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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/76054-0.txt b/76054-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..dbbea16 --- /dev/null +++ b/76054-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,16055 @@ + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 76054 *** + + + + + + HARVARD HISTORICAL STUDIES + + PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF + THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY + FROM THE INCOME OF + THE HENRY WARREN TORREY FUND + + VOLUME XVIII + + +HARVARD HISTORICAL STUDIES + +=I. The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade to the United States of +America, 1638-1870.= By W. E. B. DU BOIS, Ph.D., Editor of “The Crisis.” +8vo. $1.50 net. + +=II. The Contest over the Ratification of the Federal Constitution in +Massachusetts.= By S. B. HARDING, Ph.D., Professor of European History in +Indiana University. 8vo. $1.25 net. + +=III. A Critical Study of Nullification in South Carolina.= By D. F. +HOUSTON, A.M., LL.D., Secretary of Agriculture. 8vo. $1.25 net. + +=IV. Nominations for Elective Office in the United States.= By FREDERICK +W. DALLINGER, A.M., late Member of the Massachusetts Senate. 8vo. $1.50 +net. + +=V. A Bibliography of British Municipal History.= Including Gilds and +Parliamentary Representation. By CHARLES GROSS, Ph.D., late Gurney +Professor of History and Political Science in Harvard University. 8vo. +$2.50 net. + +=VI. The Liberty and Free Soil Parties in the Northwest.= By THEODORE +CLARKE SMITH, Ph.D., Professor of History in Williams College. 8vo. $1.75 +net. + +=VII. The Provincial Governor in the English Colonies of North America.= +By EVARTS BOUTELL GREENE, Ph.D., Professor of History in the University +of Illinois. 8vo. $1.50 net. + +=VIII. The County Palatine of Durham.= A Study in Constitutional History. +By G. T. LAPSLEY, Ph.D., Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. 8vo. $2.00 +net. + +=IX. The Anglican Episcopate and the American Colonies.= By ARTHUR +LYON CROSS, Ph.D., Professor of European History in the University of +Michigan. 8vo. $2.50 net. + +=X. The Administration of the American Revolutionary Army.= By LOUIS +CLINTON HATCH, Ph.D. 8vo. $1.50 net. + +=XI. The Civil Service and the Patronage.= By CARL RUSSELL FISH, Ph.D., +Professor of American History in the University of Wisconsin. 8vo. $2.00 +net. + +=XII. The Development of Freedom of the Press in Massachusetts.= By C. A. +DUNIWAY, Ph.D., President of the University of Wyoming. 8vo. $1.50 net. + +=XIII. The Seigniorial System in Canada.= By W. B. MUNRO, Ph.D., +Professor of Municipal Government in Harvard University. 8vo. $2.00 net. + +=XIV. The Frankpledge System.= By WILLIAM ALFRED MORRIS, Ph.D., Assistant +Professor of English History in the University of California. 8vo. $1.50 +net. + +=XV. The Public Life of Joseph Dudley.= By EVERETT KIMBALL, Ph.D., +Associate Professor of History in Smith College. 8vo. $2.00 net. + +=XVI. Mémoire de Marie Caroline, Reine de Naples.= Edited by ROBERT +MATTESON JOHNSTON, A.M., Assistant Professor of Modern History in Harvard +University. 8vo. $2.00 net. + +=XVII. The Barrington-Bernard Correspondence.= Edited by EDWARD CHANNING, +Ph.D., McLean Professor of Ancient and Modern History in Harvard +University. 8vo. $2.00 net. + +=XVIII. The Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Suleiman the +Magnificent.= By ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, Professor of European History in +Oberlin College. 8vo. $2.00 net. + + HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS + CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U. S. A. + + + + + THE GOVERNMENT OF + THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + IN THE TIME OF SULEIMAN + THE MAGNIFICENT + + BY + ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, PH.D. + PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY, OBERLIN COLLEGE + + “Our empire is the home of Islam; from father to son the lamp of our + empire is kept burning with oil from the hearts of the infidels.” + MOHAMMED II, THE CONQUEROR. + + “A lord and his bondsmen.” + RANKE. + + “Les Turcs ... nées de la guerre et organisées pour la conquête.” + CAHUN. + + “The Ottoman government ... seems to have attained during the + sixteenth century the highest degree of perfection of which its + constitution was capable.” + ROBERTSON. + + [Illustration] + + CAMBRIDGE + HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS + LONDON: HENRY FROWDE + OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS + 1913 + + COPYRIGHT, 1913 + BY HARVARD UNIVERSITY + + + + +PREFACE + + +The Ottoman Turks, after the world had long despaired of them, have +in these last years shown signs of renewed vigor. The time is, then, +perhaps not inauspicious for an examination of the structure of their +organization in the period of its greatest power and prestige. It is not +easy for the present age to realize how large the empire of Suleiman +bulked in the eyes of contemporaneous Europe. Amid the vast energies +and activities, the magnificent undertakings and achievements, of the +marvellous sixteenth century, nothing surpassed the manifestations of +power that swept forth from Constantinople. The following pages will have +been worth while if their incomplete presentation shadows forth, however +dimly, the secrets of Ottoman greatness and success. + +This book was originally prepared in partial fulfilment of the +requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Harvard +University, and was subsequently awarded the Toppan Prize. The writer +desires to acknowledge his very great indebtedness for advice, +suggestion, and criticism to a number of kind friends with whom he has +consulted, but especially to Professor A. C. Coolidge and Professor G. F. +Moore. Nor can he let the book go to press without recording his extreme +obligation to his wife for unwearying assistance at every stage of its +preparation. + + A. H. L. + +OBERLIN, OHIO, 1912. + + + + +CONTENTS + + + PAGE + + INTRODUCTION + + IDEAS CONSTITUTE A NATION 3 + + THE BACKGROUND OF OTTOMAN HISTORY 5 + + CHARACTER AND MISSION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 7 + + THE RACIAL DESCENT OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS 10 + + SELJUK AND OTTOMAN TURKS IN ASIA MINOR 14 + + THE SOURCES OF OTTOMAN CULTURE 18 + + CHAPTER I + + THE CHARACTER OF THE OTTOMAN STATE IN GENERAL + + DEFINITION 25 + + THE LIMITATIONS ON DESPOTISM 26 + + THE TERRITORIAL BASIS 28 + + THE PEOPLES 33 + + INSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT 35 + + CONTEMPORARY DESCRIPTIONS OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS 38 + + CHAPTER II + + THE OTTOMAN RULING INSTITUTION: AS A SLAVE-FAMILY + + I. GENERAL DESCRIPTION 45 + + II. THE SLAVE-FAMILY 47 + + METHODS OF RECRUITING 49 + + THE TRIBUTE BOYS 51 + + ESTIMATE OF THE SYSTEM 53 + + THE SLAVE STATUS 55 + + THE HAREM, THE EUNUCHS, AND THE ROYAL FAMILY 56 + + OTHER OTTOMAN SLAVE-FAMILIES 58 + + CHARACTER OF OTTOMAN SLAVERY 60 + + CHAPTER III + + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS MISSIONARY ENTERPRISE + AND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM + + I. THE MISSIONARY MOTIVE 62 + + THE OTTOMAN ATTITUDE 63 + + OTHER MOTIVES FOR INCORPORATING CHRISTIANS 65 + + THE REQUIREMENT OF CONVERSION 66 + + SINCERITY OF CONVERSION 68 + + EFFECT OF THE PROCESS 69 + + II. THE EDUCATIONAL SCHEME 71 + + THE COLLEGES OF PAGES 73 + + THE HAREM 78 + + THE AJEM-OGHLANS 79 + + ADVANCEMENT BASED ON MERIT 82 + + PUNISHMENTS 88 + + CHAPTER IV + + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS AN ARMY + + THE MILITARY ASPECT 90 + + THE JANISSARIES 91 + + THE SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE 93 + + THE SPAHIS OF THE PORTE 98 + + THE FEUDAL SPAHIS 100 + + OFFICERS OF THE FEUDAL SPAHIS 103 + + OTHER BODIES OF TROOPS 105 + + DISCIPLINE AND ARDOR 108 + + THE SUPREME COMMAND 109 + + INDIVISIBILITY OF THE ARMY 111 + + CHAPTER V + + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS A NOBILITY AND A COURT + + I. PRIVILEGES OF THE KULLAR 114 + + NOBILITY NOT HEREDITARY 117 + + II. CHARACTER OF THE SULTAN’S COURT 120 + + ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSEHOLD 123 + + THE HAREM 124 + + THE INSIDE SERVICE 126 + + THE OUTSIDE SERVICE 128 + + THE CEREMONIES OF THE COURT 133 + + INFLUENCE OF THE COURT 141 + + CHAPTER VI + + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS GOVERNMENT + + SUMMARY 146 + + FUNCTIONS OF THE OTTOMAN GOVERNMENT 147 + + THE SULTAN AS HEAD OF THE STATE AND OF THE GOVERNMENT 150 + + THE SULTAN AS LEGISLATOR 152 + + THE LEGISLATION OF SULEIMAN 159 + + THE VIZIERS 163 + + THE DEFTERDARS OR TREASURERS 167 + + TAXATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE 175 + + SULEIMAN’S INCOME 179 + + THE NISHANJI OR CHANCELLOR 182 + + THE DIVAN OR COUNCIL 187 + + THE RULING INSTITUTION AS A WHOLE 193 + + CHAPTER VII + + THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + + GENERAL DESCRIPTION 199 + + FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION 200 + + THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM 203 + + CLERGY, SEIDS, AND DERVISHES 206 + + JURISTS AND THE MUFTI 207 + + THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM 215 + + THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION AS A WHOLE 224 + + CHAPTER VIII + + COMPARISON OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS + + LIKENESSES 227 + + DIFFERENCES 230 + + INTERACTIONS 232 + + THE RELATIVE POWER OF THE INSTITUTIONS 233 + + APPENDICES + + I. THE SECOND BOOK OF THE AFFAIRS OF THE TURKS + + Written in 1534, supposedly by BENEDETTO RAMBERTI. + + Translated from the Italian 239 + + II. PAMPHLET OF JUNIS BEY AND ALVISE GRITTI + + Printed in 1537. Presented in the original Italian 262 + + III. INCOMPLETE TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE KANUN-NAMEH, OR + COLLECTION OF EDICTS, OF SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT + AS ARRANGED BY THE MUFTI EBU SU’UD + + Translated from the Turkish 276 + + IV. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MOGUL EMPIRE IN INDIA + + General Comparison of Ottoman and Indian Conditions 278 + + The Personnel of the Mogul Government 279 + + Relation of Government to Religious Propagation 283 + + The Army 285 + + The Court 287 + + The Government Proper 292 + + The Moslems and the Moslem Church 299 + + Books consulted in the Preparation of Appendix IV 303 + + V. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES + + i. Origins of Ottoman Governmental Ideas 305 + + ii. The Ottoman Government in the Sixteenth Century 307 + + iii. Alphabetical List of Works Cited 322 + + GLOSSARY OF TURKISH WORDS 331 + + INDEX 339 + + + + +THE GOVERNMENT OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + + + + +INTRODUCTION + + +IDEAS CONSTITUTE A NATION + +A nation, when considered from its earliest to its latest days, is much +more a body of ideas than a race of men. Men die, families decay, the +original stock tends to disappear; new individuals are admitted from +without, new family groups take the lead, whole tribes are incorporated +and absorbed; after centuries the anthropological result often bears but +slight resemblance to the original type. Undoubtedly the fabric of ideas +which a nation weaves as its history develops also undergoes changes +of pattern; old principles pass out of sight, and new ones, born of +circumstance, or brought in from without, come to controlling influence. +But ideas are not, like men, mortal: they can be transmitted from man to +man through ages; they can be stored in books and thus pass from the dead +to the living; when built together into a solid and attractive structure, +they impart to the whole something of their individual immortality. +Singly they pass as readily to strangers as to kindred; when organized to +rounded completeness as the culture of a great living nation, they have +a power which lays hold of men of many races, alone or in masses, and in +the absence of strong prejudice compels acceptance. + +Such an assimilative force can clearly be seen in vigorous operation in +the United States of America today. A system of ideas, woven of countless +threads spun by Egyptian, Babylonian, Hebrew, Greek, Roman, and Teuton, +preserved and enlarged by Frank, Anglo-Saxon, Norman, and Englishman, +recombined in a new and striking pattern by the founders of the republic, +is thrown over men from every nation under heaven, who under its +influence all become of one type, not to be mistaken wherever it is seen. + +The history of the Ottoman Empire reveals the constant working of a +like assimilative force. It was not merely, and not even mainly, the +compulsion of the sword that built up and maintained the strongest +national power of the sixteenth century. Swords must be wielded by men; +and how were enough strong and capable men found and bound together +in willing coöperation to conquer large sections of Europe, Asia, and +Africa, to organize and govern their conquests in a fairly satisfactory +fashion, and to establish a structure which, after more than three +hundred years of decay, disaster, and disintegration, has yet enough +strength to form the basis for a new departure? The only answer possible +is that the attraction of a great body of national ideas gathered men +from every direction and many races to unite in a common effort. Although +much violence, injustice, and destructive passion was involved, the +result was a great and on the whole a durable and useful empire. + +The government of the Ottoman Empire when at the height of its power +cannot be understood from a description of its court, costumes, +ceremonies, and officials, with a catalogue of their provinces and +duties. A thorough comprehension of the main political ideas that +constituted the life of the empire is essential. Since most of these +ideas were old and tried, and were wrought in a thousand ways into the +general scheme, a complete treatment would demand that they should be +considered historically from the time of their adoption. Nor would it +be sufficient to go back to the beginning of the house of Osman. The +Turkish nucleus which gathered around him, and the Mohammedans and +Christians from near and far who joined his rising fortunes were already +in possession, in a fairly systematic form, of most of the ideas of the +completed Ottoman government. The inquiry should be begun farther back, +among Byzantine Greeks, Seljuk Turks, Mohammedans of Persia and Arabia, +and Turks of Central Asia. Many of the ideas, indeed, can be traced yet +farther, through Tartary to China and through Parthia and Rome to Babylon +and Egypt. + +These origins, however, cannot be considered here except in the briefest +possible fashion. All that can be done is to outline the background of +Ottoman history, the general character of the Ottoman Empire and its +service to the world, the racial descent of the Ottoman Turks, and the +main influences which affected their institutions and culture. + + +THE BACKGROUND OF OTTOMAN HISTORY + +From early times the developing Chinese civilization in the valley of +the Yellow River had to contend with intermittent attacks from the +barbarians of the north and west. In the latter half of the third century +B.C. China’s work of domestic consolidation and centralization reached +completeness, and foreign conquest began. The policy was then initiated +which has never since been departed from,—the subjugation of the outlying +lands and the cultural assimilation of their inhabitants.[1] Following +up with armies, governors, and garrisons the nomads who fled to the +west, by the beginning of the second century A.D. China held vassal all +the population of the steppe country from the Great Wall to the Caspian +Sea; her frontiers marched with those of Parthia. Early in the third +century she entered upon four hundred years of weakness, and her western +possessions fell away; but she regained strength and restored her western +dominion just in time to confront the rising Saracen flood. During three +brilliant centuries, the seventh, eight, and ninth of our era, she held +the nomads in fairly constant subjection, and presumably taught them many +of her orderly, organized ways. It was probably in part by the strength +of her discipline that in the succeeding half-millennium the descendants +of these nomads, Turks and Mongols, wrought their will from the Sea of +Japan to the Adriatic, over most of Asia, half of Europe, and a goodly +portion of Africa. + +From the eighth century Turks drifted southwestward in ever-increasing +numbers out of Chinese territory into the declining Saracen Empire. +Early in the eleventh century an army followed this course and set up +the vast but short-lived empire of the Seljuk Turks. These broke the +eastern frontier of Asia Minor, which had protected the Greeks and +Romans for fourteen hundred years, and pushed on until they could see +the domes of Constantinople. The eastward pressure of the crusading +period kept them from European shores for two centuries, near the close +of which the Mongols overran their disintegrated lands. A remnant, the +Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm, struggled on in Asia Minor until the close of +the thirteenth century, when it fell into ten parts. The East Roman, or +Byzantine Empire, had by that time also been thoroughly wrecked, and the +Balkan Peninsula was divided among Frank, Italian, and Catalan, Greek, +Serb, Albanian, Wallach, and Bulgarian. + +The people of one of the ten fragments of the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm +took the name of Osmanlis from their chief Osman. Located on the border +of the Greek and Turkish groups of principalities, they drew men and +governmental ideas from both. The rapidity of their growth from so small +a beginning, and under such apparently unfavorable circumstances, into +a durable state is one of the marvellous things of history. In about +two and a quarter centuries from the time of their independence they +were able to attempt for the last time to unite the entire Mediterranean +civilization into one empire. North Africa, Egypt, Syria, Arabia, +the Tigris-Euphrates valley, Armenia, Asia Minor, Greece, the Balkan +Peninsula, a large part of modern Austria-Hungary and of modern Russia, +were theirs; they threatened Italy, Central and Eastern Europe, and +Persia. They thus held all three of the earliest centers of Mediterranean +civilization, the western half of the Old Persian Empire, and all the +dominions of Rome except the northwestern one-third. Apart from Spain and +the lands east of the Zagros Mountains, they ruled the Saracen Empire. +With the exception of Italy (with Illyricum and the adjacent islands) and +the short-lived Byzantine conquests in Spain, the empire of Justinian +lay within their boundaries. The later Byzantine Empire became the heart +of their dominions, and its two chief supports—the trade which passed +through the Bosphorus and the products and men of Asia Minor—became their +own principal supports. The inheritance of lands and of institutions by +the Ottoman Turks from the two great medieval empires of the Levant, the +Saracen and the East Roman, is by all odds the most pregnant fact of +their existence. They were the immediate heirs of a part of the territory +and of the whole of the culture of the Seljuk Turks. The scene of the +“world’s debate” formed but an insignificant part of their dominions. +They gathered into one net all the shoal of feudal, royal, and imperial +powers which made the Levant of the thirteenth century as decentralized +as the Holy Roman Empire or the Italy of the fifteenth century. + + +CHARACTER AND MISSION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + +This rapid survey leads to a number of significant observations. First, +the Ottoman Turks of the sixteenth century ruled countries wholly within +the sphere of the Mediterranean civilization. The only possible exception +was the steppe lands north of the Black Sea; but these had been almost +as much under the sway of Rome and Constantinople as they ever were +under that of Stamboul. Even communication with Eastern and Southern +Asia was well-nigh cut off. The road to China north of the Caspian Sea +alone remained open, but after the break-up of the Mongol Empire it had +become long and dangerous. The rival and hostile New Persian power firmly +closed the southern land route to India and China; and even the sea-way +from Egypt eastward was blockaded by the newly-arrived Portuguese. Thus +the Ottoman Empire, except in remote origins, which, indeed, profoundly +influenced it, grew and flourished within what is commonly considered +the main field of history. Accordingly, it has a greater claim upon the +Western world on the score of kinship than has hitherto generally been +allowed. + +Second, within the Mediterranean civilization the Ottoman Empire combined +regions of both Orient and Occident. The classical world knew chiefly +Romans, Greeks, and Orientals. The Ottoman Turk succeeded to two-thirds +of this world, the lands of Greece and the East. From the day of Issus +to the day of Menzikert, Asia Minor had to all intents and purposes +been a part of Europe. After Menzikert it became a center of Turkish +rule, to which, in the course of time, territories from both Asia and +Europe were added in widening circles. No deep knowledge of historical +forces is necessary to suggest that neither in Southern Europe nor in +Asia Minor itself could the teachings of fourteen centuries or more be +obliterated in five centuries or less, or even in an eternity; nor would +they fail to exert a profound influence from the moment of conquest. To +regard the Ottoman Empire as a mere Oriental state would be to misread +history and to misunderstand human nature. Its lands were of both Orient +and Occident, so also were its people, so also were its culture and its +government. + +Third, the Ottoman Turks drew men and ideas from both Mohammedans and +Christians. They have commonly been regarded as wholly Mohammedan, and +therefore they have been shut off by a well-nigh impenetrable barrier +from the sympathies of a world still possessed by the prejudices of +crusading days. The foundations of such prejudices are easily open to +attack. The main religious ideas of Mohammedanism are not, except as +to the divinity of Christ, inharmonious with those of Christianity; +they were, indeed, in all probability drawn chiefly from the religious +teachings of the Old Testament. The social system of Mohammedanism +is also much like that of the Old Testament. Its most objectionable +features, the seclusion of women, polygamy, and slavery, may be regarded +as survivals from an older condition of mankind out of which a portion +of the human race has emerged—not without frequent cases of atavism—and +which Mohammedans themselves are tending to abandon. But, leaving aside +the question of the kinship of Christianity and Mohammedanism, no one can +deny that the Ottomans ruled over many Christians, that many of their +ablest men and families were of Christian ancestry, and that, according +to the nature of humanity, as much of their civilization and ruling ideas +may have come from Christian as from Mohammedan sources. + +It is true that as a nation the Ottoman Turks remained Mohammedan; this +has constituted the real “tragedy of the Turk.” Bound hand and foot by +that scholastic Mohammedanism which was reaching rigid perfection at the +time when the Turks first became prominent in the Saracen Empire, and +which only in very recent days seems tending toward a Reformation, they +could not amalgamate the subject Christian peoples, already confirmed +in nationalism by the events of centuries. The deadening system stilled +their active spirits, imprisoned their extraordinary adaptability, +and held them at a stage of culture which, though in some respects it +distinctly led Europe in the sixteenth century, was before long passed +through and left behind by the progressive West. Nevertheless, the Turks +were no more limited to Mohammedan ideas than to Mohammedan men, and they +are entitled to be considered in the light of their double origin. + +Fourth and last, the great task before the Ottoman Turks was a work of +unification. Lands which had been united under the great Theodosius, and +then during eleven centuries had been more and more disintegrated by +invasion of German, Slav, Arab, Tatar, and Turk, by war of Byzantine, +Persian, Moslem, Crusader, and Mongol, by destruction of roads and safe +water-routes, and by general decay of civilization, until confusion +and disorder reigned and anarchy seemed not far ahead—these lands were +once more brought under a single control. Was it their destiny to be +genuinely reunited, not merely in a common subjection, not merely by +an external shell of authority, but in the pulsing life of a vigorous +nation, harmonious in every part and run through by patriotism? This +was the well-nigh insoluble problem which the Ottoman Turks attempted +bravely. How they solved the administrative and governmental phase of it +the present treatise will try to show. Religious unity was out of the +question; and in the sixteenth century, in East and West alike, social +and cultural unity waited upon the religious. Had the Ottoman Empire +been able four hundred years ago to set apart religious considerations +as matters for the individual—a process which affords the chief hope of +the new Turkey of the twentieth century—her whole subsequent history must +have been very different. + +But in the measure in which unity was attained in the Levant under the +Ottoman authority, in that measure did the Ottoman Empire render service +to civilization and humanity. After the close of the thirteenth century +Western Europe, absorbed in its own affairs, was able to give little +attention to the East. Two centuries were taken up with the consolidation +of national powers, chiefly at the expense of feudalism and the medieval +church. By the sixteenth century a measure of internal solidarity had +been attained and the struggle for external supremacy over the West +had been begun. The whole situation was complicated by the actively +leavening force of the New Learning and the explosively rending force +of the Reformation. Under such circumstances even the advance of the +Turks into Central Europe could only temporarily divert attention from +absorbing problems and direct it toward the East. To what a state of +minute division and infinite disorder the Levant would have come by that +time, had the Ottoman Empire not grown up, can only be imagined. Egypt, +the only Levantine power of consequence after the close of the crusades, +had reached the natural limits of her dominion, and had she aimed at +wider conquests the Mameluke government would scarcely have been capable +of imperial sway. No other of the countless principalities of the eastern +Mediterranean showed enough life to accomplish unity. But the Ottoman +Turks, cruelly and destructively, imperfectly and clumsily, yet surely +and effectively, built up and maintained a single authority, to which the +world probably owes most of that measure of enlightenment, culture, and +order which can be found in the Levant today. + + +THE RACIAL DESCENT OF THE OTTOMAN TURKS + +The question as to the origin of the Ottoman Turks was raised in Western +Europe as soon as the race began to appear upon the stage of history. +There seemed to be something mysterious and uncanny about their rise to +power. If an innumerable horde of strange barbarians, a second invasion +of Attila, had overrun the Levant and settled down to rule its conquests, +cause and effect would have been apparent. But this nation seemed to +arise out of the earth. Organized and disciplined beyond any parallel in +the West, it seemed to come from nowhere and to begin at once to take +a very real part in human affairs.[2] The problem of its origin is by +no means completely solved as yet, but the main elements can perhaps be +outlined. A search for these carries the inquiry to the steppe lands. + +The great band of open country which stretches with hardly a break across +the whole of Asia and far into Europe resembles the ocean both in its +vastness and in its character as an intermediate region through which +the travel of commerce, statesmanship, religion, learning, and curiosity +can pass between more thickly-settled lands. It differs from the ocean, +however, in being everywhere more or less habitable. The ethnic relations +of its families, tribes, and nations are by no means clear. China, +with a markedly Mongolian population, lay at the east and southeast; +Indo-Europeans of the Caucasian race dwelt at the southwest and west. The +tribes between seem from the earliest recorded times to have presented +every intermediate stage of physical type, as they do now; and in general +the shading from yellow to white appears to have proceeded regularly from +east to west, a circumstance that may have been due largely to climatic +influence, but was probably far more the result of admixture.[3] These +peoples were given to frequent warfare, one of whose objects was the +capture of men, women, and children as the most valuable booty. They +seem to have had no race aversions that would hinder inter-mixture, +and no race pride that would prevent captives, in the course of time, +from attaining full equality in any rank to which their abilities could +carry them. Accordingly, the process of admixture that can be observed in +historic times has probably been followed from the remote past. + +The name Tatars may be used to designate all the inhabitants of the +steppe-ocean who were not distinctly Caucasian. By geographical +designation they are properly called the Ural-Altaic peoples, while +ethnically they constitute the Mongolo-Turki group.[4] Included perhaps +among those unclassified peoples who were known of old to the Greek +as Scythians, to the Persians as Turanians, and to the Chinese as +_Hiung-nu_, the Tatars, despite many differences, show unmistakable +kinship, usually in their physical features, always in their language +and institutions. They have been grouped since medieval times into two +great divisions, the Mongols and the Turks. This division may be said to +correspond in a very general way to their greater and lesser resemblance +to the Chinese, and to a narrower and wider geographical separation from +China. Many tribes possess such intermediate characteristics that they +cannot easily be classified as Turks or Mongols;[5] but a tribe that is +markedly like the Chinese is clearly Mongol, and a tribe that differs +widely from the Chinese is clearly Turkish. If these explanations be +adopted, the Turkish peoples are then in general those Tatars who have +had the greatest admixture of Caucasian blood. Their original seat seems +to have been in Mongolia, but in historic times they had come to occupy +the whole central part of the steppe region, from the Desert of Gobi to +the Volga, in contact with their Mongol kindred on the east and with +Iranians on the south and Slavs on the west. The theory of admixture +receives support from the fact that the peoples of the Mediterranean +civilization found Mongolians repulsive in appearance, but prized Turkish +slaves for their beauty.[6] + +The name Turk does not appear prominently in the Byzantine and Chinese +annals before the fifth century A.D., when the people of a Tatar empire +were designated Τοῦρκοι and _Tu-kiu_.[7] The word _Turcae_ was used by +classical writers soon after the beginning of the Christian era.[8] The +name has been suspected of lying hidden in the _Targitaos_ of Herodotus +and the _Togharmah_ of Scriptures. However this may be, ancestral peoples +possessing the characteristics of the Turks of course existed, and +perhaps appeared in history, in very early times. + +Some have suggested that the Sumero-Accadians of Babylonia were Turks, +but this question hardly bears on the present subject. The relations of +Turks and Persians on the Central Asian frontier is much more apropos. +The legends of the long wars of Iran and Turan, however little detailed +historical value they may have, illustrate the circumstances of continual +contact both in war and in peace.[9] Princes and nobles whose lives +were forfeit in their own country fled over the border; princesses were +exchanged in marriage; and unnumbered thousands of less exalted folk +passed the frontier as captives or slaves. The frontier itself was not +fixed, but left great regions now to the rule of the Persian and now +to the rule of the Turk. The Parthians may have been Turks.[10] After +their downfall the lines of Persian and Turk were drawn sharply by the +nationalist Sassanians. From the middle of the fifth century, indeed, the +Persians had their fill of wars with the Ephthalites, whose appellation +of White Huns may indicate their mixed Mongolian and Caucasian origin; +the Chinese annals specify the kinship of the _Tie-le_ with the _Tu-kiu_. +No sooner had the Arabs engulfed Persia than they began to welcome the +Turks whom they found to the north, and whose semi-nomadic culture was +singularly like their own. The Saracen Empire was administered for about +a century chiefly by Arabs, for another century chiefly by Persians, +and after that chiefly by Turks, who rose rapidly through slavery and +military service to the rule of provinces and even of kingdoms. Thus +great numbers of Turks came or were brought into many parts of Western +Asia. When Toghrul, grandson of Seljuk, led the first great Turkish +invasion into the heart of the Saracen Empire, he found his kindred +everywhere. Under the Seljuk Sultans large numbers of Turks streamed in +and were settled in Persia, Azerbaijan, Syria, and Asia Minor. + +The Turkish occupation of Asia Minor has been called the most thorough +piece of work done by the race.[11] Few details of it have been recorded, +but one great fact stands out: under the Byzantine Empire, Asia Minor was +Greek, Christian, and the home of the empire’s most vigorous and loyal +citizens; under the Ottoman Empire, Asia Minor is Turkish, Mohammedan, +and the home of the empire’s most vigorous and faithful subjects. +The process of this transformation, so far as it is known, deserves +examination. + + +SELJUK AND OTTOMAN TURKS IN ASIA MINOR + +The Seljuk Turks were orthodox, and often fanatical, Moslems; accordingly +they put great pressure upon the inhabitants of the peninsula to make +them exchange Christ for Mohammed. “Great numbers apostatized, ‘many +thousand children were marked by the knife of circumcision; and many +thousand captives were devoted to the service or the pleasures of their +masters.[12]’” + +The Seljuk Turks were already a mixed race, and had no greater objection +than their ancestors to the reception of new members. They had come as a +Turkish army followed by a host of Turcoman nomads.[13] The soldiers took +wives from the women of the land and servants from the men and children, +and the nomads filled the gaps left among their women and children after +the long, hard journey. Those of the adult Anatolians who were left +free found a thousand temporal advantages in following the Prophet, +whose simple faith and consoling doctrines, moreover, suited both their +temperament and their circumstances. Christianity had sat lightly upon +many of them, and Mohammedanism seems to have been accepted as lightly; +for traces of Christian and perhaps of pre-Christian practices and +beliefs can be seen among the Moslems of Asia Minor today.[14] To turn +Moslem was then, as ever since, to turn Turk. In the course of three +centuries the process of settlement and conversion reached virtual +completion; nearly all the plateau of Asia Minor became Mohammedan and +Turkish. Nothing approaching the nature of statistics is available for +determining what the proportion was between invading Turks and converted +Christians. The probabilities, based on the known character of Turkish +invasions and the length and difficulty of the journey from the steppe +lands, point to a relatively small number of Turkish settlers.[15] Yet +this doubly-mixed people has contributed those subjects of the Ottoman +Empire who are accounted the most characteristically Turkish. + +The invasion of Western Asia by the Mongols of Genghis Khan in the +early part of the thirteenth century drove an unknown number of +Persians and Turks to take refuge in Asia Minor. Among these is said +to have been a group led by a chief named Suleiman, whose grandson +Osman gave the Ottomans their name.[16] This group reached the Seljuk +kingdom of Rûm, and was allowed by good custom of the time to proceed +to the Christian frontier and conquer what it could. About the time of +settlement tradition specifies the number as four hundred families, or +444 horsemen, a figure which has clearly been shaped with reference to +the sacred number four, but which shows the belief that the group was +not large.[17] The growth of this band was far more rapid than could +have been accomplished by natural increase. A part of the additional +membership was supplied by Turks and other Moslems of adventurous spirit +who sought the fighting and booty of the border-land. But these were by +no means all. The Ottoman traditions and history reveal at countless +places the hospitable incorporating spirit of the embryonic nation, +which rapidly increased its numbers from the Christian population by +conversion, marriage, and capture, and most strikingly by the tribute +tax of Christian male children. The Ottoman conquests to the eastward +brought gradually into the brotherhood all the Seljuk Turks of Asia +Minor, and as many as were or became Mohammedan from the various +conquered peoples—Greeks of Trebizond, Armenians, Syrians, and others. +The conquests in Europe converted _en masse_ some sections of Bulgarians +and Albanians, who still show evidence of their origin; a very great +number of individuals among the subject Christians, however, were so +completely incorporated as to lose all trace of their source. Thousands +upon thousands of captives from the whole of Southeastern Europe, from +all of Southern Russia and Poland, from the Caucasus region, from Central +Europe as far as Regensburg and Friule, and from the shores and islands +of the Mediterranean were likewise incorporated; till, as a result of all +this Western admixture, the ruling nationality of the Ottoman Empire, +though called Turkish today, retains no physical trace whatever of +Mongolian ancestry.[18] Many of its members undoubtedly have no Tatar +blood in their veins; as for the rest, they are, if the above discussion +be well founded, a mixture of Europeans chiefly with Turks of Asia +Minor, who were themselves a mixture of the former Christian population +with Seljuk Turks, while these again were a mixture dating back through +countless ages of contact between the white and the yellow races. A +simple computation will illustrate the matter. Osman is said to have +captured a fair Greek lady named Nenuphar, or Nilufer, the Lotus-flower, +and to have given her as bride to his son Orchan, the first of the +Ottoman sultans.[19] From that time it became increasingly the policy of +the sultans to take their wives from the Caucasian race.[20] If Orchan +be set down as of pure Mongolian descent, and if it be supposed, as is +certainly very near the truth, that all the mothers of succeeding sultans +were not of Turkish blood, and if the mother be assumed to contribute to +the child an influence equal to the father’s, the proportion of Mongolian +blood in the veins of the reigning sultan, who is of the twentieth +generation from Orchan, can readily be calculated,—about one part in one +million.[21] Similar proportions would hold good for many of the Osmanli +Turks. Probably the nation as a whole has no more of Tatar blood than the +American nation has of Norman. + + +THE SOURCES OF OTTOMAN CULTURE + +The question at once arises: What significance, then, has the name Turk +as applied to modern Turkey? To this query a general answer only can be +given here, as part of a rough statement in regard to the derivation of +the main elements of Ottoman culture. + +Of the whole body of ideas and institutions and intangible inheritances +possessed by the Ottoman Turks in the sixteenth century, no small number +of the most fundamental ones were derived from the remote Tatar ancestors +of a part of the nation, from whom even this part was far separated +in time and space. Foremost among these inheritances is the Turkish +language, which in its principles of monosyllabic stem, inflexion by +postfixes alone, and assonance, and in its general system of grammar and +body of words of ordinary life, has survived from the early days through +all vicissitudes.[22] Old Turkish is the Anglo-Saxon of the Osmanli, as +Persian is his Greek and Arabic his Latin. Somewhat more hospitable than +those who use Western languages, the Turk has nearly always accepted with +a foreign thing its foreign name; and the great majority of the foreign +words and phrases so accepted he has not changed in any way, except to +modify the pronunciation of some sounds about which the tongue does not +readily curl. Among other Tatar bequests to the Osmanlis may be named +the hospitable assimilative tendency to which reference has already been +made; a predisposition to war and conquest, accompanied by an openness +of mind as to the best methods and means of prevailing; an ability and +inclination to govern, combined with great adaptability as to methods and +means; and some acquaintance with systematic and bureaucratic methods +of government impressed upon the nation by the Chinese. Again, the +Tatars, possessed of the tenacious conservatism of a primitive people, +predisposed the Ottomans to a close adherence to custom—to the doctrine +that, when a thing had been done once in a certain way, it should always +thereafter be done in the same way. Finally, the Tatars contributed +various elements of the national character, such as a touch of the old +love of nomad life, a certain stolidity of spirit and calm sobriety of +temper (taught, perhaps, by the vastness of the steppe in comparison with +the littleness of man), and a lack of originality which hindered the +construction of freely-borrowed ideas into new forms of higher relation. +In general, therefore, the foundations of the national character of the +Ottomans were laid in the early days, in a body of ideas which was passed +down continuously from man to man, not so much through blood-relationship +as through willing acceptance or enforced adoption. + +The nature of a Tatar nation in the steppe lands, manifesting many of +the elements mentioned above, is extremely significant as foreshadowing +some features of the Ottoman government. A Tatar nation was a voluntary +association, independent of kinship, formed about a promising leader, and +interested in war and conquest; thus it might grow with extreme rapidity +until the geographical extent of its dominion would be marvellous. The +empire of the _Tu-kiu_, for example, gathered in about twenty-five years +after its foundation territories which reached from China proper to the +confines of the Byzantine Empire. The leader of such a nation maintained +his control by the right voluntarily given him to punish treason and +conspiracy by death;[23] when his controlling hand grew weak, the nation +went to pieces. “A Turkish tribe could maintain a political organization +and a compact grouping only by war; without benefits from pillage and +tributes, it would be obliged to dissolve and to disperse by clans, whose +fractions would group themselves anew, and form another nation about +the strongest man.... In regard to empires like those of the Huns, or +the Turks, military associations without ethnic bonds, one cannot say +that they dissolve; they disband. Reversing the custom of other peoples, +with the Turks it is the king who feeds his people, who clothes them, +who pays them.”[24] Add to this system a loyalty to a hereditary leader +which makes the bonds of union permanent, and the description would apply +fairly well to the growing Ottoman nation. A passage from the _Kudatku +Bilik_ applies yet more closely, since it shows a military government in +the midst of a subject population:[25]— + + “In order to hold a land one needs troops and men; + In order to keep troops one must divide out property; + In order to have property one needs a rich people; + Only laws create the riches of a people: + If one of these be lacking all four are lacking; + Where all four are lacking, the dominion goes to pieces.” + +The ancient Persian seems to have given the Ottoman at long range a +number of his ideas of government, such as the exaltation of the monarch, +the separation of officials of the court from those of the government +proper, the division of the ministry into five departments, the council +of state, the giving of large powers to local governors, and the +beginnings of the so-called “legal” system of taxation.[26] From him also +seems to have come the policy of allowing subjects who professed alien +religions to form separate organizations, which lived in a measure under +their own laws. One writer goes so far as to say: “All investigations +into the oldest state regulations of the Orient, into the origin of +monarchical forms and constitutions, into the ceremonial of courts and +the hierarchy of officials, lead back to the great kingdom of the ancient +Persians, from whom they have come down more or less modified, to the +Arabs, who sat as caliphs on the thrones of the three continents, to +the Seljuk Turks and the Byzantines, who at the same time grew up on +the ruins of the Saracen and Roman kingdoms in Asia and Europe, and +through both to the Ottomans who swallowed up the kingdoms of Iconium +and Byzantium.”[27] The Sassanian Persians handed down through the +Moslems the completed “legal” system of a land tax of two sorts based on +cadasters, and a capitation tax levied on those who practised a foreign +religion. They may also have contributed many features of the Ottoman +feudal system. During the Abbassid period the Persians and the Turks who +gradually displaced the Arabs in the civil and military administration of +the Saracen Empire were thrown into very close contact with each other. +It was only natural, therefore, that the Persians, who possessed the more +advanced culture, should influence the Turks in many directions. Their +chief direct gift lay in the domain of poetry and literature, a field in +which they added a vast number of words and ideas to the original Turkish +stock. + +The Saracens gave the Ottomans a complete religious and social system, +united under a Sacred Law which professed to provide for all relations +of life, and which became more and more rigid as time went on. Into this +had been wrought slowly by generations of learned men most of the Persian +governmental ideas that have been mentioned, together with others from +Arabian and Byzantine sources, such as a species of laws of inheritance +and a system of juristic responses. The Saracens gave also their alphabet +and a large stock of Arabic words. All that the Moslems gave the Ottomans +was embodied in one great, complex institution, which was founded upon an +elaborate system of education and supported by the revenues from a large +part of the land of the empire, and which possessed great solidity and +an almost changeless permanence. In the Ottoman Empire, as in all other +Moslem lands, the influence of this completed institution was ultimately +very injurious; when added to the Tatar love of custom, it laid a heavy +hand on all movements toward improvement and progress. Its ultimate +attitude toward earthly affairs is well expressed in the following +couplet:— + + “To build in this world palaces and castles, there is no need; + They will at last be ruins: to build cities, there is no need.”