskers_ of Europe and Asia. The five classes were the +greater _Mollas_, the lesser _Mollas_, the _Mufettishes_, the _Kazis_, +and the _Naibs_. The general name for judge was _Kazi_, and the popular +title of respect for them all was _Molla_;[680] but the official titles +were as described above. In general, a _Danishmend_ who aspired to the +judicial career chose while in the law course, according to his ambition +or ability, which of the five classes he would strive to enter and after +entering one of them he could not pass to another. Each had its ladder of +promotion. + +The greater _Mollas_ were in six groups: the _Kaziasker_ of Rumelia; +the _Kaziasker_ of Anatolia; the judge of Constantinople; the judges of +Mecca and Medina; the judges of Adrianople, Brusa, Cairo, and Damascus; +and the judges of the three suburbs of Constantinople,—Galata, Scutari, +and Eyub,—and of Jerusalem, Smyrna, Aleppo, Larissa, and Salonica. These +seventeen were in later times nominated by the _Mufti_ for approval by +the grand vizier and confirmation by the sultan; in Suleiman’s time +the members of the last four groups were nominated by the _Kaziaskers_ +subject to the approval of the pashas.[681] Their positions were +originally held for life, or until promotion, or during good behavior; +and they rose by promotion from group to group. Each had a number of +assistants, clerks, book-keepers, treasurers, and the like. They seem +to have had superior jurisdiction over the inhabitants, and control +of the lesser judges, in the entire dominion of the officer of local +government—_Beylerbey_ or _Sanjak Bey_—who resided in their city.[682] +The _Kaziaskers_ had each a large corps of subordinate officials. They +controlled the appointment of the judges of all other classes, subject +to the confirmation of the sultan. The five _Ulema_ who held high office +near the person of the sultan—his _Hoja_ or teacher, the head physician, +the head astrologer, and the two imperial _Imâms_—were reckoned as +adjunct members among the _Mollas_ of the first class. They had no small +influence on the destiny of the empire, as being the most disinterested +and trusted persons who had the ear of the monarch. + +The lesser _Mollas_ were the judges of the ten cities of second +rank,—Marash, Bagdad, Bosna-serai, Sofia, Belgrade, Aintab, Kutaia, +Konia, Philippopolis, and Diarbekr. + +The _Mufettishes_ were five in number, three representing the _vakfs_ in +Constantinople that were under the _Mufti_, the grand vizier, and the +_Kizlar Agha_, and two representing all three of these exalted officials +in Adrianople and Brusa. Cases concerning _vakfs_ that might arise +elsewhere were taken before the nearest _Kazi_. + +The _Kazis_ proper included the vast majority of the judges, to the +number, in D’Ohsson’s time, of about four hundred and fifty, who were +stationed in smaller cities. About two hundred in Europe, in nine groups, +and those in the Crimea and North Africa, were under the authority of the +_Kaziasker_ of Rumelia. About two hundred and twenty-five in Asia, in ten +groups, and thirty-six in Egypt, in six groups, were under the control of +the _Kaziasker_ of Anatolia.[683] + +The _Naibs_ were in several groups, as judges of villages, lesser judges +of cities, temporary substitutes for higher judges, and the like. They +ordinarily had no salaries, but lived upon fees and irregular earnings. +A group of these were important in the sixteenth century as a kind of +inspectors of public morals. They purchased their places, and lived upon +fines—and sometimes, it is said, upon extortions—from persons who did not +wish their private lives exposed.[684] + +Exercising many of the functions of police and market judges, but not +belonging to the _Ulema_, were the _Muhtesibs_, or lieutenants of police, +of the various cities. Accompanied by soldiers and attendants, they +patrolled the streets and inspected the markets, giving special heed to +weights and measures. If they found that the law had been infringed, they +inflicted punishment, whether financial or corporal, on the spot.[685] +By reason of the duty of applying sumptuary regulations, the office was +often lucrative.[686] + +In every court a single judge sat, with his clerks and other +subordinates. Cases were presented by the parties concerned, and +decisions were usually rendered immediately and in very concise form. +The judge coöperated with the _Subashi_ of the city, who brought before +the judge persons that were summoned and who executed the sentences +of the judges,[687] an arrangement in which lay a certain likeness to +the ecclesiastical courts of the West, which might condemn, but left +the execution to the secular arm. Appeal went up to judges higher in +the scale, and finally to the grand vizier.[688] Costs and fines were +moderate, and were fixed by _Kanun_;[689] they constituted, however, +a large part of the income of the judges and their subordinates. The +judges were salaried, and some of them had in addition large amounts of +irregular earnings. The judges attended to all the notarial work of the +empire. + +The _Subashis_, _Sanjak Beys_, and _Beylerbeys_ had complete jurisdiction +over all members of the Ruling Institution who resided in their +districts, as well as a more or less undefined authority in cases +controlled by _Kanun_, _Adet_, or otherwise outside the sphere of the +Sacred Law.[690] In capital cases they never proceeded to execution +without obtaining the approval of the judge of the city, in order to +have the sanction of the Sacred Law.[691] The decisions of the judges in +criminal cases were regularly submitted to without a murmur, since it was +felt that the judges represented Mohammed, “wore the robe of God,” and +had power of “sovereign sentence.”[692] + +The highest courts were those of the _Kaziaskers_, the grand vizier, and +the Divan. The _Kaziaskers_, besides attending to the cases that were +brought before them in the Divan and at the palace gate after its close, +held court at all other times in their own houses.[693] Mohammed II had +provided that, when cases were brought primarily to them in the city of +Constantinople, those which concerned Moslems should come before the +_Kaziasker_ of Rumelia and those which concerned non-Moslems before the +_Kaziasker_ of Anatolia. The titles of these judges show their original +functions as judges of the armies of Rumelia and Anatolia, offices +which they continued to exercise in time of war. In this capacity, +also, appeals came up to them in time of peace from the _Subashis_ and +_Sanjak Beys_ in matters touching _kullar_. The power of the _Kaziaskers_ +had been extended to include the headship of all the judges of their +respective regions, and the appointment of all judges, subject to the +approval of the pashas. In the Divan, and as “Pillars of the State,” they +ranked next to the viziers; they had the first right of audience with +the sultan at the close of each Divan; and until the reign of Suleiman +they had had all the authority over the _Ulema_ that later came to the +_Mufti_. They had immense incomes and were highly honored and esteemed. + +The grand vizier was actual head of the Moslem Institution as substitute +for the sultan; accordingly his court was the highest court of appeal for +all ordinary civil cases. It was also, however, like all other courts +in the empire, a court of first instance. He decided great numbers of +cases, large and small, for rich and poor alike. Justice was refused to +no one; it was rendered either by the grand vizier’s own decision, or by +reference for prompt settlement to one of the _Kaziaskers_ or to some +other judge.[694] + +The Divan’s principal deliberative business as a court was the trial +of capital cases of great officials. Although many such persons were +executed, it is strenuously denied that Suleiman ever ordered death +without a trial.[695] Nevertheless, the process was usually held in +the absence of the accused person and without his knowledge; he might +be at the end of the empire. In case of conviction a _Chaush_ was sent +to the condemned man’s place of residence, bearing secretly a written +commission, which was given to the nearest official who had power to +execute. The condemned man had at best a few hours in which to settle his +affairs and make his peace with God; then he was executed, and his head +was given to the _Chaush_ to be taken to the sultan as proof that the +mission had been faithfully accomplished. It is said that forty or fifty +heads sometimes reached the court of Suleiman in a single day.[696] + +Early in his reign, when filled with pride by his victory over the rebel +Ghazali, and feeling warm friendship toward Doge Loredano of Venice, +he wished to send the rebel’s head to the Doge by a special embassy, +and was dissuaded only with great difficulty by the Bailo of Venice in +Constantinople.[697] After Mohacs two thousand heads were set on poles +about his tent.[698] To Western eyes it seems a blot upon the noble and +generous character of Suleiman, that he treated the heads of his enemies +and of condemned criminals after the fashion of his time and country. +Aside from the question of barbarity and cruelty, however, the policy +of summary and certain execution of offenders was essential to the +maintenance of the Ottoman Ruling Institution in power. It was a process +of pruning, by which every dangerous growth was cut away. Had it not been +done, the system would have seemed today more commendable, but it could +hardly have failed to perish quickly. A century after Suleiman the remark +was made that what preserved the Ottoman state was the quickness and +severity of justice for crimes which had relation to the government.[699] + +What was the general character of Ottoman justice? It is to be feared +that it was often venal. A few years after Suleiman’s death a Western +writer expressed the opinion that the only incorruptible courts were +those of the grand vizier and the Divan.[700] Another charged that +Christian subjects had unfair treatment before the courts, in which they +were not allowed to testify, since some of the Moslems considered it +almost a meritorious religious act to turn a case against a Christian by +false testimony.[701] It is probable, however, that the Ottoman courts +in Suleiman’s time were reasonably just. The judges were well-paid, +highly honored, and carefully inspected by honest men who were sent out +annually by the _Kaziaskers_;[702] nevertheless, many of them no doubt +yielded to the same desire for money that afflicted the _kullar_. In at +least one respect the Ottoman courts were highly to be commended: there +was a minimum of trouble because of the “law’s delay.” Cases were always +decided promptly, and in clear and simple terms. An unjust decision +quickly given is often less expensive and less annoying in the long run +than tardy justice.[703] + +Some Western observers were as strongly impressed with the superiority +of Ottoman justice over that in their own lands as they were with the +superiority of discipline in the Ottoman camp, or of promotion by merit +in the Ottoman government service.[704] One of them said: “To understand +at length their diligence in justice, it would be necessary to write more +than I have done; and further, since there is nothing here [that is, in +France] so near immorality as the processes and extortions which men do, +it gives me shame to recite so great diligence among people proclaimed +wicked; this it is, without any doubt, which makes them so to rule, +conquer, and keep.... Of Sultan Suleiman, who rules at present, I do not +wish to speak, for his deeds are not yet accomplished, and he cannot yet +be praised, except for his humanity, justice, and fidelity.”[705] + +The law which the judges administered was primarily the Sacred Law, +as given in the Koran and the traditions of Mohammed, but especially +as codified by the great doctors of the school of Abu Hanifa, and as +interpreted in collections of the _fetvas_ of great jurists. Next +the judges applied the _Kanuns_ of the sultans, and the customs and +immunities of the regions in which they served.[706] Finally, they had a +considerable field in which to make use of equity: “The good sense and +prudence of judges trained in reasoning,” says Postel, “supplies and +decides many things that are not written.”[707] The only resemblance to +the Anglo-Saxon system of case law seems to have been the use of the +_fetvas_ of the _muftis_. Since the hearing of ordinary cases was summary +and decisions were rendered very briefly, no extended reports were +possible. The absence of printing, which was not introduced into Turkey +until the eighteenth century, aided further toward making a general use +of the decisions of judges as precedents practically impossible. In +those days judges relied upon their own knowledge of law and custom, +on the few books they might possess, on their sense of equity, and, in +matters of difficulty, on the opinions of the local _muftis_. Since +the judges were not each surrounded by a group of trained and keenly +watchful lawyers, but acted alone except for their own subordinates, +there was more opportunity for unjust decisions by a dishonest judge than +among English-speaking peoples. Or, to state the matter differently, +Ottoman justice depended more upon the integrity of judges than does +Anglo-Saxon justice. Although the Sacred Law was rigid, its application +to the individual case was adjustable, and adjustment was ordinarily +accomplished by the decision of one man. Judges therefore possessed great +power over the fortunes of individuals, a fact which in part explains the +great deference and honor that was shown them. + + +THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION AS A WHOLE + +A few words of summary will sketch the outlines of the complete Moslem +Institution in the Ottoman Empire. It represented and maintained the +entire system that was based upon the life and work of the Prophet +Mohammed. This system claimed to be sufficient for all sides of the +temporal, as well as for the eternal, life of all individuals, and +for the life of the state which they constituted; it also provided a +place for subject peoples and resident foreigners of other religious +affiliations. The power of the institution extended over the whole +empire, even beyond the limits of political control. + +The Moslem Institution was firmly grounded in the allegiance, the +fundamental beliefs, and the affections of the entire Moslem-born +population of the empire. It is true that not all Moslems believed +exactly alike, nor did they all practise the Sacred Law according to the +system of Abu Hanifa. But they were all fiercely and proudly Moslems, +and devoted to the supremacy of the Mohammedan system in this world, as +expressed in an institution which might not be what every one wished, +but which revealed and maintained the power of Islam. All the Moslems of +the empire were in a sense members of the institution. In the sixteenth +century any one of them might hope to see his son mount to a very high +place within the organization, since industrious study combined with +native ability was all that was demanded. Opportunities in the way of +schools were present nearly everywhere; and a student who once had shown +his aptitude would be carried forward, without expense to his relatives, +by funds which had been provided by sultans and pious individuals “for +the good of their souls.” The Moslem Institution was fundamentally +democratic. It was united in complete solidarity and perfect harmony with +all in the empire who were attached to the doctrines of the Prophet. All +believers were equal before God, and all were supposed to have equal +opportunity to rise to places of honor in the system. + +Distinction and membership in the institution proper rested upon birth +in the case of the descendants of Mohammed, upon profession of piety and +special religious service in the case of the dervishes, but upon learned +knowledge of the Sacred Law in all positions of public influence and +importance. The three highly-honored classes of teachers, jurists, and +judges were trained in the same superbly-planned educational system, in +the same text-books and the same ideas. Whether in Constantinople or +Cairo, the Crimea or Algiers, Budapest or Bagdad, old, grave, wise, and +learned professors, jurists, and judges taught, interpreted, and enforced +the same wide-reaching and changeless Sacred Law. As teachers, the +_Ulema_ conveyed to children and youth, in impressible years, that which +they had themselves received. The same learned persons, after fixing +each part of the whole round of legal studies in their minds by periods +of teaching, were advanced to places where they dealt not with boys, but +with men, where their work affected not the fortunes of individuals, +but the destinies of the empire. Yet their influence was exerted +strenuously in the same direction throughout, to impress and perpetuate +the changeless body of ideas in the Sacred Law. Professors, jurists, +and judges alike were, in all that they did and throughout their lives, +fundamentally teachers. The _Ulema_ taught all the Moslems of the empire, +from the young child to the aged sultan. They maintained schools for the +young; places of worship, courts, and offices of consultation for adults. +Every important officer of administrative government had a judge and a +_mufti_ at his elbow. Not only was the sultan himself in close relations +with the _Kaziaskers_ and the _Mufti,_ but he had always a spiritual +adviser to whom he showed great deference, and who bore the significant +title of the sultan’s _Hoja_, or teacher. There was an aspect in which +the Moslem Institution, based upon the Moslem population of the empire, +fitted the government as hand fits glove. This figure, moreover, can be +pressed beyond the mere comparison of shape; the hand is of much the same +efficiency with or without the glove, while the glove is useless without +the hand; furthermore, the hand may live to wear a succession of gloves. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +COMPARISON OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS + + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution, and the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman +Empire might be compared, contrasted, and reflected upon at great length. +In this discussion, however, it must suffice to select and comment upon a +few of their salient likenesses, differences, and interactions, without +attempting to separate such features sharply. + + +LIKENESSES + +Both institutions were constructed out of old and well-seasoned +materials. Many of the ideas in each can be followed back until their +origin is lost in prehistoric obscurity; hardly a feature in either but +had a clear derivation from, relationship to, or suggestion in, some +prototype of pre-Ottoman days. Only the final structure of each, the +proportion and composition of its parts, and the effect of the completed +whole was worked out in the Ottoman Empire. If an attempt be made, in a +very general way, to distinguish the main lines of influence which led +up to the two institutions, it may be said that the Ruling Institution +had its nucleus of ideas from the Turks of the steppe lands. Influenced +by old Persian neighbors and Chinese rulers, the original group of ideas +was brought into the Moslem Empire and Asia Minor by the predecessors of +the Seljuk Turks and by the Seljuk Turks themselves. Coming into contact +in Asia Minor with the ideas of the Byzantine Empire, and to some extent +with those of the crusaders from the West, the system took on a large +number of new features; and the Ottomans continued the process in Asia +Minor and Southeastern Europe until the time of Suleiman. The Moslem +Institution began with the ideas of the Arabs as combined by Mohammed +with Jewish, Middle Persian, and Christian influences. Political notions +were rapidly incorporated from those prevailing in Byzantine Syria and +Egypt, and perhaps to a greater extent from those in the Sassanian +Persian Empire. A compact system of ideas began early to be developed, +and in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries it reached final scholastic +shape. Together with its institutional embodiments, it began to pass to +the Ottomans in their earliest days; and, as the nation grew, it grew +into the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, fresh power being +given to it by Selim’s conquest of the old Moslem lands, and especially +by his acquisition of the over-lordship of the Holy Cities. The two lines +of tendency which led to the two great Ottoman institutions were first +brought into contact when, in the seventh century, the Arab conquest of +Persia advanced the Moslem frontier into Central Asia. From that time +to the reign of Suleiman reciprocal influence was exerted, although the +Moslem ideas affected the Turkish much more than the Turkish did the +Moslem. + +Both of the great Ottoman institutions were founded upon groups of +ideas and not upon racial descent. This subject, discussed above in the +Introduction, has been shown to be true to an extreme in the Ruling +Institution, which drew its members from every direction except from the +existing stock of the nation. The Moslem Institution embodied a religion +of universal claim. Though originally given to the Arabs, the Moslem +faith was intrinsically independent of race, as its subsequent history +revealed. Belief, and not blood, became the sole test of membership. This +common hospitality of its two great institutions to all who might wish +to join them laid firmly the foundation of the Ottoman nation, and made +possible the greatness and the permanence of its dominion. + +Both Ottoman institutions were self-perpetuating through education. +Each had a great educational system which was adapted to its special +character, and which was life-long in extent. The Ruling Institution +trained its pupils physically as well as mentally, whereas the Moslem +Institution neglected physical education in favor of a greater amount of +intellectual training. Otherwise their work was largely parallel. One +institution took its pupils from the children of Christian subjects and +neighbors, and trained them to conquer and to rule. The other took its +pupils from the children of Moslems and trained them to know, practise, +teach, and enforce the Moslem rules of law and life. The one system +raised the ablest Christian-born individuals to the highest positions, +and the other raised the ablest Moslem-born individuals similarly. Both +continually brought in new material at the bottom, and continually worked +upon all their material to increase its value. Each offered such rewards +and promotions as to induce its members to put forth their most strenuous +exertions, that they might develop their own powers and visibly help +their institution. Whatever faults of plan and structure the institutions +may have had, they were able to survive all dangers and disasters largely +through the trained ability of the individuals whom their educational +systems had brought to the front. + +Both institutions rose to an apex, through the Divan and the grand +vizier, in the sultan, who was the head and center of each. Yet the ideas +by which the two institutions were joined to their head were in striking +contrast. The sultan was master and owner of the Ruling Institution; he +was the divinely-appointed chief of the Moslem Institution. The members +of the former obeyed him as slaves; the members of the latter obeyed +him as free Moslems commanded by the Sacred Law to render allegiance +to the chief interpreter and defender of that law. The former knew no +power greater than the sultan’s; the latter relied upon the Sacred Law +as above the sultan. The Ruling Institution was extended downward in +each of its parts from the sultan’s authority, and in organization and +membership depended for existence upon his will. The Moslem Institution +rose upward from the people, and was attached almost artificially to the +sultan’s authority. Suleiman regulated the grades of higher advancement +in it, but the sultans who came after him touched the organization of the +institution scarcely at all. Very seldom, moreover, by comparison, did +the sultans punish the members of this institution; for the most part its +work went on quite independently of them. But the sultan was the head of +both institutions: every member of each looked upward along converging +lines which met at the foot of his throne. The highest promotions in +each were made by him directly, the honored men being put into positions +near their sovereign. + + +DIFFERENCES + +The fact that the Ruling Institution was recruited from Christian +slaves and the Moslem Institution from Moslem freemen led to a +profound difference of spirit. The Christian slaves, newly converted +to Mohammedanism, were not as a body so closely attached to the Sacred +Law as were the Moslem freemen. Their loyalty being rather to one man, +their master and benefactor, they felt a servile devotion which was very +different from the reasoned allegiance of those who had always been free. +A _Mufti_, fortified by the Sacred Law, would firmly oppose the will of +the sovereign in a case where a grand vizier would scarcely dare venture +a mildly contrary suggestion. The Sacred Law, despite the introduction of +all later influences, still breathed forth something of the freedom of +the Arabian desert: in one or two generations, as has been seen, it could +render its followers unfit to be slaves. Thus the spirit of the Ruling +Institution was far less independent of personal authority than that of +the Moslem Institution. + +As to the authority of old ideas the contrary was true. The fundamental +distinction of parties in modern states seems to rest upon a greater +or less relative inclination to follow old paths or to enter upon new +ones. Both institutions of the Ottoman state would in modern times be +classed as strongly conservative, but of the two the Moslem Institution +was by far the more so. Conservatism, in fact, was of the very essence +of the Sacred Law. The early Turks had also loved their _Adet_, but not +so much as to be unwilling quickly to adopt the new if they saw in it +distinct advantage; the rise of the Ottoman power was, indeed, marked +by the constant incorporation of new ideas, devices, and methods.[708] +As the Moslem influence grew, however, changes became increasingly more +difficult to make; and when they were made it was by the activity of the +Ruling Institution, usually against the resistance or the inert passivity +of the Moslem Institution. + +The fact that the Ruling Institution fought and governed while the Moslem +Institution thought and judged was, of course, highly significant: the +former embodied the active, the latter the contemplative, principle of +the nation. Here again is involved a difference of Turk and Saracen. +In the steppe lands the Turk fought, obeyed, and gave orders; after +the fever of conquest was abated, the Saracen, under Islam, thought, +preserved intellectual independence, and worshipped. With the two +characters placed side by side, it was in the nature of things that in +the long run muscle would be controlled by mind. + +By comparison with the Moslem Institution, the Ruling Institution +possessed a great structural disadvantage, in that it was much more +artificial and therefore much less stable. It admitted its members as +slaves, but they were not hereditary slaves; most of them were free-born +subjects of the empire or of the neighboring Christian states. A class of +hereditary slaves would not have possessed the requisite mettle. Now, the +acquisition of a large number of free-born children who can be made into +slaves is hardly a process that can be continued indefinitely. Conquest +had its limits for the Ottoman Empire, for boundaries were reached beyond +which lay states whose powers of self-defense developed increasingly; +accordingly, recruiting by capture became increasingly difficult. But the +levying of children as tribute was strongly against human nature; and +in the long run it, too, must lead to decline, for under its operation +the best were taken and inferiors were left. Furthermore, not only +were children separated from their parents against the wishes of the +parents, but the recruits, when they grew up, were not encouraged to form +family ties. Even when they did so, they were unable to advance their +children as they had been advanced themselves, and they could not be +sure of conveying their property to their descendants. Thus in several +respects the Ruling Institution ran counter to the idea of the family. +On the other hand, the advantages given to the sultan’s _kullar_ became +too great not to be coveted; and it was not natural that the free-born +Moslems should continue to let outsiders be the only recipients of +so much wealth, power, and privilege. The Moslem population forced +its way in, and the plan of the Ruling Institution was upset. The +Moslem Institution, on the contrary, was recruited voluntarily from an +increasing population; hence, as its advantages became attractive, it was +benefited rather than harmed by pressure for admission. Its able men, +while they must labor if they would advance, were free, unhindered in +their family relationships, and under little fear of being deprived of +property or life. + + +INTERACTIONS + +The two institutions, running everywhere parallel, with their members +in constant association one with the other, could not fail to act +reciprocally upon each other. It is not easy, however, to discriminate +likenesses that were due to mutual influence from those that were caused +by common circumstances; nor is it easy to distinguish pre-Ottoman +interactions from those which operated after the beginning of the +fourteenth century. A few probabilities may be expressed, however. + +It is a matter of frequent remark that men, institutions, and peoples +are apt to impart to each other their faults and vices more readily +than their good qualities. Whether or not this be true, the two Ottoman +institutions certainly seem to have taught each other some evil +qualities. Luxury, venality, and unnatural vices were all strongly +discountenanced by the Sacred Law; but all were fostered in the members +of the Ruling Institution by the very conditions of the system, and by +the sixteenth century all had come to be charged against the members of +the Moslem Institution as well. On the other hand, the conservatism of +the Moslem Institution and its resistance to progress came more and more +to characterize the Ruling Institution. Members of the _Ulema_ taught +even the pages of the palace and the princes on the intellectual side +of their training, thereby exerting a constant influence which in the +course of time operated powerfully on the Ruling Institution from top to +bottom, till it, too, began to acquire a changelessness which resisted +improvement and progress. With such a character once established, the end +of the empire’s greatness was at hand. In a rapidly progressing world, a +stationary position means a relative decline. + +The two institutions contributed strongly to each other’s power and +permanence. The Ruling Institution defended the Moslem Institution by +the sword, and carried out among the people the decisions of its wise +men. It also protected the latter’s sources of regular revenue, and thus +enabled the _Ulema_, secure of a living, to devote themselves to the +study and teaching of the Sacred Law. The Moslem Institution, on the +other hand, kept the Moslem population obedient and submissive to the +sultan’s authority as expressed in the Ruling Institution. It taught that +the Sultan was divinely appointed and therefore always to be obeyed, no +matter what his character was or how oppressive his rule might become, +so long as he did not transgress the Sacred Law; and that it was for +the _Ulema_ alone to decide when he had made such a transgression. +Accordingly the two institutions, so long as they acted in harmony, were +absolutely impregnable in their position among the Moslems of the empire. + + +THE RELATIVE POWER OF THE INSTITUTIONS + +These two institutions constituted, as it were, the two great +parties in the Ottoman state.[709] The Moslem Institution was always +strongly Islamic, and extremely conservative in all respects. The +Ruling Institution was originally liberal both religiously and in its +receptivity of new ideas, but it departed from its liberal tendency in +much the same proportion that the Moslem Institution increased in power. + +To trace the ups and downs of the influence of the two institutions from +the beginnings of Ottoman history would be an interesting problem. Much +depended of course, as must always be the case in a despotic state, +on the character of the sultan. With an active conquering sultan like +Mohammed II or Selim I, the Ruling Institution would gain upon its rival; +with a pious or mild sultan like Murad II or Bayezid II, the Moslem +Influence would increase in importance. Selim I’s vast conquests in +Moslem territories, and his acquisition of the protectorate of the Holy +Cities and of the title of caliph, prepared the way for a later advance +in the power of the Moslem Institution which was not in harmony with +his own personal influence. Suleiman had a fiery active period of youth +when the liberal policy was stronger in his mind, and a quieter old age +when the Moslem influence became predominant; it is not unlikely that +a consciousness of his position as caliph grew upon him with advancing +years. But in general, through all the reigns, the power of the Moslem +Institution grew; the only difference from reign to reign was in the rate +of speed. The Ruling Institution also grew in power before the world and +the Ottoman nation as long as the empire continued to expand rapidly; but +it did not grow relatively so fast as did the Moslem Institution. + +The reasons for the more rapid growth of Moslem influence lay chiefly in +the fact that that influence was cumulative. As to its financial basis, +the Moslem Institution, like the Christian church in the West, gained +lands and wealth continually, and never lost any; for sultans took great +pride, and high officials vied with each other, in founding mosques, +schools, colleges, and other charitable and semi-public institutions +supported by _vakfs_.[710] In general moral and political influence, +also, the institution gained rapidly through its system of education; +for, like the medieval Christian church again, it held in its hands all +the means and methods of intellectual development. Every new primary +school, college, and law school,—and they were many in the days of +glory,—strengthened the influence of this institution. In this field, +indeed, its power acted constantly upon its rival. Old _Hojas_ taught +the pages in the palace, advised the sultan’s mother, and trained the +young princes and the sons of high officials. Thus within the nation the +external show of the Moslem Institution, and its sway over the minds of +men, grew without ceasing. + +The Ruling Institution, on the other hand, lost relatively. In the early +days, when recent converts were exceedingly numerous and the religious +spirit of the young nation was weak, the Turkish-Aryan organization +was far stronger than the Semitic influence. Sultans, however, were +constantly giving away state lands as endowment for new mosques and +colleges; and, worse still, so much of the educational system of this +institution as was not controlled by its rival was directed only toward +its own membership and not toward the nation at large. Accordingly, +although the Ruling Institution grew in wealth and power, it did not keep +pace with the Moslem Institution, which, after two and a half centuries +of gain, was able to overtake it about the time of Suleiman’s reign. His +gifts of great mosques, numerous colleges, and vast endowment,[711] his +arrangement in final perfection of the _cursus honorum_ which led up from +the primary schools to the office of _Mufti_, and the personal leaning of +his later years toward the influence of the _Ulema_, settled permanently +the preponderance of the Moslem Institution. + +At the same time, the Moslem Institution could never destroy its rival. +Theoretically it had no need of such a counterpart. Mohammed and the +early caliphs had no such institution. The Sacred Law developed with no +mention of a secular government, and with no hint of any deficiency in +its own provisions that would make it inadequate to guide a nation by its +own strength; but, within thirty years from the death of Mohammed, Muavia +had set up a secular government at Damascus, and since then every Moslem +state had had one. Many a Moslem state, also, had had a ruler who was not +of lawful blood; for the Sacred Law affirmed that the _Imâm_, or divinely +appointed ruler, must be of the tribe of the Koreish.[712] According to +that unenforced provision, Suleiman himself had no right to the throne. +The fact is that the Moslem Institution very early became too unworldly +to live unsupported by a secular power. It was a strong but tender +hand, which must always wear a glove. After it had acquired a permanent +ascendency in the state, therefore, the Moslem Institution was compelled +to keep its rival in place, and to allow it always strength enough to +defend and support the empire which nourished both. + +Bound together closely in an alliance which neither enjoyed, but which +was necessary for the preservation of both, the Ruling Institution and +the Moslem Institution constituted the twofold inner framework of the +Ottoman Empire, to which it owed all its might and energy, its grandeur +and repute, its continuity and durability. + + + + +APPENDICES + + + + +APPENDIX I + +THE SECOND BOOK OF THE AFFAIRS OF THE TURKS + +Written in 1534, supposedly by Benedetto Ramberti + +Translated from the Italian + +[From _Libri Tre delle Cose de Turchi_, as printed in _Viaggi ... alla +tana_, Venice, 1543, pp. 131-146.] + + +As from a laborious and very dangerous sea into a safe and very quiet +port, one enters the city of Constantinople, after the great trouble and +inconvenience of the ride which he has endured over the long road.[713] +This city (to continue until I have here made an end of particular +description) was anciently called Byzantium, and afterwards was called +New Rome, and then Constantinople from the first Constantine. Byzantium, +as it is reported, was in the region where Pera is now, and was so named +from the river Byzantium, which afterward, by reason of an earthquake +such as are frequent in that region, changed its course elsewhere. But I +do not believe this, nor does it seem to me to agree with the description +of Polybius and other writers, who call those here Chalcedonians; +these, when they might themselves in ancient times have built upon this +site, did not care for it, but built in Asia, not having discerned the +convenience and beauty they were leaving to others; who might deprive +them even of their own site, as indeed happened. + +The city is 18 miles in circuit. It has seven little hills, not very +high. It is surrounded by wretched walls, and is full of houses, not many +of which are good, being made of clay and wood and only a few of stone. +It is full of groves, that is, of places wild and uninhabited, where +cypresses grow, and other such trees.[714] In Constantinople, then, is +the palace of the Turkish Signor, which is a singular structure and very +large, as will be told later. + +There is the palace of the ladies of the Signor, the palace of the +Janissaries, the Patriarcate, the palace of the Emperor Constantine, +which is in part ruined, the church of St. Sophia, which is a structure +most beautiful and divine; this was built by the Emperor Justinian from +the oldest and finest columns and marbles, as one can see now; in part +of it the Turkish Signor has made stalls for his horses. There is the +mosque of Sultan Mohammed, which has an _Imaret_ attached to it that is +like a hostel; in which they lodge any one, of any nation or law, who may +wish to enter, and they give him food for three days,—honey, rice, meat, +bread, and water, and a room in which to sleep. They say that from day +to day there are more than a thousand guests from various nations. Near +this they have baths and some fountains, most beautiful and delightful to +behold. There are the mosques of Sultan Bayezid, Sultan Selim, and other +Signors, which are very beautiful and exceedingly well-built. This makes +it clear that, when they wish, they know also how to build houses and +palaces that are magnificent and sumptuous. + +There is the Hippodrome, that is, the place where in ancient times horses +were made to run as in a theater and circus: in the center of this +Hippodrome there stands a needle, which is a column made in the form of +a needle, very beautiful and wrought very well and without mortar, made +of living rocks joined together in such a manner that they rise through +more than fifty cubits, tapering in the shape of a needle, which rests +on four marble balls.[715] There is a column of bronze in the shape of a +serpent with three heads.[716] There is a bronze Hercules brought from +Hungary,[717] and in the center there is a colossal structure made of +different beautiful marbles, in which is engraved the history of all +the above-mentioned objects, and of other things which used to stand in +the Theater and Hippodrome. There are throughout the city many vestiges +of antiquities, such as aqueducts, arches, porphyry columns, fountains +brought from the Danube and other near-by rivers.[718] Many gardens about +the houses of the great. Many mosques of private lords, and baths which +are attached to the mosques of private men and of public magistrates. + +On the other side of the sea from the Seraglio Point are the hills of +Asia, and the journey is of a little more or less than two miles; this +Asia is today called by a single name Anatolia; and there are on the +shore there some fortresses called Scutari. Then Kadikeui, situated +on a bay of the Hellespont,[719] where one can see many vestiges of +antiquities; and I, when I went there, saw underground where men were +working, a well of the finest marble with an aqueduct which came to +the center of the well, and a canopy of fine marble supported by four +beautiful columns. And in other places there appear many vestiges of +old churches, both of Christians and of heathen, places indeed most +beautiful, most pleasant, most fruitful. The situation of Constantinople +is such that not only can it not be described adequately, but it can +hardly be grasped in thought because of its loveliness. Certainly it is +rather to be considered divine than otherwise. Nor is there any one who +has seen it who has not judged it worthy to be ranked above all other +situations in the world. + +There are in the city besides the Turks, countless Jews, or Marrani +expelled from Spain;[720] these are they who have taught and who are +teaching every useful art to the Turks;[721] and the greater part of the +shops and arts are kept and exercised by these Marrani. There is a place +which is called _Bezestan_, where they sell and buy all sorts of cloth +and Turkish wares, silks, stuffs, linens, silver, wrought gold, bows, +slaves, and horses; and in short all the things that are to be found in +Constantinople are brought there to market: this, except for Friday, is +open every day. + +Constantinople is in Thrace: this has as its boundaries on the east the +Propontis and the mouths of the greater sea, on the west part of Bulgaria +and part of Macedonia, on the north Bosnia, on the south the Aegean Sea +with part of Macedonia which lies toward the river Nishava, called in +ancient times the Nesus.[722] + +This most noble city is inhabited by Turks: these as the more reliable +authors have written, and as many of the Turks themselves have confirmed +to me, had their origin in Scythia, which now is a part of Tartary, a +northern region divided into two parts by the river Don: one of these +parts is in Europe, and one in Asia.[723] The European part is bounded +on one side by Pontus, and on the other by the Riphean Mountains, and +at the back by Asia proper and the river Taspus. In Ptolemy these two +Scythias are called the one _intra Imaum montem_, and the other _extra +Imaum_. They departed then from Scythia (as is said above) and began to +make invasions and raids into their present confines: then proceeding +farther, in a short time they became lords of a good part of Asia, but +because they did not know how to keep only one chief among them, they +had no foundation or firmness. This circumstance having been considered +by one who was called Othman, a man of low rank among them, but of lofty +and valorous mind, he thought that, by having the arm and the favor of +some men of intelligence and authority, he could easily rule all this +people and the conquered territory, and increase it further upon good +opportunity: then having revealed this his thought to three persons, who +seemed more suitable than others for this business, he promised that +those by means of whom he might acquire the dominion to which he aspired, +he would always maintain, both themselves and their descendants, in +great state and dignity, and suitably to the great benefit which he had +received from them: besides this that he would never harm their blood nor +that of their posterity through laws that would lay hands upon them even +if they should transgress grievously.[724] They accepted the condition +and conspired together for the sovereignty; which they obtained by +astuteness, artfulness, threats, and the slaughter of many. These three +were called, the one Michael, a Greek who had turned Turk; from him the +Marcalogli[725] are descended; one of them is now Sanjak in Bosnia. The +second was Malco, a Greek renegade; from him have come the Malcozogli, +and there is now only one, who is Sanjak in Greece. The third was Aurami, +a native Turk; his descendants were called the Eurcasli; it is not now +known that any of these remain. In case the Ottoman family should fail, +these would pretend to the sovereignty, and therefore they are highly +respected. + +This Othman came to power about the year 1300, and lived in lordship +twenty-eight years:[726] Orchan succeeded him and lived twenty-two years +in the kingship. Then Murad who reigned twenty-three years. Then Bayezid. +Then Chiris Celeby, or, as others wish, Calepino, who lived about six +years. Then Mohammed, who reigned fourteen years.[727] Then Murad II who +reigned 31 years. Then Mohammed II who reigned 32 years and was the first +Emperor of Constantinople. Then Bayezid II who reigned 31 years. Then +Selim eight years: to him succeeded Sultan Suleiman, his only son, who +reigns at present. Of this succession it is written otherwise in some +histories, where they treat of wars and peaces, which have been made by +our republic in times past with this family: but since I have recounted +these in other places, it now suffices to have noticed the common opinion +of those who have written of the affairs of the Turks up to this time. +And so I will go on to describe the court of this Signor: it is arranged +in the following manner.[728] + +SULTAN SULEIMAN has a palace in the angle of Constantinople by the two +seas:[729] this is in circuit about three miles: and in it are his +residence and his court, which is called the PORTE. This palace, because +it was begun to be built by Sultan Mohammed, he willed when dying that +it should be rent-paying property of his mosque, and that it should pay +a thousand aspers a day, which are twenty ducats; and this has been +observed to the present.[730] + +He has in the aforesaid palace countless highly ornamented chambers, +but one among the others is set apart for himself: in this he sleeps, +and he has there six youths who serve his person.[731] Of these six, +two are deputed for the service of the chamber and the Signor during +the day, and then in the night the same ones come to keep guard when he +sleeps: these stand ever vigilant, the one at his head and the other at +his feet, with two lighted torches in their hands: these two then in +the morning when they clothe the aforesaid Signor, put into one of the +pocket-purses of his caftan a thousand aspers, and into the other twenty +golden ducats; whatever of this money is not given away by the Signor +during the day, remains to those who undress him at night; they never +find much in the garments, according to report. And always when he goes +forth to enjoy the chase or for some other purpose, besides the aforesaid +money which he carries, he is accustomed always to have behind him the +_Khazinehdar-bashi_, or chief treasurer; this man carries with him a +great sum of money to be given away. + +The duty of the aforesaid six youths, who are changed according to the +will of the Signor, is: of one to be _Papuji_,[732] or him who bears the +shoes, of another _Silihdar_, who bears the bow and arrows, of another +_Chokadar_, who bears the garments, of another _Sharabdar_, who bears the +pitcher of water, of another _Iskemleji_, who carries the stool, and then +of the sixth to be _Oda-bashi_, or chief of the Chamber. These have a +fixed salary of 15 to 20, and the _Oda-bashi_ of 30 aspers per day. + + Next comes + + The eunuch _Kapu Aghasi_,[734] or chief of the gate, who has 60 + aspers per day. + + The _Khazinehdar-bashi_, a eunuch, chief treasurer, 60 + aspers.[733] + + The _Kilerji-bashi_, chief of the butlers, 40 aspers. + + The _Seraidar-bashi_,[734] a eunuch, chief of the palace when + the Signor is away; he has 50 aspers. Twelve eunuchs subject to + the aforesaid, with 10 to 15 aspers each. + +There are next about five hundred youths aged from eight to twenty years, +who reside in the palace and are the delight of the Signor: they have +each from ten to twelve aspers per day; they are instructed in various +arts according to their genius, but especially in reading, writing, +and in the doctrine of their laws, and in riding. The masters are old +_Danishmends_,[735] called _Hojas_, or doctors of the laws. These boys +at the season of Bairam, which is like our Easter day, are clothed by +the Signor, some with silk and some with cloth, without any uniformity; +and each has a golden bonnet, a scimitar, and a bow: they never leave +the aforesaid palace until they have reached the age when the Signor +thinks them fit for offices: and then he makes them _Spahi-oghlans_, or +_Silihdars_, or of higher degrees according to their worth and the favor +which they have gained with the Signor. Each ten of them are guarded by +a eunuch called _Kapu-oghlan_, or chief of youths,[736] and each has a +slave’s frock, in which he sleeps rolled up in such a manner that he +does not touch another who may be near him. They reside in a large hall, +full of great lights and spacious, and their eunuchs sleep in the middle +of this hall. They have a garden in the palace, which extends more than +a mile, in which reside about thirty-five gardeners, called _Bostanjis_, +who are _Ajem-oghlans_:[737] these gardeners have from three to five +aspers each per day; they are clothed in blue cloth, and given a shirt. +Then when they leave the palace, they become Janissaries, or _Solaks_, or +_Kapujis_, or something else according to their quality. + + The _Bostanji-bashi_, or chief gardener, has fifty aspers a day + and many perquisites. + + The _Kiaya_,[738] who is, as it were, a lieutenant for the + gardeners, has 20 aspers per day; and each ten [gardeners] have + a chief called _Boluk-bashi_. From this garden, which is very + large and well-tended, full of excellent fruit-trees of every + sort, they obtain so much every year that from the product + of it alone they make the living expenses of the Signor, and + also get something more. Near the garden are always stationed + two small galleys; these are rowed by the gardeners when the + Signor goes on a pleasure-trip, and the _Boluk-bashi_ holds the + helm.[739] + + The _Ashji-bashi_, chief cook, with fifty cooks under him. He + has 40 aspers per day, the cooks under him four, six, or eight + aspers each. + + The _Helvaji-bashi_, or chief confectioner, with 40 aspers, and + he has thirty companions with five to six aspers per day each. + + The _Chasnijir-bashi_,[740] chief of the cupboards, with eighty + aspers: morning and evening he brings with his own hand the + dish of the Signor, and he has under him a hundred _Chasnijirs_ + with from three to seventy aspers each.[741] + + The _Mutbakh-emini_,[742] or steward, with 40 aspers. He has a + secretary with 20 aspers a day. + + A hundred _Ajem-oghlans_, who transport on carts the wood of + the palace. They have three to five aspers, and are provided + with clothing. + + Ten _Sakkas_, who carry water on horseback in leathern sacks, + with three to five aspers each. + + The expenses for the table of the Signor, and of the youths + with their eunuchs and others to about a thousand, amount to + five thousand aspers a day. + + Three _Kapuji-bashis_, or captains of the gate, who have a + hundred aspers a day and are clothed every year: and they have + under them two hundred and fifty _Kapujis_, who have five to + six aspers each; and each _Kapuji-bashi_ with a third of the + _Kapujis_ is obliged to keep guard at the gate of the Signor, + changing from day to day. And when any ambassador or other + person goes to kiss the hand of the Grand Signor, all these are + given presents of clothes or of money according to the degree + of him who is introduced. + + A _Kapuji-kiaya_, who is, as it were, a lieutenant of the + _Kapujis_, has forty aspers a day. + + Four Vizier Pashas, or chief counsellors: the greatest has + ordinarily twenty-four thousand ducats a year and the others + sixteen to eighteen thousand; but they have also so much + feudal income that they receive three times as much as the + provision in money.[743] To this should be added the garments + which the Signor gives them, the presents of ambassadors and + of others, the perquisites of the office they hold, which + are unlimited. At present they are only three. The first + is Ibrahim, born a Christian at Parga. The second Aias of + Khimara. The third Kassim of Croatia, a kidnapped Christian. + To these there is added a fourth at present,[744] who is + Khaireddin Bey Barbarossa of the Albanian nation, formerly a + corsair and now king of Algiers in Barbary. These Pashas live + and dress very superbly. They have: Ibrahim six thousand and + more slaves, Aias two thousand, Kassim fifteen hundred, and + Barbarossa about four thousand. To all these slaves they give + pay, horses, garments, golden bonnets and silver chains,[745] + according to their offices and degrees. And these serve their + Pashas under the same arrangements by which the Signor is + served by his [slaves]. They have also twenty-five or thirty + chancery secretaries to the Signor, men of great repute, with + twenty-five to thirty aspers per day each: they keep more or + fewer slaves as they can. These Pashas have entry to the Signor + for affairs of state; and it is in fact they who govern the + whole after their own fashion. + + There is next the _Mufti_, or the interpreter and chief of the + laws; they do not trouble him about anything except the affairs + of religion and their faith, and he has the position which our + Pope had in ancient times.[746] + + Two _Kaziasker Danishmends_, or doctors of the laws for the + army, one for Greece, the other for Anatolia. Their position is + of great importance. They sit at the Porte and have precedence + of the Vizier Pashas: on this account they are much esteemed. + They are executors of the laws, and with the consent of the + Pashas they appoint and remove the _Kazis_, who are like + podestas for the whole country. They have feudal income of + about six thousand ducats a year each. They keep two hundred + to three hundred slaves each, and they are accompanied by ten + secretaries appointed by the Signor and two _Mochtur-bashis_, + who hold the office of ushers:[747] these live from + perquisites, of which they have a great many. + + Two _Defterdars_, or treasurers, or rather, as we would say, + governors of the revenues. One of these has the receipt and the + care of those revenues which come from a third of Greece, or + from that part which is toward the Danube, and besides, from + Asia, from Syria, and from Egypt, with feudal income of ten + thousand ducats a year, although with the perquisites he gets + twice as much. The other has the care of the other two-thirds + of Greece: but when the Signor takes the field this man remains + in Constantinople as his vicar and lieutenant; and he has six + thousand ducats of feudal income, but gets three times as much; + and their position is of great dignity. They have under them + fifty clerks with many helpers: these keep the accounts of the + _Khazineh_, or treasury of the Signor; and these clerks are + appointed by the Signor with pay of fifteen to fifty aspers per + day each. The _Defterdars_ have, the first a thousand slaves + and the second five hundred, and the clerks from two to twenty + slaves each.[748] + + Two _Rusnamehjis_, chief clerks, who receive the money and + disburse it as needed, with twenty-five companions besides + themselves. + + The two have forty aspers each, and the twenty-five have eight + to ten aspers a day. + + Two _Veznedars_, or weighers of aspers and ducats, with + twenty-five to thirty aspers each. + + Six _Sarrafs_, or bankers, who know gold and silver [coins], + and they have ten to fifteen aspers each. + + One _Nishanji-bashi_, who signs the ordinances and public + writings with the monogram of the Signor. His position is like + that of grand chancellor and is of great repute. He sits at the + Porte below the _Beylerbeys_. He has eight thousand ducats of + feudal income, and travels in great honor with more than three + hundred slaves. + + An outside _Khazinehdar-bashi_, or household treasurer, with + ten _Khazinehdars_ under him. He has fifty aspers, and they ten + to fifteen per day. + + A _Defter-emini_, who has charge of the feudal grants: he keeps + the register of those who receive feudal grants. He has forty + aspers a day, and under him are ten clerks with ten to fifteen + aspers per day each. + + Eighty _Muteferrika_, or lancers of the body-guard[749] of the + Signor, these always carry lances when he takes the field; they + recognize no other head than the Signor himself. And when by + artifice or merit they acquire favor, they are made _Aghas_, or + generals. The least has ten, the greatest eighty, aspers per + day. + + A _Chaush-bashi_, or chief sergeant of the army. He is of so + great credit with every one, that when he is sent by the Signor + to some Pasha, _Sanjak_, or _Kazi_, with the order to have + the head of such and such a one cut off, he is obeyed without + their requiring a letter from him, or a command in writing; + not otherwise than if the Signor himself were there, and gave + command. He has a hundred aspers a day, and under him he keeps + a hundred slaves,[750] with twenty-five to forty aspers each. + + The _Mihter-bashi_, or chief of those who pitch the tents and + spread the rugs, who sweep the court-yards and attend to other + similar duties; he has forty aspers, a _Kiaya_ with twenty-five + aspers, sixty _Mihters_ with five to eight aspers each; and + they are clothed every year by the Signor. + + An _Agha_, or general of the Janissaries. He has for pay a + thousand aspers and over per day, and six thousand ducats of + feudal grant per year. When this _Agha_ holds court, which + is two or three times per week, he is obliged to give the + Janissaries to eat, a meal of bread, rice, mutton, honey, + and water. He has under him a _Kiaya_ or Secretary of the + Janissaries, who is, as it were, a vicegerent; he has two + hundred aspers per day of pay in cash, and thirty thousand + of feudal grant per year.[751] And there is a clerk of these + Janissaries, called the _Yaziji_ of the Janissaries,[752] with + a hundred aspers a day. + + A _Seymen-bashi_, chief of the harriers.[753] He has a hundred + aspers and has from the number of the Janissaries about two + thousand under him. + + A _Zagarji-bashi_, head of the hounds.[754] He has fifty aspers + a day, and has under him about seven hundred of the Janissaries. + + The Janissaries number about twelve thousand: they have each + from three to eight aspers of pay per day. Each ten has its + _Oda-bashi_, and each hundred has its _Boluk-bashi_. And + these heads of ten or of a hundred go on horseback. And the + _Oda-bashis_ have forty, and the _Boluk-bashis_ sixty aspers + a day. The remainder of the Janissaries go on foot. They are + clothed once a year by the Signor with coarse blue cloth. + They have their residence in two barracks in Constantinople + given by the Signor. Those who have no wives reside in these. + Those who are married reside at various places in the city. + For their living expenses each contributes so much a day, and + they have a steward and a cook, who provide their necessary + living: and those who have less pay than the others are obliged + to serve those who have more pay than they. Every hundred of + them when they take the field transport a tent. They go on + foot, and part of them are musketeers, and part halbardiers, + and part use the scimetar alone. Every three lead a horse + which carries their clothing. And when they come to old age, + or when for some other reason the service of one of them does + not please the Signor, they are stricken from the book of the + Janissaries, and are sent as _Hissarlis_[755] or castle guards; + and those of their officers who are deposed for such a reason, + are sent as castellans with a feudal grant equivalent to the + pay which they had previously, in such a way that none of + them suffers hardship. Such of them as succeed in war are made + _Voivodes_,[756] and raised to high positions. They come as + boys to this soldiery and are taught by the experienced ones. + They choose healthy ones, well-built, but nimble and dextrous, + lively above all, and more often cruel than compassionate. + In them rests the force and all the firmness of the army of + the Turk; they, because they are always exercising and living + together, all become as it were a single body, and of a truth + they are terrible.[757] + + From the Janissaries are chosen a hundred and fifty _Solaks_, + who are footmen of the Signor, with fifteen to twenty aspers a + day each: they march surrounding the person of the Signor every + time he goes forth. + + Two _Solak-bashis_, chief officers of the _Solaks_, who go + on horseback, with thirty aspers per day. And these and the + _Solaks_ are in obedience to the _Agha_ of the Janissaries. + + An _Agha_ of the _Spahi-oghlans_, an office of great honor. + He has from feudal grant and pay ten ducats a day, and he + has a large number of slaves, with a _Kiaya_ under him, or + lieutenant: this man has from feudal grant and pay a hundred + aspers a day. And also a _Yaziji_, or secretary, with thirty + aspers, and with large perquisites. + + The _Spahi-oghlans_, or youths on horseback, who may be + called _Spahi-oghlan_, are more than three thousand; and they + have twenty to forty aspers each; and every twenty have a + _Boluk-bashi_. These serve on horseback, each with five or six + slaves and a like number of horses. And they always journey, + and also encamp, at the right hand of the Signor. They are + great people. From them the Signor is wont to choose his chief + men. They are first put as boys into the palace, and when they + grow up they succeed well if they attain this grade: it is like + a ladder to mount to higher positions. + + An _Agha_ of the _Silihdars_, who has thirty thousand aspers + a day,[758] and under him a lieutenant, a secretary, a + _Kiaya_,[759] with thirty aspers and more each. + + There are three thousand _Silihdars_. They moreover ride and + encamp at the left hand of the Signor. They have twenty to + twenty-five aspers per day each, and they have four or five + slaves and a like number of horses, with feudal income for + their living. They are trained by the same education with + which the _Spahis_ are brought up: nor is there any difference + between them, except that the _Spahis_ go on the right, and + these on the left, of the Signor. + + Two _Ulufaji-bashis_, or chief officers of soldiers, with + two thousand _Ulufajis_, who go on the right hand and the + left of the Signor. The chief officers have a hundred and + twenty aspers, and the others eight to sixteen aspers; then + under them[760] they have a _Kiaya_, a secretary, and a + lieutenant,[761] with slaves and with horses, some more and + some fewer. + + Two _Aghas_, chief officers of the _Ghureba-oghlans_, or poor + youths[762] with eighty aspers each. _Kiayas_, thirty aspers. + Secretaries, twenty-five. And they have under them about two + thousand _Ghureba-oghlans_ with seven to fourteen aspers per + day: these have slaves and horses. + + Two _Emir-al-Akhors_,[763] or masters of the stable, a greater + and a lesser. The greater has five hundred aspers, the lesser + two hundred, with lieutenant and _Kiaya_[764] and others, who + have thirty to forty aspers each. + + Sixteen thousand altogether of _Serraj_, who have charge + of bridles[765] and saddles; _Ceyssi_, or stable servants; + _Carmandari_, who take care of the mules; _Deveji_, who take + care of the camels, and _Cavriliji_, who herd the cattle and + horses in various places. These have two to twenty aspers per + day each. + + Thirty to forty _Peiks_, or runners on foot, men who when boys + have had their spleens removed:[766] and they run post on foot + with great speed. These when the Signor goes forth remain + continually near, so that he may employ them according to his + needs. + + Select horses about four thousand for the person of the Signor; + on these the pages of the palace and the eunuchs ride for + exercise in their turns. + + A _Chakirji-bashi_, chief Vulturer, and a _Shahinji-bashi_, + chief Falconer. The first has a hundred and fifty aspers, and + the other has eighty; with _Kiayas_, lieutenants,[767] and + others, with ten to twenty-five aspers each per day. Under + these are about two hundred _Zanijiler_,[768] only a hundred of + whom have ten aspers a day, and the others have feudal income, + or exemption from taxation. And they take the field when the + Signor has need. + + A _Jebeji-bashi_, chief armorer. He has sixty aspers, a _Kiaya_ + and a secretary with twenty aspers each. He has under him about + one thousand five hundred _jebejis_, with seven to twelve + aspers. These all go on foot when the Signor takes the field. + + A _Topji-bashi_, chief of artillery. He has seventy aspers, a + _Kiaya_ [and] secretary with twenty aspers: and under him are + two thousand _Topjis_ with six to ten aspers, and they go on + foot. + + An _Arabaji-bashi_, chief wagoner. He has forty aspers, a + _Kiaya_ [and] secretary with twenty aspers: and under him three + thousand _Arabajis_ with three to six aspers each. + + A _Mihter-bashi_, or chief of trumpeters and drummers. He has + thirty [aspers] per day, and under him two hundred _Mihters_, + part of them on foot and part on horseback with three to five + aspers per day. + + An _Emir-Alem Agha_, who carries the standard of the Signor. + He has two hundred aspers a day, and is captain of all the + musicians. + + An _Arpa-emini_, who is Provider of the grain, with a + Lieutenant and a Chancellor.[769] He has sixty aspers, the + Lieutenant thirty and the Chancellor twenty: this _Arpa-emini_ + has under him twenty persons who receive among them all about + eight hundred aspers. + + A _Shehr-emini_,[770] or Commissioner of public works, who + takes care of the streets of Constantinople, and also of the + road when the Signor goes forth to war: and he has charge also + of public buildings, fountains, and aqueducts. He has fifty + aspers, and keeps under him four hundred men: among all of + these is given a thousand aspers. He has also a _Kiaya_ and + secretary with about thirty-eight aspers each.[771] + + A _Berat-emini_, who is deputed to distribute the ordinances + of the Signor in writing and who receives the fees; and he has + forty aspers, with two secretaries, and two superintendents + with twenty aspers each. + + A _Terjuman_,[772] or interpreter of all the languages. This + position is highly reputed in proportion to the worth and + intelligence of him who holds it. He has five hundred ducats + of fixed income each year, and has also a like sum from feudal + grant, and more than four times as much of extraordinary + income; and he is wont to be highly respected. + + Proceeding now further as I have begun, I shall leave it for + another time and eye to reduce this Porte to better order and + put everything in its proper place. I find that to all the + above-mentioned things should be added a PALACE of the ladies + of the Signor.[773] This is very large, with a circuit of about + a mile and a half; and it is provided with different chambers + and other rooms, where the sons of the Signor reside separately + with their mothers, and with a great number of eunuchs for + their guard and service. There also reside the Sultanas, that + is the mothers and the wives of the Signors; and there are + three hundred damsels, placed there virgins, and given to the + government of many matrons. To all of these damsels the Signor + has it taught to embroider different designs, to each he gives + pay of ten to twenty aspers per day; and twice every year at + the two Bairams he has them clothed in stuffs of silk. And + when one of these pleases him he does what he wishes with her, + and when he has lain with her he gives her a golden bonnet + and ten thousand aspers, and has her placed in a separate + apartment from the others, increasing her ordinary pay.[774] + In the aforesaid Palace there is an _Agha_ of the Eunuchs: + to these are given a hundred and twenty aspers for all. + Three _Kapuji-bashis_, and with them a hundred _Kapujis_ and + Janissaries at the gate: among all these is given six hundred + aspers a day. Ten _Sakkas_, who carry water, forty aspers in + all. And the damsels are served and educated up to the age of + twenty-five years. The teachers are the matrons, the servants + are the youngest among them; and when they have arrived at + twenty-five years, if it does not please the Signor to keep + them for his own use, he marries them to _Spahi-oghlans_, + and to others of the slaves of the Porte according to the + degree and condition of both parties; and in their place he + substitutes others. + + There is also a palace near Pera for about four hundred boys, + who have pay of six to ten aspers, and are clothed with silk + twice a year. These have an _Agha_ and eunuchs, as have + those in the great palace, [and] _Kapujis_, _Ajem-oghlans_ + and a hundred teachers of various arts. Among all these is + distributed eight hundred aspers a day. They are not so + noble, or of so beautiful appearance or show of intelligence + as are those who reside with the Signor; but from these also + many become great, and some of them are taken into the great + palace. And similarly in Adrianople there is a palace of + three hundred boys under pay, an _Agha_, eunuchs, _Kapujis_, + Janissaries, and teachers, about two hundred in all, who have + all together two thousand eight hundred aspers a day. These are + of third grade, but they are carefully taught and well kept + like all the others, and from them according to the spirit + and worth which they show promotions are made. There is also + in that region another palace, recently built, with a large + and beautiful garden: this is located on the river Maritza, + and in it reside about three hundred _Ajem-oghlans_; on these + [palaces] they spend every year two hundred thousand aspers + for each, and they have an _Agha_ with forty aspers and a + lieutenant and secretaries with thirty aspers each per day. In + various other places in Adrianople there are gardens: in these + reside continually as on deposit one thousand five hundred + _Ajem-oghlans_ with _Agha_ and secretaries, and on these they + spend six thousand aspers a year[775] or a little more. + + There is also an _Agha_ of the _Ajem-oghlans_, or Janissary + recruits, who resides in Constantinople; he has sixty aspers + per day, and under him are about five thousand _Ajem-oghlans_: + these they clothe twice a year, and on their teachers and + chiefs they spend ten thousand aspers[776] a year. They put + them on ships and buildings to carry wood and perform other + tasks. They become cooks or servants of the Janissaries, and + finally they become Janissaries. + + And every four years the Turkish Signor sends into Greece and + into Anatolia to seize boys, sons of Christians, ten or twelve + thousand each time: these he sends into Anatolia in the region + of Brusa or Caramania to dig the earth, so that they will + become accustomed to hard labor, and so that there they may + learn the Turkish language. These boys remain in such a place + and occupation three or four years: then they are ordered to be + gathered again, and are given to the government and discipline + of the _Agha_ of the _Ajem-oghlans_. For these the Signor does + not have any expenses so long as they reside in Anatolia, + because they are clothed and have their living from those whom + they serve by plowing the ground and doing other work for them. + +It seemed best to me to make mention in this place of all the palaces, +because they are as it were of the same body as that of the Signor, and +all the expenses of these are computed in the book of the expense of +the great palace, or that of the Signor. To these expenses are added +those, which are incurred in clothing twice each year the Pashas, the +_Kaziaskers_, the _Defterdars_, the _Beylerbeys_, and the _Nishanji_, and +the expenses which are incurred for the extraordinary presents of the +Signor. These in all amount to and go beyond a million aspers a year. + + There is also an Arsenal in the region of Pera, small and of + short circuit: this has on the sea-front ninety-two vaults, and + so little area and ground within that not merely no galleys + but not even materials and timbers can be contained there. In + it usually work each day about two hundred men; although there + are under pay two hundred patrons with two thousand aspers per + day for all.[777] A thousand _Azabs_, who have among them four + thousand aspers. Foremen, or masters fifty in number, who have + in leisure, that is, when not working, six aspers, and when + working, twelve aspers each. An Intendant, forty aspers. A + Secretary, twenty-five aspers, with ten clerks under him, who + have a hundred aspers. All these fulfil their duties when there + is great need; but they understand ill the trade and art of + building galleys. For this reason they do not turn out good and + ready ones like ours; and what few there are are overseen by + Christians, who are well paid. + + Over this Arsenal and all these persons, there is one who + is called the _Beylerbey_ of the sea; that is to say, Lord + of lords, an office created at the time when I was in + Constantinople; since in the past he who was _Sanjak_ of + Gallipoli was wont to be called Captain of the Sea. And + Khaireddin Bey called Barbarossa was the first who had this + title; he was then made fourth Pasha. To him is given the + government of all the fleets, and he has for income every year + a feudal grant of fourteen thousand ducats, besides that from + Rhodes, Euboea, and Mytilene; so that he receives twice as much + more. + +I find nothing else that pertains to arrangements for the rule and watch +of the sea which are worthy of note: wherefore I will now come to those +of the land; these are in truth well and usefully ordered. + + There is first one called the _Beylerbey_ of Greece: in this + are included all the lands which the Turkish Signor possesses + in Europe: this _Beylerbey_ is greater than all the others. + He has from feudal grant sixteen thousand ducats a year, and + gets more than double this. He sits at the Porte after the + Pashas,[778] and is of great repute with everybody. He has + under him besides his slaves, who number more than a thousand, + a _Defterdar_ with feudal income of three thousand ducats a + year; a hundred clerks who keep the books and accounts of the + feudal grants assigned to _Subashis_, _Kazis_, _Spahis_, and + others; among all of whom are distributed ten thousand ducats a + year. + + Thirty-six _Sanjaks_: these are in obedience to him, and have + for feudal income from five to twelve thousand ducats a year + each. They are distributed through the provinces: in these they + reside only so long as pleases the Signor: he changes them, as + seems best to him, from one province to another. Their duty is + to rule the _Spahis_, and to have them trained in arms, and to + keep them in obedience. + + Four hundred _Subashis_, who have among them all from feudal + income four hundred thousand ducats, and have about five + hundred slaves each.[779] + + Thirty thousand _Spahis_: these are horse soldiery set apart + some to the service of the _Beylerbey_, and some to that of + all the _Sanjaks_ of Greece. They have from feudal grant two + hundred ducats each, and each of them, for every hundred ducats + of feudal income, is obliged to maintain an armed man, with + horse and lance. And then they have besides the armed man two + or four or five servants and horses. These _Spahis_ are all + slaves of the Signor, and sons of slaves, and of _Spahis_. + + Twenty thousand _Timarjis_ who have ten to forty ducats of + feudal income each year, and because they do not reach a + hundred ducats, they are not called _Spahis_. These have each + a horse and two or three servants, and they serve distributed + through all the _Sanjaks_ of Greece. The feudal grants are by + assignment of land; the income of this assignment they get + partly from rent, but the greater part from the tithes of all + the income, which Turks as well as Christians pay, and from the + poll-tax, which is twenty-five aspers per head from Christians + alone, and from the imposts laid on animals, fruit-trees, and + other things. These imposts, moreover, are in addition to those + which they pay ordinarily to the Signor. + + Sixty thousand _Akinji_, or mounted adventurers, inscribed for + the lands of Greece and obliged to go to war without payment. + But they are exempt from any burden, and cities and villages + are bound to give them, when they pass through, living expenses + only. + + There are in all Greece, that is, in all the countries which + the Turkish Signor possesses in Europe, sixty-eight thousand + villages of Turkish and Christian people, subject to public + burdens.[780] + + There follow next six _Beylerbeys_ of Asia, and a separate + one of Egypt. The first of these is called the _Beylerbey_ of + Anatolia which was anciently Asia Minor: he has from feudal + income fourteen thousand ducats, but gets a great deal more. + This man has under him and in his government Pontus, Bithynia, + Asia proper, Lydia, Caria, and Lycia: these provinces under a + single name are called at present Anatolia. This man’s place at + the Porte is after the _Beylerbey_ of Greece. And he has under + him, besides his own slaves, who are more than a thousand, + twelve _Sanjaks_ with feudal income of from four to six + thousand ducats each. Ten thousand _Spahis_, with five to ten + aspers a day, and also more or less feudal income according to + their degree. Next after these follows + + The _Beylerbey_ of Caramania, which was anciently Cilicia and + Pamphylia, with feudal income of ten thousand ducats. This man + has under him seven _Sanjaks_ with four to six thousand ducats + of feudal income each, and five thousand _Spahis_, with five to + ten aspers a day each and feudal income besides. + + The _Beylerbey_ of Amasia and Tokat, which was Cappadocia and + Galatia, with feudal income of eight thousand ducats. Four + _Sanjaks_ with four to six thousand ducats of feudal income + each. Four thousand _Spahis_ with five to ten aspers a day each + and feudal income. + + The _Beylerbey_ of Anadole, which is a region between Syria, + Caramania, and Tokat, which was anciently Paphlagonia, and + is the half of Armenia Minor. He has ten thousand ducats of + feudal income, and under him seven _Sanjaks_ with four to five + thousand ducats of feudal income. Seven thousand _Spahis_, with + five to ten aspers per day and feudal income. In this province + of Anadole, they say that when the Signor is there, besides the + paid troops thirty thousand persons are obliged to ride without + any pay, but only with expenses from the villages. + + The _Beylerbey_ of Mesopotamia, under whom is the remainder of + Armenia Minor and part of the Major, the other parts belonging + to the Persians and the Kurds. This borders with Bagdad, or + Baldach, which was anciently Babylonia. He has of feudal income + thirty thousand ducats: and besides his own slaves, who number + two thousand, he has under him twelve _Sanjaks_ with feudal + income of four to six thousand ducats a year, and ten[781] + _Spahis_ with ten to fifteen aspers per day each, and with + large feudal income because of being at the confines of the + Persians: with these they are continually in conflict. + + A _Beylerbey_ of Damascus and Syria and Judea, with feudal + income of twenty-four thousand ducats; he has more than two + thousand slaves, and under him twelve _Sanjaks_ with feudal + income of five to seven thousand ducats, and twenty thousand + _Spahis_ with ten to fifteen aspers per day each and with good + feudal income. + + A _Beylerbey_ of Cairo: he holds jurisdiction as far as Mecca, + or as far as into Arabia: this Arabia is possessed by the + Turkish Signor in the way in which he possesses Albania, where + he is not yielded such obedience as he is accustomed to receive + from all his other states and countries. But [Arabia] Felix + stands in somewhat greater obedience than the rest. He has for + feudal income thirty thousand ducats, with numerous slaves: + these amount to more than four thousand; sixteen _Sanjaks_ with + feudal income of six to eight thousand ducats each; and sixteen + thousand _Spahis_ with fifteen to twenty aspers each per day. + + Near Mecca, and the countries of the Persians, are some Arabic + lords who do not obey any one. The rest[782] then borders + the Persians as far as Mesopotamia, in which is Bagdad.[783] + Passing Mesopotamia it borders the Persians again to the plain + of Naximan, then touches Erzinjan[784] and Erzerum, which are + the chief places of Armenia Major. This Armenia borders with + the Iberians and Georgians. In these Armenias, Major and Minor, + are many Kurds, people of the mountains and warlike, those of + [Armenia] Major obedient partly to the Turkish Signor, and + partly to the Persian; those of [Armenia] Minor to no one. + Next Trebizond borders with the Georgians and Mingrelians, + and with part of the Iberians, which people were anciently + called Colchians. And Ajemia,[785] which anciently was Assyria, + belongs to the Persian: he is absolute master of it. + + There are in all Anatolia, or in all the countries which + the Turkish Signor possesses in Asia, villages of Turks and + Christians to the number of more than seventy-two thousand, not + counting those which are in Egypt, which are many. + + The _Sanjaks_ truly [set forth]: these (as I said above) + have under government the provinces entrusted to the + _Beylerbeys_; they are men of much and very great reputation + and esteem, especially in the affairs of war; they are named + as below by the names of the places which are given to their + government. And first the _Beylerbey_ of Greece holds as his + sanjakate the places about Salonika. Then follow the others + of Kaffa, Silistria, Nicopolis, Vidin, Semendria, Servia and + Belgrade,[786] Zvornick, Bosnia, Hersek, which is the Servia + called the Duchy,[787] Scutari, Avlona, Yanina, Karli Ili, + Lepanto, Morea, Negropont, Trikkala, Gallipoli, Kirk-Kilisse or + Forty Churches, Viza, Chirmen, Kostendil, Vishidrina, Prisrend, + Okhrida, Alaja Hissar, Elbassan, Voinuch, Chiuchene, Zaiza. + These are usually counted thirty-five, but five are regions + united to neighboring places, namely Philippopolis, Sofia, + Durazzo, Albania, and Uskup. + + ANATOLIA, or Asia Minor: Pontus, Bithynia, Lydia, Caria, and + Lycia. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is at Kutaia. And the + others are in Hoja-ili, Boli, Kastamuni, Angora, Kanghri,[788] + Tekke-ili, Menteshe-ili, Aidin-ili, Alayeh,[789] Bigha, and + Manissa,[790] which is that of Sultan Mustapha, the oldest son + of the Signor. This place is opposite the middle of Chios near + the sea. + + AMASIA, and Tokat, which is Paphlagonia, Galatia, and + Cappadocia. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in Amasia, of + the others in Chorum, Janik, Kara-hissar, Samsun, Trebizond. + + CARAMANIA, which is Cilicia opposite Cyprus and Pamphylia. + The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in Konia. The others + have theirs in Naranda, Hissar, Eski-hissar, Versag-ili, + Sivri-hissar. + + ANADOLE, or Armenia Minor. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ + is in Marash. Those of the others in Sarmussacli, + Albistan-ovassi,[791] Adana, Tarsus. + + DIARBEKIR, or Mesopotamia, and part of Armenia Major, of which + the remainder belongs to the Persians and the Kurds. The + sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in Diarbekir. And the others + have theirs in Kara Amid, Arghana, Toljik, Hassan-Kief, Mardin, + Kharput, Mosul, Erzerum, Baiburt, Bitlis, and Naximan-ovassi. + + SYRIA, and Judea. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in + Damascus. Of the others in Malatia, Divirigi, Aintab, Antioch, + Aleppo, Tripoli, Hama, Homs, Safita, Jerusalem, Gaza. + + EGYPT, with part of Arabia Deserta as far as Jeddah;[792] + Mecca, with all of Arabia Felix, where are many Arab lordlings, + who are partly in devotion to the Turkish Signor, partly to no + one. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in Cairo, and of the + others....[793] + + All the aforesaid _Sanjaks_, _Beylerbeys_, Pashas, and other + officials have salary or feudal income, as I have said above, + by fixed arrangement, that is, regularly: but they obtain from + extraordinary sources about as much more. And they live with + very great expenses for slaves: these they are accustomed to + clothe and they give them also wages besides, so that they will + not steal. + +How great the revenues of this Signor are, may be estimated from the +expenses. These revenues are obtained from the Kharâj, which is paid by +the non-Turkish subjects; this gives a million and a half ducats: from +the tax on animals, which gives eight hundred thousand ducats: from +mines, which give six hundred thousand ducats: from countless other +duties, salt-taxes, commendations, inheritances, gifts, the revenues of +Egypt over and above the expenses, rents, and tributes. And they are so +great that they not only meet the expenses, which amount besides the +feudal income in ready money drawn from the Treasury to more than twelve +thousand ducats a day;[794] but there remains over a great sum of money +from the surplus of each year. And it is believed that all the revenues +amount to fifteen millions in gold: five of which enter the Treasury, and +the other ten remain for the servants of war.[795] + + + + +APPENDIX II + +PAMPHLET OF JUNIS BEY AND ALVISE GRITTI + +Printed in 1537. Presented in the original Italian. + + +OPERA NOUA LA QUALE DECHIARA + + tutto il gouerno del gran Turcho & tutta + la Spesa che il gran Turcho ha sotto + di lui cosi in pace como in guerra + & il numero de le Persone & nome + & gouerno de le sue Donne + & Garzoni che lui tene + nel Serraglio serrati & + de tutta la Entrata che + lui ha a lanno & nomina + tutti li Signori + de le sue + prouincie: + + E il nome de tutte le sue terre chelha + sotto se: & la ordināza del suo Campo + quādo ua ala guerra como + ua in ordinanza tutte le + persone a sorte per + sorte & come + uanno e + che arme portano. Nouamente stampata + nel M D X X X V I I. + +Il Signor grāde cioe il grā Turcho ha uno serraglio principale doue tene +la sua sedia, & ha una camera deputada per lui doue dorme, & al gouerno +dessa ha 8. gioueni ch’ lo uestano e suestano doi al giorno deputati ala +guardia, & seruitii suoi, & la notte li fanno la guardia uno da capo, +laltro da piede con due torce accese: & q̄lli doi che li hāno fatto la +guardia la notte lo uestano la mattina, & li mettano ne la Scarsella +del dulimano cioe de la casacha sua aspri Mille uno aspro ual soldi do +di Milano, & in laltra duchati 20 doro: questi dinari sel Signor nō li +dona uia quel giorno restano a colori ch’ lo spogliano la sera, & q̄sti +giouani hāno uno capo ch’ si domāda Oddabassi cioe capo de li camarieri +uno Papugi che li porta le scarpe, laltro Selictare che porta larco & +frezze, laltro Ciochadar ch’ li porta le ueste, laltro Seracter che li +porta il mastrapā zoe il ramī da lacq̄, laltro schēni ch’ porta la sedia +questi sono li nomi che hanno li otto gioueni, & il capo de questi cioe +Oddabassi ha aspri 30. al di di soldo, & li altri 8. gioueni hano chi 15. +chi 20. aspri per uno secondo il loro grado. + +El Capagasi e monuco cioe castrato & e portinaro de la porta del gran +Turco ha aspri 60. di soldo. + +El Capiagabasi cioe il capo del Serraglio doue sta il Turcho quādo il +Signor e fora de Cōstantinopoli ha aspri 50. & ha sotto lui 12 mōuchi +cioe castrati che hāno aspri 16. al di per uno di soldo & spesa. + +El Casnādarbasi e monucho, cioe Tesorero de la Saluaroba del Signor ha +aspri 60. al di di soldo. + +Ha in el serraglio il Signor gioueni de anni 8. fino in 20. numero 700. +che hāno di soldo al giorno chi 10. chi 14. secondo il suo grado & +sono uestiti dal Signor q̄sti hàno maestri che li insegnano a legere e +scriuere & la lege loro, & como escano del serraglio hanno nella porta +cioe ne la sua corte officii chi Spacoglài chi Selictari chi Solachi & +altri stipēdii secondo gratia e ualore loro. + +Spacoglani sono gétilhomini che cortigiano il Signor quādo caualca: & +li Selictari sono q̄lli che uano alla mā sinistra del Signor q̄ndo ua +in campo: & li Solachi sono stafferi del Signor, & li suoi maestri sono +Talasimāi uecchi detti Cogia dotti nella lege loro, cioe sacerdoti & +questi putti sono ogni 10. in gouerno d’uno monucho detto Capogliano, +ognuno ha uno schiauinotto nel qual dormino détro la notte de sorte che +non si toccano insiemo & stanno in uno salotto & li Monuchi dormeno in +mezo desso salotto & stanno le lume accese tutta la notte. + +Ha uno giardino nel serraglio che uolge circa doi miglia doue stanno +circa 400. putti giardineri detti Bustāgi sono Ianicerotti, & hanno uno +capo che si domanda Bustāgibassi che e sopra tutti li giardini del Signor +ch’ sono molti e lui ha aspri 40. il di di soldo & altre molte regalie & a +li giardineri chi 3. chi 5. aspri al di & sono ognuno uestiti del Signor +di pāno azuro turchesco & una gamisa e uno paro di braghe do uolte a +lanno & quādo escano del serraglio che sono grādi diuentano Ianizari cioe +guardiani del Signor, Solachi cioe staffieri & Capigi cioe Portinari: & +il ditto Bonstāgibassi e q̄llo ch’e timonero quādo il Signor ua in Fusta +hāno uno p̄toiro cioe loco tenente che ha aspri 20. al di & ogni 10 de +detti hāno uno capo ditto Balucasi che ha aspri 20. il di & questi putti +uāno per tutto dentro del Serraglio & mai escano fino che non sono homeni. + +El Signor ha due Fuste che li nauegano li sopraditti giardineri, & lo +capo loro sta al timone con le quale il Signor ua a spasso assai per +canale & a li giardini lor. + +El calualgibasi capo de le cōfettioni ha aspri 40. il di con 30. homini +sotto di lui & hanno chi 5. chi 6. aspri al di. + +El Vechilargibasi capo deli despésieri ha aspri 40. il di cō uno scriuano +cō aspri 20 il di di soldo. + +El Cessignirbassi capo de li cardēceri ha aspri 80. il di & questo porta +la sera & mattina il piato al Signore & ha sotto di lui homini 100. che +hanno chi 5. chi 6. aspri al di di soldo. + +Vno Asgibassi capo de li coghi ha aspri 40. al di & ha da circa 80. +coghi sotto di lui che hāno chi 5. chi 6. chi 8. aspri il di, & ha da +80. Ianicerotti da 10. in 20. anni ditti baltagi cioe taglia legne che +tagliano le legne per la cucina del signore & per tutto il serraglio che +hanno da 3. in 5. aspri il di per uno & sono uestiti dal Signore. + +Ha circa 20. garzoni Ianicerotti carretteri che portano con li carri +le legne nel serraglio & hanno aspri 3. in 5. al di & sono uestiti dal +Signore. + +Sacha 10. cioe acquaroli che portano lacqua con li caualli nel serraglio +hanno 3. in 5. aspri il di & uestiti dal Signore. + +Vna stalla con 200. caualli per la ꝑsona del Signore con 100. homini al +gouerno suo che hanno aspri 5. in 8. al di di soldo per uno. Vnaltra +stalla con 4000. caualli per li schiaui soi con 2000. homini al suo +gouerno che hāno da 3 in 5 aspri al di di soldo & spesa. + +Il gran Turcho ha molti giardini & si uendano li frutti & del tratto di +essi si fa le spese a lui per essere entrate licite, & il suo serraglio +paga di liuello aspri 1000. al giorno a la moschea cioe a la gesia del +padre de suo padre Soltan memet. + +Spesa nel piato del Signor aspri 5000. & per li garzoni soi aspri 2500. +ogni giorno. + +Vno Capigilarchi caiasi idest gouernator & capo de tutti li capigi cioe +di portineri de la porta ha aspri 500. il di: & 3 capigibassi de la porta +del signore hanno aspri 100. il di & uestiti, sotto q̄sti sono Capigi +cioe Portinari numero 250. che hanno aspri 57. il di per uno, & questi +fanno la guardia a la porta del Signor di 24. in 24. hore, & quando +qualche Ambasciator ua a basciare la mano al Signor bisogna chel presenta +tutti costori. Vno Capigi la che chi si Protoiro idest locotenente di +Capigi ha aspri 40. il giorno. + +El Ciausbasi capo de li ciausi cō 100. ciausi sotto lui q̄sti sono homini +grādi & quādo uāno ꝑ fare morire alcuno sia dassai quāto si uoglia sono +obediti senza altra cōmissione in scritto, & q̄ndo il Signor caualca uāno +semp’ ináci a lui faciādo fare largo, hāno di soldi da aspri 25. sino in +40. al di secūdo lor grado & il ciaubasi ha aspri 200. + +El Mecterbasi capo de quelli che destendano li padiglioni & tapedi & +spazzan la porta & altre simile cose ha aspri 40. il di con il suo +Protoiro che ha aspri 20. il di con 60. homini sotto di lui che si +domandano Mecteri che hanno aspri 5. in 6. il di per uno & sono uestiti. + +Sono ordinatamēte 4. Bascia soi cāzelleri e cōseieri el primo ha duchati +24000 di entrata a lanno: li altri tre hāno chi 16000. chi 18000. duchati +a lanno & li sono date entrate doue cauano il tutto, & hāno molte altre +regalie & p̄senti. + +Abrain ch’era de la pargha albaneso e morto, hora li e Aiisbassa de la +sinita ch’e il prícipale Albāeso uno altro mostafa bascia ch’e mamalucho +di Alchayro & uno Casin bascia ch’e Crouato & Cayradibeii cioe Barbarossa +ch’era greco di metelí Isola & niuno puo essere bascia se non Christiani +renegati. Ayas ha numero 600. schiaui. Mostafa ne ha numero 200: Casin +crouato ne ha numero 150. Barbarossa ne ha da numero 100. A liquali danno +soldo caualli scufie doro & spade fornite dargento & di questi essi +Bascia fanno la corte loro & sono uestiti da essi Bascia. + +Doi Cadilescher talasimani uno de la Grecia laltro de la natolia cioe +Asia, & ha di entrata ducati 6 in 7 milia a lanno per uno: q̄sti sono +executori de la lege loro & hano 10. homini executori per uno dati dal +Signor sono q̄lli che metteno li Cadi cioe podesta per tutto il paese del +Signor & quādo uanno dal Signor entrano auanti deli Bascia hanno per uno +mocturbasi cioe cursor, & como cauallieri de li executori & questi tutti +uiuano di regalie, hāno lo Cadilescheri 200. in 300. schiaui per uno che +se ne fanno la lor corte. + +Doi Defterderi cioe thesoreri uno di Asia laltro di Europa che scodano +tutte le entrade del Signor & gouernano quasi il tutto hanno di entrada +ducati sie in sette milia a lanno per uno, & hanno 200. schiaui per uno & +ne fanno la lor corte. + +Hanno q̄sti Defterderi 50. scriuani per uno con li cogitori quali tengano +conto del thesoro del Signor, questi scriuani sono posti dal Signor con +soldo di 15. in 50. aspri al di per uno secondo il grado loro & hāno 15. +in 20. schiaui per uno. + +Secretarii 25. posti dal Signor che hanno 25. in 30. aspri il di & suoi +schiaui sono doi Rosanamagi idest capi de li scriuani che reuedano li +cōti & ch’ receuano dāno fora con 20. cōpagni sotto loro doi, hanno aspri +40. il di & li 25. compagni hāno aspri 8. in 10. al di per uno di soldo. + +Cinque Seraferi idest Bancheri che uedano tutti li danari che si scodano +hanno aspri 10. in 15. al di di soldo. + +Vno Tescheregibassi che segna tutti li commandamenti del Signor ha di +entrata ducati 7000. & 300. in 400. schiaui. + +Vno Casmandarbassi di fora con 10. Casandari il capo ha aspri 50. il di & +ha aspri 10. in 15. al di di soldo sintéde sopra la saluaroba del Signore +di fuora del serraglio. + +Vno Defterdaro emino cioe douanero sopra le intrade & tene il libro de li +timarati ha aspri 40. il di con lo scriuano che ha aspri 10. in 15. al di. + +Vno Agha de Ianiceri cioe Capitano de tutti li Ianiceri che ha intrata +duch. 7000. lāno, & ha aspri 10000. per far pasto a li Ianizari quādo +el da audiétia in casa sua che 2. o 3. uolte la settimana la da & ha +400. schiaui sotto se questi Ianizari sono la guardia del Signor tutti +schiopetteri & uanno a piede. + +Vno Gachaia de Ianizari cioe locotenéte ha 200 aspri al di & ducati 300. di +timaro cioe entrata a lanno con 25. schiaui suoi. + +Vno Scriuan di Ianizari che tien conto de loro Ianizari ha aspri 100. al +di & circa a 200 schiaui. + +Secmébassi capo di brachi da caza ha aspri 100. il di & ha del numero di +Iāizari 200 sotto di lui. + +Il Zarcagibassi capo de li liureri da cazza ha aspri 50 il di & ha del +numero di Ianizari 700. sotto di se che menano li cani a spasso quādo +bisogna. + +Sono li Ianizari numero 12000. li quali hanno da 3. sino in 8. aspri il +di di soldo & ogni 10. hanno il suo Odabassi cioe capo de numero dece & +ogni cento hanno il suo capo che si domanda Bolucbassi, & li capi loro +quando uanno in cāpo uāno a cauallo & hāno aspri 40. in 60. al[796] di +per vno secondo il grado loro. + +De li Ianizari si caua da 150 solachi che sono staferi dil Signor & 2 +solachibassi capi de q̄lli & tutti sono sotto lagha de Ianizeri, & sono +vestiti vna volta alanno dil Signor di pāno azuro, & hāno le stantie +loro in 2 lochi in Constantinopoli fatto fabricare dil Signor & li stano +q̄lli che non hāno moglie li maritati stano fora cō le dōne loro, & nel +vitto ogniuno mette tāto al di & hano dispēsieri choghi & q̄lli che hāno +pocho salario seruan al altri, & ogni 100 di loro quādo vano in cāpo +portano vno padiglione, & sono soldati apedi schopeteri & alabarderi e +simitarre. Quādo li ditti venghano in desgratia dil Signor o in veghieza +si mādan a sario zoe castelli che sono guardiani & si cassano del libro +de Ianizari & hāno entrate equalmente al suo primo soldo & li capi loro +similmente vano castellani con timaro vtsupra. + +Vno agha di Spachoglani capo cioe di destri giouene gentilhomo che a tra +timaro e soldo ducat 10 il di con reghalie & 400 schiaui. + +Vno Iaxagi scriuano de questi spachoglani ha aspri 30 il di con reghalie +& 30 schiaui. + +Vno Cacaia de ditti zoe protoiro a tra timaro e soldo aspri 100 al di. + +Sono li Spachoglani 3000 che hano aspri 20 in 40 il di secondo il grado +loro & ogni 20 hano vno capo domandato Bolucbassi & questi seruano a +cauallo con 5 o 6 schiaui & altri tanti caualli per vno questi vano sempre +ala man destra dil Signor, & alogiano appresso a lui in campo. + +Vno Agha deto Selicterbassi capo de li sinistri che sono ala mā sinistra +dil Signor ha aspri 250 il di & vno Protoiro cioe loco tenēte & vno +scriuano cō aspri 30 il di per vno questo Aga e capo di 3000 Selictari a +cauallo che stano a la man sinistra dil Signore & hano aspri 20 in 25 al +di ꝑ vno & hano 4. o 5. schiaui & altri tanti caualli & lui capo a 200 +schiaui soi. + +Doi Holofagibassi da la man destra & sinistra uno per banda capi de li +soldati a aspri 120 al di & hano 200 Holofagi sotto se cō aspri 16 il di +pervno il suo logo tenente cō aspri 20 e vno scriuano cō aspri 20 & vano +a cauallo con 2. o 3. caualli & tanti schiaui. + +Doi Aga capo de li carippoglani zoe poueri gioueni che hano aspri 30 il +di per vno cō il suo protoiro & scriuano con aspri 15 in 30 al di & sono +li Carippoglani numero 2000 che hano da 7 sino in 14 aspri al di per vno +li capi hano 25 schiaui per vno. + +Doi Bracorbassi zoe maestri di stalla vno grande vno picolo il grāde +a aspri 500 il di, & il picolo ne a 200 al di di soldo con protoiro & +scriuano con 30 sino in 40 aspri il di per vno. + +Sedici milia Sarachi zoe famigli che cōzano brene & selle Caysli zoe +fanti di stalla Carmādari zoe mulateri deuegi zoe gābeleri che vano dreto +a gambeli circirgli zoe mandreri che pascolano le mādre de li caualli +in varii lochi hano di soldo da 2 sino ī 20 aspri il di pervno secōdo il +grado loro chi piu chi meno. + +Caualli da caualcare per il Signor & soi puti & monuchi zoe castrati +numero 4000. + +Vno Zarchigibassi capo de li astori che a di soldo aspri 150 il di & +schiaui & vno Zarchigibassi capo di falconeri che a aspri 80 il di & +schiaui con il suo protoiro & scriuano con aspri 25 per vno al di. + +Vintimilia zainogiler homini a cauallo di lāza & mili soli de questi hāno +soldo aspri 10 il di & resto hāno timari o vero exemption di angarie per +essere homeni dil Signor & vano in campo. + +Vno hebegibassi capo de le armature a aspri 60 il di con il suo protoiro +& scriuan con aspri 20 per vno di soldo & à da 160 Ebegi zoe famigli +sotto se con 7 fino in 10 aspri il di per vno, & vano a pede. + +Vno Topgibassi capo de li bombarderi che ha aspri 60 il di con protoiro & +scriuan con aspri 20 pervno & a 2000 Topgi sotto se zoe bombarderi cō 6 +sino in 10 aspri il di di soldo per vno e vano a pede. + +Vno Arabagibassi capo de li careteri a aspri 40 il di con protoiro & +scriuano con aspri 20 per vno & a 1000 Arabagi zoe careteri sotto se con +3 sino in 6 aspri il di per vno. + +Vno Mecterbassi capo de li trombeteri & tamburini a aspri 30 il di con +protoiro & scriuan con aspri 12 ꝑ vno di soldo al di & a 12 millia +compagni sotto se che hano di soldo 3 sino in 5 aspri il di per vno parti +vano a piedi & parti a cauallo & altre regalie. + +Imralem aga Capitanio che porta il stendardo dil Signor a di soldo +aspri 200 al di & e sopra tutti li mecteri zoe trombetti & tamburini & +banderali. + +Vno Arpaemin prouiditore de le biaue per il campo con vno protoiro & vno +cursor lemin a aspri 60 il di di protoiro a aspri 30 il cursor aspri 20 +al di di soldo & a 20 persone sotto di lui con aspri 800 al di fra tutti +quelli 20 persone. + +Vno Saremin prouiditore de comun a cōzare le strade & fabricare in +Constantinopli a aspri 50 il di, & a sotto di lui 400 homeni cō aspri +1000 al di fra tutti cō protoiro & scriuano cō aspri 57 il di per vno. + +Vno Baratemin che dispensa tutti li comandamēti & che scode li denari de +li ditti a aspri 40 il di & a 2 scriuani & doi soprastanti con aspri 60 +il di per vno di soldo. + +Vno Seraglio di donne in Constantinopli che circōda vno miglio e mezo cō +stantie & camere doue stano li figlioli separati luno da laltro cō loro +madre & monuchi, & soltane zoe molier dil Signor & li sono da 200 in +300 dōzelle sotto la custodia di molte matrone veghie alequa il Signor +fa insegnare a ricamar diuersi lauori & a cadauna li da di soldo asp +10 fino in 20 per vna secondo il grado loro & ogni anno doi volte a li +bairami zoe a le sue pasque li veste tutte di setta, & lequal donzelle +quādo piace alcuna desse al Signore lui sta con lei & fa il fatto suo, & +como la hauta li dona vna schufia doro che val duc. 200 & aspri 10 millia +di cōtadi & la fa stare in vna camera separata da le altre & li cresse il +soldo suo & q̄lla che fa prima fioli quella e la sua moglie prima. + +In ditto seraglio & de tutti li altri monuchi zoe castrati che sono in +detto seraglio a aspri 60 il di di soldo & stano in questo seraglio 20 +monuchi & hano aspri 120 il di tra capigibassi zoe portinari & Ianizari +nu. 100 a le porte ꝑ guardia hāno aspri 500 al di fra tutti & numero 10 +Sacha che