[28] + +A development which took place among the Turks within the Saracen Empire +was of the profoundest significance to Ottoman history. From some date +in the early ninth century, Turkish youth were brought to Bagdad in +large numbers as purchased, but by no means unwilling, slaves. Having +been trained as soldiers, they became generals and local governors, and +after no great length of time the central government also passed into +their hands. The training of such young Turkish slaves in the palaces of +caliphs and governors clearly foreshadowed Ottoman methods. The account +that perhaps looks farthest back in relation to the Turks is found in the +_Siasset Namèh_, and refers to the time of the Samanid dynasty, which +ruled in East Persia from 874 to 999. It describes the external aspect of +the system of education, such as promotion and marks of honor, but leaves +the severe work which lay behind to be inferred:— + +“This is the rule that was followed at the court of the Samanids: + +“They advanced slaves gradually, taking account of their services, their +courage, and their merit. Thus a slave who had just been purchased served +for one year on foot. Clothed in a cotton tunic, he walked beside the +stirrup of his chief; they did not have him mount on horseback either in +public or in private, and he would be punished if it were learned that he +had done so. When his first year of service was ended, the head of the +chamber informed the chamberlain, and the latter gave the slave a Turkish +horse which had only a rope in its mouth, a bridle and a halter in one. +When he had served one year on horseback, whip in hand, he was given a +leathern girth to put about the horse. The fifth year they gave him a +better saddle, a bridle ornamented with stars, a tunic of cotton mixed +with silk, and a mace which he suspended by a ring from his saddle-bow. +In the sixth year he received a garment of a more splendid color; and in +the seventh year, they gave him a tent held up by a pole and fixed by +sixteen pegs: he had three slaves in his suite, and he was honored with +the title of head of a chamber; he wore on his head a hat of black felt +embroidered with silver and he was clothed with a silk robe. Every year +he was advanced in place and dignity; his retinue and his escort were +increased until the time when he reached the rank of chief of squadron +and finally that of chamberlain. Though his capacity and merit might be +generally recognized, though he had done some noteworthy deed and had +acquired universal esteem and the affection of his sovereign, he was +obliged nevertheless to wait until the age of thirty-five years before +obtaining the title of _emir_ and a government.”[29] + +In this system of the training of slaves for war and government lay the +nucleus of the fundamental institution of the Ottoman state, which, +together with the institution based on the Sacred Law, was to sum up +practically the entire organized life of the Ottoman nation. Under +the Samanids it was Turkish boys who were thus educated by Arabs and +Persians, but the Ottomans were later to apply the same principle to the +education of Christian youth. + +The Seljuk Turks brought most of the ideas that have been mentioned into +Asia Minor. They served chiefly as mediators between the older Turkish, +Persian, and Mohammedan systems and that of the Ottomans. Besides +adding some features out of their own experience, such as a method of +book-keeping, and handing on a taste for constructing public buildings +like caravanserais, khans, and mosques, they gave rise to several +important religious orders which were to have a place in Ottoman life. + +What was left for the Byzantines to contribute to the Ottoman? He had +received already the main features of his national character,—language, +literary influences, law, and religion. One of his two leading +institutions was already almost fully developed in Moslem lands, and +required only transplantation. The other, however, the institution of war +and government, could still be modified considerably; and this was to +incorporate much from the Byzantines.[30] Many details of governmental +organization, both imperial and local, a supplementary system of +taxation, a greatly elaborated taste for court ceremonial and splendor, +a plan of organizing foreign residents under a special law, and a host +of lesser usages and customs were to be taken over by the Ottomans. +The Ottoman feudal system also probably owed its final form to the +Byzantines; and perhaps it was from them that the Ottomans learned their +abnormal love for fees and gifts. The matchless structure of Saint Sophia +served as a model for the superb mosques that lift the shapely masses of +their great gray domes, supported by clusters of semidomes and lesser +domes, above the cypress trees and gardens of the rounded hills which in +Constantine’s city slope down to the blue waters of the Sea of Marmora, +the Bosphorus, and the Golden Horn. + +This sketch of the origin of the elements of Ottoman culture does not +profess to be in any sense complete. So great a subject is worthy of +separate and extended treatment. No more has been attempted here than +partly to prepare the way for an understanding of the strange system +of government which the Ottoman Turks developed, and to show that that +system was no new creation, but was made of elements which in their +origins reached far back into the past. Out of old and tried ideas was +built up a double structure which was individual, conservative, and +efficient, strong, durable, and useful. + + + + +CHAPTER I + +THE CHARACTER OF THE OTTOMAN STATE IN GENERAL + + +DEFINITION + +The Ottoman Turkish state of the sixteenth century was a despotism, +limited and supported by the Mohammedan Sacred Law; it governed a vast +territory, which had been gathered by the progressive conquest of +many separate lands, and which was consequently held in many diverse +relationships; it ruled a multitude of peoples, some of which were +favored as holding to the state religion, and others of which, though in +an inferior position, had yet the right by sacred compacts to practise +other religions and obey other laws. + +This description reveals at once the complex and parti-colored character +of the Ottoman Empire at the period when its power and prestige were +greatest, when its armies were feared from the shore of the German +Ocean to the borders of India and its fleets from Gibraltar to Bombay, +and when its favor and goodwill were sought by powers great and small +in Asia, Africa, and Europe. For the state as for the individual, the +penalty of greatness is increase of responsibility and care. In any +conquering nation the growth of governmental institutions must keep pace +with increase of territory and population, or advance will be stifled +by confusion. The growth may, however, be too rapid to be intelligently +directed. Most great institutions, in fact, tend to develop a separate +life of their own which may become too vast and powerful for human +comprehension and control; for political, religious, economic, and social +forces proceed out of and act upon them in numerous and unexpected +ways. In the case of the Ottoman Empire the situation was rendered +more difficult by the presence in its territory of stable and vigorous +institutions centuries older than its own. These were profoundly hostile +to its inner spirit, far too powerful and individual to be destroyed or +absorbed by it, and therefore an eternal obstacle to unity. In addition, +the Ottoman institutions themselves grew more and more apart into two +unified groups, which were in striking contrast in many ways; dwelling +together, they acted upon each other continually; and unfortunately they +were so constituted that their reciprocal influence was to the injury of +both. A fuller explanation will make the complicated situation clearer. + + +THE LIMITATIONS ON DESPOTISM + +It may seem a contradiction in terms to speak of a despotism as limited; +yet a little reflection will show that there never has existed and never +can exist a despotism that is not limited. In what land has the will of +one man been obeyed instantly, everywhere, and by all? In what land have +there not been stubborn traditions, ineradicable prejudices, and powerful +organizations, which have blocked the way of the despot as effectively +as lofty mountains and stormy channels? The great limitation upon the +power of the Ottoman sultan was the _Sheri_, or Sacred Law of Islam, +which claimed to be wholly above him and beyond his alteration.[31] He +might by act of violence transgress its provisions, but he had even +then done it no damage; it was still what it had always been. And he +knew well that his transgressions must not be too many, and must not at +all touch certain matters, else he would be declared to have forfeited +the throne.[32] The Sacred Law divided with him the allegiance of his +Mohammedan subjects; it demanded to be consulted before he removed the +head of a criminal,[33] or went to war with an enemy;[34] it took for +itself the revenues of a large share of his lands, and so controlled the +imposition of general taxation as seriously to embarrass his finances; it +even protected his Christian subjects from all efforts of his to bring +them forcibly under its sway;[35] it entered into his very spirit and +persuaded him to relinquish harmless pleasures,[36] while it supported +him in the execution of able and worthy brothers and sons.[37] The +_Sheri_ was a form of rigid constitution which by its own provisions +was incapable of amendment. It purported to regulate for all time the +matters included in its scope. Open to a small measure of modification +by juristic interpretation, it was probably on the whole as changeless +a system as has ever prevailed among men. The sovereign had no right to +modify it in the least respect. + +Nor was the Sacred Law the only real limitation upon the sultan’s power. +Although he was not bound to observe the legislation of his ancestors or +maintain their institutions,[38] yet he could not lightly destroy what +he must at once replace. Some of their laws he might cease to observe, +some institutions he might neglect, improve, or reform; but the main +substance of their work was too useful and too well-established to be +undone. Suleiman bears the name of Legislator (_El Kanuni_); but in his +case it was even more true than in similar instances in other lands that +he did not so much ordain and create anew as rearrange and put in order, +reorganize and regulate. + +Again, few other peoples in the world, perhaps, have been so much under +the power of custom as was the Ottoman nation.[39] That which had +been once done in a certain way must always be done in the same way, +or in what was believed to be the same way, unless a change had been +accomplished by the distinct intervention of fully recognized authority. +The inertia of the people was so marked that the sovereign power seldom +found it worth while, and then only when driven by necessity, to put +forth the great exertion required to make a change in the established +order. + +Restricted thus by an unchangeable constitution, by the presence of +deep-rooted laws and institutions, and by the settled customs of a highly +conservative people, the power of the Ottoman sultan could be exerted +freely in certain directions only. What these were will appear as the +scheme of the government is unfolded. + + +THE TERRITORIAL BASIS + +A fundamental characteristic of the modern state is considered to +lie in the fact that its power is territorial, that it exerts equal +authority over every part of a certain territory, and over every human +being and every material object upon, above, or under the surface of +that territory. Although an authority so evenly applied may be possible +theoretically, it is never in actual existence in any particular +state; for special laws and arrangements always modify the situation. +For example, lands and property devoted to religious or educational +uses, or owned by a foreign nation for its ambassador, are regularly +exempted from taxation. Or, again, the government of the United States +of America stands in different relations toward the soil of the District +of Columbia, the state of Massachusetts, the territory of Alaska, the +Philippine Islands, and the Panama Canal Zone. + +By the laws of Islam the soil of a conquered land is granted by God as +the absolute possession of the _Imâm_, or divinely commissioned prince, +who commands the conquering army.[40] Apart from the question as to where +the sovereignty rests, this theory of ownership is substantially that of +the modern state. The fact that the soil of the Ottoman Empire came into +highly complex relationships with the government, therefore, arose not +so much from a different fundamental theory as from a greater number of +special arrangements based on circumstances and on the personality of +religion and law. + +The Ottoman Empire consisted, first, of a great body of lands which +were directly administered according to a system that was exceedingly +intricate but approximately uniform; second, of a number of regions less +directly administered under special regulations; third, of numerous +tributary provinces; and fourth, of certain protected or vassal states. +Outside the whole, except where the frontiers were natural, lay a belt +of neutral or disputed territory, which tended to be depopulated by +continual raids from both sides, only less frequent and terrible in time +of peace than in time of war.[41] The great significance of this belt +to the Ottoman people and government was that it furnished a continuous +supply of captives for the enormous slave-trade of the empire. Outside of +the raided belt, again, lay the _Dar-ul harb_, or land of war, inhabited +either by peoples whose religions were regarded as inferior, or by +heretics, whom it was a duty to conquer, at least when practical.[42] +The order in which these several regions are mentioned, an order based +on progressive diminution of control, corresponds in general to an +increasing distance from Constantinople. While the Ottoman Empire was +growing, each sort of territory tended to absorb the next, proceeding +from the center outward. + +These lands may be considered rapidly in the reverse order. The +territory in which raiding was frequent consisted of a strip extending +across Austria-Hungary from the head of the Adriatic in a northeasterly +direction, and another band stretching eastwardly across Southern +Poland and Russia in the edge of the forest region. The latter was +separated from Crimean Tartary by the steppe land, which the Tartars kept +uninhabited in order to afford a free passage to their light horse. The +Persian frontier also lay waste; but the country was too much broken for +easy raiding, and Mohammedans, even though heretical, could not lawfully +be enslaved.[43] Similar conditions existed on the Moroccan frontier, +except that the majority of the inhabitants of Morocco were orthodox +Moslems. Another section that may properly be regarded as one of the +raided regions from which slaves and booty were drawn was the Christian +shipping on the Mediterranean Sea, and the islands and shores of that +sea so far as they were held by Christians. Crimean Tartary, Georgia, +Mingrelia, and parts of Arabia were vassal territories, more or less +lightly attached and paying no regular tribute.[44] Venice’s island of +Cyprus, the Emperor Ferdinand’s possessions in Hungary, the territories +of Ragusa, Transylvania, Moldavia, and Wallachia, all paid regular +tribute with occasional presents, for the privilege of maintaining their +own administrations. Egypt was under a special government, adapted +with slight changes from that of the Mamelukes, headed by a pasha sent +out from Constantinople for a term of three years, and delivering a +large part of its annual revenue to the imperial treasury. The Holy +Cities of Mecca and Medina, far from paying tribute, received a large +annual subsidy at the cost of Egypt.[45] North Africa, conquered by +the Corsairs, was brought into the empire by Khaireddin Barbarossa +principally for the sake of prestige and support; but, though in its +organization it imitated the parent government, it was seldom in close +obedience. + +The regions directly administered were divided into districts, or +_sanjaks_, each of which had a separate law or _kanun-nameh_, of +taxation, which rested upon terms made at the time of conquest.[46] +Parts of the mountain lands of Albania and Kurdistan, and the desert +of Arabia, though nominally under direct administration, were in very +slight obedience; they retained their ancient tribal organizations, under +hereditary chieftains who were invested with Ottoman titles in return +for military service, and whose followers might or might not submit to +taxation.[47] The remaining _sanjaks_, more closely under control, were +yet organized in no simple way. + +Parcels of land in the great central portion of the Ottoman Empire were +in three classes,—the tithe lands (_ersi ’ushriyeh_), the tribute lands +(_ersi kharâjiyeh_), and the state lands (_ersi memleket_).[48] The tithe +lands had been granted to Mohammedans in fee-simple (_mulk_) at the time +of conquest, on condition of paying a relatively small portion (not more +than one-tenth) of the produce to the state. The tribute lands had been +granted or left to Christians in fee-simple at the time of conquest, on +payment of one of two taxes—either a fixed sum for the land itself or +a share of the produce—the latter ranging in amount from one-tenth to +one-half.[49] The state lands were such as had never been granted in +fee-simple, and hence their title remained in the sultan. He received +the revenue, however, from only a part of them; for a very large portion +had been given to mosques as endowment (_vakf_) for their maintenance +and the support of their attendants, or for the benefit of the schools, +hospitals, and other buildings attached to them; and another large +portion had been granted in fief to Mohammedans, who in return rendered +military service on horseback.[50] The comparatively small remainder of +the state lands was held as crown domain, administered in a special way +by the sultan as owner. The tenants of state lands held title only by +lease, or _tapu_, and paid both money and crop rent to the church, the +fief-holder, or the crown.[51] All the lands in Europe were regarded as +state land,[52] for the Ottomans gave out in fee-simple few lands that +were conquered from Christians. Asia Minor was also largely state land; +but Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt were held under older arrangements, +and were mainly tribute lands. Arabia and Bosra were almost wholly tithe +lands, as being the oldest Arabian possessions.[53] The fundamental +quality of all tribute land was unchangeable;[54] but original tithe +lands which had come into the hands of Christians were temporarily +regarded as tribute lands,[55] and lands in fee-simple (tithe and +tribute lands) might be devoted by their owners as religious endowments +(_vakf_).[56] Original small fiefs might be made into one large one; or +a number of persons might come to hold a fief without division of it, +provided they jointly furnished the required military service.[57] Many +endowments (_vakf_) were made by private individuals for various public +purposes; in time, through the attachment of pension provisions and by +other devices, a system was built up which had many of the features of +the employment of uses under English law.[58] + +No small amount of land of every sort went out of cultivation, and after +a certain time had elapsed, if the owner was unknown, became state land. +If this or any other unoccupied land was brought again under the plow, it +might be granted to the new cultivator.[59] + +This rapid survey is sufficient to reveal the tangled nature of the +Ottoman land system in both its farther and its nearer aspects, and to +show why the administration had to become markedly and increasingly +bureaucratic. Such a multiplication of relations acted powerfully toward +decentralization, since the regulation of countless details could be +attended to better from points near at hand; and the immense amount of +adjustment to which officials and clerks must devote their time afforded +infinite opportunities for corruption and extortion. Suleiman, in his +legislation, made a series of efforts to simplify and systematize the +situation, and with some success; but he could not remove the causes of +the complications, or arrange matters so that they would not eventually +become worse than before. + + +THE PEOPLES + +The wide Ottoman territory held a great number of peoples, marked off by +differences of race, language, religion, and customs. The raided belt +was inhabited chiefly by Southern Slavs, Germans, Hungarians, Poles, +and Russians; and the Christian shores and islands of the Mediterranean +chiefly by Greeks, Italians, French, and Spaniards. Accordingly, slaves +from all these peoples were constantly forwarded to the center and +distributed widely—in the service of the sultan, in the households of +the great, and on the estates of country gentlemen. They were treated +without prejudice in accordance with their abilities, and in the end the +great majority were brought into the Moslem fold, many of them rising +to the highest positions. The inhabitants of the tributary states were +left in possession of most of their own institutions, but whether to +their advantage in the long run is a question open to debate.[60] They +were plundered directly by their own princes and indirectly by the +Turks, and they had almost no part in the work and life of the empire. +The Mingrelians and Georgians captured and even raised children for the +slave-trade of the empire proper and of Egypt.[61] The Egyptian fellahs +toiled, as they have done through all ages, to produce wealth for their +masters, who were now in two bodies—the Mamelukes, recruited as always +from slaves of many races, and the group of officials and Janissaries +who aided and sustained the Ottoman pasha. The Berbers of North Africa +furnished a sufficient task of government to their rulers, who consisted +of a body of officials and Janissaries recruited from captives and from +the Turks and other inhabitants of southwestern Asia Minor,[62] but +connected only at the top with the central government of the empire. + +In the region which was under more or less direct administration, +Albanians, Servians, Croatians, Bulgarians, and Greeks—in general, +the Christian subjects in the Balkan Peninsula—furnished most of the +tribute children; but some were taken from the Christians of western and +northeastern Asia Minor and the Caucasus region.[63] Kurds and Arabs, +being Moslems, could not be enslaved, but they fought for the empire on +the eastern frontiers. Armenians and Jews were, by ancient privilege, +exempt from both blood tribute and military service.[64] + +The principle of the personality of law and religion came most visibly +into play in the heart of the empire. Prevalent in the Orient from the +time of Assyria’s greatness to the present day, it is not easily to be +understood in a land that has wholly separated religion and law. Where +these two ideas are united, two men who hold different faiths must +perforce live under different laws.[65] Islam inherited the idea of the +personality of law through the Sassanian Persians, and endeavored to +apply it with simplicity by drawing a single line between Moslem citizens +(_Muslim_) and non-Moslem subjects (_Zimmi_).[66] The Ottomans adopted +the idea unreservedly and worked it out into a complicated system: each +considerable body of their non-Moslem subjects, Greek Orthodox, United +Greek, Armenian, and Jewish, they left, in time, not merely to its own +religion, but to its own law and the administration of its law in all +matters that did not concern Moslems.[67] Proceeding yet farther with +the same principle, they granted even greater privileges to foreigners +who wished to reside within the empire. Except for a tax upon the land +which they might occupy, for the necessity of paying customs duties, and +for responsibility to Ottoman courts of justice in civil cases in which +Ottoman subjects were concerned, such foreigners were almost wholly free +from Ottoman control, freer far to do as they pleased than they could be +in their native lands. + +Regions existed where nearly all the inhabitants obeyed one law. In +Bulgaria and Greece few were not Greek Orthodox. In the interior of +Asia Minor few were not, at least legally, Mohammedan. But in the great +cities of the empire, and especially in the capital, there was an immense +variety of obedience. Not only did the various colonies of foreigners +and the various subject nationalities have their separate rights under +different systems, but individuals among them, such as ambassadors +and clergymen, had special privileges and immunities. Even among the +Mohammedans there were various distinctions. Several large classes were +privileged, and in different ways, including all the people of court and +church, of the army and the law, of government and education. The social +and legal structure was thus scarcely less complicated than that of +medieval Western Europe, with its interlocking of feudal and official and +royal privilege, of clergy and nobility, of free and chartered cities. + + +INSTITUTIONS OF GOVERNMENT + +In the midst of so much territorial complexity and among so many peoples +which enjoyed different rights, what unifying institutions did the +Ottoman Empire possess? In the largest sense, the government included +every organization that could lay claim to any public character, and +all of these must be brought into view if there is to be a complete +understanding of the conditions. In the first place, however, it is +necessary to discover and comprehend the genuinely great and powerful +institutions. These were two, and not, as is essential to the modern +conception of the state, a single one. Each was, it is true, composed +of several parts, which may be regarded as distinct institutions in +themselves; and yet each had an inherent unity that must be firmly +grasped and held if the situation is to be understood. + +If names must be assigned to these two great composite institutions, the +nearest approximation would perhaps be to call them State and Church. +But these words give no adequate idea of them, since each embraced +a little less and at the same time far more than is included in the +conception of the corresponding Western institutions. They will therefore +be described and discussed as the “Ottoman Ruling Institution,” and the +“Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire.” The character of each and +the distinction between them will become clear as they are explained in +detail. For the present, a brief statement of the composition of each and +of its function in the government of the empire will suffice. + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution included the sultan and his family, the +officers of his household, the executive officers of the government, +the standing army composed of cavalry and infantry, and a large body of +young men who were being educated for service in the standing army, the +court, and the government. These men wielded the sword, the pen, and +the scepter. They conducted the whole of the government except the mere +rendering of justice in matters that were controlled by the Sacred Law, +and those limited functions that were left in the hands of subject and +foreign groups of non-Moslems. The most vital and characteristic features +of this institution were, first, that its personnel consisted, with few +exceptions, of men born of Christian parents or of the sons of such; and, +second, that almost every member of the Institution came into it as the +sultan’s slave, and remained the sultan’s slave throughout life no matter +to what height of wealth, power, and greatness he might attain. + +The Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire included the educators, +priests, jurisconsults, and judges of the empire, and all who were +in training for such duties, besides certain allied groups, such as +dervishes or monks, and emirs or descendants of the Prophet Mohammed. +These men embodied and maintained the whole substance and structure +of Mohammedan learning, religion, and law in the empire. They took +part in the government by applying the Sacred Law as judges assisted +by jurisconsults, and in these capacities they paralleled the entire +structure of administration to the remotest corner of the empire.[68] In +fact, their system extended to regions where direct administration was +not exercised. In the Crimea, for example, the rendering of justice was +in their hands, while the other functions of government were performed by +a vassal state in light obedience. The situation in Arabia and in North +Africa was somewhat similar, though complicated by the presence of rival +systems of jurisprudence. In direct contrast to the Ruling Institution, +the personnel of the Moslem Institution consisted, with hardly an +exception, of men born of Moslem parents, and born and brought up free. + +Both these institutions, while uniquely powerful and independent within +the empire, were paralleled by lesser institutions, but in different +ways. The Ruling Institution was followed closely by the governments of +Egypt and North Africa, and less closely by those of the tributary and +vassal states; but all these were strictly subordinate, and exercised +what authority they possessed only within definite territorial limits. +The Moslem Institution was followed closely by the Greek and Armenian +and Jewish national institutions, and to some extent by the organization +of the foreign colonies. Each of these various institutions rested on +a religious organization or theory, cared for the learning, religion, +and law of its people, and rendered justice in matters not covered by +the Ottoman administration; but all were wholly independent of the +Moslem Institution, and, since they were based on personality instead +of territory, they exercised jurisdictions which were territorially +co-extensive with its jurisdiction and often with the jurisdictions of +each other. + +The two great institutions and the lesser parallel ones included +practically all the government of the empire when regarded in its widest +aspect. In the time of Suleiman the Ruling Institution was perhaps of +greater power and influence than the Moslem Institution, but the tendency +of the latter was to gain upon the former. Notable progress in that +direction was made during his reign, and indeed through his personality. +The policy of both toward the parallel lesser institutions was to prevent +them from gaining in power, and, so far as possible, to weaken them. +In the former aim this policy succeeded with all but two classes,—the +governments of North Africa, which were separated by a sea under their +own control, and the organizations of the foreign settlements, which were +supported by active and increasing powers outside of the empire. But the +two great institutions were restrained by circumstances and their own +inherent structure from extirpating the parallel institutions, and in +time they were to cease to weaken them. The greatest dangers to the whole +Ottoman system lay, however, in the rivalry of the two great institutions +and in a tendency of the Ruling Institution toward decentralization and +division into its component parts. + + +CONTEMPORARY DESCRIPTIONS OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS + +Few writers on the history and government of the Ottoman Empire since the +sixteenth century have grasped the individual unity, the parallelism, +and the contrast of its two leading institutions. D’Ohsson and Von +Hammer understood the Moslem Institution, but missed the conception of +the Ruling Institution, the unity of which had disappeared long before +their time. Ranke obtained from a few of the Italian writers a very vivid +conception of the Ruling Institution, particularly as a slave-family and +an army; but he did not see the Moslem Institution in its due proportion +and importance. Zinkeisen, making wider use of the Italians, came nearer +than any other to a clear understanding of the whole scheme; yet his +exposition does not leave a distinct impression. Bury, in his lucid +chapter in the _Cambridge Modern History_, describes well the _Spahis_ +and the Janissaries, and notes that many tribute children rose to high +positions; but he does not grasp the unity of the Ruling Institution, +and he seems hardly at all to see the Moslem Institution. Jorga, the +latest to write a general history of Turkey, makes it his avowed purpose +to exhibit cultural and institutional growth; he comes near, but does +not attain, a distinct conception of the Ruling Institution; while +giving especial attention to the renegades who reached high position in +the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, he seems not to recognize how +definite, and how intelligently constructed and directed, were the policy +and organization which raised them to power.[69] + +In order to show how clearly some of the Italian writers of the sixteenth +century understood the two institutions, though not under any particular +names, translations of certain quotations are subjoined. Since they will +serve also to justify the present writer’s point of view, no apology need +be made for their length. + +Andrea Gritti, Venetian orator extraordinary to Bayezid II, in his report +to the Venetian senate on December 2, 1503, mentions the highest Turkish +officials as follows:—“For affairs of state and every other matter of +importance His Majesty is wont to take counsel with the pashas.... These +are ordinarily four in number, who reside in Constantinople; they are +born of Christian parents, seized from the provinces while small, and +educated in different places by men delegated for that purpose; raised +then to certain positions either through the affection which the Grand +Signor bears for them, or by some enterprises valorously carried through, +they quickly become very rich, selling, among matters of importance, +justice and favors; but when they find themselves at the summit of +felicity they live in great danger.”[70] + +Antonio Barbarigo, Venetian _Bailo_ at Constantinople from 1555 to 1560, +speaks further of the high officials: “Nor does there exist in this so +great empire either superiority or illustriousness of blood, so that any +one can glory in his descent, but all are in an equal condition, and +they themselves wish to be named and called slaves of the Grand Signor, +and their greatest pride is when they say that they are slaves of the +Signor; and all his chief men and governors are slaves, and Christian +renegades, and sons of Christians brought up from an early age in the +seraglio, and then in time, according to their worth, exalted and +rewarded and made great by His Majesty.”[71] + +Marcantonio Barbaro, _Bailo_ of Venice at Constantinople from 1568 to +1573, seems to have been the first to discern clearly the contrast of the +two institutions. + +“It is a fact truly worthy of much consideration, that the riches, the +forces, the government, and in short the whole state of the Ottoman +Empire is founded upon and placed in the hands of persons all born +in the faith of Christ; who by different methods are made slaves and +transferred into the Mohammedan sect. Then whoever will carefully direct +his attention to this principal consideration, will come more easily to +an understanding of the government and nature of the Turks.... + +“Other sorts of persons are not ordinarily admitted to the honors +and the pay of the Grand Signor, except the above-mentioned, all +Christian-born.... + +“The emperor of the Turks has ordinarily no other ordinances and no +other laws which regulate justice, the state, and religion, than the +Koran; so that, as the arms and the forces are wholly reposed in the +hands of persons all born Christians, so, as I have already said, the +administration of the laws is all solely in the hands of those who are +born Turks, who bring up their sons in the service of the mosques, where +they learn the Koran, until being come of age they are made _kazis_ of +the land, who are like our _podestas_, and administer justice, although +the execution remains in the hands of those who wield arms.... + +“I have taken much space to demonstrate to your most excellent Signory +how the government of this empire is wholly reposed in the hands +of slaves born Christians, this appearing to me a matter for much +consideration....”[72] + +Gianfrancesco Morosini, Venetian _Bailo_ at Constantinople from 1582 to +1585, later made a cardinal of the Roman church, yields to none in the +fulness and depth of his observation of the Turks. He too distinguishes +clearly the great institutions:— + +“There are two sorts of Turks: one of these is composed of natives born +of Turkish fathers, and the other of renegades, who are sons of Christian +fathers, taken violently in the depredations which his fleets and sailors +are accustomed to make on Christian territories, or levied in his own +territory by force of hand from the subjects and non-Moslem tax-payers +(_carzeri_) of the Signor, who while boys are by allurement or by force +circumcised and made Turks.... Not only does the greater part of the +soldiery of the Turks consist of these renegades, but in yet greater +proportion all the principal offices of the Porte are wont to be given +to them, from the grand vizier to the lowest chief of this soldiery, it +being established by ancient custom that the sons of Turks cannot have +these positions.... + +“To the native Turks are reserved then the governing of the mosques, the +judging of civil and criminal cases, and the office of the chancery: from +these are taken the _kazis_ and the _kaziaskers_, the teachers (_hojas_), +and their _Mufti_, who is the head of their false religion; and the +_kazis_ are like podestas, and render justice to every one, and the +_kaziaskers_ are like judges of appeal from these _kazis_....” + +“The renegades are all slaves and take great pride in being able to +say, ‘I am a slave of the Grand Signor’; since they know that this is a +lordship or a republic of slaves, where it is theirs to command.”[73] + +Lorenzo Bernardo was _Bailo_ of Venice in Constantinople from 1584 to +1587. After a second period of service in 1591 and 1592 he presented the +longest extant report to the Venetian senate on the Ottoman Empire. After +describing the principal officers of the Ottoman government at the time +he says in his involved style:— + +“These are they, in whom is reposed not only the whole government of the +state, but also the command of all the arms of this so great an empire; +and yet these are neither dukes, nor marquises, nor counts, but all by +origin are shepherds, and persons base and vile; wherefore it would be +well if this most serene republic, imitating in this direction the Grand +Signor, he who from this sort of persons, his slaves, creates and makes +the best captains, _sanjaks_ and _beylerbeys_, giving them in this way +credit and reputation.... + +“Just as the whole government of the affairs of the state and the command +of its arms is reposed in the hands or the control of slaves by origin +Christian, and then made Turks by various accidents; so the government +of the affairs which look toward justice, and all the charge of affairs +of religion are located in the hands of native Turks, sons of Turks, who +having been educated in the universities instituted by the Grand Signor +and the present ministers, and made learned in their laws, which consist, +both civil and criminal, in no other teaching than that of the sole book, +the Koran, become _imâms_, or priests, who govern mosques; _kazis_, or +podestas; _hojas_, or preceptors of great men; and finally _kaziaskers_, +or judges of supreme appeal, of whom there are only two, the one in Asia +and the other in Europe; and the head of all these and supreme in their +religion is the _mufti_, like the pope among us, who is chosen by the +Grand Signor.”[74] + +Lastly, Matteo Zane shall speak, Venetian _Bailo_ in Constantinople +from 1591 to 1597. In the imperfect record of his vigorous report, +the illustrious diplomatist says: “The Turks are partly natives and +partly renegades; the natives, who live for the most part in Asia, are +in comparison with the renegades less depraved and less tyrannous, +because they still have in them some religion, which the others have +not,—the most arrogant and scoundrelly men that can be imagined, having +seemingly with the true faith lost all humanity. This alienation from +religion is fitting in desperate characters, who are induced to it by +licentious freedom of life, and by seeing placed in their hands the arms, +the government, the riches, and in short the whole empire, excluding +the native Turks, who are admitted only to the careers of justice, as +that of _kazi_ and the like, and to those of religion, such as _mufti_, +_hoja_, and _imâm_, as is very well known.”[75] + +The impending break-down of the system near the close of the sixteenth +century is also set forth clearly by Zane: “The government of the Turkish +Empire is suffering within itself so many and such great alterations, +that one may very reasonably hope, divine aid mediating, for some notable +revolution within a short time, because the native Turks continue to +sustain the greatest dissatisfaction, from seeing all the confidence +of the government reposed in the renegades, who, at a tender age for +the most part, are taken into the seraglio of the king or of private +citizens, and made Turks. To the renegades is committed not merely the +care of arms, but the entire command and the execution of the acts +of justice of the _kazis_ (although they do not allow appeals), and +the superintendence of religion; whence one may say that they rule +everything and that the native Turks are their subjects as are servants +to their masters; which was not true in other times to such excess as at +present.”[76] + +To these testimonies from Italian writers may be added a paragraph +written about 1603 by the great English historian of Turkey, Richard +Knolles. Knolles shows no acquaintance with the Moslem Institution, but +his recognition of the Ruling Institution is good:— + +“The _Othoman_ Government in this his so great an Empire, is altogether +like the Government of the Master over his Slave, and indeed meer +tyrannical; for the Great Sultan is so absolute a Lord of all things +within the compass of his Empire, that all his Subjects and People, be +they never so great, do call themselves his Slaves and not his Subjects; +neither hath any man power over himself, much less is he Lord of the +House wherein he dwelleth, or of the Land which he tilleth, except some +few Families in _Constantinople_, to whom some few such things were by +way of reward, and upon especial favour given by _Mahomet_ the Second, at +such time as he won the same. Neither is any man in that Empire so great, +or yet so far in favour with the Great Sultan, as that he can assure +himself of his Life, much less of his present Fortune or State, longer +than it pleaseth the Sultan. In which so absolute a Sovereignty (by any +free born People not to be endured) the Tyrant preserveth himself by +two most especial means; first, by taking off all Arms from his natural +Subjects; and then by putting the same and all things else concerning the +State and Government thereof into the Hands of the Apostata, or Renegade +Christians, whom for the most part every third, fourth, or fifth Year +(or oftner, if his need so require) he taketh in their Child-hood, from +their miserable Parents, as his Tenths or Tribute Children; whereby he +gaineth two great Commodities: First, For that in so doing he spoileth +the Provinces he most feareth, of the flower, sinews, and strength of +the People, choice being still made of the strongest Youths, and fittest +for War; then, for that with these, as with his own Creatures, he armeth +himself, and by them assureth his State; for they, in their Child-hood, +taken from their Parents Laps, and delivered in Charge to one or other +appointed for that purpose, quickly, and before they are aware, become +Mahometans; and so no more acknowledging Father or Mother, depend wholly +on the Great Sultan; who, to make use of them, both feeds them and +fosters them, at whose hands onely they look for all things, and whom +alone they thank for all. Of which Fry, so taken from their Christian +Parents (the only Seminary of his Wars) some become Horse-men, some +Foot-men, and so in time the greatest Commanders of his State and Empire, +next unto himself; the natural Turks, in the mean time, giving themselves +wholly unto the Trade of Merchandise, and other their Mechanical +Occupations; or else to the feeding of Cattel, their most ancient and +natural Vocation, not intermedling at all with matters of Government or +State.”