portano laqua dētro zoe aquaroli & hāno aspri 40 al di fra +tutti di soldo. + +Quando le donzelle sono in eta de anni 25 il Signor le maritta a li +schiaui di la porta zoe di la sua corte & in loco loro ne mete de le +altre & le piu giouane seruano a le altre. + +A vno seraglio appresso a pera a de garzoni nu. 400. in circa che hano +di soldo da 6 fin in 10 aspri il di ꝑ vno & li veste dói volte alanno +di panno di seda si como fa a le dōne & vno Agha zoe capo del seraglio +& 20 monuchi como nel altro seraglio & capigi & Ianizeri & maestri che +imparano voltegiare a cauallo & īparano a sonare in tutto numero 100 +homeni che hāno aspri 600 al di di soldo tra tutti & laga a aspri 60 il +di di soldo & 10 sacha con aspri 40 il di di soldo fra tutti li aquaroli. + +Vno Seraglio in Andranopoli nouo con vno bel giardino appresso a la +mariza fiumera nel qual stano Ianizerotti numero 300 & hāno aspri 12 al +di per vno Andranopoli e 5 zornate lōtan da Constantinopoli. + +Vno capo de detti zardineri a aspri 40 il di con vno protoiro & vno +scriuano che tengono cōto de ditto zardino con aspri 30 per vno al di. + +In diuersi lochi il Signor ha piu giardini in liquali son assai +Ianizerotti garzoni & soi capi hāno di soldo aspri 6000 al di fra tutti +questi giardini. + +Vno aga de agiamoglani Capitanio zoe gioueni greci in Cōstātinopoli a +aspri 60 il di & a 4 in 5000 Ianizerotti sotto lui & li da di soldo tra +tutti alāno ne a di spesa aspri 100 millia & liveste due fiate alanno +& hano li loro capi como li altri & questi se metano sopra fabriche & +condutte legne cō nauigli in Constantinopoli per il Signor & altre +stente poi si fano coghi & famegli di Ianizeri & in fino si fano Ianizeri. + +Ogni 4 anni il Signor manda a tore di gretia & di Natolia piu figlioli +de christiani per il paxe zoe ꝑ leville & doue vno padre ha 2 fioli li +piglian vno fiol ꝑ forza & lo fano turco & cosi a ognuno christiani ꝑ +il suo paese fano zoe soi subditi & ne piglia 10 ī 12000 a la volta +liquali puti li fano stare in la Natolia zoe in asia a zapare la terra +acio imparano la lingua turcha & cosi stentano 3. o vero 4. anni & poi +li manda a scriuere sotto laga di agiamoglani ditto vtsupra & di questi +il Signor non ne a spesa alcuna per che sono vestiti & fatto le spese da +quelli a che seruano per che li mete a stare cō altri sino chano imparato +la lingua & poi quando sono scritti li da soldo per la prima 2. in 3 +aspri per vno & secōdo li mete in altri officii li cresce il salario. + +Ha di spesa in li altri seragli di viuere aspri 5000 il di ditto di sopra. + +Veste due fiate alanno li Bassa zoe confieri defterderi zoe texoreri +beglerbeii zoe Signor de Signori nesangibei zoe quello che sopra di +frutti dil Signor & presenti di spexa aspri 5000 per volte. + +Vna Arsenale doue ten le sue galere che a volti 100 zoe 30 di galere +grosse che si domandano maone ꝑ portare caualli & il resto sono galere +futile. + +Tene continuamenti numero 200 patroni de galere pagati che hāno soldo fra +tutti aspri 200000 alanno di spexa. + +Tene continuo mille homeni axapi zoe marinero di galeri & ne a di spexa +alāno fra tutti aspri 400000. + +Maistri ouero proti numero 50 che sono sopra a far lauorare le galere zoe +farle che in ocio hanno soldo aspri 6 il di & quando lauorano hāno aspri +12 il di. + +Emino zoe capo de questi a aspri 40 il di vno scriuan che ten conto ha +aspri 28 al di con 10 scriuani sotto lui con aspri 80 al di fra tutti. + +El Zustiniano zoe vno zentilomo Venetiano che serue il Turcho & e sopra a +far fare galere ancora lui spexe straordinaria ha di soldo aspri 50 il di. + +Vno Beglerbei dil mar zoe Signor de Signori capo sopra le terre maritime +che a di entrata duc. 14000 & traze piu dil duplo sopra rodi metelino +negropōte & il tributo di sio isole in mar. + +Il Beglerbei di la gretia zoe capo di tutto il paese di la gretia magior +de tutti li altri a di entrada ducati 260 millia a lanno & traze il duplo +& a schiaui 1000. + +Vno protoiro zoe loco tenente di la gretia a ducati 4000 di entrada a +lanno & a schiaui 300. + +Vno Deftero zoe texorero de le entrate di la gretia che loro domandano +timari a ducati 3000 de entrada a lanno & ha 900 schiaui soi seruitori. + +Cento scriuani che tengono li libri & cōti dil Signor a di entrada fra +tutti a lanno ducati 10000. + +Trentasette Sanzachibei zoe contadi Signori per il paese che han di +entrada di 5 in 12 millia ducati a lanno secondo il grado loro chi piu +chi meno & hāno vno per laltro in tutto duca. 260 millia a lanno & 300 +schiaui per vno. + +Quatrocento Subasi per il paxe dil Signor zoe Capitanio di Iustitia che +hāno duc. 100 alanno per vno di entrada & hāno 50 schiaui per vno soi +famigli. + +Trenta millia Spachi che hanno di entrada luno per laltro ducati 200 per +vno alanno & ciaschaduno de ditti per ogni ducati 100 che hāno di entrada +deue tener vno homo armato di lanza a cauallo & oltra le lanze hanno tre +o 4 famigli per vno & altri tanti caualli zoe li Spachi. + +Vintimillia Trimarati zoe q̄lli che scodano le entrate per il paese hano +duc. 40 di entrata alanno ꝑ vno & per che non ariuano a li 100 ducati +dintrada nō si chiamano spachi & sono homeni a cauallo & vano in campo. + +Li Spacoglani li sopradetti timari cioe entrade de le decime de tutte +le entrade cosi de christiani como di turchi splenza aspri 25 per testa +da li christiani & da langaria de li animali & altra quanto pagano dil +Signor zoe piu o meno secondo diuersi paesi. + +Sesantamillia Iaching zoe ventureri scritti per il paese obligadi andare +in campo quando piace al Signor senza soldo & quando vano a la guerra le +ville & cita li dano il modo dil viuere. + +Tutti li spachi sono schiaui & figli de schiaui del Sig. + +Sette Beglerbei zoe Signor de signori sopra bassavno che se chiama di +la natolia ilquale era antichamēte in assia minore il qual a di entrata +ducati 24000 & ne traze assai piu & a sotto se il ponte labitinia azia +ꝑpia Lidia carian, licia prouincie & a schiaui 1000 soi seruitori & a +sanzachi 12 sotto lui zoe Signoroti cō entrada da 4 in 6000 ducati alanno +per vno & schiaui 500 pervno & Spachi 1000 sotto se cō soldo da 5 in 10 +aspri al di pervno secōdo la cōdition loro & q̄sto Beglerbei e di piu +authorita de li altri & e forte nominato per il paese questi Spachi nō +hano tanta entrata como vtsupra per essere piu abondantia la. + +Beglerbei de caramania chera silicia & pamfilia prouincie ha di entrata +ducati 10 millia & a 7 sanzachi sotto se con soldo ditto & spachi numero +500 sotto cō soldo como laltro beglerbei & schiaui mille. + +Beglerbei di anādoule che e tra la soria & Caramania & tocat ch’era gia +Pamphlagonia che e la mita di larmenia minore ha di entrada ducati 10 +millia alanno & sette sanzachi che hano di entrada da 4 in 5000 ducati +alāno & a schiaui 100 & Spachi 700 sotto lui quando il Signor hera fora +si dice questo Beglerbei faceua persone da caualcare senza soldo numero +30 millia. + +Beglerbei di la mexopotania sotto ilqual e il resto di larmenia minor & +parte di la magiore che laltra parte e dil Sophi & de cordi a di entrata +ducati trenta millia & schiaui due millia & sanzachi 12 con entrada vt +supra & spachi diece millia cō soldo vtsupra & confina con baldach zoe la +babilonia vera. + +Beglerbei di Damascho & Soria & Giudea a di entrada ducati 24 millia & +schiaui due millia & sanzachi 12 con entrada vtsupra & a Spachi numero +vintimillia sotto di lui. + +Beghlerbei di Alcario ha di entrada ducati trentamillia & schiaui quatro +millia Sāzachi 16 con entrada vt supra pervno & Spachi sedeci millia +sotto lui & Ianizeri tre millia & va fina alamecha cioe fina a la arabia +liquali ello possede como si fa deli albanesi per forza benche la arabia +felize stia in magior obedientia. + +Tra lamecha & Sophi sono alcuni Signori arabi poi il resto confina con +il Sophi fina in la mexopotania in laqual e baldach zoe Babilonia poi +passato la mexopotania cōfina il Suphi ne la pianura di nassimō poi +exdrun & extum che sono in la armenia mazore laqual cōfina con Zorgiani +& hiberi & ne larmenia mazor & minor sono assai cordi obedienti quelli +de la mazor parte al Signor Turcho & parte al Sophi Re di persia & +trabixonda lucho de Imperio in mar magior cōfina con mengreli zoe +mengrelia doue non si spende danari & ancora confina cō giorgiani che +antichamente si dimandauano colchi azamia chera asiria e dil Sophi. + +Armenia magior e minor sono christiani assai di quelli di san Thomaso +trabixonda sono greci & mengreli sono christiani & giorgiani sono +christiani. + +Ottomā hebe in sua cōpagnia ad acꝗstare il dominio vno michali greco +fatto turco dal qual son dissexi li mazalogli zoe mamaluchi de laqual +stirpe n’e vno hora sanzaco in bosina zoe Conte devna prouincia. + +Malco greco renegato alqual sono nasiuti li malcozogli, & di quella +stirpe n’e vno & e Sanzaco in gretia. Aurami che si chiamano Eurcassi de +laqual stirpe non si sa che ne sia alcun hora. + +Tutti questi generatione promisse ottoman di nō mettere mai mane nel +sangue loro ne mancharli mai di magistrato & ancora si conserua la +promessa fatali & questi furono quelli che aiutorno la caxa ottomana. + +Intrada dil gran Turcho de caragi zoe tributarii caua ducati 1300000 +da la Natolia & grecia caua ducati 1600000 di Egipto caua duc. 700000 +de Soria caua ducati 150000 de mexopotania ducati 250000 questi danari +caua si non di terra ferma senza le Isole che sotto lui & li douane di +Constantinopli e pera. + +Le entrate che se dice disse il Signor Aluise Gritti che sono piu presto +piu che meno & la spexa di la porta zoe di la corte dil Signor penso che +cōsuma tutta la entrada o poco meno. + +Li Beglerbei di egitto stano sotto il beglerbei di Alcairo per la magior +parte & li sono Sanzachi sino in lamecha doue sta larcha de macomet +Zingil Ghebur Iurcan & Tibris fiumi dil Paradiso Terestro. + +Li Beglerbei & li Sanzachi a chi piu chi meno secōdo la autorità sua & +son pagati de li territori doue stano escetto quelli che pigliano soldo +dil gran Turcho la entrada de li ditti non si po sapere a ponto bisogna +per arbitrio pensarla zoe de quelli di egitto. + + +QVI SI DICHIARA TVTTI LI SANZACHI + +zoe contadi che sono sotto li Beglerbei & si nomina li paexi doue sono & +Prouincie doue stano e prima. + +Li Sanzachi zoe Contadi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di la Gretia prima. + + 1 Gretia. + 2 Cafa. + 3 Silistria. + 4 Nicopoli. + 5 Vidin. + 6 Suornich. + 7 Bossina. + 8 Ersech del Ducato. + 9 Samandria belgrado. + 10 Seruia. + 11 Belgrado. + 12 Schutari. + 13 Valona. + 14 Carlali. + 15 Negroponte. + 16 Lepanto. + 17 Morea. + 18 Trighala. + 19 Galipoli. + 20 Quaranta Giexie. + 21 Vissa. + 22 Crimen. + 23 Ochria. + 24 Giostaudil. + 25 Vlzitrin. + 26 Pisdren. + 27 Alzasar. + 28 Albasan. + 29 Voinuch. + 30 Ciuchene. + 31 Zaiza. + Filipopoli. + Sofia. + Durazo. + Albania. + Schopia. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di la Natolia zoe Asia minor. + + 1 Giotachie. + 2 Cogia olli. + 3 Bolli. + 4 Castamoni. + 5 Anghori. + 6 Caugri. + 7 Tescheli. + 8 Metesseli. + 9 Haeid neli. + 10 Allaye. + 11 Buga. + 12 Manguixa il statto. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di Cappadocia. + + 1 Amassia. + 2 Cioriun. + 3 Giauich. + 4 Caraister. + 5 Sauisum. + 6 Trapixonda. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di Caramania. + + 1 Siogna. + 2 Naranda. + 3 Assar. + 4 Eschi assar. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di Auandoule. + + 1 Maras. + 2 Sarmus Sachi. + 3 Albistanouasi. + 4 Adaria. + 5 Tersis. + +Li Sāzachi che sono sotto il beglerbei di mesopotāia. + + 1 Dierbech. + 2 Carachmit. + 3 Argni. + 4 Solgich. + 5 Casangieph. + 6 Meridim. + 7 Carput. + 8 Mussul. + 9 Exrun. + 10 Haiburth. + Dittilis. Nassim nouasi. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di Soria. + + Damasco. + Malatia. + Dirmighi. + Antep. + Antiocha. + Aleppo. + Tripoli. + Cama ama. + Cams. + Sefetto. + Ieroxalem. + Gazara. + +Questi sono i lochi che ha sotto il Turco. + + Questa sia la ordenanza dil Cāpo dil Signore zoe dil gran + Turcho quādo va a la guerra primamente vna quātita di + spacoglani gētilomini con lanza & spada. + + Inanze al primo bassa li va numero 15 caualli ornati ꝑ la sua + persona con vno Ianizero per banda. + + E poi tre garzoni vestiti doro con schufie doro rosse vno li + porta larcho vno li porta le veste & vno li porta il ramin da + laqua. + + E poi vno Aga con schufia doro zoe Capitanio. + + E poi doi garzoni senza milza arente al bassa. + + E poi mille Ianizeri schopeteri a piedi. + + E poi da 60 Sanzachi zoe stendardi a cauallo. + + E poi trombetti e tamburin insiema a cauallo. + + E poi il campo a refuso de diuersi generationi e de diuersi + lanze tutti a cauallo. + + E poi gambelli muli bagaie del campo. + + E poi Gentilomeni Spachi a cauallo con spada & archo e frize + solle. + + E poi li cari de lartelaria. + + E poi caualli numero 30 con briglie doro per la persona dil + Signor. + + E poi tutti li capi de li Ianizari zoe Boluchbassi Odabassi + a cauallo con barete doro aguze con vno penagio di garzette + bianche in zima con lanze & con le banderolle zalle. + + E poi 12 milia Ianizeri con schiopetti alabarde apedi. + + E poi li solachi apedi staferi dil Signor cō archi e frize. + + E poi il gran Turcho sollo in mezo di Solachi. + + E poi 3 garzoni con schufie doro vestiti di pāno doro che li + portano archo e frize e laqua & veste. + + E poi 2 monuchi sēza coioni a cauallo dreto al signor. + + E poi Imralemaga ch’ porta il stēdardo dil Signor tutto verde + sollo. + + E poi 6 Sanzachi zoe bandere vna rossa vna biācha vna verde due + diuixa vna rossa e bianca & vna verde e rosso a cauallo. + + E poi trombeteri & tamburi a cauallo. + + E poi il campo a refuxo con li dulipante a cauallo cō lanze e + spada con le banderole rosse. + + A la banda destra dil Signor Spacoglani a cauallo cō lanze con + banderole zalle. + + A la banda sinistra dil Signor Selictari a cauallo con lanze + con banderolle rosse e bianche. + + E poi gambelli & mulli e bagaie dil campo e pagi. + + E poi Spachi con lanze a cauallo con dulipāti biāchi. + + E poi vno bassa solo con soi Stafeti. + + E poi 22 Sanzachi zoe stendardi a cauallo. + + E poi trombeteri tamburi a cauallo. + + E poi il campo a refuso de diuerse sorte con dulipant & barette + rosse de piu sorte generatione. + + E poi gambelli e muli e bagaie dil campo insema. + + E poi tutti li Iachingi zoe ventureri. + +Questo libro e stato cauato da Ionus bei il qual era greco & hora e +turcho & e interpetro grande dil Signor & dal Signor Aluise gritti fiol +dil Duxo di Venetia & tutto e vero. + + + + +APPENDIX III + +INCOMPLETE TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE KANUN-NAMEH, OR COLLECTION OF EDICTS, +OF SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT AS ARRANGED BY THE MUFTI EBU SU’UD + +Translated from the Turkish + +[From folios 69-70 of the Turkish MS. Fluegel No. 1816, Imperial +Library, Vienna: “Fundamental Laws of Sultan Suleiman, according to +the arrangement of the Mufti Ebu-Su’ud.” The table does not begin +till folio 27 of the manuscript. The page references are to Hammer’s +_Staatsverfassung_, where a translation of the paragraphs may be found.] + + + FOLIO + + 27. Law concerning mortgage and loan contracts. p. 396 + + 28. Law concerning fallow fields. p. 397 + + 29. Law concerning uncultivated lands. p. 398 + + 29. Law concerning absent and missing [tenants]. p. 398 + + 30. Law concerning the hereditary tenancy of land (_tapu_), and + regulations determining what sort of lands are given in + hereditary tenancy. p. 399 + + 31. Regulations for the case when a _Spahi_ of either a large + or a small fief possesses his fief in common ownership. p. 401 + + 32. Regulations for the case when a _Spahi_ dies or is + dispossessed before the delivery of the hereditary lease. + (In Hammer the heading is different and is not logically + placed.) p. 403 + + 33. Regulations for the case when the tenant dies before the + expiration of the hereditary lease. p. 404 + + 33. Law concerning the giving out of the winter and summer + pastures and concerning the legal relationships of + meadow lands. p. 199 + + 34. Law concerning the ground tax, concerning the taxes upon + state-lands, sandy fields, peasants’ houses, etc. p. 406 + + 35. Law concerning the tenth, the tax upon vineyards, leased + vineyards, the bushel, and the bushel-tax. p. 407 + + 36. Law concerning the tenth, the fifth, and the fodder tenth + (_salariyeh_). p. 407 + + 37. Regulations for the case of joint ownership when more than + the tenth of the crop, namely, the half or the fifth, is + demanded from the _Spahi_. (Not found in Hammer.) + + 38. Special regulations regarding the tenths of the _Spahis_. + (Not found in Hammer.) + + 39. Law concerning the taxes on mills and green produce. p. 408 + + 39. Law concerning the landlord’s share, the tenths and the + fruits. p. 408 + + 40. Law concerning the tenths [of honey, the tax on] bees, + other taxes, etc. p. 409 + + 41. Law concerning the sheep-tax and the fold-tax. p. 410 + + 42. Law concerning the obligations of subjects and the tax on + prisoners. (Hammer, the slave-tax.) p. 410 + + 42. Law concerning the half-hide-tax. (Hammer, the bride-tax.) p. 411 + + 43. Law concerning the hide-tax and the taxes on abandoned lands. p. 411 + + 44. Law concerning fleeing the country. p. 412 + + 45. Law concerning the wandering hordes. p. 413 + + 46. Law concerning the wagoners. p. 413 + + 47. Law concerning the irregular cavalry. (Hammer, fiefs for + public service.) p. 414 + + 48. Law concerning the Yayas and Mosellems (free foot-soldiers). p. 415 + + 49. Law concerning the imperial foundations and the _vakfs_. p. 416 + + 49. Regulations concerning lawsuits over land. p. 417 + + 51. Law concerning the time of the harvest. p. 418 + + 52. Law concerning the harvest and the designation of those + persons who receive their income out of landed property + but not at the time of harvest. (Not a separate heading + in Hammer.) p. 419 + + 53. Special regulations concerning fiefs in regard to dating, + registering, etc. (Not found in Hammer.) + + 54. Law concerning the intendants of the fiscus, the receivers + of taxes, and regulations concerning the revenues of the + court. p. 419 + + 55. Law concerning the holders of great and small fiefs, and + concerning the freedom of some military persons from + certain occasional taxes. p. 421 + + 56. Law concerning the _Beylerbeys_, the _Sanjak Beys_, and + the _Kapuji-bashis_. p. 422 + + 57. Law concerning the fees of judges. p. 423 + + 57. Law concerning the contents of the _berats_ of the judges + (their diplomas of appointment). (Omitted in Hammer.) + + 58. Regulations concerning lawsuits between _Spahis_ and + non-Mohammedans or between two _Spahis_. p. 424 + + 60. Law concerning taxes which are demanded from leased land + when the tenth alone is insufficient. (Not found in Hammer.) + + + + +APPENDIX IV + +THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MOGUL EMPIRE IN INDIA[797] + + “The uncommon abilities of most of the princes, with the + mild and humane character of all, rendered Hindostan the + most flourishing empire in the world during two complete + centuries.”—DOW. + + +GENERAL COMPARISON OF OTTOMAN AND INDIAN CONDITIONS + +When Baber first rode down through the grim gates of India’s northwest +mountain-wall, the accession of Suleiman lay but a year in the future; +the Mogul won the battle of Panipat but four months before the Turk +was victorious at Mohacs. Thus the founding of the Mogul Empire nearly +coincided with the meridian splendor of the Ottoman power, and its +decisive battle of establishment with the victory which led to the last +great extension of Ottoman authority into Europe. Not Baber or even +Akbar, Suleiman’s contemporaries, but Aurangzeb, whose reign began a +century after Suleiman’s death, affords the closest comparison with +the Turkish monarch; yet the third battle of Panipat in 1761 marked +the virtual destruction of the Mogul Empire, whereas the second battle +of Mohacs in 1687 meant but the first noteworthy step of the Ottoman +retreat. The house of Timur has disappeared from history, while the house +of Osman still reigns over wide territories; less than two and a half +centuries of genuine sovereign rule were enjoyed by the Moguls, while six +centuries have not sufficed to measure the independent existence of the +Ottomans. + +The Mogul emperors perhaps never ruled so large a territory as the +Ottoman sultans, but their lands were far more productive; moreover, +having from five to ten times as many subjects as their Western cousins +and an income in proportion, they could surpass even the Magnificent +Suleiman in display and largesse. The inferior persistence of their +dominion, therefore, suggests inferior strength and stability in their +institutions, a suggestion to which even a limited investigation lends +much support. + +The Moguls shared with the Ottomans their relation to the ideas of the +Mongol and Turkish Tatars of the steppe lands, and to those of the +Persians and the Arabs. They were more directly and vitally influenced +by the Tatars and Persians, and less directly by the Arabs. Farther +than this their relations were not to the comparatively organized and +energetic civilization of the Mediterranean but to the more speculative +and passive culture of India. Over the lands into which they entered as +conquerors lay the shadow not of sternly practical Roman legalism, but of +Hindu and Buddhist contempt for things mundane. + +They founded a despotism, but one that was never, even under Aurangzeb, +so closely related to the Sacred Law of Mohammed as was the government of +Suleiman. They ruled a variety of lands in a variety of relationships, +but never with the stern control exercised by the _Kaisar-i-Rûm_ +(Roman emperor), the name which they gave to the Turkish ruler at +Constantinople. They enforced the obedience of many peoples, who spoke +many languages and practised many forms of religion; yet they never held +these peoples under any such iron system of subjection as that which +dominated the Christian subjects of the sultan, even to the seizure of +their children for tribute. + +Since the passing of those prehistoric times when all human ideas were +solidified together into a single “crust of custom,” every nation +has probably had two leading institutions, more or less closely +connected,—the one of religion and the other of government. The foregoing +pages have shown how powerful and pervasive were the Ottoman Ruling +Institution and the Moslem Institution in the Ottoman Empire. In the +parallel organizations of the empire of the Moguls, however, it is +not possible to discern comparable unique individuality, systematic +structure, and ordered efficiency. Some allowance must be made for a +comparative lack of information, since not many Western observers have +described the more distant empire; but this fact can hardly alter the +conclusion materially. The institutional structure of the Mogul Empire +was decidedly inferior to that of the Ottoman Empire in solidity, system, +and persistent energy. + + +THE PERSONNEL OF THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT + +Baber’s following consisted of the comrades of his many years of +fighting, an army of cavalry, artillery, and musketry composed in +ancient Turkish fashion of high-spirited men attached to their chief by +impressive leadership and open-handed generosity. Courage, military +prowess, and the nominal profession of Islam were the necessary +qualifications; differences of race, education, and Moslem doctrine +were disregarded. Warriors of Turki stock, Persians of Shiite leanings, +hardy Afghans, “Roman” artillery engineers from Stambul, were equals in +the rough brotherhood of Baber’s camp. The principle of subordination, +at least among persons of consequence, was not that of slaves to their +master, but of tribesmen to their chief, of vassals to their honored +suzerain. + +When Turks had first invaded India, five centuries before, slavery as +a means of recruiting and training soldiers and governors was in full +swing. Mahmûd of Ghazni was the son of a father who had risen through +slavery. The thirteenth century saw enthroned at Delhi a dynasty of slave +kings which antedated by several decades the Mamelukes of Egypt. Late in +the fourteenth century Firoz III owned 180,000 slaves, of whom 40,000 +constituted his household. The Mameluke government endured for more +than two and a half centuries, until overthrown by the more centralized +and efficient slave system of the Ottomans; but in Central Asia and +ultimately in India a new force speedily rendered the slave method, save +for some survivals, antiquated and impossible. + +The dominance of the Mongols was based on the discipline of an army +of freemen who were intelligent enough willingly to render absolute +obedience to their officers as the well-tested condition of certain +success. With the break-up of the vast Mongol Empire, the lands now in +Russian Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Persia lapsed toward the horde +organization of nomad Tatars, but became more and more modified by Moslem +feudalism. Under such conditions, Timur, high-born and adventurous, +chivalrous and literary, fanatical and cruel, achieved an empire that +was large and splendid, but personal to himself, and destined to vanish +almost with its founder. Yet he presaged a time when in Asia and Europe +alike there should come, after the disintegrating individualism of the +fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, a period of the gathering together of +lands and peoples into large units under strong personal governments. + +Baber, descendant of Timur in the sixth generation, descendant also of +Genghis Khan, came at the beginning of the new era. Less ruthless than +either of his great ancestors, less legal than the “Inflexible One,” +less Moslem than the “Scourge of Asia,” but possessed of much of the +leadership and military genius of both, he stands forth, by reason of +his memoirs, as one of the best known conquerors of history. His love +of carousing, his family affection, his literary bent, his toleration of +heretics and infidels, his bold leadership, his liberality in dividing +spoil, presented qualities and suggested modes of activity which were to +characterize all his descendants down to the puritanical Aurangzeb. + +Thus the family life of the house of Baber was far more normal than +that of the house of Osman. In contrast with an almost unbroken line +of Ottoman slave mothers and wives, whose names with those of their +daughters have hardly survived, many of the Mogul imperial ladies are +well known. Witness the princess Gul-Badan, daughter of Baber, who like +her father wrote memoirs; the empress Nur-Jehan, who ruled India for a +time; and the empress Mumtaz-Mahal, for whom her devoted husband built +the fairest of all mausoleums. Turki princesses, ladies of high Persian +descent, and daughters of Hindu _Rajahs_, were taken into the imperial +harem, where, though women and eunuchs were present “from Russia, +Circassia, Mingrelia, Georgia, and Ethiopia,” no emperors sprang from +slave mothers during the period of greatness. With such a policy in +the family which constituted a chief element in the unity of the Mogul +Empire, it was but natural that officers and soldiers, statesmen and +public servants, should be accepted with a like catholicity. The best +fighters, of course, continued to be those who came down newly from the +high country beyond the northwest passes; and since such of these as met +success were apt to send for relatives and friends, there was continual +recruiting from among Tatars, Persians, Afghans, and Arabs,—all Moslems, +but of various sects. “Rûmis” from the Ottoman Empire were especially +useful in the artillery service. Some of them were doubtless European +renegades, but “Firinjis” or Franks were likely to come more directly +from Portugal and other European countries. Yet by no means all the brave +were from foreign lands. Many Rajputs under their own _Rajahs_ served the +Mogul emperors most acceptably, and when treated without prejudice they +were faithful. The high officers of government were usually Persians; but +Akbar was nobly served by the great Todar Mal, and appointed _Rajahs_ +to govern the Punjab and Bengal. About one in eight of his paid cavalry +chiefs was a Hindu; and of the lesser civil-service positions the mere +necessity for numbers, apart from superior skill and training, required +that many should be held by Hindus. + +It is not that slavery had disappeared from the Mogul system. Traces of +the old method can be discerned as late as the eighteenth century. In +fact, Muhammad Khan, a Bangash _Nawab_ of Farrukhabad, maintained what +was practically a replica in miniature of the Ottoman system. Hindu boys +between the ages of seven and thirteen, some of them sons of Rajputs +and Brahmins, were seized, bought, or accepted as _chelas_ or slaves to +the number of one or two hundred a year. They were taught to read and +write, and were specially rewarded when the task was completed. Five +hundred _chelas_ from eighteen to twenty years of age were trained as a +regiment of musketeers. From among the older _chelas_ were chosen the +officers of the household, generals of the army, and deputy governors +of provinces. The _Nawab_ arranged marriages between _chelas_ and the +daughters of _chelas_. He encouraged them to acquire personal property, +which he could claim in time of need; but he forbade them to found towns +or build masonry structures, lest occupying these they might tend toward +independence. Muhammad Khan did not, however, depend exclusively on his +Hindu slaves; he sent money to his own Bangash tribe, and thus obtained +a colony of Afghans to whom he gave high military positions and upon +some of whom he bestowed his daughters in marriage. Other vassals of +the emperor made use of a similar slave system; and it is not unlikely +that the emperor himself recruited his permanent infantry with the help +of slavery, and that he promoted some slaves to high positions. But the +absence of definite information in this direction is in most striking +contrast to its abundant presence in the records which deal with the +Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century. + +In theory the officers of government were so far the servants of the +emperor that their accumulated personal property belonged to him at their +death; but in practice the opulence and the generosity of the sovereign +led him often to leave such wealth in the hands of the officers’ +children. When this was not done, employment in the public service was +assigned to sons and pensions were granted to widows. + +Titles of nobility were awarded for life to distinguished officials; the +chief officers of the central government and governors of great provinces +were called _Emirs_ (_Omrahs_ in many Western writings, probably a +plural of majesty), generals of the army were _Khans_, and distinguished +soldiers of lesser rank were _Bahadurs_ or knights. Khondamir says that +Humayun organized a system of twelve orders or arrows, according to which +the entire imperial household was graded. “The twelfth arrow, which +was made of the purest gold, was put in the auspicious quiver of this +powerful king, and nobody could dare to touch it. The eleventh arrow +belonged to His Majesty’s relations and brethren, and all the sultans +who were in the government employ. Tenth, to the great _mushaikhs_, +_saiyids_, and the learned and religious men. Ninth, to the great nobles. +Eighth, to the courtiers and some of the king’s personal attendants. +Seventh, to the attendants in general. Sixth, to the _harems_ and to the +well-behaved female attendants. Fifth, to young maid-servants. Fourth, +to the treasurers and stewards. Third, to the soldiers. Second, to the +menial servants. First, to the palace guards, camel-drivers, and the +like. Each of these arrows or orders had three grades; the highest, +the middle, and the lowest.” Appointments and promotions were, as at +Constantinople, based upon valor and manifest ability. Through all the +period of greatness the ladder of advancement was kept so clear that +vigor, courage, and prowess could mount from the lowest ranks to the +steps of the throne. + + +RELATION OF GOVERNMENT TO RELIGIOUS PROPAGATION + +When the Ottoman Turks conquered their European territories, as well as +parts of their Asiatic dominions, they for the first time introduced +the Moslem religion. This was not the case with the Mogul advance into +India. Beginning with Mohammed ben Kasim’s invasion of Sind in 712 A.D., +and starting afresh with Mahmûd of Ghazni in 1000 A.D., the Moslem +political control, accompanied by the conversion of a portion of the +native population, had spread step by step until, when Baber came after +eight centuries, there remained little of India that was not actually or +had not at some time been under Moslem rule. No data appear to exist for +determining the actual proportion of the total population that was Moslem +during the Mogul period. Guesses have been made ranging from a possible +one in four to Bernier’s estimate of one in hundreds. The only basis of +any value would perhaps be that obtained by working backward from the +British censuses. In 1911 the Mohammedans constituted about twenty-one +per cent of the population of India, and their number was increasing at +a slightly more rapid rate than the average. It may be supposed that the +increase of the Moslem proportion was greater during the days of the +Mogul Empire, when it was especially profitable to change, and when there +was a strong inward flow at the northwest; but since the Mogul decline +the rate of relative progress has probably always been slow. Perhaps the +proportion about 1761 was somewhat less than one in five, and in 1526 it +may have been not more than one in from ten to twenty. Bernier’s guess +would certainly seem to have been wild, for it is inconceivable that so +small progress would have been made in a thousand years and so great in +the next two hundred. No doubt the Moslem contingent was then, as it is +now, unevenly distributed, being in high proportion in the northwest and +diminishing gradually with the distance from the mountain passes. At +points on the seacoast where trade had been active, the Moslem influence +had come early by way of the sea; hence there also the percentage was +greater. In Suleiman’s empire, comprising as it did a large amount of old +Moslem territory and including even the Holy Cities, the proportion of +Moslems was, of course, much higher; but it diminished rapidly from south +to north, until in Hungary it must have been extremely attenuated. + +In the absence of an elaborate slave system in India, there was not the +steady public machinery of conversion which operated powerfully in the +Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, it would seem that before the reign of +Aurangzeb no emperor cared to promote conversion to Islam by financial +or political rewards. Akbar, in fact, removed the jizyeh, or poll-tax, +which had previously, as in all other truly Moslem lands until recent +times, laid special burdens upon unbelievers, and the tax was not +reimposed until the time of Aurangzeb. Akbar also forbade the enslavement +of captives and of their wives and children. For a century, therefore, +the government lent little encouragement to change of faith. Down to the +accession of Aurangzeb there was a clear contrast between Ottoman and +Mogul policy in the attitude toward the Moslem religion: the Moguls held +far less than the Ottomans to the idea of the conquest of the world for +Islam, or to the conversion of unbelievers, as an object of governmental +endeavor. Aurangzeb alone had such zeal as characterizes the average +descendant of Osman; he desired no infidels in his service, and regarded +the Deccan as the _Dar-ul-harb_ which he wished to make part of the +_Dar-ul-Islam_. There can be no doubt, however, that under all the Mogul +emperors the social pressure usual in Moslem lands continued to encourage +conversion privately, while the slavery which Islam normally sanctions +was also contributing to the increase of the faithful. Moreover, it is +not likely that all the officers of the liberal emperors were as tolerant +and as indifferent to Moslem progress as were their superiors. + + +THE ARMY + +At Delhi, as at Constantinople, no sharp line could be drawn separating +government and army. The Mogul conquest was achieved by an army, and +the army became a government. Amalgamation with older systems of course +introduced groups of under-officials who had no military duties; but +those who would be great had to be capable of military command, men who +might be familiar with the pen but who must know how to wield the sword. + +The Mogul army organization seems, in the midst of confused testimonies, +to have borne a considerable resemblance to that of the Ottomans. The +emperor was commander-in-chief, and as late as Aurangzeb regularly +commanded in person in great campaigns. He had a personal army of +12,000 to 15,000 paid infantry and 12,000 to 40,000 paid cavalry. +These corresponded in number and function, but not at all in political +importance, to the Janissaries and _Spahis_ of the Porte among the +Ottomans. In great campaigns the standing army was supported by the +feudal cavalry, estimated at from 200,000 to 400,000, and by indefinite +numbers of irregular infantry, drawn from a mass estimated at four +millions. The army was strong in artillery, and possessed in trained +elephants a force of which the Ottomans could not make use. + +The emperor’s infantry were, at least from Akbar’s time, matchlockmen; +they seem to have been the only trustworthy and efficient foot-soldiers. +It would appear that their clumsy weapons, improved by Akbar himself, +were not changed up to the time of Aurangzeb; for Bernier reports that in +his day the muskets were rested on forks and fired by men who squatted +on the ground, and who feared that the flash might damage their eyebrows +and beards. On account of the method of payment it is not possible to +estimate closely the number of the emperor’s cavalry, or _Mansabdars_. +Men who agreed to furnish from five to five thousand troopers were taken +into his service, and pay (_mansab_) was assigned for the stipulated +number; but even in Akbar’s time, according to Badauni, it was possible +to present followers hired only for the occasion, and yet to draw +life-long pay for their services. In later years there ceased to be even +approximate correspondence between the amount of pay and the number of +troops furnished. The _mansab_ was then regarded as a salary, or even as +a pension. + +The more numerous feudal cavalry consisted of the holders (with their +followers) of _jagirs_, or grants, of the revenue of districts of larger +or smaller size, in return for which they served without other pay, +except in case of unduly prolonged campaigns. Holders of large areas +were accustomed to administer them in person, whereas those who held +smaller sections would often leave the administration to the governors +of provinces, who in time tended to appropriate the revenues. Aurangzeb, +however, pursued the policy of assigning service in regions remote from +the appointee’s _jagir_, and of retaining wives and children at the +court as pledges of fidelity. Hindu _Rajahs_ were easily brought into +the system by being invested with analogous rights in their hereditary +territories. Apart from these cases, the appointments, as in Turkey, +were not regarded as hereditary, but were apt to be given to fresh +recruits of ability from beyond the mountains. It was customary to make +small assignments to sons of dead _Jagirdars_, and to increase their +allowances upon proof of merit. _Jagirdars_ and _Rajahs_, like Timariotes +and _Zaims_, had jurisdiction and other governmental duties in the areas +assigned to them, and thus carried a large part of the task of local +government. Ultimately many of the higher positions became hereditary in +families which worked toward independence in the days of decline. + +The artillery seems to have been surprisingly strong under Baber and +Humayun, and to have declined later. Baber is said to have had seven +hundred guns at Panipat, which he chained together after the method +employed by Selim I at Kaldiran. Humayun is reported to have had at +Kanauj seven hundred guns discharging stone balls of five pounds +weight, and twenty-one guns discharging brass balls ten times as heavy. +Aurangzeb, it is said, transported seventy pieces of heavy artillery +and two or three hundred swivel guns, mounted on the backs of camels. +For fortress defence and siege operations the Moguls had a few enormous +guns, some of which are said to have required for transport two hundred +and fifty and even five hundred oxen! In addition to these resources, it +appears, if testimonies can be trusted, that Akbar kept five thousand +war elephants, each of which was accounted equal in time of battle to +five hundred horsemen; and Hawkins says that Jehangir had twelve thousand +elephants of all descriptions. Aurangzeb is reported to have maintained +in the palace stables the more modest number of eight hundred elephants. + +The early Mogul armies were efficient and successful. Aurangzeb, however, +conducted about the Deccan in his twenty-four years’ war of conquest a +horde that resembled a migration rather than an army. For each fighting +man there were at least two camp-followers; the march was without +discipline and order, like the movement of a herd of animals; and the +camp was a city five miles long, or, as others say, seven and a half +miles, or twenty miles in circumference. One European observer even +reported that the encampment was thirty miles about, and contained five +million souls! Among these he counted seven hundred thousand soldiers, +of whom three hundred thousand were cavalry. With all due allowance +for exaggeration, the Mogul army clearly tended to become exceedingly +numerous, but of increasing weakness and inefficiency. A battle in 1526 +between Baber and Suleiman would have been a worthy contest, but the army +of Aurangzeb would probably have been defeated easily by the Ottoman +troops which bit the dust before Prince Eugene. + + +THE COURT + +Splendid as was the display of Suleiman’s _entourage_, it lacked the +financial basis which the Moguls possessed from Akbar to Aurangzeb. +Gold and silver, gems, silks and muslins, were far more abundant in the +eastern land. A more highly developed architecture, showing far greater +richness of detailed ornamentation, served in India to construct not only +temples of religion and tombs of great personages, but also marvellous +palaces and pleasure-houses for the emperors. Many thousands of +attendants supplied every possible luxury and rendered every conceivable +service. + +No systematic description of the organization of the imperial household +has come to hand. Scattered allusions reveal the presence of very +numerous groups of officials, agents, and servants of all grades. +Teachers, physicians, scholars, valets, chamberlains, butlers, cooks, +kitchen servants, musicians, poets, generals, captains, guards, +equerries, hostlers, herdsmen, elephant-drivers, and stablemen, ministers +of state, judges, treasurers, secretaries, swarmed about the great halls +and myriad chambers of the palaces at Agra, Delhi, and Fatehpur-Sikri. +These, with the tradespeople who made their living by supplying the +household but who were less directly attached to the emperor, constituted +a migratory city of large size, which followed the emperor from residence +to residence and in time of campaign swelled almost unbelievably the +following of his enormous army. + +As for the court life which went on at the center of this vast and +multi-colored setting, this was necessarily twofold, by that custom of +all Moslem lands according to which the sexes must be segregated. Daily +assemblages, gatherings at the mosques on Fridays, great ceremonies +for special occasions, and the imperial hunts contained none but men as +participants. If women saw any part of such festivities, it was from a +distance and through thick veils or close-wrought lattices. Khondamir +says that Humayun divided his attendants into three great classes, +concerned respectively with government and war, with learning and +literature, and with music and personal grace and beauty. The latter +were called “people of pleasure ... because most people take great +delight in the company of such young-looking men, of rosy cheeks and +sweet voices, and are pleased by hearing their songs, and the pleasing +sound of the musical instruments, such as the harp, the sackbut, and the +lute.” Humayun devoted Sundays and Tuesdays to dealings with the first +class, holding audience and attending to government duties on those +days. Saturdays and Thursdays were days when “the tree of the hope” of +literary and religious persons “produced the fruit of prosperity by +their obtaining audience in the paradise-resembling court.” Mondays and +Wednesdays were devoted to pleasure parties, when old companions and +chosen friends were entertained by musicians and singers. On Fridays were +convened “all the assemblies,” whatever this may mean; and the emperor +sat with them as long as he could. + +The splendor of the court may be illustrated by two or three extracts. +Nizam-uddin Ahmad relates that Akbar, journeying in the fifteenth year +of his reign, accepted an invitation to rest at Dipalpur. “For some days +feasting went on, and upon the last day splendid offerings were presented +to him. Arab and Persian horses, with saddles of silver; huge elephants, +with chains of gold and silver, and housings of velvet and brocade; and +gold and silver, and pearls and jewels, and rubies and garnets of great +price; chairs of gold, and silver vases, and vessels of gold and silver; +stuffs of Europe, Turkey, and China, and other precious things beyond +all conception. Presents of similar kind also were presented for the +young princes and the emperor’s wives. All the ministers and attendants +and dignitaries received presents, and every soldier of the army also +participated in the bounty.” + +Sir Thomas Roe describes a curious annual ceremony of the Mogul emperors +as carried through by Jehangir. “The first of September was the King’s +Birth-day, and the solemnitie of his weighing, to which I went, and was +carryed into a very large and beautiful Garden, the square within all +water, on the sides flowers and trees, in the midst a Pinacle, where was +prepared the scales, being hung in large tressels, and a crosse beame +plated on with Gold thinne: the scales of massie Gold, the borders set +with small stones, Rubies and Turkeys, the Chaines of Gold large and +massie, but strengthened with silke Cords. Here attended the Nobilitie, +all sitting about it on Carpets until the King came; who at last appeared +clothed or rather loden with Diamonds, Rubies, Pearles, and other +precious vanities, so great, so glorious; his Sword, Target, Throne to +rest on, correspondent; his head, necke, breast, armes, above the elbows, +at the wrists, his fingers every one, with at least two or three Rings; +fettered with chaines, or dyalled Diamonds; Rubies as great as Wal-nuts, +some greater; and Pearles such as mine eyes were amazed at. Suddenly he +entered into the scales, sate like a woman on his legges, and there was +put in against him many bagges to fit his weight, which were changed +six times, and they say was silver, and that I understood his weight to +be nine thousand rupias, which are almost one thousand pounds sterling: +after with Gold and Jewels, and precious stones, but I saw none, it being +in bagges might be Pibles; then against Cloth of Gold, Silk, Stuffes, +Linen, Spices, and all sorts of goods, but I must believe for they were +in sardles. Lastly against Meale, Butter, Corne, which is said to be +given to the Banian.” The extract neglects to state that the ceremony was +followed by the distribution as largesse of all the valuables weighed +against the royal person with its heavy adornments. + +Bernier describes an audience of Aurangzeb. “The king appeared seated +upon his throne at the end of the great hall in the most magnificent +attire. His vest was of white and delicately flowered satin, with a silk +and gold embroidery of the finest texture. The turban of gold cloth had +an aigrette whose base was composed of diamonds of an extraordinary +size and value, besides an oriental topaz which may be pronounced +unparalleled, exhibiting a lustre like the sun. A necklace of immense +pearls suspended from his neck reached to the stomach. The throne was +supported by six massy feet, said to be of solid gold, sprinkled over +with rubies, emeralds, and diamonds. It was constructed by Shah-Jehan +for the purpose of displaying the immense quantity of precious stones +accumulated successively in the Treasury from the spoils of ancient +_Rajahs_ and _Pathans_, and the annual presents to the monarch which +every Omrah is bound to make on certain festivals. At the foot of the +throne were assembled all the Omrahs, in splendid apparel, upon a +platform surrounded by a silver railing and covered by a spacious canopy +of brocade with deep fringes of gold. The pillars of the hall were hung +with brocades of a gold ground, and flowered satin canopies were raised +over the whole expanse of the extensive apartment, fastened with red +silken cords from which were suspended large tassels of silk and gold. +The floor was covered entirely with carpets of the richest silk, of +immense length and breadth.” + +As regards the female side of the court, although this had almost +a separate organization and was, in keeping with Moslem and Indian +tradition, to a large extent secluded, yet the imperial ladies possessed +a measure of freedom through two centuries which allowed several of them +to stand forth as distinct individuals, and a few to influence affairs +profoundly. Jehangir assigned to the women of the household the sixth +and fifth orders, or arrows, of rank. Akbar is said to have kept five +thousand women in his harem. As usual, however, only a few of these were +wives or votaries of the imperial pleasure; most of them constituted an +elaborate organization for the housekeeping and entertainment of the few +great ladies, the mother, aunts, sisters, wives, and favorites of the +emperor. As already indicated, these women were of all kinds,—free-born +and slave, Moslem, Christian, and pagan, Turki, Afghan, Persian, +Hindu, Armenian, Slavic, Circassian, Georgian, and Ethiopian. Their +communication with the outside world was kept up through their relatives +and through eunuchs. + +A few of the imperial ladies may be mentioned. The princess Gul-Badan, +third daughter of Baber and Dil-Dar, wrote a history of the deeds of her +half-brother, Humayun. In her later life she went with other great ladies +on pilgrimage to Mecca, taking seven years for the journey; one-half +of this time she spent in Arabia, where she performed the rites of the +pilgrimage four times. After twenty more years filled with works of piety +and charity she died at the age of eighty. Her nephew, Akbar, with his +own hand helped bear her to the tomb. + +Most powerful of all the Mogul imperial ladies was the Persian Nur-Jehan, +or Nur-Mahal, wife of Jehangir. Born in poverty and actually cast away +by her parents, she rose to the throne of command. Mohammad Hadi says +that “by degrees she became, in all but name, undisputed sovereign of the +empire, and the king himself became a tool in her hands. He used to say +that Nur-Jehan Begam has been selected, and is wise enough, to conduct +the matters of state, and that he wanted only a bottle of wine and a +piece of meat to keep himself merry. Nur-Jehan won golden opinions from +all people. She was liberal and just to all who begged her support. She +was an asylum for all sufferers, and helpless girls were married at the +expense of her private purse. She must have portioned above five hundred +girls in her lifetime, and thousands were grateful for her generosity.” +Not only could she rule the empire effectively, if not always wisely and +impartially, but she could lead armies. Defeated at last by Shah-Jehan, +she