[77] + + + + +CHAPTER II + +THE OTTOMAN RULING INSTITUTION: AS A SLAVE-FAMILY + + +I. GENERAL DESCRIPTION + +Perhaps no more daring experiment has been tried on a large scale +upon the face of the earth than that embodied in the Ottoman Ruling +Institution. Its nearest ideal analogue is found in the Republic of +Plato, its nearest actual parallel in the Mameluke system of Egypt; +but it was not restrained within the aristocratic Hellenic limitations +of the first, and it subdued and outlived the second. In the United +States of America men have risen from the rude work of the backwoods +to the presidential chair, but they have done so by their own effort +and not through the gradations of a system carefully organized to push +them forward. The Roman Catholic church can still train a peasant to +become a pope, but it has never begun by choosing its candidates almost +exclusively from families which profess a hostile religion. The Ottoman +system deliberately took slaves and made them ministers of state; it took +boys from the sheep-run and the plow-tail and made them courtiers and +the husbands of princesses; it took young men whose ancestors had borne +the Christian name for centuries, and made them rulers in the greatest +of Mohammedan states, and soldiers and generals in invincible armies +whose chief joy was to beat down the Cross and elevate the Crescent. It +never asked its novices, “Who was your father?” or “What do you know?” or +even “Can you speak our tongue?”; but it studied their faces and their +frames and said, “_You_ shall be a soldier, and if you show yourself +worthy, a general,” or, “_You_ shall be a scholar and a gentleman, and +if the ability lies in you, a governor and a prime minister.” Grandly +disregarding that fabric of fundamental customs which is called “human +nature,” and those religious and social prejudices which are thought +to be almost as deep as life itself, the Ottoman system took children +forever from parents, discouraged family cares among its members through +their most active years, allowed them no certain hold on property, gave +them no definite promise that their sons and daughters would profit by +their success and sacrifice, raised and lowered them with no regard for +ancestry or previous distinction, taught them a strange law, ethics, and +religion, and ever kept them conscious of a sword raised above their +heads which might put an end at any moment to a brilliant career along a +matchless path of human glory. + +The members of this system were, in a general way, as long as they lived, +at once slaves, proselytes, students, soldiers, nobles, courtiers, and +officers of government. To be understood fully, the institution should +be considered from each of these points of view. The aspects which were +of central and controlling importance, however, were those of war and +government; the others were preparatory or accessory. Furthermore, the +sultan was the head and center of the institution in every one of its +aspects. He gave it its unity, its vigor, and its propelling force. +Although his despotic power was limited in many directions, it knew no +limits with regard to the members and the mechanism of this institution. +The person, the fortune, the property, and the life of every member lay +in his hand.[78] + +The absolute character of the sultan’s authority was an element of great +strength to the institution, but it contained also the possibility of a +great danger. To manage the system well required an almost superhuman +intelligence. The sultan held the position of Deity toward his slaves, +and he needed the omniscience and benevolence of Deity to exercise his +power wisely and justly. Unfortunately, his position, which controlled +the whole scheme, was the only one that was filled by the uncertain lot +of heredity. While strong men came to the throne, the system worked out +marvellous results. When weak men were to come, as happened immediately +after Suleiman, the system was to begin to fall apart into dangerous +fragments. Yet its vitality was so strong that it lived on through +nearly three centuries of alternate decline and rehabilitation, and its +spirit may almost be said to abide still. + +The Ruling Institution contained certain component parts, which were +capable of separate existence, and some of which at times tended +to escape complete control. Among these the best-known, though not +intrinsically the most important, was the body of permanent infantry +known as the Janissaries. They represented the brute force of the system +and its most dangerous element. Another component institution was the +permanent cavalry, the _Spahis_ of the Porte.[79] These were more +numerous than the Janissaries, but being better educated and encouraged +by the presence of greater opportunities, they were not so dangerous. A +third important sub-institution was the hierarchy of governing officials. +Although these had great power, they could be dealt with individually; +and the sword was never far from their necks. Subordinate bodies of a +secondary influence were the _Ajem-oghlans_, or apprentice Janissaries, +and the colleges of pages, which trained many of the _Spahis_ of the +Porte and most of the officers of government. Each of these component +parts will be dealt with in its proper place. Theoretically, and except +at certain junctures practically, they were strictly subordinated to +the main institution and yet fully incorporated with it. The Ruling +Institution as a whole will be considered as a slave-family, a missionary +institution, an educational system, an army, a court, a nobility, and a +government. + + +II. THE SLAVE-FAMILY + +Every one who belonged to the Ruling Institution in any capacity from +gardener to grand vizier, save only the members of the royal family, bore +the title of _kul_, or slave, of the sultan.[80] Nor was this title a +mere form: with few exceptions, all members entered the system as actual +slaves, and there was nowhere along the line of promotion any formal or +real process of emancipation. The power of the sultan over the lives, +persons, and property of the members of the institution, and his right +to their absolute obedience, bear every mark of having been derived from +the idea of slavery. The very word despot means by derivation the master +of slaves, and it was only over his _kullar_ that the sultan’s power was +despotic in the fullest sense.[81] + +Entrance to the system came by the door of slavery, which was open +regularly only to Christian boys from ten to twenty years of age. It +is an error, found in some writers even lately, to name eight years as +the usual age.[82] The correct limits are given approximately by many +contemporary writers.[83] It is probable that the preferred ages were +between fourteen and eighteen, and that only in exceptional cases were +boys taken before the age of twelve or after the age of twenty. + + +METHODS OF RECRUITING + +Four methods were employed for obtaining recruits for the system,—by +capture, purchase, gift, and tribute. Of these only the last is commonly +considered;[84] but it was originally, and probably always, merely +supplementary to the others.[85] The four methods ultimately rested on +two. Slaves who were bought for the sultan or given to him had nearly +all been either taken as captives or levied illegally with the tribute +boys; there was hardly any other way, since slaves passed too rapidly +into the Moslem fold to have their children available for the system. As +to the comparative numbers obtained by the different methods there are +few data for calculation. Probably about three thousand tribute boys was +the annual average in the sixteenth century,[86] but there is no reason +to think that this was a majority in the number of annual recruits. The +whole number in the system may be estimated at about eighty thousand.[87] +Since the losses by war were sometimes tremendous, it is probable that +the average annual renewal required was as much as one-tenth, or between +seven and eight thousand. On this basis the tribute boys furnished +somewhat less than one-half of the whole number. These calculations are, +of course, more or less arbitrary. + +It is true that children of _Spahis_ of the Porte might be admitted +to the college of pages at the pleasure of the sultan, but their +grandchildren and the children of all other Moslems were excluded by +rigid rules.[88] These rules began to be invaded about the close of +Suleiman’s reign by the admission of the sons of Janissaries,[89] an +innovation that was of ultimately fatal import to the system. A certain +number of adults were also received and some of these were sons of +Moslems; exceptional individuals from among the irregular troops were +admitted to the _Spahis_ of the Porte by way of reward,[90] and that body +contained a Foreign Legion of about two thousand, composed of renegade +Christians, Arabs, Nubians, and the like.[91] Occasionally, also, some +high official of Suleiman’s government had been born a Moslem.[92] But +the total effect of all these exceptions was so slight as to cause them +to be disregarded by more than one contemporary observer.[93] + +The original homes of the captives have been described.[94] By the +Sacred Law the sultan was entitled to one-fifth of all captives taken in +war;[95] and he chose as his share, through agents, such young men as +seemed suitable for a place in his system.[96] Since by special Ottoman +regulation the sultan’s fifth belonged to the church, he was accustomed +to pay twenty-five aspers to the church for each slave that he took.[97] +His officers also purchased in the public slave-market of the capital +such youths as were available.[98] These came from the captives that the +Tartars of the Crimea took in great numbers, from the quasi-slave-farms +of the Caucasus,[99] from the irregular raids in Austria, and from the +corsair expeditions. The sultan received a large number of boys as gifts, +since it was well known that no presents were more acceptable.[100] Those +who desired his favor kept a lookout for such as would please him. + + +THE TRIBUTE BOYS + +Although the levying of tribute boys in the Christian provinces of the +empire seems not to have produced the majority of neophytes for the +system, the practice has always received a share of attention far beyond +its numerical importance. Several reasons for this suggest themselves. +In the first place, it rested on a unique and almost unparalleled idea; +then, it involved an extraordinary disregard of human affection and of +the generally acknowledged right of parents to bring up their children +in their own law and religion;[101] and, finally, it produced the ablest +and highest officials of the system.[102] In the latter respect its youth +seem to have borne some such relation to those obtained by capture as the +cultivated fruits of the garden do to those gathered in the woods. + +The levying was accomplished by a regular process, the _devshurmeh_. +Normally every four years, but oftener in case of need,[103] a body +of officials more skilled in judging boys than trained horse-dealers +are in judging colts were sent out by the government to the regions +from which tribute was taken.[104] The whole of the Balkan Peninsula, +Hungary, the western coast of Asia Minor, and the southern and eastern +shores of the Black Sea were included in the territory visited; but the +strongest and ablest youths came from the mountain regions inhabited by +Albanians and the Southern Slavic peoples.[105] The recruiting officers +were commissioned each to bring in a certain number, which had been +apportioned to them out of a total determined at the capital.[106] There +was no principle of tithing, and no fixed proportion or number of boys +was levied from each village or family;[107] the quota desired from +each district was obtained for the government by selection of the most +available youths. The recruiting officers sometimes collected a larger +number than was asked for, and sold the surplus on their own account to +high officials or wealthy private citizens.[108] A regular procedure was +followed. The officers obtained from the Christian priest of the village +a list of the boys whom he had baptized, and who were between the ages +of twelve and twenty years or thereabouts.[109] All these were brought +before the officers, who selected the best.[110] Parents who had strong +and well-favored sons might lose them all, while those who had weaklings +would lose none.[111] On leaving each village, the officer took with him +the boys whom he had selected; and, when his quota had been gathered, he +took them to the capital.[112] + + +ESTIMATE OF THE SYSTEM + +This levying of boys as tribute has always elicited a great amount +of moral indignation, as representing an extreme of oppression, +heartlessness, and cruelty. The religious factor has increased the odium +of the custom. Certainly no argument can be found which will justify it +to those who believe in the liberty of the individual, the absolute right +of parents over minor children, and a complete withdrawal of human beings +from the category of property,—principles which seem in the sixteenth +century to have had no place in Ottoman philosophy or jurisprudence, at +least as regards Christian subjects. It may be said at once that the +custom cannot be brought into harmony with Western ideas. So much being +granted, how did the system bear upon the parents who were despoiled and +the boys who were taken? + +In the midst of the conflicting testimony of reputable witnesses, it is +evident that the parents of tribute boys did not all feel alike. The +grief at parting was often a heart-breaking thing to witness;[113] the +mother whose son was taken by force to an unknown life among enemies of +all that she had been taught to hold dear would hardly have suffered more +at the death of her son. At the same time, she might hope to see him one +day in the possession of great wealth and power. It is not to be supposed +that youth taken at from twelve to twenty years of age would ever forget +their parents; and, if they lived and prospered, they would sometimes +seek them out, as did Ibrahim, even though they might not try his +unfortunate experiment of bringing them up to the capital.[114] Fathers +would appreciate the opportunities which arose before their sons much +more than would the mothers. Both would be more or less reluctant to let +them go, according as their Christian religious convictions were deep or +shallow. Parents who wished to keep their sons would sometimes marry them +in tender years, since married boys were ineligible; those who had means +bought exemption for their sons from the recruiting officers, who thus +reaped great rewards.[115] On the contrary, many parents were glad to +have their sons chosen, knowing that they would thus escape from grinding +poverty,[116] receive a first-rate training suited to their abilities, +and enter upon the possibility of a great career. Some parents, in fact, +came to regard the process as a privilege rather than a burden;[117] +and they had reason to do so, since Turkish parents envied them the +opportunity, and sometimes tried to evade the regulations by paying +Christians to take their Moslem sons, and declare them as Christian +children, so that they might be enrolled as the sultan’s slaves.[118] +Apart, then, from political theory and religious prepossession, the +levying of tribute children was by no means a mere evil to the parents. + +The situation of the boys themselves, considered under the same +reservations, was almost wholly favorable. They were taken at an age when +they would not feel the parting as they might have felt it in earlier +or later years, when their attachment to things and places would be at +its weakest, and before their religious convictions were likely to have +become fixed. They were taken from the narrow mountain valleys and the +labor-hungry plains. They were taken at the age when the bounding pulse +and the increasing strength of youth suggests great hope and promises +great achievement. They were taken to opportunities as great as their +utmost abilities, greater often than they could possibly imagine. They +might still have to labor for a time, but a distinct career lay ahead. +The best military education in the world would certainly be theirs. +If their abilities lay in that direction they could have a finished +and thorough, though specialized, education of the mind. They could +look forward to travel, wealth, power, and all else that human ambition +desires. In that land and that age of the world, the question of the +religious and social systems being laid aside, an unprejudiced observer +could hardly imagine a more brilliant opportunity than that which lay +before the tribute boys. + + +THE SLAVE STATUS + +Whether captured, purchased, presented, or levied, the young men who +entered the system were the slaves of the sultan, the personal property +of a despot. They were his slaves for life, and, though they felt honored +by the title,[119] they were never allowed to forget the responsibilities +of their condition. They must to the end of their days go where the +sultan chose to send them, obey his slightest wish, submit to disgrace as +readily as to promotion,[120] and, though in the highest office of state, +they must accept death by his order from the hands of their humblest +fellow-slaves.[121] If one of them was executed, all his property went +to his master. The time had not yet come when heads would be removed for +the sake of the owner’s possessions; yet Suleiman profited greatly by the +death of several of his slaves, in particular from the estates of the +_Defterdar_ Iskender Chelebi and the grand vizier Ibrahim.[122] When one +of the sultan’s slaves died leaving sons or daughters, the master sealed +up his property, and took the tenth part for himself before distributing +the rest to the children;[123] the nine-tenths was, indeed, given to the +children rather by the favor of a bountiful and wealthy master than as a +right. If the slave had no sons or daughters, the sultan took his whole +estate;[124] and a day was to come when his empty treasury would demand +the whole estate under all circumstances.[125] Thus in all essential +respects the eighty thousand _kullar_ of the sultan constituted one great +slave-family. + + +THE HAREM, THE EUNUCHS, AND THE ROYAL FAMILY + +Two or three less numerous but highly important groups may properly be +discussed in the present connection. The imperial harem and the imperial +family itself were virtually parts of the same slave system.[126] The +harem of Suleiman was not the large and costly institution that was +maintained by some of his successors; like his father Selim,[127] he was +not given to sensuality, but is said to have been faithful to Khurrem +from the time that he made her his wife.[128] The character of an +Oriental royal harem has often been set forth incorrectly. While it may +contain hundreds or even thousands of women, a very few of these are the +actual consorts of the monarch. A large number are the personal servants +and entertainers of himself, his mother, his consorts, his daughters, and +his infant sons. Another section consists of those who are being educated +for the same personal service. A fourth group, probably the great +majority, are mere house-servants, who attend to all the domestic labors +of the harem and are seldom promoted to more honorable positions. There +is, finally, a group of older women who preserve order and peace, teach, +keep accounts, and manage the establishment generally.[129] + +Suleiman’s harem contained about three hundred women, who were kept in a +separate palace well fortified and guarded.[130] His harem fully deserves +to be reckoned as part of the great slave-family, since all its inmates +except his children were purchased or presented slaves.[131] These +women, brought for the most part from the region of the Caucasus,[132] +and including in their number some of the fairest female captives of +many lands, were nearly all daughters of Christians. Khurrem herself +was a Russian, while the rival of her youth seems to have been a +Circassian.[133] In another respect the harem deserves to be reckoned +with the Ruling Institution, in that its inmates, upon attaining the age +of twenty-five, were, if they had not attracted the sultan’s special +attention, as a rule given in marriage to distinguished _Spahis_ of the +Porte.[134] + +A comparatively small group, not hitherto mentioned, of the attendants at +the sultan’s palace and harem belong within the slave-family. Although +the Sacred Law strongly disapproved of the employment of eunuchs, that +unfortunate class was thought too useful to be dispensed with entirely. +Some were white, brought mainly from the Caucasus region; but the great +majority were negroes brought from Africa. Tribute children seem rarely +to have been made eunuchs.[135] The class deserves mention because +several of the important offices of state among the “men of the pen” were +held by eunuchs, and now and then one rose to high place in the army or +the administration.[136] + +The royal family also may rightly be included in the slave-family. The +mothers of the sultan’s children were slaves; the sultan himself was the +son of a slave; and his daughters were married to men, who, though they +might be called vizier and pasha, wore these titles at the sultan’s +pleasure, whereas they bore indelibly the title of _kul_, or slave.[137] +The sultan’s sons, though they might sit upon the throne, would be the +consorts of none but slaves. Long before Suleiman’s time, the sultans +had practically ceased either to obtain brides of royal rank, or to give +the title of wife to the mothers of their children.[138] Suleiman, given +to legality and religious observance, and greatly devoted to the lovely +Roxelana, made her his lawful wife. Since, by the Sacred Law, the status +of the mother as wife or slave does not affect the legitimacy of the +children if the father acknowledges them,[139] all children born in the +harem were of equal legitimacy and rank. + + +OTHER OTTOMAN SLAVE-FAMILIES + +The ruling institution of any state is apt to be copied in miniature by +many organizations within the same state. The municipalities of Rome, and +the state and city governments of the United States, were each modeled +after the central government. In a similar way, every great officer +of the Ottoman court built up a slave-family after the model of the +Ruling Institution. The grand vizier had a very large establishment; +the viziers had somewhat smaller ones; the governors of provinces had +households in proportion to their incomes;[140] and each adult prince +kept a miniature government. Not only the slave-family feature but all +the other features of the Ruling Institution were imitated. All deemed it +meritorious to purchase Christians and turn them into Moslems. Iskender +Chelebi had a highly successful educational system;[141] he also kept a +little standing army, and at a later time so did Rustem.[142] Each great +officer protected his slaves, each kept them about him like a court, each +used them as a little government to rule his affairs. Such imitation +might easily become a danger to the state, but ordinarily a prompt +remedy could be applied. Every such household was strictly personal; +it was gathered about a living man; that man was ordinarily himself a +slave of the sultan: let him show the least movement toward treason, and +his head would be removed, his property would come to his master, his +household would be incorporated with the central slave-family, all danger +would be at an end, and the sultan would only be the stronger. Further +safeguards lay in the close relations of the head of each slave-family +to the sultan, and in the fact that some _Spahis_ of the Porte and other +imperial _kullar_ of inferior position seem usually to have been attached +to the suite of each great official.[143] Moslem private citizens also +kept slave-families as numerous as they could afford,[144] but these +could hardly become dangerous under any circumstances. They might emulate +the missionary and educational character of the greater households, but +they would not dare attempt any imitation of the military features. +Further, the whole Ottoman system so discouraged great accumulations of +wealth that private citizens could never hope to compete with the power +of officials and of the sultan. + + +CHARACTER OF OTTOMAN SLAVERY + +Ottoman slavery was a very different institution from that which +Anglo-Saxons have practised. In it there could ordinarily be no +color-line, and therefore no ineffaceable distinction. Where difference +in color existed it counted for nothing, by old Islamic customs. Nor +did the fact of slavery impart any indelible taint. Islam knew slave +and free;[145] in the Ottoman Empire, at least, it knew no intermediate +class of freedmen.[146] The sultan seems never to have emancipated +his slaves, probably because of a lingering Oriental theory, foreign +to Mohammedanism,[147] that all his subjects were his slaves. Private +citizens had the power of emancipation,[148] and they often exercised +it as a meritorious act. The slave who was set free was immediately +in possession of full rights.[149] Slavery had therefore no inherent +quality. It was merely an accidental misfortune from which complete +recovery was possible. The idea of Aristotle, that some men are born to +be slaves, was wholly absent. + +Where no permanent wall of separation exists, natural human affection +can have free play. The Moslem religion teaches kindness and benevolence +to all but armed enemies of the faith.[150] Moslem masters, in constant +personal association with persons whose condition led them to strive to +please, were apt to become very friendly toward them. Such friendliness +often led to warm affection and the bestowal of benefits. Emancipation +was one of these; and, further, not only the sultan but many of his +subjects did not hesitate to give their daughters in marriage to worthy +slaves.[151] A slave was often beloved above a son;[152] it was felt +that, while a son possessed a character which was more or less a matter +of chance, a slave had been selected. Thus it is clear why the sultan’s +slaves were sometimes called his children,[153] and why the title of +_kul_ was prized.[154] Suleiman was a stern, and sometimes a cruel parent +to his great family; but he was as just in rewarding as in punishing, and +it is not surprising that all his slaves were true to him.[155] + +Thus was woven what has well been termed “a wonderful fabric of +slavery.”[156] History may have known as large a slave-family, but +certainly none that was more powerful and honorable, better provided for +and rewarded, more obedient and more contented. + + + + +CHAPTER III + +THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS MISSIONARY ENTERPRISE AND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM + + +I. THE MISSIONARY MOTIVE + +Although almost every member of the governing group in the Ottoman +Empire had been born a Christian, it was absolutely necessary for his +advancement that he should profess the Moslem faith. A keen contemporary +observer knew of only one Christian who had been entrusted with great +power. Alvise Gritti was allowed to hold special command in Hungary, but +this appointment was made outside the system, as a personal affair of the +grand vizier Ibrahim, without the concurrence of the sultan.[157] Various +Christians were employed in such matters as the superintendence of +ship-building and cannon-founding;[158] but this was a purely commercial +relationship, and such a man had no place in the _cursus honorum_. The +fundamental rule, open to the few exceptions previously described, was +very simple. Every member of the Ruling Institution must have been born a +Christian and must have become a Mohammedan. + +A number of questions arise at once. Why were none but sons of Christians +admitted? Why was conversion essential to promotion? What was the process +of accomplishing conversion? How thorough was the conversion? Why were +the sons of most of the converts, and the grandsons of practically all, +carefully pushed out of the system? + +The first of these questions might be answered in terms of policy of +state; but since, in all Moslem thinking, church, state, and society +form one undivided whole, such an answer would be inadequate. Conversion +to Mohammedanism meant much more than an inward change and an outward +association for religious purposes with a new group of worshippers. +It meant the adoption of a new law for the whole of life, beginning +with the religious and ethical, but including as equally essential +portions the regulation of all social, commercial, military, and +political relationships.[159] It meant admission to a new social system, +naturalization in a new nation, an entire separation from the old life +in all its aspects and a complete incorporation with the new. Expansion +of membership was always a cardinal principle of Mohammedanism; and the +expansion was to be not merely by the aid of the sword, but far more by +peaceful means. The sword took the land and sometimes the body of the +unbeliever; but his soul was to be won by the benefits of the system, +first religious, then social, financial, and political.[160] Every nation +that has reached eminence has believed firmly that its general system +was immensely the superior of every other in the world, and no nations +have been more thoroughly convinced of this than those of Moslem faith. +Accordingly, their desire to convert the unbeliever was founded primarily +on benevolence. Closely connected with this motive was a burning interest +in the grandeur of Islam as a militant, expanding system; and subordinate +thereto was a purpose to increase the wealth, numbers, and power of the +state. + + +THE OTTOMAN ATTITUDE + +The Ottoman system incorporated young Christians not merely to obtain +more faithful, more obedient, and more single-hearted servants, but, +before and beyond this, to obtain new members of the Ottoman nationality, +new believers in the Moslem faith, and new warriors for the Ottoman +Empire as representing Islam. This missionary purpose stands out +very clearly in the words attributed to Kara Khalil Chendereli, the +traditional founder of the corps of Janissaries, by a poet-historian +of the early sixteenth century, who no doubt here, as elsewhere in his +writings, introduced the ideas of his own day: “The conquered are slaves +of the conquerors, to whom their goods, their women, and their children +belong as a lawful possession; in converting the children to Islam by +force, and in enrolling them as soldiers in the service of the faith, one +is working for their happiness in this world and their eternal salvation. +According to the words of the Prophet, every infant comes into the world +with the beginnings of Islam, which, developing in an army formed of +Christian children, will encourage even in that of the infidels the ardor +of conversion to Islam; and the new troop will recruit itself not merely +with the children of the conquered, but also with a crowd of deserters +from the enemy, united to the believers by common origin or pretended +opinions.”[161] The sentiment of this declaration is woven of two +strands, both ultimately religious,—a desire to convert great numbers to +Islam, and a purpose to strengthen the army which wars for the faith. + +Mohammed the Conqueror expressed the same idea poetically in a letter +to Uzun Hassan: “Our empire is the home of Islam; from father to son +the lamp of our empire is kept burning with oil from the hearts of the +infidels.”[162] This declaration seems to reveal two things. First, the +Conqueror asserts that, since by Moslem theory there can be but one _Dar +ul-Islam_, or land of Islam, his empire is the sole lawful Moslem state; +second, he declares that, by the policy of his house, the empire derives +its strength from the ever-renewed supply of Christians. Whether this +exegesis be exact or not, the fact is indisputable that the fundamental +missionary spirit of Islam was strong in the Ottomans of the sixteenth +century,[163] and that the Ruling Institution was deliberately conducted +for the purpose, among others, of transferring the ablest and most useful +of the subject Christians in each generation into the dominant nation. As +the first Western observer who comprehended the system remarked, “This +comes from no accident, but from a certain essential interior foundation +and cause, which,” he feels it his Christian duty to say, with a helpless +admiration, “is desperation of good, and obstinacy in evil, and ... is +the work of the devil.”[164] Not only did Mohammedanism encourage the +practice of taking in outsiders to serve, fight, and aid in ruling, but +this practice was thoroughly in harmony with the old Turkish spirit which +prevailed in the steppe lands, and a similar policy had been followed +by the Byzantine Empire. Thus, in encouraging the incorporation of +foreigners the three great influences which met in the Ottoman state had +exerted a combined activity as perhaps in no other direction. The Ruling +Institution acted for centuries as a great steadily-working machine for +conversion. + + +OTHER MOTIVES FOR INCORPORATING CHRISTIANS + +Besides the combined religious and national purpose which led to the +introduction of Christian youth into the system, other motives helped +to give it definite shape. That purpose alone would hardly have caused +a rigid rule to be laid down which would exclude Mohammedans. Here, +undoubtedly, the well-known tendency of governments that rest on force +to rely upon servants brought from a distance and owing all to their +favor came strongly into play.[165] The sultan’s _kullar_ were uniformly +faithful to the hand that had raised them from poverty to high position. +“Being all slaves by condition, and slaves of a single lord, from whom +alone they hope for greatness, honor, and riches, and from whom alone +on the other hand they fear punishment, chastisement, and death, what +wonder that in his presence and in rivalry with each other they will +do stupendous things?”[166] Having expected ill treatment from the +enemies of their nation, they were drawn by the surprising contrast to +deep gratitude and boundless devotion;[167] they were not attached to +interests and traditions of family and property which would prevent full +and loyal obedience; they learned what was taught them by their master’s +command, and were not possessed by ideas and prejudices that would make +them independent in mind and intractable. On the contrary, Moslems born +and bred in pride of religion and nationality could not easily be moulded +to the shape desired; the very title of _kul_ was out of harmony with +their beliefs; hence they were inherently unavailable for the system, and +the recognition of this fact led to their rigid exclusion. An important +reason for excluding children of renegades was that heredity of privilege +and office was against Ottoman policy. The immunity from taxation that +was enjoyed by the sultan’s officials would tend to the building up of +vast fortunes that would be beyond the reach of public taxation;[168] and +the power of great families entrenched behind large property interests +would in time endanger the supremacy of the throne.[169] + + +THE REQUIREMENT OF CONVERSION + +Conversion was a principal object of the system, and favor and promotion +waited as rewards upon acceptance of the Moslem faith. In fact, a young +man was not fitted to participate in the system until he had turned +Moslem. He could not be an Ottoman warrior and statesman and fail to +profess and practise, in most respects, at any rate, the system which +inspired his fighting and on whose principles the state rested. The +garment was seamless: it must be either worn or not worn. + +At the same time, conversion of the neophytes of the Ruling Institution +seems not ordinarily to have been forcible.[170] The Ottomans were too +wise to believe that the best results could be accomplished by such +means. Their policy was rather to throw every difficulty in the way +of remaining a Christian, and to offer every inducement to make the +Moslem faith and system seem attractive. To this end their educational +scheme helped greatly;[171] for it involved complete isolation from +Christian ideas of every sort, and complete saturation in all the ideas +of Mohammedanism, religious, moral, social, and political. Even those +whose education was mainly physical were isolated from Christians in a +strict Moslem environment. No doubt there were special rejoicings and +rewards when a _kul_ was ready to declare, “There is no God but Allah +and Mohammed is His Prophet,” as there were in like circumstances in the +rest of the Ottoman world.[172] But the _kullar_ seem not to have been +urged to change their faith; on the contrary, an attitude of apparent +indifference was sometimes taken with them.[173] Probably, however, few +who remained long in the system failed to surrender sooner or later. +Prejudices of child-hood would in time be overcome; what the majority +did would tend to act powerfully upon the individual; the reward of a +brilliant career would take clearer and more alluring shape, until in +time, in the absence of all contrary suggestion, the real truth and value +of the Mohammedan religion would make it appear to be the only worthy +system. It is not surprising that the scheme seemed to Christians one of +diabolical ingenuity. + +What went on in the sultan’s slave-family in regard to the conversion +of slaves went on in every Mohammedan household. Conversion was desired +but not compelled, and reward awaited it.[174] Among female slaves also, +even in the imperial harem, the same process was employed. Not merely +the imperial slave-family, but the entire system of slavery that existed +in the Ottoman Empire, was thus a great machine for the conversion of +Christians into Turks. + + +SINCERITY OF CONVERSION + +It is not easy to learn what thoughts possessed the hearts of the members +of the Ruling Institution. Enough is recorded, however, to show that not +all who turned Moslem did so without mental reservation, and to prove +that it was possible to hold fast to an inward belief in the superiority +of Christianity through many years spent in the sultan’s service. It +has been said sometimes that the converted Christians were more severe +than the Moslems toward their brethren who remained steadfast.[175] This +would be natural both because of the zeal of new converts, and because +Christianity is intrinsically less tolerant than Mohammedanism; but the +accusation does not seem to be supported as against the members of the +Ruling Institution. A distinction must be drawn between behavior in time +of war and in time of peace. The Janissaries were fierce fighters and +terrible enemies; but religiously they belonged to a sect which was so +liberal as to be accused of rank heresy, and even, it is said, to have +been denied the name of true believers.[176] Many of the renegades were +persons who held no sort of religion.[177] The grand vizier Rustem told +Busbecq, after offering him great rewards if he would turn Moslem, that +he believed in the salvation of those of other faiths;[178] and a _deli_, +or scout, in his service confided to a French gentleman that, while he +pretended to follow Mohammedanism, he was a Christian at heart.[179] +The fact that a Genoese boy, taken at twelve years of age, educated as +a favored page for eight or nine years, and evidently trained carefully +in Mohammedan beliefs, would seize the first opportunity to escape shows +what was possible beneath the surface.[180] Two generations earlier there +was a renegade who cursed the day when he had turned Turk, but who felt +that he could not go back.[181] Nor were the members of the system always +submissive to the stricter rules of Mohammedan ethics. The Janissaries, +for example, forced Bayezid II to reopen the wine shops of the capital, +which in the religious fervor of his later years he had ordered +closed;[182] and the members of the government were led by fondness for +display and lavish expenditure into shameless venality, the cause and the +effect being equally contrary to the teachings and example of Mohammed. +The probability is that large numbers of the sultan’s slaves were merely +nominal Mohammedans in religious belief, though they necessarily followed +the larger part of the Moslem scheme of life. + + +EFFECT OF THE PROCESS + +Sons of Janissaries were not allowed to become Janissaries, although the +rule began to be infringed about the end of Suleiman’s reign.[183] Sons +of _Spahis_ of the Porte might be admitted as pages and to the corps of +_Spahi-oghlans_, but their grandsons were rigidly excluded.[184] Sons of +great officials were provided with fiefs, or pensions, and so usually +passed out of the Ruling Institution into the territorial army.[185] +Thus few were allowed in the scheme beyond the first generation in the +Moslem faith, and almost none beyond the second. The explanation of this +has been given already: descendants of renegades were Moslems, and hence +subject to the same disqualifications as members of Mohammedan families +of long standing. Not all Moslems of the empire were counted Ottomans, +or, as they called themselves, Osmanlis, or, as they are commonly called +nowadays, Turks; for Arabs, Kurds, and other Mohammedans who had not +adopted the Turkish language did not bear the Turkish name. But all +the descendants of members of the Ruling Institution were added to the +Ottoman-Turkish nationality. The total number of Janissaries in the three +centuries during which they were recruited from Christian children has +been estimated at five hundred thousand;[186] but, as reckoned above, +the tribute boys furnished less than one-half of the recruits of the +institution,[187] and the page system persisted in its original form +after the Janissaries had become hereditary. From one to two millions of +the flower of the Christian population must have been brought into the +Ottoman nation by the operation of the Ruling Institution. + +It does not necessarily follow that a like number of new Turkish families +were thus founded. The Janissaries were not supposed to marry, although +the rule was not strictly enforced;[188] a hundred years later, at +any rate, the majority are said to have been unmarried.[189] As the +_Spahis_ of the Porte probably married late, when they married at all, +the whole system had thus something of a monastic aspect.[190] High +officials, it is true, were apt to keep harems of some size; yet the +children even of these were ordinarily few in number.[191] Furthermore, +the frequent fierce wars carried off many of the sultan’s slaves, and +the danger of execution and of confiscation of property put a check on +their establishment of families. It is probable, therefore, that the +Ruling Institution, like most great slave-families, was wasteful of +human life.[192] But although its Christian-born members may not have +perpetuated their numbers, they nevertheless increased the Ottoman nation +by the addition of such children as were born to them; and the Moslem +descendants of these, sailing in quieter waters, doubtless became, both +numerically and otherwise, a great strength to the nation. + + +II. THE EDUCATIONAL SCHEME + +Plato would have been delighted with the training of the sultan’s great +family, though his nature would have revolted from its lowliness of +birth. He would have approved of the life-long education, the equally +careful training of body and mind, the separation into soldiers and +rulers (even though it was not complete), the relative freedom from +family ties, the system’s rigid control of the individual, and, above +all, of the government by the wise. Whether the founders of the Ottoman +system were acquainted with Plato will probably never be known, but they +seem to have come as near to his plan as it is possible to come in a +workable scheme. In some practical ways they even improved upon Plato,—as +by avoiding the uncertainties of heredity, by supplying a personal +directing power, by insuring permanence through a balance of forces, and +by making their system capable of vast imperial rule. + +In the largest sense the Ruling Institution was a school in which the +pupils were enrolled for life. Constantly under careful drill and +discipline, they advanced from stage to stage through all their days, +rewarded systematically in accordance with their deserts by promotions, +honors, and gifts, and punished rigorously for infraction of rules, while +both rewards and punishments increased from stage to stage until the +former included all that life under the Moslem scheme could offer, and +the latter threatened to take away the life itself. The system also cared +for all sides of the nature of its pupils, subject to the considerable +limitation that it was especially a school of war and government. The +bodies of all were trained as thoroughly as were the minds of the +best. Though all received some mental training, including at least an +acquaintance with the Moslem mode of life, the ablest were put through a +severe course in Oriental languages and Moslem and Ottoman law, which +embraced ethics and theology. Thus both body and mind, as well as the +religious nature, were provided for systematically and through life. +Looked at thus, the Ottoman educational scheme, in its relations to the +whole lives of those under instruction, was more comprehensive than any +Western institution of learning. The officers of a Western army are +educated and organized in a life-long system which provides for both +body and mind; but they do not learn theology and they do not govern the +nation. Great American railroads and manufacturing corporations possess +schemes of education and advancement which bear comparison to the Ottoman +system in life-long scope, promotion for merit, and the possibility of +rising from the bottom to the top; but the mental training which they +give even to their ablest helpers is of a highly technical sort, which +bears no comparison to the general learning and finished culture bestowed +upon the most studious in the Ottoman scheme. In general, Western +universities and educational systems, although they far surpass the +Ottoman scheme in the scope and character of the intellectual training +which they give, do not provide a comparable systematic training of the +body; and their control over the lives of their students ceases early. +The superior comprehensiveness of the Ottoman system was, of course, +based upon the fact that its members were slaves. Their master could keep +them at school all their lives, in order that they might become better +and better trained to serve him. At the same time, reward was considered +more potent than the rod. Unequalled prizes were offered in this school, +so skilfully disposed and graded as to call out the utmost strivings and +the best work of every pupil. + +The first stages of the wide scheme, which constitute the educational +system in its narrower sense, were a fitting introduction to the rest. +All the recruits for the sultan’s slave-family, whether captured, bought, +presented, or levied, to the number of probably three or four thousand +annually, with an addition of ten or twelve thousand in the years of +the _devshurmeh_,[193] were brought by a regular process before trained +officials, carefully registered, and divided into two classes.[194] +Those who best satisfied the criterions of bodily perfection, muscular +strength, and intellectual ability so far as it could be judged without +long testing,[195]—about one in every ten of the whole number,—were +chosen for a superior quality of training, especially on the intellectual +side. The remainder were destined for a different education, which was +mainly physical.[196] The first regularly became pages and _Spahis_ +of the Porte, and the ablest of them rose to the great offices of the +army and the government. The others regularly became _Ajem-oghlans_ and +Janissaries, but the ablest of these might also rise to positions as +_Spahis_ of the Porte and even as generals and officers of state.[197] +Failure to be selected for the higher school was not, therefore, a +final restriction to low position. Merit was recognized everywhere, and +regularly led to promotion. At the same time, it was a distinct advantage +to a young man to be chosen for the higher training, since he would +receive greater care, would acquire more of both ornamental and useful +learning, and would associate with those already great, and perhaps with +the sultan himself. + + +THE COLLEGES OF PAGES + +Of those selected for the higher training, a portion were distributed +among the households of the provincial governors and high officers at +the capital.