put on perpetual robes of mourning for her dead husband and spent her +last eighteen years in devoted seclusion. + +Mumtaz-Mahal, niece of Nur-Jehan and wife of Shah-Jehan, did not aspire +to political control. She held fast the heart of her imperial husband and +became the mother of his fourteen children. The incomparable Taj Mahal, +built by the emperor after her untimely death, bears eternal witness to +great love followed by great grief. + +Last may be mentioned two of the daughters of Mumtaz-Mahal, Jehan-Ara and +Raushan-Ara. These ladies, like Charlemagne’s daughters too great for +matrimony, stirred up much trouble in the imperial household. Jehan-Ara +was her father’s favorite in his decadent old age, and an active partisan +of her brother Dara. Of vast influence for many years, she was at +length overshadowed by Raushan-Ara, who supported Aurangzeb and rose to +greatness with his advancing fortunes. Bernier was well-nigh overcome +by a distant view of this lady’s majesty. “I cannot avoid dwelling on +this pompous procession of the Seraglio. Stretch imagination to its +utmost limits, and you can imagine no exhibition more grand and imposing +than when Raushan-Ara Begam, mounted on a stupendous Pegu elephant, and +seated in a _meghdambhar_ blazing with gold and azure, is followed by +five or six elephants with _meghdambhars_ nearly as resplendent as her +own, and filled with ladies attached to her household (and succeeded by +the most distinguished ladies of the court) until fifteen or sixteen +females of quality pass with a grandeur of appearance, equipage, and +retinue, more or less proportionate to their rank, pay, and office. There +is something very impressive of state and royalty in the march of these +sixty or more elephants; in their solemn and as it were measured steps, +in the splendour of the _meghdambhars_, and the brilliant and innumerable +followers in attendance; and if I had not regarded this display of +magnificence with a sort of philosophical indifference, I should have +been apt to be carried away by such flights of imagination as inspire +most of the Indian poets, when they represent the elephants as conveying +so many goddesses concealed from the vulgar gaze.” + + +THE GOVERNMENT PROPER + +“The authority of the Great Mogul was despotic by all its origins: by +the fact of the conquest, by the Turkish tradition, by the tradition of +the old royalties of the country”;[798] and also, it may be added, by +the practice of Islamic governments since the abandonment of Medina as +the seat of the caliphs. The conquering chief owned all the conquered +land, and the wealth and labor and lives of its inhabitants were at his +disposal. As for the restriction of despotism by the Sacred Law, the +house of Baber did not feel this strongly until late. On the other hand, +even a drunkard like Jehangir had a keen sense of the responsibility +of his high position. The emperor considered it his duty to maintain +order, reward faithful service, and sit daily on the bench of justice +to redress the wrongs of his people. Aurangzeb is reported by Bernier +to have expressed his feeling of responsibility by saying: “Being born +the son of a king and placed on the throne, I was sent into the world +by Providence to live and labour, not for myself, but for others; ... +it is my duty not to think of my own happiness, except so far as it is +inseparably connected with the happiness of my people. It is the repose +and prosperity of my subjects that it behoves me to consult; nor are +these to be sacrificed to anything besides the demands of justice, the +maintenance of the royal authority, and the security of the State.” One +of his letters to his imprisoned father contains these words: “Almighty +God bestows his trusts upon him who discharges the duty of cherishing his +subjects and protecting the people. It is manifest and clear to the wise +that a wolf is no fit shepherd, neither can a faint-hearted man carry +out the great duty of government. Sovereignty is the guardianship of the +people, not self-indulgence and profligacy. The Almighty will deliver +your humble servant from all feeling of remorse as regards your Majesty.” +The sole fountain of legislation, the emperor observed economy in the +issuance of it, making use, so far as possible, of established Islamic +practice and immemorial custom. Yet from time to time, by administrative +regulations, ordinances, and decrees, he sought to improve the methods of +government. Aurangzeb, so much like Suleiman in many other respects, like +him also ordered and financed the compilation of a code of the Sacred +Law. It does not appear, however, that any such quantity of personal +legislation was issued by him or by any other Mogul emperor as by the +great Ottoman. + +The succession to the Mogul throne never became regular, since neither by +Mongol nor by Moslem custom was any one method prescribed. Nor did the +more kindly disposition of the house of Baber ever permit the publication +of such a decree as that of Mohammed II for the execution of brothers +upon the accession of a sovereign. Accordingly the resources of the +empire were apt to be wasted in civil wars between father and son, and +between older and younger brothers. Even the sons of Baber engaged in +civil war: Kamran, aided by Askari and Hindal, fought against Humayun. +Akbar’s brothers were so young that he had no rival at the time of his +accession. His two elder sons drank themselves to death; but this did not +prevent Selim, who became the emperor Jehangir, from rebelling against +his father and hastening the latter’s death. Jehangir’s two sons rebelled +against him in turn. Shah-Jehan’s four sons, Dara, Shuja, Murad, and +Aurangzeb, fought together until the last encompassed the death of the +others, besides keeping his father a prisoner during the last seven years +of life. The mournful story need not be carried beyond the fierce civil +war which followed the death of Aurangzeb, in which two of his sons were +slain. Clearly, the Ottoman method was more practical if less humane. So +unstable was the personal situation of the emperor that, if he failed to +show his face in public daily, the empire fell into commotion and civil +war became imminent. From the uncertainty of the succession the state, at +least, derived this benefit, that the fittest of the candidates for power +was likely to obtain the throne. Nevertheless, as Dow says, “to be born +a prince” of the Mogul Empire was “a misfortune of the worst and most +embarrassing kind. He must die by clemency, or wade through the blood of +his family to safety and empire.” + +As the army was the defence and prop of the Mogul government, so finance +was its sustenance. Here again the regulations of the Sacred Law were +but scantily observed. Akbar, aided by Todar Mal and extending the +methods of the Afghan Sher Shah, reduced to order and regularity the +existing revenue system, which in the course of centuries of varying +rule had become much confused. By ancient custom of India, the sovereign +as primary owner of the land was entitled to one-third of the crops in +kind. It was Akbar’s task to change the system to a more modern money +régime, a step in progress which the Ottomans have not been able to +take even to the present day. In classical times as in late years, +India, importing less of other commodities than she exported, steadily +absorbed gold and silver. It is likely that a large share of the wealth +of the newly-discovered Americas had already by Akbar’s day made its way +to India through the increasing Portuguese trade, and that Columbus, +Cortes, and Pizarro thus unwittingly gave him the means of modernizing +his land revenue. Several great tasks were involved in the change. All +the cultivated land of India had to be measured, its quality judged, +its average annual produce for the first nineteen years of Akbar’s +reign calculated, and the amount of the government’s share for each +tract reduced to current money. At first, it was attempted to renew +the settlement annually; but, since this proved very difficult in a +large and conservative land, a ten-year basis was eventually adopted. +When the British came to power they found the revenue in a state of +confusion which indicated that at some time during the Mogul period the +evaluation had ceased to be made regularly, modifications of the last +assessment having then been introduced successively, until all system had +disappeared. + +The imperial revenue was collected by a separate hierarchy of officials. +The great provinces were divided into districts, or _sirkars_, in each +of which a _Diwan_ was chief financial agent. His office was the _Defter +ali_, and his clerks were _Mutasidis_. In lesser districts the collectors +were _Amils_ or _Karoris_, the treasurers _Fotadars_. _Karkums_ were +appointed to settle disputes and audit accounts. The crown revenue +might be farmed out, in areas of a size comparable to the _jagirs_, +to officials known as _Zamindars_ or _Talukdars_, who in the days of +decline strove to make their position hereditary. In the local unit, or +_pargana_, the government was represented by a _Kanungo_, who kept the +records of assessments and payments. Akbar took measures also to bring +under cultivation waste and abandoned lands, and appointed for this +purpose _Karoris_, whose efforts were attended with much success. In +the best days the imperial financial officers acted as a check upon the +civil and military officials, upholding alike the interests of emperor +and common people. Evidence exists, however, that even in the time of +Akbar there was financial corruption, and that revenue officials were not +lacking who plundered the people and defrauded the emperor. + +The granting of _jagirs_ to officers and _Rajahs_, of pensions to learned +men and others, and of land in full title, free from revenue, for +religious foundations seems to have diverted from the royal treasury +about two-thirds of the possible land revenue. On the other hand, it +has been estimated that the emperor received from customs, tolls, +miscellaneous taxes, and presents an amount equal to what he got from the +land. Careful calculations have resulted in ascribing to Akbar a revenue +of over two hundred million dollars annually, and to Aurangzeb as much +as four hundred and fifty million dollars. Suleiman’s revenue would then +have been not the tenth part of Akbar’s and Louis XIV’s not the tenth +part of Aurangzeb’s. + +This revenue was expended upon the standing army, the court, the support +of learned and religious persons, a series of building operations which +were perhaps costly beyond parallel, bountiful gifts at certain seasons, +and regular charities. It would appear, farther, that the expenses of the +provincial governments were deducted from the imperial land revenue after +it had been estimated but before it was paid into the treasury. In spite +of the lavish outflow, however, an enormous treasure seems to have been +accumulated. By Mandelslo it was estimated in 1638 at the incredible sum +of one and a half billion crowns, equivalent to about the same number of +dollars! + +It was probably because of the greatly increased revenue which Akbar +obtained by his new method that he found it possible to remit the +_jizyeh_ or capitation tax on non-Moslems, and also the tax on pilgrims, +which had made the earlier Moslem rule obnoxious to the Hindu population. +On the other hand, it may have been not merely religious zeal, but also +financial stress caused by the civil wars preceding his accession, by +the Rajput revolt, by the long struggle in the Deccan, and by the pious +remission of many taxes not authorized by the Sacred Law, including the +tax on Hindu temple lands, that influenced Aurangzeb to reimpose the +capitation tax, and thus open wide the rifts in his disintegrating empire. + +In the days of its greatness, the budget of the Mogul Empire, alike in +income and expenditure, reached a height which had rarely if ever been +attained before. That of the East Roman Empire under the Macedonian +dynasty, and of the Saracen Empire in the days of Harun Al-Rashid, may +have rivalled it; but it is probable that only the great Western powers, +enriched by the industrial revolution in the late nineteenth and early +twentieth centuries, have ever reached a financial magnitude beyond that +of the empire of Aurangzeb. + +Humayun divided the responsibilities of government among four ministers, +and a fourfold division persisted at least as late as Aurangzeb. By a +curious form of logic the classification of duties and the names of the +four departments were based, not on convenience, but on relation to the +four elements: earth, air, fire, and water. The _Khaki_ department had +the care of agriculture, buildings, and domain lands; the _Hawai_, of the +wardrobe, the kitchen, the stables, and the like; the _Ateshi_, of the +artillery and the making of war material and other things in which fire +was employed; and the _Abi_, of the emperor’s drinks, and canals, rivers, +and water-works. When Khondamir wrote, about 1534, one man had oversight +of all four departments; but the development of a regular supreme +official of great power, like the grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire, +seems never to have taken place, no doubt because the imperial house did +not abandon the tradition of personal government. + +Humayun set aside two days of the week for business of state. Drums were +beaten to summon officials and give notice that the hall of audience +was open. Any subject might appear and ask for justice. Suits of fine +apparel and purses of money were at hand to reward the worthy, and +executioners stood by with drawn swords to punish the guilty. Guns were +fired at the close of the audience to notify officials that they might +retire. Aurangzeb held general court in the great hall of audience for +two hours on regular days. Persons who had petitions to present held +them up, and these were taken by the emperor, read by him, and often +granted on the spot. On at least one day in the week he sat with the two +_Kazis_ of the city, and on another day he heard privately ten cases of +persons of low rank. In the evening the chief officers were commanded +to be present in a smaller hall, where Aurangzeb sat to “grant private +audiences to his officers, receive their reports, and deliberate on +important matters of state.” This gathering resembled the Divan of +Suleiman, but it lacked most of the latter’s judicial work; in India such +work was done by the chief judges sitting separately, or by the emperor +in the great audiences. Furthermore, it was the sovereign and not a grand +vizier who presided in this council. The assembly was deliberative in +matters of policy and general administration, and judicial in that it had +jurisdiction of cases which involved officers of high rank. + +For purposes of local government the empire was divided into _subahs_, +or provinces, each under a _Nawab_ (a plural of majesty, from _naib_, +often called “nabob” by Westerners), or governor. Under Akbar the number +of _subahs_ varied from fifteen to eighteen. Like the _Beylerbeys_ of +the Ottoman Empire, the _Nawabs_ tended to increase in number, the size +of their provinces diminishing accordingly. The _Nawab_ was almost a +little emperor in his province. He held audiences, commanded the army, +conferred lesser titles, appointed and dismissed most officials, and +was the highest judicial authority. His power was limited, however, by +the emperor’s right to recall him, by the right of appeal in judicial +cases from him to the emperor, and by the fact that the financial and +judicial officers were separately appointed and were responsible only to +the throne. The _Nawab_ and his court were supported by lands granted +in _jagir_. He might suspend the _jagirs_ of officers pending imperial +decision. He was responsible for the security and order of his province, +and had _Faujdars_ under him in the several districts, who exercised +military command and the powers of chief of police and police judge, +their position resembling somewhat that of the _Sanjak Beys_ of the +Ottoman system. The chief financial officers in each province were the +_Diwans_, who, as explained above, collected the imperial revenue and +had oversight of all lesser revenue officers. They and their deputies +possessed judicial powers in cases concerning finance and land titles. +The chief judge of the province, subject however to appeals to the +governor, was the _Nizam_. He heard the serious criminal cases, and his +deputy, the _Daroga Adaulat al Aulea_, attended to most of the important +civil ones. Local _Kazis_, aided by _Muftis_, _Mohtesibs_, and _Kutwals_ +or mayors, kept order in the smaller cities and districts. _Rajahs_ who +had made terms with the emperor exercised powers very similar to those +of the _Nawabs_. Their positions were secured by heredity, however, and +in their provinces the imperial financial and judicial officers had no +jurisdiction. They simply owed military service and a certain amount +of tribute, failing in which they might be reduced by force of arms. +The Ottoman system contained no subjects who were at once so secure of +their positions, so nearly independent, and so powerful as the _Rajahs_. +Kurdish, Albanian, and Arabian chieftains were perhaps as secure and as +independent, but they were of very small wealth and might; while the +Voivodes of Wallachia and Moldavia were not so secure or so independent. + +The condition of the common people under this government is to be known +mainly by inference. Various documents and acts show the benevolent +intentions of emperors and high officials toward the masses. Whether from +wise prevision or from genuine charitable feeling, there appears to have +been much solicitude lest the cultivators of the soil should be reduced +to utter penury or driven from their lands. Akbar, for instance, issued +strict orders that on military expeditions nothing should be taken +from the people without careful assessment and immediate or subsequent +payment. Nevertheless, at the best the result of the general policy +was to leave the cultivator little more than a bare living. The whole +system drained away wealth to a few great cities and a comparatively +few persons. If but few complaints rose from the masses, it was because +their lot was no worse than that of their forefathers had been for many +generations. Aside from the periods of civil war, the Moguls gave peace +and order. Akbar removed internal tolls two centuries before such a thing +was accomplished in France, and thus made of the land a single economic +unit, with the result that in his reign India as a whole enjoyed such +prosperity as she has known at very few other periods in her history. + +Before the time of Aurangzeb special care was taken to conciliate the +Hindus. Akbar adopted definitely the policy of equal treatment for all, +a degree of toleration not to be found in the contemporary Europe of +William the Silent and Henry of Navarre. The government strove to abolish +or mitigate such Hindu practices as were abhorrent to Mohammedanism, and +at least one Moslem practice which offended the Hindus. Child-marriage, +the ordeal, and animal sacrifice were forbidden. Widows were to be +burned on the funeral pyres of their husbands only with their own full +consent, and those who preferred to live might marry again. In the Rajput +tributary states Hindu law of course prevailed. Probably in the regions +under direct Mogul rule Hindus were judged by their own law when Moslems +were not concerned and perhaps even by their own judges. It is true that +the Hindus had to wait until Akbar came to be released from the personal +disabilities imposed by earlier Moslem conquerors, that their temple +lands were taxed until the time of Aurangzeb, and that Brahmans, pundits, +and fakirs were perhaps only in Akbar’s presence treated with respect +equal to that accorded _Sheiks_, _Seids_, and _Ulema_. But the emperors +and their officers gave like justice to all; they permitted every man +to worship according to the rites of his forefathers, and apparently +never had a thought, as had Selim the Cruel, of giving to all non-Moslem +subjects the choice between Islam and death. There was little ground for +discontent until Aurangzeb began to apply a harsher policy. + + +THE MOSLEMS AND THE MOSLEM CHURCH + +In comparison with conditions in the Ottoman Empire, Moslems and +non-Moslems in the India of the early Moguls were far more nearly on +a level. This was due not merely to the toleration and indifference +of the emperors, but even more to the circumstances of the conquest, +under which both groups were treated alike, since Baber at Panipat in +1526 subdued the Moslem Lodi Sultans of Delhi, and at Kanwaha in 1527 +the Hindu Rajput confederacy. Indian-born worshippers of Allah and of +Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva were mingled in the same vast mass of conquered +subjects, equally separated from the victorious invaders. There was also, +in all probability, a much greater difference of race between Baber’s +highlanders and the Moslems that he found in India than between the +latter and the Hindus; for many inter-marriages had taken place, and +many natives of India had joined the followers of the Prophet. Time, of +course, diminished this distinction. + +Suleiman was distinctly the head of the Moslems of his empire. Through +his appointee the _Sheik-ul-Islam_, through his _Hoja_, the _Kaziaskers_, +the _Nakib-ol-Eshraf_, and other learned and saintly personages, he kept +in close touch with the religious chiefs of the Mohammedan population. +All who prayed toward Mecca, at least from the older portions of the +Ottoman Empire, were attached by many ancient ties to the house of Osman. +Their ancestors had perhaps been converts through its activities, had +certainly fought for it, and had seen its gradual and vigorous rise to +greatness. No such vital bonds joined to the Moguls the great mass of +their Moslem subjects. These remembered the glories and favors of lost +dynasties, and were indebted to the new sovereigns only for defeats +and humiliations which depressed them toward the level of the Hindus, +whom they had for centuries held to be far inferior to themselves. They +had no _Sheik-ul-Islam_, honored by the sovereign with a seat above +his own, whose decisions might determine the fate of the ruler or of +the empire. Almost as much to them as to the Hindus the emperor was a +stranger and a foreigner, to whom should be rendered, because of his +power, full submission and instant obedience, but not loyal affection and +whole-hearted devotion. There was ever an absence of solidarity between +the house of Timur and those Moslem subjects who had not come into India +in the service of that house, and this was not least among the elements +of weakness that shortened the life of the empire. When Rajputs had +been stirred to revolt, when Mahrattas had grown great, when bronzed and +capable Moguls had been supplanted by “pale persons in petticoats,” who +were left to rally about the tottering throne? More than two and a half +centuries have elapsed since the Ottomans ceased to draw systematically +from the strength of the Christian population, and yet the fighting stock +of their Moslem subjects has never failed or grown weak or faltered in +its loyalty; but Aurangzeb’s successors found few upon whom to rely, +and of this few a very small proportion who would sacrifice their own +fortunes freely, who would be faithful unto death. + +The Moguls found in India _Sheiks_, _Dervishes_, _Seids_, and _Ulema_, +mosques, schools, and pious foundations in abundance. In fact, the +developed system of Mohammedanism had extended itself over India with +visible results very much like those in all other Moslem lands, among +them the Ottoman Empire. From the ranks of those educated in Moslem lore +were taken teachers, judges, and counselors-at-law. + +There must have existed for the children of the Moslem population +_mektebs_, ordinary _medressehs_, and law schools, in which the Arabic +language and the sciences built upon the Koran, as well as the Persian +language and literature were taught. No doubt, also, the imperial +household contained systems of education, arranged for the two sexes +separately and prepared to train imperial and noble children and young +attendants, servants, and slaves in the knowledge which was thought best +adapted to fit them for life. It is interesting to notice what impression +the teaching regularly given to a young prince made (if Bernier can be +trusted) upon the keen intellect of Aurangzeb. When the latter became +emperor, his old teacher, it appears, confidently presented himself at +Delhi for reward. What, then, must have been his surprise to receive such +a deliverance as this from the lips of majesty! + +“Was it not incumbent upon my preceptor to make me acquainted with the +distinguishing features of every nation of the earth; its resources and +strength; its mode of warfare, its manners, religion, form of government, +and wherein its interests principally consist, and, by a regular course +of historical reading, to render me familiar with the origin of States; +their progress and decline; the events, accidents, or errors, owing to +which such great changes and mighty revolutions have been effected?... A +familiarity with the language of surrounding nations may be indispensable +in a king; but you would teach me to read and write Arabic; doubtless +conceiving that you placed me under an everlasting obligation for +sacrificing so large a portion of time to the study of a language wherein +no one can hope to become proficient without ten or twelve years of close +application. Forgetting how many important subjects ought to be embraced +in the education of a prince, you acted as if it were chiefly necessary +that he should possess great skill in grammar, and such knowledge as +belongs to a Doctor of Law; and thus did you waste the precious hours +of my youth in the dry, unprofitable, and never-ending task of learning +words!... Ought you not to have instructed me on one point at least, so +essential to be known by a king, namely, on the reciprocal duties between +the sovereign and his subjects? Ought you not also to have foreseen that +I might at some future period be compelled to contend with my brothers, +sword in hand, for the crown, and for my very existence? Such, as you +must well know, has been the fate of the children of almost every king of +Hindustan. Did you ever instruct me in the art of war, how to besiege a +town, or draw up an army in battle array? Happy for me that I consulted +wiser heads than thine on these subjects! Go! withdraw to thy village. +Henceforth let no person know either who thou art or what is become of +thee.” + +In this rebuke, whether it comes chiefly from Bernier or from Aurangzeb, +is excellent criticism upon the stereotyped Moslem education, and +material enough to cheer the hearts of modern advocates of a closer +relation between subjects of instruction and the business of life. + +The lack of solidarity between the mass of the Moslems of India and +the Mogul government, together with the religious indifference of +several emperors, prevented the Moslem church there from reaching the +full measure of the dignity, influence, and authority of the Moslem +Institution in the Ottoman Empire. Humayun’s division of the household +into three classes shows that he gave highest rank not to the clergy +but to princes of the blood, with nobles and ministers of state and +military men. “The holy persons, the great _Musheiks_ (religious men), +the respectable _Seids_, the literati, the law officers, the scientific +persons, poets, besides other great and respectable men formed the second +class.” The orders, or arrows, of nobility show a little more definitely +the place of the Moslem learned men, since they are assigned to the tenth +order, after the monarch and the princes of the blood and the _Rajahs_. + +In the palace-city of Fatehpur-Sikri, Akbar built a great hall, the +Ibadat-Khana, to which he repaired on holy nights with _Sheiks_, _Seids_, +_Ulema_, and nobles. Finding that his followers could not keep the peace +when mingled indiscriminately, he assigned one of the four sides of the +hall to each group. Here he was accustomed to listen to theological +discussions; and it appears that what he heard tended to destroy his +respect for the faith of the Prophet, and to predispose his mind toward +the eclectic religion which he instituted later. Says Badauni: “The +learned doctors used to exercise the sword of their tongues upon each +other, and showed great pugnacity and animosity, till the various sects +took to calling each other infidels and perverts.” In course of time +Akbar obtained a document signed by the principal _Ulema_, to the effect +that a just ruler is higher in the eyes of God than a doctor of the law +(_Mujtahid_), that Akbar was a just ruler, and that therefore his decrees +in matters of religion were binding upon the world. This declaration +placed Akbar distinctly above the Moslem church and at least on a level +with the prophet Mohammed; and he seems even to have played with the +idea that he was himself God. Certainly he hoped to unify all creeds +by his “divine faith.” His son and grandson were not much interested +in religion, and not at all inclined to assume actively the religious +headship of the empire; under them, the Moslem church had to take care of +itself. Religious interest appeared again in Aurangzeb, not in any spirit +of free inquiry, but in a rigid conformity to the rules of the Sacred +Law. From those youthful days when he preferred the meagre life of a +saint to the splendors of princely state, down to the long-deferred close +of his troubled career, Islam knew no more faithful observer of its rites +and prescriptions. In Aurangzeb’s reign and in his alone did the Moslem +religion take such a place in India as in the Turkey of Suleiman’s time. + +The learned Moslems of the Mogul Empire never had as the head of their +hierarchy a personage of such dignity and power as the _Sheik-ul-Islam_ +of Constantinople. The _Sadr Jehan_ appears to have been concerned +chiefly with the granting of land from the treasury to learned and +religious persons in lieu of pensions. The hierarchy of judges seems to +have been complete, at least in territory that was directly administered, +with two officials at court who corresponded to the _Kaziaskers_ of +Suleiman, and with _Kazis_ of high rank in the chief city of each +province and of lesser rank in other cities; but the functions of these +officers appear to have been more closely restricted than in the Ottoman +Empire, by reason of the superior jurisdictions of the emperor and +the governors, and of the criminal and financial jurisdictions of the +_Nizams_ and _Diwans_ and their deputies. As there is little mention of +the _muftis_, it would seem that their rôle was not very important. + +The Moslem church in India was not of the very fabric of empire. The +imperial family and most of their associates in government adhered to it; +but it had no thorough control of education and justice, and no power +to sanction war or pronounce the deposition of an emperor. It did not +curb the spirit of the nation or lay a heavy hand upon progress; but, as +it was relatively unable to hinder by its weaknesses, so it could not +contribute its abiding strength. The Mogul Empire is but a memory. The +Moslem church of India thrives and grows under the rule of aliens of +another faith. + + +BOOKS CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION OF APPENDIX IV + +BADEN-POWELL, B. H. A short account of the land revenue and its +administration in British India. 2d edition. Oxford, 1907. + +BAYLEY, SIR E. C. The local Muhammadan dynasties. Gujarát. London, +1886.—A sequel to Elliot’s History of India. + +BERNIER, FRANÇOIS. Travels in the Mogul empire, A.D. 1656-1663. +Westminster, 1891.—[As quoted by Lane-Poole and others.] + +CRICHTON, A. S. The Mohammedans as rulers of India. In _The Moslem +World_, i. 99-116. London, 1911. + +DOW, ALEXANDER. The history of Hindostan. 3 vols. London, 1770-1772. + +ELLIOT, SIR H. M., and DOWSON, JOHN. The history of India, as told by +its own historians. 8 vols. London, 1867-1877.—Vol. v (1873) contains +extracts from Khondamir, Badáúní, Nizam uddin Ahmad, etc. + +GUL-BADAN BEGAM. The history of Humāyūn (Humāyūn-nāma). Translated by +Annette S. Beveridge. London, 1902. + +HOLDEN, E. S. The Mogul emperors of Hindustan. New York, 1895. + +HUNTER, SIR W. W. A brief history of the Indian peoples. 23d edition. +[Oxford, 1903.] + +IRVINE, WILLIAM. The army of the Indian Moghuls; its organization and +administration. London, 1903. + +—— The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. J. R. A. S., Bengal, 1878, 340 ff. + +KEENE, H. G. The fall of the Moghul empire of Hindustan. New edition. +London, 1887. + +—— The Turks in India. London, 1879. + +LANE-POOLE, STANLEY. Aurangzíb. (Rulers of India series.) Oxford, 1893. + +LANE-POOLE, STANLEY. Bábar. (Rulers of India series.) Oxford, 1899. + +—— Mediæval India under Mohammedan rule (A.D. 712-1764). New York, 1903. + +LYALL, SIR A. C. The Moghul empire. In _Cambridge Modern History_, vi. +506-529. New York, 1909. + +MALLESON, G. B. Akbar. (Rulers of India series.) Oxford, 1908. + +RAMBAUD, ALFRED. Organisation de l’empire mongol. In Lavisse and +Rambaud’s _Histoire Générale_, vi. 878-883. Paris, 1895. + +RITCHIE, LEITCH. A history of the oriental nations. 2 vols. London, 1848. + +ROE, SIR THOMAS. Journal of his embassy to the court of the Great Mogul. +1615-1619. In Hakluyt Society’s publications, 2d series, vols. i-ii. +London, 1899.—[As quoted by Lane-Poole and others.] + + + + +APPENDIX V + +BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES + + +I. SOURCES OF OTTOMAN GOVERNMENTAL IDEAS + +Three traceable lines of influence can be followed from the earliest +times until their appearance in the Ottoman government of the sixteenth +century. The oldest began in Egypt, and continued down through various +dynasties until the Roman conquest, after which it began to enter the +Roman imperial government. From this it passed to the Byzantine and +thence to the Ottoman system. Locally again it followed a more direct +course through the Fatimides and Mamelukes until the time of Selim I’s +conquest of Egypt. The slave government of the Mamelukes offers an +interesting subject for comparison with the Ottoman Ruling Institution. +It would be superfluous to give references for this line of development, +except perhaps to mention Sir William Muir’s book, _The Mameluke or Slave +Dynasty of Egypt_ (London, 1896), and Stanley Lane-Poole’s _Egypt in the +Middle Ages_ (London, 1901). + +The second line, which seems to have contributed a greater number of +elements, came down in the Bagdad-Euphrates valley through various +governments to the Saracen and Seljuk empires, from which it passed to +the Ottomans. Here again no general references need be given. Perhaps +the most useful book in connection with the subject is D. B. McDonald’s +_Moslem Theology, Jurisprudence, and Constitutional Theory_ (New York, +1903). + +The third and most direct line of influence is through the Tatars +of the steppe lands. In A. H. Keane’s _Man, Past and Present_ +(Cambridge, England, 1899) there is a full and clear discussion of the +anthropological relationships of the Turks. E. H. Parker’s _A Thousand +Years of the Tartars_ (London, 1895) gives an account which is based +closely upon the Chinese sources, but which would be helped by the +addition of as many of the two or three thousand notes which he did not +print as would show the sources of his information. The Chinese story +of the great Tatar empire of the sixth century A.D. may be found in +Stanislas Julien’s _Documents Historiques sur les Tou-Kioue_ (Paris, +1877). W. Radloff’s _Alttürkischen Inschriften der Mongolei_ (Leipsic, +1894-95) discusses the earliest known Turkish monuments, which date +from the eighth century. Emil Bretschneider’s _Medieval Researches from +Eastern Asiatic Sources_ (2 vols., London, 1888, new edition, 1910) gives +an account of the Uigurs, whose greatness came in the eighth and ninth +centuries and whose name persisted until at least the twelfth century, as +is shown by the oldest known Turkish book, which is in their dialect. + +This old book has been printed, with original Syriac text, +transliteration into Roman characters, and German translation, by +Arminius (Hermann) Vambéry, under the title _Uigurische Sprachmonumente +und das Kudatku Bilik_ (Innsbruck, 1870). The _Kudatku Bilik_, the +“Wisdom that Blesses,” written at Kashgar in 1068 by Yusuf Khass Hajil, +is really an “Art of Government,” composed for the instruction of a +Turkish prince. It contains in rhymed couplets, arranged in chapters, +a large amount of advice on governmental matters, much of it being in +the form of proverbs. The book throws a great deal of light on the +fundamental Ottoman character. Vambéry has also made a study, on a +philological basis, of the civilization of the Tatars, entitled _Die +Primitive Cultur des Türko-tatarischen Volkes_ (Leipsic, 1879). + +A book equally remarkable with the _Kudatku Bilik_ is the _Siasset +Namèh_, written in 1092 for the Seljuk sultan Melek Shah by the great +vizier Abu ’Ali al Hasan b. Ishaq (known better by his title, the Nizam +al-Mulk), and printed in the original Persian, with a French translation, +by Charles Schéfer, Paris, 1893. This “Book of Government” reveals to +some extent three things,—the methods of government of Sassanian times, +the actual government under Melek Shah, and the Seljuk government as +the Nizam al-Mulk would have it. It also sheds much light upon Ottoman +institutions. + +The best general book on the Turks in Central Asia and their activities +down to the occupation of Asia Minor is undoubtedly Léon Cahun’s +_Introduction à l’Histoire de l’Asie: Turcs et Mongols_ (Paris, +1896). The same ground is covered briefly by Cahun in Lavisse and +Rambaud’s _Histoire Générale_, vol. ii. ch. xvi. There is a great +deal of information about the Persians and the Seljuk Turks in E. G. +Browne’s _Literary History of Persia_ (2 vols., London, 1902-1906). +Maximilian Bittner has made a valuable study of the Turkish language, +entitled _Der Einfluss des Arabischen und Persischen auf das Türkische_ +(Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, _Sitzungsberichte der +Philosophisch-Historischen Classe_, vol. cxlii. pt. iii. Vienna, 1900). +Sir W. M. Ramsay’s books are valuable for a study of the settlement +of the Turks in Asia Minor, particularly his _Historical Geography of +Asia Minor_ (London, 1890), _The Geographical Conditions determining +History and Religion in Asia Minor_ (with comments by D. G. Hogarth, H. +H. Howorth, and others, _Geographical Journal_, September, 1902, xx. +257-282), and _Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces +of the Roman Empire_ (Aberdeen, 1906). Volume V of H. F. Helmolt’s +_Weltgeschichte_ (Leipsic, etc., 1905) is useful for its attempt to trace +the elements of Ottoman culture which were derived from Byzantine and +other sources. William Miller’s _The Latins in the Levant_ (New York, +1908) gives a clear picture of the confused and divided state of affairs +to which the Ottomans put an end in their rough way. + + +II. THE OTTOMAN GOVERNMENT IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY + +Abundant material for a study of the sixteenth-century Ottoman government +has been provided and preserved; for the great place which the expanding +empire held in the world developed an immense interest in its affairs +on the part of the West, and made it worth the while of many of its +Western residents to prepare descriptions of its outstanding features, +among which its peculiar government was treated with special fulness. +The writings of these men of various Western nationalities are in a way +more helpful than a similar number of books from native writers would +be, because the foreigners could usually take nothing for granted, +but were compelled to draw a complete picture. They could not, on the +other hand, get at the inner springs of the Ottoman activity as well +as natives could; nor do any of them, with the exception of Menavino, +seem actually to have read and known the Ottoman laws. Fortunately, +Ottoman historians began to write abundantly shortly before the reign of +Suleiman. For Suleiman’s own time, the collections of his _Kanuns_ (since +he was noted as a legislator) contain much material which helps toward +an understanding of his government; moreover, writers of a later date +have been drawn with special interest toward his reign, as the climax of +Ottoman greatness. At the same time, no one but Zinkeisen has attempted +to give an extended account of the Ottoman government as it was in the +sixteenth century. + +No reasonably complete bibliography of books relating to Turkey has been +made. The following lists are worthy of mention as giving information in +regard to the material for a study of Turkish history and institutions +before the year 1600:— + +Richard Knolles gives a bare list of his authorities, to the number of +about twenty-five, at the beginning of his _Generall Historie of the +Turkes_, London, 1603. + +J. H. Boecler published at Bautzen in 1717 a _Commentarius +Historico-Politicus de Rebus Turcicis_, in which he gives, at pp. 14-41, +a list of 317 works on Turkish history and affairs, including 45 folio +volumes, 128 quartos, 98 octavos, and 45 duodecimos. + +Joseph von Hammer discusses his authorities in the preface to volume i +of his _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches_ (Pest, 1827); and in volume +x, pp. 57-336 (1835), he prints a list containing 3,025 titles of works +relating to Ottoman history which were to be found in Europe outside of +Constantinople. + +Amat di San Filippo, in his _Biografia dei Viaggiatori Italiani_, etc. (2 +vols., Rome, 1882), gives accounts of many of the early Italian writers +on Turkish affairs. + +Henri Hauser, in his edition of Du Fresne-Canaye, described below (p. +319), prints as Appendix II an _Essai d’une Bibliographie des Ouvrages +du XVIe Siècle relatifs au Levant_. The list, which does not pretend to +completeness, contains about 60 different titles. + +The catalogue of the library of Count Paul Riant, published in two parts +at Paris in 1899, also contains the titles of a great number of books +and pamphlets which relate to the subject under discussion. Most of this +material has been transferred to the Ottoman collection of the Library of +Harvard University, through the generosity of Messrs. J. R. Coolidge and +A. C. Coolidge,—a gift, it may be added, that has made the preparation +of the present treatise possible. There are also many titles on early +Ottoman history in the catalogue of Charles Schéfer’s Oriental library +(published at Paris in 1899), from which the same donors have contributed +445 volumes to the Harvard Ottoman collection. + +The list given in the _Cambridge Modern History_, i. 700-705, in +connection with Professor J. B. Bury’s chapter on “The Ottoman Conquest,” +is fuller than most of those just mentioned. It omits some valuable +authorities, however, such as Schiltberger, Menavino, Ramberti, and +Busbecq. + +It is possible to get contemporaneous views of the Ottoman Empire at a +date earlier than the beginning of the sixteenth century, though they are +all incomplete. The first accounts go back to the battle of Nicopolis +in 1396. Froissart (_Chroniques_, ed. Lettenhove, xv. 319 ff., Brussels, +1871), in a description of the battle and succeeding events which was +based on accounts given by Jacques du Fay and Jacques de Helly, gives +some idea of the Turkish army and the sultan. A better account for the +present purpose is that by Johann Schiltberger (translated into English +by J. B. Telfer, and published by the Hakluyt Society as _The Bondage +and Travels of Johann Schiltberger_, London, 1879). Schiltberger, then +a youth of sixteen, was taken prisoner at Nicopolis, and after serving +as slave to Bayezid I for six years, was captured by Timur at the battle +of Angora, 1402. He was retained as captive, not without important +responsibilities and wide journeys, for twenty-five years longer, when +he succeeded in escaping. It is a matter for regret that he says very +little of his life at the sultan’s court, since he held a position which +corresponded to that of page in later times. + +Another general account of the Turkish polity comes from the pen of +Bertrandon de la Broquière, first gentleman-carver (_écuyer tranchant_), +councillor, and chamberlain of Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy. In the +course of a trip through the Levant he met Murad II in Rumelia in 1433. +His observations show that many features of the Turkish system were then +already in operation,—as the four pashas, the slave system, the pages, +the imperial harem, the Janissaries (_Jehanicéres_), the feudal army, the +Divan, etc. La Broquière’s memoirs are edited by Charles Schéfer, under +the title _Le Voyage d’Outremer_, as volume xii of _Recueil de Voyages et +de Documents pour servir à l’Histoire de la Géographie depuis le XIIIe +jusqu’à la fin du XVIe Siècle_ (Paris, 1892). The same volume contains an +opinion in regard to the military power of the Turks by Jehan Torzelo, +dating from the year 1439. + +Still another report was written by a Transylvanian whose name remains +unknown, but who was a slave in Ottoman private families from 1436 to +1453. Evidently he had before his capture been a theological student +who held some of the ideas that preceded the Reformation movement. His +book had a great vogue after the year 1509, under various titles, such +as: Ricoldus, _De Vita et Moribus Turcarum_, Paris, 1509 (the attachment +to the name of Ricoldus is purely accidental); _Libellus de Ritu et +Moribus Turcarum_, Wittenberg, 1530 (with a preface by Martin Luther); +S. Frank, _Cronica-Abconterfayung_, etc., Augsburg, 1531; _Tractatus de +Moribus_, etc. The Wittenberg edition has been used in this treatise, +and is referred to as _Tractatus_. Although most of the book is +theological and argumentative, it affords a great deal of information. +Among other things, it contains what is probably the earliest mention of +the tribute children as the regular means of recruiting the Janissaries +(_Ginnitscheri_). + +The next good contemporary account of the Ottoman system is given in the +history of Chal(co)condyles (written in Greek), of which there are many +editions and translations. The one used here is the French translation, +_Histoire de la Décadence de l’Empire Grec et Établissement de celui des +Turcs_, Rouen, 1670. This writer, whose story comes down to 1465, speaks +out of his own observation in describing the Ottoman camp and government. + +The oldest authentic _Kanuns_ are in the _Kanun-nameh_ of Mohammed II, +which is translated by Hammer in his _Staatsverfassung_ (Vienna, 1815), +87-101. + +The earliest book that was devoted to a description of Ottoman manners, +religion, and government is by Teodoro Spandugino Cantacusino. Born of +an Italian father and a Greek mother, he spent his life alternately in +the East and the West. His book describes the empire as it was under +Bayezid II, who died in 1512, his information about the government being +obtained from two very high renegade officials, probably Messih Pasha and +Hersek-Zadeh Ahmed Pasha. The earliest edition was printed in French at +Paris in 1519 under the title _Petit Traicté de l’Origine des Turcqz_; +later editions, with and without his name, or under the name of B. +Gycaud, bear the title _La Généalogie du Grant Turc à Présent Regnant_, +etc. The edition used here is a reprint of the first French issue, edited +with notes by C. Schéfer, Paris, 1896. This writer is sometimes quoted as +Spandugino, and sometimes as Cantacusino. The first form is used in the +present treatise. + +A book that is even more valuable in some ways is Giovanni Antonio +Menavino’s _Trattato de Costumi et Vita de Turchi_. The edition used +here was printed in Florence in 1548. Menavino came of a wealthy Genoese +family. About the year 1505, when he was twelve years of age, handsome, +bright, and well educated for his years, he was captured near Corsica +by corsairs, and set aside as a gift suitable for the sultan. Taken to +Bayezid II, he pleased the old sultan greatly, and was placed at once +in the school of pages, where, as his book shows throughout, he must +have profited greatly by the teaching that he received. He describes the +religion, customs, and government of the Ottomans in much detail. In 1514 +he was taken by Selim I on the expedition against Persia; but he managed +to escape to Trebizond, whence he made his way to Adrianople, Salonika, +and thence home to Genoa. + +A group of excellent sources for studies of both the government and the +history of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century is found in the +reports which the Venetian _Bailos_ and orators extraordinary presented +to their Senate. + +Venice, says Ranke, “frequently sent her most experienced and able +citizens to foreign courts. Not content with the despatches on current +affairs regularly sent home every fourteen days, she further required +of her ambassadors, when they returned after an absence of two or three +years, that they should give a circumstantial account of the court and +the country they had been visiting.”[799] Since Constantinople was in +the sixteenth century the station of first importance in the Venetian +diplomatic service, it is safe to assume that the sons whom she sent +there were her most intelligent. + +A number of these Venetian reports, which do not, however, reach far +into Suleiman’s reign, are summarized by Marini Sanuto the Younger in +his voluminous _Diarii_, 1496-1533 (58 vols. in 59, Venice, 1879-1903). +The reports of Alvise Sagudino in 1496, and of Andrea Gritti in 1503, +are quoted by Schéfer in the introduction to his edition of Spandugino’s +work, noticed above. Rinaldo Fulin, in his _Diarii e Diaristi Veneziani_ +(Venice, 1881) reprints Sanuto’s abstract of the Itinerary of Pietro +Zeno, orator at Constantinople in 1523. + +The Venetian reports for the reign of Suleiman are all, so far as +preserved and known, collected in the invaluable work of Eugenio Alberi, +_Relazione degli Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato_ (15 vols., Florence, +1839-1863). The three volumes of the third series (published 1840, 1844, +1855, respectively), as well as a portion of the fifteenth volume or +Appendix, are devoted to Turkish reports. Volume i of this series is +also separately printed as _Documenti di Storia Ottomana del Secolo XVI_ +(Florence, 1842). A few writings are included in these volumes which were +not reports to the Venetian senate. + +In all, thirty-nine documents are thus presented, of which sixteen fall +within the reign of Suleiman. Unfortunately there is a gap between the +years 1534 and 1553, a period for which there should be eight or ten +documents of great value bearing on the Ottoman dealings with France, +Austria, Spain, and Persia. + +These volumes contain much helpful apparatus, such as a glossary of +Turkish words (vol. i); notes on the Venetian embassies to the Porte in +the sixteenth century, with a list of the Venetian representatives (vol. +ii); biographical notes concerning the writers (all three volumes); +chronological tables, genealogies, etc. (Appendix). The Venetians were +particularly interested in the financial side of the Ottoman government, +its mechanism, its army, and its fleet. Many character descriptions +of great personages enliven the pages. The last pages of the Appendix +contain a chronological index of the _Relazione_ and the other writings +included; also an alphabetical list of them by authors, and chronological +lists by countries. The subjoined list of reports from Constantinople +is taken from page 435, and will serve as a means of locating many +references in the foregoing pages. The more valuable reports are +distinguished by asterisks. + + +VENETIAN REPORTS FROM CONSTANTINOPLE + +as given in Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, 3 vols. and Appendix +(Florence, 1840-1863) + + Writer Date Volume Page + + Gritti, Andrea 1503 iii 1 + Giustiniani, Antonio 1514 ” 45 + Mocenigo, Alvise 1518 ” 53 + Contarini, Bartolomeo 1519 ” 56 + Minio, Marco 1522 ” 69 + Zen, Pietro 1524 ” 93 + Bragadino, Pietro 1526 ” 99 + Minio, Marco 1527 ” 113 + Zen, Pietro 1530 ” 119 + *Ludovisi, Daniello 1534 i 1 + *Navagero, Bernardo 1553 ” 33 + _Anonimo_ ” ” 193 + *Trevisano, Domenico 1554 ” 111 + *Erizzo, Antonio 1557 iii 123 + *Barbarigo, Antonio 1558 ” 145 + Cavalli, Marino 1560 i 271 + Dandolo, Andrea 1562 iii 161 + Donini, Marcantonio ” ” 173 + *Barbarigo, Daniele 1564 ii 1 + Bonrizzo, Luigi 1565 ” 61 + Ragazzoni, Jacopo 1571 ” 77 + *Barbaro, Marcantonio 1573 i 299 + Barbaro, Marcantonio ” Append. 