[198] These were probably brought up in much the same way as +if they had remained with the sultan. The very choicest of the recruits, +to the number of perhaps two hundred annually, or twelve to fifteen +hundred in all,[199] were taken into three palaces of the sultan as +_Itch-oghlans_, or pages. Three or four hundred were in the palace at +Adrianople,[200] a like number in one at Galata,[201] and from five to +eight hundred in the principal palace at Stamboul.[202] These were all +handsome boys, physically perfect, and of marked intellectual promise. +An excellent idea of the international character of the college is given +by a Venetian writer, who said that the pages of the palace included +Bulgarians, Hungarians, Transylvanians, Poles, Bohemians, Germans, +Italians, Spaniards, a few French, many Albanians, Slavs, Greeks, +Circassians, and Russians.[203] + +The _Itch-oghlans_ were dressed in suitable raiment and were well cared +for without luxury.[204] That the sultan took a particular interest in +the arrival of excellent specimens is evident from the reception that +Menavino received.[205] The general Ottoman attitude toward the pages, +and indeed toward all recruits, has been well expressed by a thoughtful +observer: “The Turks rejoice greatly when they find an exceptional man, +as though they had acquired a precious object, and they spare no labor or +effort in cultivating him; especially if they discern that he is fit for +war. Our plan [that is, in Western Europe] is very different; for if we +find a good dog, hawk, or horse, we are greatly delighted, and we spare +nothing to bring it to the greatest perfection of its kind. But if a man +happens to possess an extraordinary disposition, we do not take like +pains; nor do we think that his education is especially our affair; and +we receive much pleasure and many kinds of service from the well-trained +horse, dog, and hawk; but the Turks much more from a well-educated man +(_ex homine bonis moribus informato_), in proportion as the nature +of a man is more admirable and more excellent than that of the other +animals.”[206] + +That the primary object of the page system was educational appears from +all contemporary observations. Not merely are their palaces termed +“places for nourishing youths,”[207] but Menavino calls the place where +he was taught “the palace school.”[208] Another writer gives chapters +on “The Education of Young Men in the Seraglio,” and “The Studies and +Learning in the Seraglio,”[209] and speaks of the young men as “designed +for the great offices of the empire.” Another says, “And the said emperor +does this good for the profit of his soul, and when they are grown up he +takes them from there and gives them dignities and offices, according +as it seems to the emperor they have deserved.”[210] Some of the pages +were the personal servants of the sultan, and a band of thirty-nine +constituted his gentlemen of the bedchamber, or _Khas Oda_.[211] These +were the élite of all, chosen by selection after selection; and, though +young, they ranked very high in the system. Since only a few of all +the pages could attain to this honor, the remainder were at school for +outside service.[212] + +Besides many less direct descriptions of the course of training, +two exist which are derived from men who passed through the palace +school. Menavino tells his own story;[213] and Ricaut records what +he learned from a Polish captive who had spent nineteen years in the +sultan’s service and had reached high position.[214] Although these +accounts were written one hundred and fifty years apart, they agree in +essentials. Menavino does not refer to the physical training in arms and +horsemanship; but at the time of his escape he showed himself, if not a +courageous, yet an accomplished horseman. Postel, some twenty years after +Menavino’s time, describes this training in some detail. He probably had +his information from a French page named Cabazolles, whom he quotes as +authority on one point.[215] + +The pages were trained in the art of war, the use of all sorts of arms, +and good horsemanship.[216] Suleiman took especial delight in watching +their cavalry evolutions, and occasionally summoned a page who pleased +him, conversed with him, and dismissed him with presents.[217] Also, by +old Oriental custom, every page was taught some handicraft useful in his +master’s service, and, no doubt, intended to provide for his own support +in case of need.[218] + +Menavino describes the course of study in the so-called _Yeni Oda_, or +New Chamber, which contained from eighty to a hundred boys. “When a boy +has remained five or six days in that school, they set him to learning +the alphabet. There are four teachers in the school. One drills the +boys in reading during their first year. Another teaches the Koran in +the Arabic (_Moresco_) language, giving explanations of the different +articles of their faith. After this a third teaches books in the +Persian tongue, and some write a little, but they do not teach writing +willingly. A fourth teaches Arabic books, both vulgar and literary.” It +is interesting to notice that, from the first, rewards in the form of +pay were given for labor. “These boys,” continues Menavino, “have a daily +allowance of two aspers during the first year, three during the second +year, four during the third year, and thus their allowance increases +each year. They receive scarlet garments twice a year, and some robes +of white cloth for the summer.”[219] Postel describes how they learned +with great diligence Arabic and Turkish letters and the law.[220] Ricaut +explains in more detail that the chief object of the course of study +was to teach reading and writing for the purpose of giving inspection +into the books of law and religion, especially the Koran. He says that +Arabic was taught to enable the boys to inspect the writings of the +judges and to have knowledge of religion, Persian to give them quaint +words and handsome and gentle deportment, and adds that both tongues +might be needed in governing Eastern regions. He gives a list of their +text-books, and remarks that those who wished to become men of the pen +studied with greater exactness. They were not, he says, taught logic, +physics, metaphysics, mathematics, or geography, and their knowledge of +ancient history was much mixed. “Yet as to the successes and progress +of Affairs in their own Dominions,” he adds, “they keep most strict +Registers and Records, which serve them as Presidents and Rules for the +present Government of their Affairs.”[221] This shows that the pages were +instructed in Turkish history and the various _Kanun-namehs_, or imperial +laws. Most of the teachers were Anatolian Turks,[222] chosen no doubt, as +imparting better pronunciation and more orthodox religious views. + +Discipline was severe,[223] but was kept within bounds. A page could be +beaten on the soles of his feet with no more than ten strokes, and not +more than once on any one day.[224] The boys, organized in groups of ten, +were watched carefully by eunuchs, both day and night.[225] Absolute +obedience, modest behavior and decorum, and good manners were taught +with great insistency.[226] The two sections, or _odalar_, at the palace +seem to have been of equal rank,[227] while the schools in Pera and +Adrianople ranked lower.[228] Select boys who had finished their studies +were promoted through the different chambers of the personal service of +the sultan to the Inner Chamber,[229] where twelve or fifteen of the +thirty-nine held titular offices.[230] On reaching the age of twenty-five +every page was sent out from the school.[231] Those from the Inner +Chamber passed at once to places in the Noble Guard (_Muteferrika_), or +to governorships of towns.[232] Ibrahim passed almost directly to the +place of grand vizier;[233] but he was the first to break the regular +order of promotion, and in after times much evil was held to date from +the precedent.[234] The majority passed into the regular cavalry, or +_Spahis_ of the Porte.[235] Those who left the school were honored by a +ceremony of farewell. The sultan personally commended each one, and gave +him encouragement for good conduct in his new position. He presented each +with an embroidered coat and one of his most beautiful horses, and often +a gift in money. The young man, with all the presents he had received +during his stay, was escorted to the great gate, where he mounted his +horse triumphantly, and departed from the palace forever.[236] + + +THE HAREM + +Probably because of the tendency of the human mind to construct along +parallel lines, the imperial harem partook of the characteristics of the +schools of pages. There were two _odalar_, or rooms, for the recruits of +the harem, in which they were taught housework, sewing and embroidery, +manners and deportment.[237] They were organized in groups of ten, +each group under a matron. Those with a taste for music and dancing +learned those accomplishments, those who were studious learned to read +and write. All were carefully instructed in the system of Islam. Like +the pages, nearly all of them passed out of the palace at the age of +twenty-five, being given in marriage to _Spahis_ of the Porte or to other +officials.[238] Thus the harem might be considered a training-school of +slave-wives for the sultan himself and for the most highly honored of his +_kullar_. + + +THE AJEM-OGHLANS + +The term _ajemi-oghlanlar_ signifies “foreign youth,” and was sometimes +applied to all the young recruits. Ordinarily, however, it was given +only to the remainder left after the pages had been selected. These, for +the most part destined to become Janissaries, probably numbered about +twenty thousand.[239] Their training was largely physical, industrial, +and military, with oral instruction in the Turkish language and the +principles of the Mohammedan system. The _Ajem-oghlans_ usually passed +through two or three stages. Unless they knew Turkish and something +of Turkish ways, they were first scattered through Asia Minor in the +service of Moslem country gentlemen.[240] There they were set at hard +agricultural labor, to strengthen their bodies to the utmost. They were +expected to learn to speak and understand the Turkish language and to +learn the faith, the laws, and the customs of the Turks. The sultan +allowed them no pay. The gentlemen whom they served, responsible for +them to the sultan, supplied them with food and clothing and whatever +else they were pleased to give.[241] The number of these _Ajem-oghlans_ +of the first stage may be estimated as ten thousand.[242] At the +end of two or three years, or perhaps at about the time for a new +_devshurmeh_,[243] officers came to examine them. If they knew enough +Turkish and were strong and well-grown, they passed to the next stage. + +Having been brought to Constantinople, and once more carefully inscribed +and estimated,[244] the _Ajem-oghlans_ were again distributed, but now +in groups. About two thousand were assigned to service with the fleet +at Gallipoli.[245] Another two thousand, probably the most intelligent, +were appointed as gardeners, or _Bostanjis_, to the sultan’s palaces in +Stamboul, Adrianople, Brusa, and Magnesia;[246] and five hundred or more +served in other capacities about the palaces, as wood-cutters, helpers +in the kitchen, and the like.[247] Five or six thousand were kept in +Constantinople and employed in the shipyards or on public buildings,[248] +or were hired out in bands of one hundred or more to private citizens +for hard labor of various sorts.[249] Some were hired out similarly in +other cities.[250] In the midst of such a variety of occupations, two +objects seem always to have been kept in mind,—the _Ajem-oghlans_ were +to develop the utmost strength of body, and they were to learn some +trade useful in war.[251] In this stage they were normally organized +in groups or messes of ten. The gardeners were under the charge of an +official of high rank and great authority, who bore the humble title of +_Bostanji-bashi_, or head gardener; he was aided by under officers and +an administrative staff. Those in Constantinople were under the orders +of an _Agha_, or general officer, with a staff of under officials, +clerks, and accountants.[252] Being filled with the spirit of youth, +conscious of their superior physical strength and privileged position, +gathered together in large groups, and unrestrained by substantial mental +instruction, the _Ajem-oghlans_ were by no means easy to manage. They +frequently raised great disturbances in the city, in emulation perhaps +of the Janissaries.[253] Those who wished were allowed to learn to read +and write, but they were not obliged to do so.[254] They received a small +amount of pay, with food and clothing.[255] + +After a certain time spent in this stage of development, the majority +of the _Ajem-oghlans_ were assigned, one by one as each seemed ready, +to the service of the _odalar_, or messes, of the Janissaries.[256] The +latter then became responsible for their training in the art of war, +and discharged this duty with much zeal. In the course of time, as the +_Ajem-oghlans_ acquired sufficient skill, and as vacancies occurred, +they were enrolled as full-fledged Janissaries.[257] The gardeners of +the sultan’s palaces and the palace servants seem not ordinarily to have +become Janissaries, but to have been advanced toward the directing of +the transport, commissary, and artillery services, the oversight of the +imperial stables, and like positions in the administration of the army +and the great household.[258] No doubt some of those assigned to the +fleet were promoted in the navy, but most of them seem to have become +Janissaries.[259] Thus a large number and variety of openings lay before +the _Ajem-oghlans_, who as they became ready were advanced into them. The +ordinary age of graduation from the corps was twenty-five years,[260] +which may be regarded as the age of majority for all the sultan’s +slaves. At times war caused such depletion of the upper service that +_Ajem-oghlans_ were promoted before they had reached the desired age or +were thoroughly ready.[261] + + +ADVANCEMENT BASED ON MERIT + +The entire system from start to finish was designed to reward merit and +fully to satisfy every ambition that was backed by ability, effort, and +sufficient preparation. Two parallel lines of reward were established, +the honorable and the financial. In the page school the first was +represented by promotion from class to class, and, in the case of those +who were observed to be the most suitable, by advancement through the +chambers of personal service to the _Khas Oda_. In this _oda_ they were +promoted in regular order through the twelve or more special offices.[262] + +Among the _Ajem-oghlans_ the process seems to have been carried on by +carefully observing and testing individuals, by advancing them from +stage to stage on this basis, and by entrusting them in the later stages +with greater and greater responsibilities. The financial reward began +for the pages immediately upon admission to the school. It was then +probably about equal to the daily wages of an unskilled laborer. This +was increased regularly year by year, and in the _Khas Oda_ reached the +proportions of a handsome salary.[263] The _Ajem-oghlans_ depended +during the first stage on the rewards assigned by their temporary +masters. After that stage they began to receive a small amount of +pay from the sultan, which was gradually increased.[264] All were +provided with food, lodging, and at least a part of their clothing, and +individuals might hope to obtain special gifts. + +This double system was continued without a break through the entire +institution. The lowest Janissary might hopefully aspire to promotion, +either through the hierarchy of office in his own corps, or by +being lifted out of it for service in the cavalry or the active +administration.[265] The pages who had passed out of the school were +already well up in the scale of advancement, and every place except the +sultan’s own was within their grasp. The grand vizier, indeed, might +wield almost the whole of the sultan’s power, a fact which Ibrahim, +shortly before his fall, realized so fully that he added to his title of +_Seraskier_ the word Sultan.[266] The losses occasioned by fierce and +frequent wars, and by not infrequent depositions and executions, gave +abundant opportunity for men to rise from below. Conquest was continually +adding new offices and commands. The whole Ruling Institution was, so to +speak, in a constant state of boiling, in which the human particles were +rapidly rising to the top, and, alas, disappearing, while others rose as +rapidly behind them. + +The figure just employed is applicable, however, only to the mere +phenomenon of rising: the upward movement was not in the least accidental +or automatic; it was conducted with keen intelligence at every stage. +Now and then, as in the case of Ibrahim, favor disturbed the scheme; +but this happened very seldom before the end of Suleiman’s reign. +Sometimes a temporary confusion resulted from extraordinary losses in +war, but order was soon restored. There is reason to believe that human +history has never known a political institution which during so long a +period was so completely dominated by sheer intellect, and thereby so +unerringly held to its original plan and purpose, as was the Ottoman +Ruling Institution. The democracy of Athens attained an unexampled level +of average intelligence, but under its sway the exceptional mind received +discouragement rather than exceptional training. The free democracies of +the present age allow the gifted individual opportunities to fight his +way upward, but against obstacles which sometimes become insuperable. +These systems are unquestionably superior on the whole to the Ottoman +scheme, because of their inclusiveness and individual freedom; but as +regards sheer efficiency, unobstructed opportunity, and certainty of +reward, their operation is wasteful, clumsy, and blind by comparison. + +Some testimonies of shrewd contemporary observers will show how they +regarded the Ottoman scheme of promotion both in itself and in comparison +with Western ways. The intelligent author of the _Tractatus_ is impressed +by the unity and control of the scheme. “Out of the aforesaid slaves,” he +writes, “promotions are made to the offices of the kingdom according to +the virtues found in them. Whence it comes about that all the magnates +and princes of the whole kingdom are as it were officials made by the +king, and not lords or possessors; and as a consequence he is the sole +lord and possessor, and the lawful dispenser, distributer, and governor +of the whole kingdom; the others are only executors, officials, and +administrators according to his will and command.... Whence it follows +that in his kingdom, although there is an innumerable multitude, no +contradiction or opposition can arise; but, united as one man in all +respects and for all purposes, they look to his command alone, they obey +and serve unwearyingly.”[267] + +Postel says: “The Seigneur [or sultan] has four or several principal +personages for all the business of his empire, whether in war or justice, +and they are promoted to this honor by degrees from lower offices, +always mounting and giving good examples of living, unless by some +extraordinary favor the prince raises them from some low place, which is +very perilous.”[268] Speaking of the pages in the palace, he adds: “When +they have lived there a long time and done well, they are given a place +where they receive pay, and they are made Castellans and given other +offices used among them. If there are some who have the ability to make +themselves known, they may have the best fortune in the world, and become +governors of the land and Pashas; for there they judge of nobility by the +worth which they see appearing in a man, and they give honors according +to the evidence of his past.”[269] Of Suleiman, Tanco says, “He sows hope +of certain reward in all conditions of men, who by means of virtue, may +succeed in mounting to better fortune”; and of the Janissaries, “Each has +his good and real fortune in his hand.”[270] + +Among all observers, Busbecq seems to have been most impressed with the +system of advancement by merit. “The Turks,” he tells us, “do not measure +even their own people by any other rule than that of personal merit. The +only exception is the house of Ottoman; in this case, and in this case +only, does birth confer distinction.”[271] + +Referring to his audience with Suleiman, he says: “There was not in all +that great assembly a single man who owed his position to aught save +his valour and his merit. No distinction is attached to birth among the +Turks; the deference to be paid to a man is measured by the position +he holds in the public service. There is no fighting for precedence; a +man’s place is marked out by the duties he discharges. In making his +appointments the sultan pays no regard to any pretensions on the score +of wealth or rank, nor does he take into consideration recommendations +or popularity; he considers each case on its own merits, and examines +carefully into the character, ability, and disposition of the man whose +promotion is in question. It is by merit that men rise in the service, a +system which ensures that posts should only be assigned to the competent. +Each man in Turkey carries in his own hand his ancestry and his position +in life, which he may make or mar as he will. Those who receive the +highest offices from the sultan are for the most part the sons of +shepherds or herdsmen, and so far from being ashamed of their parentage, +they actually glory in it, and consider it a matter of boasting that +they owe nothing to the accident of birth; for they do not believe that +high qualities are either natural or hereditary, nor do they think that +they can be handed down from father to son, but that they are partly the +gift of God, and partly the result of good training, great industry, and +unwearied zeal; arguing that high qualities do not descend from a father +to his son or heir, any more than a talent for music, mathematics, or +the like; and that the mind does not derive its origin from the father, +so that the son should necessarily be like the father in character, but +emanates from heaven, and is thence infused into the human body. Among +the Turks, therefore, honours, high posts, and judgeships are the rewards +of great ability and good service. If a man be dishonest, or lazy, or +careless, he remains at the bottom of the ladder, an object of contempt; +for such qualities there are no honours in Turkey! + +“This is the reason that they are successful in their undertakings, that +they lord it over others, and are daily extending the bounds of their +empire. These are not our ideas; with us there is no opening left for +merit; birth is the standard for everything; the prestige of birth is the +sole key to advancement in the public service.”[272] + +Finally, Ricaut, after describing the _Ajem-oghlans_, declares that this +part of the system “is one of the most Politick Constitutions in the +World, and none of the meanest supports of the _Ottoman_ Empire.”[273] + +Financial rewards paralleled advancement in office with great exactness. +When a man came to high position, he was provided with the means to live +splendidly in proportion to his rank. In addition to his salary, many +opportunities of increasing his income presented themselves; and though +some of these would be considered undignified in Western eyes,[274] +and others were undoubtedly stained with rapacity and extortion,[275] +they were allowed to be enjoyed under all ordinary circumstances. +The sultan’s higher officials not only lived in great splendor, with +a numerous retinue, a large harem, and many costly garments, dishes, +gems, and the like, but they often accumulated great wealth in money, +houses, lands, mills, horses, cattle, sheep, and everything else that is +considered worth collecting.[276] Thus, as men were promoted, they were +enabled regularly to proportion display of wealth to rank and office. + +The example of one of Suleiman’s chief servants will illustrate +the _cursus honorum_ in the Ottoman system. Ali Pasha was a native +of Dalmatia. Levied with the tribute boys, he was admitted to the +principal palace at the time when Ibrahim was _Oda-bashi_, or head +of the Inner Chamber of pages. In the course of time he was made +_Kapuji_, or gatekeeper. When Ibrahim became grand vizier, Ali became +_Chasnejir_, or chief taster, to Suleiman, and held that office during +the expedition to Vienna in 1529. In due course he was discharged from +the palace, and appointed to high office outside. He soon reached the +grade of _Agha_, or general or the _Ghurebas_, the lowest of the four +divisions of the regular cavalry, and was then promoted to be _Agha_ +of the _Spahi-oghlans_, the highest of the cavalry divisions. Next he +became second equerry and later first equerry (_Emir-al-Akhor_), then +_Agha_ of the Janissaries, then _Beylerbey_ of Rumelia. In the last +capacity he attended the sultan in the Persian war of 1548-1549. As a +reward for special services in the war he was made pasha of Egypt in +1549, and at the time of his departure was nominated vizier. Returning +to Constantinople in 1553, he was made third vizier, and upon the +death of Rustem in 1561, he became grand vizier. Because of jealousies +and enmities caused by his promotions he had hardly a friend left; +nevertheless, he was able to hold the favor of Suleiman until his death +in 1565.[277] + + +PUNISHMENTS + +The system did not attempt to rely wholly upon the glittering attractions +of indefinite promotion and enormously increasing wealth. Not all men +can be allured to remain unswervingly within a narrow path of strict +obedience and whole-hearted service. Pages and _Ajem-oghlans_ were held +to severe discipline by sufficient and certain punishment; but their +teachers and eunuch masters were required to keep that punishment within +bounds by the certainty of yet severer punishment.[278] _Ajem-oghlans_ +might be beaten, or sold out of the sultan’s service. After the close +of the strictly educational period, punishment, like reward, followed +continuously the law of proportionate increase. The higher the position, +the heavier the punishment of being passed over in promotion, or of +being actually degraded. Fines and confiscations also grew with rank. At +no great height in the scale, the personal punishments reached that of +death, and death was always very near the highest officials. Any tendency +toward treason or revolt, any act of disobedience, sometimes a plot +against a higher official, sometimes even a disagreement with the sultan +in a matter of policy,[279] would lead to sudden execution. The viziers +of Selim I carried their wills in their bosoms; and well they might, +since the heads of seven are said to have fallen at his command.[280] + +Thus was the system carefully kept clear of all the human material +that seemed to endanger its working or threaten its unity. There was +no sympathy for weakness, no accepting of excuses, no suspension of +sentence, no mercy. Suleiman did not always have the heart to execute +promptly; but in the end he had no alternative, so remorseless was +the system. Even his best friend, Ibrahim, went too far and had to be +removed. Two of his sons, the oldest and ablest, threatened the system +in turn, and one after the other suffered the bow-string. Small wonder +that Suleiman’s soul was not filled with joy at the victory of Jerbé. +“Those who saw Solyman’s face in this hour of triumph,” says Busbecq, +“failed to detect in it the slightest trace of undue elation. I can +myself positively declare, that when I saw him two days later on his way +to the mosque, the expression of his countenance was unchanged; his stern +features had lost nothing of their habitual gloom; one would have thought +that the victory concerned him not, and that this startling success of +his arms had caused him no surprise. So self-contained was the heart of +that grand old man, so schooled to meet each change of fortune however +great, that all the applause and triumph of that day wrung from him no +sign of satisfaction.”[281] Arbiter of the destinies of so many men, +compelled to be remorseless as fate, Suleiman could allow joy no place in +his soul. He who wielded as severe a rod as ever man held must maintain +over himself the sternest discipline of all. + + + + +CHAPTER IV + +THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS AN ARMY + + +THE MILITARY ASPECT + +The Ottoman government had been an army before it was anything else. +Like the Turkish nations of the steppe lands, the Ottoman nation was +“born of war and organized for conquest.”[282] Fighting was originally +the first business of the state and governing the second. As time went +on, and particularly after the capture of Constantinople, the necessity +of administering immense territories transferred the preponderance to +the governmental aspect; but even in Suleiman’s time the two great +functions of the Ruling Institution were very closely united. War +carried practically the whole government into the field.[283] Of course +substitute officials had to be left behind to attend to what public +business was absolutely necessary, but these were paralleled by, and +indeed were usually identical with, the officers and soldiers who had to +be left behind to preserve public order. So completely was the government +an army, that the more important judges, who did not belong directly +to the Ruling Institution, were taken into the field. Suleiman on his +last campaign had 48,316 men under pay.[284] Acceptance of the sultan’s +pay by ordinary usage signified that the recipient was a _kul_.[285] +Evidently, then, almost the entire personnel of the Ruling Institution, +except the younger pages and the _Ajem-oghlans_ who were as yet unfit, +accompanied the master to war.[286] In fact, army and government were +one. War was the external purpose, government the internal purpose, of +one institution, composed of one body of men. On the military side, +this institution carried on war abroad, repressed revolt at home, kept +itself in power, and preserved sufficient order in the empire to allow +a busy and varied economic and social activity. On the governmental +side, it supplied itself with funds, regulated its own workings,—which +was no small task,—kept the operations of the other institutions of the +empire in order, and enforced the law. The high officials of government +held high command in war. The generals of the army had extensive +administrative duties in regard to the affairs of the troops under them, +the management of departments of state, or the government of provinces. + +The scope of the present treatise confines the discussion of the +Ruling Institution as an army to those features which lie nearest the +governmental aspect. The great majority of its members constituted the +standing army of the empire, in the two great sections of Janissaries, +or infantry, and _Spahis_ of the Porte, or cavalry. Subordinate sections +cared for the artillery and transport services, and for other necessary +adjuncts to campaigning. Although the feudal _Spahis_ did not receive pay +from the sultan, and hence were not properly _kullar_, their officers +were his slaves, even though many of them were supported during their +term of service from fiefs. Besides these regular troops there were +also attached to the Ottoman army certain irregular bodies of a lower +order,—the _Akinji_, the _Azabs_, the Kurds, and so on. + + +THE JANISSARIES[287] + +The body of regular infantry known as _Yenicheri_, or “new troops,” a +name which the West has changed to Janissaries, comes near to standing +in the Western imagination for the sultan’s entire slave-family.[288] +In the sixteenth century, however, it formed not more than a fourth of +the whole number; nor does its importance seem to have been beyond its +numerical proportion, except in one or two respects. Since its members +were physically trained beyond comparison with their intellectual +education, since they were kept in poverty and hence were comparatively +irresponsible, and since a large portion of them were in comparative +idleness in time of peace, they were liable to act as an organized and +very dangerous mob. They might start a riot on short notice, or burn a +section of the city in order to pillage the neighboring houses, or rifle +the shops of the Jews, or plunder the grand vizier’s establishment.[289] +They could not easily be restrained from plundering cities which had +capitulated or from violating terms of surrender.[290] They felt that +the death of a sultan gave them an interregnum of license before the +accession of a new sovereign.[291] They demanded donatives at the +succession of a new ruler with such increasing rapacity as to embarrass +the treasury;[292] and they needed to be braced at critical moments +by liberal presents.[293] In time of battle, however, they drew up an +invincible line behind which the person of their sovereign was as safe as +in an impregnable fortress. Their devotion to his person was the greater +because they were in a special sense his _kullar_, and because he was one +of them, being inscribed in one of their _odas_ and receiving his pay +regularly.[294] In small groups on garrison duty their severe training +seems to have made of them an efficient police.[295] Yet their _esprit de +corps_, resting on consciousness of power, made them feared at all times. +They took an active part in determining the destinies of the empire in +two ways,—by limiting conquests, and by influencing the succession to +the throne.[296] They compelled the mighty Selim to turn back from both +Persia and Egypt.[297] They murmured before Vienna, and without doubt +hastened the raising of the siege.[298] + + +THE SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE + +The Janissaries had no small influence in determining the succession to +the throne.[299] There was no law fixing the succession, since neither +the _Sheri_ nor the _Kanuns_ provided for such things;[300] but it was +a matter of fundamental custom that a prince of the house of Osman +should rule, and it was almost as fundamental that a son of a sultan +should succeed him. Not until 1617 was the present rule established, by +which the oldest male of the royal house is heir apparent.[301] Before +that, when a sultan had several sons, the eldest had no inherent right +to succeed, as is the practice in Western Europe. The Turkish father +naturally desired to choose which of his sons should follow him; and to +this end, when he gave them provincial governments, he often placed the +favorite nearest the capital. After Mohammed II had issued his famous +_Kanun_, by which the son who reached the throne was legally authorized +to execute his brothers,[302] a situation of unstable equilibrium arose +as soon as the sons of a sultan began to grow up. Each knew that he must +either obtain the throne or die soon after his father; hence revolt +was almost forced upon a son who found himself placed farther from the +capital than a favored brother. When Bayezid II grew old and feeble, his +active and warlike son Selim opposed his wish to leave the empire to +Achmet;[303] in the end Selim triumphed, and Bayezid, forced to abdicate, +met a death that was believed by many not to have been natural.[304] +The Janissaries turned the scale in this struggle, and henceforth they +were felt to be a dangerous element whenever a sultan came to have more +than one grown son. They had a great part in the death of both Mustapha +and Bayezid, the ablest sons of Suleiman; indeed, their sympathy for +the former was undoubtedly a chief reason in determining Suleiman to +execute him, since only thus could his own safety be assured.[305] In +the case of Bayezid, the fact that the Janissaries did not support him +spelled his doom, even though his father, beyond all precedent, pardoned +his first revolt, and though the influence of his mother Roxelana was +strong in his favor.[306] Speculation is dangerous; but the Janissaries +may have done Western Europe a great service on these occasions. Had +either Mustapha or Bayezid come to the throne instead of the drunken and +dissolute Selim II, the issue of Lepanto might have been different, a new +expedition against Vienna led by a vigorous and idolized young monarch +might have succeeded, the Ottoman power might have ruled more widely and +permanently than it did, and the decay of the Ruling Institution might +have been long postponed.[307] + +The Janissaries in Suleiman’s time numbered between twelve and fourteen +thousand;[308] and this number probably did not include the garrison +which supported the power of the empire in Egypt,[309] still less that +which upheld the corsair rule in North Africa. Except in time of war many +of the Janissaries were distributed in garrisons, so that probably not +more than half resided in the capital.[310] Such of these as were married +lived at home, and the others were lodged in two great barracks.[311] +They were organized in messes of ten; ten messes constituted an _orta_ +or _oda_, of which there were one hundred and sixty-five in Suleiman’s +time.[312] Each _orta_ had its officers, who had been promoted from its +ranks; and above all the _ortas_ was a graded set of officers, under the +_Agha_, or general, of the Janissaries.[313] This official had never +been a Janissary, but had come through the colleges of pages.[314] He +not merely commanded the Janissaries, but was a sort of minister of war +for them. Aided by his _Kiaya_, or lieutenant,[315] his chief _Yaziji_, +or scribe, and a bureau of clerks, he directed their enrolment, the +distribution of their pay, their promotions, their location, the purchase +of their supplies and clothing, and all the other business of the corps. +He was well paid and was of great authority, outranking all other +generals, though on some occasions he was obliged to yield precedence to +two of the generals of cavalry, whose corps were older than those of the +Janissaries.[316] + +The Janissaries had a regular ladder of promotion through the offices of +their _odas_ and above, as far as the position of _Segban-bashi_, which +was the office next below that of _Agha_.[317] One hundred and fifty of +their best bowmen were honored by being detailed to accompany the sultan +on the march, as his _Solaks_.[318] They might also for distinguished +ability or service be taken into the regular cavalry, and have all its +opportunities open to them. No less than the rest of the army, they kept +marvellous order in camp, and, except at the crises above described, were +completely obedient to their officers.[319] They were punishable only by +their own officers, not even the grand vizier having direct jurisdiction +over them.[320] They had a strong sense of maintaining their privileges +and what they considered to be their rights. Busbecq, who gives +illumination at so many points, shows how the grand vizier Rustem, and +even Suleiman himself, felt toward these men when they were all together +and their blood was hot. On one occasion Busbecq’s servants quarreled +with some Janissaries, and he was disposed to back his men up; whereupon +Rustem sent a trusty messenger to him with a verbal message, asking +him “to remove every cause of offence which might occasion a quarrel +with those atrocious scoundrels. Was I not aware,” he asked, “that it +was war time, when they were masters, so that not even Solyman himself +had control over them, and was actually himself afraid of receiving +violence at their hands?”[321] Great care had to be taken to keep the +Janissaries under control, for they were capable of wrecking the whole +government. They were, to be sure, constantly drained of their ablest +men by promotion; but this only left the others the more liable, like +sheep, to follow a new leader into evil. They could be repressed more or +less by punishment: now and then an especially active promoter of trouble +was executed;[322] officers who offended were sometimes sent to command +distant garrisons, and sometimes they were stricken from the roll.[323] +Suleiman succeeded, on the whole, in keeping the Janissaries in hand, and +he was able to lead them farther east than could his father Selim. They +never revolted against him,[324] and they supported him against Bayezid. + + +THE SPAHIS OF THE PORTE[325] + +The regular cavalry were all included under the general name of _Spahis_, +or horsemen; but the name was also applied to one of the four divisions +into which Osman’s corps of daring riders had been organized after the +model of the cavalry of the caliph Omar I.[326] Their organization +was older than that of the Janissaries; it had come down continuously +from the early days.[327] The members were not organized into a single +body, they had high pay, and they were in the presence of excellent +opportunities to acquire wealth and to rise with rapidity. Accordingly, +they appear never to have caused Suleiman any special trouble.[328] + +The four corps were the _Spahis_ in the narrower sense, often called +_Spahi-Oghlans_; the _Silihdars_, or weapon-bearers; the _Ulufajis_, +or paid troops, in two divisions, the left and the right; and the +_Ghurebas_, or Foreign Legion, also in two divisions, the left and the +right.[329] The _Spahis_ were most honored and best paid, but each +had to bring with him to war five or six armed slaves on horseback. +The _Silihdars_ had less pay and furnished four or five horsemen. The +_Ulufajis_ furnished two or three horsemen each.[330] These three corps +were recruited from the pages and the Janissaries, the _Ulufajis_ +receiving also occasional members by special promotions from the +irregular troops.[331] The Foreign Legion had least pay of all, and its +members came alone; not having begun as the sultan’s _kullar_, and often +not even as Ottomans, they enjoyed small honor.[332] Each of the first +two corps, and each division of the last two corps of the _Spahis_ of the +Porte, was organized separately after the fashion of the Janissaries, +with its own general, who supervised the administration of all its +affairs.[333] The number of the _Spahis_ of the Porte is given on two +bases. In Suleiman’s time the actual members of the four corps counted +from ten to twelve thousand men, or a little less than the number of the +Janissaries;[334] but, since most of them had each to bring from two to +six additional horsemen, the total force which they assembled was from +forty to fifty thousand.[335] Whether the entire number or only the +actual members were regularly considered to be the sultan’s _kullar_, +under his pay, does not appear clearly. Probably he did not pay the +additional horsemen directly; for strictly speaking, they were _kullar_ +of his _kullar_. In time of battle all the regular troops, _Spahis_ and +Janissaries alike, were drawn up to protect the sultan, the Janissaries +being aligned in front, the _Spahis_ proper on the right, the _Silihdars_ +on the left, and the _Ulufajis_ and _Ghurebas_ in the rear.[336] + + +THE FEUDAL SPAHIS[337] + +Outside the towns the greater part of the European dominions of the +sultan, and a large part of Asia Minor, were granted in fief to Moslems +who were for the most part not _kullar_ of the sultan.[338] They +deserve to be considered in a discussion of the government, however, +not only because they collected the revenues and exercised seigniorial +jurisdiction in their estates,[339] but also because they were officered +by the sultan’s _kullar_. The estates were of different sizes and were +reckoned in three classes: _timars_, when the yearly revenue was under +twenty thousand aspers; _ziamets_, when it was twenty thousand to one +hundred thousand aspers; _khasses_, when it was over one hundred +thousand aspers.[340] _Timars_ might be united into a _ziamet_, but +_ziamets_ could not be divided.[341] Every fief-holder must appear in +person when summoned to war. If the annual income of a _Timarji_, or +Timariote, reached six thousand aspers, he must bring with him an armed +horseman; and he must bring another for each additional three thousand +aspers of his revenue. The holder of a larger fief must bring with him +an armed horseman if his income amounted to ten thousand aspers, and +another horseman for each additional five thousand aspers of income.[342] +In the sixteenth century this service was strictly exacted, and the +fief-holders were held to residence on their estates. The principle +of heredity entered into the distribution of these estates, but under +limitations. One son of the holder of a small fief had a right to the +fief;[343] not more than three sons of the holder of a large fief were +entitled to small fiefs.[344] The sons of _kullar_ in high position might +receive fiefs large in proportion to the rank of their father;[345] by +this means they were honorably conveyed from the ruling Institution into +the Moslem population. The _Zaims_ and Timariotes, as the holders of +the corresponding fiefs were named, were a class of country gentlemen, +honest, sober, true to the Moslem faith and to the sultan, better in +morals than the _kullar_ if not so able of intellect, the substantial +middle class of the empire, ancestors of those who today give hope that +Turkey may become a modern nation. It was these who gave the first +training to the _Ajem-oghlans_, starting them well on the road from +Christianity to Islam, and preparing them to become members of the +Ottoman nation. + +In the time of Suleiman the system of fiefs had become greatly +disarranged.[346] The distribution of them had been left to the local +governors, and corruption had crept in; the frequent wars also had led +to rapid changes and consequent confusion. Moreover, the army always +contained a large number of _Gonnullu_, or volunteers, who came at their +own expense, and fought with the hope, often realized, of receiving the +fiefs of slain men as the reward of signally brave conduct.[347] It is +said that during the course of a single bloody day one fief changed +owners seven times. If fiefs might thus be granted in the midst of +battle, it is not easy to see how a condition of reasonable order could +have been preserved in the feudal system. Suleiman, therefore, by a +_Kanun_ of the year 1530, attached the granting of all fiefs above a +certain size once more to the central government.[348] Each holder of +such a fief must obtain a _teskereh_, or document, from Constantinople, +in order to have good title.[349] The central treasury administered such +estates during vacancies. Only those fief-holders who held by _teskereh_ +were entitled to be called _Spahis_;[350] the others were known as +_Timarjis_, or Timariotes. The feudal _Spahis_ of Anatolia were more +under the authority of the governor than were those of Europe; they were +not so well paid, did not have so much practice in fighting, and were not +so highly esteemed as soldiers.[351] + +Thus the country gentry were kept under good control; the accumulation +of estates was prevented, any tendency toward independence could easily +be thwarted, and the sultan obtained regularly the service for which the +lands were granted. In addition, most of the subject Christian population +was governed locally without any trouble to the sultan, and was held +down well and uniformly by resident seigneurs. A great advantage of the +system was that, by the granting of new fiefs in newly-conquered lands, +the territorial army was automatically increased in proportion to the +increase of the empire.[352] + + +OFFICERS OF THE FEUDAL SPAHIS + +Local government and the command of the feudal _Spahis_ was cared for +by officials who belonged to the sultan’s great slave-family, and who +brought with them to their posts a number, proportioned to their rank, +of _Spahis_ of the Porte, pages, _Ajem-oghlans_, and slaves of their +own. The lowest of these officers were the _Subashis_, or captains, who +were in time of peace governors of towns, with enough Janissaries and +_Azabs_, or irregular infantry, to police the locality.[353] Next above +these were the _Alai Beys_, or colonels, who in time of peace were ready +with a company of from two hundred to five hundred troops to pass from +place to place as there might be need.[354] Above these again were the +_Sanjak Beys_, who governed important cities and held superior rule over +a number of towns and the district in which they lay.[355] Finally, in +the Balkan Peninsula and in Western Asia Minor there was from of old a +_Beylerbey_, who had authority over all the _Beys_ of his region. Incomes +were provided by the assignment of fiefs proportioned in size to each +officer’s importance.[356] All of these officers of local government +had a sufficient staff of lieutenants, treasurers, book-keepers and +clerks.[357] The _Beylerbey_ of Rumelia resided in time of peace at +Constantinople. The _Beylerbey_ of Anatolia seems to have spent much time +in his dominions,[358] though undoubtedly he was often at the capital, +since he had his regular place in the Divan. + +In time of war this official scheme, detached from its function of local +government, drew together the feudal _Spahis_, section by section, into a +perfectly organized territorial army for each of the two regions. Notice +of time and place was sent round, and within a month every man called had +joined his proper standard.[359] After uniting with the sultan’s regular +army, the army of Rumelia under its _Beylerbey_ had the right of the +battle-line when fighting in Europe, and the army of Anatolia under its +_Beylerbey_ had the right of the line when fighting in Asia.[360] The +enrolled feudal troops of Europe numbered about fifty thousand, and those +of Asia, including Anatolia, Karamania, Amasia, and Avandole, thirty +thousand.[361] In each case the number should be doubled or tripled to +allow for the additional horsemen which all the _Spahis_ were required to +bring.[362] On the other hand, a considerable proportion of the feudal +troops, sometimes estimated at one-half,[363] remained on duty at home +in time of war to protect the provinces and prevent uprisings. The feudal +troops, while brave, eager, and regardless of their lives, had not the +physical strength nor the practice of fighting in squadrons which the +regular troops had, and hence were not their equals. + +The _Beylerbeys_ of Rumelia and Anatolia were called out with their +troops for every campaign. The eight other _Beylerbeys_ of Suleiman’s +time,—those of Karamania, Amasia, Avandole, Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, +Hungary,[364] and Temesvar,[365]—who had fewer feudal troops at command +and more need of them at home, were summoned only when the war was in +their region. + + +OTHER BODIES OF TROOPS + +There were three principal bodies of irregular troops, the _Akinji_ or +cavalry, the _Azabs_ or infantry, and the Kurds; besides various smaller +groups, such as the descendants of the ancient corps of _Yayas_ and +_Mosellems_, who held fiefs of a sort in the oldest _sanjaks_ of the +empire, and the _Deli_ or “crazy” company of scouts.[366] The _Akinji_ +numbered perhaps thirty thousand in time of peace and were mainly near +the European frontier, where they made a living by raiding. They received +no pay either in peace or in war, but gathered booty and slaves and hoped +for promotion.[367] The _Azabs_ numbered perhaps ten thousand in peace +and forty thousand in war.[368] Some of them served in the garrisons and +some with the fleet.[369] The number of the _Akinjis_ and _Azabs_ was +greatly augmented in time of war by the addition of volunteers, many of +whom were criminals and ruffians.[370] The irregular troops were the +terror of the invaded lands in war time; for the regular army was held +under iron discipline, but these irresponsible creatures carried fire, +rapine, and sword over wide areas of country. In time of siege and battle +the _Azabs_ were sent forward to break the charge of the enemy, or to +aid in filling the moats by their own bodies.[371] Such as lived were +rewarded generously; the rest were believed to pass at once by a martyr’s +death to heavenly reward.[372] The Kurds lay near the Persian frontier +to the number of about thirty thousand. Individuals among the _Akinji_, +_Azabs_, and Kurds might hope to become gentlemen through distinguished +bravery, by being made _Ulufajis_ among the _Spahis_ of the Porte.[373] + +Attached to the regular army there were also various auxiliary corps of +armorers, cannoneers, men of transport service, musicians, commissaries, +and the like, to the number of three or four thousand in all.[374] The +Tartars of the Crimea, and the Moldavians and Wallachians, were also +obliged to furnish contingents.[375] All told, the enrolled strength of +the entire army was something more or less than two hundred thousand +men. But, since the _Spahis_ were required to bring other fighting men +with them in proportion to their revenues, since numerous slaves and +private servants accompanied the soldiers, and since the feudal and +irregular troops were joined by great numbers of volunteers, both horse +and foot, high and low, the complete army for the greatest expeditions +probably numbered about three hundred thousand men.[376] At the close of +Suleiman’s reign the paid nucleus was about fifty thousand strong; the +feudal _Spahis_ for a European campaign numbered about sixty thousand, +with perhaps a like number of helpers. The remaining troops were of no +great value in battle, unless to break the first shock of the enemy’s +charge. They served chiefly to lay waste the hostile country and to +gather booty and slaves. + + +DISCIPLINE AND ARDOR + +Contemporary observers were strongly impressed with the wonderful +discipline and intense zeal for fighting that was seen among the +Turks. The silence, order, and cleanliness of the camps, the absolute +obedience, enforced if need be by severe punishments and executions, +the submissiveness to long marches, hard labor, and scanty food, the +eagerness for battle, the joy in conflict, the recklessness of life, +presented a perfection of discipline, self-control, and single-hearted +purpose that seemed miraculous. A few of the many witnesses may be heard +briefly: + +“The Turks come together for war as though they had been invited to a +wedding.”[377] + +“The Great Turk is the best obeyed by his subjects of all the lords that +I know.”[378] + +“I think there is no prince in all the world who has his armies and +camps in better order, both as regards the abundance of victuals and of +all other necessities which are usually provided, and as regards the +beautiful order and manner they use, in encamping without any confusion +or embarrassment.”[379] + +“Their military discipline has such justice and severity as easily to +surpass the ancient Greeks and Romans; the Turks surpass our soldiers +for three reasons: they obey their commanders promptly; they never show +the least concern for their lives in battle; they can live a long time +without bread and wine, content with barley and water.”[380] + +“Peace and silence reign in a Turkish camp.... Such is the result +produced by military discipline, and the stern laws bequeathed them by +their ancestors.”[381] + +“It is marvellous how the force and rigor of justice increase in war.... +If the soldiers rob or beat, the head comes off, or they are so beaten +that they can never be well again.”[382] + +“They keep the divinest order in the world.”[383] + +“In truth the discipline could not be better, nor the obedience +greater.”[384] + +“For such as are acquainted with the Histories of the Turkish affaires, +and doe aduisedly looke into the order and course of their proceedinges: +doe well perceiue, that the chiefest cause of their sodaine and fearefull +puissaunce, hath beene the excellence of their Martial discipline joyned +with a singular desire and resolution to aduaunce and enlarge both the +bounds of their Empire and the profession of their Religion. The which +was alwaies accompanied with such notable Policie and prudence, that +the singularitie of their vertue and good gouernment, hath made their +Armes alwaies fearefull and fortunate, and consequently, hath caused the +greatnesse of their estate.”[385] + + +THE SUPREME COMMAND + +The sultan was commander-in-chief of the entire army, standing, feudal, +and irregular. When the army was summoned for a great campaign, it +gathered about him; on the march and in camp every body of troops had +its place with reference to him;[386] in formation of battle, he was the +central point about which the whole vast display was organized. When +the army was assembled, and then only, the sultan stood forth visibly +and palpably as the head and center of the Ruling Institution and of +the Ottoman nation upon which it rested. His _kullar_ were gathered +about him in devotion of body and soul; they were going forth under his +leadership against the infidel or the heretic; they were manifesting the +results of the long and careful training that he had given them; they +marched, encamped, and fought under his eye and command; they formed +an honored and privileged nucleus in the midst of a vast, loyal, and +ambitious national army; they surrounded and served him as monarch with a +splendor seen at no other time;[387] with complete apparatus of council, +ministry, treasury, and chancery, they carried on his government from +whatever city, valley, mountain, or plain he might be occupying. Here was +the Ruling Institution in being, exhibiting in varying degrees all its +aspects, revealing its essential unity, enforcing the despotic will of +its master, commander-in-chief, and chief executive. + +The very greatness and unity of the Ruling Institution as an army was not +without serious disadvantages. The power could not wisely be delegated, +and the army could not effectively be divided. At the opening of the +campaign of 1529 Suleiman issued to Ibrahim a commission as _Seraskier_, +or general of the army, which placed the Ruling Institution, the Moslem +Institution, the Ottoman nation and all the subject nations under his +command. The Sultan’s order ran as follows: “My Viziers, _Beylerbeys_, +Judges of the Army, Jurists, Judges, _Seids_, _Sheiks_, Dignitaries +of the Court and Supports of the Empire, _Sanjak Beys_, Generals of +Cavalry or of Infantry, _Alai Beys_, _Subashis_, _Cheribashis_, and all +the victorious Soldiery great and small, high and low, the Officials +and Appointees, all inhabitants of My kingdoms and lands, the people of +city and country, rich and poor, distinguished and ordinary, and all +men are to recognize My above-named Grand Vizier as _Seraskier_ ... +and to consider all that he says and desires as a command from My own +mouth....”[388] This was a delegation of the supreme command of the +army and all the human military resources of the empire to Ibrahim. +Since Suleiman himself went on this campaign, the supreme command was +not then exercised apart from the sultan’s presence. Four years later, +however, Ibrahim, clothed with the same authority, was sent ahead to +open the Persian campaign. On the return march he added the title of +Sultan to that of _Seraskier_ in issuing his daily orders.[389] Perhaps +he felt like Pepin the Short, that he who had the power of king should +also bear the name. But Suleiman was no _roi fainéant_; Ibrahim had +gone too far, the empire could have but one head, and Ibrahim suffered +the bow-string.[390] Suleiman profited by the experience; he appointed +no more _Seraskiers_ with such exalted powers, but himself led the +army when it was assembled as a whole. The campaign of Szigeth was the +thirteenth which he directed in person.[391] The precedent of delegating +the supreme command was, however, a fatal one; for Selim the Sot and +all his successors were to use this method to avoid the exertion of +campaigning, and from this step was to date the beginning of the empire’s +downfall.[392] “This so constituted organization had need of two things: +it needed for its animation a man filled himself with a vivid spirit +and free and mighty impulses, and to give it movement and activity it +required continual campaigns and progressive conquests; in a word, war +and a warlike chief.”[393] When another than the sultan should become +head of the Ruling Institution as visibly assembled, and yet be only an +official removable at a cloistered monarch’s caprice, the army would lose +the keystone of its organization, and ere long victory would depart from +its banners. + + +INDIVISIBILITY OF THE ARMY + +The essential oneness of the army, based on the sultan’s ownership of +the standing body of cavalry and infantry and its attachment to his +person,[394] and on the incapacity of the territorial armies to carry on +great campaigns alone, was also a fact injurious to the Ottoman power. +At the accession of Selim I, the empire had been nearly identical in +territory with the Byzantine Empire under the Macedonian dynasty. No +great power had marched with it. The conquests of Selim in the East +and of Suleiman in Hungary had pushed the frontiers to the borders of +two great powers: Persia on the east and Austria on the west remained +henceforth constantly hostile in feeling and often hostile in fact to the +Ottoman Empire.[395] They were so far away from the Ottoman capital that +the road to either was a journey of months for the army, and relations +with both were often disturbed at the same time; but there was only +one great army, and there could be only one serious war. If, while war +was in progress on one frontier, conditions became intolerable on the +other, it was necessary to make peace on what terms could be had, and +carry the army to the other extremity of the empire. Thus, Suleiman and +Ibrahim concluded the peace of 1533 with Charles and Ferdinand, in order +to be free to proceed against Persia at once;[396] and thus Suleiman +was obliged to arrange terms with Ferdinand in 1547, in order to march +against Persia in 1548.[397] Had a Cardinal Cesarini absolved Charles and +Ferdinand from either treaty, and had they been able to act, they could +have marched to Constantinople in 1534, 1535, or 1548 against practically +no resistance.[398] On the other hand, had the Ottoman standing army been +divisible, and separable from the person of the monarch, the Sultan could +have kept a steady pressure at both frontiers; and by taking advantage +of opportunities he might have conquered far to the west and north, and +realized his ambition of adding all the heretical Persian dominions to +his empire so as to reach the Chinese frontier, and of sending the +horsetail standards to the Atlantic shore of North Africa.[399] Or +he might have carried out the intention expressed through Ibrahim in +1533—which was quite in keeping with his character—of aiding the Emperor +Charles V to enforce unity of religious belief upon the Protestants and +the pope.[400] It is interesting to notice that Austria possessed two +great advantages over Persia in the wars with Turkey. The Ottomans did +not wish to pass the winter in the cold north, but they did not object +seriously to staying in Aleppo or Bagdad. This attitude probably saved +Vienna for Austria and lost Bagdad for Persia. Again, since the journey +from Vienna to Constantinople was much easier than that from Tabriz to +Constantinople, the Austrians could have reached Constantinople while +the Ottoman army was in the East, whereas the Persians could not have +reached Constantinople while the Ottomans were in Austria. This advantage +remained theoretical, however, in Suleiman’s time, since neither Austria +nor Persia was ever able to attempt invasion. + +Thus the inherent character of the Ottoman Ruling Institution, as a +single magnificent army united under the supreme command of the sultan, +made the institution incapable of adaptation to an indefinitely expanding +empire, and so set bounds, certain as those of fate, to Ottoman conquest. +The sultan had but one arm; it was a long arm and a strong one, yet it +could reach only a fixed distance, and it could strike but one blow. + + + + +CHAPTER V + +THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS A NOBILITY AND A COURT + + +I. PRIVILEGES OF THE KULLAR + +No disgrace was attached to the condition of being the sultan’s slave; +on the contrary, the title of _kul_ was felt to be an honor. Boys longed +to bear it.[401] No one who had it desired to be rid of it. It carried +marked distinction and secured deference everywhere. Those who revealed +by their costume, bearing, or assertion that they were the sultan’s +property were treated with the consideration always granted in monarchies +to property and persons closely related to the sovereign. + +This honor shown to the _kullar_ rested, however, on no mere servile +attachment to the sultan and on no mere fear of an Oriental despot. The +sultan’s slaves from lowest to highest were set off from his subjects +by a distinct set of privileges which in Western minds were associated +only with nobility. Besides a general protection over them all by means +of careful registration and watchful organization, the sultan bestowed +upon all his _kullar_ the personal rights of immunity from taxation,[402] +and responsibility to none but their own officials and courts and to +him.[403] At the same time he freed them all from anxiety about the +necessities of life, and enabled most of them to enjoy its luxuries, by +regular pay from his treasury, or, in the case of some high officials, +by revenues from ample estates. In return for these privileges they +were all sternly required to render him honorable service, usually of +a military character. This service was not always of a character that +the West considered honorable. The labors of the _Ajem-oghlans_, and +the foot service of the Janissaries and auxiliary corps were not noble +in Christian feudalism, which knew no implements but sword and spear +and fought from the back of a horse. But these humble slaves of the +sultan possessed the same privileges as the highest, and any service was +honorable which would make their muscles stronger for fighting and teach +them to contribute to the sultan’s military undertakings on sea and land. +All members of the sultan’s family were supposed to use their income in +strengthening his military forces. Janissaries had pay for themselves +alone. _Ghurebas_ had only enough to keep themselves and one horse for +each man. Other _Spahis_ of the Porte brought additional horsemen in +accordance with their pay. Higher officials were expected to support +armed households large in proportion to their revenues. After the model +of the sultan’s household, every _kul_ according to his means built up a +military establishment which followed him and his master to war. + +Immunity from taxation grew naturally out of the slave status. There +would be no advantage to the sultan in exacting taxes from persons +whom he supported and who were supposed to devote all their energies +to his service and use all their income for him. As long as the Ruling +Institution was kept firmly to its purpose, pressure was applied, not +so that successful _kullar_ would surrender part of their income to the +master, but so that they would bring as large a contingent as possible +to fight his battles. Suleiman’s grand vizier, Rustem, following a +long-disused precedent of the time of Bayezid I,[404]—a reign which +had in various ways foreshadowed later evils,—established a tax upon +the greater offices of the empire;[405] but, since the sultan did not +receive the whole of such charges, the custom amounted to the sale of +offices. Not only was such a practice out of harmony with the theory +of the Ruling Institution, but it proved very injurious in operation, +and was rightly accounted one of the causes of the decay of the empire. +The sultan took pay at the granting of an office, and so presently did +every official from the men under him; until in time the practice became +so systematized that a regular tariff was arranged and brought into +use on the occasion of every appointment.[406] Those who thus were put +to great expense on coming into office felt the necessity of recouping +themselves by whatever means lay in their power.[407] Hence arose not +merely oppression of the sultan’s subjects, both Christian and Moslem, +but also a partial recovery of losses at the expense of the sultan +himself. His servants were forced to devote to personal affairs a large +part of the attention that should have been all his, and to curtail by +various devices the contingent which they furnished for his military +service. When the members of the Ruling Institution began to prey upon +each other, the grand vizier, on behalf of the sultan, taking the lead, +the solidarity of the institution began to be broken. It may be true +that in the West, as Montesquieu said, the honor of a monarchy was not +inconsistent with the sale of office;[408] but in the Ottoman Empire it +opened the door to fatal corruption. + +The members of the Ruling Institution had not always had their own +system of justice; they had long been under the jurisdiction of the +ordinary Moslem courts. This had led to an essential difficulty; the +ordinary courts were part of another institution and were recruited in a +wholly different way; their judges had risen through a rival system of +education, and were men of letters rather than men of war; the favored +_kullar_ of the sultan had, therefore, come to feel averse to obeying +them.[409] Accordingly, Bayezid II had ordered that the members of his +family should be judged by their own officers.[410] This was a radical +change; for it brought into prominence the distinction between the two +institutions, and had the further effect of setting off the _kullar_ +from all the rest of the population of the empire, and of constituting +them almost a separate nationality. Their position became one greatly +to be desired. The Moslem-born population came to feel that somewhere +there was a great injustice. They whose ancestors had shed their blood +for the faith were, in the lands which their fathers had conquered, +denied admittance to the class which not only filled most of the offices +of army and state but enjoyed high privileges. Sons of the conquered +inhabitants, infidel-born, might alone become nobles, paid by the state +rather than contributing to its expenses, not subject to the judges +trained from boyhood in the Sacred Law; while their own Moslem sons were +rigidly excluded from the honored class, were obliged to bear a part in +the burdens of the state with small hope of sharing its glory, and were +expected to take their chances before the same courts to which Christians +and Jews were brought for civil and criminal cases. The very extent of +the privileges of the _kullar_ made toward the break-down of the system. + + +NOBILITY NOT HEREDITARY + +The privileges of the sultan’s _kullar_ fell short of those of Western +nobility in one very important respect, namely, that they could not +normally be handed on to the descendants and heirs of those privileged. +This exception is so important that various Western writers have affirmed +that the Turks had no nobles.[411] As the word is used in this treatise, +heredity is not regarded as of the essence of nobility; the latter is +considered to lie in the possession of special personal privilege, +recognized in the structure of the state. + +In the early Ottoman days, several of the high offices of state became +the appanages of particular families. The family of Kara Khalil +Chendereli held the office of grand vizier continuously for a century, +and furnished an occupant of the office at a later date.[412] The +descendants of Michael of the Pointed Beard led the _Akinjis_ until +the time of the first siege of Vienna.[413] The family of Samsamat +Chaush held the office of master of ceremonies for generations.[414] A +descendant of the thirteenth-century poet Jelal ad-din Rumi held office +under Suleiman.[415] Some writers of the early sixteenth century said +that, whereas Osman had been aided in winning his dominions by two Greek +renegades, Michael of the Pointed Beard, and Malco, and by Aurami or +Eurcasi, a Turk, he had promised that he would “never put hand in their +blood or fail to give them a magistracy.”[416] The promise had been kept, +and in 1537 one of the Michaloglou was _Sanjak_ in Bosnia and one of the +Malcosoglou was _Sanjak_ in Greece. The other family was then extinct. It +is said that these were considered to be of royal blood, and that in case +of failure in the line of Osman the succession to the throne would fall +to them. + +Apart from these few exceptions, the principle of heredity in office +had been excluded from the Ottoman system by the time of Suleiman. The +Ottomans, by old Turkish rule probably derived from the Chinese, knew +no nobility apart from office and public service. An exception was +introduced by Islam in the case of _Seids_, or _Emirs_, descendants +of the Prophet; but this modification the Ottomans did not wholly +respect.[417] Accordingly, Ottoman nobility became official,[418] +personal, and without hereditary quality. It was, in fact, the reverse of +hereditary, since nobility in the father was an actual hindrance to the +son and to all his descendants. But the _kullar_ were not the only class +in the Ottoman Empire which enjoyed official, personal nobility. The +members of the Moslem Institution were also exempt from taxation, were +supported out of public revenues, and were left in enjoyment of their own +government as a part of their general jurisdiction in the empire. They +had an advantage over the _kullar_ in that their property was not subject +to confiscation. Their position will be discussed later.[419] + +In the program of the Ruling Institution the policy of avoiding heredity +of nobility fitted in exactly with the slave system, the educational +scheme, and the army arrangements; for the knowledge that every man +was considered to be “his own ancestry,” and that increased honor and +privilege depended on achievement alone, made every ambitious member a +devoted slave, an indefatigable learner, and a dauntless warrior. The +reasons for this policy, the method of applying it by advancement through +merit, and the vivid impression which it made on thoughtful Western +observers have been described already;[420] but for its observance an +additional reason of great weight may be mentioned. Not only did it +prevent the accumulation of property and power in the hands of the +members of one family, but it allowed no influence to become intrenched +in the offices of central and local government. No _Beylerbey_ or _Sanjak +Bey_ could hope to rebel successfully. All were “but strangers and +foreigners in the countries they ruled,”[421] and held their positions +by the most insecure tenure. The Ottoman Empire was not destined to go +the way of that of Charlemagne or of the Seljuk Turks. Whatever decay it +might undergo, it could not break up into small independent states under +officials who had converted their governorships into sovereignties, so +long as its two great institutions were maintained consistently.[422] + +Against this policy two main tendencies conspired, both based on “human +nature,” the strife of favor against merit, and the desire of the +excluded to share in privilege. The first was liable to disturb the order +of promotion, the second to open the system to the sons and descendants +of the officials and to other Moslems. No one but Selim the Grim was +fitted to maintain the policy rigidly against such pressure. Suleiman +yielded a little on the first point, in such matters as the promotion of +Ibrahim and Rustem;[423] and the second began in his time to gain ground +at the bottom, by the admission of sons of Janissaries to the ranks of +the _Ajem-oghlans_. Within a generation after his death, however, the +flood-gates were to be opened.[424] The body of Janissaries and the body +of _Spahis_ of the Porte were gradually but swiftly to be made Moslem +and so cut off from the Ruling Institution; the age at which the pages +passed out of the palace was to be postponed; and in time the divided +Ruling Institution was to cease to be the admiration of the West and was +to become its laughing-stock. But Suleiman was spared the sight of such +a decadence. Near the end of his reign, after Rustem and Roxelana had +ceased to disturb, the system brought to the top one of the greatest of +Ottoman statesmen, Mohammed Sokolli. At about the same time the Moslem +Institution also raised up a great legist, Ebu su’ud.[425] These two +upheld the institutions and the empire at the height of their glory for +nearly thirty years, of which fifteen lay after the death of Suleiman. + + +II. CHARACTER OF THE SULTAN’S COURT + +In the early stages of all monarchies the household of the prince and +the government of the state have probably been identical.[426] After +the period of establishment has come to an end and settled institutions +have been organized, the household and the government have tended to +draw apart into separate and distinct systems under different officials. +Which of the two has become of the greater importance in the eyes of +the sovereign and in influence upon the policy and destiny of the nation +has depended on circumstances, and particularly on the character of +individual monarchs. While such a state has been in a period of increase +of power and influence, the government has regularly been the more +prominent: men of practical experience in affairs and in the field have +overshadowed the palace servants. When decay and decline have set in, the +household, partly by way of cause and partly by way of effect, has risen +to supremacy: individuals of more or less secluded life, but possessing +opportunities for personal intercourse with the monarch,—favorites, +body-servants, women, and eunuchs,—have made the men of affairs and of +war dependent upon them for place and authority. The Ottoman Empire +came clearly into the stage of differentiation between household and +government after the conquest of Constantinople in the reign of Mohammed +II. In the time of Suleiman the empire was still in the period when +government was greater than household; but clear signs were appearing +that a less active and more plastic sovereign would turn the scale. + +The household of the Ottoman sultan was curiously divided and limited. +An essential difference between the courts of Christian and Moslem +monarchs was created by the seclusion of women in Mohammedan society. In +the West, women appeared with the men of the court not only on occasions +of amusement and diversion, but also in public parades and ceremonies +of less and greater importance, and the ladies of the royal family led +the fashionable society of the land. In the East, on the other hand, +the visible court and retinue of the monarch was wholly ungraced by the +presence of the fair sex; all the great ceremonies and cavalcades were +participated in by men alone. It seems to be a fact that, before the +middle of the reign of Suleiman, no woman resided in the entire vast +palace where the sultan spent most of his time.[427] The women of his +family were elsewhere, carefully guarded behind walls which with very +few exceptions no man but himself might pass.[428] The men and the women +who were associated with the sultan constituted two separate worlds, +between which the only bond was himself. + +The sultan’s household was divided in another way. By the maxims of +despotic government it is forbidden that the ruler should associate on +terms of intimate friendship with those who are his high officials of +state. In order to avoid this regulation and yet provide his master +with intelligent and amusing companionship, the _Nizam-al-mulk_ advised +the Seljuk sultan Melik Shah to choose as boon companions a band of +courtiers who would be allowed to have no share whatever in the conduct +of affairs.[429] This resource was hardly open to the Ottoman sultans, +first because the dignity and independence of Moslem-born Ottoman Turks +deprived them of the pliancy which is expected from courtiers, and second +because the sultan’s Christian-born slaves, who had been led onward by +ambition ever since they had entered his service, and at the end of +their education were ready to become men of affairs, were not fitted +to be mere courtiers. The difficulty became greater after Mohammed II, +filled with the Byzantine notion of imperial sacredness, ordered that +no one should sit with him at table.[430] A sultan was thus practically +forced by a combination of principles and circumstances to spend his +leisure hours with boys, eunuchs, and women.[431] The only mature men +with whom he could converse freely were a small and select group of +religious advisers, astrologers, and physicians; all the other men of his +household met him only formally and for the transaction of business. So +great limitations on his companionship could not fail to influence his +character, and in the course of a few generations to tend greatly toward +the predominance of household over government. + +To confine the consideration of Suleiman’s court to his immediate +household would be to narrow the discussion too much. The chief officers +of government formed a part of his retinue on all ceremonial occasions, +and had not ceased to be counted as his personal followers. In fact, +all the members of the Ruling Institution, except the _Ajem-oghlans_ +and young pages, may be regarded as belonging to the sultan’s court in +that large sense of the term which includes all those individuals who +are attached to the person of the monarch as his daily associates, his +councillors, the officers and members of his household, his body-guard +and palace-guard, and his retinue on ceremonial occasions and in camp. +The splendid court of Suleiman the Magnificent is worthy of separate and +special treatment for which there is no room here; in describing it, as +in describing his army, only those aspects which are of a governmental +nature can be considered. The topics that will claim attention are the +subdivisions of his household and the main features of its organization, +the importance given to personal and public ceremony, the splendor of the +court, and the influence of the court on the destiny of the empire. + + +ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSEHOLD[432] + +The sultan’s household may be considered in three principal subdivisions, +each of them composed of a number of parts: the outside service of the +palace, the inside service of the palace, and the harem. The outside +service was composed of men and _Ajem-oghlans_, the inside service of +white eunuchs and pages, the harem of black eunuchs and women. The first +two subdivisions were, in time of peace, in attendance at the principal +palace which had been built by Mohammed II on the site of the acropolis +of ancient Byzantium. The grounds of this palace were extensive: within +the first gate was a large open space used on state occasions as a +parade ground; within the second gate were the buildings of the palace +proper, a beautiful garden, and an exercise ground for the pages. The +members of the outside service, except the gardeners, did not ordinarily +pass beyond the second gate of this palace. The harem was permanently +located some distance away in the center of the city, in the first palace +occupied after the conquest, known in the sixteenth century as the Old +Palace.[433] In time of war, practically the entire outside service, and +the principal officers and personal attendants from the inside service, +accompanied the sultan. None of the women of the harem were taken with +the army, as this was against the Ottoman custom, though permitted by the +Sacred Law.[434] In excursions during time of peace some of the ladies +might accompany their lord.[435] The three subdivisions of the household +will be considered in the reverse order. + + +THE HAREM + +The harem was so distinct in Suleiman’s time from the rest of his +household, so little seen and known, so much his personal affair, that it +would seem scarcely to demand attention in a consideration of his court. +The importance of its officials and personages was small as compared with +later times, after the harem had been removed to the principal palace and +the sultans had begun to spend a much larger portion of their time in +its society. Yet the influence of two of its ladies upon Suleiman was so +great as to give them a place in history and a relation to the destiny +of the nation. Accordingly, the harem cannot be passed over without +mention. Its organization has already been sketched so far as regards the +recruiting, conversion, and education of the women;[436] its groupings +and principal personages remain to be described. + +The guard and order of the palace of the harem was committed to forty or +more black eunuchs,[437] under an official known as the _Kizlar Aghasi_, +or, literally, the “general of the girls.” This _Agha_ was held in great +honor, and was made administrator of many religious endowments for the +benefit of various mosques, and particularly of the _vakfs_ of the Holy +Cities of Mecca and Medina. His importance in Suleiman’s time bears no +comparison with what it became later. Other black eunuchs held official +positions in the service of the principal ladies, and had the oversight +of the education of the young princes.[438] + +The greatest lady of the harem, while life was spared to her, was the +sultan’s mother, the _Sultana Valideh_. Not only did she receive great +respect and deference from her son, but she had a general oversight and +authority over all his women. The next lady in importance was the mother +of the sultan’s first son; and after her came the mothers of other sons. +Mothers of daughters enjoyed much less consideration. Each of these +favored ladies had her own suite of apartments, her business staff under +a woman known as her _Kiaya_, which may here be translated as steward or +housekeeper, and her group of personal and domestic servants. The _Kiaya_ +of the queen mother enjoyed great importance. The group of slave girls +who were the sultan’s personal and domestic servants when he visited +the harem were also under a _Kiaya_ with assistants. Sons of the sultan +lived with their mothers during their tender years. They were carefully +educated in letters and arms, much as were the pages, but with greater +deference.[439] At a suitable age they were sent out, with carefully +selected little courts, to the governorship of provinces. Daughters were +married at an early age to high officials of the sultan.[440] In later +generations infant sons who might be born to them were not allowed to +live, lest they might become a menace to the throne. This seems not +to have been the case in the time of Suleiman, who avoided danger by +excluding them carefully from office.[441] + +Information about Suleiman’s harem and family comes guarded with +explanations of the difficulty found in obtaining trustworthy reports. +Some facts are known, and probabilities exist as to others. Suleiman’s +mother lived until far along in his reign. The mother of his eldest son, +Mustapha, held, according to custom, the next place in his harem. After +the year 1534 she divided her time between the palace at Magnesia, where +her son was _Sanjak Bey_, and the harem palace in Constantinople.[442] +Khurrem, usually called Roxelana, had supplanted her in favor at some +previous date, and, being legal wife of the Sultan, held a position +superior to hers in some respects. Suleiman seems not to have visited his +harem very often.[443] Mihrmah, his daughter by Roxelana, who became the +wife of Rustem, was very dear to him. + + +THE INSIDE SERVICE + +The five chambers of pages, under the control of white eunuchs, and +the doorkeepers supplied the inside service of the principal palace. +The head of this service was the _Kapu Aghasi_, or “general of the +gate,” a white eunuch, who was also charged with the management of many +religious endowments. He had the right to speak to the sultan when he +wished,[444] and hence was very highly regarded. The _Kapuji-bashi_, or +head doorkeeper, was also a white eunuch, who had charge constantly of +the second gate of the principal palace, with a company of twenty or more +white eunuchs who were guards under him.[445] The pages have already +received attention from the educational point of view. Nearest the person +of the sultan were the pages of the _Khas Oda_, or Inner Chamber, of whom +there were probably thirty-nine, the sultan himself being reckoned the +fortieth.[446] A number of these pages later bore the title of _Agha_, +but they seem not to have done so in Suleiman’s time. Their chief officer +was the _Khas Oda-bashi_, or head of the Inner Chamber, one of the +pages in Suleiman’s day, but in later times a white eunuch. The pages +of highest rank were the _Silihdar_, who outside the palace carried the +sultan’s weapons, the _Chokadar_, who carried his garments, and the +_Sharabdar_, or cup-bearer.[447] The others took care of his apartments +and his wardrobe, and brought his food to him. The second group of pages +constituted the _Khazineh Odassi_, or treasury, under a well-paid white +eunuch, the inside _Khazinehdar-bashi_. These, to the number of sixty or +seventy, cared for all the treasures in the sultan’s palace, made all +payments, and kept all accounts.[448] Another _Khazinehdar-bashi_ took +care of all the financial affairs of the inside service which needed +attention outside the palace walls. The _Kiler Odassi_, or pantry, under +a white eunuch called the _Kilerji-bashi_, cared for the bread, pastry, +and game of the sultan; their chief controlled also the kitchen service +of the palace. The pages of this chamber seem not yet to have finished +their education.[449] They, together with the pages of the Inner Chamber, +rode with the sultan whenever he left the palace. The remaining two +chambers, the Large and the Small, or the Old and the New, were concerned +wholly with the education of the pages.[450] They were under the general +direction of the _Ikinji-Kapu-oghlan_, or eunuch of the second gate.[451] +The entire personnel of the inside service amounted to from six to eight +hundred persons. The eunuch officers maintained severe discipline, exact +obedience, and perfect order among them all.[452] The groups of eunuchs +who had charge of the colleges of pages in Pera and Adrianople may also +be reckoned in the inside service. It would seem that the accounts of all +these palaces were kept as one, and that therefore the chief officers of +the principal palace must have supervised the officers of the others.[453] + + +THE OUTSIDE SERVICE + +The members of the household who were not held within the inner regions +of the palace or near the person of the sultan were far more numerous. +Many stood in close relations to the members of the inner service, either +being under their authority or having regular dealings with them. All, +of course, served the sultan, either directly or nearly so, through +the mediation of one or more officers. To describe at length their +subdivisions, duties, and officers would be to repeat an account which +has been given often by others. Only a general sketch will be attempted +here, by way of distinguishing the various groups of the service. +Beginning with those in closest relations to the sultan, they were the +learned associates of the master, the kitchen service, the body-guard, +the palace-guards, the gardeners, the stable service, the tent-pitchers, +the masters of the hunt, and the intendants. + +The learned associates of the sultan belonged chiefly to the corps of +the _Ulema_. They therefore represented the Moslem Institution near the +person of the monarch. Chief among them was the sultan’s _Hoja_, or +teacher, a confessor or adviser in religious matters, who was held in +very great esteem and was often advanced to high judicial office. Next +came two _Imâms_, or preachers to the sultan, associated with whom were a +number of muezzins, or chanters. After these ranked the _Hekim-bashi_, or +chief physician, who had ten or more associates; the _Munejim-bashi_, or +chief astrologer, whose services were believed to have a very real value; +and the _Jerrah-bashi_, or chief surgeon, with ten or more helpers. + +The kitchen service under the oversight of the _Kilerji-bashi_ comprised +bakers, scullions, cooks, confectioners, tasters, and musicians, each to +the number of from fifty to one hundred.[454] Allied to these were the +companies of tailors, shoemakers, furriers, goldsmiths, and the like, who +were employed exclusively in the palace service.[455] Each group had its +responsible head and was subject to a thorough oversight, since even such +remote affairs, when under the care of the Ottoman Ruling Institution, +were regulated and ordered with great precision. A number of these +servants, such as the scullions, wood-cutters, and water-carriers, were +_Ajem-oghlans_. + +The body-guards were three, the _Muteferrika_, the _Solaks_, and the +_Peiks_. The _Muteferrika_, or Noble Guard, consisted of from one to two +hundred of the choicest graduates from the page schools and of sons of +high officials.[456] Among them, in 1575, were brothers of the _Voivodes_ +of Wallachia and Moldavia. The _Muteferrika_ followed immediately after +the sultan on horseback, and in time of battle were ready to defend him +to the end. The _Solaks_ were veteran Janissary archers, to the number +of about one hundred and fifty, who marched on foot beside the sultan +wherever he went, with bows and arrows ready for instant use. The _Peiks_ +were a picturesque company of halberdiers of about one hundred men,[457] +which had been taken over, arms, costumes, and all, from the Byzantine +emperors. They ran in front of the sultan when he rode, and were always +ready to be sent on missions. + +The palace-guards were the _Kapujis_, the _Chaushes_, and the +_Bostanjis_. The _Kapujis_, or gatekeepers, were _Ajem-oghlans_ who, to +the number of three or four hundred,[458] watched the outside gates of +the principal palace and of the palace of the harem. Like all the other +guards, they accompanied the sultan to war, where they were the guards +of his tent. The _Chaushes_, who numbered about one hundred,[459] were +ushers who acted as marshals on the days of Divan and of state ceremony, +and who in time of war dressed the ranks of the troops.