387 + Badoaro, Andrea ” i 347 + *Garzoni, Costantino ” ” 369 + Alessandri, Vincenzo 1574 ii 103 + _Anonimo_ 1575 ” 309 + *Tiepolo, Antonio 1576 ” 129 + *Soranzo, Giacomo ” ” 193 + Venier, Maffeo 1579 i 437 + _Anonimo_ 1582 ii 209[800] + _Anonimo_ ” ” 427 + Contarini, Paolo 1583 iii 209 + *Morosini, Gianfrancesco 1585 ” 251 + Michiel, Giovanni 1587 ii 255 + Venier, Maffeo ” ” 295 + *Moro, Giovanni 1590 iii 323 + *Bernardo, Lorenzo 1592 ii 321 + *Zane, Matteo 1594 iii 381 + +An interesting small pamphlet is the _Auszug eines Briefes ... das +Türckich Regiment unn Wesen sey_, which was printed in a South-German +dialect in 1526. It purports to be a letter from a German settled at +Adrianople to his cousin in Germany, telling of his life as subject +Christian under the sultan. The literary arrangement is so good, and the +statements diverge so uniformly toward the dark side, that this would +seem to be a pamphlet written in Germany for the purpose of arousing +alarm and activity after the battle of Mohacs. + +Hieronymus Balbus, bishop of Gurk, published at Rome in 1526 a little +book of two essays addressed to Clement VII. The second part, “continens +Turcarum Originem, Mores, Imperium,” etc., was also commended to the +Archduke Ferdinand. The work makes up for a conspicuous lack of definite +and accurate information by means of abundant scriptural and classical +quotations and allusions, vituperation of the Turks, and assertion of +their military ineffectiveness. It is chiefly valuable as an evidence of +the “Turkish fear.” + +A book that had a wide influence is _Turcicarum Rerum Commentarius_ +addressed by Paolo Giovio, or Paulus Jovius, bishop of Nocera, to Emperor +Charles the Fifth, and dedicated at Rome in 1531. It was published in +several languages; the edition used here is the Latin one, Paris, 1539. +The book is historical except for the last ten pages, which contain a +description of the Ottoman government with particular reference to its +military resources. Giovio published also in two volumes at Florence, in +1550-1552, _Historiarum sui Temporis Tomus Primus_ [_et Secundus_]. + +V. D. Tanco, or Clavedan del Estanco, a Spanish gentleman, wrote in his +native tongue a book that was translated into Italian and published +at Venice in 1558 under the title _Libro dell’ Origine et Successione +dell’ Imperio de’ Turchi_. The basis of the work is the _Commentarius_ +of Jovius, just noticed; but this has been intelligently combined with +information from Froissart, Aeneas Sylvius, and others. The latest date +mentioned is 1537, and the death of Ibrahim in 1536 is not known. + +A very valuable and interesting work is the _Libri Tre delle Cose de +Turchi_, etc., published by Aldus in Venice in 1539, and reprinted often +thereafter. It appears also as one of the component parts of the work +published by Aldus in 1543, _Viaggi fatti da Vinetia, alla tana ... +in Costantinopoli_, known sometimes simply as _Viaggi alla tana_, or +“Travels to the Don.” The book appeared anonymously, but it has been +attributed with much confidence to Benedetto Ramberti (see Alberi, +_Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 8; _Archiv für Oesterreichische Geschichte_, +1897, lxxxiii. 9; _Revue Critique_, 1896, i. 20-21). Ramberti accompanied +Ludovisi to and from Constantinople during the first six months of 1534. +The book was written in the same year; for it shows that Barbarossa was +made pasha while it was in process of composition (see above, Appendix +I, p. 246, and, for the fact that Barbarossa was back in Algiers, May 9, +1534, see Ursu, _La Politique Orientale de François I_, Paris, 1908, p. +79), and in a long characterization at the close of the third book it +represents Luigi (Alvise) Gritti, who was assassinated in Hungary late in +1534, as still living. + +The first book of the three describes the journey overland from Ragusa to +Constantinople; the third book contains observations of no great value +on the power and policies of the Turks. The second book is the _pièce de +résistance_. It opens with a brief description of Constantinople and a +rapid sketch of the origin and history of the Ottoman Turks. An account +of the Turkish government follows, beginning with the inside service +of the household of the sultan, proceeding to the outside service, +then taking up the chief officers of government, the Janissaries, the +_Spahis_ of the Porte and the auxiliary branches of the army. The harem, +the palaces of the pages, the _Ajem-oghlans_, and the arsenal are next +described; then the feudal army is explained as it was constituted in +Europe and in Asia; and, finally, a list of the sanjakates of the empire +is given. The Italian used is fairly good, and the style is very simple, +often degenerating to the mere cataloguing of officers. Throughout the +book the financial aspect of the government is emphasized strongly, the +incomes of all persons mentioned being carefully stated. This second book +of Ramberti is of so great importance to the present treatise that it is +given in translation as Appendix I. The text used is that of the _Viaggi +... alla tana_ (Venice, 1543). + +Standing in exceedingly close relationship to the second book of Ramberti +is a twenty-two page pamphlet bearing the name of Junis Bey (Ionus Bei). +Written in broad Venetian dialect and printed on coarse paper in type of +a poor quality, not kept clean, it is in two portions, respectively of +eight and fourteen pages, which are distinguished by the use of larger +and smaller type. The title-page bears the inscription “reprinted in +1537.” The sixth page begins the list of pashas with the statement that +“Ibrahim of Parga is dead,” and then gives the name of his successor in +the office of grand vizier. On the seventeenth page it is said that the +territories of the _Beylerbey_ of Mesopotamia “border” those of Bagdad +which belong to Persia (Bagdad was taken by Suleiman in the winter of +1535 and 1536); on the eighteenth occurs the remark that Alvise Gritti +“says” such and such a thing; and at the close the book is attributed +to “Ionus bei” and “Signor Aluise gritti.” Now, Junis Bey was in Venice +from December 6, 1532, to January 9, 1533 (thesis of Theodore F. Jones, +p. 168, Harvard College Library); Gritti was assassinated in 1534; Junis +Bey was again in Venice from January 15 to February 17, 1537 (Jones, +209). It seems reasonable to conclude, therefore, that the first edition +of the pamphlet was printed at Venice in 1533 at the time of Junis Bey’s +first visit, and that at the time of his second visit in 1537 the first +eight pages were recast with a few changes, and in certain unsold copies +substituted for the older pages, the remainder being left as it stood +originally, despite the erroneous reference to Gritti. + +It is very clear that Ramberti had before him while preparing his “second +book” a document almost identical with this pamphlet. Beginning with his +description of the sultan’s household service, the order of treatment +is practically the same, and even the words and phrases are often the +same, except for differences of dialect. His language frequently suggests +that he is expanding on some material before him. It is worthy of note, +however, that not only Ramberti’s use of Italian, but also his use of +Turkish, is frequently better than that of Junis Bey. Moreover, in +his list of officials he includes the _Mufti_ and the chief dragoman +(_Terjuman_), whom Junis Bey leaves out, the latter omission being the +more remarkable in that Junis Bey held that office himself. On the +other hand, where there are differences in numbers, Junis Bey is more +apt to be correct than Ramberti. It seems not unlikely that both works +were derived from a manuscript, more nearly complete and correct than +either, in the possession of Alvise Gritti, which the latter allowed the +two writers to use, Junis Bey probably in 1532 and Ramberti in 1534. +Alvise Gritti was well known to both. Natural son of the doge Andrea +Gritti, he had won high favor with Ibrahim, who entrusted him with great +responsibilities. In fact, it may not be too bold a conjecture to suggest +that some of the information contained in his manuscript came from the +celebrated Grand Vizier himself. Aside from this possibility, a minute +survey of the Ottoman government, prepared by Gritti himself or with +his collaboration, either for his own use or for the information of his +kinsfolk the Venetians, possesses a presumption in favor of its accuracy +and truthfulness. Accordingly the closing words, “all is true,” may be +accepted with little reserve. + +These two works, by Ramberti and Junis Bey, were much used by other +writers on Turkish affairs. Postel shows a close acquaintance with them, +and Geuffroy frequently does little more than present a translation. +Ramberti was incorporated into a number of the collected works in regard +to the Turks which appeared in various languages after the middle of the +sixteenth century and thus entered into systematic histories. Since the +pamphlet of Junis Bey is very rare, its text is presented in Appendix II, +above. Besides matter very similar to that of Ramberti, it contains near +the end an account of the order of march of the sultan’s army when he +went to war. + +Guillaume Postel is perhaps the broadest-minded of the sixteenth-century +observers. He gives evidence of having had a legal training, and of +having reflected along political and constitutional lines. Nicolay, in +his preface, informs us that Postel knew Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Chaldean, +Syriac, and Arabic, as well as the principal Western languages. He +was sent by Francis I with the momentous embassy of La Forêt, and was +therefore in Constantinople about the year 1535. He seems to have made a +later visit for the purpose of acquiring manuscripts; but the substance +of his book, as appears from numerous references, dates from the first +visit. The volume was printed at Poitiers in 1560, but was not published +till 1570. It contains three parts, separately paged:— + +I. _De la République des Turcs_; II. _Histoire et Considération de +l’Origine, Loy, et Coustume des Tartares ... Turcs_, etc.; III. _La +Tierce Partie des Orientales Histoires, où est exposée la Condition, +Puissance, & Revenue de l’Empire Turquesque_, etc. The first part gives, +among other things, an excellent account of the page system and of +Ottoman law and justice. The third part is built upon the information in +Ramberti and Junis Bey; it describes the page system further, and adds a +good account of the _Ajem-oghlans_ and the Janissaries. By a reference it +shows acquaintance with Giovio. + +Antoine Geuffroy, knight of St. John, issued in 1542 his _Briefve +Description de la Court du Grand Turc_. Four years later this was +published in English by R. Grafton under the title _The Order of the +Great Turcks Court of Hye Menne of War_; and from thirty to fifty years +later it appeared, combined with other material, in large volumes in the +Latin and German tongues under the name of N. Honigerus or Haeniger, +with a Latin translation by G. Godelevæus, entitled _Aulae Turcicae, +Othomannicique Imperii Descriptio_, etc. The work of Geuffroy thus had +a great vogue. It was a sound, intelligent description of the empire, +built upon the information in Ramberti and Junis Bey. By references and +allusions it shows acquaintance with Froissart, Spandugino, and Giovio. +The references to Geuffroy in the foregoing pages are to the reprint in +Schéfer’s edition of Jean Chesneau, described below. + +Bartholomew Georgevitz, pilgrim to Jerusalem, issued a small book, _De +Turcarum Moribus Epitome_, which passed through many editions in two or +three languages, the first dating not later than 1544, and the latest not +earlier than 1629. The chapters are on various topics and from various +sources. The first, on the rites and ceremonies of the Turks, is abridged +from Spandugino. The second, on the Turkish soldiery, is by Georgevitz +himself; it is perhaps the most valuable, and shows by the age assigned +to Prince Mustapha that it was written about 1537. The fourth chapter +gives useful Turkish phrases, and is interesting as showing how Turkish +words were pronounced in the sixteenth century. The fifth chapter gives +a full account of the treatment of slaves of private citizens, written +by one who had been a slave, apparently Georgevitz himself. The edition +referred to in this treatise was printed at Paris in 1566. + +Jérome Maurand accompanied Captain Pinon on his mission to Constantinople +in 1544. A few years later he wrote, in Italian, an account of his +journey, which was translated by Léon Dorez as _Itinéraire de Jérome +Maurand d’Antibes à Constantinople_, and published at Paris in 1901 as +vol. xvii of _Recueil de Voyages_, etc. + +Before 1549, Ibrahim Halebi, the jurist, prepared by command of Suleiman +the codification of the Sacred Law which bears the name of _Multeka +ol-ebhar_, and which formed the foundation of D’Ohsson’s great work. + +Jean Chesneau went to Constantinople with D’Aramont, ambassador of Henry +II of France, and accompanied him on Suleiman’s campaign against Persia +in 1549. His narrative, which is not very illuminating or accurate, was +edited by Charles Schéfer and published at Paris in 1887, under the +title, _Le Voyage de Monsieur d’Aramon_, as vol. viii of _Recueil de +Voyages_, etc. Bound in the same volume are five letters in the Italian +language, written from Constantinople in 1547 by the ambassador Veltwyck +to Archduke Ferdinand of Austria; there is also (at pp. 227-248) a +reprint in French of the first edition of Geuffroy. + +Nicolas de Nicolay of Dauphiné, royal geographer and extensive +traveler, who wrote a book called _Discours et l’Histoire Véritable des +Navigations, Pérégrinations et Voyages faicts en la Turquie_, is not +the least interesting of sixteenth-century authorities on Turkey. His +account of his voyage from Marseilles to Constantinople in the year 1551 +in the train of the Seigneur d’Aramont, ambassador of Henry II, and the +drawings from life with which he embellishes his book, show his capacity +for exact observation. In his descriptions of the customs and government +of the Ottoman Empire, however, he does not reveal the possession of +much first-hand information. Menavino is here his principal source of +knowledge. The first edition of his book appeared at Lyons in 1567; it +was translated into several languages and reproduced often. An enlarged +edition, published at Antwerp in 1586, is the one referred to in the +foregoing pages. The plates in the book, about sixty in number, have been +said to be the work of Titian; but this is apparently incorrect, for +the preface merely states that Nicolay drew from life on the spot and +afterwards had the drawings reproduced “_avec fraiz & labeur incroyable_.” + +From a literary point of view, Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq is by all odds +the most interesting of sixteenth-century sources for the study of +Ottoman history and government. The charm of his style should not obscure +the facts that he was a keen and exact observer possessed of a true +scientific spirit, and that he reflected carefully on what he saw. He +wrote on Turkey during his period of service as ambassador from Charles +V to Suleiman between 1555 and 1562. One of his four Turkish letters was +printed in Antwerp in 1581, and since that time at least twenty-seven +editions and reprints have appeared in seven languages. The edition of +his _Life and Letters_, in two volumes, translated from the original +Latin by C. T. Forster and F. H. B. Daniell (London, 1881), has been +used in this treatise, as has also his _De Re Militari contra Turcam +instituenda Consilium_, as printed in a complete edition of his writings +published at Pest in 1758, pp. 234-277. + +Philippe Du Fresne-Canaye, a young Huguenot gentleman, was sent by his +family to Venice for safety in the troubled days after the massacre of +St. Bartholomew; and he took advantage of his nearness to the Levant +to visit Constantinople in 1573. He had prepared himself for his visit +by reading Ramberti, Postel, Nicolay, and others, but he does not seem +to have learned much that was not in those authorities. His _Voyage du +Levant_ was edited for publication in Paris in 1897 by Henri Hauser, as +vol. xvi of _Recueil de Voyages_, etc. Hauser’s Appendix II contains the +bibliography of sixteenth-century works relating to the Levant which is +mentioned above (p. 308). + +The _Kanun-nameh_ of Suleiman, collected by the _Mufti_ Ebu su’ud, who +died in 1574, contained a number of the Sultan’s _Kanuns_ relating +mainly to financial and feudal matters. A translation of the incomplete +table of contents of the Turkish manuscript copy of this _Kanun-nameh_ +(which is in the Imperial Library at Vienna, Fluegel No. 1816) is given +above as Appendix III. Many of the _Kanuns_ are translated in Hammer’s +_Staatsverfassung_, pp. 396-424, where they are erroneously attributed to +Achmet I. + +A little anonymous book, _The Policy of the Turkish Empire_, published +at London in 1597, contains an interesting preface. The remainder of +the book deals only with the Turkish religion, and is drawn mainly from +Menavino, with some incorporation from Spandugino and Georgevitz. + +At the conclusion of Richard Knolles’s _Generall Historie of the Turkes_ +(London, 1603), is to be found “A Briefe Discourse of the Greatnesse of +the Turkish Empire,” written probably in the year of publication, since +the story comes down to the accession of Achmet I in 1603. The lands +of the empire, “of all others now upon earth farre the greatest,” are +described, its revenues are set forth, the Timariotes, the Janissaries, +the chief officers of state, and the fleet receive notice, and the +Turkish power is compared with that of all states which touch its +frontiers. It is to this part of Knolles’s work (as printed in the 6th +edition of his History, with Ricaut’s continuation, London, 1687, ii. +981-990) that most of the references in the foregoing pages are made. + +Pietro Della Valle, known as Il Pellegrino, or The Pilgrim, wrote _Viaggi +... in la Turchia, la Persia, e l’India_, which was published in two +volumes (four parts) at Rome in 1658-1663. He was in Constantinople +in 1614 and 1615, and took advantage of every opportunity to witness +a ceremony. Observant of costumes and jewels, he could not esteem the +Turkish officials highly, because they were all slaves. The references in +this treatise are to the second edition of the first part, published in +1662. + +Many collections based on the above-mentioned writings and on others were +issued after the middle of the sixteenth century, and many surveys of the +Ottoman Empire were prepared as time went on. Of the latter, three stand +forth as of sufficient importance to throw light on sixteenth-century +conditions:— + +Sir Paul Ricaut, a resident of Turkey for many years, issued late in the +seventeenth century _The History of the Present State of the Ottoman +Empire_. He explains that he obtained his information from Turkish +records from high officials, from members of the Ulema, and from a Pole +who had passed through the school of pages and had spent nineteen years +in all at the Ottoman court. Ricaut was evidently a student of political +philosophy; he seems to have relied especially upon Tacitus, the civil +law, Machiavelli, and Lord Bacon. His book was printed in several +languages, has been much quoted since, and deserves the fame it received. +The sixth English edition, published in London in 1686, is used here. The +book is also printed at the end of the second volume of his edition of +Knolles’s _Turkish History_, London, 1687. + +Ignatius Mouradgea D’Ohsson, born in Turkey and long a resident there, +prepared between 1788 and 1818 his great _Tableau Général de l’Empire +Othoman_. He based his work on the _Multeka ol-ebhar_ (see above, p. 318) +which with its comments he rearranged and translated, adding to it a +great many observations of his own. The book appeared in two forms, the +huge folio edition being a magnificent example of the bookmaker’s art. +The smaller edition of the book (7 vols., Paris, 1788-1824) has been used +here. The last three volumes were published under the supervision of his +son after his death. Six of the seven volumes are based on the _Multeka_; +the seventh contains a full description of the government, including the +court, the ministers, the bureaus, the army, etc. + +Joseph von Hammer published at Vienna, in 1815, _Des Osmanischen Reichs +Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung_, in two volumes. The former is +very largely a collection of documents, such as _Kanuns_, _fetvas_, and +extracts from the _Multeka_. A large amount of valuable material is +presented; but it is only partly digested, and the author often does not +indicate clearly whence he drew his extracts. The second volume goes +over much the same ground as D’Ohsson’s seventh volume. Another work +of Hammer’s, his _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches_ (10 vols., Pest, +1827-1835), has furnished the historical background for this treatise. +This work is extremely valuable from the fact that it is based upon +numerous inaccessible Turkish sources; but it is largely uncritical, and +it does not make sufficient use of Western authorities. + +Leopold Ranke published at Hamburg in 1827 the first volume of his +excellent work, _Fürsten und Völker von Sud-Europa_. He was the first to +discern the value of the Venetian reports, and by their aid he reached +far greater accuracy than had yet been attained in attempts to describe +these great South-European empires when at the height of their power. The +English translation by W. K. Kelly, entitled _The Ottoman and the Spanish +Empires in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_ (London, 1843), has +been used in the present treatise. + +The third volume of J. W. Zinkeisen’s _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches +in Europa_ (Gotha, 1855) has been used for its discussion of the Ottoman +government in the sixteenth century. It is based too exclusively on +the Venetian reports, which Zinkeisen seems to have regarded as always +trustworthy, and it makes little or no use of Turkish sources. + +Stanley Lane-Poole, in his _Story of Turkey_, London, 1886, chapters +xiv and xvi, gives a very good summary of the structure of the Ottoman +household and administration, condensed from D’Ohsson’s seventh volume. + +In Lavisse and Rambaud’s _Histoire Générale_, iv. 747 ff., there is a +brief account, by Rambaud, of the organization of the Ottoman Empire in +general. Though not accurate in every respect, it gives, on the whole, an +excellent picture. + +A. Heidborn published at Vienna and Leipsic in 1909 a careful, +well-planned, and extremely valuable work entitled _Manuel de Droit +Public et Administratif de l’Empire Ottoman_. Although the principal +purpose of the book is to explain present-day conditions, the historical +background is outlined at many points. Unfortunately there is neither +table of contents nor index; but perhaps these will be supplied when the +work is extended farther. The chapters of the present volume deal with +the territory of the state, the sources and fundamental principles of +the legislation in force in the Ottoman Empire, the head of the state, +nationality, the administrative organization, and justice. The chapter on +justice occupies more than half the book, and treats fully the judicial +organization, civil and criminal law, and procedure. + +In addition to the works described above, the appended alphabetical list +contains the names of a few authors whose works, though occasionally +quoted in this treatise, call for no special comment; and also the names +of a number of writers who have dealt with the government of Turkey, but +who have not been quoted because their information either is of secondary +importance or derivation, or deals with a later time, when conditions had +been changed. + + +III. Alphabetical List of Works Cited + +ACHMET I. See KANUN-NAMEH of Achmet I. + +ALBERI, EUGENIO. Relazione degli ambasciatori Veneti al senato. 15 vols. +(in 3 series). Florence, 1839-1863.—See pp. 311-313. + +ALESSANDRI, VINCENZO. Relazione, 1574. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d +series, ii. 103-127. Florence, 1844. + +ANGIOLELLO. Mss. in Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Italien, No. 1238. + +AUSZUG eines briefes ... das türckich Regiment und Wesen sey. n. p. +1526.—See p. 313. + +[AVENTINUS, JOHANNES.] Türckische Historien, oder Warhaftige +Beschreibunge aller Türcken Ankunfft, Regierung, u. s. w. Translated from +the Italian by Heinrich Müller. Frankfort, 1570.—Earlier edition, with +slightly different title, 1563-[1565]. + +BADOARO, ANDREA. Relazione, 1573. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, i. +347-368. Florence, 1840. + +BALBUS, HIERONYMUS. H ... B ... ad Clementem VII ... de civili & bellica +fortitudine liber ... cui additus est alter continens Turcarum originem, +mores, imperium, etc. Rome, 1526.—See p. 313. + +BARBARIGO, ANTONIO. Sommario della relazione, 1558. In Alberi’s +_Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 145-160. Florence, 1855. + +BARBARIGO, DANIELE. Relazione, 1564. _Ibid._ ii. 1-59. Florence, 1844. + +BARBARO, MARCANTONIO. Relazione, 1573. _Ibid._ i. 299-346. Florence, 1840. + +—— Relazione, 1573. _Ibid._ Appendix vol., 387-415. Florence, 1863. + +BASSANO, LUIGI. See DU ZARE. + +BAUDIER, MICHEL. Histoire généralle du serrail, et de la cour du grand +seigneur empereur des turcs. Paris, 1626. + +BELIN, A[LPHONSE]. Du régime des fiefs militaires dans l’Islamisme, et +principalement en Turquie. _Journal Asiatique._ 6th series, xv. 187-301. +Paris, 1870. + +—— Étude sur la propriété foncière en pays musulman, et spécialement en +Turquie. Paris, 1862. + +BÉRARD, VICTOR. La révolution turque. Paris, 1909. + +BERNARDO, LORENZO. Relazione, 1592. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +ii. 321-426. Florence, 1844. + +BITTNER, MAXIMILIAN. Der Einfluss des Arabischen und Persischen auf das +Türkische. Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. _Sitzungsberichte +der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe_, vol. cxlii. pt. iii. Vienna, +1900.—See p. 306. + +BOECLER, J. H. Commentarius historico-politicus de rebus Turcicis. +Bautzen, 1717.—See p. 308. + +BON, OTTAVIANO. Il serraglio del gransignore (1608). [Edited by Guglielmo +Berchet.] Venice, 1865. + +BONRIZZO, LUIGI. Relazione, 1565. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, ii. +61-76. Florence, 1844. + +BRAGADINO, PIETRO. Sommario della relazione, 1526. In Alberi’s +_Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 99-112. Florence, 1855. + +BRETSCHNEIDER, E[MIL]. Medieval researches from Eastern Asiatic sources. +2 vols. London, 1888; another edition, 1910.—See p. 306. + +BROSCH, MORITZ. The height of the Ottoman power. _Cambridge Modern +History._ Vol. iii. ch. iv. London, 1904. + +BROWNE, E. G. A literary history of Persia. [2 vols.] London, +1902-1906.—See p. 306. + +BURY, J. B. The Ottoman conquest. _Cambridge Modern History_, vol. i. ch. +iii. London, 1902. + +BUSBECQ, OGIER GHISELIN DE. Exclamatio: sive De re militari contra Turcam +instituenda consilium, etc. In _Augerii Gislenii Busbequii Omnia quae +extant_, 234-277. Pest, [1758].—See p. 319. + +—— Life and Letters. Translated by C. T. Forster and F. H. B. Daniell. 2 +vols. London, 1881.—See p. 318. + +CAHUN, LÉON. Introduction à l’histoire de l’Asie: Turcs et Mongols. +Paris, 1896.—See p. 306. + +—— Les révolutions de l’Asie. In Lavisse and Rambaud’s _Histoire +Générale_, vol. ii. ch. xvi. Paris, 1893.—Formation territoriale de +l’Asie. _Ibid._, vol. iii. ch. xix. Paris, 1894. + +CAMBRIDGE medieval history (The). Planned by J. B. Bury; edited by H. M. +Gwatkin and J. P. Whitney. Vol. i. Cambridge, England, 1911.—See PEISKER. + +CAMBRIDGE modern history (The). Edited by A. W. Ward, G. W. Prothero, and +Stanley Leathes. 12 vols. and Index. London, 1902-1911.—See BROSCH, BURY. + +CANTACUSINO. See SPANDUGINO. + +CAVALLI, MARINO. Relazione, 1560. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, i. +271-298. Florence, 1840. + +CHAL(CO)CONDYLES, L[AONICUS]. Histoire de la décadence de l’empire grec +et éstablissement de celui des Turcs. Translated from the Greek by +B[laise] de Vigenere. Rouen, 1670.—See p. 310. + +CHARDIN, SIR JOHN. Travels into Persia and the East-Indies. London, 1686. + +CHARRIÈRE, E[RNEST]. Négociations de la France dans le Levant. 4 vols. +Paris, 1848-1860. + +CHESNEAU, JEAN. Le voyage de Monsieur d’Aramon (1549). Edited by Charles +Schéfer, in _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., vol. viii. Paris, 1887.—See p. +318. + +CONTARINI, BARTOLOMEO. Sommario della relazione, 1519. In Alberi’s +_Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 56-68. Florence, 1855. + +CONTARINI, PAOLO. Relazione, 1583. _Ibid._ 209-250. Florence, 1855. + +CRONICA—ABCONTERFAYUNG, etc. Augsburg, 1531.—The same as TRACTATUS, _q. +v._ + +DANDOLO, ANDREA. Relazione, 1562. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +iii. 161-172. Florence, 1855. + +DAY, CLIVE. A history of commerce. New York, 1907. + +DELLA VALLE, PIETRO (IL PELLEGRINO). Viaggi ... in ... la Turchia, la +Persia, e l’India. 4 pts. in 2 vols. Rome, 1658-1663 (pt. i, La Turchia, +1662, is 2d edition). — See p. 320. + +DJEVAD BEY, AHMED. État militaire ottoman. Vol. i. bk. i. Le corps des +Janissaires. Translated from the Turkish by Georges Macridès. Paris, +etc., 1882. + +DOCUMENTI di storia ottomana del secolo XVI. Vol. i. Florence, 1842.—The +same as Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, i (1840). See p. 311. + +D’OHSSON, IGNATIUS MOURADGEA. Tableau général de l’empire othoman. 7 +vols. Paris, 1788-1824.—See p. 320. + +DONINI, MARCANTONIO. Relazione, 1562. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +iii. 173-208. Florence, 1855. + +DOREZ, LÉON. See MAURAND. + +DU FRESNE-CANAYE, PHILIPPE. Le voyage du Levant (1573). Edited by Henri +Hauser in _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., vol. xvi. Paris, 1897.—See p. 319. + +DU ZARE, LUIGI BASSANO. Consuetudines & ratio vitae Turcorum. Rome, 1545. + +EBU SU’UD. See KANUN-NAMEH of Suleiman. + +ELIOT, SIR CHARLES. Turks. _Encyclopedia Britannica_, 11th edition, +xxvii. 468-473. Cambridge, 1911. + +ERIZZO, ANTONIO. Relazione, 1557. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +iii. 123-144. Florence, 1855. + +ESTANCO. See TANCO. + +FEBURE, MICHELE. L’état présent de la Turquie. Paris, 1675. + +FROISSART, SIR JOHN. Œuvres (chroniques). Edited by Kervyn de Lettenhove. +25 vols. (in 26). Brussels, 1867-1877. — See p. 309. + +FULIN, RINALDO. Diarii e diaristi veneziani. Venice, 1881.—See p. 311. + +GARZONI, COSTANTINO. Relazione, 1573. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +i. 369-436. Florence, 1840. + +GEORGEVITZ, BARTHOLOMEW. De Turcarum moribus Epitome. Paris, 1566.—See p. +317. + +GERLACH, STEPHAN. Tage-buch (1674). Quoted in Zinkeisen’s _Geschichte des +Osmanischen Reiches_, iii. 222 ff. Gotha, 1855. + +GEUFFROY, ANTOINE. Briefve description de la court du grand Turc (1542). +Edited by Charles Schéfer in _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., viii. 227-248. +Paris, 1887.—See p. 317. + +GIBBON, EDWARD. The history of the decline and fall of the Roman empire. +Edited by J. B. Bury. 7 vols. London, 1906. + +GIOVIO, PAOLO (JOVIUS, PAULUS). Historiarum sui temporis tomus primus [et +secundus]. 2 vols. Florence, 1550-1552.—See p. 314. + +—— Turcicarum rerum commentarius. Paris, 1539.—See p. 313. + +GIUSTINIANI, ANTONIO. Sommario della relazione, 1514. In Alberi’s +_Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 45-50. Florence, 1855. + +GODELEVÆUS, G. [translator of GEUFFROY, _q. v._]. Aulæ Turcicæ, +Othomannicique imperii descriptio. Basel, 1569.—See p. 317. + +GOLDZIHER, IGN[ATIUS]. Muhammedanisches Recht in Theorie und +Wirklichkeit. _Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft_, viii. +406-423. Stuttgart, 1889. + +—— The progress of Islamic science in the last three decades. _Congress +of Arts and Science, St. Louis, 1904_ (ed. H. J. Rogers), ii. 497-517. +Boston, etc., 1906. + +GRAFTON, R. [translator of GEUFFROY, _q. v._]. The order of the great +Turcks court of hye menne of war. London, 1546.—See p. 317. + +GRASSI, ALFIO. Charte turque, ou organisation religieuse, civil et +militaire, de l’empire ottoman. 2 vols. Paris, 1825. + +GRITTI, ALVISE (or LUIGI). See JUNIS BEY. + +GRITTI, ANDREA. Relazione, 1503. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, iii. +1-43. Florence, 1855. + +GYCAUD, B. La généalogie du grant Turc á present regnant.—The same as +SPANDUGINO, _q. v._ + +HALIL GANEM. Les sultans ottomans. (Études d’Histoire Orientale.) 2 vols. +Paris, 1901-1902. + +HAMMER, JOSEPH VON. Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches. 10 vols. Pest, +1827-1835.—See p. 321. + +—— Des osmanischen Reichs Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung. 2 vols. +(vol. i, Staatsverfassung; vol. ii, Staatsverwaltung). Vienna, 1815.—See +p. 321. + +HAUSER, HENRI. Essai d’une bibliographic des ouvrages de XVIe siècle +relatifs au Levant. In _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., xvi. 316-320. Paris, +1897.—See p. 308. See also DU FRESNE-CANAYE. + +HEIDBORN, A. Manuel de droit public et administratif de l’empire ottoman. +Vienna, etc., 1909.—See pp. 321, 322. + +HELMOLT, H. F. Weltgeschichte. 9 vols. Leipsic, etc., 1899-1907.—See p. +307. + +HOLDICH, T. H. Asia. _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th edition, ii. +748-749. Cambridge, 1910. + +HONIGERUS (or HAENIGER), NICOLAUS [German translator of GEUFFROY, _q. +v._]. + +HUNTINGTON, ELLSWORTH. The fringe of verdure around Asia Minor. _National +Geographic Magazine_, xxi. 761-775. Washington, 1910. + +IBRAHIM HALEBI. Multeka ol-ebhar. See MULTEKA. + +IDRIS, Turkish poet-historian. Quoted in Hammer’s _Geschichte_, i. 91. +Pest, 1827. + +IONUS BEI. See JUNIS BEY. + +JOHNSON, MRS. [SUSANNAH WILLARD]. Narrative of ... captivity. +Springfield, 1907.—Reprinted from the 3d edition, Windsor, Vt., 1814; 1st +edition, Walpole, N. H., 1796. + +JONES, THEODORE F. Venice and the Porte, 1520-1542. Thesis in the Library +of Harvard University. + +JORGA, N[ICOLAE]. Geschichte der Türkei. Vols. i-iv. Gotha, 1908-1912. + +JOVIUS, PAULUS. See GIOVIO. + +JULIEN, STANISLAS. Documents historiques sur les Tou-Kioue (Turcs), +traduite du chinois. Paris, 1877.—See p. 305. + +JUNIS BEY (IONUS BEI), and ALVISE GRITTI. Opera noua la quale dechiara, +etc. Venice, 1537.—See pp. 315, 316, and Appendix II. + +JUYNBOLL, T. W. Handleiding tot de Kennis van de mohammedanasche Wet. +Leyden, 1903. + +KANUN-NAMEH, of Achmet I. In Hammer’s _Staatsverfassung_, pp. xvii-xix. +Vienna, 1815. + +—— of Mohammed II. Translated _ibid._ 87-101. Vienna, 1815.—See p. 310. + +—— of Suleiman. Collected by the Mufti Ebu su’ud, 1574; translated in +part, _ibid._ 384-427. Vienna, 1815.—See p. 319 and Appendix III. + +KEANE, A. H. Man, past and present. Cambridge, England, 1899.—See p. 305. + +KEENE, H. G. The Turks in India. London, 1879. + +KNOLLES, RICHARD. Generall historie of the Turkes. London, 1603.—See p. +319. + +—— The same, entitled “Turkish History,” with continuation by Paul +Ricaut. 3 vols. London, 1687-1700.—Knolles’s work runs, with continuous +pagination, a little way into vol. ii (pp. 837-990).—See p. 320. + +KOCHI BEY. Turkish historian. Quoted in Hammer’s _Geschichte_, iii. 490, +etc. Pest, 1835. + +KOHLER, J. Die Wirklichkeit und Unwirklichkeit des islamitischen Rechts. +_Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft_, viii. 424-432. +Stuttgart, 1889. + +KUDATKU BILIK (Art of Government). By Yusuf Khass Hajil, 1068. See +VAMBÉRY, Uigurische Sprachmonumente, etc. + +LA BROQUIÈRE, BERTRANDON DE. Le voyage d’outremer (1433). Edited by +Charles Schéfer, in _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., vol. xii. Paris, +1892.—See p. 309. + +LANE-POOLE, STANLEY. A history of Egypt in the Middle Ages. London, 1901. +See p. 305. + +—— The story of Turkey. London, 1886.—See p. 321. + +LAVISSE, ERNEST, and RAMBAUD, ALFRED. Histoire générale du IVe siècle à +nos jours. 12 vols. Paris, 1893-1901.—See CAHUN, RAMBAUD. + +LEFÈVRE, M. See FEBURE. + +LIBELLUS de ritu et moribus Turcarum. Wittenberg, 1530.—The same as +TRACTATUS, etc., _q. v._ + +LODGE, RICHARD. The Close of the Middle Ages, 1273-1494. London, 1906. + +LONICERUS, Philippus. Chronicorum Turcicorum. 2 vols. (in one). +Frankfort, 1584. + +LUDOVISI, DANIELLO. Relazione, 1534. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +i. 1-32. Florence, 1840. + +MACDONALD, D. B. Moslem theology, jurisprudence, and constitutional +theory. New York, 1903.—See p. 305. + +MARSH, H. A new survey of the Turkish empire. London, 1664. + +MAURAND, JÉROME. Itinéraire d’Antibes à Constantinople (1544). Edited +and translated by Léon Dorez, in _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., vol. xvii. +Paris, 1901.—See p. 317. + +MAURER, CASPAR. Türckishe chronica, oder historische Beschreibung von der +Türcken Ursprung. Nuremberg, 1660. + +MENAVINO, GIOVANNI ANTONIO. Trattato de costumi et vita de Turchi. +Florence, 1548.—See p. 310. + +MERRIMAN, R. B. Gomara’s annals of Charles V. Oxford, 1912. + +MEYER, EDUARD. Geschichte des Altertums. 2d edition. Vol. i (in 2 pts.). +Stuttgart, etc., 1907-1909. + +—— Persia. _Encyclopedia Britannica._ 11th edition, xxi. 202-224. +Cambridge, 1911. + +MICHELI, GIOVANNI. Relazione, 1587. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +ii. 255-294. Florence, 1844. + +MILLER, WILLIAM. The Latins in the Levant. New York, 1908. See p. 307. + +MINIO, MARCO. Relazione, 1522, 1527. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +iii. 69-91, 113-118. Florence, 1855. + +MOCENIGO, ALVISE. Sommario delle relazioni, 1518. _Ibid._ 51-55. +Florence, 1855. + +MOHAMMED II. See KANUN-NAMEH of Mohammed II. + +MONTESQUIEU, BARON DE. Esprit des lois. + +MORO, GIOVANNI. Relazione, 1590. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, iii. +323-380. Florence, 1855. + +MOROSINI, GIANFRANCESCO. Relazione, 1585. _Ibid._ 251-322. Florence, 1855. + +MUIR, SIR WILLIAM. The Mameluke or slave dynasty of Egypt, 1260-1517. +London, 1896.—See p. 305. + +MÜLLER, HEINRICH. See AVENTINUS. + +MULTEKA OL-EBHAR. By Ibrahim Halebi, 1459.—See p. 318. + +MYERS, P. V. N. Medieval and modern history. Revised edition. Boston, +[1905]. + +NAVAGERO, BERNARDO. Relazione, 1553. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +i. 33-110. Florence, 1855. + +NICOLAY, NICOLAS DE. Discours et histoire véritable des navigations, +pérégrinations, et voyages faicts en la Turquie. Antwerp, 1586.—See p. +318. + +NIZAM AL-MULK. See SIASSET NAMÈH. + +PARKER, E. H. A thousand years of the Tartars. London, 1895.—See p. 305. + +PEISKER, T. The Asiatic background. _Cambridge Medieval History_, i. +323-359. Cambridge, 1911. + +PÉLISSIÉ DU RAUSAS, G. Le régime des capitulations dans l’empire ottoman. +2 vols. Paris, 1902-1905. + +PESCHEL, OSCAR. The races of man and their geographical distribution. New +York, 1882. + +POLICY (The) of the Turkish empire. [Anonymous.] London, 1597.—See p. 319. + +POSTEL, GUILLAUME. [Pt. i] De la république des Turcs; [pt. ii] Histoire +et considération de l’origine, loy, et coustume des Tartares ... Turcs, +etc.; [pt. iii] La tierce partie des orientales histoires, etc. 3 pts. in +1 vol. Poitiers, 1560.—See pp. 316, 317. + +RADLOFF, WILHELM. Die alttürkischen Inschriften der Mongolei. Leipsic, +1894-1895.—See p. 305. + +RAGAZZONI, JACOPO. Relazione, 1571. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +ii. 77-102. Florence, 1844. + +RAMBAUD, ALFRED. L’empire ottoman (1481-1566). In Lavisse and Rambaud’s +_Histoire Générale_, vol. iv. ch. xix. Paris, 1894.—See p. 321. + +[RAMBERTI, BENEDETTO.] Libri tre delle cose de Turchi. Venice, 1539.—See +pp. 314-316, and Appendix I. + +RAMSAY, SIR W. M. Geographical conditions determining history and +religion in Asia Minor. _Geographical Journal_, xx. 257-282. London, +1902. See p. 307. + +—— Historical geography of Asia Minor. London, 1890. + +—— Studies in the history and art of the eastern provinces of the Roman +empire. Aberdeen, 1906. + +RANKE, LEOPOLD. The Ottoman and the Spanish empires in the sixteenth and +seventeenth centuries. Translated by W. K. Kelly. London, 1843.—See p. +321. + +RAWLINSON, GEORGE. The story of Parthia. New York, 1893. + +—— The seventh great oriental monarchy. 2 vols. New York, 1882. + +—— The sixth great oriental monarchy. London, 1873. + +RECUEIL de voyages et de documents pour servir à l’histoire de la +géographie depuis le xiiie jusqu’à la fin du xvie siècle. Edited by +Charles Schéfer and Henri Cordier. 21 vols. Paris, 1882-1907.—See +CHESNEAU, DU FRESNE-CANAYE, GEUFFROY, HAUSER, LA BROQUIÈRE, MAURAND, +TORZELO. + +REDHOUSE, SIR J. W. A Turkish and English lexicon. Constantinople, 1890. + +REVUE Africaine: journal des travaux de la société historique algérienne. +55 vols. Alger, [1856]-1911. + +RIANT, COUNT PAUL. Catalogue de la bibliothèque. Prepared by L. de Germon +and L. Polain. 2 pts. Paris, 1899.—See p. 308. + +RICAUT, SIR PAUL. The history of the present state of the Ottoman empire. +6th edition. London, 1686.—See p. 320. + +RICOLDUS. De vita et moribus Turcarum. Paris, 1509.—The same as +TRACTATUS, etc., _q. v._ + +ROBERTSON, WILLIAM. The emperor Charles V. 4 vols. London, 1811. + +SAN FILIPPO, AMAT DI. Biografia dei viaggiatori italiani. 2 vols. Rome, +1882.—See p. 308. + +SANUTO, MARINO (the younger). Diarii [1496-1533]. 58 vols., with an +additional volume of _Prefazione_. Venice, 1879-1903. + +SCHÉFER, CHARLES. Catalogue de la bibliothèque orientale. Paris, +1899.—See p. 308. See also CHESNEAU, LA BROQUIÈRE, SIASSET NAMÈH, +SPANDUGINO, TORZELO. + +SCHILTBERGER, JOHANN. Bondage and Travels. Translated by J. B. Telfer. +Hakluyt Society. London, 1879.—See p. 309. + +SIASSET NAMÈH, traité de gouvernement composé pour le sultan Melik-Châh +par le vizir Nizam oul-Moulk [1092]. Translated by Charles Schéfer. +Paris, 1893.—See p. 306. + +SNOUCK HURGRONJE, G. Le droit Musulman. _Revue de l’Histoire des +Religions_, xxxvii. 1 ff., and 174 ff. Paris, 1898. + +SORANZO, GIACOMO. Relazione, 1576. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +ii. 193-207. Florence, 1844. + +[SORANZO, JACOPO.] Relazione e diario, 1581. _Ibid._ 209-253. Florence, +1844.—See p. 313, note 1. + +SPANDUGINO CANTACUSINO, TEODORO. Petit traicté de l’origine des Turcqz +[Paris, 1519]. Edited by Charles Schéfer. Paris, 1896.—See p. 310. + +STEEN DE JEHAY, LE COMTE F. VAN DEN. De la situation légale des sujets +ottomans non-musulmans. Brussels, 1906. + +SULEIMAN. See KANUN-NAMEH of Suleiman. + +TANCO, V. D. (ESTANCO, CLAVEDAN DEL). Libro dell’ origine et successione +dell’ imperio de’ Turchi. Venice, 1558.—See p. 314. + +TAVERNIER, J. B. Nova ed esatta descrizione del seraglio del gran Turco. +Milan, 1687. + +TIEPOLO, ANTONIO, Relazione, 1576. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +ii. 129-191. Florence, 1844. + +TISCHENDORF, P. A. VON. Das Lehnswesen in den moslemischen Staaten, +insbesondere im osmanischen Reiche. Leipsic, 1872. + +TORZELO, JEHAN. [Opinion on the military power of the Turks, c. 1439.] +Edited by Charles Schéfer, in _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., xii. 263 ff. +Paris, 1892. + +[TRACTATUS.] Libellus de ritu et moribus Turcorum ante LXX annos aeditus +[1460]. Wittenberg, 1530.—See pp. 309, 310. + +TREVISANO, DOMENICO. Relazione, 1554. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +i. 111-192. Florence, 1840. + +TÜRCKEN, BERNARDIN. Getrewe und wolmeynende kurtze Erinnerung von der +Türcken Ordnung, in iren Kriegen vñ Veldtschlachten. Burgel, 1542. + +UBICINI, A[BDOLONYME]. État présent de l’empire ottoman. Paris, 1876. + +URBINUS, THEOPHILUS. Türckisches Städt-Büchlein. Nuremberg, 1664. + +URSU, J[ON]. La politique orientale de François I (1515-1547). Paris, +1908. + +VAMBÉRY, HERMANN (ARMINIUS). Die primitive Cultur des turko-tatarischen +Volkes auf grund sprachlicher Forschungen. Leipsic, 1879.—See p. 306. + +—— Uigurische Sprachmonumente und das Kudatku Bilik. Innsbruck, 1870.—See +p. 306. + +VENIER, MAFFEO. Relazione, 1579, 1587. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d +series, i. 437-468, ii. 295-307. Florence, 1840-1844. + +VIAGGI fatti da Vinetia, alla tana ... in Costantinopoli. Venice, +1543.—Contains Libri Tre, etc., of RAMBERTI, _q. v._ + +YOUSSOUF FEHMI. Histoire de la Turquie. Paris, 1909. + +YUSEF KHASS HAJIL. Kudatku Bilik (Art of Government). See VAMBÉRY, +Uigurische Sprachmonumente, etc. + +ZANE, MATTEO. Relazione, 1594. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, iii. +381-444. Florence, 1855. + +ZEN (or ZENO), PIETRO. Itinerario, 1523. In Fulin’s _Diarii_, 104-136. +Venice, 1881. + +—— Relazione, 1524, 1530. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 93-97, +119-122. Florence, 1855. + +ZINKEISEN, J. W. Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa. 7 vols. +and Index, Hamburg and Gotha, 1840-1863.—See p. 321. + + + + +FOOTNOTES + + +[1] Cahun, _Introduction à l’Histoire de l’Asie_, 90. + +[2] The West was much concerned in the sixteenth century with the +problem of ascertaining the origin of the Turks. Balbus gives an idea +how difficult it was to reach a definite opinion: “Some count the Turks +among the Asiatic Sarmatians, and say that they were expelled by their +neighbors from the Caspian mountains into Persia, and descended into +Asia Minor. Others, following the name, perhaps, think that this people +had its beginning in Turce, a great and opulent city of the Persians. +Others consider them the progeny of the Parthians. Some think the Turks +had their origin in Arabia, and some in Syria. But it is more likely that +they were Scythians by origin, and (as we said above) from the foot of +Mount Caucasus, and that they formerly inhabited vast deserts.” See also +Knolles, 1-2. + +[3] Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, 268, 314-315. Holdich (in +_Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th ed., ii. 749 b) says, “As ethnographical +inquiry advances the Turk appears to recede from his Mongolian affinities +and to approach the Caucasian.” Keene (_Turks in India_, 1 ff.) is +inclined to consider the Turks a mere mixture of Mongols with Caucasians. +So bald a theory does not account for the group of Turkish languages. + +[4] Keane, 267. + +[5] _Ibid._ 317. + +[6] _Ibid._ 322; Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 3. + +[7] Keane, 322; Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 2; etc. + +[8] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 1. This fact, known to Knolles (p. 2), +seems to have escaped the attention of Sir Charles Eliot (_Encyclopaedia +Britannica_, 11th ed., xxvii. 470 d). + +[9] The older view, that Iran represented peoples of Indo-European stock, +and Turan peoples of Ural-Altaic stock, though once so generally adopted +as to sanction the bestowal of the names Iranian and Turanian upon these +groups of peoples, has been abandoned as regards the original legends, +in which Turan seems to have represented ruder tribes of Indo-European +lineage (Meyer, _Geschichte_, i. pt. ii. 814-815). But the Greeks +from their first acquaintance with the name identified Turan with the +Scythians, and at about the same time the Persians began to apply it to +the Northern peoples of alien stock. The conditions of frontier contact +between Turks and Persians during many centuries were undoubtedly as +described in the legends. + +[10] Rawlinson, _Parthia_, 33-35; Keane, 319. Meyer (in _Encyclopaedia +Britannica_, 11th ed., xxi. 214 c) regards the Parni or Aparni, who +became the conquering tribe in Parthia, as Iranian nomads; but Peisker +(in _Cambridge Medieval History_, i. 332) asserts that the nomads of the +Asiatic background all belong to the Altaian branch of the Ural-Altaian +race. The fact that the Parthian army was a slave army (see Meyer, +as above, 217 a) is perhaps the strongest piece of evidence that the +original Parthians were Turks. + +[11] Keane, 327. Asia Minor is here used in the larger sense, as denoting +in general the Asian territory which lies west of a line drawn from the +eastern end of the Black Sea to the head of the Gulf of Alexandretta. + +[12] Quoted in Keane, 328, from Gibbon (ed. Bury), vi. 250. + +[13] Vambéry, _Die Primitive Cultur_, 47; Keane, 328; Cahun, +_Introduction_, 169 ff.; Ramsay, _Studies in Eastern Roman Provinces_, +295. + +[14] Ramsay, _Studies in Eastern Roman Provinces_, 297. This statement +has been confirmed by conversation with other persons well acquainted +with conditions in Asia Minor. See also E. Huntington, in _National +Geographic Magazine_, September, 1910, p. 767. + +[15] Vambéry (_Die Primitive Cultur_, 47) expresses the opinion that the +Ottomans never received, all told, more than 25,000 men of Turkish blood. + +[16] _Ottoman_ is an attempt to pronounce _Othman_ by those who pronounce +_th_ like _t_; _Osman_ a similar attempt by those who pronounce _th_ (as +in “thin”) like _s_. + +[17] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 42-43. + +[18] Keane, 268, 316. Peschel, 380, says, “The Turks of the west have +so much Aryan and Semitic blood in them that the last vestiges of their +original physical characters have been lost, and their language alone +indicates their previous descent.” On the other hand, E. Huntington (in +_National Geographic Magazine_, September, 1910, p. 767) expresses the +opinion that the inhabitants of the central part of the plateau of Asia +Minor are “almost purely Turkish in race.” He does not say, however, that +this opinion is based on observation of physical appearances. + +[19] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 59. + +[20] Keene, 2, makes the interesting suggestion that this custom, +followed _mutatis mutandis_ by the Moguls of India, was a survival of +exogamous conditions among the ancestors of the Turks. + +[21] The twentieth power of 1/2 is 1/1,148,576. The description +given of Orchan, furthermore, shows scarcely a discernible trace of +Mongolian ancestry. Compare Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 158: “Mit demselben +[Osman] waren ihm zwar die Bocksnase und die schön gewölbten schwarzen +Augenbrauen gemein; aber er hatte blonde Haare und lichte Augen, die +Statur und die Stirne hoch, die Brust breit, die Faust kräftig wie die +Klaue des Löwen, das Gesicht rund und die Farbe desselben weiss und roth; +der Körperbau stark, der Bart und Knebelbart dicht und wohlgenährt.” +Murad II showed a little more evidence of Tatar descent. He “is,” says +La Broquière, 181, “a man of stout build and short body, and he has +something of the broad face of a Tatar’s physiognomy, and he has a rather +large hooked nose and rather small eyes, and he is very brown in the +face, and he has plump cheeks and a round beard.” + +[22] Keane, 266. + +[23] Compare the election of Sebuktegin, in Schéfer’s edition of the +_Siasset Namèh_, 158. + +[24] Cahun, _Introduction_, 79. + +[25] Vambéry, _Uigurische Sprachmonumente und das Kudatku Bilik_, 118. +This passage closely resembles the words attributed to Artaxerxes +I, first king of the Sassanian Persian line: “There can be no power +without an army, no army without money, no money without agriculture, +and no agriculture without justice” (Rawlinson, _Seventh Great Oriental +Monarchy_, i. 61). + +[26] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 36-45. + +[27] _Ibid._ 36. + +[28] Quoted by Cahun, in Lavisse and Rambaud, iii. 964. + +[29] Schéfer, _Siasset Namèh_, 139. + +[30] Bérard, 4 ff. + +[31] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 30; D’Ohsson, v. 7; Heidborn, 111. + +[32] D’Ohsson, i. 291; Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 32. + +[33] D’Ohsson, vi. 253. + +[34] _Ibid._ v. 53. + +[35] _Ibid._ 109. + +[36] _Ibid_. iv. 280; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 331; Erizzo, 137. + +[37] This was based upon a passage of the Koran, “Sedition is worse +than execution” (Sura 2: 187): Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 216. Professor +G. F. Moore points out that in this passage (and in Sura 2: 214, which +is substantially identical) the text refers to Mohammed’s war with the +Meccans, or to fighting in the sacred months. The word _fitnah_, here +translated “sedition,” has various meanings: first of all, “trial,” as +gold and silver, for example, are tried by smelting; then, “successful +temptation, leading or turning a man astray, error, discord, dissension, +sedition, etc.” The context indicates clearly that Mohammed had in mind +the leading or turning of people from the true religion as that which +is “worse than killing.” The other meanings would, however, allow some +accommodating jurist or theologian to make this a plausible proof-text +for authorizing the killing of the sultan’s brothers, who might become +seditious or furnish cause for dissension. + +[38] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 31. + +[39] _Ibid._ 32; D’Ohsson, vii. 150. + +[40] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 478, and _Staatsverfassung_, 340. + +[41] For the Tartar method of raiding in the seventeenth century, see +Ricaut, book i. ch. xiii. This may be compared with Turkish methods in +the fifteenth century, as described by the author of the _Tractatus_, ch. +v. + +[42] D’Ohsson, v. 50. Orthodoxy in the Moslem religion was by no means an +insuperable obstacle to attempts at conquest. The Mamelukes whom Selim I +overthrew were Sunnites, and Malekite Morocco was long a land coveted by +the Ottomans. A desire for the unification of orthodox Islam came into +play here. + +[43] D’Ohsson, v. 86. + +[44] The Turks laid claim also to Morocco, but they never exercised +abiding authority there: Knolles (ed. 1687), 987. + +[45] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 520-521. + +[46] These are given in detail in Hammer’s _Staatsverfassung_, 219-327. + +[47] _Ibid._ 251 (_Kanun-nameh_ of the _sanjak_ of Kurdistan). + +[48] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 478, and _Staatsverfassung_, 343 ff.; +Heidborn, 320 ff. + +[49] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 344. + +[50] D’Ohsson, vii. 372 ff.; Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 475 ff., and +_Staatsverfassung_, 337 ff. + +[51] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 345. + +[52] _Ibid._ 347. + +[53] _Ibid._ 344. + +[54] D’Ohsson, v. 96. + +[55] _Ibid._ + +[56] Belin, _La Propriété Foncière_, 88 ff. + +[57] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 476; D’Ohsson, vii. 374. + +[58] D’Ohsson, ii. 523 ff., especially 552-557. + +[59] Belin, _La Propriété Foncière_, 104 ff. + +[60] Ricaut, 112. + +[61] Bernardo, 387 (“like a mine of slaves for the service of the +Turks”); Ricaut, 123; Chardin, 85, 90 (“sometimes they will sell their +own children”), 94, 114, 192. It is said that the practice of raising +Circassian girls for sale is still carried on in Asia Minor (Heidborn, +81). + +[62] Ricaut, 138; Postel, iii. 71; Nicolay, 10 (“The most of those who +are called Turks in Algiers, whether in the king’s household, or on +the galleys, are Christians of all nations who have denied their faith +and turned Mohammedan—sont Chrestiens reniez et Mahumetizez de toutes +nations”); Lavisse and Rambaud, iv. 816, 820. + +[63] Nicolay, 83. Jorga, iii. 167-189, has taken note of the ancestry of +many of the high Turkish officials of the sixteenth century; he finds no +Roumanian among them. + +[64] In regard to the Armenians, see Schiltberger, 73; Chalcocondyles, +53. As to both Armenians and Jews, see Navagero, 42; Postel, i. 34. +Morosini, 294, makes mention of an Armenian who was in 1585 the +_Beylerbey_ of Greece by special favor of the Sultan. + +[65] Pélissié du Rausas, i. 21-22. + +[66] D’Ohsson, v. 104. Visiting foreigners (_muste emin_) who might +remain more than one year became tributary subjects (_zimmi_): Belin, _La +Propriété Foncière_, 57. + +[67] For the times when these different “communities” were formed within +the Ottoman state, see Steen de Jehay, _passim_. In brief, the Greek +community was organized in 1453 and the Armenian in 1461. The latter was +at first supposed to include all subjects who were not Moslem or Greek +Orthodox; those who were not Gregorian Armenians were gradually separated +off by a process of differentiation which may be said to be active still. +With the growth of the spirit of nationalism in the nineteenth century, +the Greek Orthodox community has also been divided. + +[68] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 237. + +[69] See Jorga, iii. 167 ff., especially 174, 188. + +[70] Gritti, 24-25. + +[71] A. Barbarigo, 149-150 (from a summary of his _Relazione_). + +[72] Barbaro, 315-329, _passim_. + +[73] Morosini, 263-267, _passim_. + +[74] Bernardo, 358-364, _passim_. + +[75] Zane, 389. + +[76] _Ibid._, 414. + +[77] Knolles (ed. 1687), 982. + +[78] Ricaut, 14-15. + +[79] These _Spahis_ of the Porte are to be distinguished from the body of +feudal _Spahis_. See below, pp. 98-105. + +[80] This is illustrated by the quotations in the last section of Chapter +i, above. See also Menavino, 138 (referring to the pages, he says “Tutti +sono suoi schiaui & figlioli Christiani”); Ricaut, 14 (all who receive +pay or office from the sultan are called _kul_); D’Ohsson, vii. 203 (“Les +employés civils de même que les militaires, suivant l’antique usage de +l’Orient, sont assimilés aux esclaves du Souverain, et qualifiés de ce +nom—coul—dans toutes les pièces publiques”). In D’Ohsson’s time the term +had acquired such a general usage as in the English phrase “your obedient +servant.” Della Valle, i. 44, speaking of the entry to the Divan, says, +“Tutti sono schiavi;” and Ranke, 9, says, “All were slaves.” + +[81] D’Ohsson, vii. 149, 207. + +[82] For example, Lodge, _The Close of the Middle Ages_ (1906), 500; +Myers, _Medieval and Modern History_ (1905), 165. + +[83] The _Tractatus_, ch. viii, says simply 20 years and under; Zeno, +128, says above 10 years. Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 244, 263) +mention pages from 8 to 20 years old; Navagero, 49, says between 12 and +15 years, Trevisano, 229, says that they were taken not at the age of +6 or 7 years as formerly, but at 10 or 12 years. Postel, iii. 23, sets +between 12 and 14 as the lower limit, and 18 and 20 as the upper limit. +Nicolay, 62, says that the pages were from 8 to 20 years of age; Garzoni, +396, says that they ranged from the tenth to the thirteenth year; +Ricaut, 74, fixes the age at 10 or 12 years. Too much reliance should +not be placed on Trevisano’s statement as to former times, since hearsay +evidence as to Turkish affairs is unreliable. Considering the rougher +life in earlier times, it is likely that levies would then have been made +of older, rather than younger, boys. The presence of young boys among the +pages was due to the selection of unusually promising captives. + +[84] Myers (as above) mentions the two methods of capture and tribute as +successive. + +[85] Djevad Bey, i. 26: “Ces prisonniers ou esclaves étaient d’ailleurs +incorporés dans l’armée des Janissaires, et alors l’effectif qui manquait +était complété par la voie de la levée de troupes parmi les sujets +chrétiens.” + +[86] Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 254, 270) say that 10,000, or +12,000 were taken every 4 years. Geuffroy, 242, and Postel, iii. 23, +give the same estimate. Ricaut, 74, says he is “given to understand” +that about 2000 were collected yearly in the middle of the seventeenth +century. The exigencies of war probably increased the number greatly at +times. Bérard, 12, naming no authority, says that in some years Suleiman +took 40,000 boys. + +[87] 20,000 _Ajem-oghlans_, 12,000 to 14,000 Janissaries, 10,000 of the +auxiliary corps, grooms, etc., 40,000 _Spahis_ of the Porte (including +the 12,000 members of the four corps and the followers they were obliged +to bring), 2000 pages and high officials. Suleiman took with him on his +last campaign 48,316 men under pay (Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 181). +Morosini, 259, says that in 1585 the sultan had under pay 80,000 men. +This is exclusive of about one-half of the _Ajem-oghlans_. + +[88] Postel, i. 20. + +[89] See below, p. 69, note 3. + +[90] Postel, iii. 36. + +[91] See below, p. 99, note 1. + +[92] For example, Piri Mohammed, a descendant of the thirteenth-century +poet, Jelal ad-din Rumi. Cf. Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 18. + +[93] Notably Junis Bey, who says (below, p. 265), “None can be a +pasha except a Christian renegade.” This custom is said to have been +established by Bayezid II (Angiolello, 74, quoted by Jorga, ii. 306, note +2). For further instances, see the last section of Chapter i, above. + +[94] See above, p. 33. + +[95] D’Ohsson, v. 91. + +[96] Schiltberger, 5, gives an early example. See also _Tractatus_, ch. +viii. + +[97] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 167. + +[98] Zeno, 127. + +[99] Zeno is strongly impressed by these two sources. + +[100] Postel, iii. 17-18. It was in this way that Menavino entered the +system (see his _Trattato_, 10). + +[101] Cf. Postel, iii. 23. + +[102] A study of the nationality of the high officials of the +sixteenth century gives evidence of this. For example, Ibrahim was an +Albanian (Junis Bey, below, p. 265); Rustem Pasha was a Croat (Hammer, +_Geschichte_, iii. 268); Ferhad was a Hungarian (_ibid._ 365); the grand +vizier Ali, whom Busbecq (_Life and Letters_, i. 157) calls “a thorough +gentleman,” was a Dalmatian; Ayas was an Albanian, and Kassim a Croat +(Junis Bey, p. 265); etc. For many other examples, see Jorga, iii. +167-189. + +[103] The _Tractatus_, ch. viii, says every 5 years; Spandugino, 102, +says once in 5 years or oftener; Zeno, 128, says each year; Ramberti and +Junis Bey (below, pp. 254, 270) say every 4 years; Postel, iii. 22, says +every 3 or 4 years. + +[104] _Tractatus_, ch. vi. + +[105] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 75; Zeno, 128; Nicolay, 83. Jorga, +iii. 188, finds no Roumanian among the high Turkish officials of the +sixteenth century. Roumania, being a vassal state, was not exposed to +the _devshurmeh_. Knolles (ed. 1687, pp. 984-985) says that the tribute +boys from Asia were not advanced to become Janissaries, because they were +not of sufficiently high quality. They are not found in positions of +prominence. + +[106] Navagero, 48. + +[107] Menavino’s translator says _quasi decimatione_ (Lonicerus, i. +140). Postel, iii. 22-23, says expressly that the children were not +tithed; Nicolay, 83, however, states that one in three were taken, as +does J. Soranzo, 245. Morosini, 264, speaks of a tithe (_decima_). +Gibbon (ed. Bury), vii. 79, says that a fifth of the boys were taken; +see also Lavisse and Rambaud, iv. 758. The latter statements seem to be +based theoretically on the fifth of the captives to which the sultan was +entitled. The differences among those who profess to fix a proportion are +evidence that there was none. + +[108] Spandugino, 103. + +[109] Postel, iii. 22. Navagero, 49, says that the officers summoned the +heads of families and commanded them to present their sons. + +[110] Navagero, 49. + +[111] Postel, iii. 23. + +[112] Navagero, 49. + +[113] Postel, iii. 23. + +[114] Geuffroy, 240. Bragadin (1526), 103, says: “Ibrahim has his mother +and two brothers in the palace. He does much good to Christians. His +father is _Sanjak_ in Parga.” And again, 104: “Ayas has three brothers. +His mother at Avlona is a Christian, and he sends her 100 ducats +annually.” Nicolay, 86, says, on the contrary, that the tribute boys are +never afterwards willing to recognize father, mother, or relatives. He +cites the case of an uncle and nephews of Rustem Pasha, who begged in +Adrianople, but received no aid from him. Cf. Zane, 438. + +[115] Spandugino, 144, 145. + +[116] Trevisano, 130. + +[117] _Ibid._ + +[118] Bernardo, 332, says in 1592, after the system had been dislocated, +that the greater part of the recruits were then sons of Turks. + +[119] Erizzo, 131; Morosini, 267; Ricaut, 14. + +[120] Spandugino, 180. + +[121] _Ibid._ 183; J. Soranzo, 250. + +[122] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 144, 156, 162. + +[123] Postel, iii. 68. + +[124] _Ibid._ G. Soranzo (1576), 197, says that the Grand Signor is heir +of all the pashas. + +[125] D’Ohsson, vii. 147. In the seventeenth century the sultan allowed +the children of pashas only what pleased him (Ricaut, 131). Morosini, +274, refers to a similar practice in the latter part of the sixteenth +century. + +[126] Ricaut, 16, calls the Turkish court “a prison of slaves.” + +[127] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 379. + +[128] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 159. + +[129] D’Ohsson, vii. 61 ff. + +[130] Spandugino, 77; Ramberti, below, p. 253; Junis Bey below, p. 268; +Nicolay, 64. + +[131] Spandugino, 78, is probably wrong in his statement that the girls +of the harem were recruited from gifts, _tithes_, and _tribute_. The +small number of women in the harem would make the elaborate process of +tribute-taking unnecessary. + +[132] Postel, i. 34. + +[133] Navagero, 75; Jovius, _Historiarum_, ii. 371. But Bragadin, 101, +calls her a Montenegrin, and Ludovisi, 29, an Albanian; while Busbecq +(_Life and Letters_, i. 178) says that she came from the Crimea. Gomara +indicates that her Turkish name was Gul-behar, the Rose of Spring +(Merriman, _Gomara’s Annals of Charles V_, 141). This confusion of +knowledge in regard to so important a personage gives evidence of the +secrecy which surrounded the sultan’s harem. + +[134] See below, p. 79, note 2. + +[135] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 232. Spandugino, 69, says that many were +made such. Menavino, who was himself a page, says that very few were so +treated, and only for punishment (_Trattato_, 138). + +[136] Spandugino, 69; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 237. + +[137] Menavino, 143; “Schaiui chiamati Bascia [pasha].” + +[138] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 112. Selim I, married a princess, +daughter of the Khan of the Crimean Tartars. This appears to have been +the last of such alliances, of which there were a number in earlier times. + +[139] D’Ohsson, vi. 9. + +[140] _Ibid._ vii. 177. In 1537, Junis Bey (below, p. 265) says that +Ayas had 600 slaves, Mustapha 200, Kassim 150, Barbarossa 100. But this +account must contain misprints or errors; for Ramberti (below, p. 246) +says that in 1534, Ibrahim had more than 6000 slaves, Ayas 2000, Kassim +1500, and Barbarossa about 4000. Bragadin, 103, said in 1526, that +Ibrahim had 1500 slaves, Mustapha 700, Ayas 600. Junis Bey (256-258) says +further that the _Beylerbeys_ of Rumelia and Anatolia and Caramania had +1000 slaves each, the _Beylerbey_ of Syria 2000, the _Beylerbey_ of Cairo +4000, etc. Iskender Chelebi had 6000 slaves (Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. +144). Geuffroy, 240, says of the viziers: “Tous ont saray de femmes et +d’enfans comme ledict grant Turc.” See also Menavino, 143; and Ramberti’s +description of Alvise Gritti’s household at the close of his third book. + +[141] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 157. Seven of his slaves became viziers +and grand viziers, among them Mohammed Sokolli. + +[142] Iskender Chelebi was followed to war by 1200 horsemen (Hammer, +_Geschichte_, iii. 144). Rustem trained 200 carbineers as part of his +household (Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 242). + +[143] Garzoni, 413, says that 1000 _Spahis_ were assigned to the retinue +of the grand vizier, and 500 to those of each of the other pashas. + +[144] _Tractatus_, ch. vii. + +[145] D’Ohsson, i. 49. + +[146] In the early days non-Arab converts held a position of clientage, +but they had never been slaves. In the Ottoman Empire new converts were +particularly honored, so that this distinction was lost. A partial +enfranchisement was possible, and might sometimes resemble the condition +of a Roman freedman. Cf. D’Ohsson, vi. 28 ff. + +[147] According to D’Ohsson, v. 86, no free-born Moslem could ever +lawfully become a slave. + +[148] D’Ohsson, vi. 24. + +[149] _Ibid._ + +[150] _Ibid._ iv. 300 ff. + +[151] Spandugino, 180. It may be observed that Ottoman slavery bore no +slight resemblance to the method of bondage which brought from Europe +many ancestors of present-day Americans. “In the year 1730,” says Mrs. +Susannah Willard Johnson (in her _Narrative of Captivity_ reprinted +Springfield, 1907, pp. 5-6) “my great-uncle, Colonel Josiah Willard, +while at Boston, was invited to take a walk on the long-wharf, to view +some transports who had just landed from Ireland; a number of gentlemen +present were viewing the exercise of some lads who were placed on shore +to exhibit their activity to those who wished to purchase. My uncle spied +a boy of some vivacity, of about ten years of age, and who was the only +one in the crew who spoke English: he bargained for him. I have never +been able to learn the price; but as he was afterwards my husband, I +am willing to suppose it a considerable sum.... He lived with Colonel +Willard until he was twenty years of age, and then bought the other year +of his time.” In this account a number of the characteristics of the +Ottoman system can be observed. Young boys of Caucasian blood are taken +from their native land; they are bought and sold; they are judged like +young animals by appearance and physical activity; no taint attaches +to their bondage; they may marry into the master’s family. The one +noteworthy difference is that the bondage terminates at a definite age. + +[152] _Tractatus_, “Orario Testimonialis”: “Denique domino meo ita carus +eram, ut saepius in collocutione plurium, plusquam filium suum, quem +unicum habebat, me diligere assereret,” etc. + +[153] Postel, iii. 20, says that all the pages were considered children +of the sultan, and were truly his adopted sons. + +[154] Ricaut, 14. + +[155] Postel, iii. 21. + +[156] Ricaut, 16. + +[157] Postel, iii. 21. + +[158] _Ibid._ 71-72; Ramberti, below, p. 255. + +[159] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 12. + +[160] According to Sale’s translation, the Koran says (Sura 2: 257), +“Let there be no violence in religion.” Palmer translates, “There is no +compulsion in religion.” See D’Ohsson, vi. 59; Schiltberger, 73. + +[161] Idris, fol. 107, quoted in Hammer’s _Geschichte_, i. 91. + +[162] Quoted _ibid._ ii. 117. + +[163] Ricaut, 147-148: “No people in the World have ever been more open +to receive all sorts of Nations to them, than they, nor have used more +arts to encrease the number of those that are called _Turks_.” + +[164] _Tractatus_, ch. viii. + +[165] Ricaut, 46. + +[166] Bernardo, 369-370, and see also 359. + +[167] Postel, iii. 21. + +[168] _Ibid._ 20. + +[169] Ricaut, 128 ff. + +[170] The general Ottoman attitude on this point is shown by +Schiltberger, 73: Mohammed “has also ordered, that when they overcome +Christians, they should not kill them; but they should pervert them, and +should thus spread and strengthen their own faith.” _Tractatus_, ch. +xi, says, “Turci neminem cogunt Fidem suam negare, nec multum instant +de hoc alicui persuadendo, nec magnam aestimationem faciunt de his qui +negant.” The last clause of this testimony, however, is contrary to +practically all other sources. Conversion seems sometimes to have been +forced as an alternative to death when a Christian had offended greatly +against the Mohammedan faith (Lonicerus, i. 123; see also D’Ohsson, +vii. 327). Some writers, however, assert that circumcision, the outward +mark of acceptance of Islam, was regularly enforced upon the tribute +boys (Chesneau, 41; J. Soranzo, 245; Morosini, as quoted above, p. 41). +Heidborn, 128, says that conversion was not anciently enforced on a large +scale, _except_ for the recruiting of Janissaries. + +[171] Ricaut, 46 ff. + +[172] Schiltberger, 74; La Broquière, 219; Spandugino, 249. Ricaut, +152, says that great inducement was offered the common people to become +Turks; they obtained honor and the privilege to domineer and injure with +impunity, and they became in the fashion. + +[173] _Tractatus_, ch. xi, quoted above. + +[174] D’Ohsson, vi. 59; Ricaut, 148. + +[175] _Tractatus_, ch. v; Nicolay, 86. + +[176] Ricaut, 284. + +[177] Bernardo, 367; Zane, as quoted above, p. 42. See also Jorga, iii. +188. + +[178] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 235. + +[179] Nicolay, 160-161. + +[180] Menavino, 244. + +[181] _Tractatus_, ch. xxi. + +[182] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 351. + +[183] Georgevitz (before 1552), 40, “De Ordine Peditum”; Ranke, 19-20; +Barbaro (1573), 305. 317. Selim II, on his accession granted to the +Janissaries the formal privilege of entering their sons in the corps; +for the Persian war of 1594 the corps was opened to other Turks and all +Moslems. By 1592, the majority of the Janissaries were said to be sons of +Turks; Bernardo, 332. See also Knolles (ed. 1687), 985. + +[184] Postel, iii. 20. + +[185] _Kanun-namch_ of Mohammed II, printed in Hammer’s +_Staatsverfassung_, 94. + +[186] Hammer’s _Geschichte_, i. 94. + +[187] See p. 49. + +[188] Spandugino (1517), 108, says that the Janissaries are not allowed +to marry. He was probably wrong. Certainly some were married soon after +his time: Ramberti (1534), below, p. 249; Junis Bey (1537), below, p. +267; Nicolay (1551), 92. + +[189] Ricaut, 366. + +[190] The resemblance of the Janissaries to monks is noticed by Busbecq, +_Life and Letters_, i. 88, and Tavernier, 12. + +[191] Ricaut, 151. + +[192] One careful observer thought that this might be true of the whole +Ottoman nation. _Ibid._, but in the middle of the fifteenth century +contrary testimony was given (_Tractatus_, ch. xi). + +[193] See the calculation above, p. 49. + +[194] Navagero, 50; Barbaro, 316; Nicolay, 84. J. Soranzo, 245, states +that the tribute boys were all brought to Constantinople, circumcised, +and brought before the _Agha_ of the Janissaries. Record was made of the +name of each, of his father’s name, and of his native place. Soranzo’s +accuracy is questionable, as when he says that the greater part were put +into palaces in Constantinople. + +[195] Postel, iii. 17; Ricaut, 46. + +[196] Ricaut, 74: “In whom appearing more strength of body than of mind, +they are set apart for labor and menial services.” + +[197] Busbecq, _De Re Militari_, 260. + +[198] Spandugino, 104: the emperor chooses a few and sends the rest to +the towns of the Turks of Anatolia to live with the lords and gentlemen. + +[199] Spandugino speaks of 900; Junis Bey and Ramberti, 1400; Geuffroy, +1200; Postel, 1300 to 1500. + +[200] Junis Bey and Ramberti, 300; Geuffroy, 300. + +[201] Junis Bey and Ramberti, 400; Geuffroy, 400; Postel (iii. 20), 600 +or 700. + +[202] Junis Bey and Ramberti, 700; Geuffroy, 500; Postel (iii. 3), 700 or +800. + +[203] Navagero, 42. See also Tanco, 205. + +[204] Menavino, 13. Postel, iii. 17, says that, when presented, they were +clothed in silk and cloth of gold or silver; but Ricaut, 49, says that +their clothing and diet were simple. + +[205] Menavino, 11 ff. + +[206] Busbecq, _De Re Militari_, 262-263. + +[207] Postel, iii. 2. + +[208] Menavino, 126. + +[209] Ricaut, chs. v-vi. + +[210] Spandugino, 63. See also Nicolay, 84; and the quotations in the +last section of Chapter i, above. + +[211] D’Ohsson, vii. 34. + +[212] Hammer (_Geschichte_, i. 232), by a singular perversion of the +truth, asserts that the page system had its origin and primary purpose in +the satisfaction of the unnatural lusts of Bayezid I and his successors. +Not only does the whole structure and organization of the system disprove +this, but the absence of reference to such a purpose in all contemporary +writers is sufficient to settle the matter. The vice which takes its name +from Sodom was very prevalent among the Ottomans, especially among those +in high position (Spandugino, 186; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 232; +Ricaut, 151, 211; D’Ohsson, iv. 473). The pages were apt to be afflicted +by it, and were carefully watched to prevent it, and terribly punished +if discovered (Ricaut, 60). Occasionally a sultan became enamored of a +page (Ricaut, 61); but Suleiman seems to have been free from this vice +(Busbecq, i. 159; Marini Sanuto, _Diarii_, December 6, 1523). + +[213] Menavino, 126-128. He was a page from about 1505 to 1514 (_ibid._ +243-245). + +[214] Ricaut, “To the Reader,” 45-62. This describes the system as it was +about 1650. + +[215] Postel, iii. 11. + +[216] _Ibid._ 19; Ricaut, 50. + +[217] Postel, iii. 10; Ricaut, 50. + +[218] Ricaut, 51. The same custom was observed in the education of the +princes and of all children of great officials (Spandugino, 179). Tanco, +197-198, says he has heard that Suleiman himself labored daily at a +trade, so that even the Prince should earn his bread by the sweat of his +brow; see also Jorga, ii. 343. + +[219] Menavino, 126, 127. + +[220] Postel, iii. 10. + +[221] Ricaut, 59. + +[222] Navagero, 43. + +[223] Ricaut, 48, says that in the three colleges of education the +eunuchs exercised very severe discipline beyond that of monks. + +[224] Menavino, 127. + +[225] Ramberti, below, pp. 244, 245; Junis Bey, below, p. 263; Ricaut, 49. + +[226] Ricaut, 49: “Their first Lessons are silence, reverence, humble and +modest behaviour, holding their heads downwards, and their hands across +before them.” + +[227] _Ibid._ 48. + +[228] D’Ohsson, vii. 47. + +[229] Ricaut, 51; D’Ohsson, vii. 34 ff. These chambers were the +_Kiler-odassi_, or Pantry; the _Khazineh-odassi_, or Treasure Chamber; +the _Khas-odassi_, or Inner Chamber. See below, pp. 126-128. + +[230] Ricaut, 52. + +[231] Postel, iii. 11. + +[232] Spandugino, 62. + +[233] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 32. + +[234] _Ibid_. 490. + +[235] Ramberti (below, p. 244) says that they became _Spahi-oghlans_, +_Silihdars_, and officials of higher degree according to their worth and +to the favor which they had gained with the sultan; Junis Bey, below, p. +263. + +[236] Menavino, 138. + +[237] Ricaut, 71; Postel, i. 33; Nicolay, 64; D’Ohsson, vii. 64. + +[238] Ramberti, below, p. 254 (“he marries them to Spahi-oghlans, or to +others of the slaves of the Porte according to the degree and condition +of both parties”); Junis Bey, below, p. 269; Geuffroy, 244; Chesneau, 40; +Nicolay, 64. + +[239] Trevisano, 130, speaks of 16,400; but this number does not seem +sufficient to account for all. + +[240] Chalcocondyles, 97; Spandugino, 103; Ramberti, 255; Junis Bey, +270; (they are sent “to dig earth in order to learn Turkish”); Zeno, +127; Geuffroy, 243; Navagero, 50. Chesneau, 44, states that those +_Ajem-oghlans_ who were levied in Anatolia were sent to gentlemen in +Rumelia. + +[241] Ramberti, below, p. 255; Junis Bey, below, p. 270; Nicolay, 86. + +[242] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 78; Junis Bey, as above. + +[243] Ramberti and Junis Bey, as above, say after three or four years; +Geuffroy, 243, after four years. Navagero, 50, says that every two or +three years, as the service demands, an officer takes those who are +ready; some have served two or three, some four or five years. Trevisano, +130, says that they are left six or seven years. + +[244] Ricaut, 77. + +[245] Chalcocondyles, 97; Spandugino, 104; Navagero, 52. + +[246] Navagero, 52; Postel, iii. 22, 25. + +[247] Spandugino, 76. + +[248] Ramberti, 254, says 5000; Junis Bey, 269, says 4000 or 5000; +Geuffroy, 242, says 5000 or 6000; Trevisano, 129, says 6800; Garzoni, +415, says 6000; Postel, iii. 25, says 5000 to 7000; D. Barbarigo, 33, +says 7600. + +[249] Junis Bey, 269; Navagero, 51; Trevisano, 129; Postel, iii. 25. + +[250] Trevisano, 129. + +[251] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 77. + +[252] Ramberti, below, p. 254; Junis Bey, below, p. 269; D’Ohsson, vii. +28. + +[253] Postel, iii. 25. + +[254] Postel, iii. 22, says that only those who had special privilege +from the sultan were allowed to learn letters. Ricaut, 76, says that +some of those in the palace service were taught to read and write. In +D’Ohsson’s time (vii. 327), each _oda_ had a _hoja_ to teach reading and +writing to those who wished. + +[255] Junis Bey, 269, 270, says that they had 2 or 3 aspers per day +at first, and more as they advanced, and that their chief was allowed +100,000 aspers a year for their food and clothing. Postel, iii. 23, says +that their chief was allowed 10,000 aspers a day to keep them and pay +them, and other money for their clothing. + +[256] Ramberti, 254; Junis Bey, 270; Postel, iii. 25. + +[257] Spandugino, 104. Trevisano, 130, says that they became such at from +20 to 25 years old, according to their mind, value, or favor. + +[258] Ricaut, 76. But those of the principal palace in Constantinople +had greater opportunities; they might become Janissaries, _Solaks_, +_Kapujis_, etc. (Ramberti, below, p. 245.) + +[259] Chalcocondyles, 97. + +[260] Trevisano, 130; Barbaro, 316; Garzoni, 397. + +[261] Zinkeisen, iii. 228. + +[262] Ricaut, 53; D’Ohsson, vii. 34-39. + +[263] Ramberti, below, p. 244; Junis Bey, below, p. 263; Ricaut, 53. + +[264] Junis Bey, as quoted above, p. 81, note 4. + +[265] Chalcocondyles, 171; Barbaro, 305; Nicolay, 89 (“the wages of each +are increased, according to the merit of their military valor”). + +[266] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 160. + +[267] _Tractatus_, ch. viii. + +[268] Postel, i. 121. + +[269] _Ibid._ iii. 19. + +[270] Tanco, 197, 206. + +[271] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 105. + +[272] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 154-155. + +[273] Ricaut, 77. + +[274] Spandugino, 185; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 108. + +[275] Spandugino, 132. + +[276] The grand vizier Rustem’s wealth is summed up in detail in Hammer’s +_Geschichte_, iii. 386: “He himself left at his death an immense fortune; +no grand vizier before him had amassed so much wealth. His estate +consisted of 815 farms in Rumelia and Anatolia, 476 water mills, 1700 +slaves, 2900 war horses, 1106 camels, 5000 richly embroidered coats and +robes of honor, 8000 turbans, 1100 caps of cloth of gold, 2900 coats of +mail, 2000 cuirasses, 600 saddles finished in silver, 500 others adorned +with gold and precious stones, 1500 helmets plated with silver, 130 pairs +of golden stirrups, 760 sabres adorned with precious stones, 1000 lances +trimmed with silver, 800 Korans, 130 of which were set with diamonds, +5000 volumes of various works, 78,000 ducats, 32 precious stones +representing a value of 112 donkey-loads (that is to say, 11,200,000 +aspers); the ready money which was found in his house was estimated at +1000 loads (100,000,000 aspers, or 2,000,000 ducats.)” + +[277] D. Barbarigo, 30-33. + +[278] Menavino, 128. + +[279] The cause of the execution of Junis Pasha by Selim I. Cf. Hammer, +_Geschichte_, ii. 524. + +[280] Halil Ganem, i. 169. + +[281] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 322. + +[282] Cahun, _Introduction_, p. vii: “Les Turcs et les Mongols ... nées +de la guerre et organisées pour la conquête.” + +[283] This was true even in D’Ohsson’s time (vii. 399). + +[284] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 181. + +[285] Curiously enough, the oldest sense in which the Turkish word _kul_ +was used as a term denoting relation to a prince, was in reference to +soldiers (Vambéry, _Uigurische Sprachmonumente und das Kudalku Bilik_, +113, stanza 12b). At that time the word was applied to the foot-soldiers +as distinguished from the cavalry, who were then volunteer knights. This +usage survived in the Ottoman system to the extent that the regular +infantry, including the Janissaries, artillerymen, and other lesser +permanent corps, were regarded as in a particular and special sense the +sultan’s _kullar_ (D’Ohsson, vii. 328; Djevad Bey, i. 15-18). + +[286] The _Bostanjis_, or gardeners, and other _Ajem-oghlans_ of the +palace service were not left behind: D’Ohsson, vii. 326; Djevad Bey, i. 7. + +[287] Extended accounts of the Janissaries may be found in D’Ohsson, vii. +310 ff.; Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 192 ff.; Zinkeisen, iii. 201 ff.; +Djevad Bey, vol. i, book i. + +[288] For an example of the persistence of this idea, see Bérard (1909), +12-13: “La Turquie désormais subsiste par le janissaire et doit vivre +pour le janissaire d’abord ... depuis la prise de Rhodes (1522) jusqu’à +l’apparition de la flotte russe aux Dardanelles (1770), tant vaut le +janissaire et tant vaut l’empire.” Professor A. C. Coolidge suggests that +the hold which this remarkable organization had upon the imagination of +fellow-countrymen as well as of foreigners was in part “due to the fact +that in almost all Oriental history good infantrymen have been extremely +rare, and the Janissaries were the only good infantrymen in the Ottoman +Empire.” It is also true that the Janissaries were that group within the +Moslem fold which came least under the taming and subordinating influence +of the system; they were a frontier province of Islamic society. When +in the seventeenth century they ceased to be drawn directly from the +Christian population and became a variety of military aristocracy, not +only did they remain in part a fighting infantry, but their original +freedom of spirit and action was by no means abandoned. + +[289] D’Ohsson, vii. 359-360; Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 251, 361, iii. +45; Nicolay, 89. + +[290] Rhodes was pillaged after capitulation (1521), and so were Ofen +(1529), and Wychegrad (1544): Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 28, 83, 263. + +[291] _Ibid._ ii. 252. Hence the death of a sultan was kept concealed +until his successor had assumed power (_ibid._ 535; iii. 449). + +[292] Mohammed II gave them ten purses of gold (1451), _ibid._ i. 504; +Bayezid II gave them 2000 aspers each (1481), _ibid._ ii. 252; Selim I +gave them 3000 aspers each (1512), _ibid._ 382; from Suleiman they asked +5000 aspers each, which he compounded by giving them one-third in cash +and increased pay (1520), _ibid._ iii. 6. + +[293] Before Vienna (1529), _ibid._ 88; on march toward Persia (1534), +_ibid._ 148; at Tabriz (1535), _ibid._ 158. + +[294] This usage dates from Suleiman; D’Ohsson, vii. 354. + +[295] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 86: the Janissaries “are scattered +through every part of the empire, either to garrison the forts against +the enemy, or to protect the Christians and Jews from the violence of the +mob. There is no district with any considerable amount of population, no +borough or city, which has not a detachment of Janissaries to protect +the Christians, Jews, and other helpless people from outrage and wrong.” +Janissaries might be detailed to attend on foreign ambassadors, or to +escort foreign travelers within the empire (Knolles, ed. 1687, p. 985). + +[296] Nicolay, 89, was perhaps the first to point out the likeness of +the Janissaries to the Roman Pretorian Guard, and to see in them a great +danger to the Ottoman Empire. + +[297] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 420, 520. + +[298] _Ibid._ iii. 88. + +[299] Trevisano, 129, says that they had sufficient authority on the +death of a sultan to give the empire to which of his sons they pleased. +Cf. J. Soranzo, 248; Morosini, 255; Garzoni, 432; Knolles (ed. 1687), 985 +(“neither can any of the Turks Sultans account themselves fully invested +in the Imperial Dignity, or assured of their Estate, until they be by +them approved and proclaimed”). + +[300] D’Ohsson, i. 278-284; Heidborn, 120. + +[301] D’Ohsson, i. 284. This rule is sometimes stated erroneously as an +old Turkish custom, a provision of Mohammedan law, or an old Ottoman law +or custom. + +[302] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 98: “_Kanun_ of the Security of the +Throne: The majority of Legists (_Ulema_) have declared it allowable, +that whoever among my illustrious children and grandchildren may come +to the throne, should, for securing the peace of the world, order his +brothers to be executed. Let them hereafter act accordingly.” + +[303] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 352 ff. + +[304] Menavino, 219; Trevisano, 129; Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 365. + +[305] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 314. + +[306] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 185-189. + +[307] Postel, iii. 87, says, about 1537: Suleiman “has among others a +son named Mustapha, marvelously well educated and prudent and of the age +to reign; for he is 23 or 24 years old; and God grant that so great an +atrocity may not come so near us (_Dieu ne permette qu’une Barbarie si +grande vienne si pres de nous_).” + +[308] 10,000 is the number according to Bragadino, 106. 12,000 is given +by almost all contemporaries: Ramberti, below, p. 249; Junis Bey, +below, p. 266; Giovio, _Commentarius_, 76; Geuffroy, 234; Navagero, +53; Trevisano, 128; Barbaro, 305; Postel, iii. 30; Busbecq, _Life and +Letters_, i. 86; Nicolay, 88; Erizzo, 127. Navagero, 56, says some think +that 15,500 or 16,000 were inscribed; and Garzoni, 416, says that there +were 13,000 or 14,000. Djevad Bey, i. 90, gives 12,000 in 1523, and +13,599 in 1574. In 1564 D. Barbarigo, 33, gives a precise number, 13,502. +D’Ohsson, vii. 330, says, without stating any authority and against the +above contemporary evidence, that Suleiman raised the number to 40,000. +Hammer (_Geschichte_, i. 95, and iii. 473) says, referring to D’Ohsson, +that Suleiman had 20,000; but in his _Staatsverwaltung_, 195, he states +that Suleiman had only 12,000 before Szigets. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 990) +says, about 1603, that the Janissaries numbered not over 12,000 to 14,000. + +[309] Junis Bey, 272, and Ludovisi, 17, give the number of this garrison +as 3000. Postel, 38, gives the number as 30,000; this must include the +Mamelukes. + +[310] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 77: about 6000 of the older of them stay +about the Prince. Navagero, 55: 8000 to 10,000 are always ready. + +[311] Ramberti, 249; Junis Bey, 267. + +[312] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 194; Ricaut, 365 (mentions 162 +_odalar_); Djevad Bey, i. 28. In Chalcocondyles’s time (1465), 97, the +strength of each _oda_ seems to have been of 50 men. In Suleiman’s time +it was less than 100. Later it became much larger. + +[313] Nicolay, 96-97; D’Ohsson, vii. 313-320; Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, +201 ff.; Djevad Bey, i. 35, 45. + +[314] D’Ohsson, vii. 314; Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 428. This was the +case only from 1515 to 1582. + +[315] _Kiaya_ is a word which offered infinite difficulties of +pronunciation and spelling; for example, gachaia, cacaia, checaya, +quaia, queaya, caia, cahaia, chiccaia, chechessi. Some authors employ a +different spelling each time they use the word. Trevisano, 118, gives +chietcudasci. _Kiaya_ represents the popular pronunciation. The more +nearly correct form of the word, following the Turkish spelling, is +_ketkhuda_. + +[316] D’Ohsson, vii. 353. + +[317] Djevad Bey, i. 35. + +[318] Ramberti, below, p. 250; Junis Bey, below, p. 266. + +[319] Ludovisi (1534), 9, gives a pessimistic account of them; according +to him, they had not the order or the discipline or the astuteness which +was found in the Christian infantry. Postel, iii. 30, praises them +greatly for order, frugality, and temperance. Djevad Bey, i. 56-64, +gives a favorable description; he says (p. 56) that the first of their +fundamental laws enjoined absolute obedience. + +[320] Postel, iii. 31; D’Ohsson, vii. 353; Djevad Bey, i. 66, 69. + +[321] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 296. + +[322] D’Ohsson, vii. 351; Djevad Bey, i. 56-59. + +[323] Ramberti, below, p. 249; Junis Bey, below, p. 267; D’Ohsson, vii. +352. + +[324] Djevad Bey, i. 289. + +[325] This name for the sultan’s paid cavalry is that regularly employed +by the Venetian writers of the sixteenth century: for example, Moro, 337; +Bernardo, 330. + +[326] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 95. + +[327] D’Ohsson, vii. 353. + +[328] For the great disturbance which they raised in 1593, see Zinkeisen, +iii. 79. + +[329] All of these names are spelled with an ingenious variety in +contemporary writings:— + +_Spahi_: spai, spachi, sipahi, sipah, spacoillain (spahi-oghlan). + +_Silihdar_: selicter, sillictar, sulastrus, suluphtar. + +_Ulufagi_: holofagi, allophase. + +_Ghureba_: caripy, caripicus, ciarcagi, caripp (oglan), gharib (oglan), +capi (oglan) + +The word _Spahi_ is of identical derivation with _Sepoy_. + +[330] Ramberti, below, p. 250; Junis Bey, below, p. 267; Postel, iii. 34. +Giovio (_Commentarius_, 75) says that some _Spahis_ brought as many as +ten horsemen. + +[331] Giovio, 75; Postel, iii. 35. + +[332] They were called “poor youth” by Menavino, 152; Junis Bey, 267; +Ramberti, 251; Trevisano, 126; Postel, iii. 36. Spandugino, 97, says +that they were strangers from Asia, Egypt, and Africa. Giovio, 76, says +that they were all Moslems from Persia, Turcomania, Syria, Africa, +Arabia, Scythia, and even India; but he is wrong in confining them to +Moslems in the sixteenth century. Trevisano, 126, asserts that they were +renegades from every nation; and on this authority Zinkeisen falls into +the opposite error of confining them to Christian renegades. Postel, iii. +36, says that they were chosen from the _Akinji_, Kurds, and _Azabs_. +Menavino, 152, declares that they were not slaves of the great Turk, but +that part were Turks, part Christian renegades, and part Arabs (_Mori_). + +[333] The _Spahis_ of the Porte are discussed at length in D’Ohsson, vii. +364 ff.; Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 237 ff.; Zinkeisen, iii. 168 ff. + +[334] Giovio (_Commentarius_, 75) mentions 2000 in each of the first two +corps, and 1000 in each of the second two. Junis Bey (below, p. 267) +puts 3000 in each of the first two corps, 2000 in each of the second +two. Ramberti (below, p. 250) gives more than 3000 _Spahi-oghlans_, 3000 +_Silihdars_, and 2000 in each of the other corps. Ludovisi, 15, puts 3000 +in each of the first two, 2500 in the third, and 2000 in the fourth. +Trevisano, 125, puts 2000 in each but the fourth, which contained 1500. +D. Barbarigo, 33, mentions 7095 _Spahis_. Barbaro, 304, says that there +were 15,000 _Spahis_ of the Porte. There were under pay in 1660, after +serious changes, 7203 _Spahis_, 6254 _Silihdars_, 976 _Ulufajis_, and 722 +_Ghurebas_: Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 175. + +[335] A calculation based on Junis Bey’s statements gives a total of +between 41,000 and 49,000. Garzoni, 413, says distinctly that there were +40,000 _Spahis_ of the Porte paid out of the sultan’s treasury; that +among these were 3000 _Spahi-oghlans_, 3000 _Silihdars_, 3000 _Ulufajis_, +and 2000 _Ghurebas_ (_ciarcagi_); and that the grand vizier had 1000 +_Spahis_ assigned to his retinue, and the other viziers each 500. +D’Ohsson, vii. 364-365, states that the _Spahis_ proper in the time of +Mohammed II, numbered 10,000, and that Achmet III, raised their strength +to 12,000; like figures for the _Silihdars_ were 8000 and 12,000. This +estimate must include the additional horsemen. + +[336] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 57; Menavano, 148, 151. + +[337] See above, pp. 47 (note 1), 91. The Ottoman feudal system is +discussed at length in Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 337 ff.; D’Ohsson, +vii. 372 ff.; Zinkeisen, iii. 145 ff.; Belin, _Du Régime des Fiefs +Militaires en Turquie_; Tischendorf, _Moslemisches Lehnswesen_. + +[338] Junis Bey (below, p. 271) says, shortly after describing the feudal +_Spahis_ of Europe, that “all the _Spahis_ are slaves and sons of slaves +of the Seigneur (_Tutti li spachi sono schiaui & figli de schiaui del +Sig[nor]_);” but this statement is incomplete. Ramberti (below, p. 256) +adds, “and sons of _Spahis_.” The latter group undoubtedly contained the +great majority of the feudal _Spahis_. Geuffroy 246, enlarges on the +statement by saying that the 30,000 feudal _Spahis_ of Europe were all +_Ajem-oghlans_ and slaves of the great Turk. No other writer terms them +_kullar_. Garzoni, 412, calls them Turkish soldiers. The whole theory +of the Ottoman feudal system made them such; the smaller fiefs were +hereditary from of old, and gaps were filled from volunteers with the +army, who must have been Moslems, since Christians were not allowed to +bear arms: Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 349 ff. (“_Kanun-nameh_ of the +granting of _Timars_ and _Ziamets_”). + +[339] Junis Bey, p. 271 (they collect the income from the Christians, +etc.); Moro, 339 (they are appointed by the king to administer justice); +Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 478; D’Ohsson, vii. 373. Heidborn, 157, +discusses their duties in some detail. + +[340] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 275; Heidborn, 145. + +[341] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 476. + +[342] Spandugino, 146, states that under Mohammed II, each fief-holder +who had 5000 aspers of income was obliged to bring another with him to +war; but in his time (under Bayezid II) this obligation was imposed upon +those who had 3000 aspers, unless retired on account of age. Ramberti and +Junis Bey (below, pp. 256-271) say that for each 100 ducats a _Spahi_ +must keep an armed horseman, and three or four servants, and a like +number of horses; see also D’Ohsson, vii. 373. Heidborn, 145, states that +holders of _timars_ brought an additional warrior for each 3000 aspers of +income, and holders of _ziamets_ an additional one for each 5000 aspers; +but in any case the first 3000 aspers was exempt. + +[343] D’Ohsson, vii. 374. + +[344] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 352. + +[345] _Ibid._ 94. + +[346] Hammer (_ibid._ 143 ff.) describes Suleiman’s legislation, giving +translations of much of it. + +[347] Ricaut, 343. + +[348] D’Ohsson, vii. 374; Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 352 ff. + +[349] The limit differed according to region. In Rumelia a _teskereh_ was +required for all _timars_ of 6000 aspers and over, and for all _ziamets_: +Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 275. + +[350] Ramberti (below, p. 256) gives this limit as 100 ducats, or 5000 +aspers. + +[351] Garzoni, 413; Tanco, 209. + +[352] Bernardo, 329; Knolles (ed. 1687), 983. + +[353] Spandugino, 211; Zinkeisen, iii. 129. The feudal _Spahis_ had +lower officers who were not sent out from the capital, such as the +_Cheribashis_. + +[354] The name means “ensign bey,” and was translated _flambole_: for +example, Geuffroy, 246. + +[355] Postel, iii. 44; Tiepolo, 138. + +[356] Heidborn, 140, says that the _Subashis_ had _ziamets_, the _Alai +Beys_ had small _khasses_, the _Sanjak Beys_ had _khasses_ of a million +aspers or more, and the _Beylerbeys_ much more. The amount which he +assigns to the _Sanjak Beys_ is too large for Suleiman’s time. Ramberti +(below, pp. 256-258) gives their income at from 4000 to 12,000 ducats, +which would amount to from 200,000 to 600,000 aspers. + +[357] Ramberti, below, p. 256; Junis Bey, below, p. 271. + +[358] Menavino, 186, 190, says that in his time the _Beylerbey_ of +Anatolia resided at Kutaia (Custage). Ramberti, 259, mentions the same +place (Chiothachie) as the seat of his sanjakate. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. +986) says that all the _Beylerbeys_ except the _Beylerbey_ of Rumelia +were supposed to reside within their dominions. + +[359] _Tractatus_, ch. xi. + +[360] Trevisano, 132. + +[361] In Europe 30,000 _Spahis_ and 20,000 _Timarjis_; in Anatolia 12,000 +_Spahis_; in Karamania 7000, Amasia 4000, and Avandole 7000. This is the +estimate of Junis Bey and Ramberti, which Geuffroy, 247, follows, and +which Postel, iii. 37 ff., changes a little (Karamania 5000 instead of +7000, Amasia omitted). Ludovisi, 16, gives practically the same figures. +Navagero, 41, gives 40,000 in Europe and 80,000 to 100,000 in Asia, the +latter figure probably including the troops of Syria and Mesopotamia, and +of Egypt, which was not provided with fiefs in the same way. Barbaro, +304, and Garzoni, 412, mention 80,000 in Europe and 50,000 in Asia. D. +Barbarigo (1558), 33, speaks of a sum total of 160,000 feudal _Spahis_. +Tiepolo (1576), 140, speaks of 60,000 _timars_ in Europe which sent +80,000 _Spahis_, and 50,000 _Spahis_ from Asia. The number may have +increased about one-half during Suleiman’s reign, but it is more likely +that all the groups of figures are only estimates. Ricaut, 341, after +careful inquiry, gives the number of _Zaims_ in his time as 10,948, and +of _Timarjis_ as 72,436, for the whole empire except Egypt. He thinks +that this estimate should be increased to 100,000. The total feudal +contingent in the time of Achmet I, was by Turkish authority about the +same (Tischendorf, 57 ff.). D’Ohsson, vii. 375, estimates the feudal +troops at 200,000 in Suleiman’s time; on p. 381, however, he speaks of +more than 150,000 men. See below, p. 107, n. 1. + +[362] Postel, iii. 38 (“triple pour le moins”). + +[363] Chesneau, 46; D’Ohsson, vii. 381. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 990) says +that not over one-third could safely be called to arms. + +[364] After the year 1541: Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 232. + +[365] After the year 1552: Trevisano, 124. The number of the _Beylerbeys_ +was greatly increased in the last third of the sixteenth century. +Knolles, 986-988, mentions five in Europe, 30 in Asia, and 4 in Africa, +besides the _Beylerbey_ of the Sea, whose office was created by Suleiman, +but who is not mentioned above as having no part in the army. + +[366] Spandugino, 153; Nicolay, 160. + +[367] The name _akinji_ is variously spelled: yachinji, alcanzi, +alcangi, aconiziae, alengi, aquangi, achiar, aghiar. Spandugino, 150, +says that the sultan can collect 200,000 of these for the war; Ramberti +and Junis Bey (below, pp. 257, 271) mention 60,000 as inscribed; Giovio +(_Commentarius_, 81) names 30,000; Garzoni, 414, says 25,000 or 30,000; +Postel, iii. 26, says 50,000 or 60,000. Ramberti, 271, tells us that when +in arms they were entitled to living expenses from the villages near +which they passed. + +[368] Zinkeisen, iii. 203. + +[369] Spandugino, 152. Junis Bey, 270, mentions 1000 with the fleet, and +Postel, iii. 71, mentions 10,000. + +[370] Postel, iii. 26. + +[371] Chalcocondyles, 135; Giovio, _Commentarius_, 81, etc. + +[372] Spandugino, 151. + +[373] See above, p. 98. + +[374] Junis Bey, below, p. 268. In addition were several thousand +saddlers, etc., who were not reckoned as regular troops: the _Bostanjis_, +older pages, body-guards, etc. + +[375] Knolles (ed. 1687), 984. + +[376] Several contemporary estimates of the complete army may be +compared: Marini Sanuto, under date of October 26, 1529, gives an +estimate of the Turkish army then before Vienna as containing 305,200 +men. The same writer (_Diarii_, lvi) gives three or four estimates from +the year 1532, when Suleiman went forth on the Güns campaign: on p. +768, Suleiman’s army is said to contain 500,000 men; on p. 870 is found +an account of Suleiman’s entry into Belgrade, in which 170,300 men are +mentioned, besides “adventurers” and “many others”; on the same page +is estimated the number with which the Sultan was to leave Belgrade, +which sums up 284,500, and does not seem to account fully for the +territorial armies; on p. 894 he summarizes a despatch from Ratisbon, +dated August 23, 1532, which relates the testimony of three Turkish +prisoners to the effect that the Turkish army numbers over 300,000 +persons, but that not over 80,000 are good fighting men. Postel, iii. +38, estimates the enrolled army at 218,000, and the whole at 500,000. +He states elsewhere that Suleiman took 500,000 men with him on the +Persian expedition of 1534-35. Chesneau’s impression (pp. 106-108) of +Suleiman’s army, when he saw it near Aleppo in the spring of 1549, was +that it occupied 80,000 to 100,000 tents, on a plain eight to ten miles +long; that it contained 300,000 to 400,000 fighting men, of whom all +but 10,000 or 12,000 Janissaries were on horseback; and that the total +number of persons assembled was about a million. Chesneau’s chief, the +ambassador D’Aramont, writing concerning the same expedition from Esdron +(Erzerum?) a few weeks later, speaks of “the mass of his (Suleiman’s) +army, which is by common estimate of 300,000 men, as may be judged from +the extent of the camp, which extends ten or twelve miles in length, and +contains at least 60,000 tents or more, with such order and obedience +that, considering the great multitude, it is almost unbelievable” +(Charrière, ii. 68). In the year 1558, A. Barbarigo, 150-151, estimated +the cavalry alone at more than 300,000. Twenty-six years after Suleiman’s +death Bernardo, 331, says that the paid troops, in which he includes +the sultan’s household and the feudal army, amounted to 250,000 men. +Zinkeisen, iii. 199, estimates the extreme total of the sultan’s cavalry +alone at 565,000. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 984), writing about 1603, says +that the sultan could always gather 150,000 Timariotes for a great +expedition. He says that the Timariotes numbered in all 719,000 fighting +men, of whom 257,000 were in Europe and 426,000 in Asia. The last two +estimates are incredibly large. + +[377] _Tractatus_, ch. xi, marginal summary. + +[378] La Broquière, 273. + +[379] Chalcocondyles, 135. + +[380] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 83 (condensed). + +[381] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 293; on p. 221 he compares Turkish +and Western soldiers most unfavorably for the latter. + +[382] Postel, i. 126; see also Dandolo, 166. Georgevitz, 45, says that he +accompanied the Turkish army on an expedition against Persia (probably +1533 to 1536): “I saw a _Spahi_ decapitated together with his horse and +servant, because the horse, having been left loose, entered some one’s +field.” + +[383] Postel, iii. 31, speaking particularly of the Janissaries. + +[384] Morosini, 261. + +[385] _The Policy of the Turkish Empire_, “To the Reader.” + +[386] Junis Bey (below, pp. 274, 275) gives the order of march; Postel, +29 ff., describes the encampment. + +[387] Chalcocondyles, 135, says that the Turks lodged more grandly in the +field than in peace at home. + +[388] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 79. + +[389] _Ibid._ 160. + +[390] Other reasons have been advanced to account for the fall of Ibrahim +(cf. Postel, iii. 48 ff.). The fact that he had became a danger to the +throne is sufficient. + +[391] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 438. + +[392] Halil Ganem, i. 206. + +[393] Ranke, 11. + +[394] The _Spahis_ of the Porte, and the Janissaries were not as a body +put under a _Seraskier’s_ command until the time of Murad III: D’Ohsson, +vii. 368; Djevad Bey, i. 16. + +[395] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 141. + +[396] Final audience was given to the Austrian ambassadors on June 23 +(_ibid._ 138), and Ibrahim marched about September 21 (_ibid._ 143). + +[397] _Ibid._ 277. + +[398] Postel, iii. 54, speaking of Charles V in 1535-36, says: +“The Emperor had and lost during the war against the Sofi the +fairest opportunity that ever Prince had in this world, to recover +Constantinople: for at every shaking of a leaf, all the people trembled, +and there was no guard in the city except the inhabitants and ten +thousand _Ajem-oghlans_” [these from the time of Mohammed II had been +commissioned to guard the capital during the army’s absence: D’Ohsson, +vii. 348]. Erizzo, 131, also discusses this danger, emphasizing the valor +of the Persians and the readiness of Asia Minor to revolt. The Turks +in Constantinople in 1535 feared that the expedition which Charles V +was preparing against Tunis was intended for an attack upon their city +(_Revue Africaine_, xix. 352). + +[399] Suleiman in his letter to Ferdinand, November 27, 1562, says, “I, +Lord of the Orient from the land of Tsin to the extremity of Africa”: +Busbecq, _De Re Militari_, 272. + +[400] Ibrahim said, “I, if I now wished it, could place Luther on one +side and the Pope on the other, and compel them to hold a council; what +Charles ought to have done, the Sultan and I will now do”: Hammer, +_Geschichte_, iii. 134. + +[401] Gerlach, 257, quoted in Zinkeisen, iii. 222. + +[402] Postel, iii. 19. + +[403] Spandugino, 218; Postel, i. 126. + +[404] D’Ohsson, vii. 202. + +[405] Suleiman permitted this because of the increase it produced in his +income: Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 114; Halil Ganem, i. 197. + +[406] D’Ohsson, vii. 182, 202. + +[407] Ricaut, 140; D’Ohsson, vii. 287. + +[408] Montesquieu, livre v, ch. xix. + +[409] Postel, i. 126: “les gents de la court, qui ont leurs chefs _Aga_ & +_Bassi_ pour Iuges,” etc. + +[410] Spandugino, 214 ff., relates how this came about, and says (p. +218), “No _Cadi_ can have power and authority over the slaves who receive +pay from the Seigneur.” + +[411] Zane, 407; Robertson, i. 249. + +[412] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 176, 684; ii. 674. + +[413] _Ibid._ i. 96. The descendants of Michael have been among the very +few families who were constituted landed nobles in the Ottoman Empire. +Seven “endowments of the Conquerors” still exist, one of which benefits +his line: Heidborn, 314. + +[414] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 96. + +[415] _Ibid._ iii. 18. + +[416] Spandugino, 13; Ramberti, below, p. 242; Junis Bey, below, p. 273. +D. Barbarigo, 19, names eight great families among whom the succession +might fall (he says that some thought it should pass through the female +line): in Rumelia four,—Micali, Ersecli, Eurenesli, Egiachiali; in +Anatolia, four,—Cheselamath, Diercauli, Durcadurli, Ramadanli, formerly +called Spendial. Ricaut, 107, says that in his time there existed an +“ancient compact” by which, in default of heirs male in the Ottoman line, +the empire was to descend to the Crimean Tartars. + +[417] Ricaut, 211. + +[418] _Ibid._ 129: “A Turk is never reverenced but for his Office, that +is made the sole measure and rule of his greatness and honour, without +other considerations of Vertue or Nobility.” + +[419] Below, ch. vii. + +[420] Above, ch. iii, under heads “Other Motives for Incorporating +Christians,” “Advancement Based on Merit.” + +[421] Ricaut, 129. + +[422] About the year 1800, when the two institutions, and particularly +the Ruling Institution, had reached an extreme state of decay, and +before new institutions after Western models had yet been introduced, +the Ottoman Empire was to come very near to such a breaking-up. It seems +actually to have been saved by the lingering of the tradition against +heredity in office; for, though life-tenure of purchased governorships +had become regular, no Pasha except the North African corsairs of the +seventeenth century, and Ibrahim in Egypt in the early nineteenth +century, succeeded in founding a dynasty upon Ottoman soil. For the +disorders about 1800, see Heidborn, 144. + +[423] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 490-491, quoting Kochi Bey. + +[424] See above, p. 69, note 3. + +[425] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 278. + +[426] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 6. + +[427] Postel, i. 31, says that Suleiman occasionally sent for one of his +women to visit him in the principal palace. Nicolay, 62, reports that +about 1551 Roxelana was residing within the palace grounds. By 1585 the +principal ladies of the harem had been transferred to the new palace, +leaving the old palace to the function of a training-school for recruits. +These steps illustrate the rapid increase of the importance of the harem +in the Ottoman scheme. + +[428] Exceptions were made in case of the old _Hojas_, or teachers of +the young princes, the religious advisers of the queen mother, and +physicians. See Postel, i. 35; Ricaut, 68; D’Ohsson, vii. 11; Hammer, +_Staatsverwaltung_, 73. + +[429] _Siasset Namèh_, 121, 123, 163. + +[430] “_Kanun_ of the Imperial Table,” printed in Hammer’s +_Staatsverfassung_, 98: “It is not my _Kanun_ that any one should dine +with my Imperial Majesty; it might be some one not of Imperial blood.” +Suleiman did not always observe this _Kanun_ (cf. Hammer, _Geschichte_, +iii. 99). + +[431] Erizzo, 138; Morosini, 281. + +[432] Extended descriptions of the household are found in D’Ohsson, vii +and Hammer’s _Staatsverwaltung_. Lane-Poole, in his _Story of Turkey_, +ch. xiv, gives a good, clear summary of D’Ohsson. References to these +authorities are here omitted except in a few instances of special +interest. + +[433] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 71; Menavino, 179. The _Eski Serai_ of +the sixteenth century stood where the _Seraskierat_, or War Office, now +stands. + +[434] D’Ohsson, v. 52. + +[435] Postel, i. 32. + +[436] See above, pp. 56, 57, 78, 79. + +[437] Junis Bey (below, p. 269) says twenty, a number scarcely +sufficient. Twenty years earlier Menavino, 180, speaks of about forty. + +[438] Ricaut, 67-68, mentions several of these. + +[439] Postel, i. 35. + +[440] Ricaut, 73. + +[441] Hammer (_Geschichte_, ii. 222) says that the custom of +accomplishing the death of sons of daughters of sultans (by neglecting to +tie the navel cord) dates from Mohammed II; but no contemporary authority +appears to mention such a custom. D’Ohsson, vii. 93, says that it was +instituted in the time of Achmet I. The son of a sister of Selim I was +_Beylerbey_ of Aleppo about 1550 (Alberi, _Anonimo_ of 1553, 228). + +[442] Ludovisi, 29; Postel, i. 31. See p. 141, note 2. + +[443] Postel, i. 31. + +[444] Spandugino, 64. + +[445] Menavino, 137. + +[446] D’Ohsson, vii. 34. Whether this number was fixed in Suleiman’s +time does not appear from the records. Mohammed II had 32 officers of +the _Khas Oda_ (Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 96). Menavino, 121-123, +names three special officers, 15 of second grade, and 35 of third grade, +before mentioning the treasury. Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 243, +263) name 6 principal officers, but do not distinguish the _odalar_ +further. Chesneau, 39, says that 25 of the pages were Suleiman’s personal +servants, and that 5 served him specially. Navagero, 45, speaks of 25 or +30 in the _Khas Oda_. Ricaut, 52, speaks of 40. + +[447] Ramberti and Junis Bey, as above; Postel, iii. 4; Navagero, 45. + +[448] Navagero, 44. + +[449] The number of pages in the _Kiler Odassi_ is given by Menavino, +125, as 25, all between 20 and 22 years of age. Navagero, 44, says that +they numbered 300 or 400; but this is incredible. He gives no numbers for +the purely educational _odalar_, and evidently has counted them all in +the _Kiler Odassi_. + +[450] Hammer (_Staatsverwaltung_, 30) erroneously says that the pages +of these _odalar_ attended to the lowest duties of the palace, and were +recruited from three palace schools outside. Navagero, 44, disproves this. + +[451] An additional chamber, the _Seferli Odassi_, or Chamber of +Campaign, was instituted by Murad IV to attend to his laundry work and +other special duties in time of war. The membership was chosen out of the +educational _odalar_, and it ranked next after the _Kiler Odassi_. See +Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 28. + +[452] Ricaut, 47. + +[453] Ramberti, below, p. 255. + +[454] Ramberti and Junis Bey, below, pp. 245, 264. + +[455] Menavino, 160 ff. + +[456] Zinkeisen, iii. 181, states erroneously on the authority of +Trevisano, 125 (meaning p. 128), that these were all Turks and of noble +blood. The fact that Menavino, 146, calls them “schiaui” is sufficient +disproof. Zinkeisen also quotes Spandugino, 114, to the effect that +the _Muteferrika_ were all lords, or sons of princes or of lords; but +Spandugino, 62, says that pages pass to the office of _Muteferrika_ from +the highest four offices at least. Trevisano, 127, says, “Li quali sono +giovani nati Turchi, _e figliuoli d’uomini di autorità_” (italics not in +original); but “men of authority” were practically all renegades. Moro, +341, calls them, in 1590, sons of the principal Turks. The fact seems to +be that most of the _Muteferrika_ were Ottomans of the second generation +(_i. e._, sons of renegades) and that the rest were regarded as ennobled +by passage through the high offices of the _Khas Oda_. + +[457] Menavino, 155 (he says they were Persians); Nicolay, 98; Ramberti, +below, p. 251. + +[458] Spandugino, 116, gives the number 300, and says that they became +Janissaries. Menavino, 140, mentions 500. Ramberti (pp. 246, 253) +mentions 250 at the principal palace and 100 at the palace of the harem; +the latter he calls Janissaries. + +[459] Junis Bey, below, p. 265. + +[460] Spandugino, 125. + +[461] Postel, iii. 9. + +[462] Ricaut, 373. In his time they numbered 500 or 600. + +[463] Junis Bey, 263. Ramberti, 245, speaks of 35, which is clearly too +few. + +[464] Postel, iii. 11. + +[465] Menavino, 129. In D’Ohsson’s time (vii. 15) this official was also +the jailer and presiding executioner of the palace, inspector of the +water supply and forests near the capital, and overseer of hunting and +fishing and of the trade in wine and lime. How many of these functions he +exercised under Suleiman seems not to have been recorded. In Spandugino’s +time (p. 118) the chief _Kapuji_ was presiding executioner. + +[466] Ramberti, 251; Junis Bey, 268. + +[467] Menavino, 150. They were not _kullar_. Cf. the _Zainogiler_, below, +pp. 252, 268. + +[468] Shortened in use to _Miri-akhor_, _Imrakhor_, _Imbrahor_, +_Imbroor_, _Imror_, etc. + +[469] D’Ohsson, vii. 17; Menavino, 148-150. + +[470] A short form of _Emir-Alem_. + +[471] Menavino, 145. + +[472] D’Ohsson, vii. 21. In his time these were under the “Chief of the +Black Eunuchs.” It does not appear who controlled them under Suleiman. + +[473] Postel, iii. 12; Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 44. + +[474] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 37. + +[475] Spandugino, 127-128, describes the hunting organization under +Bayezid II. Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 249, 266) state that 2700 +or 900 Janissaries served under the _Segban-bashi_ and _Zagarji-bashi_ in +the care of the dogs. + +[476] D’Ohsson, iv. 98 ff. + +[477] _Siasset Namèh_, 161. + +[478] _Tractatus_, ch. ix. + +[479] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 88 ff. + +[480] _Ibid._, 434 ff. + +[481] The statements of this paragraph are based upon the _Kanuni +Teshrifat_ as given in Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 434 ff. See Della +Valle, i. 45: “Tutti gli uffici, e tutti gli ordini, tanto della militia, +quanto della Corte, e d’ogni altra sorte di persone, hanno qui il loro +habito proprio, and in particolare al portamento della testa, si cognosce +ciascuno che cosa è.” + +[482] Postel, iii. 13; Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 18. + +[483] Ricaut, 156. + +[484] The festival of the Birth of the Prophet was not instituted until +the reign of Murad III (Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 469). The sultan’s +annual visit to the relics of the Prophet also became a great ceremony. + +[485] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 96-101. Only less splendid was the +marriage of Ibrahim to Suleiman’s sister in 1524 (_ibid._ 38). + +[486] Compare Gritti, 27: the Janissaries at the reception of ambassadors +“stand in such quiet and order as for war that it is a marvellous thing +and not to be believed by those who have not seen it with their own eyes.” + +[487] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 152 ff. + +[488] A name for Cairo, used much from the time of the crusades onward. + +[489] Nicolay, 88-89, explains that the wearing of ostrich plumes, +attached in a tube of jeweled gold to the front of the turban, and +curving over the head and down the back, was a highly-valued privilege +accorded only to such Janissaries as had distinguished themselves in +action. + +[490] The _Solaks_. + +[491] The _Sharabdar_, the _Chokadar_, and the _Silihdar_. + +[492] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 283 ff. + +[493] _Ibid._, 302 ff. These quotations may profitably be compared with +those from the _Tractatus_ in regard to the simplicity of Murad II +(above, p. 134). Not a few descriptions of court and camp ceremonies in +the century following the accession of Suleiman have been handed down. +For example: Suleiman’s entry into Belgrade in 1532 (Marini Sanuto, lvi. +870); Suleiman’s entry into Aleppo, 1548 (anonymous report, in Alberi, +3d series, i. 224 ff.); Suleiman’s reception of Captain Pinon in 1544 +(Maurand, 207-225); Selim II’s reception of De Noailles in 1573 (Du +Fresne-Canaye, 59-72); Ahmed I’s going to mosque, 1614 (Della Valle, +68-71); Ahmed I’s reception of the Venetian _Bailo_, 1615 (_ibid._ 98 +ff.). + +[494] Postel, i. 31, speaks of the mother of Mustapha as having superior +authority about 1537, though residing much at Magnesia; and he does not +speak of Roxelana. But Ludovisi, 29, shows that Roxelana was in 1534 the +wife of Suleiman, and that the mother of Mustapha then resided with her +son at Magnesia. For the decisive quarrel between Roxelana and the mother +of Mustapha, see Navagero, 75. + +[495] Navagero, 79. + +[496] Described above, pp. 93-95. + +[497] Navagero, 76-77. + +[498] The unfortunate Jehangir also was thought to have come to his +death from shock at the death of Mustapha and fear of a similar fate for +himself. See Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 178; Navagero, 77. But see +Alberi, _Anonimo_ of 1553, 216, for another and more credible account. + +[499] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 425. + +[500] See above, pp. 78, 120. + +[501] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 331; Halil Ganem, i. 199. + +[502] Spandugino, 185. A generation earlier still La Broquière, 186, +said: “No one speaks to them [the pashas] unless he brings them a +present, as well as one for each of the slaves who guard their gate.” + +[503] Spandugino, 145, relates how in his time the peasants were eaten, +as it were, all the year by tithes, compulsory presents, land-tax, +and extortion. The earlier sixteenth-century writers seem not to +have observed that the sultan’s subjects were especially miserable. +Morosini (1585), 272, remarks vigorously upon the tyranny and oppression +which were causing depopulation and destroying the incentive of the +farm-dwellers to produce more than a bare sustenance. Zane (1595), 395, +415, writes in a similar vein. Gerlach, 52 (quoted in Zinkeisen, iii. +361), found those who lived at a distance from Constantinople in a +wretched state of oppression. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 982), writing about +1603, speaks of the desolate condition of the empire, especially in +those regions through which the army was accustomed to pass. In Ricaut’s +time (pp. 124, 145, 323) agricultural decline, accompanied by misery and +depopulation, was apparent. + +[504] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 438. + +[505] D’Ohsson, i. 268; Heidborn, 112, note 11. Heidborn, 106-121, treats +fully the constitutional position of the sultan. + +[506] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 226. + +[507] D’Ohsson, iv. 482 ff. + +[508] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 1-3. + +[509] _Ibid._ i. 557, iii. 159, etc. + +[510] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 29. This use of the word _Urf_ in +Turkish is not the same as that of its Arabic original (see Redhouse, +1294; Youssouf Fehmi, 237). Heidborn, 37 ff., discusses the sources of +Ottoman law, giving an especially thorough and excellent treatment to the +Sacred Law. + +[511] Macdonald, 71; D’Ohsson, i. 5 ff. + +[512] Macdonald, 94, 115; Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 4; D’Ohsson, i. 11 +ff. + +[513] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 9. + +[514] D’Ohsson, 21. + +[515] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 10; D’Ohsson, i. 22-24. The +_Multeka_ is the basis of D’Ohsson’s excellent work, which consists +of a translation of the code with its comments, to which he has added +observations of great value based on historical studies and on his own +investigations during many years’ residence in Turkey. Heidborn, 44-69, +gives a detailed account of the development of the Sacred Law. He also +(pp. 85-89) describes the _Multeka_ and gives a table of its contents. + +[516] Heidborn, 40-41. This writer uses the form _fykyh_. + +[517] Snouck Hurgronje, in _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, xxvii. 1 +ff., 74 ff. + +[518] Goldziher, in _Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft_, +viii. 406 ff.; Kohler, _ibid._ 424 ff.; Juynboll, 8, 310. + +[519] In Turkey at the present day the courts of the Sacred Law +(_Sheriyeh_) have sole cognizance of the following classes of cases: “in +civil law, questions concerning marriage, alimony, education of children, +liberty, slavery, inheritance, wills, absence, and disappearance; in +criminal law, suits concerning retaliation, the price of blood, the +price of laming a limb, the price of causing an abortion, damages for +disfigurements, the division of the price of blood” (Heidborn, 255). +The _Nizamiyeh_, or secular courts, have sole cognizance of commercial +and penal cases, and a few other groups. All other causes are taken +before the _Sheriyeh_ courts if the parties agree; otherwise before the +_Nizamiyeh_ courts. Thus the courts of the Sacred Law still retain a +great deal of importance in Turkey. + +[520] See, in particular, above, pp. 40, 41, 42. See also Postel, i. 116 +ff., 124 ff.; Ricaut, 200 ff. Heidborn, 43, comments on this state of +affairs, and explains the comparatively recent further legal developments +in Turkey as follows:— + +“Durant de longs siècles le fykyh, tout pétrifié qu’il était, put suffire +aux besoins de la société islamique et son manque de souplesse fut +d’autant moins ressenti, que l’évolution de cette société elle-mème a été +à peu près nulle. Assoupie dans une léthargie profonde, elle semble se +recueillir de son immense effort de jeunesse et contempler en spectatrice +indifférente ou dédaigneuse les progrès réalisés, depuis, par l’Occident. +En Turquie seulement, à mesure que se resserraient ses liens avec +l’Europe, fut comprise l’impérieuse nécessité de sortir de cet isolement +et d’emprunter à la culture occidentale certaines méthodes susceptibles +de rajeunir le corps vielli de l’empire. Par suite de cette orientation +récente, le fykyh a subi, en Turquie, d’importantes abrogations de fait +sinon de droit, qui atteignent cependant plutôt le domaine du droit +public que celui du droit privé. Celui-ci subsiste, dans une large +mesure, malgré ses imperfections et son absence de plan et de clarté. On +s’est contenté de combler ses lacunes les plus apparentes par des lois +empruntées à la législation occidentale, sans se soucier de la complète +disparate créée par la réunion d’éléments aussi hétérogènes.” + +[521] D’Ohsson, i. 261, v. 11. + +[522] Macdonald, 66; Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 12. + +[523] Heidborn, 69. + +[524] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 14; Heidborn, 71. + +[525] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 32; D’Ohsson, i. 291. + +[526] Ricaut, 202; Steen de Jehay, 13 ff. + +[527] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 31. + +[528] In the course of time the development of civil courts in the +Ottoman Empire has relegated the former judicial system to the position +of ecclesiastical courts with jurisdiction similar to that of Christian +church courts of the Middle Ages. See Macdonald, 113; and above, p. 154, +note 2. + +[529] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 30. + +[530] _Ibid._ 31. + +[531] For an example of this practice, see _ibid._ 343. + +[532] _Ibid._ 2. + +[533] _Ibid._ 29. + +[534] Heidborn, 90. + +[535] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 31; in pages 219-327 are found the +_Kanun-namehs_ of all the _sanjaks_. + +[536] _Ibid._ 87-101. + +[537] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 480. + +[538] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_: 101-143, the _Kanun-nameh Misr_; +143-162, police and market laws of Suleiman; 187-211, _Kanuni Rayah_; +337-434, _Kanuni Timar_. Hammer does not make it clear where he found +particular _Kanuns_, or how completely he has presented the originals; +nor has he attempted to distinguish _Kanuns_ of Suleiman from those of +earlier and later sultans. The _Kanuni Rayah_ was not made into a formal +_Kanun-nameh_ till 1614 (_ibid._ 211). See Heidborn, 91-92. + +[539] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 142. + +[540] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 39. + +[541] A translation of a portion of the table of contents of this +collection, as found in the manuscript Fluegel No. 1816, in the Imperial +Library at Vienna, is given in Appendix III, below. This shows by +comparison with the headings in Hammer’s _Staatsverfassung_, 396-424, +that Hammer has there translated at least one-half of the manuscript, +though he appears to attribute these sections to the _Kanun-nameh_ of +Achmet I (_ibid._ 384). The table of contents of the latter collection of +laws is very different (see next note). + +[542] The _Kanun-nameh_ of Achmet I, issued in 1619, contained +collections of (1) feudal laws; (2) laws of the army, the navy, the +outer and the inner service; (3) laws of police, finance, and fiefs. See +Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, pp. xviii, xix. + +[543] This statement is based on information obtained from a gentleman +long resident in Turkey. + +[544] Zinkeisen, iii. 161 ff. + +[545] Macdonald, 10. + +[546] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 96. + +[547] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 32. + +[548] D’Ohsson, i. 258 ff. + +[549] “The dignity of the Imâmate does not absolutely demand that the +Imâm be just, virtuous, or irreproachable, or that he be the most +eminent and the most excellent of the human beings of his time” (from +the _Multeka_, quoted by D’Ohsson, i. 271); “Vices or tyranny in an +Imâm do not demand his deposition” (_ibid._ 288). This is the doctrine +of orthodox Islam, as the outcome of the early Kharijite schisms. The +Shiites are more critical as regards their sovereigns, who are not +regarded as _Imâms_. + +[550] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 32; D’Ohsson, i. 291. + +[551] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 331-333; D’Ohsson, iv. 50 ff. + +[552] Busbecq, i. 331; D’Ohsson, iv. 103, 280. + +[553] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 71, 486. + +[554] _Ibid._ ii. 216-217, 223. + +[555] _Ibid._ i. 565, ii. 223. + +[556] See above, pp. 58, 59. + +[557] A. Barbarigo, 155; D. Barbarigo, 26; Bernardo, 326; Erizzo, 136. +See also Chesneau, 41. + +[558] Barbaro, 319. + +[559] Postel, iii. _passim_, gives various glimpses of his life. + +[560] _Siasset Namèh_, 163. + +[561] The position and duties of the grand vizier at a later date are +described at length by Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 79-101, and by +D’Ohsson, vii. 177-189. + +[562] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 226; taken from the Turkish historian +Aali and referring to the time of Mohammed II. + +[563] Postel, i. 123. + +[564] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 5. + +[565] _Ibid._ iii. 793. + +[566] The position of the _Defterdars_ about the year 1800 is discussed +in D’Ohsson, vii. 261 ff., and in Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 137 ff. +Contemporary accounts are found in Menavino, 168; Ramberti, below, p. +247; Junis Bey, below, p. 265; Postel, iii. 66-70. + +[567] The word means primarily “book-keeper.” It is derived either +from the Greek word διφθέρα or from a similar Persian word (Hammer, +_Geschichte_, ii. 228). Ramberti (below, p. 247) mentions but two +_Defterdars_, one who took care of the revenue from all the Asiatic +provinces, Egypt, and the Danubian countries, and received ten thousand +ducats a year, and perquisites, the other who took care of the revenue +from the rest of the European dominions, received six thousand ducats and +perquisites, and was governor of Constantinople in the sultan’s absence. + +[568] Spandugino, 98. + +[569] Junis Bey (below, p. 265) says that the _Defterdars_ had 200 slaves +each for their courts. Then he speaks of 50 scribes, each with 15 or +20 slaves, and of 25 secretaries who must have been the heads of the +bureaus, and who had slaves. Next he mentions the two _Rusnamehjis_, who +had 20 or 25 companions under them. Ramberti, 247, says that the first +_Defterdar_ had 1000 slaves in his household, and the second 500. Postel, +iii. 69, mentions only one _Rusnamehji_, but clearly states that he is +over the chiefs of the twenty-five bureaus. + +[570] D’Ohsson, vii. 264-273; Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 145-170. + +[571] It certainly was in 1660. Cf. Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 170. + +[572] D’Ohsson, vii. 265, omits the intendants of buildings and forage. + +[573] D’Ohsson, vii. 236. + +[574] Charges for the right to plant and transport tobacco were later +assigned to the care of this bureau. See Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 156. + +[575] At a later date, when the expenses of the harem became greater, the +customs duties of certain regions, the tobacco revenue from Syria and +Arabia, and the tax on wool and yarn were also assigned to this bureau +(_ibid._ 158). + +[576] Junis Bey (below, p. 266) and Postel, iii. 70, call this official +_Defterdar-emini_. His department, in three bureaus, became a record +office of land titles (D’Ohsson, vii. 193). It may have had this wider +function in the sixteenth century. + +[577] Spandugino, 65, 119; Ramberti, below, pp. 244, 248. + +[578] Menavino, 182; Postel, iii. 70. + +[579] Ricaut, 103, Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 256, 271) say that +the _Beylerbey_ of Rumelia had 100 scribes. + +[580] Spandugino, 148; Postel, iii. 63. + +[581] This subject is treated in Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 478-483, and +_Staatsverfassung_, 180-337; D’Ohsson, v. 15-37; and, as concerns the +legal taxes, in Belin, _La Propriété Foncière_. + +[582] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 37 ff. + +[583] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 523, iii. 65. + +[584] _Ibid._ iii. 266. According to Heidborn, 339, the registering of +the lands of the different regions of the Ottoman Empire, begun in 1548 +by Suleiman’s order and completed after some 55 years, remains to the +present time the basis of land titles in Turkey. + +[585] D’Ohsson, vii. 242. + +[586] Spandugino, 144. Postel, iii. 65, says that the tithes (apparently +those revenues not sold in the lump or left for individual collection) +were collected by Christian receivers (_tous Chrestiens_), who delivered +them to the _Kadis_, and these to the _Sanjak_, he to the _Beylerbey_, +and the _Beylerbey_ to the _Defterdars_. + +[587] D’Ohsson, vii. 258. + +[588] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 471. It was a poll-tax of 15 aspers on +each male inhabitant. + +[589] Spandugino, 57. + +[590] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 167, 592. + +[591] By _Kanun_ of Mohammed II: Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 99. + +[592] Postel, iii. 68. + +[593] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 472. + +[594] Postel, iii. 70. + +[595] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 234. + +[596] _Ibid._ iii. 471. + +[597] La Broquière, 182; Ricaut, 404. + +[598] Ricaut, 404. + +[599] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 472. + +[600] See above, pp. 115, 116. + +[601] Postel, iii. 49. + +[602] Below, p. 273. + +[603] La Broquière, 182, estimated the sultan’s revenue in 1433 at +2,500,000 ducats. Chalcocondyles, 171, overestimated it at 8,000,000 +ducats about the year 1465. Alvise Sagudino (quoted in Schéfer’s edition +of Spandugino, p. lv) reckoned it in 1496 at 3,300,000 ducats; Andrea +Gritti, father of Alvise, made it 5,000,000 in 1503 (_ibid._ lviii); +Spandugino’s estimate, under Bayezid, was 3,600,000 (_ibid._ 132). +Mocenigo, 54, set Selim I’s income at 3,130,000, besides 800,000 from +the Persian conquests, all spent in Persia. Minio (1522), 71, estimated +the revenue as 3,000,000. Zeno (1524), 95, called it 4,500,000, and the +expenses 3,000,000. Bragadin (1526), 106, says that the treasury had an +income of 12,000,000, of which the sultan took 4,500,000 (the larger +amount would no doubt include the feudal income). Minio (1527), 115, +states the income as 7,000,000. Zeno (1530), 121, gives 6,000,000 or +more for the income, 4,000,000 for the expenses. Giovio (_Commentaries_, +73) sets the revenue at 6,000,000, and the expenses at 4,000,000 or +5,000,000. Postel, iii. 68, gives 4,000,000 on Alvise Gritti’s authority, +though he apportions it differently from Junis Bey. D’Ohsson, vii. 258, +says that Suleiman’s revenues rose to 26,000,000 piasters. At 40 aspers +to the piaster and 50 aspers to the ducat, this gives about 20,000,000 +ducats, which is far too much. + +[604] Navagero (1553), 37-39, estimates 7,166,000 ducats; Trevisano +(1554), 149-150, says 8,196,000 ducats. Navagero seems to overestimate +the mines (1,500,000 ducats) and the duties (1,200,000); Trevisano’s +estimate of 2,000,000 from the animal tax seems unwarranted. Erizzo +(1557), 130, claims to give an authentic statement of the sultan’s income +and expenditure; the former he sets at 4,600,000 ducats and the latter +at 3,600,000. A. Barbarigo (1558), 150, gives 7,740,000 ducats as income +and 4,100,000 as expenditure. Donini, 190, says that after great efforts +he knows most certainly that the income of the treasury for 1561 was +216,519,826 aspers, or 4,330,396 ducats and 26 soldi, and the expenditure +206,581,957 aspers, or 4,131,639 ducats and 7 soldi. He states that this +income is less by 400,000 ducats than usual, because of the prohibition +of wine. Erizzo does not include the tax on mines and salt works, and +the income from Mesopotamia and the domain lands, in his list of sources +of revenue; and Donini does not specify the sources. Bernardo, 347, says +that the income in his time of service (1584-87) was 9,000,000 ducats, +and that by 1592 it was 10,000,000. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 982) estimates +the sultan’s ordinary revenues about 1603 as 8,000,000. This does not, +however, include confiscations, fines, tribute, customs, booty, etc., +which Knolles (p. 983) believed to exceed the ordinary revenue. Hammer, +_Staatsverwaltung_, 170, gives official figures for a hundred years +later (1660): the income of the treasury then was 600,000,000 aspers, +or 11,000,000 to 12,000,000 ducats at sixteenth-century valuations; +capitation was nearly 2,000,000, land tax about as much, mines 1,000,000, +etc. + +[605] The extensive notes given above show clearly that from 1433 to 1660 +there was a progressive increase in the sultan’s income, as measured +in aspers or ducats. Brosch (in _Cambridge Modern History_, iii. 130) +accuses Suleiman of raising by taxation double the amount exacted by +Mohammed II, and thus bringing undue pressure to bear. This statement +fails to take account of the fact that Suleiman’s empire was about double +that of Mohammed II’s in area, population, and wealth. Also it seems to +have been the case that the value of gold and silver fell greatly after +the discovery of the American mines (Day, 135). If these effects were +felt promptly in the Levant, Suleiman’s income in the last years of +his life may have had little more purchasing power than Mohammed II’s. +Distributed over a wider area, the pressure of taxation in his time may +easily have been lighter than it was three generations before. + +[606] Postel, iii. 67, says that it does not include the _timars_. He +says (iii. 168) that some call the total revenue 12,000,000 ducats, in +which they must include the income of the fief-holders. Bragadin, 106, +says that the income is 12,000,000. Ramberti (below, p. 261) estimates it +at 15,000,000, of which 5,000,000 goes into the treasury and 10,000,000 +remains for the “servants of war.” + +[607] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 472; and see above, p. 144 and note 2. + +[608] Accounts are given in D’Ohsson, vii. 159-172, and in Hammer, +_Staatsverwaltung_, 101-137. References to the _Nishanji_ are found in +Spandugino, 99; Menavino, 168; Ramberti, below, p. 248; Ludovisi, 14; +Navagero, 94; Trevisano, 118; Garzoni, 430; Junis Bey (below, p. 266) and +Postel, iii. 63, speak of a _Teskereji-bashi_, giving a description which +applies exactly to the _Nishanji_ as represented by contemporaries. Since +the word means merely “chief of document-writers,” it refers without +doubt to the _Nishanji_. + +[609] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 133. + +[610] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 54. + +[611] Postel, iii. 63. See also Ramberti, below, p. 248. + +[612] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 229, iii. 796. The first _Reis Effendi_ +whose name is known was Haider Effendi, executed in 1525 on the charge of +promoting an uprising of the Janissaries. The office is mentioned in the +_Kanun-nameh_ of Mohammed II (Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 90). + +[613] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 126 ff.; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, +_passim_. + +[614] Ricaut, 57. + +[615] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 90. + +[616] Trevisano (1554), 118. Morosini (1585), 266, says that the +employees of the chancery were then native Turks. + +[617] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 35. + +[618] Cahun, _Introduction_, 82, speaking of Turks of the steppe lands: +“Dès qu’ils descendaient de cheval, c’étaient des barbares bureaucrates +et paperassiers.” + +[619] Spandugino, 185. + +[620] The Divan, as it was about 1800, is described in D’Ohsson, vii. +211-232; and in Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 412-436. Contemporary +references are Menavino, 169; Postel, i. 122; Navagero, 93; Trevisano, +117; Garzoni, 430. Zinkeisen, iii. 117-125, has pictured the Divan in the +sixteenth century. + +[621] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 489. This is the first of the reasons +given by Kochi Bey for the decline of the empire after Suleiman. + +[622] Postel, i. 123; Trevisano, 119; Garzoni, 431. D. Barbarigo, +32, gives an instance in which Suleiman made use of this means of +information, and in consequence ordered the execution of the grand vizier +Achmet. + +[623] Hammer (_Staatsverwaltung_, 412-436) gives them with great +exactness. + +[624] In the time of Mohammed II a procession was formed by the members +of the Divan, the men of the lowest rank in front, and the grand vizier +last. On reaching the door of the hall, the lesser officials stopped and +separated into two lines, between which the grand vizier advanced. The +greater officials followed, so that the hall was entered in the order of +rank. See Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 225. + +[625] From the _Kanun_ of Mohammed II: Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, +89. Aali (used by Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 225) gives a different +arrangement, which can hardly have been correct. + +[626] Postel, i. 123. + +[627] Garzoni, 431. + +[628] Postel, i. 123. + +[629] Garzoni, 431. + +[630] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 89; Trevisano, 118-119. + +[631] Navagero, 98; D. Barbarigo, 26. See also above, p. 164 and note 3. + +[632] Postel, i. 123. + +[633] Trevisano, 120. See above, p. 164. + +[634] Zinkeisen, iii. 125; Tiepolo, 164. + +[635] Heidborn, 141: “Le divan était à la fois une sorte de Conseil +d’État, où se discutaient les affaires politiques importantes, et une +Cour suprême autorisée à évoquer tout litige devant elle et à connaître +notamment des procès entre Ottomans et étrangers qui dépassaient la +valeur de 3000 aspres.” + +[636] Although this and other features of the Moslem Institution will +be spoken of throughout this chapter in the past tense, much that is +mentioned remains in existence in Turkey at the present time. The _vakfs_ +are discussed at length in D’Ohsson, ii. 437-567; and more briefly in +Belin, _La Propriété Foncière_, 74-104. Heidborn, 306 ff., gives a +well-analyzed account; and on p. 306, note 245, he mentions additional +authorities. + +[637] Ricaut, 213. + +[638] D’Ohsson, ii. 540. + +[639] Ricaut, 217. D’Ohsson, ii. 532, expresses a different opinion. + +[640] Interest was allowable on the funds belonging to mosques, though +otherwise forbidden: Ricaut, 218; D’Ohsson, ii. 550. + +[641] See below, p. 234, note 1. + +[642] Ramberti, below, p. 243; Ricaut, 215. + +[643] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 237. + +[644] Ricaut, 215. In D’Ohsson’s time (ii. 538) it was estimated at +1,000,000 aspers. Nicolay, 68, says that it had been 300,000 ducats +before the conquest. + +[645] Morosini, 267; Zane, 406; Heidborn, 309. + +[646] Mohammed II fixed these fees: for example, 7 aspers for sealing a +document, 12 for a signature, 32 for the marriage contract of a virgin, +15 for that of a widow, etc. See Hammer, _Staatsverfassung,_ 100. + +[647] D’Ohsson, iv. 599. + +[648] The _Ulema_ and other members of the Moslem Institution are +described in D’Ohsson, iv. 482-686. Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 372-412, +gives a summary of D’Ohsson’s treatment. Heidborn, 208-210, describes the +educational system summarily. + +[649] The ten studies were grammar, syntax, logic, metaphysics, +philology, tropics, stylistics, rhetoric, geometry, and astronomy: +Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 238. + +[650] Among these studies were advanced rhetoric and metaphysics, +dogmatics, civil law, exegesis, jurisprudence, oral tradition, and +written documents (Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 239). All schools above the +_mektebs_ came under the name _medresseh_. Heidborn distinguishes eight +classes to which Suleiman added four colleges of yet higher degree. His +implication (p. 210, note 5) that the student who aimed at the highest +judgeships must study through eight or more _medressehs_, and then teach +through a like series, can hardly be correct, since the ordinary human +life would be too short for such a double round. Probably the steps of +progress were not so precisely regulated or so numerous. + +[651] D’Ohsson, ii. 464. + +[652] Hammer (_Geschichte_, ix. 145-163) found 275 in Constantinople +alone, of which 50 had been founded before the death of Suleiman. + +[653] Chalcocondyles, 53; Ramberti, below, p. 244; Junis Bey, below, p. +265; etc. + +[654] D’Ohsson, ii. 477; Heidborn, 213. + +[655] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 236: “The priesthood proper ... is +perhaps in no other state of less influence, but the teaching body is +in no other kingdom (except China) of greater weight and political +importance.” + +[656] Ricaut, 211. + +[657] Spandugino, 219; Menavino, 72 ff.; Nicolay, 121. Ricaut, 261 ff., +knew eight or ten orders, which he describes at some length. + +[658] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 154, ii. 357, iii. 67; Postel, i. 112. + +[659] Heidborn, 269-274. + +[660] Ricaut, 201. + +[661] In Ricaut’s time (p. 204) one of the _Kaziaskers_ was regularly +chosen for this position. + +[662] D’Ohsson, iv. 500. Heidborn, 215, says that the title _Sheik +ul-Islam_ was first bestowed by Murad II upon the _mufti_ of Adrianople, +who was removed to Constantinople by Mohammed II after the capture; that +Mohammed assigned the title _Reis ul-ulema_, or chief of the _Ulema_, to +this officer, but that he reached great dignity only under Suleiman. + +[663] Spandugino, 113. + +[664] Postel, i. 118. + +[665] Spandugino, 112. + +[666] La Broquière, 181; Ramberti, below, p. 247; Geuffroy, 241; +Trevisano, 122; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 116; Bernardo, 364. + +[667] Heidborn, 216. + +[668] Ricaut, 200-202. + +[669] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 401. + +[670] _Ibid._ 536 ff.; Heidborn, 215, note 16. + +[671] D’Ohsson, v. 104 ff. + +[672] See Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 278 ff.; and Appendix III below. +Heidborn, 215, contributes further details as to the great _Mufti’s_ +advance in the _cursus honorum_ of the Moslem Institution. He shows that +he began his legal studies at 27 years of age, continued them until his +45th year, was made _Kazi_ of Brusa, then of Constantinople, and in his +50th year (944 A.H.) _Mufti_. The last statement seems to be erroneous; +for Hammer (as above) says that he became _Mufti_ in 952 (1545 A. D.), +after eight years’ service as _Kaziasker_. Probably, then, he was made +_Kaziasker_ in 944 and _Mufti_ in 952. After thirty years in that eminent +position, he died in 982 (1574). + +[673] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 116-117. + +[674] Ricaut, 202. + +[675] This description, based on D’Ohsson’s account, may represent +at some points a development later than the time of Suleiman. No +sixteenth-century writer seems to have gone into the organization of the +system in detail. Heidborn, 220 ff., treats with fulness the past and +present judicial system of the Ottoman Empire. + +[676] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 380. + +[677] Postel, i. 117. + +[678] The _Subashis_ in particular were closely connected with the +administration of justice. Postel, i. 120, says loosely that _Pasha_, +_Kazi_, and _Subashi_ all mean the same thing. Chesneau, 47, says that +the sultan had two judges in every city, a _Kazi_ for civil cases and +a _Subashi_ for criminal cases. This is certainly incorrect, for the +Sacred Law provided for many criminal cases, while _Kanuns_ dealt with +many civil cases. The _Sanjak Beys_ and _Beylerbeys_ held Divans, or +councils, resembling on a lesser scale the sultan’s Divan (Heidborn, +143, note 17); following the analogy of the _Kaziaskers_, the _Kazi_ of +the city in which each such officer resided would sit in his Divan and +decide the cases that came up touching the Sacred Law, and would also +hold independent court at other times. In cities of lesser importance, +the _Kazis_ appear to have been the heads of the restricted municipal +governments (_ibid._, note 16). + +[679] A scheme of the higher offices in the judicial system in the early +nineteenth century is given in Hammer’s _Geschichte_, ix. 1-10. + +[680] _Kazi_ is the Turkish pronunciation of the Arabic word _kadi_, +judge; _Molla_ is the Turkish form of the Arabic word _maulā_, lord. + +[681] Junis Bey (below, p. 265) and Postel, i. 119, state that the +_Kaziaskers_ nominated all _Kazis_. Junis Bey says: “Two _Cadilescher_ +talismans, one of Greece and the other of Natolia or Asia, and they each +have revenues of 6 or 7 thousand ducats a year: who are executors of +their law ... it is they who appoint the Kadis or podestas of all the +lands of the Seigneur.” Ramberti (below, p. 247) and Nicolay, 119, say +that the consent of the pashas was necessary also. + +[682] Ricaut, 205. + +[683] Hammer (as above, p. 216, note 4) gives a list of 39 judges of rank +above the _Kazis_ proper, and 243 _Kazis_ of Rumelia, 280 of Anatolia, +and 34 of Egypt. The total is thus 557 _Kazis_ proper, and 596 judges in +all. In the subsequent list of 247 positions in Rumelia as rearranged +under Mahmûd II, five places in the Crimea are mentioned as seats of +_Kazis in partibus_, but neither list appears to mention any in North +Africa. + +[684] Spandugino, 188; Postel, i. 127. + +[685] Spandugino, 213; D’Ohsson, vi. 333. + +[686] Postel, i. 126. This officer is called by Postel _Mortasi_. + +[687] Menavino, 66; Spandugino, 211. + +[688] Postel, i. 120, 124; Nicolay, 119. There was no regular +organization of the procedure of appeal; nevertheless it was allowed +(Heidborn, 389). + +[689] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 100. See above, p. 203, note 1. + +[690] See above, p. 116. + +[691] Spandugino, 211. + +[692] _Ibid._ + +[693] The Arabic words _kadi al asker_ signify judge of the army. In the +sixteenth century the pronunciation seems to have been _kadi l’esker_; +nowadays it is _kazi asker_. The burdensome duty of holding court +continually is mentioned in Spandugino, 96; D’Ohsson, iv. 581. + +[694] Postel, i. 123. Heidborn, 141-143, note 15, quotes from Ypsilanti +an interesting description of a session of the grand vizier’s court. + +[695] Postel, i. 127, iii. 8. + +[696] _Ibid._ iii. 9. + +[697] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 11. + +[698] _Ibid._ 61. + +[699] Ricaut, 3. + +[700] Garzoni, 430. See also Morosini, 273. + +[701] Postel, i. 124. Matters were distinctly worse in Ricaut’s time (pp. +140-141). + +[702] Spandugino, 114. + +[703] It has been suggested (Morosini, 273) that the promptness of +justice had a connection with the early military character of the Moslems. + +[704] Spandugino, 211, 255. + +[705] Postel, i. 127, iii. 87. + +[706] _Ibid._ i. 117. + +[707] _Ibid._ + +[708] The use of cannon is perhaps the most conspicuous example. + +[709] Halil Ganem, i. 201. + +[710] Spandugino, 207: “And the Turkish lords generally, as well great as +small, study only to build churches and hospitals and to enrich and make +hostelries for lodging travelers, to improve the roads, to build bridges, +to construct baths, and several other charitable works which they do in +such a way that I suppose the Turkish lords are beyond comparison greater +alms-givers than our Christian lords; and in proportion as they have good +zeal, they use great hospitality. They voluntarily lodge Christian, Turk, +and Jew alike.” See also Morosini, 270. + +[711] He built seven mosques (Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 456), four +colleges at Mecca (_ibid._ 459), four colleges around the Suleimanieh +Mosque (_ibid._ 470), and endowed them all, etc. + +[712] See above, p. 150. + +[713] Ramberti came overland from Ragusa on his journey from Venice to +Constantinople. + +[714] The writer seems not to have observed that these groves were +cemeteries. + +[715] The writer evidently did not know that this Egyptian obelisk +consists of a single stone. It actually rests on four bronze cubes. + +[716] This was the support of the tripod of the priestess at Delphi. +The heads have been broken off, and are now in the treasury of the Old +Seraglio at Constantinople. + +[717] This was overthrown at the downfall of Ibrahim in 1536. + +[718] This remarkable statement is probably the source of Nicolay’s +similar idea (p. 77). The Danube is more than two hundred miles distant +from Constantinople. + +[719] Rather, of the Sea of Marmora. + +[720] _Marrani_: Jews and Moors of Spain, baptized, but remaining true to +their own religion. + +[721] This statement and the following one are certainly exaggerations. + +[722] Either the writer’s geographical knowledge or the text is in +confusion. The description here, as well as that which follows, cannot be +made to fit the map. + +[723] The boundary between Europe and Asia is now, of course, placed far +to the east of the Don. + +[724] Compare Junis Bey, below, pp. 272, 273. + +[725] Michaloghli. + +[726] More