[460] They also +acted as messengers of state within the empire. When a distant officer +had been condemned to death, a _Chaush_ was sent to execute the sentence +and bring back the offender’s head.[461] Since among the _Chaushes_ +there were many renegades who knew various European languages, they were +useful as interpreters and were sometimes sent as envoys on important +missions.[462] The _Bostanjis_, or gardeners, were _Ajem-oghlans_, +and as such have been mentioned already. To the number of about four +hundred,[463] they cared for the garden and grounds of the principal +palace, and rowed the sultan’s caiques when he wished to enjoy the +matchless scenery of the Bosphorus. Their chief, the _Bostanji-bashi_, +who had risen from their ranks, seems to have been the only adult +man besides the sultan who resided within the inner regions of the +palace.[464] His general charge over all the sultan’s gardens, wherever +they might be, included oversight of the banks and shores of the +Bosphorus, the Sea of Marmora, and the Dardanelles.[465] This gave him +great power, and his favor was much courted. + +The stable service was exceedingly important in a nation which relied +so much upon cavalry, and which was still under the influence of the +tradition of the steppe lands. The sultan for his own use kept a +stable of two hundred horses tended by a hundred men, and for the use +of his retinue four thousand horses tended by two thousand men.[466] +Besides these, a thousand or more Bulgarian Christians known as Voinaks +tended herds of horses on the great domanial pastures.[467] All these +followed the army to war as grooms. They were under the control of a +very great official, the _Emir-al-Akhor_,[468] or grand equerry, who, +with the second equerry, also had oversight of the numerous saddlers, +camel-drivers, and muleteers of the imperial service, and control of all +the domanial pastures and forests of the empire.[469] + +The head gardener, the head gatekeeper, the grand equerry, the second +equerry, and the _Mir-Alem_[470] or standard-bearer, constituted the +special group of officers known as the _Rekiab-Aghalari_, or “generals +of the [imperial] stirrup.” The _Mir-Alem_ had charge of the imperial +standards and the six horsetails which were borne before the sultan. +He distributed standards and horsetails to _Beylerbeys_ and _Sanjak +Beys_, who thus in a way received investiture at his hands.[471] As +a consequence he ranked first among the officers of the household +as related to the government. He also had superior control over the +gatekeepers, and he commanded the military music. + +The tent-pitchers, under a _Mihter-bashi_, cared for the sultan’s tents +in peace and war. Similar groups were the _Veznedars_ (who weighed the +money received by the sultan), the guards of the outside treasury, the +purchasing agents of cloth and muslins for the palace, and the guardians +of presents.[472] + +The masters of the hunt were important officials in the time of Suleiman, +who practised the ancient royal custom of going with great state and +numerous attendants to hunt over a large region.[473] Heads of the +dog-keepers, falconers, vulturers, gerfalconers, and hawkers held +honorable position. A number of the pages of the higher _odalar_ had +subsidiary duties as falconers;[474] Ibrahim was chief falconer at the +time of his promotion to the position of grand vizier. A part of the +regular army aided in the hunts. The Janissaries show by the names of +some of their chief officers that their corps grew in part out of the +hunting organization of the early sultans.[475] + +The intendants, or _Umena_, had charge of various departments of supply +and administration. They were the _Shehr-emini_, or intendant of +imperial buildings; the _Zarabkhaneh-emini_, or intendant of mints and +mines; the _Mutbakh-emini_, or intendant of the kitchen and pantry; the +_Arpa-emini_, or intendant of forage for the stables of the palace; and +the _Masraf-shehriyari_, or substitute for the intendant of the kitchens. + +This rapid survey, though by no means complete, shows something of +the complicated organization, the numerous personnel, and the various +functions of the groups of the imperial household. The number of +individuals connected with it may be estimated to have been between ten +and fifteen thousand, many of whom were not the sultan’s slaves, but his +servants and employees in various capacities. All, however, except the +few members of the _Ulema_, were under the complete control and command +of members of the Ruling Institution. No confusion resulted from such +great complexity, for each group of servants had its definite duties, +and knew exactly from whom to receive orders and to whom to report +accomplishment. + +It is clear that the functions of many of the officials of the household, +especially those of the head gardener, the grand equerry, and the +standard-bearer, intrenched upon the province of government. The chief +black eunuch and the chief white eunuch collected and administered the +revenues of many parcels of land which were devoted to special purposes. +The _Umena_ were so clearly recognized as exercising governmental +functions that they were regarded as chancellors,—an exception, made +for the sake of convenience, to the rule of separating household and +governmental officials. It resulted, therefore, that, while order was +maintained with comparative ease within the mechanism of the household +and, as will be seen, of the government, difficulty and confusion +accumulated in the relations of the Ruling Institution to the rest of +the empire. The splendid organization worked admirably down a certain +distance from the top; but, as the energy of the single will became +mediated by many officials, and as the multiplex land-ownership and +varied population of the empire was approached, disorder to the extent +of unworkability was so constantly threatened that only more or less +convulsive readjustments, resorted to from time to time, enabled the +institutions of the empire to remain in being. + + +THE CEREMONIES OF THE COURT + +The Sacred Law, based on the practice of Mohammed and the four early +caliphs, discouraged display of every sort;[476] nor did the Seljuk +Turks take readily to the magnificence which under Persian influence had +prevailed at the court of the Bagdad caliphate.[477] So, too, the early +Ottoman sovereigns appear to have maintained simplicity of life down to +the time of Murad II. A contemporary observer said: “The very Magnates +and Princes observe such simplicity in all things, that they cannot be +distinguished from others. I saw the King going a long distance from his +palace to Church accompanied by two youths.... I saw him also praying in +Church, not in a chair (_cathedra_) or royal throne, but seated like the +rest on a rug spread on the ground; nor was there about him any ornament, +either suspended or exhibited or displayed. He used no singularity in +regard to his garments or his horse, by which he could be distinguished +from others. I saw him at the funeral of his mother, and I could not +possibly have recognized him, had he not been pointed out to me.”[478] + +In the understanding of Mohammed II, however, the capture of the +imperial city seems to have included the appropriation of imperial +forms and ceremonies; for no small number of his _Kanuns_ dealt with +matters of rank and ceremony.[479] By the time of Suleiman the _Kanuni +Teshrifat_, or Law of Ceremonies, had become a collection of considerable +magnitude.[480] It is significant that the regulations concerning such +matters as the color and shape and material of robes and turbans, +the order of precedence on small as well as great occasions, and the +observances proper to each such occasion were made a matter of law. On +the one hand, a body of practice was set up which, though not distinctly +forbidden by the Sacred Law, was contrary to its essential spirit. On +the other hand, to rules of court etiquette, which in the West are +often unwritten and certainly have not similar standing with acts of +legislation, were given the rank and authority of imperial laws. The Law +of Ceremonies stood on a par with the Law of Subjects, the Law of Fiefs, +the Law of Egypt, and the Law of Fines and Punishments. In fact, this law +was observed even more carefully than the others, since the matters which +it covered usually came under the eye of the sultan himself. It was as +much the duty of an officer to wear the proper costume, and to appear in +the right place and at the right time at public ceremonies, as to attend +to the business connected with his position. + +All the classes of members of the sultan’s household, all the high +officers of government, and all the separate bodies of troops in the +standing army were clearly distinguished from each other by costume or +head-dress or by both. Each group and every officer in each group had +his exact place in every ceremonial assembly and his exact rank in every +procession. Each great official, beginning with the sultan, had his title +for use in public documents, a designation which, though not exactly +fixed, varied little from time to time.[481] + +Ceremonial occasions were numerous and splendid. All were participated +in by representatives from each division of the Ruling Institution, and +on the greatest occasions practically its whole membership was present. +The ceremonies may be grouped as simple occasions, religious festivals, +and extraordinary ceremonies. Among the simpler ceremonial occasions were +the regular meetings of the Divan, which in time of peace took place four +times a week, on Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday. On Fridays the +sultan rode forth to mosque in magnificent state.[482] On other days some +of the officials made visits of state to their superiors. Every three +months the Janissaries were paid with much ceremony in the parade-ground +between the first and second gates of the palace. For the sake of giving +an impression of wealth and magnificence, such occasions were frequently +chosen for the reception of ambassadors.[483] + +The great religious festivals of Islam, in which all the Moslems of the +empire participated, were celebrated by the court with great pomp. These +were the two feasts of Bairam, one of which comes at the close of the +fast of the month of Ramazan, and the other and greater seventy days +later.[484] On the great day of Bairam the ceremony of kissing the hand +of the sultan was performed by all the officials of the household and +government. + +The principal extraordinary ceremonies were those in celebration of +the birth of sons or daughters to the sultan, of the circumcision of +princes and the marriage of princesses, the accession to the throne, and +the going forth of the sultan to war. The greatest of all Suleiman’s +celebrations was probably that of the circumcision of his sons, Mustapha, +Mohammed, and Selim, in 1530. Twenty-one successive days of display, +feasting, games, and formal presentation of gifts contributed to the +unparalleled grandeur of the occasion.[485] + +It is not impossible to obtain an idea of the appearance of the sultan’s +court and retinue at this time of the empire’s greatest splendor. One +observer, often quoted already, who was gifted with superb powers of +expression, has left a clear record. Seer and seen alike vanished from +the earth more than three centuries ago; yet through the keen eyes of +Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq the world has ever since looked upon the great +Suleiman as he sat and rode in state. Busbecq, ambassador to the Ottoman +court from Emperor Charles the Fifth and his brother Ferdinand, describes +his first audience with Suleiman in camp at Amasia in 1555, also the +train that attended the sultan as he went forth from Constantinople to +war against his son Bayezid in 1559, and a Bairam ceremony in camp near +Scutari a few weeks after the latter event. Some quotations from these +descriptions will give a better idea of Suleiman’s court than any number +of statistics. The first describes the audience at Amasia:— + +“The Sultan was seated on a very low ottoman, not more than a foot from +the ground, which was covered with a quantity of costly rugs and cushions +of exquisite workmanship; near him lay his bow and arrows.... + +“On entering we were separately conducted into the royal presence by the +chamberlains, who grasped our arms. This has been the Turkish fashion of +admitting people to the Sovereign ever since a Croat, in order to avenge +the death of his master, Marcus, Despot of Servia, asked Amurath for an +audience, and took advantage of it to slay him. After having gone through +a pretence of kissing his hand, we were conducted backwards to the wall +opposite his seat, care being taken that we should never turn our backs +on him.... + +“The Sultan’s hall was crowded with people, among whom were several +officers of high rank. Besides these there were all the troopers of +the Imperial guard, Spahis, Ghourebas, Ouloufedgis, and a large force +of Janissaries.... Take your stand by my side, and look at the sea of +turbaned heads, each wrapped in twisted folds of the whitest silk; look +at those marvellously handsome dresses of every kind and every colour; +time would fail me to tell how all around is glittering with gold, with +silver, with purple, with silk, and with velvet; words cannot convey +an adequate idea of that strange and wondrous sight: it was the most +beautiful spectacle I ever saw. + +“With all this luxury great simplicity and economy are combined; every +man’s dress, whatever his position may be, is of the same pattern; no +fringes or useless points are sewn on, as is the case with us, appendages +which cost a great deal of money, and are worn out in three days. In +Turkey the tailor’s bill for a silk or velvet dress, even though it be +richly embroidered, as most of them are, is only a ducat. They were quite +as much surprised at our manner of dressing as we were at theirs. They +use long robes reaching down to the ankles, which have a stately effect +and add to the wearer’s height, while our dress is so short and scanty +that it leaves exposed to view more than is comely of the human shape; +besides, somehow or other, our fashion of dress seems to take from the +wearer’s height, and make him look shorter than he really is. + +“I was greatly struck with the silence and order that prevailed in +this great crowd. There were no cries, no hum of voices, the usual +accompaniments of a motley gathering, neither was there any jostling; +without the slightest disturbance each man took his proper place +according to his rank. The Agas, as they call their chiefs, were seated, +to wit, generals, colonels (bimbaschi), and captains (soubaschi). Men +of a lower position stood. The most interesting sight in this assembly +was a body of several thousand Janissaries, who were drawn up in a long +line apart from the rest; their array was so steady and motionless that, +being at a little distance, it was some time before I could make up my +mind as to whether they were human beings or statues; at last I received +a hint to salute them, and saw all their heads bending at the same moment +to return my bow.[486] On leaving the assembly we had a fresh treat in +the sight of the household cavalry returning to their quarters; the men +were mounted on splendid horses, excellently groomed, and gorgeously +accoutred. And so we left the royal presence.”[487] + +On the second occasion, when Suleiman was going forth to war, Busbecq +obtained a place at a window:— + +“From this I had the pleasure of seeing the magnificent column which +was marching out. The Ghourebas and Ouloufedgis rode in double, and the +Silihdars and Spahis in single file. The cavalry of the Imperial guard +consists of these regiments, each of which forms a distinct body, and +has separate quarters. They are believed to amount to about 6000 men, +more or less. Besides these, I saw a large force, consisting of the +household slaves belonging to the sultan himself, the Pashas, and the +other court dignitaries. The spectacle presented by a Turkish horseman is +indeed magnificent. His high-bred steed generally comes from Cappadocia +or Syria, and its trappings and saddle sparkle with gold and jewels in +silver settings. The rider himself is resplendent in a dress of cloth of +gold or silver, or else of silk or velvet. The very lowest of them is +clothed in scarlet, violet, or blue robes of the finest cloth. Right and +left hang two handsome cases, one of which holds his bow, and the other +is full of painted arrows. Both of these cases are curiously wrought, +and come from Babylon,[488] as does also the targe, which is fitted to +the left arm, and is proof only against arrows or the blows of a mace or +sword. In the right hand, unless he prefers to keep it disengaged, is a +light spear, which is generally painted green. Round his waist is girt a +jewelled scimitar, while a mace of steel hangs from his saddle-bow.... +The covering they wear on the head is made of the whitest and lightest +cotton-cloth, in the middle of which rises a fluted peak of fine purple +silk. It is a favorite fashion to ornament this head-dress with black +plumes. + +“When the cavalry had ridden past, they were followed by a long +procession of Janissaries, but few of whom carried any arms except their +regular weapon, the musket. They were dressed in uniforms of almost +the same shape and colour, so that you might recognize them to be the +slaves, and as it were the household, of the same master. Among them no +extraordinary or startling dress was to be seen, and nothing slashed +or pierced. They say their clothes wear out quite fast enough without +their tearing them themselves. There is only one thing in which they +are extravagant, viz., plumes, head-dresses, etc., and the veterans +who formed the rear guard were specially distinguished by ornaments of +this kind. The plumes which they insert in their frontlets might well +be mistaken for a walking forest.[489] Then followed on horseback their +captains and colonels, distinguished by the badges of their rank. Last +of all, rode their Aga by himself. Then succeeded the chief dignitaries +of the Court, and among them the Pashas, and then the royal body-guard, +consisting of infantry, who wore a special uniform and carried bows +ready strung, all of them being archers.[490] Next came the Sultan’s +grooms leading a number of fine horses with handsome trappings for their +master’s use. He was mounted himself on a noble steed; his look was +stern, and there was a frown on his brow; it was easy to see that his +anger had been aroused. Behind him came three pages, one of whom carried +a flask of water, another a cloak, and the third a box.[491] These were +followed by some eunuchs of the bedchamber, and the procession was closed +by a squadron of horse about two hundred strong [the Muteferrika].”[492] + +Busbecq spent three months in Suleiman’s camp near Scutari:— + +“I should have returned to Constantinople on the day before the Bairam, +had I not been detained by my wish to see that day’s ceremonies. The +Turks were about to celebrate the rites of the festival on an open and +level plain before the tents of Solyman; and I could hardly hope that +such an occasion of seeing them would ever present itself again. I gave +my servants orders to promise a soldier some money and so get me a +place in his tent, on a mound which commanded a good view of Solyman’s +pavilions. Thither I repaired at sunrise. I saw assembled on the plain +a mighty multitude of turbaned heads, attentively following, in the +most profound silence, the words of the priest who was leading their +devotions. They kept their ranks, each in his proper position; the +lines of troops looked like so many hedges or walls parting out the +wide plain, on which they were drawn up. According to its rank in the +service each corps was posted nearer to, or farther from, the place +where the Sultan stood. The troops were dressed in brilliant uniforms, +their head-dresses rivalling snow in whiteness. The scene which met my +eyes was charming, the different colours having a most pleasing effect. +The men were so motionless that they seemed rooted to the ground on +which they stood. There was no coughing, no clearing the throat, and +no voice to be heard, and no one looked behind him or moved his head. +When the priest pronounced the name of Mahommet all alike bowed their +heads to their knees at the same moment, and when he uttered the name of +God they fell on their faces in worship and kissed the ground.... When +prayers were finished, the serried ranks broke up, and the whole plain +was gradually covered with their surging masses. Presently the Sultan’s +servants appeared bringing their master’s dinner, when, lo and behold! +the Janissaries laid their hands on the dishes, seized their contents +and devoured them, amid much merriment. This licence is allowed by +ancient custom as part of that day’s festivity, and the Sultan’s wants +are otherwise provided for. I returned to Constantinople full of the +brilliant spectacle, which I had thoroughly enjoyed.”[493] + + +INFLUENCE OF THE COURT + +The influence of the Ottoman court may be looked at in three ways,—as +affecting the sultan, the Ruling Institution, and the destiny of the +empire; but all three ultimately reduce to the last. The sultan was +influenced by his personal relationships with the different individuals +or groups which came into closest contact with him. Reference has already +been made to Roxelana. Undoubtedly she had much influence over her +imperial husband, but to what extent she pushed him toward particular +decisions and actions cannot be known. It is improbable that she had +anything of consequence to do with the death of Ibrahim, since the +favorite’s own actions had brought matters to such a pass that he was a +menace to the throne; moreover, her influence in public affairs seems not +yet to have become great. Some writers of that date do not mention her +at all, though she had already won the supreme affection of Suleiman, +and had, so to speak, passed round the superior position of the mother +of the first-born son by being made a legal wife.[494] Seventeen years +later the situation was clear: Roxelana had triumphed completely over +the mother of Mustapha; her son-in-law Rustem, married to Suleiman’s +well-beloved daughter Mihrmah, had held the supreme office of grand +vizier for nine years; her hump-backed son Jehangir was Suleiman’s +favorite child. Nevertheless, as late as the beginning of 1553 Suleiman +seems to have intended still that Mustapha should occupy the throne.[495] + +Mustapha became a victim less of Roxelana and Rustem than of the +indeterminate and dangerous condition of the rules of succession to the +throne.[496] Had primogeniture been the established order, Mustapha need +only have been on his guard against poison; he would have lacked motive +for rebellion, and his father would not have been in fear of deposition. +Had not Mohammed II established the terrible _Kanun_ which ordered the +execution of the brothers of a sultan at his accession, Roxelana need not +have feared for the lives of her own sons. Had not the Janissaries helped +Selim to the throne ahead of time and against the wishes of his father, +their favor toward Mustapha would not have forced a crisis. If Suleiman +really desired Mustapha to succeed him, he made a great mistake in +sending him far away to the governorship of Amasia. Bayezid, the ablest +living son of Roxelana, was in Karamania; and Selim, the least promising +of Roxelana’s children, but apparently her favorite, was assigned to +the governorship at Magnesia. Selim was thus removed from the capital +by a journey of only five or six days, Bayezid by a somewhat greater +distance, and Mustapha by a journey of twenty-six days.[497] Suleiman +may have meant by these appointments only to promote his sons to more +distant governorships as they grew in experience and could be entrusted +with greater responsibilities; they, on the other hand, could hardly fail +to suspect that he had different intentions. Without further discussion, +suffice it to say that, with custom and law as it was, the situation +was untenable. First Mustapha, and later Roxelana’s own son Bayezid, +became the victims of inexorable circumstances in which she undoubtedly +played some part, though exactly what it was cannot be known.[498] In +so far as she contributed to the fatal outcome, she hastened the fall +of the empire. If ever a government demanded a strong man to keep it +in operation, the Ottoman government needed one to maintain its Ruling +Institution. From the beginning there had been as yet no failure; but +after Suleiman the Magnificent, the Legislator, was to come Selim the +Sot, the Debauché! + +Nor was the beloved and pious Mihrmah without her influence on the fate +of the empire, if it be true that she urged her father on to the great +expedition against Malta.[499] His reign had opened with two great +triumphs: the fortresses that had defied the great Conqueror, Belgrade +and Rhodes, had fallen before his troops. He had failed before Vienna, +it is true; but in the thirty-five succeeding years he had made large +conquests, he had strengthened his power, and his prestige had grown +steadily. Now, near the close of his life, his mailed fist was broken +upon a rocky isle in the Mediterranean. What but the confidence gained +by that successful resistance gathered and nerved the Christian fleet +that won the day at Lepanto? The influence of Roxelana and Mihrmah +foreshadowed the power exerted in later reigns by far inferior and far +worse women. + +The influence of Ibrahim, for whose promotion Suleiman violated the +rules of advancement in the government service, and of Rustem, for whom +he broke the rule of giving no high place to relatives of the imperial +family, has been discussed already.[500] In his late years the Sultan +came greatly under the influence of the _Ulema_, who had readier access +to him than had any other outside force,[501] and whose power over him +has been thought by some to have been unfavorable. Just what ills it +brought about in his own time, however, are not easily to be discovered. + +The Ruling Institution was affected strongly by the splendor and luxury +of the court of Suleiman. The Sultan had so enormous an establishment, +and was so fond of display and ceremony, that a similar spirit developed +in all his _kullar_. Each officer of position became inordinately +ambitious to have a large household, many horses, much portable wealth, +and superb equipment for his horses and servants on state occasions and +in time of war. Just as Suleiman’s splendor embarrassed his finances, so +that he was willing that Rustem should require payment for office from +newly-appointed great officials, so most of his _kullar_, in order to +keep up display, were led to undignified and extortionate procedures. +In the time of Suleiman’s grandfather the Ottomans of high position +had already been excessively grasping. “And to tell the truth,” writes +Spandugino, “in that country they are more eager after money than devils +after souls. And one cannot accomplish anything with the princes or +lords except by the power of money. In general, as well the emperor as +his princes and lords have mouths only for eating, for if you go to them +without giving them some present you will accomplish nothing.”[502] + +That eagerness for wealth with which Spandugino reproached the Turks +became only worse under the Magnificent sultan’s example. The members of +the Ruling Institution might prey on each other to a certain extent by +the sale of offices; but the ultimate evil effect fell upon the subjects +outside. They in the end must pay for all the luxury and splendor of +the great court and the little courts. The pressure upon them tended to +become worse and worse. Lands began to grow less productive and to pass +out of cultivation. That dead blight began to descend upon agriculture +and trade which persists in Turkey to the present day.[503] Yet in the +time of Suleiman this weakness hardly appeared. Although his best two +sons had come to cruel deaths, although twenty thousand of his troops +had lately died in vain at Malta, he went forth to his last campaign +with a train which surpassed in pomp and splendor all that he had led +before.[504] + + + + +CHAPTER VI + +THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS GOVERNMENT + + +SUMMARY + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution has now been considered in all but the +last of its aspects. The recruiting of its members from Christian +subjects and enemies, their conversion to Mohammedanism, and their +training for the duties of war and government were first explained; then +the military duties and organization of the sultan’s _kullar_, their +privileged and noble status, and their organization and activity as a +household and court were described. Of the seven aspects in which the +Ruling Institution may be considered only one remains, that of government +in the narrow sense. + +With certain exceptions, the Ruling Institution constituted the +government of the Ottoman Empire. According to the Sacred Law, the +rendering of justice belonged to the Moslem Institution, and many +internal matters were left to be regulated by the subject nationalities, +which were organized as churches, and by the foreign colonies, which +remained under their own laws; but even over these bodies the Ruling +Institution held the sword, and in the case of the Moslem Institution +it held the purse-strings also. Aside from such exceptions, it attended +to all the functions of government that were performed within the +empire. These, however, as will appear, were by no means so numerous and +extensive as are the activities of a progressive twentieth-century state. + +Some of the functions of government cared for by the Ruling Institution +have already been described in the previous chapters. The guidance of +the educational system, the management of the army of the empire, the +conduct of local government, the oversight of the household, the care of +the sultan’s gardens, pastures, and forests, the regulation of ceremonies +at his court, may be all be regarded as tasks of government. To some of +them it will be necessary to refer again briefly; but the fact that they +have been described already simplifies the problem of setting forth the +plan of the government in its narrower sense. + + +FUNCTIONS OF THE OTTOMAN GOVERNMENT + +All governments must in some fashion maintain themselves in place and +in operation; they must obtain means to meet expenses, and they must +keep some kind of record of their receipts and expenditures and of their +acts. They must alter and expand the unwritten and the written rules +under which they operate, at least enough to keep their system workable. +They must protect their subjects sufficiently to enable them to earn a +living and the means to meet taxation. They must meet the efforts of +other governments of both a diplomatic and a military character. All +these things the Ottoman government did in its own way. In addition, it +remained in the sixteenth century strongly under the ancient impulse to +increase its bounds and the number of its subjects, particularly at the +expense of Christians and Shiites and in the interest of Sunnite Islam. + +The Ottoman government did not include among its functions the building +and maintenance of systems of roads, bridges, and ferries, the conduct +of a public postal service, the promotion of agriculture, industry, and +commerce, the organization of a system of public and universal education, +the adjustment of taxation and customs duties in the interest of the +welfare of its subjects, or an extension of the activities and liberties +of its subjects. Benevolence toward the common people had hardly emerged +into the consciousness of any sixteenth-century state. Self-maintenance +in power by the most available means, which were usually military +force; increase of power, authority, and territory, by similar means; +and, incidentally, an assurance of the well-being of all the privileged +persons who were connected with the government, in proportion to their +importance: these were the chief objects aimed at by the governments of +that day, whether in the West or in the East. + +Accordingly, the chief energies of the Ottoman Ruling Institution in its +capacity as government were directed toward the smooth running of the +machine. For this object the best and most devoted men were obtained and +trained. They, with as many other members of the Ottoman nationality +as possible, were organized into a magnificent army, which first of +all defended and maintained the government against enemies at home and +abroad, and then increased its dominions and greatness by victorious +campaigns in the “land of war.” The religious motive entered strongly +here, since the power and conquests of the Ottoman nation were felt to +be the power and conquests of Islam. The welfare and contentment of the +members of the government, beginning with the sovereign, were assured by +exclusive privileges, elaborate organization of personal service, and +ceremonies in which they could be flattered by opportunities for display +and by gradations of honor. + +There remained as the special functions of government, first, the careful +elaboration and watchful improvement of the regulations under which the +Ruling Institution and the state were organized; second, the keeping of +every part of the administrative machinery in the best possible order +and condition; third, the acquisition of enough money and means to carry +out the purposes of the government, and the supplying of this money +and means in suitable quantity at the time and place needed and to the +proper persons; and, fourth, the preparing and recording of all written +acts necessary to the transaction of the business of the government. A +fifth function was the adjustment of disputes between subjects of the +empire who were not connected with the government; this was attended to +largely by another institution, though supported and executed by the +members of the government itself. The first of these functions, that of +legislation, was cared for chiefly by the sultan himself; the second, of +administration, was controlled by his viziers; the third, of finance, +was managed by the _Defterdars_ through twenty-five departments; the +fourth, of chancery, was under the power of the _Nishanjis_; the fifth, +of justice between the subjects, was, in matters controlled by the +Sacred Law, administered by the _Ulema_, the learned men of the Moslem +Institution, under the headship of the _Kaziaskers_. These five functions +were by no means so clearly separated as were the groups of officials +concerned with them. A logical classification of duties would have +necessitated much readjustment. + +The striking way in which the Ottoman Ruling Institution, when regarded +as a government, limited its operations almost exclusively to its +own affairs seems to have resulted from its character as a single +slave-family. Although its essential character is somewhat obscured by +the facts that it was by far the largest slave-family in the empire, that +it had ruling authority, and that some of its members exercised general +governmental functions, it is nevertheless true that the legislation +of the sultans and of Suleiman himself was largely directed to the +regulation of the institution itself, most laws of wider and deeper +import being included in the almost unchangeable Sacred Law. The business +of the viziers was also largely that of the institution, aside from the +fact that the grand vizier, as representative of the sultan, headed also +the justice of the empire. The imperial treasury, again, was concerned, +in the first place, with obtaining the revenues due to the sultan, such +of them as did not come from his personal rights as the owner of domain +lands being farmed out, so that the government did not even here touch +the people directly. In the second place, the revenues were paid out to +the members of the institution as soldiers, servants, officials, and +members of the royal family. All who followed the sultan to war without +belonging to his great household provided their own support. Even the +officers of local government, though appointed from his _kullar_, were +supported by the assignment of lands which they administered themselves +by means of the Ruling Institution. The sultan’s chancery was similarly +confined in its operations to the preparation and registration of acts, +decrees, commissions, and the like, most of which were concerned with the +adjustment and operation of the Ruling Institution. Finally, the officers +of the army and the government rendered and administered justice to all +the _kullar_, besides deciding many law cases under imperial laws. To +a very great extent, then, the sultan’s government was that of a large +slave-family, which secured its own interests and managed to the best +advantage its own affairs, which cared little for the welfare of the +great majority of the people of the empire, and which had dealings with +them and attended to their affairs only when obliged to do so by the +pursuit of its own aims. + + +THE SULTAN AS HEAD OF THE STATE AND OF THE GOVERNMENT + +Suleiman’s authority rested actually and immediately upon the military +might which he controlled. Psychologically, it was strongly supported +by the ancient Turkish tradition of absolute obedience to the ruler who +led and fed his people, and by the undying allegiance of the population +of wide areas to the Caesar of New Rome, to whose seat and splendor +Suleiman had succeeded. Theoretically, and, if a modern expression may be +used, constitutionally, Suleiman’s power was that of the ancient caliphs +of Islam. It is true that he suffered under one apparently complete +disqualification. A tradition of high order asserted that the _Imâms_ +must be of the Prophet’s tribe, the Koreish;[505] but by an extension of +the principle of agreement (_ijma_) by which the consensus of the Islamic +doctors of the law of any period may establish an interpretation of some +passage of the Sacred Law, Suleiman’s father, after the acquisition of +the Holy Cities and the resignation of the last Abbassid caliph at Cairo, +had come into full rights as caliph. The title itself seems to have been +known by none of the Western writers of the sixteenth century, nor was it +commonly used by Suleiman in public documents. + +In his capacity as caliph, Suleiman was head of the Islamic state, +defender, executor, and interpreter of the Sacred Law, and defender of +the faith. He was under obligation to punish heretics and unsubmissive +infidels, to protect true believers, and to extend the area of his +divinely-appointed rule. To him, after Allah and the Prophet, was due the +absolute obedience of all good Moslems within his dominions. As for his +Christian subjects, they also regarded him as their lawful sovereign, +given by God as a punishment for their sins. The Sacred Law recognized no +power of legislation in the head of the state, since God through Mohammed +had legislated once for all; but it entrusted to him the functions of +administration and justice, to be exercised to the fullest possible +extent, subject always to the prescriptions of the Law. The sultan being +thus supreme, all the great institutions of the Ottoman Empire are to be +thought of, not as built upward from a basis in the popular will, but +as extended downward from the divinely-appointed sovereign at the top. +To what extent the Ruling Institution held this relationship has been +indicated already. Central and local government, household and court, +standing, feudal, and irregular army, all depended upon the sultan. The +Moslem Institution recognized him as its head, and the highest officials +of the judiciary, chosen out of its membership, were appointed by him +and removable at his will.[506] So also the _Mufti_, the chief of the +jurists, was appointed by the sultan.[507] Even the ecclesiastical +organizations of the subject Christians and Jews were likewise extended +downward from his authority, since at the capture of Constantinople the +Conqueror had at once assumed that temporal headship of the Christian +churches which had been held by the Byzantine emperors.[508] The Greek +Patriarch received from the sultan appointment and investiture, including +a command to bishops, clergy, and people of his faith to render obedience +to him in matters within his province; the other Christian groups and +the Jews were likewise dependent. Finally, the privileges enjoyed by +the foreign settlements all depended upon grants from the sultan or +upon treaties made with him in his sovereign capacity.[509] As for the +officials of the Ruling Institution, they were all either directly or +indirectly the sultan’s appointees. Grand vizier, viziers, treasurers, +chancellor, generals of the inside service, generals of the outside +service and the army, _Beylerbeys_ and _Sanjak Beys_, all took their +places at a word from him, and at a second word all left them without +a murmur. + + +THE SULTAN AS LEGISLATOR + +So far as legislation was possible under the Ottoman system, the sole +power to issue it rested in the sultan. The law which demanded obedience +within the Ottoman Empire was fourfold: the _Sheri_, or Sacred Law of +Islam; the _Kanuns_, or written decrees of the sultans; the _Adet_, or +established custom; and the _Urf_, or sovereign will of the reigning +sultan.[510] The _Sheri_ was above the sultan and unchangeable by him; +the _Kanuns_ and the _Adet_ were subordinate to the _Urf_; the _Urf_, +when expressed and written, became _Kanun_ and annulled all contradictory +_Kanuns_ and _Adet_. + +The _Sheri_ was the whole body of Islamic law as accepted by the Ottoman +nation. Its long history cannot be detailed here. Based originally on +the Koran, supplemented by traditions of Mohammed’s legal decisions +and sayings, and by the decisions of the early caliphs and the +interpretations of early judges,[511] it was first formulated by Abu +Hanifa, who was the earliest of the four great orthodox Moslem doctors, +and who became the accepted teacher of all Turkish peoples.[512] His +code was worked over again and again in the course of six centuries, +as new decisions of judges and interpretations of jurists accumulated. +Mohammed II found it necessary to have a new code prepared, a task for +which he chose Khosrew Pasha, who, singularly enough, was a Christian +renegade, seemingly almost the only one who rose high in the Moslem +Institution.[513] This work, finished in 1470,[514] was not sufficient in +the days of Suleiman. At the time of its preparation the Ottoman Empire +had been still wholly within territory that had remained Christian during +all the early brilliant period of Islam; but since then the sultans had +conquered three seats of the later caliphate, Damascus, Bagdad, and +Cairo, and had come to hold the protectorate of the Holy Cities, where +Mohammed and the early caliphs had ruled. A new code of law, therefore, +better adapted to the more widely Moslem character which the empire +had assumed, was demanded. Suleiman charged Sheik Ibrahim Halebi (of +Aleppo) with the task of preparing such a code; and the result, prepared +before 1549, was the _Multeka ol-ebhar_, the “Confluence of the Seas,” +which remained the foundation of Ottoman law until the reforms of the +nineteenth century.[515] The _Multeka_ did not, however, entirely replace +the previous codes and collections of _fetvas_, or authoritative juristic +opinions, which continued to be used as law books of less weight. + +Early in the process of formulation, the Sacred Law was separated +logically into two great divisions,—matters of faith and morals, and +practical regulations, groups corresponding more or less closely to +the Western conceptions of theology and law. The Moslems never made an +actual separation of these two divisions of the Sacred Law; both in +education and in practice they regarded them as parts of one great unity +of advice, precept, and command, divinely sanctioned and binding upon all +true believers. The practical regulations, or the Law proper, went by +the Arabic name of _fikh_; it included both jurisprudence and positive +law.[516] + +A group of Dutch and German thinkers, led by Dr. Snouck Hurgronje, +has been so strongly impressed by the jurisprudential side of the +_Sheri_ as almost to deny that it has or has ever had an important +practical side;[517] but a careful consideration of the early history +of the Ottoman Empire suggests that their view in its entirety is not +supported by the facts. Dr. Goldziher says: “In later days, historical +consideration has proved that only a small part of this system, +connected with religious and family life, has a practical effect as of +old, while in many parts of merely juristical character this theological +law is entirely put aside in actual jurisdiction.... Snouck Hurgronje was +really the first who set forth with great acuteness and sure judgment the +historical truth, namely, that what we call Muhammedan law is nothing but +an _ideal_ law, a theoretical system; in a word, a learned _school-law_, +which reflects the thoughts of pious theologians about the arrangement +of Islamic society, whose sphere of influence was willingly extended by +pious rulers—as far as possible—but which as a whole could hardly ever +have been the real practical standard of public life. He finds there +rather _a doctrine of duties_ (_Pflichtenlehre_) of quite an ideal and +theological character, traced out by generations of religious scholars, +who wished to rule life by the scale of an age which in their idea +was the golden period, and whose traditions they wished to maintain, +propagate, and develop. Even the penalties for offenses against religious +laws are often nothing else but ideal claims of the pious, dead letters +conceived in studies and fostered in the hearts of God-fearing scholars, +but neglected and suppressed in life where other rules become prevailing. +We find even in the oldest literature of Islam many complaints about the +negligence of the religious law by _Ulema_ in their struggle against +the practical judges, that is to say against the executors of actual +law.”[518] + +The last sentence quoted contains by implication a genuine distinction +between the “religious law,” which may be called jurisprudence, and +the “actual law.” It is true that at the present time “actual law” in +all Mohammedan lands consists only in a comparatively small proportion +of precepts drawn from the _Sheri_; yet a body of precepts which today +requires an elaborate system of courts for its enforcement, and which +offers a career to many thousands of living men as teachers, advisers, +and judges, can hardly be adjudged a mere “doctrine of duties.”[519] +Undoubtedly the _Sheri_ has suffered a gradual shifting of emphasis from +its practical to its jurisprudential side; undoubtedly it has suffered +progressive encroachment upon the area of its practical application, +beginning in very early times and leading up to an invasion in force in +the nineteenth century by the principles, practice, and procedure of +Western Europe. But in the Ottoman Empire of the sixteenth century the +_Sheri_ had no such inferior place. Even then, to be sure, it occupied +by no means the whole field of practical law; but an examination of the +quotations from the Venetian reports which were presented in an earlier +chapter is of itself sufficient to show that at that time the _Sheri_ +held the place of overwhelming preëminence in legal matters, in point of +usefulness as well as of honor; that its practical precepts to the full +extent of their formulated scope were the private law of the land; that +its judges were of equal or greater authority and repute than were the +high officers of government; that the latter were in most cases obliged +to execute decisions of the former, their independent jurisdiction +being confined to a limited class of persons, and to the decision of +administrative cases according to _Kanuns_ outside the field of the +Sacred Law.[520] + +The Sacred Law reached out far beyond the conception of law in the West. +It was originally supposed to be sufficient for the entire government of +the Islamic state (of which there was believed to be but one upon the +earth),[521] as well as for the minute regulation of the social, ethical, +and religious life of all its members.[522] From two circumstances, +however, it rapidly became inadequate as a political constitution: first, +from the expansion of the original simple Islamic society into a great +world-power, with interests and relationships far more complex than had +been dreamed of by the founders; and, second, from the fact that the Law, +believed to be of divine origin,[523] was proclaimed unchangeable by its +own provisions, and hence could not, except with extreme difficulty, be +adapted to new responsibilities and times. Judges and jurists labored +manfully to provide elasticity by interpretation, but the task was too +great to be completely successful. It became necessary, therefore, for +princes to supplement the Sacred Law by decrees of their own, a course in +which they could not transgress the positive commands of the Sacred Law. +But even within the Law itself the jurists had allowed them considerable +latitude, by classifying its provisions under different heads as of +various degrees of obligation: some acts were forbidden, some were +advised against, some were considered indifferent, some were recommended, +and some were rigidly prescribed.[524] Princes were compelled to keep +hands off all matters that were forbidden or prescribed; but in the wide +intervening field there was much that they might do, and an even larger +field was left open in matters that were not touched at all by the Sacred +Law because they had lain outside the experience of the fathers of Islam +or had developed since their time. In case of undoubted transgression of +the Sacred Law, the Moslem society, led by the _Ulema_, was considered +absolved from allegiance to the sovereign and justified in exercising the +right of revolution.[525] The _Sheri_ was thus a written constitution for +the Ottoman Empire, not subject to amendment, but capable of some slight +modification by judicial and juristic decision and interpretation.[526] +The sultan had no power over it except as guardian, interpreter, and +executor. The popular consent which allowed him to remain in authority +did not recognize in him any right to amend or abolish any part of the +Sacred Law. + +The Ottoman sovereigns at first issued their new legislation as +_firmans_, or ordinances,[527] but in the course of time they adopted +from the Greek word κανών, or rule, the word _kanun_, which they applied +to every general law. This Greek word as applied to law thus came to +be used in contrary senses in the East and the West. To the canon law +of the West corresponded the _Sheri_, and to the civil or rather the +national law of the West, the _Kanuns_. It is to be noted, however, that +the _Sheri_ had wider sway in Turkey in the sixteenth century than the +canon law ever had in the West. Not only did it deal with a far larger +field, but its judges seem sometimes to have administered the _Kanuns_ +also; they had, further, the support of the national government, whereas +the rival courts of the great officials had ordinarily a very limited +jurisdiction. The position of the ecclesiastical courts of the Christian +subjects was much more like that of similar courts in the West.[528] + +The _Kanuns_ were issued in accordance with a general formula of the +Sacred Law. “The _Imâm_,” quotes Von Hammer, “has the right to make all +civil and political regulations which are demanded by prudence, the +circumstances, and the public welfare of the administration and the +highest executive power.”[529] The _Kanuns_ of previous sultans were not +binding upon a reigning sultan, except so far as he chose to put them in +force;[530] but the necessity of preserving a continuous administration +led ordinarily to the carrying over to a new reign of all _Kanuns_ that +were actually in use. Reforms or readjustments were often accomplished by +the revival, with modifications, of old _Kanuns_, rather than by wholly +new legislation.[531] + +The _Kanuns_ dealt with matters of military, financial, feudal, criminal, +and police law, and with the law of ceremonies.[532] All these were also +covered in a measure by the Sacred Law, with two exceptions,—the feudal +law and the law of ceremonies, which had to do with matters non-existent +in the early Islamic state.[533] Within these two fields the sultans had +a free hand; in all others their _Kanuns_ were strictly supplementary and +administrative.[534] + +The _Kanuns_ were issued separately to meet special circumstances. A +number of them, when collected according to subject-matter or under the +name of the sultan who issued them, constituted a _Kanun-nameh_, or book +of laws. Each department of the government had its own _Kanun-nameh_, and +the laws of taxation for each _sanjak_ were collected into a separate +group.[535] It is incorrect to think of a _Kanun-nameh_ of Mohammed II +or of Suleiman as bearing any resemblance to the codes of Theodosius or +Justinian. Not in magnitude, scope, character of contents, authorized +unification, or prevailing authority can any comparison be made. The +_Kanun-nameh_ of Mohammed II seems from its opening words to have had +his sanction as a collected body: “This is the _Kanun_ of my fathers and +ancestors, according to which my successors shall act from generation +to generation.”[536] These words themselves show, however, that the +contents were not a unified body, but a collection of _Kanuns_ issued at +different times by former sultans as well as by the one who was reigning; +and an examination of the contents bears out the statement. Nor does the +collection possess completeness in any sense. The first of the three +parts deals mainly with the relative rank of officials, the second with a +miscellaneous lot of usages, chiefly ceremonial, the third with fines for +some serious offenses and with the salaries of some great officials. The +whole code is brief and shows great economy of legislation. + + +THE LEGISLATION OF SULEIMAN + +Suleiman’s laws are not contained in a single _Kanun-nameh_. He is +rightly named the Legislator by comparison with preceding Ottoman +sultans, who were men of the sword and not of the pen; who, saying +little, but doing much, had built up a great empire. With the empire, +institutions which started from small beginnings had also grown great; +but, resting as they did on few written laws or ordinances, they had +tended to reach a confused and complicated condition. The Ruling +Institution itself, gathered closely about the sultans and constantly +amended by them, was kept in excellent order; it needed no _Kanun-nameh_, +and as a whole never had one, though many _Kanuns_ of rank, ceremony, +salary, and inheritance had reference to it. More remote matters, +however, could not have so much attention. By the time of Suleiman’s +accession, for example, the feudal system, and the bearing of the various +forms of taxation and land tenure on the subject population, had come +into great disorder; criminal law also needed further development, and +the market and gild regulations of the cities of the empire demanded +attention. Egyptian affairs were likewise in wild confusion. Already +disordered under the last Mameluke sultans,[537] they were now, by +reason of the many deaths and confiscations in the war of conquest and +the setting-up of a new governing authority, imperatively demanding +settlement. In accordance with the needs of the time, therefore, Suleiman +issued a large number of _Kanuns_, dealing especially with _timars_ +or fiefs, _rayahs_ or subjects, ceremonies, and criminal and market +regulations, and comprising a constitution for Egypt, the _Kanun-nameh +Misr_.[538] The latter appears to be the only body of _Kanuns_ which +the Legislator published as a whole, and which formed a complete +system; issued in 1532,[539] it was probably inspired by Ibrahim, +following up his visit to Egypt in 1524.[540] The collection of the +great _Mufti Ebu su’ud_, which is called the _Kanun-nameh_ of Suleiman, +contains chiefly his ordinances in regard to the land tenure and taxes +of the subject Christians, together with a number of laws designed to +regulate the feudal system, and a few relating to judges and legal +processes.[541] Suleiman was great as a legislator only by comparison +with his predecessors. He set nothing in final order; and the ground +had to be gone over again within fifty years after his death, in the +reign of Achmet I.[542] His legislation was doubly hindered: first, by +the conservatism of his people and his religion, which alike believed +that the old ways were the best, and which made radical departures +practically impossible; and, second, by the weakness inherent in despotic +legislation, in which the distance of the law-giver from the subjects +affected makes true adaptation to circumstances and complete enforcement +impossible of attainment. Because of the first hindrance, most of +Suleiman’s laws professed an attempt to restore a former better state of +affairs. As a matter of fact, they probably did not contain much more +than a statement in black and white, with necessary simplifications, +of a confused body of practice that had grown up gradually, formulated +in parts by the ordinances of his predecessors. Because of the second +hindrance to his legislation, Suleiman was not able to put into +satisfactory and enduring order matters of such vital interest to the +people as the feudal and financial systems. Conferring only with a few +religious men and a limited number of high officials, aside from the +shut-in members of his inner service, he could not possibly know how his +regulations would bear upon the holders of small fiefs and the Christian +tenants and tax-payers in remote parts of the empire. The officials who +formulated the _Kanuns_ for him were only a little better able than he to +judge of such matters; and the persons chiefly affected by the laws were +not consulted at all. Moreover, after issuing his laws the sultan could +not follow them up to see to their execution. In later times, orders to +readjust land titles were sometimes given, but with little further result +than to enrich officials by the bribes which they accepted for declaring +titles good, or by their confiscations of property on which the owners +could not pay enough.[543] Although official corruption was undoubtedly +not so bad under Suleiman as it became later, the suspiciously great +wealth of high officials like Ibrahim and Rustem and the fact that fiefs +and finances were in worse disorder than ever, after no great time had +elapsed, gives evidence that his laws were not faithfully enforced.[544] + +Not much need be said about _Adet_ and _Urf_. _Adet_, or custom, +corresponds primarily to the body of unwritten regulations under which +the Turks of the steppe lands lived. As in most semi-civilized societies, +it was at once far wider in scope, more rigid, and more binding, as +enforced by popular opinion, than written laws in more advanced societies +usually are. Something of these primitive characteristics were carried +over into the Ottoman nation, with all its acquisition of new membership +and incorporation of useful ideas. The conservative character of Islam +strengthened the tendency to perpetuate established custom. It has been +remarked of the caliphate that in no other state have little causes near +the beginning produced such great effects, because of the tendency to +follow precedent minutely.[545] A very similar observation has been made +in regard to the Ottoman state: “The changeless perpetuity of a primitive +institution appears at every step in Ottoman history.”[546] What has been +shall be, was a precept observed by the Ottomans in matters small and +great. The principles of the Sacred Law, the accepted _Kanuns_, and the +local _Adet_ of towns, districts, and manors had almost equally binding +force. In fact, to the unlettered citizen they probably formed one +indistinguishable whole, which seemed almost a feature of the ordering of +nature. Although such sentiments tended strongly toward stability, they +were a great hindrance to improvement. The early Ottomans had adopted +new ideas and institutions with great readiness; but, since they held to +them with equal tenacity, in the course of time they had no room left +for the admission of more novelties. As fusion and combination were +processes little understood, the tendency was thus toward stagnation, +interrupted violently and for short periods when evils became too great +to be endured. But, while the disposition to adhere to the established +order was exceedingly strong among the Ottomans, _Urf_, the will of the +sovereign was recognized to be superior to _Adet_, much as the Creator +was held to be superior to the ordinary operations of nature. The +sultan’s will, however, penetrated but seldom so far as to the masses of +the people. + +_Adet_ supplemented the Sacred Law and the _Kanuns_ in matters which +they did not cover.[547] It differed from district to district, as it +does in the West. _Urf_ was the sovereign will of the reigning sultan; +it was the seat and organ of sovereignty, being absolute to the full +extent in which, according to the Sacred Law, God has delegated the +right of legislation and rule to human beings.[548] The will of a past +sultan could prevail only if it had been expressed in a _Kanun_ and +was enforced by the reigning sovereign. It was by the expression of +_Urf_ that _Kanuns_ were issued or annulled and that _Adet_ was replaced +by _Kanun_. So long as the Sacred Law was untouched, _Urf_ might be +exercised oppressively, cruelly, or unworthily, without giving any one +the right to resist.[549] Against the _Sheri_, however, it had no force; +any attempt to exercise it thus was an invitation to disaster.[550] + +Suleiman was never in danger from transgression of the Sacred Law. A +devout Moslem, whose piety increased in old age, he took seriously +his duty of enforcing its provisions, not even hesitating at such as +were unpopular, like the prohibition of wine-drinking,[551] or at +such as demanded self-sacrifice on his part, like the disapproval of +musical instruments and silver plate.[552] If he did not enact measures +directly to increase the welfare of the common people, his attempts to +regulate the tax and tenancy systems tended to lighten their condition. +Moreover, he used severe measures to put down extortion; and he strove +by his market and police regulations to maintain justice, fairness, and +order.[553] + + +THE VIZIERS + +Ottoman writers represented their government under the figure of a tent +supported by four lofty pillars,[554]—the Viziers, the _Kaziaskers_, the +_Defterdars_, and the _Nishanjis_. It is not safe to press comparisons +too far, however; for, as a matter of fact, the pillars did not bear +equal weight. All four groups of officials were necessary, but they were +not of like importance: the _Nishanjis_ were far less esteemed than the +others; the grand vizier, on the other hand, carried, from the time of +Suleiman, so much greater a burden than any one else that he might be +compared to a central pillar which supported the entire tent. + +The viziers were the chief councillors of the sultan for peace and war, +administration and justice; and they deliberated all important questions +in the meetings of the Divan, which will be described later. The word +vizier means burden-bearer, the idea being that an official so designated +lifted from the shoulders of the sovereign the burden of state, and bore +it upon his own shoulders. The number of viziers was not rigidly fixed, +but in the reign of Suleiman, there were ordinarily four, that being a +sacred number with both Turks and Moslems.[555] All bore the title pasha, +which was sparingly used in the sixteenth century. Ordinary viziers had +no regular responsibilities besides their function as councillors; they +had great incomes from both regular and irregular sources, and kept large +establishments modeled on that of their master.[556] + +In the time of Suleiman, the office of grand vizier reached the climax +of a noteworthy development. Whereas formerly this official had been the +senior member of the sultan’s board of advisers, _primus inter pares_, he +now became a personage far above his fellow-viziers. His position came +to differ from theirs not merely in degree, but in kind, a difference +typified by the fact that, in reporting to Suleiman after the meetings of +the Divan, none spoke but the grand vizier.[557] This development of the +office seems to have resulted from Suleiman’s willingness to entrust much +power to a chosen instrument, who would thus relieve him of many of the +immense cares of empire. Ibrahim first held his master’s confidence for +many years. Later Rustem came to full power, supported by the wife and +the favorite daughter of the monarch. In Suleiman’s last years he left +well-nigh everything to Ali and to Mohammed Sokolli.[558] + +The grand vizier thus came practically to wield the sovereign power of +the Ottoman state: the sultan might almost discharge his mind of public +care. That is why it became easy for Selim II and his successors to +withdraw into the harem, and devote most of their energies to carousing +and debauchery. Had the position of the grand vizier been more secure, +this change might have been for the good of the Ottoman state, as +affording a means of supplementing the scanty abilities of weak sultans +by those of the ablest men of the empire. In the case of Mohammed +Sokolli, and of the Kiuprilis three generations later, such was to be +the fact. More often, however, the place of grand vizier was to be so +thoroughly at the mercy of harem intrigue that only a master of this art +could retain his precarious position by immense efforts, such as would +leave a mere remnant of his energies free for the service of the state. +The increase under Suleiman of the relative power of the grand vizier was +thus a dangerous and eventually a disastrous development. + +It is clear that the grand vizier fully deserved the name of +burden-bearer. Whereas even so earnest a sovereign as Suleiman appears to +have had a sufficiently leisurely life in time of peace, in spite of his +great responsibilities as head of a despotic government,[559] his grand +viziers must have been kept fully occupied. He that has been called the +greatest of all viziers, the _Nizam al-mulk_, spoke out of his experience +when he said: “It is necessary that the sovereign consider with his +vizier affairs of state and all that concerns the army, the finances +and general prosperity. He must needs give attention to the measures +which should be taken against the enemies of the empire and everything +that relates to the subject. All these matters give rise to a great many +annoyances and preoccupations and put the spirit to torture, for they do +not leave a single instant of repose.”[560] + +The grand vizier represented the sultan as head of the civil and +military administration and as supreme judge.[561] He appointed the +highest officials in these departments. He presided over long sessions +of the Divan four days in the week. Some of his other duties, cares, +and obligatory ceremonies appear in the catalogue of his ten special +prerogatives:[562]— + +1. He had the care of the imperial seal, with which, on the days of the +Divan, the doors of the treasury and chancery were sealed. The delivery +of the seal was the symbol of investiture with the office of grand vizier. + +2. He might hold a Divan of his own at his palace in the afternoon. This +was an important session of court at which many cases, both great and +small, were decided.[563] + +3. He had the right to be escorted by the _Chaush-bashi_ and all the +_Chaushes_ from his palace to and from the sultan’s palace. + +4. He received visits of state from the _Kaziaskers_ and _Defterdars_ +every Wednesday. + +5. He was honored by the appearance of the officers of the imperial +stirrup every Monday in the Divan. + +6. He went in solemn procession on Friday to the mosque, escorted by +the _Chaushes_, the _Muteferrika_, and others of the outside service in +turbans of ceremony. + +7. He received a weekly visit from the _Agha_ of the Janissaries, and a +monthly visit from the other viziers. + +8. He inspected the city of Constantinople and its markets, escorted by +the judge of Constantinople, the _Agha_ of the Janissaries, the provost +of the markets, and the prefect of the city. + +9. He received a weekly visit of state from various magistrates and +_Sanjak Beys_. + +10. He was honored at the two Bairams with official felicitations from +the other viziers, the _Defterdars_, the _Beys_, the magistrates, and the +generals of the army. + +Customary ceremonies alone were evidently enough to absorb a very large +part of the grand vizier’s time; but they were a mere incident to the +vast amount of administrative and judicial business that demanded his +attention. It is not to be wondered at that the period of service in +this office was short, on the average. The post was a dangerous one; +for the possessor, with all his greatness, was the sultan’s _kul_, and +liable to summary execution if he failed to give satisfaction. Of some +two hundred men who served as grand viziers in the course of five hundred +years, about twenty were executed at the time of their deposition.[564] + +Suleiman’s grand viziers held office for comparatively long periods.[565] +Seven, taken together, served him forty years; Mohammed Piri Pasha, +whom he found in office at his accession, served in all six years, and +Mohammed Sokolli, whom he left in office at his death, served fifteen +years. Thus in sixty-two years there were only nine in all. Three of them +deserve to be called great,—Ibrahim for his splendor, his breadth of +mind, and his continuance in favor, Rustem for his financial shrewdness, +and Mohammed Sokolli for his statesmanship. These three also served the +longest,—Ibrahim thirteen years, Rustem fifteen years in two periods, and +Mohammed Sokolli fifteen years without a break. Four of the nine ended +their service at death, two were deposed and executed, three were simply +deposed. All except Mohammed Piri Pasha were Christian renegades, who had +risen as slaves to the highest honor of the empire. + +The _Kaziaskers_ were, under the sultan and the grand vizier, the heads +of the judiciary of the empire. They sat in the Divan, where they ranked +next to the grand vizier. Since they belonged to the Moslem Institution, +discussion of their duties will be postponed to the next chapter. + + +THE DEFTERDARS, OR TREASURERS[566] + +The great labor of accounting for the receipts and expenditures of +the Ruling Institution in practically all its capacities was under +the care of the two principal _Defterdars_, or treasurers, one for +Rumelia and one for Anatolia, aided by two of lower rank, one for +Aleppo and the southwest and one for the Danubian countries.[567] The +principal _Defterdars_ were men of great position, with large incomes +and households, and possessing the right of audience with the sultan +in regard to matters of revenue.[568] Under them were twenty-five +departments or bureaus, as instituted by the Conqueror, each with a +chief, or _Khojagan_, who directed a number of clerks of different +grades. Between these and the _Defterdars_ were several intermediate +officials, of whom the most important were the two _Rusnamehjis_, or +book-keepers. The total personnel of the treasury department numbered +more than eight hundred.[569] + +A list of the twenty-five bureaus, or _kalems_, with a statement of +the provinces of each, will give an excellent idea of the complicated +financial arrangements of the Ottoman government.[570] Taken as a whole, +they show in outline the economic substructure of the Ruling Institution, +as well as that of the Moslem Institution, with exception of the sultan’s +private treasury, out of which most of the inner service of the court +was paid, and of the provisions for the officers and judges of local +government:— + +1. The _Buyuk Rusnameh Kalemi_, or greater book-keeping bureau, was the +central office to which all the accounts were brought from the other +bureaus. Once or twice a year it drew up a statement of the finances of +the government. The income of this bureau seems to have been the greatest +of all.[571] + +2. The _Bash Muhasebeh Kalemi_, or head bureau of accounts, was the +largest of all in numerical strength, and the second in income. It kept +account of tithes and taxes from the _sanjaks_, of munitions of war of +all kinds, of the pay of the garrisons of Rumelia and Anatolia, of the +receipts and expenses of the intendants of buildings, the admiralty, +the kitchen, forage,[572] the mint, the three powder factories at +Constantinople, Salonika, and Gallipoli, and of the inspector of +artillery. This bureau received copies of all contracts made in the +public service, and it registered and countersigned the entire vast +number of orders on the treasury. + +3. The _Anatoli Muhasebesi Kalemi_, or bureau of accounts for Anatolia +(though it was by no means confined to Anatolia in its scope), kept +accounts for certain domanial lands, for the garrisons in the Aegean +Islands, and for the pensions of veteran soldiers. + +4. The _Suvari Mukabelesi Kalemi_, or bureau of control for the cavalry, +kept account of the salaries of officials of the inner service, of the +_Kapujis_, of the imperial stables, and of all the _Spahis_ of the Porte. + +5. The _Sipahi Kalemi_, or bureau of the _Spahis_, issued orders for the +pay of the _Spahis_ proper, which required to be countersigned by the +head of the fourth bureau. + +6. The _Silihdar Kalemi_, or bureau of _Silihdars_, was similar to the +fifth bureau, except that it was concerned with the _Silihdars_. + +7. The _Haremein Muhasebeh Kalemi_, or bureau of accounts of the Holy +Cities of Mecca and Medina, kept the books of the religious endowments or +_vakfs_ of the imperial mosques, of the salaries of all persons connected +with these mosques, of all other religious endowments in Constantinople +and elsewhere in Rumelia, and of all Rumelian property dedicated to the +Holy Cities. All certificates of nomination to service in connection +with mosques in Rumelia were prepared here, to be presented to the tenth +bureau for the issuance of diplomas. + +8. The _Jizyeh Muhasebesi Kalemi_, or bureau of accounts for the +capitation tax, issued orders yearly for the payment of this tax +according to the estimated number of adult male subject Christians. A +specified number of these orders was sent to each district, which was +held responsible for a corresponding revenue.[573] The income of this +bureau was only a little less than that of the second bureau. + +9. The _Mevkufat Kalemi_, or bureau of tributes, kept account of taxes +paid in kind, of the quantity of grain in the public storehouses of +Constantinople and the border fortresses, and of the grants of supplies +from these stores to the several army corps and to the households of +military and civil _kullar_ who were required to follow the army. + +10. The _Maliyeh Kalemi_, or chancery bureau of the treasury department, +issued diplomas to all employees of mosques who brought certificates +of nomination from the seventh and twentieth bureaus, and to all +administrators of religious endowments and pensioners upon such funds; +and it drew up for the approval of the sultan and the countersignature of +the _Defterdars_ all _firmans_, or administrative orders, that concerned +the treasury department. + +11. The _Kuchuk Rusnameh Kalemi_, or lesser book-keeping bureau, kept the +accounts of the head _Kapujis_, the stewards, and the marine. + +12. The _Piadeh Mukabelesi Kalemi_, or bureau of control for the +infantry, kept the books of the Janissaries and the auxiliary corps of +the standing army. + +13. The _Kuchuk Evkaf Muhasebesi Kalemi_, or lesser bureau of accounts of +religious endowments, kept the accounts of all pensioners and attendants +of the endowed public hospitals, soup-kitchens, insane asylums, and the +like. + +14. The _Buyuk Kalaa Kalemi_, or greater bureau of fortresses, kept +record of the garrisons and of the militia who were liable for the +service of the fortresses of the Danube regions. + +15. The _Kuchuk Kalaa Kalemi_, or lesser bureau of fortresses, kept like +records for fortresses in Albania and the Morea. + +16. The _Maaden Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of mine leases, kept +account of the tribute required from gipsies, of the receipts from gold +and silver mines in Europe and Asia, of the tributes from Moldavia and +Wallachia, and of the customs duties of Constantinople, Adrianople, +Smyrna, Gallipoli, Chios, and other places.[574] + +17. The _Saliyaneh Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of salaries, arranged the +yearly pay of the captains of the fleet, and of the Khan of the Crimea +and some of his officials. + +18. The _Khaslar Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of domanial leases, kept +the books of the domain lands whose revenues were assigned to the chief +ladies of the harem, including the _Sultana Valideh_ and the sultan’s +daughters, and to the high officials of the government.[575] + +19. The _Bash Mukataasi Kalemi_, or head bureau of leases, cared for the +revenues from the domains in some lower Danubian lands, from the rice +fields of Eastern Rumelia, from various salt works, from the fisheries of +the Aegean and Black seas, and from the forests. + +20. The _Haremein Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of leases of the Holy +Cities, was charged with regard to Anatolia, as was the seventh bureau +with regard to Rumelia. + +21. The _Istambol Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of leases for +Constantinople, kept account of the domanial leases of Salonika, Tirhala, +and Brusa, the market dues of Constantinople and Adrianople, the revenues +from silk and from the manufacture of articles in gold and silver. + +22. The _Brusa Mukataasi Kalemi_, or bureau of the leases of Brusa, kept +account of the domanial leases in the neighborhood of that city. + +23. The _Avlonia Mukataasi Kalemi_, kept similar accounts for the island +of Euboea, or Negropont. + +24. The _Kaffa Mukataasi Kalemi_ kept similar accounts for Kaffa and +certain domain lands of Anatolia. + +25. The _Tarishji Kalemi_, or bureau of dates, dated all public documents +that came from the other bureaus, and, at least in later times, prepared +assignments on the public revenues on behalf of creditors of the +government. + +Supplementary bureaus, attached to some of the others, were the bureau +of confiscations and escheats to the crown, the bureau of the tax on +animals, and the bureau of the Christian churches and monasteries. An +additional office of great importance, called the _Oda_ of the treasury +department, attended to the correspondence of the _Defterdars_, to +their reports to the grand vizier and the sultan, and to the forwarding +of leases for sections of the crown lands. Attached to the treasury +department was a special court under a judge appointed by the _Kaziasker_ +of Rumelia, which was designed to adjust disputes between the department +and private citizens. + +A _Defter-emini_, or book-keeper intendant, kept the records of the +fief-holders and administered their estates during vacancies. He was +well paid, and had a staff of clerks.[576] He appears to have been +independent of the _Defterdars_. Two household treasurers were in charge +of the sultan’s personal funds: the eunuch _Khazinehdar-bashi_, already +mentioned as chief of the treasury chamber of pages, guarded the treasure +stored there, and paid the members of the inner service; a second +official, under the authority of the former and apparently called by the +same name, attended to the business of the sultan’s private purse outside +the palace.[577] The sultan had in the castle of the Seven Towers, or +_Yedi-kuleh_, another deposit of treasure which was supposed to be very +large.[578] + +The characteristics of the treasury scheme give evidence that it +developed by a gradual growth without systematic revision at any time. As +new occasions for expenditure arose, they were put in charge of various +bureaus; as new provinces or other sources of fresh income appeared, they +were either assigned to existing bureaus or given to new ones created +for the purpose. The bureaus of Istambol, Avlona, and Kaffa evidently +date from the time of the Conqueror; most of the others must have been +older. That the conquests of Selim and Suleiman were not administered +from Constantinople is evident from a study of the bureaus, and from the +separate listing of the revenues from Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt in +contemporary estimates. Since the authorities give no source of revenue +for the first bureau, which nevertheless seems to have had the greatest +income of all, it is probable that the tribute from the later conquests +was paid into that department, and by it apportioned to bureaus of +expenditure, such as the fourth, the eleventh, and the twelfth. It is +worthy of notice to what an extent the sources of revenue were ear-marked +for expenditure. The second bureau received the tithes and taxes of the +_sanjaks_, and paid them out for munitions of war, the maintenance of +garrisons, and the expenses of the intendants of the outside service of +the court. The third bureau received the revenue from certain domanial +lands, and supported the garrisons of the Aegean Islands and soldiers +who had been pensioned. The eighteenth bureau administered domanial +lands for the support of the harem and high officials. The ninth bureau +received and delivered to the army taxes paid in kind. The seventh, +thirteenth, and twentieth bureaus took revenues from lands assigned by +religious endowment for the support of the Moslem Institution and certain +beneficiaries, and paid them out as stipulated by the givers. + +Instead of one treasury, into which all revenues should come and out +of which all disbursements should be made, there were fifteen or more +bureaus which received, and as many which spent; and some of those which +both received and spent were, except for the oversight of the first +bureau, practically independent institutions. A distinct tendency toward +decentralization of management is manifest. Whatever could be set off +by itself was made as nearly independent as possible, subject only to +inspection and supervision. This policy undoubtedly resulted from the +despotic character of the government. Since one man, the founder of a +despotic state, can attend to only a limited number of duties, he is +forced, as his power develops, to assign more and more responsibilities +to subordinates. The method which most relieves the central management is +to entrust definite duties to definite groups of men, to support these +with sufficient revenues, and then to leave them to themselves. If things +go wrong in any department, the central authority intervenes, punishes +severely those who were responsible, sets things to rights forcibly, +and again leaves the department to itself. The system is very dangerous +unless the central management can be kept constantly strong and able to +assume full control promptly and effectively. This was the case in the +Ottoman Empire until after the time of Suleiman. + +A yet stronger tendency toward decentralization appeared in connection +with local government. Each _Beylerbey_ had his own _mufti_, _reis +effendi_, and _defterdar_, with a considerable body of clerks, who +advised him, recorded his decisions, attended to the revenues from the +estates assigned for the support of his household, and kept account of +the fief-holders in his dominion.[579] Each _Sanjak Bey_ again had his +group of assistants, with similar duties on a lesser scale.[580] Some +generations later the extension of this decentralization was to become a +great evil. + +The duties of the bureaus of the treasury department reveal clearly the +limited purposes and activities of the Ottoman government. The support +of the Ruling Institution as standing army, court, and government was +provided for; the revenues assigned by former sultans and by private +individuals to the support of the Moslem Institution in its religious +and charitable aspects were supervised; the navy was provided for; and +the _Khan_ of the Crimea was pensioned. But nothing was done for the +great mass of the population. They were expected to furnish the means for +these activities; and the duty of the most conscientious sovereign was +fully performed if he provided that they should labor unmolested, and +should not be burdened with taxation beyond their ability to pay. Under a +strong ruling hand the Ottoman system easily maintained order through the +standing and feudal armies, but it did not so easily regulate the burden +of taxation. This subject deserves special consideration. + + +TAXATION IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE[581] + +A distinction was drawn between taxes authorized by the Sacred Law, +which were called legal, and all others, which were called arbitrary +as depending on the will of the sovereign. The early Islamic system +of taxation, taken over, it would seem, from the Sassanian Persian +Empire,[582] was extremely simple. No taxes were laid except on land and +on persons. The lands of Arabia and Bosra were charged with a tithe, +or _’ushr_, of their produce. Other conquered lands were more heavily +burdened, being assessed with a _kharâj_, or tax payable in money, and +with a share of the produce, which might be from the tenth to the half +according to the fertility of the land. The tax on persons, the _jizyeh_, +was limited to a poll or capitation tax on adult male subjects who were +not Moslems. The _’ushr_, the _kharâj_, and the _jizyeh_ were the only +taxes recognized by the Sacred Law. + +Other methods of taxation were utilized almost from the beginning. +When, with the conquest of Syria and Egypt, the Byzantine Empire was +entered, it did not seem best to sweep away the customs, tolls, and other +impositions which drew revenue from trade. As such taxes did not rest on +a constitutional foundation, they were discouraged by some legists; but +they became more and more necessary as a worldly government developed, +and as the revenues from a large part of the land were set aside for +religious foundations. + +The early Islamic state also had a vast source of revenue in booty. +Four-fifths of this went to the generals and soldiers actually concerned +in conquest; the remaining fifth was sent to Medina. After the capital +had been removed from Arabia, the “Prophet’s fifth” was still claimed for +the support of legists and judges. + +The Islamic system, with its distinction of legal and arbitrary taxes, +its rules regulating the distribution of booty, and its custom of +devoting revenues to religious foundations, was taken up by the Ottoman +state. At the same time the feudal system, based upon both Seljuk and +Byzantine example, was applied to a large part of the lands conquered +from Christians, an arrangement which yielded considerable revenue for +the support of individuals; and a host of Seljuk and Byzantine imposts +lengthened the list of arbitrary taxes. Much land was retained as +imperial domain, perhaps in many cases land that was already domain of +the Byzantine emperors and other rulers whom the Ottomans dispossessed. +The conquests in Cilicia, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt were left +under the old regulations, with some clearing away of arbitrary taxes, +and preparing of cadasters in the Turkish language.[583] Hungary was +carefully cadastered, to be administered thus during a century and a +half.[584] Special arrangements and exemptions were made for the foreign +colonists, of a character similar to old Byzantine and Saracen treaties +and agreements. + +As a result of all this, the system of taxation in the Ottoman Empire was +very complex. It contained a great variety of taxes,—on persons, land, +trade, animals, produce, mines, markets, and the like,—differing from +_sanjak_ to _sanjak_ and from town to town; and it collected its income +by various methods and through various agencies. The details of the +system cannot be considered here, but a few general observations may be +made. + +Until the time of Mohammed II the revenues were administered directly by +the treasury department, but this method led to so many malversations +at the cost of the government that he changed the system to one of +tax-farming. By this means the government became sure of its money. The +malversations did not stop, however, but went on now at the cost of +the tax-payers.[585] The taxes of regions of large size were sold by +the treasury, usually to high officers among the _kullar_, who did not +intend to collect the taxes themselves, but sold them again by sections. +This process might be repeated several times, till in the end it would +probably be, not Ottomans, but Christians and Jews who applied the screws +to the unfortunate subjects.[586] The amount wrung from them might easily +be double what the government received. + +The strongly conservative tendency of the Ottoman people showed markedly +in regard to taxation. The taxes that had been agreed upon of old were +paid, but a general revision of the system in the direction of uniformity +was never thought of. The revenues of the empire were thus extremely +inelastic.[587] A special war contribution might be laid, as was done +by Suleiman before Mohacs,[588] and requisitions might be made upon the +inhabitants of a region through which the army passed; but a permanent +increase of revenue was practically impossible. The tendency was in the +other direction. As the value of money declined, not without assistance +from the sultans,[589] all revenues payable in agreed sums declined +likewise. Payments in kind from agricultural products may have increased +for a time under local peace and security, but in the end they were to +diminish also. Treaties with Western nations were so favorable to the +latter commercially as to prevent the receipt of extensive revenues +from foreign customs duties; and such trade must have increased with the +growth of the empire and the increasing luxury of the court. But on the +whole the sultan’s receipts from taxation, aside from the effect of new +conquests, and allowing for the fluctuations in tithes due to good and +bad harvests, were probably not far from stationary. + +The receipts from the sultan’s fifth of booty taken in war, which +included slaves, must have been considerable up to the end of Suleiman’s +reign. They were all devoted, however, to the support of the Moslem +Institution.[590] Tribute came in from several countries, as Moldavia, +Wallachia, Transylvania, Ragusa, from Venice for Cyprus, and after +1547 from Austria for Hungary. This was forced up whenever possible +as punishment for unrest, and was shared by the sultan with high +officials.[591] Confiscations of the property of executed persons +brought several great sums to Suleiman. The estates of _kullar_ who +died without children, and the tithes of the estates of those who left +children, constituted a valuable though irregular revenue.[592] The great +treasure of the prince of Gujarat came to Suleiman after the prince’s +death.[593] Something was realized from the administration of the estates +of fief-holders who died without sons; but the lands of these had to +be granted again before long in order to keep up the strength of the +feudal army.[594] Fees connected with the administration of justice went +directly to the support of the judges and other officials concerned.[595] +With regular taxation nearly stationary, the increase from extraordinary +sources did not keep pace with advancing expenditures.[596] + +Suleiman’s expenses grew particularly in regard to the fleet and the +household. Some Western writers remarked that the sultan was put to no +expense by war, since his standing army required to be paid in peace as +well as in war, and since the remainder of his troops came at their own +expense.[597] It is true that his additional expenditure was small as +compared with that for a contemporary Western army, built from a small +permanent nucleus by the hiring of mercenaries and the levy of national +troops which had to be supported by the treasury; but the sultan had +to replace large quantities of munitions of war that were used up or +destroyed, and great numbers of animals of transport. Moreover, the +Janissaries and _Spahis_ had to be placated at times by presents, and it +was more expensive to feed the army in the field than in the barracks. +But the fleet was a great and growing expense, despite the extent to +which it was supported by raiding and by revenues from North Africa;[598] +and the luxury and splendor of the Magnificent Sultan’s court grew apace. +In spite of fresh conquests and large confiscations, therefore, Suleiman +learned to feel the need of money. He found it necessary to compel his +great officials to help him, by exacting sums of money from them at the +time of their appointment.[599] These sums were moderate, but, as already +pointed out, they set a fatal example.[600] + + +SULEIMAN’S INCOME + +Suleiman’s revenues have been variously estimated. The lowest, and +probably the most accurate for the field which it covers, during +the years between 1530 and 1537, is that given by Junis Bey, chief +interpreter of the Ottoman court, and Alvise Gritti, natural son of the +Doge of Venice, and business partner of the grand vizier Ibrahim.[601] +Junis Bey says: “The income of the Great Turk from _kharâj_ or tribute +amounts to 1,300,000 ducats from Anatolia and Greece, and 1,600,000 +ducats from Egypt, and 700,000 ducats from Syria and 150,000 ducats from +Mesopotamia and 250,000 ducats from his farms, the islands which are +under him, and the customs of Constantinople and Pera. Signor Alvise +Gritti says that the income is rather more than less than I have stated, +and I think that the expenses of the Porte or of the Seigneur’s court +consume the entire income or a little less.”