accurately, Othman, beginning in 1299, ruled 27 years; Orchan, +33 years; Murad I, 30 years; Bayezid I, 13 years; Mohammed I (_Chelebi_) +in undisputed rule 8 years, after 11 years of civil war; Murad II, 30 +years; Mohammed II, 30 years; Bayezid II, 31 years; Selim, 8 years, until +his death in 1520, when Suleiman came to the throne. + +[727] Celeby and Calepino are forms of _Chelebi_, the Gentleman, which +was an appellation of Mohammed I; these three names, therefore, refer to +the same person. + +[728] At this point the writer begins to follow the pamphlet of Junis Bey. + +[729] Seraglio Point is thrust out into the Bosphorus just before it +meets the Sea of Marmora. + +[730] The land on which Mohammed’s palace was built had belonged to the +church of St. Sophia under the Byzantine Empire. See above, p. 202. + +[731] Junis Bey speaks of eight youths, but names six, as below. + +[732] After Junis Bey. The word here is “_Chiuchter_.” + +[733] There were two treasurers of the household, bearing the same name. +One labored within the palace, and one without. See above, p. 127. + +[734] There is confusion here. The _Kapu Aghasi_ and the _Seraidar-bashi_ +were the same person. The chief of the gate is rightly called the +_Kapuji-bashi_. Junis Bey shows similar confusion (below, p. 263). See +above, p. 126; and Redhouse, 1435. + +[735] “_Talismani._” See above, p. 205. + +[736] “_Capoglano._” The derivation is faulty; the literal meaning is +“gate-youth.” + +[737] “_Gianizzerotti._” Junis Bey, below, p. 263, speaks of 400 +gardeners, which is probably more nearly correct. + +[738] “_Protogero._” _Kiaya_, or by transliteration _Ketkhuda_, is the +Turkish word. See above, p. 96, note 4. + +[739] This should read “the _Bostanji-bashi_”: Junis Bey, 263. + +[740] The chief taster. + +[741] Junis Bey, 264, says five to six aspers each. + +[742] Intendant or steward of the kitchen. + +[743] The word translated “feudal income,” or “feudal grant,” is +“_timar_.” See above, p. 100 ff. + +[744] This sentence was evidently inserted after the previous part of the +paragraph had been written. See below, p. 255. + +[745] “_Centola._” + +[746] This remark seems to contain a comparison between the relation of +the pope to the Roman emperor and that of the _Mufti_ to the sultan. Such +a comparison would, however, be inexact. See above, p. 209. + +[747] “_Cavalleria._” Junis Bey, below, p. 265, calls them _cursori_. + +[748] Junis Bey, 266, says 15 to 20 slaves each. + +[749] “_Spezzate._” + +[750] That the other _Chaushes_ were slaves not of the _Chaush-bashi_, +but of the sultan, is shown by the amount of their pay. See Junis Bey’s +testimony below, p. 265. + +[751] Junis Bey, below, p. 266, says that the _Kiaya_ of the Janissaries +has 300 ducats of feudal grant per year, which would equal about 15,000 +aspers. + +[752] “_Giannizzeriasis._” + +[753] “_Livreri._” + +[754] “_Bracchi._” + +[755] “_Assareri._” + +[756] This Slavonic word seems to be used here simply in the sense of +“army officers.” + +[757] “_Immensi._” + +[758] This is an error. Probably the number intended is three hundred. +Junis Bey, below, p. 267, gives two hundred and fifty. + +[759] Only two officers should be named here. The lieutenant +(_Protogero_) and the _Kiaya_ were the same. Junis Bey gives this +correctly. + +[760] Under each _Agha_, or chief officer. + +[761] The _Kiaya_ and the lieutenant are the same. + +[762] This derivation is from a secondary meaning; the primary meaning is +“foreign youth.” See above, pp. 98, 99, note 1. + +[763] “_Bracor-bashi._” + +[764] This should read “_Kiaya_ and secretary.” + +[765] “_Brene._” + +[766] This is the common report in Western writers as regards the +_Peiks_. See Menavino, 155; Nicolay, 100. + +[767] _Kiayas_ and secretaries. + +[768] This refers to those whom Junis Bey, below, p. 268, calls +_Zainogiler_, a body of lancers, who are here erroneously classed with +the falconers. Junis Bey’s figures are 20,000 in all, 1000 receiving pay +in money. Are they the Voinaks (above, p. 131)? + +[769] Junis Bey, “_cursor_,” a messenger or porter. + +[770] Literally, “intendant of the town.” + +[771] Junis Bey says 57. + +[772] Usually called by Western writers “Dragoman.” + +[773] This was the “Old Palace” of Mohammed the Conqueror, and stood +where the _Seraskierat_, or War Office now stands. + +[774] Suleiman is said to have been faithful to Roxelana after he had +made her his wife. See above, p. 56. + +[775] This should read “per day.” Junis Bey, below, p. 269. + +[776] This should read 100,000: _ibid._ + +[777] Junis Bey, below, p. 270, says 200,000 per year. + +[778] At the meetings of the Divan. + +[779] This should read fifty each: Junis Bey, below, p. 271. + +[780] “_Che fanno fattione._” + +[781] This should read “ten thousand”: Junis Bey, below, p. 272. + +[782] Of the Turkish possessions in Asia. + +[783] “_Maldac._” + +[784] “_Esdum._” Junis Bey, below, p. 272, has “_exdrun_.” + +[785] More correctly, _Irak Ajam_, north-central Persia. + +[786] Junis Bey, 273, counts these as two, and the whole number as +thirty-six. + +[787] Herzegovina. + +[788] “_Cangri._” + +[789] “_Hallayce_” or “_Allaye_.” + +[790] The ancient Magnesia. + +[791] The plain of Albistan. + +[792] “_Alziden._” + +[793] Evidently the writer intended to fill these in, but failed to +secure the names. + +[794] This amounts to about four million ducats a year. + +[795] The reference is, of course, to the feudal _Spahis_ and their +officers, who then received according to this estimate two-thirds of the +revenues of the empire. + +[796] At this point the smaller type begins. See below, p. 315. + +[797] The object of this appendix is to set forth in outline the features +of the Mogul government, in order to suggest comparison with that of the +Ottoman Empire. Completeness neither of research nor of exposition has +been attempted. A list of the authorities consulted, most of which are +secondary, will be found at the end of the appendix. + +[798] Lavisse and Rambaud, _Histoire Générale_, vi. 879. + +[799] Leopold Ranke, _The Ottoman and the Spanish Empires_, Preface, 1. + +[800] The report at this page, though ascribed to Jacopo Soranzo, 1581, +and so referred to in the foregoing footnotes, was really written in 1582 +by some one in his suite. + + + + +GLOSSARY OF TURKISH WORDS + +The pronunciation of the words defined should be approximately phonetic, +the vowels by the continental system, the consonants as usually in +English. Forms not defined are variant Western spellings. Gh is silent +except at the beginning of a word. Plurals of nouns originally Turkish +are formed by affixing -ler or -lar. The plurals in -s used in the +foregoing pages are Anglicized. + + + Achiar, or Aconiziae, _see_ Akinji. + + Adet, established custom, 152, 161. + + Agha, a general officer. + + Aghiar, _see_ Akinji. + + Agiamoglani, _see_ Ajem-oghlan. + + Ajem-oghlan (untrained youth), a cadet or apprentice Janissary, 79 ff. + + Akinji, the irregular cavalry, 105. + + Alai Bey, a colonel of the feudal cavalry, 103. + + Alcangi, Akanzi, or Alengi, _see_ Akinji. + + Allophase, _see_ Ulufagi. + + Ameji, a receiver of petitions, etc., 183. + + Aquangi, _see_ Akinji. + + Arpa-emini, intendant of forage, 132. + + Ashji-bashi, a chief cook, 245. + + Azab, the irregular infantry, 105. + + + Bailo (Italian), a Venetian minister resident at Constantinople. + + Bairam, the name of two great Moslem festivals, 136. + + Balucasi, _see_ Boluk-bashi. + + Bascia, _see_ Pasha. + + Bash, a head, a chief. + + Bassa, _see_ Pasha. + + Berat, an ordinance, or document conferring a dignity or privilege. + + Berat-emini, a distributor of ordinances, 253. + + Beylerbey (lord of lords), a general of feudal cavalry and governor + of a province or group of provinces, 103. + + Beylikji, a director of the three chancery bureaus, 183. + + Beylik Kalemi, a bureau of the Chancery, 183. + + Bezestan, a market house in Constantinople, built by Mohammed II. + + Bin(m)bashi (chief of a thousand), a colonel. + + Boluk-bashi, a captain of the Janissaries, 249. + + Bostanji, a gardener. + + Bostanji-bashi, the head gardener of the Sultan’s palace—a high + official, 130. + + + Cacaia, _see_ Kiaya. + + Cadilescher, _see_ Kaziasker. + + Cahaia, or Caia, _see_ Kiaya. + + Calvalgibassi, _see_ Helvaji-bashi. + + Capagasi, _see_ Kapu-aghasi. + + Capiagabasi, _see_ Kapuji-bashi. + + Capi (oglan), _see_ Ghureba (oghlan). + + Caragi, _see_ Kharâji. + + Caripicus, _see_ Ghureba. + + Caripp (oglan), _see_ Ghureba (oghlan). + + Caripy, _see_ Ghureba. + + Carmandari (Italianized), muleteers, 251. + + Carzeri, _see_ Kharâji. + + Casnandarbasi, _see_ Khazinehdar-bashi. + + Cavriliji (Italianized), a herdsman, 251. + + Ceyssi, _see_ Seis. + + Chakirji, a vulturer, 252. + + Chasnejir, a taster, 245. + + Chasnejir-bashi, a chief taster, 245. + + Chaush, an usher, 130. + + Chaush-bashi, chief of the Chaushes—a high official, 183. + + Checaya, or Chechessi, _see_ Kiaya. + + Chelebi, a gentleman. + + Cheri-bashi (chief of soldiery), a petty officer of feudal cavalry. + + Chiccaia, or Chietcudasci, _see_ Kiaya. + + Chokadar, a page of high rank, 127. + + Ciarcagi, _see_ Ghureba. + + Ciaus, _see_ Chaush. + + Cogia, _see_ Hoja. + + Coureyschs, _see_ Koreish. + + + Danishmend, a master of arts, 205. + + Dar ul-harb, home or land of war, 29. + + Dar ul-Islam, home or land of Islam, 64. + + Defterdar, a treasurer, 167 ff., 174. + + Defter-emini (intendant of account-books), a recorder of fiefs, 172. + + Deli, crazy (appellation of a scout or a captain of the Akinji). + + Dervish, a member of a Moslem religious order, 207. + + Deveji, a camel-driver, 251. + + Devshurmeh, a gathering or collecting (of the tribute boys), 51. + + Divan, the Ottoman council of state, 187 ff.; a council of a great officer, + 216, note 3. + + Dulbend, or Dulipante (Italianized), a turban. + + + Emin (plural Umena), an intendant, 132. + + Emir, a descendant of the prophet Mohammed, 206 ff.; a commander, a + governor. + + Emir-al-Akhor, a grand equerry, 131. + + Ersi kharâjiyeh, tribute lands, 31. + + Ersi memleket, state lands, 31. + + Ersi ’ushriyeh, tithe lands, 31. + + Eski, old. + + + Fetva, a response from a Mufti, 208, 223. + + Fetva-khaneh, the drafting bureau of the Sheik ul-Islam, 208. + + Fikh, the practical regulations of the Sacred Law, 153. + + Firman, an administrative ordinance, 157. + + + Gachaia, _see_ Kiaya. + + Gharib (oglan), _see_ Ghureba (oghlan). + + Ghureba (foreigner), a member of the lowest corps of the standing + cavalry, 98 and note 5. + + Gonnullu, a volunteer soldier or sailor, 102. + + Gul-behar, rose of spring (a feminine proper name), 57 note 3. + + + Hebegibassi, _see_ Jebeji-bashi. + + Hekim-bashi, a chief physician, 129. + + Helvaji-bashi, a chief confectioner, 245. + + Hoja, a teacher; the Sultan’s adviser, 128. + + Holofagi, _see_ Ulufagi. + + Humayun, imperial. + + + Iaching, _see_ Akinji. + + Ianicerotti (Italianized), the Ajem-oghlans. + + Iaxagi, _see_ Yaziji. + + Ikinji Kapu-oghlan, a white eunuch in charge of the second gate of + the place, 128. + + Imâm, the Caliph or lawful successor of Mohammed, 28, 150, 235; a leader + of daily prayers, 206. + + Imbrahor, Imbroor, Imrakhor, or Imror, _see_ Emir-al-Akhor. + + Iskemleji, a page of high rank, 244. + + Itch-oghlan (inside youth), a page in one of the Sultan’s palaces, 73 + ff. + + + Jebeji-bashi, a chief armorer, 252. + + Jerrah-bashi, a chief surgeon, 129. + + Jizyeh, a poll or capitation tax on non-Moslems, 175. + + + Kadi, _see_ Kazi. + + Kadi al asker, or Kadi l’esker, _see_ Kaziasker. + + Kaim, a caretaker of a mosque, 206. + + Kalem, a bureau of the Treasury, 168 ff. + + Kanun, an imperial decree, 152, 158. + + Kanuni, legislator, 27. + + Kanun-nameh, a book or collection of laws, 158 ff. + + Kapu Aghasi (general of the gate), the white eunuch in charge of the + principal palace, 126. + + Kapudan Pasha, an admiral, 189. + + Kapuji, a gatekeeper, 130. + + Kapuji-bashi, a head gatekeeper, 126. + + Kapujilar-kiayasi, a grand chamberlain, 190. + + Kazi, a judge, 215 ff. + + Kaziasker (judge of the army), one of the two chief judges of the + Ottoman Empire, 220 ff. + + Ketkhuda, _see_ Kiaya. + + Kharâj, a tax or tribute in money or kind on lands belonging to + non-Moslems, 175. + + Kharâji, a non-Moslem who pays the kharâj, 41. + + Khass Oda (private chamber), the highest chamber of pages, 75, 126. + + Khass, a very large fief, 100. + + Khatib, a leader of Friday prayers, 206. + + Khazinehdar-bashi, a treasurer-in-chief, 127. + + Khazineh-odassi (chamber of the treasury), the second chamber of + pages, 127. + + Khojagan, a chief of a treasury bureau, 168. + + Khurrem, happy, joyful (a feminine proper name), 57. + + Kiaya (common form of ketkhuda), a steward or lieutenant, 96 note 4, + 125. + + Kiaya-bey, the lieutenant of the grand vizier, 182 ff. + + Kiaya Katibi, a private secretary of the Kiaya-bey, 184. + + Kilerji-bashi, a chief of the sultan’s pantry, 127. + + Kiler-odassi (chamber of the pantry), the third chamber of pages, 127. + + Kizlar Aghasi (general of the girls), the black eunuch in charge of + the palace of the harem, 125. + + Koreish, the Arabian tribe of which Mohammed the prophet was a + member, 150, 235. + + Kul, a slave; one of the sultan’s slave-family, 47 ff. + + + Masraf-shehriyari (imperial steward), substitute for the intendant of + kitchen, 132. + + Mawuna, or Maone (Italianized), a sailing vessel. + + Mecter, _see_ Mihter. + + Medresseh, a secondary school or college, 203 ff. + + Mekteb, a school, 203. + + Mektubji, a private secretary of the grand vizier, 184. + + Mihter, a tent-pitcher; a musician. + + Mihter-bashi, the chief tent-pitcher, 132. + + Mir Alem, the imperial standard bearer, 131, 206. + + Miri-akhor, _see_ Emir-al-Akhor. + + Molla, a judge of high rank, 217. + + Mosellem, a fief holder by ancient tenure, 105. + + Muderis, a professor in a Medresseh, 205. + + Muezzin, one who calls Moslems to prayer, 206. + + Mufettish, a special judge dealing with endowments, 201, 218. + + Mufti, a Moslem legal authority; in particular, the Sheik ul-Islam, 207 + ff. + + Muhtesib, a lieutenant of police, 219. + + Mujtahid, a doctor of the Sacred Law. + + Mulâzim (candidate), a graduate of the higher Medressehs, 205. + + Mulk, land held in fee-simple, 31. + + Munejim-bashi, a chief astrologer, 129. + + Muste emin, a resident foreigner, 34. + + Mutbakh-emini, intendant of the kitchen, 132. + + Muteferrika, the Noble Guard, 129. + + Muteveli, an administrator of an endowment, 201. + + + Naib, an inferior judge, 218. + + Nakib ol-Eshraf, the chief of the Seids or descendants of the prophet + Mohammed, 206. + + Nazir, an inspector of an endowment, 201. + + Nishanji, a chancellor, 182 ff. + + Nizam al-mulk, basis of the order of the kingdom (title of a vizier + of Melek Shah), 306. + + + Oda (a room), a chamber of the pages or of the harem recruits; a + company of the Janissaries. + + Oda-bashi (head of chamber), the page of highest rank, 244; a + corporal of the Janissaries, 249. + + Oghlan, a youth. + + Okumak-yerleri (reading-places), primary schools, 203. + + Orta, a company of the Janissaries. (_See also_ Oda.) + + Ouloufedgis, _see_ Ulufaji. + + + Papuji, a page of high rank, 244. + + Pasha, a very high official. + + Peik, a member of the body-guard of halbardiers, 130. + + Podesta (Italian), a municipal judge. + + + Quaia, or Queaya, _see_ Kiaya. + + + Ramazan, the Moslem month of fasting. + + Rayah, non-Moslem Ottoman subjects, 159. + + Reis Effendi, or Reis ul-Khuttab, a recording secretary, 174; a + recording secretary of the Divan, later an important minister + of state, 182 ff. + + Reis ul-Ulema (head of the Ulema), an early title of the Sheik + ul-Islam, 208 note 3. + + Rekiab-Aghalari (generals of the stirrup), a group of high officers + of the outside service of the palace, 131. + + Rusnamehji, a chief book-keeper of the Treasury, 168. + + Ruus Kalemi, a bureau of the Chancery, 183. + + + Sakka, a water-carrier. + + Sanjak, a flag or standard, a district. + + Sanjak Bey, a high officer of feudal cavalry and governor of a + Sanjak, 103. + + Saremin, _see_ Shehr-emini. + + Sarraf, a banker. + + Schēni, _see_ Iskemleji. + + Seferli-odassi (chamber of campaign), the fourth chamber of pages, + 128 note 1. + + Segban-bashi (master of the hounds), the second officer of the corps + of Janissaries, 96, 132 note 3. + + Seid, a descendant of the prophet Mohammed, 206. + + Seis, a groom, 251. + + Selicter, _see_ Silihdar. + + Seracter, _see_ Sharabdar. + + Serai, a palace. + + Seraskier, a commander-in-chief. + + Serraj, saddlers, 251. + + Seymen-bashi, a popular form of Segban-bashi, _q. v._ + + Shahinji, a falconer, 252. + + Sharabdar (drink-bearer), a page of high rank, 127. + + Shehr-emini, intendant of imperial buildings, 132. + + Sheik, a preacher; a head of a religious community, 206. + + Sheik ul-Islam, the Mufti of Constantinople and head of the Moslem + Institution, 208 ff. + + Sheri (or Sheriat), the Moslem Sacred Law, 152 ff. + + Sherif, a descendant of the prophet Mohammed, 206. + + Silihdar (sword-bearer), a member of the second corps of standing + cavalry, 98 and note 5; the page who carried the sultan’s + arms, 127. + + Sillictar, _see_ Silihdar. + + Sipah, or Sipahi, _see_ Spahi. + + Sofi, woolen; a dervish (an appellation of the Shah of Persia). + + Softa, an undergraduate in a Medresseh, 205. + + Solak (left-handed), a janissary bowman of the sultan’s personal + guard, 129. + + Spachi, _see_ Spahi. + + Spacoillain, _see_ Spahi-oghlan. + + Spahi, a cavalry soldier; a member of the standing or feudal cavalry, + 47, 98 ff., 100 ff. + + Spahi-oghlan (cavalry youth), a member of the highest corps of the + standing cavalry, 98 and note 5. + + Spai, _see_ Spahi. + + Subashi, a captain of the feudal cavalry and governor of a town, 103. + + Sukhta (inflamed), _see_ Softa. + + Sulastrus, _see_ Silihdar. + + Sultana, a princess or queen mother, 125; (the true Turkish form uses + a proper name or the word Valideh, followed by Sultan). + + Suluphtar, _see_ Silihdar. + + + Tahvil Kalemi, a bureau of the Chancery, 183. + + Talisman, _see_ Danishmend. + + Tapu, a tenant’s lease or title deed, 31. + + Terjuman, an interpreter (dragoman). + + Terjuman Divani Humayun, a chief interpreter of the sultan, 183. + + Teshrifat, ceremony, 134. + + Teshrifatji, a master of ceremonies, 184. + + Teskereh, a document. + + Teskereji, a master of petitions, 184. + + Teskereji-bashi (chief of document-writers), the Nishanji, 184, 185. + + Timar, a fief of small income, 100; feudal income. + + Timarji, the holder of a Timar. + + Tughra, the sultan’s monogram, 185. + + + Ulema (plural of âlim, a learned man), the whole body of Moslems + learned in the Sacred Law, 203 ff. + + Ulufaji (paid troops), a member of the third corps of the sultan’s + standing cavalry, 98 and note 5. + + Umena, plural of Emin. + + Urf, the sovereign will of the reigning sultan, 152, 162. + + ’Ushr, a tithe on lands belonging to Moslems, 175. + + + Vakf, a religious endowment, 31, 201 ff. + + Valideh, a mother. + + Veznedar, an official weigher of money, 132. + + Vizier (burden-bearer), a minister of state, 163 ff. + + Voivode (Slavic), an officer, a governor. + + + Yachinji, _see_ Akinji. + + Yaya, a fief holder by ancient tenure, owing infantry service, 105. + + Yaziji, a scribe or secretary. + + Yedi-kuleh (seven towers), a strong castle against the land wall of + Constantinople, 172. + + Yenicheri (new soldiery), the corps of the Janissaries, 91 ff. + + Yeni Oda (new chamber), the lowest chamber of pages in the principal + palace, 75, 127. + + + Zagarji-bashi (master of the harriers), a high officer of the + Janissaries, 132 note 5. + + Zanijiler (Italianized), lancers or Voinaks (?), 252. + + Zarabkhane-emini, intendant of mints and mines, 132. + + Ziam, the holder of a Ziamet. + + Ziamet, a large fief, 100. + + Zimmi, a tributary non-Moslem subject, 34. + + + + +INDEX + + + + +INDEX + + + Achmet I, 126 note 1, 160 and note 5. + + Advancement based on merit, 82-86; + in Mogul Empire, 283. + + Adviser of sultan (_Hoja_), 128, 218, 225. + + Afghans, in Mogul Empire, 280, 282. + + Agra, 287. + + Agricultural conditions, 144 and note 2, 163, 177; + under Moguls in India, 297, 298. + + Akbar, Mogul emperor, 278, 281; + removed poll-tax on non-Moslems, 284; + army of, 295; + presents made to, 188; + harem of, 290; + revenue system of, 293, 294; + amount of revenue of, 195; + policy of, toward cultivators of soil, 297; + removed internal tolls, 298; + tolerated Hindus, 298; + relation to Mohammedanism of, 302; + “divine faith” of, 302. + + Albania, status of, 30, 33, 258, 297; + furnished tribute boys, 52, 74. + + Ali Pasha, grand vizier of Suleiman, steps in promotion of, 87, 88; + great authority, 164. + + Anatolia, 77, 79 note 4, 102, 104, 168, 169, 220; + _Beylerbey_ of, 103-105, 189. + + Arabia, status of, 6, 30; + rendering of justice in, 37; + taxation in, 175, 176. + + Arabic language, 21, 77. + + Arabs, influence on Ottoman Empire, 4, 20, 23; + in Foreign Legion, 50; + relation of, to Ottoman government, 227, 258, 297; + service of, to Mogul emperors, 281. + + Arbitrary taxes, 175, 176. + + Architecture, in Ottoman Empire, 23, 24, 239-241; + in Mogul Empire, 287, 295. + + Armenian subjects, a separate organization, 34, 37; + not liable to tribute of boys, 34. + + Arms, of _Spahis_ of the Porte and Janissaries, 138, 139; + of Mogul infantry, 285. + + Army— + Of Ottoman Empire, 90-113, 194; + principal subdivisions of, 91; + the territorial army, 104, 105; + numbers in, 106, 107 and note 1; + the supreme command of, 109-111; + indivisibility of, 111-113. + Of Mogul emperors, 279, 285-287; + compared with Ottoman army, 285. + + Artillery of Mogul emperors, 286. + + Asia Minor, Occidental influence in, 7; + occupation of, by Turks, 5, 14 ff., 35, 227; + defined, 14 note 1; + teachers from, 77; + Janissary apprentices sent to, 79; + heretics in, 210. + _See_ Anatolia. + + Astrologer of sultan, 129. + + Audiences, of Suleiman, 101; + of Aurangzeb, 289, 296; + of Humayun, 296. + + Aurangzeb, Mogul emperor, compared with Suleiman, 278, 302; + a zealous Moslem, 284, 298, 302; + army of, 286, 287; + audiences of, 289, 296; + sisters of, 291; + views on government of, 292; + in civil wars, 293; + revenue of, 295; + reimposed capitation tax on non-Moslems, 295; + education of, 300, 301. + + Austria, raided, 29, 50; + paid tribute to Suleiman, 30, 177; + wars of, with Ottoman Empire, 112, 113. + + + Baber, founder of Mogul Empire, house of, compared with house of + Osman, 278, 292, 293, 299 (_see_ Timur, house of); + followers of, 279; + character of, 280; + family life of, 281; + treatment of Moslem subjects by, 298. + + Babylon, 4. + + Bairam, feast of, 135, 136, 140. + + Balkan peninsula, 6, 51, 103. + _See_ Albanians, Bulgarians, Rumelia, Servians. + + Bangash tribe of Afghans, 281, 282. + + Battle, order of, 100, 104. + + Bayezid II, circumstances of deposition of, 94; + gave _kullar_ their own justice, 116; + honor shown the _Mufti_ by, 209. + + Bayezid, son of Suleiman, execution of, 94, 95, 142, 143; + war against, 136. + + Bedchamber, gentlemen of the, 75-78, 126, 127. + + Body-guards, 129. + + Bondage, American colonial, compared with Ottoman slavery, 60 note 7. + + Booty, 176, 178. + + Bosra, 31. + + Brahmins, 282, 298. + + Buddhist influence on Mogul Empire, 279. + + Bulgarians, 16, 33, 35, 74. + + Bureaucratic tendencies, 19, 32, 186, 187. + + Bureaus, of the Treasury, 168 ff.; + of the Chancery, 183; + of the _Mufti_, 208. + + Busbecq, opinion of, on Ottoman education, 74, 86; + dealings with Janissaries, 96; + witnessed ceremonies, 136-141; + on execution of Mustapha, 213. + + Byzantine Empire, disintegration of, in 13th century, 6; + bequest of, to Ottoman Turks, 4, 21, 24, 227. + + + Caliph, as _Imâm_, 28, 157, 163 note 1; + the sultan as, 150; + Suleiman as, 234. + + Canon law, of Roman Catholic Church, 157; + of Moslems, _see_ Sacred Law. + + Capitation tax, 21, 170, 175, 284. + + Caucasus, slaves from, 16, 34, 50, 57, 281. + _See_ Circassia, Georgia, Mingrelia. + + Cavalry— + Of Ottoman Empire, regular, _see_ _Spahis_ of the Porte; + feudal, 100-105; + irregular, 105-107. + Of Mogul Empire, regular, 285; + feudal, 285, 286. + + Ceremonies of the Court, 133-141; + law of, 134, 158. + + Chancellor, 182-187, 189, 248. + + Chancery, bureaus of, 183; + personnel of, 186, 187. + + Charles V, Emperor, relations of, with Suleiman, 112, 113 and note 2. + + China, influence of, on Turks and Mongols, 5, 19, 118. + + Christians, converted and incorporated as Turks, 8, 14-17, 63-68; + not entrusted with great power, 62; + right to practise their religion, 211, 212. + _See_ Renegade Christians. + + Christian subjects of Ottoman Empire, protected by Sacred Law, 26, + 212; + position of, 34; + subject to levy of male children, 51-55; + relation of, to Sultan, 151; + legislation regarding, 159, 160 note 1; + taxation of, 170, 175; + church lands of, 172; + Selim I’s attempt to convert forcibly, 211, 212; + treatment of, in courts, 222. + + Circassia, slaves from, 33 note 2, 57, 74, 290. + + Civil war, in Ottoman Empire, 94; + in Mogul Empire, 293, 301. + + Clergy, Moslem, 206. + + Codifications, of Moslem Sacred Law, 152, 153, 292; + of sultans’ legislation, 158-161. + + Colleges, of pages, 73-79; + of education, 203-205. + + Comparison of the Ruling Institution and the Moslem Institution, + 227-236; + likenesses, 227-230; + differences, 230-232; + relative power, 232-236. + + Confiscations, 55, 172, 178, 179. + + Conservatism, in regard to taxation, 177; + in education, 204; + of the two great institutions compared, 230, 232, 233. + _See_ Custom. + + Constantinople described, 239-241. + + Constitution, the Sacred Law a form of, 27, 28, 150, 156, 157, 175, + 193, 209, 214. + + Conversion to Mohammedanism, in Asia Minor, 15 ff.; + by Ottoman Turks, 33, 67; + by the Ruling Institution, 62-71; + meaning of, 62, 63; + why encouraged, 63-66; + not usually forcible, 63 and note 2, 66 and note 3, 67; + sincerity of, uncertain, 68-69; + in India, 284. + + Corruption, official, 32, 39, 86, 144, 161, 177; + judicial, 222. + + Costumes, 134, 135. + + Counsellors-at-law, _see_ Jurists. + + Court— + Of the sultan, 120-145; + separation of men and women, 121; + organization of household, 123; + the harem, 124-126; + the inside service, 126-128; + the outside service, 128-133; + ceremonies of, 133-141; + influence of, 141-145. + Of Mogul emperors, 287-291. + + Courts of justice, the Divan, 187-193, 221; + of the Grand Vizier, 166, 221; + of the _Kaziaskers_, 220; + of present-day Turkey, 154 note 2; + procedure of, 219-221; + venality of, discussed, 222, 223; + the law administered by, 223. + + Crimean Tartary, status, 30; + rendering of justice in, 37, 216; + slaves sent from, 50; + Selim I married princess from, 58 note 2; + contingent furnished by, 106; + Khan of, pensioned, 171. + + Croatians, 34. + + Crusades, 6-9, 227. + + _Cursus honorum_, of Ruling Institution illustrated, 87, 88; + of Moslem Institution, 212 and note 1, 235. + + Custom, power of, 19, 21, 27, 230. + + Customary law, 152, 161, 162, 223. + + + Decentralization, tendency toward, 32, 38, 174. + + Delhi, Moslem capital of India, 280, 285, 287, 299, 300. + + Democracy, 84, 198, 225. + + Dervishes, 37, 207, 300. + + Descendants of Mohammed the Prophet (_Seids_), 37, 206, 207, 225, 300. + + Despotism, in Ottoman Empire, 25-27, 46, 48, 55, 151, 159, 174, 193; + in Mogul Empire, 279, 292. + + Dil-Dar, wife of Baber, 290. + + Discipline, of Janissaries, 96, 97 and note 1; + of army generally, 108, 109; + of Ruling Institution, 196. + + Divan, 135, 166, 187-193; + membership of, 188-190; + sessions of, 189-191; + general character of, 191-193; + comparison with audiences of Aurangzeb, 296; + of the Grand Vizier, 166; + of lesser officials, 216 note 3. + + Domain lands, 31, 169, 171, 172, 176. + + Donatives to Janissaries, 92 and note 5. + + + Ebu su’ud, the _Mufti_, 120, 212 and note 2, 213; + table of contents of his collection of Suleiman’s laws, 276, 277. + + Education— + Of members of Ruling Institution, 71-88, 196, 197; + comprehensiveness of, 71, 72; + classification of, 73. + Of members of Moslem Institution, 203-206, 225; + comparison of above systems, 228, 229, 234, 235. + Of Moslems in India, 300. + + Egypt, unable to unify Levant, 10; + status of, 30; + inhabitants of, 33; + Janissaries of, 95; + legislation for, 159, 160; + taxation of, 176; + Mamelukes of, 280. + + Emancipation of slaves, 48, 60. + + Endowments, religious and charitable, 31, 32, 200-203, 234 and note + 1, 235, 300. + + Equerries, 131. + + Equity in Turkey, 223. + + Eugene, Prince, 287. + + Eunuchs, 57, 125-128. + + Execution, grounds of, 88; + of Mustapha, 89, 94, 95, 142, 213; + of Bayezid and Ibrahim, 89, 94, 111, 141, 142; + of grand viziers, 167; + process of, 210, 221; + policy of, 222. + _See_ Fratricide. + + Expenditures of government, 178, 179. + + Extortion, 32, 86, 144, 163, 182. + + + Fatehpur-Sikri, 287, 302. + + Ferdinand I, Archduke and Emperor, 30, 112. + + Feudal cavalry— + Of Ottoman Empire, 100-105; + rights of, 100; + obligations of, 101; + officers of, 103-105. + Of Mogul Empire, 280, 285, 286. + + Feudal system of Ottomans, 21, 24, 100-105, 176, 181 and note 2; + law of, 152, 159-161; + of Mogul Empire, 285, 286. + + Fiefs, origin of, 21, 24, 31, 32; + reorganized by Suleiman, 102; + vacancies, 178. + + Fleet, 171, 178, 179. + + Foreign affairs, minister of, 183-185. + + Foreign Legion, 50, 98, 99 note 1. + + Foreigners in Ottoman Empire, privileges of, 35, 37, 38; + relation of, to sultan, 151; + taxation of, 176, 177. + + Foundations, _see_ Endowments. + + Fratricide of Ottoman sultans, 27 and note 2, 94 and note 2; + not authorized in Mogul Empire, 293. + + + Gardener, the head, 81, 130, 131. + + Generals (_Aghas_), of the Janissaries, 96; + of the _Spahis_, 99; + of the army, 110; + of the sultan’s harem, 125; + of the imperial stirrup, 131; + in the Divan, 189, 191. + + Genghis Khan, 280. + + Georgia, status of, 30; + slaves furnished by, 33. + + Ghazali, 221. + + Government— + Of Ottoman Empire, described, 146-198; + rested on old political ideas, 4; + functions of, 147, 148; + limitation to its own affairs, 149, 174, 175; + compared with Mogul government, 278 ff. + Of Mogul Empire, of inferior strength and durability, 278-279; + described, 292-298. + _See_ Local government. + + Governors of provinces, in Ottoman Empire (_Beylerbeys_), 103, 174, + 187, 189, 191, 207, 216, 219, 220; + in Mogul Empire (_Naibs_), 296, 297. + + Grand vizier, 164-167, 189-191, 220, 221, 229; + none in Mogul Empire, 296. + + Greek Orthodox subjects, a separate organization, 34, 37; + the sultan their temporal head, 151. + + Gritti, Alvise (or Luigi), household of, 58 note 4; + given command in Hungary, 62; + testimony of, as to Suleiman’s income, 179; + pamphlet of (with Junis Bey), 262-275. + + Gul-Badan, daughter of Baber, 281, 290. + + + Hanifa, Abu, 152, 224. + + Harem— + Of Suleiman, organization of, 56; + recruited from slaves, usually Christian, 56, 57; + number of women in, 56; + education of recruits for, 78, 79; + officers of, 125; + Suleiman’s mother, consorts, and daughter, 126. + Of Mogul emperors, 290, 291. + + Harem intrigue, 121, 165. + + Harun Al-Rashid, 295. + + Heads of executed persons, 221. + + Heredity of privilege and office discouraged, 66, 117-120; + how permitted to feudal cavalry, 101; + in Mogul Empire, 286. + + Heretics, Moslem, 210, 211. + + Hindus, influence of, on Mogul Empire, 279; + in service of Mogul emperors, 281, 286; + their religion tolerated, 298; + condition of, compared with that of Moslem subjects, 299. + + Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina, 30, 125, 153, 169, 171, 228, 284. + + Holy war, 209. + + Household of the sultan, 123-133; + organization of, 123; + the harem, 124-126; + the inside service, 126-128; + the outside service, 128-133; + number in, 133. + + Humayun, Mogul emperor, orders of nobility of, 282, 283; + artillery of, 286; + attendants of, at court, 288; + in civil war, 293; + ministers of state of, 295; + audiences of, 296. + + Hungary, 30, 33, 51, 74, 178; + administration of, 176; + small proportion of Moslems in, 284. + + Huns, 10, 20. + + Hunting organization, 132. + + + Ibrahim Halebi, 153. + + Ibrahim Pasha, grand vizier, treatment of parents, 53; + estate of, taken by Suleiman, 55; + vast power of, 83, 164, 167; + made Seraskier, 110; + execution of, 89, 111, 141; + proposes to settle Lutheran controversy, 113; + chief falconer, 132; + marriage of, 136 note 2; + other references, 62, 246, 265. + + Ideas, not racial descent, the basis of Ottoman Empire, 3 ff., 228; + illustrated in Mogul Empire, 279-283. + + Immunity from taxation, of the _kullar_, 35, 66, 114, 115; + of the _Ulema_, 35, 118, 119, 203, 206. + + Imperial family, in Ottoman Empire, 56-58; + in Mogul Empire, 281, 290, 293. + + Income of Suleiman, 179-182, 260; + of Mogul emperor, 293-295. + + Incorporating spirit, of early Ottomans, 16; + of Tatars, 18; + of Ottoman Turks, 64 and note 3; + of Moslems and Byzantines, 65; + of Ruling and Moslem Institutions, 228. + + India, absorbs gold and silver, 294; + influence of, upon Mogul Empire, 279; + prosperity of, under Akbar, 298. + + Infantry— + Of Ottoman Empire, regular, _see_ Janissaries; + irregular, 105-107. + Of Mogul Empire, 285. + + Inside service, 126-128. + + Institutions of government in Ottoman Empire, 25, 35-38; + compared with Mogul institution, 278, 279. + _See_ Moslem Institution, and Ruling Institution. + + Intendants, 132. + + Interest, lawful only for funds of mosques, 201 note 3. + + Interpreters, 130, 183. + + Iranians, 13 and notes 3, 4. + + Irregular troops, 50, 105-107. + + Iskender Chelebi, _Defterdar_, estate of, taken by Suleiman, 55; + educational system and armed household of, 59. + + Issus, battle of, 7. + + + Janissaries, described, 47, 91-97; + religious character of, 68, 69; + rule against admission of their sons broken down, 69 note 3; + not supposed to marry, 70; + uprisings of, 92; + conquests limited by, 93; + influence of upon succession to the throne, 93-95; + number of, 95 and note 3; + organization and officers of, 95, 96; + promotions of, 96; + appearance of, 138, 139; + finances of, 169, 179; + other references, 249, 250, 266, 267. + + Janissary apprentices (_ajem-oghlans_), education of, 79-82; + rewards of, 82, 83; + punishments of, 88; + other references, 47, 73, 129, 254, 255, 269, 270. + + Jehan-Ara, daughter of Shah-Jehan, 291. + + Jehangir, son of Suleiman, 142, 143 note 1. + + Jehangir, Mogul emperor, elephants of, 286; + ceremony of weighing of, 288, 289; + harem of, 290; + sense of responsibility of, 292; + in civil war, 293. + + Jelal ad-din Rumi, 118. + + Jemali, the _Mufti_, 211, 212. + + Jerbé, victory of, 89. + + Jewish subjects, not liable to tribute of boys, 34; + have separate organization, 34, 37; + the sultan their legal head, 151; + Ramberti’s testimony regarding, 241. + + Judges— + General description of, 216-223; + classification of, 216-219; + venality of, discussed, 222, 223; + the law administered by, 223; + power of, over individuals, 224. + Grand vizier, 165, 189-191, 220, 221. + _Kaziaskers_, in Divan, 167, 189-191; + duties, 217-220; + other references, 225, 247, 263. + Special, for endowments, 201, 218. + In Mogul Empire, 297, 300. + + Junis Bey, chief interpreter of Suleiman, testimony of, as to + Suleiman’s income, 179; + pamphlet of (with Alvise Gritti), 262-275. + + Jurisconsults or jurists (_muftis_), 207-215, 225, 303; + their chief (_Sheik ul-Islam_), 151, 208 ff., 247, 299. + + Jurisprudence, Moslem, 153-155. + + Justice, systems of, in general, 34-36, 216; + of the Janissaries, 97; + of the _kullar_, 116; + of the _Ulema_, 203; + of the _Seids_, 206, 207; + of the Moslem Institution, 215-224; + in India, 297, 300. + + Justinian, 6, 158. + + + Kara Khalil Chendereli, traditional founder of Janissaries, 63, 64, + 117. + + Khaireddin Barbarossa, 246. + + Khosrew Pasha, 152. + + Khurrem (or Roxelana), wife of Suleiman, 56-58, 95, 126, 141-143, 213. + + Kitchen service, 129. + + Kiuprilis, 165. + + Koran, 40, 42, 152, 214, 223, 300. + + Koreish, 150, 235. + + Kurdistan, 30. + + Kurds, 105, 106, 296. + + + Land system, outline of, 28-32; + complication of, 32, 175, 176. + + Law, classification of, 152; + of Ceremonies, 134; + of Subjects, Fiefs, Egypt, and Fines and Punishments, 159, 160. + _See also_ Sacred Law. + + Law schools, 203-205. + + Lawyers, none in Turkey, 208, 223. + + Learned associates of sultans, 128, 129, 218, 225. + + Legislation, 27, 150-163; + of the sultans generally, 157-158; + of Mohammed II, 158, 159; + of Suleiman, 32, 159-161; + of the jurists through _fetvas_, 214. + + Lepanto, battle of, 95, 143. + + Local government— + In Ottoman Empire, officers of, 103-105, 256-260, 270-272; + justice in, 216-220. + In Mogul Empire, 294, 296, 297. + + + Mahmûd of Ghazni, 280, 283. + + Malta, 143, 145. + + Malversations, 177, 294. + + Mamelukes of Egypt: how recruited, 33; + duration of rule, 280. + + March, order of, 274, 275. + + Master of ceremonies, 184. + + Masters of the hunt, 132. + + Mediterranean civilization, 7, 279. + + Menzikert, battle of, 7. + + Merit the basis of advancement, 82-86; + also in Mogul Empire, 283. + + Mesopotamia, 31. + + Michael of the Pointed Beard, 117, 118. + + Mihrmah, daughter of Suleiman, 126, 142, 143. + + Mines, 132, 171, 176. + + Mingrelia, status of, 30; + slaves furnished by, 33, 57, 289. + + Missionary motive of Ruling Institution, 62-71. + + Mogul emperor’s authority, original feudal bond, 279, 280; + commander-in-chief of army, 283; + despot, 298. + + Mogul Empire, less durable than Ottoman, 278, 279; + government of, 278-303; + financial greatness of, 295. + + Mohacs, battles of, 177, 278. + + Mohammedanism, relation to Christianity, 8, 68; + effect on Turkish character, 8; + bequest of, to Ottoman Turks, 21, 227 ff.; + missionary energy of, 63, 64, 284. + + Moldavia, 30, 52 note 1, 106, 129, 178, 297. + + Mohammed II, the Conqueror, quotation from letter of, to Uzun Hassan, + title page, 64; + his _Kanun_ of fratricide, 94 and note 2, 142; + dined alone, 122 and note 3; + built palace, 123; + adopted ceremonies, 134; + ordered Sacred Law codified, 152; + legislation of, 158, 159; + organized the Treasury, 168; + instituted tax-farming, 177; + regulated education of Moslem Institution, 203; + rule of as to jurisdiction of _Kaziaskers_, 220. + + Mohammed Piri Pasha, grand vizier, 167. + + Mohammed Sokolli, grand vizier, 120, 164, 165, 167. + + Mohammed the Prophet, tradition of, 152; + descendants of, 206, 225, 300; + completed Sacred Law, 209; + granted toleration to Christian subjects, 212; + represented by judges, 220; + founder of Moslem system, 224, 235; + derivation of ideas, of, 227. + + Mongols, relation of, to Turks, 12; + invasion of, 15; + empire of, 280. + _See_ Tatars. + + Morocco, 30. + + Moslem-born subjects, not admitted to high office, 40-44, 66; + pressure of, to enter Ruling Institution, 69 note 3, 117, 120, 195, + 231; + persistent loyalty of, 300. + + Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, antecedents of, 21; + general description of, 36, 37, 199, 200, 224-226; + institutions parallel to, 37; + relation of, to Ruling Institution, 38; + contemporary descriptions of, 38-44; + Suleiman its head, 151; + received sultan’s fifth of booty, 178; + the Divan its cap-stone, 188; + financial support of, 200-203; + educational system of, 203-206; + clergy, _seids_, and _dervishes_, 206, 207; + jurists and the _Mufti_, 207-215; + democratic spirit of, 225; + comparison of with Ottoman Ruling Institution, 227-236; + cumulative influence of, 234; + needed support of Ruling Institution, 235; + comparison of, with Moslem church in India, 300-303. + + Moslems in India, 283, 284, 299-303; + not in close touch with emperors, 299, 300; + had no powerful chief, 299, 302; + their educational system, 300. + + Mosques, 24, 202, 240, 300. + + Muhammad Khan, _Nawab_ of Farrukhabad, 281, 282. + + Mumtaz-Mahal, empress of India, 281, 291. + + Murad II, sultan, appearance, 17 note 4; + simplicity of life, 134. + + Mustapha, eldest son of Suleiman, mother of, 57 note 3, 126; + execution of, 89, 94, 95, 142, 213; + character of, 95 note 2; + ceremony at circumcision of, 136. + + + Nenuphar, or Nilufer, bride of Orchan, 17. + + Nobility, of the _kullar_, 84, 85, 114-120; + of the _Seids_, 118, 206, 207; + of the _Ulema_, 118, 119, 203; + in the Mogul Empire, 282. + + Noble Guard (_Muteferrika_), 78, 129, 140, 248. + + Non-Moslem subjects, 34. + _See_ Christian subjects, Jewish subjects, etc. + + North Africa, status of, 6, 30, 38; + inhabitants of, 33; + rendering of justice in, 37, 216; + Janissaries of, 95; + Suleiman desires to unify, 113 and note 1. + + Notarial work, 219. + + Nur-Jehan (or Nur-Mahal), empress of India, 281, 290, 291. + + + Old Testament, ideas of, in Mohammedanism, 8. + + Orchan, sultan, 17 and note 4. + + Osman I (Othman), sultan, 4, 6, 16 and note 1, 242, 272, 273; + house of, compared with that of Timur, 278, 281, 299. + + Ottoman Empire, based on ideas, not race, 4; + rapidity of growth, 6; + character and mission, 7-10; + definition, 25; + lands comprised in, 6, 28-32; + peoples governed by, 33-35; + comparison of, with Mogul Empire, 278 ff. + + Ottoman Ruling Institution, _see_ Ruling Institution. + + Ottoman Turks, racial descent of, 10-18; + unification of Levant by, 9; + early history of, 15 ff.; + a mixed race, 16, 17; + sources of culture of, 18-24. + + Outside service, 128-133. + + + Pages, the colleges of, 73-79; + the three palaces of, 74; + course of training of, 75-78; + graduation of, 75; + rewards of, 82; + punishments of, 88; + age of their dismissal postponed, 120; + duties of, in the palace service, 126, 127; + Ramberti’s description of, 244. + + Palace-guards, 130. + + Palaces of Suleiman, principal palace, 74, 79, 123, 124, 243, 262; + palace of the harem (Old Palace), 124, 253, 268, 269; + other palaces, 74, 79, 254, 269; + accounts of the palaces, 128. + + Panipat, battles of, 278, 299. + + Parthians, 4, 11 note 1, 13 and note 4. + + Patriarch of Constantinople, 151. + + Pensions, in Ottoman Empire, 32, 183; + in Mogul Empire, 285, 294, 302. + + Persian language, 21, 77. + + Persians, bequests of, to Ottoman Turks, 4, 20, 21, 23, 33, 175; + blockade of Ottoman trade-routes by, 7; + could not lawfully be enslaved, 29; + wars of, with Ottoman Empire, 112, 113; + support of Mogul emperors by, 280, 281. + + Personality of law, 28, 34, 35. + + Physicians of sultan, 129. + + Plato, 45, 71. + + Police, Janissaries as, 93; + minister of, 183; + lieutenants of, 219. + + Poll-tax, _see_ Capitation tax. + + Pope, compared with _Mufti_, 42, 209, 213. + + Portuguese, blocked Ottoman sea-trade, 7; + served Mogul emperors, 281; + brought gold and silver to India, 294. + + Primary schools, 203, 204. + + Printing in Turkey, 223. + + Punishments, in Ruling Institution, 88, 89, 197. + + + Queen mother, 56, 57, 122 note 1, 125. + + + Ragusa, 30, 178. + + Rajputs, in service of Mogul emperors, 281, 282; + at war, 295, 299, 300; + their _Rajahs_, 281, 286, 297, 301. + + Raushan-Ara, daughter of Shah-Jehan, 291. + + Reformation, 9, 10, 113. + + Religious “communities,” origin of, in Turkey, 20; + when organized, 34 note 5. + _See_ Armenian subjects, Greek subjects, and Jewish subjects. + + Renegade Christians, given chief offices of Ottoman Empire, 39-44, + 62-71; + unfavorable view of their character, 42; + counted as Turks, 70; + total number made by Ruling Institution, 70; + Khosrew Pasha learned in Moslem law, 152; + other references, 167, 186. + + Revenues, of Suleiman, 179-182; + of Mogul emperors, 293-295. + + Revolution, right of, 26, 157, 209, 233. + + Rivalry of Ruling and Moslem Institutions, 38, 233-236. + + Roman Empire, 6; + its influence on Turks, 150, 279-281. + _See_ Byzantine Empire. + + Roumania, 52 note 1. + _See_ Moldavia, and Wallachia. + + Roxelana, _see_ Khurrem. + + Ruling Institution, antecedents of, 23; + general description of, 36, 45-47, 193-198; + institutions parallel to, 37; + relation of, to Moslem Institution, 38; + not clearly understood by certain historians, 38, 39; + contemporary descriptions of, 39-44; + component parts of, 47; + number of personnel of, 49 and note 4; + advancement by merit in, 82-88; + break-down of system of, 43, 69 note 3, 120; + relation of, to rest of Empire, 133; + influenced by Suleiman’s splendor, 144; + the Divan its cap-stone, 188; + comparison of, with Moslem Institution, 227-236; + artificiality of, 231; + support of Moslem Institution by, 233, 235. + _See also_ chapter headings. + + Rûm, Seljuks of, 6, 16. + + Rumelia, 104, 168, 169, 220; + _Beylerbey_ of, 103, 105, 189. + + Russia, 29, 57, 74. + + Rustem Pasha, grand vizier, armed household of, 59; + liberal religious views of, 68; + wealth of, 87 note 1; + attitude of, toward Janissaries, 97; + sale of offices by, 115, 116; + suspected of influencing Mustapha’s execution, 213; + other references, 53 note 3, 142, 164, 167. + + + Sacred Law of Islam, scope of, 21, 156, 235; + limitation of despotism by, 25, 26, 157; + character of, 152-157; + sketch of history of, 152, 153; + lack of elasticity of, 27, 156, 157, 215; + Suleiman’s observance of, 163; + how developed by _fetvas_, 214; + precepts of, both civil and criminal, 216; + relation of, to Moslem Institution, 225; + spirit of freedom in, 230; + not so much regarded in Mogul Empire, 279, 292, 293, 302. + + St. Sophia, church of, 24, 202, 239. + + Sale of office, 115, 116, 179. + + Saracens, Empire of, 5, 6, 14; + bequest of, to Ottoman Empire, 21-23; + comparison of, with Turks, 231. + + Scholasticism, Moslem, 8, 9, 215, 228. + + Scouts, 105. + + Scythians, 11 note 1, 12, 13 note 3. + + Seal, the imperial, 165. + + Selim I, the Cruel, or the Grim, not given to sensuality, 56; + said to have executed seven viziers, 88; + circumstances of accession of, 94, 142; + effect of conquests of, 112, 228, 233, 234; + punishment of heresy by, 210; + attempt of, to convert Christian subjects forcibly, 211, 298. + + Selim II, the Sot, 95, 111, 136, 143, 165. + + Seljuk Empire, 5, 7, 119; + occupation of Asia Minor by, 14 ff.; + bequest of, to Ottoman Turks, 4, 23, 227; + simplicity of life in, 133. + + Servians, 34. + + Shah-Jehan, Mogul emperor, constructs Peacock Throne, 289; + defeats Nur-Jehan, 291; + civil war of sons of, 293. + + Sher Shah, 293. + + Simplicity of life among Seljuks and early Ottomans, 133, 134. + + Slave-Families of Ottoman subjects, 58, 59; + conversion encouraged in, 67. + + Slave-Family of the sultan, 36, 39-44, 47-58; + age of admission to, 48; + methods of recruiting for, 49-53; + number of members of, 49 and note 4; + status of members of, 55; + faithfulness of, 65; + education of, 71 ff.; + constituted standing army, 90 and note 4; + honors and privileges of, 114-120; + influence of, upon government, 149. + + Slavery— + Of Turks in Saracen Empire, 22. + In Ottoman Empire, sources of supply for, 29, 30; + mainly of European Christians, 33; + provided high officials, 39-44; + character of, 60, 61; + comparison of, with American colonial bondage, 60 note 7; + color line not drawn, 60; + emancipation frequent, 61; + attitude of converted slaves to Sacred Law, 230. + In Mogul Empire, 280-282, 284. + + Slavs, Southern, 33, 52, 74. + _See_ Bulgarians, Croatians, and Servians. + + Sovereign will of sultan, 162, 163. + + _Spahis_ of the Porte, described, 47; + recruiting of, from pages, 78, 98-100; + organization of, 98, 99; + number of, 99 and notes 3, 4; + appearance of, 138, 139; + finances of, 169, 179; + other references, 250, 251, 267. + + Splendor— + Of Suleiman, 133-141, 195; + its effect, 144, 145. + Of Mogul emperors, 287-291; + its effect, 297, 298. + + Stable service, 131. + + State lands, 31, 32. + + Steppe lands, 5, 11, 231. + + Stirrup, generals of imperial, 131. + + Studies— + In the colleges of pages, 76, 77. + In the imperial harem, 79. + Of the _Ajem-oghlans_, 81 and note 3. + In schools, 203; + in colleges, 203 and note 4; + in law schools, 204 and note 1. + Of Aurangzeb, 300, 301. + + Succession to throne, in Ottoman Empire, 93-95; + in Mogul Empire, 293. + + Suleiman the Magnificent, limitations on despotic power of, 26-28; + family life of, 56-58; + said to have labored at a trade, 76 note 5; + self-command of, 89; + execution of Mustapha by, 89, 94, 142, 312; + execution of Bayezid and Ibrahim by, 89, 94, 111, 141, 142; + reorganization of feudal system by, 102; + appointment of Ibrahim as Seraskier by, 110; + relations of, to Charles V and Ferdinand of Austria, 112, 113; + promotion of Ibrahim and Rustem by favor of, 120; + mother, consorts, and daughter of, 126; + authority of, as caliph, 150; + head of all institutions, 151; + legislation of, 32, 152-163; + attitude of, to Sacred Law, 163; + ceased to preside at Divan, 188; + treatment of criminals by, 221, 222; + relation of, to power of great institutions, 234; + endowments of, 235 and note 1; + head of Moslems of Empire, 299. + + Sultan’s authority, head of Ruling Institution, 46; + master of slave-family, 55; + commander-in-chief of the army, 109, 110; + head of state and government, 150, 151; + head of Moslem Institution, 151; + subject to Sacred Law, 157; + legislative power, 157, 158; + unworthiness of character irrelevant, 163 note 1, 233; + consultation with the _Mufti_, 210-214; + comparison of relations to the two great institutions, 229; + supported by Sacred Law, 233. + + Syria, 31. + + Szigeth, campaign of, 111. + + + Taj Mahal, 291. + + Tartars of the Crimea, _see_ Crimean Tartary. + + Tatars, definition, 11, 12; + bequests to Ottoman Turks, 18; + political organization, 19; + influence on Mogul Empire, 279, 280. + + Taxation, 175-182; + inelasticity of, 177. + + Tent-pitchers, 132. + + Theodosius I, 9, 158. + + Timariotes, _see_ Feudal cavalry. + + Timur (Tamerlane), character of, 280; + house of, compared with that of Osman, 272, 281, 299. + _See_ Baber, house of. + + Tithe lands, 31, 32. + + Todar Mal, 281, 293. + + Transylvania, 30, 178. + + Treasure, of Suleiman, 172; + of Prince of Gujarat, 178; + of Mogul emperors, 295. + + Treasurers, of the household, 127; + of the Empire (_Defterdars_), 167-172, 189, 191, 247, 265; + in Mogul Empire, 294, 297. + + Treasury, twenty-five bureaus of, 168-172; + characteristics of, 173, 174; + personnel of, 186, 187. + + Tributary provinces, 30; + condition of inhabitants of, 33; + government of, 37. + + Tribute, 178. + + Tribute boys, increased the number of Turks, 16, 70; + regions from which taken, 34, 51; + process of levying, 51, 52; + estimate of the system, 53, 54; + ultimate effect, 69-71, 231; + not levied by Mogul government in India, 279, 281, 282. + + Tribute lands, 31, 32. + + _Tu-kiu_, Empire of, 13, 14, 19. + + Turanians, 12, 13 note 3. + + Turki followers of Mogul emperors, 280, 281. + + Turkish language, 18, 77, 79. + + Turks, in Western Asia, 5, 14 ff.; + relation of, to Mongols, 12; + relation of, to Caucasians, 11 and note 2; + comparison of, with Saracens, 231; + Ramberti’s account of origin of, 242; + influence of, on Mogul Empire, 279. + _See_ Ottoman Turks, and Seljuk Empire. + + + Unification of territories by Ottoman Turks, 9, 10. + + United Greek subjects, a separate organization, 34. + + United States of America, compared with Ottoman Empire, 3, 28, 45, + 58, 209, 213. + + Unnatural vices, 75 note 6, 232. + + Uses (legal term), 32, 202. + + Ushers, 130. + + Uzun Hassan, 64. + + + Vassal states, of Ottoman Empire, 29, 30; + of Mogul Empire, 297. + + Venality, of Ottoman officials, 39, 69; + of Ottoman justice, 222. + + Venice, 30, 178, 179. + + Vienna, siege of, 93, 143. + + Viziers, 163-167, 189-191; + Ramberti’s account, 246. + + Voinaks, 131. + + Volunteer soldiers, 102, 106. + + + Wallachia, 30, 52 note 1, 106, 129, 178, 297. + + War, declaration of, 26, 209. + + Wealth, accumulation of, discouraged, in private citizens, 59; + allowed to high officers, 86, 87, 260; + of Rustem Pasha, 87 note 1, 161; + of Mogul Empire, 278, 287, 295. + + Western Europe, not interested in East after Crusades, 10; + comparison with Ottoman Empire, 35, 36, 74, 94, 121, 157, 179, 204, + 222. + + Women, had no part at Ottoman Court, 121; + more prominent in Mogul Empire, 281, 290, 291. + + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 76054 *** |