[602] + +The total regular revenue of Suleiman would thus have been about four +million ducats.[603] Two estimates made twenty-five or thirty years +later differ notably, however. They indicate about half as much revenue +from Syria and Egypt, allow several times as much from the farms and the +customs duties, and introduce taxes on mines and salt works, tithes paid +in kind, the animal tax, tributes, escheats, and document fees.[604] +According to their estimated total of seven or eight million ducats, +it would seem that a million ducats ought to be added to Junis Bey’s +estimate for the mines, salt works, and tributes, and a million for the +other revenues mentioned. This would give an estimate of six million +ducats for Suleiman’s revenues in the early part of his reign. Toward +the close of his reign, after large territories in Europe and Asia had +been incorporated, and after Rustem had made new arrangements, the total +amount was probably seven or eight million ducats.[605] The bullion value +of six million ducats is less than fourteen million dollars. If, then, +the purchasing power of money be estimated at five times what it is now, +the regular revenue of Suleiman’s government was equivalent to less than +seventy million dollars nowadays, no large sum for so great an empire. It +is necessary to remember, however, that this by no means covers all the +expenses for public purposes within the empire. It probably includes none +of the revenues devoted to the Moslem Institution, nor those specifically +assigned by feudal grant to the officers of local government; certainly +it does not include those gathered by the permanent fief-holders and +used for their own support, which probably amounted to about twice as +much more.[606] Allowing for all this, the sum total, the equivalent +of perhaps two hundred million dollars, for all the expenses of central +and local government was small in proportion to population, according to +modern standards. Had there been no extortion, the people of the empire +would not have been burdened heavily. Even with it, as indicated already, +they probably did not suffer greatly in Suleiman’s time.[607] + + +THE NISHANJI OR CHANCELLOR + +The chancery department of the Ottoman government seems not to have +reached such a stage of development in the sixteenth century as had the +treasury department; certainly it was not so conspicuous. Contemporary +writers give so little information about it that it is hard to draw a +reasonably complete picture of it. They mention several of the officials +who were prominent in the department in later times; but evidently those +of the earlier period were not under the same relationships to each other +as were later ones who bore the same titles. The _Nishanji-bashi_, often +called simply the _Nishanji_, was clearly the chief, but other details +are not easily to be ascertained. It seems necessary, therefore, to +describe the Ottoman chancery as it was two centuries after Suleiman’s +death, and then to endeavor to conjecture what it was in his time.[608] + +In the latter part of the eighteenth century the Ottoman government +had three ministers of state and six under-secretaries of state. The +three ministers were the _Kiaya-bey_, the _Chaush-bashi_, and the _Reis +Effendi_, the last named being by far the most important. The _Kiaya-bey_ +was the substitute or lieutenant of the grand vizier, and attended +especially to affairs of the interior and of war; under him were a +number of officials who formed connecting links between the grand vizier +and the various groups of _kullar_ in the household and the army. The +_Chaush-bashi_ was at the same time second official in the grand vizier’s +court of justice, minister of police, introducer of ambassadors, grand +marshal of the court, and chief of the _Chaushes_. To assist him in the +execution of these varied functions, he had a large number of under +officers and clerks. The _Reis Effendi_, whose full title was _Reis +ul-Khuttab_, “Chief of the Men of the Pen,” was minister of foreign +affairs, secretary of state, and chancellor. In the first capacity he was +prominent in international relations; in the second he was responsible +for the preparation of the addresses and reports which the grand vizier +made to the sultan; in the third, he was head of the three bureaus of +the chancery. In charge of these under him were a _Beylikji_, or general +director of the three bureaus, a _Terjuman Divani Humayun_, or chief +interpreter, and an _Ameji_, who drew up the grand vizier’s reports to +the sultan for the inspection of the _Reis Effendi_. + +Of the three bureaus, the _Beylik Kalemi_ prepared, recorded, or +transmitted, as was proper in each case, _Kanuns_, treaties, and all +_firmans_ that did not concern the treasury department. The _Tahvil +Kalemi_ prepared the diplomas of governors, of judges of large towns, and +of fief-holders. The _Ruus Kalemi_ made out certificates for the clerks +of all bureaus, for _Kapuji-bashis_, professors in endowed colleges, +administrators of religious endowments, pensioners on the treasury or +on religious benefactions, and soldiers of the auxiliary corps of the +regular army. Together the three bureaus kept employed about one hundred +and fifty clerks of three grades, provided for by fiefs. The _Nishanji’s_ +sole duty was to authenticate _firmans_ sent to the provinces, by +tracing at the head of each document the sultan’s _tughra_, or official +signature. He had no influence on the conduct of business, but, as +evidence of past greatness, he ranked above even the _Reis Effendi_ on +ceremonial occasions.[609] + +The under-secretaries were attached by pairs to the ministers. The +_Teshrifatji_, or master of ceremonies, and the _Kiaya Katibi_, or +private secretary, of the _Kiaya-bey_ were attached to the _Kiaya-bey_. +The greater and lesser _Teskerejis_, or masters of petitions, were +attached to the _Chaush-bashi_. The _Beylikji_, mentioned above as head +of the three bureaus of the chancery, and the _Mektubji_, or private +secretary of the grand vizier, in which office he was assisted by a +bureau of thirty clerks, were attached to the _Reis Effendi_. + +It is evident that all the functions of the officials and bureaus +described above must have been performed in some fashion in the time of +Suleiman. The conservative character of Turkish institutions simplifies +the problem of determining how they were performed. It has been seen, +partly by external and partly by internal evidence, that the bureaus +of the treasury department persisted from the time of Mohammed II to +the end of the eighteenth century with few changes. Accordingly, the +inference may fairly be made that the same was true of the chancery +department. Moreover, the chief officials of the later date are mentioned +in sixteenth-century writings, among them the _Kiaya_ of the grand +vizier, the _Chaush-bashi_, and the _Reis Effendi_; Junis Bey held the +position of chief interpreter;[610] and the duties of Suleiman’s master +of ceremonies must have been important. The great change in the chancery +in the interval was the decline of the _Nishanji_ from the highest place +in the department to one of little importance, and the rise of the _Reis +Effendi_ from a subordinate place to the top. From of old the _Nishanji_ +had had the duty of affixing the sultan’s signature to documents; but +in early Ottoman days, when the pen was of very little consequence in +comparison with the sword, he had been held in small esteem. He was +responsible, however, for the accurate and legal formulation of the +papers which he signed; and as the nation grew his importance increased, +till by the sixteenth century he had become a great official, clearly the +head of the chancery department, and the recipient of a large salary. +A description of about the year 1537 says of the _Nishanji_: “There is +a _Teskereji-bashi_, who has the duty of engrossing the ordinances +and commands of the prince and the court, when it has transmitted them +to him, and is like a general secretary of the commands, or recorder +of the documents of the prince, which are called _Teskereh_; and it is +also his duty, in consultation with the pashas, to revise the writings +and take care that they contain no ambiguous expressions, as though +he were a keeper of the seals. The present occupant of the office has +seven thousand ducats of revenue from fiefs, and a large number of +slaves, and other lesser recorders who also prepare commands, licenses, +safe-conducts, and other letters as there may be need. These are paid +here for their trouble, and they may receive three or four hundred +livres. It is said that the present [_Nishanji_] is so just a man, that +he has never in his life received a _sou_ from any one with whom he has +transacted business.”[611] + +The _Reis Effendi_ was at that time, it would seem, little more than +recording secretary of the Divan.[612] The reasons for the later change +in the relative importance of these two officials probably lay in the +withdrawal of the sultan into his inner palace, and the development +of foreign relations. As the sultan became more sequestered, the +_Nishanji’s_ personal relation to him was gradually cut off; for the +same reason the grand vizier came to be more heavily burdened, and left +more responsibility on the _Reis Effendi_. Beginning with Suleiman’s +reign, relations with the Western European nations became ever closer and +more complicated. Cared for in his time by the grand viziers Ibrahim, +Rustem, and Ali,[613] they were entrusted in later reigns to the _Reis +Effendi_. Presently, then, this official displaced the _Nishanji_ at the +head of the chancery, and the latter was gradually reduced almost to the +functions of a name-stamp. Aside from this important difference, and the +general fact that the business of the chancery was not so extensive in +Suleiman’s time as it became later, and that the functions of separate +officials had not come to be so rigidly defined, the inference may be +made that the description of the late eighteenth century holds good +generally of the Ottoman chancery of the sixteenth century. + +Little evidence appears as to the status of the personnel of the treasury +and chancery departments. The upper officials were drawn from the +quieter and more studious members of the school of pages;[614] in the +time of Mohammed II the _Nishanji_ might be drawn from the ranks of the +_Ulema_.[615] Junis Bey refers to the employees of the bureaus sometimes +as slaves and sometimes as companions or scribes. They were paid not in +money but by fiefs. Near the close of Suleiman’s reign, it is said, the +chancery clerks were Turks, whereas they had been Christians and Greeks +not long before, and had written their documents in Greek.[616] Whether +or not this be true, the books of the treasury department had been kept +in Turkish from the first;[617] but it does not follow, of course, that +the clerks of this department had always been Ottomans, or that, if +they were, they had been regularly either Moslem-born or renegades. The +general reasons which led the sultan to build the Ruling Institution +out of slaves in its other aspects would tend to operate here also; on +the other hand, the nature of the work demanded persons of quiet tastes +and, for many positions, those of considerable learning in language and +law, and such persons were more easily to be found in the Moslem-born +population than among the Christian subjects or renegades. It would +seem that in Suleiman’s time, or shortly before, the personnel of the +chancery changed from Christian-born to Moslem-born. Naturally, then, the +personnel of the treasury would have been likely to undergo a similar +transformation at the same time. + +It has been said that when Turks dismount from their horses, they +become bureaucrats and paper-scribblers.[618] Undoubtedly the Ottoman +government gave evidence of the truth of this statement. The twenty-five +bureaus of the treasury and the appended bureaus, the three bureaus of +the chancery, the treasuries and chanceries of _Beylerbeys_ and _Sanjak +Beys_, the offices of the generals of cavalry and infantry, and of the +_Umena_ and other household officials without and within, contained some +thousands of men whose whole time was occupied in writing, recording, and +transmitting laws, ordinances, diplomas, nominations, projects, deeds, +grants, orders for pay, receipts, reports, addresses, petitions, answers, +and the like. The existence of so many component institutions, connected +only at the top and paralleling each other’s activities both near and +far, together with the custom of verifying, authenticating, and recording +many papers in different bureaus and by different officials, created a +vast and growing amount of red tape that in time was greatly to hinder +all government business. Even in Suleiman’s day it seems to have been +the practice on the part of clerks and officials to demand a private fee +for each act of writing or signing or stamping or recording or approving +or inspecting.[619] In the time of prosperity, however, this practice +can hardly have been so vexatious and dilatory as it became later. The +bureaucratic tendency was no doubt based on a desire to keep everything +in order by checks and cross-recording; but in the end it defeated its +object by employing such a multiplicity of devices that order was lost in +confusion. + + +THE DIVAN OR COUNCIL[620] + +In a land where the law was nearly fixed, and where whatever power of +legislation was allowed was definitely lodged in one man, the only +deliberation possible was on administrative and judicial subjects. The +oversight of these matters was given in charge to a council, the Divan, +which held long sessions four times each week throughout the year in +time of peace, unless perhaps in the month of fasting. This council was +composed of _ex officio_ members who represented (when those who came +only on special days are added to those who came each day) all the great +component parts of the Ruling Institution. The Moslem Institution also +was represented in the two _Kaziaskers_; for the grand vizier and the +Divan constituted not only the supreme council of administration but +the supreme court of the empire. It was thus not strictly a part of +the Ruling Institution, but rather the cap-stone of both institutions, +the body that gave final unity, immediately under the sultan, to the +organization of the empire. + +In former times the sultan had presided at the Divan. Suleiman did not, +and he has been greatly blamed for discontinuing the custom.[621] It +is not impossible to sympathize with him, however, for he thus freed +himself from a great burden; to spend several hours in deliberation on +four days of each week during a lifetime is a prospect from which any +man would shrink. Nevertheless, it was a serious rift in both of the +great institutions of the empire at the most dangerous place, and its +effect was decidedly to hasten their disintegration. Suleiman kept the +Divan under control by means of a grated window in the wall of the room +where it met.[622] Not knowing when he might be listening there, his +councillors had always to speak as if he were present with them. + +The arrival of the councillors at the hall of the Divan, their entry, +their places for sitting or standing, their rank at the simple meal of +which they partook while there, the order of their going in to audience +with the sultan afterward, and the manner of their departure, were all +according to _Kanun_ or equally rigid custom. At a later time the details +of these ceremonies were all minutely specified.[623] Probably they were +not so elaborate in the time of Suleiman, but contemporary writings show +them already considerably developed. + +The sessions of the Divan have been described so often that it is not +necessary to go into detail here. Soon after sunrise on Saturday, Sunday, +Monday, and Tuesday the officials who were to participate came to the +palace, accompanied by their secretaries, ushers, body-guards, and other +attendants. They passed the second gate of the palace in the inverse +order of rank, and waited at their prescribed places in the hall of the +Divan until the grand vizier approached, accompanied by his retinue, when +all came out and took places according to rank in two lines, between +which the grand vizier entered. Those who had the right then followed him +in by pairs, and once more took their places.[624] Officials who might +be summoned waited in antechambers near; and attendants, guards, and +soldiers, stood at suitable distances. + +The grand vizier sat Turkish fashion in the middle of a long sofa which +extended round three sides of the hall. On his right sat the other +viziers (unless one or more happened to be absent on a special mission), +and beyond them, on the sofa at the end of the room, the _Nishanji_. On +the grand vizier’s left were the two _Kaziaskers_, and beyond them the +_Defterdars_.[625] The _Beylerbeys_ of Anatolia and Greece, and, after +Barbarossa’s appointment, the _Kapudan Pasha_, sat beyond the viziers +on the right. The _Agha_ of the Janissaries also had a place, and the +chief interpreter was often needed. Other generals and high officials +might be summoned; heads, officials, and clerks of bureaus were at hand; +and _Chaushes_, _Kapuji-bashis_, and _Kapujis_ were in readiness to be +sent on errands and missions. Before the grand vizier, when judicial +business was being considered, stood the _Teskerejis_, or masters +of petitions. On the floor at his left sat the _Reis Effendi_. The +_Kapujilar-kiayasi_, or grand chamberlain of the household, was present; +and the _Chaush-bashi_, as grand marshal of the court, here bearing the +additional title of _Bey_ of the Divan, saw that all went according to +rule. After greetings and other formalities the business was taken up in +order of importance.[626] Great questions, like proposals of ambassadors, +the condition of the provinces, and the possibility or desirability of +war were discussed briefly by the viziers, the others present being +called upon to speak if their views were desired. The grand vizier either +declared the decision on such matters, subject to the sultan’s approval, +or reserved the decision for the master.[627] Lesser matters were decided +by the viziers individually, or were referred by them to the other great +officials present, or to an official in attendance outside. Much of the +time there was no general deliberation, but several affairs might be +considered by different members of the Divan simultaneously. Lawsuits +were presented to the grand vizier by the masters of petitions, and the +parties might appear to plead their own cases, bringing witnesses. The +grand vizier turned over many cases to the _Kaziaskers_. All business was +done with despatch, and a large amount was accomplished. Decisions were +briefly formulated, without discussion of the reasons for action. The +_Reis Effendi_ and lesser secretaries and clerks wrote down carefully all +that was decided upon. After the sultan had signified his approval at the +close of a Divan, the decisions were irrevocable. + +During and also at the close of the session, which might last seven or +eight hours,[628] a simple meal of bread, meat, rice, fruit, and water +was served to all who were in attendance within and without the hall of +the Divan. To meet the expense of this, four days’ pay was reserved each +year from the salaries of all who were expected to attend.[629] Order +was kept most carefully among all who were present within and without +the hall of the Divan, and absolute silence was preserved, except for +such movements and conversation as were necessary to the transaction of +business. Any disturber of order and quiet was taken away and immediately +bastinadoed. + +After the day’s work was done, which might be about noon in summer +time or toward sunset in the winter, those officials of the Divan +who had the right of audience went to the hall of audience to meet +the sultan. They were the viziers, _Kaziaskers_, and _Defterdars_ +regularly, and the _Beylerbeys_ and the _Agha_ of the Janissaries when +they had business;[630] the _Defterdars_, however, received audience +on Sundays and Tuesdays only. The _Kaziaskers_ entered first, and +when their business had been approved they went to the gate and held +court. The _Beylerbeys_, the _Defterdars_, and the viziers entered the +audience chamber together. The _Beylerbeys_ transacted their business +and departed; the _Defterdars_ did likewise, and went to the door of +the treasury to give audience. The ordinary viziers, left behind in the +presence of the sultan, usually said nothing unless asked; the grand +vizier alone reported on the decisions of the day.[631] These the sultan +usually approved as made, sometimes mitigating a decision or himself +dictating a reply to an ambassador.[632] Suleiman was willing to give +a free hand to Ibrahim, Rustem, and Mohammed Sokolli during their long +periods of service.[633] + +In time of war the Divan was held in the grand vizier’s tent, which was +usually pitched near the sultan’s. As all the high officials, and the +heads of bureaus with at least part of their clerks, were present with +the army, much the same ceremony could be gone through with as in the +capital. When the sultan was absent from the city on campaigns, the few +officials of government who were left behind held a secondary Divan on +Saturdays and Sundays. In case of emergency during war-time, or for some +other special reason, a Divan might be held on horseback.[634] + +The Divan of Suleiman was a splendid ceremony, and it transacted a great +amount of administrative and judicial business. A large proportion of +the duties of the principal officials was attended to in its sessions +rather than in private offices; and on particular matters there was a +certain amount of deliberation, though the Ottomans were not a people of +many words. The Divan was by no means a legislative chamber. It was in a +sense a combination of a president’s cabinet and a supreme court;[635] +yet it was unlike both. Its presiding officer was appointed; all its +decisions required the approval of the sultan, who was not present at +its sessions; and all its members were responsible to him for good +behavior on penalty of their lives. It was the highest court in the +land, yet not so much a court of appeal as a court of first instance. It +had no power to judge the validity of laws; yet it was not restricted +in its jurisdiction, since it had cognizance of all civil and criminal +cases that might be presented to it from any part of the empire. In +its judicial aspect, again, its decisions had no validity without the +approval of the sultan. With all its limitations, however, it was of +great value to the Ottoman government. Below the sultan, but above all +institutions of the empire, it bound together at the top the Ruling +Institution and the Moslem Institution, and it united similarly all the +component divisions of each; it was the pivot from which were suspended +all the separate parts of the despotically constructed government. +In it met the ablest men of the empire, chosen by selection after +selection, each one charged with great responsibilities and possessing +power to execute without delay what might be agreed upon. The Divan was +excellently adapted to the general Ottoman system. It enabled the ruler, +with a minimum of care, to keep the closest control over every part of +the empire through extremely intelligent and capable agents, who were +bound to him by gratitude, self-interest, ambition, and fear. It was +a training-school of judges, administrators, and statesmen, since men +ordinarily rose from place to place among its offices as they gained +experience; here they imparted ideas and methods to each other, and +made their abilities known to the highest officials, the grand vizier +and the sultan, with whom lay the power of promotion. Nor was the Divan +wholly destitute of legislative influence. All _Kanuns_ were issued in +the sultan’s name and after his definite approval; yet the information +on which they were based must regularly have come through members +of the Divan, and members of the Divan with their subordinates must +certainly have drawn them up and revised them into shape. Controlling +administration and justice and influencing legislation, the Divan, under +the leadership of the grand vizier, governed the Ottoman Empire for the +sultan. + + +THE RULING INSTITUTION AS A WHOLE + +That which for want of a better name has been called in this treatise +the Ottoman Ruling Institution has now been discussed in all its general +aspects. Space has been lacking for the presentation of many details, +though the attempt has been made to introduce all such as would give +necessary evidence or useful illustration. A few statements intended +to summarize and bind together what has been said will complete the +discussion of the institution. + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution was in its most essential aspect a +government for the Ottoman Empire. In this respect its form was a +despotism, centered in one man, the sultan. Yet the despotism was greatly +circumscribed by a rigid constitutional law, which was firmly grounded +in strong religious belief and intense national conservatism. This law +held the sultan within limited functions, but at the same time it gave +him his right to rule. As a government under this law, the Ottoman Ruling +Institution maintained public order, defended the empire against its +enemies, and endeavored by conquest to enlarge its possessions and with +them the domain of the Sacred Law. A large proportion of its energies +was devoted to obtaining and distributing the means of its own support, +to keeping its own machinery in order, and to maintaining its authority +within the empire. The idea of labor for the public welfare or of +effort toward progress was not present. Change came, not by conscious +striving toward betterment, but by growth, development, and decay, the +effects of which were adjusted when it became necessary. But within such +limits, there was in the sixteenth century a distinct desire, founded on +consciousness of greatness, pride of power, and loyalty to Islam, to have +the government well-ordered and intelligently directed, and to cause it +to bear upon its subjects as evenly and lightly as possible. Suleiman +laid hold of many problems which had arisen, and through the agency of +his ablest servants strove to set his house in order. That he did not +succeed in accomplishing more permanent results was due to the fact that +the task was too great for any man. The institution was too artificial to +endure indefinitely. + +The whole institution kept itself in power, and defended and enlarged the +empire, by being organized as an army. With exceptions, all its officers +of government were soldiers and all its army officers had governmental +duties. It constituted a standing army of cavalry and infantry, aided +by artillery, commissary, and transport services; and it controlled a +much larger feudal and irregular army. Through the feudal army it kept +the country in subjection. By garrisons it held the towns quiet. In case +of rebellion, it threw a great force upon the insurgents, and beat them +down with cruel and resistless energy. For foreign wars it gathered +an enormous but well-controlled host, which was victorious in battle +throughout the reign of Suleiman. It took by siege Belgrade and Rhodes, +but it failed at Vienna and Malta. The weakness of the Ruling Institution +as an army was its essential indivisibility. Only one great war could be +waged at a time, although there were great enemies in two directions; +hence an overwhelming defeat of the principal army would have been +irreparably disastrous. But the army was to suffice for a long period; +and for generations its worst foes were to be, not foreign armies, but +internal rivalries and departures from its constitutive principles. + +To maintain the pomp and ceremony which are attached to the idea of an +empire, especially in the East, and to supply the sultan on a large +scale with all the enjoyments which were considered due to his state, +the Ottoman Ruling Institution was in another aspect a great court +and household. Nearly all its members shared in the display of grand +occasions, many went to the hunt with the sultan, and a large proportion +of them had constant duties of ceremonial and personal service. Suleiman +was known as the Legislator and the Conqueror, but beyond both these +titles as the Magnificent; he shone as head of the government and the +army, but still more as head of the court. Splendor and luxury, however, +are expensive, and in the end his example was to be ruinous. + +All the members of the Ruling Institution were set off as a nobility by +exemption from taxation and by special jurisdiction; but, lest they might +prove a danger to the institution, they were not allowed to transmit +their nobility to their descendants. In the end, however, their special +privilege was to become so desirable that the walls of separation would +be invaded and the institution would be wrecked. + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution, at once the government, the army, and the +nobility of a great nation, was at the same time a genuine slave-family. +Almost all its members were recruited as slaves and remained slaves +throughout their days; their lives and their property were at the +disposal of the sultan; they must obey without hesitation, as all slaves +must obey. Yet their condition was far from being miserable. Their +slavery conveyed no taint: one of them might be married to a protégée +or even a daughter of the great master; their children would never be +reproached because of the father’s status. It was an honor to be the +sultan’s _kul_. Vast wealth and almost royal power and rule might be +theirs; yet each member of the Ruling Institution was actually a slave. + +The most characteristic feature of this institution lay in the fact +that its recruits were almost all drawn from children (born within or +without the empire) of Christian parents, and that before they were +advanced they were expected to become Mohammedans. A twofold motive lay +beneath this policy,—a desire to obtain single-hearted servants and to +increase the number of believers in the Mohammedan faith. Sons of these +converts were sometimes admitted to the Ruling Institution, but their +grandsons practically never. Thus a constant stream of the ablest and +fittest Christian children who were born in or near the Ottoman dominions +were brought into the Ruling Institution, the Ottoman nation, and the +Mohammedan fold. + +The next most characteristic and the most abiding feature of the Ottoman +Ruling Institution was its educational quality. The Christian slaves were +all acquired while young, and were trained with the greatest care to +become useful members of the institution, each in the capacity for which +nature had best fitted him. They were provided with an education which, +if not so general or so advanced as the usual training of modern times, +was more nearly complete. Body and mind, social, moral, and religious +nature, all received attention. The immediate object of this education +was to fit the boys for the sultan’s service in war and government; but +they were also trained to adorn his ceremonies and his court, and to live +by the principles and in the faith of Mohammed. When they were first +admitted, their training was more or less like that in schools of an +industrial, military, and cultural character; but it did not stop with +the attainment of majority. Army, household, bureaus, local government, +and Divan, all were conducted much like schools. Strict discipline was +constantly maintained, slackness was severely punished, and industry and +ability were richly rewarded. The results were well-nigh incredible; +they constitute a wonderful demonstration of how little the human +spirit is limited by the ignorance or the restricted and humble life of +ancestors. With hardly an exception, the men who guided Suleiman’s empire +to a height of unexampled glory were sons of peasants and herdsmen, of +downtrodden and miserable subjects, of unlettered and half-civilized men +and women. It is not easy to decide which is more to be admired, the +ability by which such young men rose, or the confidence with which they +were chosen and expected to rise. If these men had not really risen, if +they had remained boorish, ignorant, and narrow, though elevated to high +position and authority, the facts would be less remarkable than they are. +The evidence is, however, that they really became educated, cultured, +and polished men: to this day their descendants have a manner and charm +that can rarely be found among Western peoples. It is much easier to +understand the whole process and its results in a modern democratic +age and land than it was in feudal Europe of the sixteenth century. +The Ottoman Ruling Institution was from start to finish ingeniously +contrived to develop its members, within the limits of its purposes, to +their utmost capacity. Great authority, great position, great financial +rewards, were offered. Great punishments were not far away from those who +might prove dangerous, treacherous, or even incompatible and inefficient. + +As a result of its careful selection and training of men for society, +war, and government, the Ottoman Ruling Institution, allowing for all +imperfections of structure, was a very efficient and permanent entity. +It was later to endure terrible shocks and losses without destruction; +it was to suffer a partial separation of its component institutions +into hostile bodies, and to witness serious departures from its rules +and principles. But, despite attack from without and disintegration and +decay within, it long stood firm; and, together with its dissimilar +companion, the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, it has kept +the vital spark of that empire alive for more than two centuries after +extinction began to be thought imminent. Even today its abiding spirit +gives promise of lighting a new and very different torch, which, having +burned away the limitations and imperfections that caused the ruin of the +older institution, will yet be the brighter for preserving a democratic +faith in the capacity of the able individual, and a disposition to help +him forward by education and to trust him with all the responsibility +that he is able to bear. Most features of the Ottoman Ruling Institution +cannot live in the twentieth century. Despotism, military rule, personal +privilege, excessive imperial splendor, proselytism, and slavery have +been dethroned in favor of political and religious liberty, equality, +fraternity, separation of church and state, and government by the people. +But the idea of an education which will develop the individual to the +full extent of his capacities is thoroughly modern; and the disposition +to entrust high offices to those who, without regard to ancestry, +are the ablest, and who become by their own efforts and by carefully +supervised training the best equipped, is in advance of the ordinary +practice of Western democracies. Herein lies one of the strongest +elements of hope for the future of the new Turkey, which may thus +preserve continuity with the past. + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution, still thus capable of imparting valuable +ideas, was in its halcyon days a thing of immense moment in the world. +Out of carefully selected but most heterogeneous materials it had built +itself up as a firm, strong, and simple structure, which had gathered a +chaotic mass of petty states and hostile peoples into a great and, by +comparison, a well-governed and durable empire. In the reign of the great +Suleiman no human structure existed which equalled this institution in +wealth, splendor, power, simplicity and rapidity of action, and respect +at home and abroad. + + + + +CHAPTER VII + +THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE + + +GENERAL DESCRIPTION + +In a survey of the institutional history of the Ottoman Empire, a study +of the complex organization which was based upon and inspired by the +Mohammedan religion would demand as large a space as that given to the +Ruling Institution. In a discussion of the government of the empire, +however, a much briefer treatment will suffice. The Moslem Institution as +a whole will be sketched rapidly; fuller consideration will be given to +its juristic and judicial features, which especially affected and entered +into the government of the nation. + +The structure of the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, as of +the corresponding institutions in all Moslem lands, was and remains to +the present time wholly different from that of any of the Christian +ecclesiastical organizations. As a mere church it claimed far less place +and influence than they do, but in other aspects it reached out far more +widely. It included all those Mohammedans in the Ottoman Empire, outside +of the Ruling Institution, who were in any way lifted above the level +of the ordinary believer. Islam recognized no organized priesthood, no +aristocracy, and no monks; yet the Ottoman Moslem Institution possessed +groups that were much like each of the three. In addition it had a graded +educational system, with a graded corps of teachers, it contained a +hierarchy of jurist-theologians, and it supplied a classified body of +judges, whose combined jurisdictions covered the whole empire. That which +all persons who constituted this institution had in common was a special +relationship to the Mohammedan religion, sometimes based on birth or +piety, but usually established by intellectual training in connection +with the Book and the Law of Islam. In contrast with the Ottoman Ruling +Institution, the Moslem Institution cannot as a whole be regarded under +several aspects. Like the former, it included component institutions; +but these all grew up from the Mohammedan population and rested on +one broad base, instead of being extended downward from the top. At +the same time, the sultan was the head of this institution, whether +it be considered as a whole or in reference to each of its component +institutions. He and his government appointed its most influential +personages, maintained careful oversight of its financial support, and +kept record of the appointments of all its members who shared in this +support. The two great institutions of the Ottoman Empire were therefore +joined together at the top, and, as will appear, they touched at every +other level both in financial and in governmental relations. + +The fundamental difference of the two institutions lay in the fact that +the members of the Ruling Institution were drawn almost exclusively +from Christian families, and the members of the Moslem Institution even +more exclusively from Mohammedan families. While it is likely that the +majority of the Mohammedan families had sprung from Christian ancestors +not many generations back, it is also true that Islam acts rapidly upon +the spirit of converts. Accordingly the two institutions were very +differently constituted. Between them arose a rivalry of tendency and +influence which was to become extremely harmful to the Ottoman state. + +In this treatise the financial side of the Moslem Institution will be +considered, the four great groups of its membership will be discussed in +the proportion of their relation to the government, and some attention +will be given to the institution as a whole. + + +FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION[636] + +As already stated, a large proportion of the land of the Ottoman Empire, +perhaps one-third,[637] was set aside as _vakf_, or religious endowment. +Much of this had been so devoted by sultans, and in such cases the +imperial treasury could use for its own purposes none of the revenue or +income from these lands. Other parcels of land had been set apart by +private individuals, in these instances the treasury receiving for its +own use the same revenues as before the endowment, while the surplus +income from the land was devoted to the purposes specified by the giver. +Each tract of such land was by the original act of endowment assigned to +a particular object, and a _Muteveli_ or administrator and a _Nazir_ or +inspector were appointed to take care of it. In a large proportion of +cases a high official of the government or household, such as the grand +vizier, the _Mufti_, the _Kapu Agha_, or the _Kizlar Agha_, was put in +charge _ex officio_ in one or the other capacity, on the theory that, +being near the person of the sultan, he would be subject to constant +control. In course of time the _Kizlar Agha_, the grand vizier, and +the _Mufti_ found it necessary to organize the properties under their +charge by holding private Divans of the subordinate administrators and +inspectors, and by appointing _Mufettishes_, or special judges, each with +a staff of subordinates and travelling inspectors.[638] + +Although every tract of land was assigned for a definite object and +placed under specified guardians, the _vakfs_ were a matter of public +record, and the accounts of all were kept by the treasury department in +the appropriate bureaus. The subjects who lived on _vakf_ lands seem to +have been better treated than those on lands of other sorts, just as in +the West in the Middle Ages the serfs of the church were often better off +than other serfs.[639] There were three classes of _vakfs_,—the regular +_vakfs_ of the mosques, the _vakfs_ for charitable purposes, and the +customary _vakfs_ of the mosques. The last were chiefly in the nature of +investments of the funds of the mosques, and were according to _Kanun_ +rather than _Sheri_.[640] In the second class were included endowments of +schools, libraries, hospitals, bridges, fountains, caravanserais, public +baths, convents for dervishes, and the like. The narrow provision of the +Ruling Institution for public service was in this way supplemented.[641] +The first class deserves further attention. + +The chief material unit in connection with the Moslem Institution was the +mosque. Each great mosque was a large house of worship, with a group of +smaller institutions clustered about it, such as colleges, law schools, +hospitals, insane asylums, and soup-kitchens. For the support of these +and of all persons who conducted them, the income from the _vakfs_ of +the mosque was applied. In many cases the lands which had belonged to +Christian churches before the Ottoman conquest were assigned as _vakfs_ +for the support of the mosques into which the churches were converted. +For example, the grounds of the sultan’s principal palace had belonged +to the church, and were assigned as _vakf_ to the mosque of Aya Sofia. +When Mohammed II took them for his palace he pledged a revenue of one +thousand and one aspers a day to the great mosque.[642] This church was +one of eight in the city of Constantinople which were so treated.[643] +The revenue of Aya Sofia was estimated at two hundred thousand ducats a +year.[644] The income of the principal mosques being much larger than +the expenses, a considerable portion of the surplus was used by the +guardians for their own benefit, although they were supposed to receive +no compensation, but to labor for the love of God. The fact is that +many of the sultan’s _kullar_ provided an inheritance for their sons +and descendants by setting apart for specific purposes lands in _vakf_, +of which the desired persons should be administrators, it being clearly +understood that a portion of the income should be retained by them.[645] +The remainder of the surplus was held in a special treasury by the +appropriate bureaus, or was reinvested in customary _vakfs_, or was lent +to the government. The _vakfs_ as a whole supported all the official +members of the Moslem Institution, except that the judges derived much +of their income from fees and fines.[646] The treasury department +received and controlled all the revenues from _vakfs_, and paid from the +appropriate funds all who were duly certified as recipients of salaries +and pensions. + +All the _Ulema_, in connection with their support from semi-public funds, +possessed the noble privilege of immunity from taxation. Since the +rendering of justice was in their hands, they had their own justice. In +addition, their property was not subject to confiscation; and, since they +were not _kullar_, it passed by inheritance to their relatives and never +to the sultan. All these privileges gave the learned class in the Ottoman +Empire the prestige of nobility, besides great financial advantage.[647] + + +THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM + +Like the Ruling Institution, the Moslem Institution contained and +embodied an educational system which was of its essential structure. +Through it, from the time of Mohammed II, the great majority of the +members of the institution, including all who expected promotion, +were required to pass; accordingly, they bore as a body the name of +the _Ulema_, or learned men.[648] The schools, supported by _vakfs_ +and attached to mosques, were in three grades: the _mektebs_ or +primary schools, known in the sixteenth century as _okumak-yerleri_ or +reading-places; the ordinary _medressehs_ or colleges; and the higher +_medressehs_ or law schools, of university grade. The _mektebs_ taught +Arabic reading and writing and the Koran; the _medressehs_ gave a course +of ten studies resembling the Seven Arts of the West;[649] the law +schools taught the group of sciences connected with the Koran and the +_Sheri_ and including both law and theology.[650] + +There was no compulsory education; nor could the system, by reason of +the individual character of its foundations, be universal for Mohammedan +children. But it may be supposed that any Moslem parent, the inhabitant +of a town of some size, who desired his son to learn the rather difficult +art of reading and writing Turkish and Arabic, or even to enter upon a +learned career, was not devoid of an opportunity. Furthermore, where +primary schools existed the instruction was free, and some students were +even fed and lodged;[651] the students in the _medressehs_ were also +partially supported, and those in the law schools received a sufficiency. +This system, which dated back at least to the twelfth century in Moslem +lands, probably in the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century gave +better opportunity for education to Moslem boys than was afforded to +Christian children in any land until a much later date. The Ottomans +believed thoroughly in education; but, unfortunately, their conservatism +was in course of time to turn a beneficent institution into a harmful +one. No change of consequence, either in methods of teaching or in +subjects of study, was permitted from century to century; hence the +training that had once carried its earnest pupils to the forefront of +human knowledge was in time to hold them firmly at a stage which the rest +of the world had long passed through and left far behind. + +The _medressehs_ were very numerous in the empire;[652] the mosque of +the Conqueror had eight, that of Suleiman five. It was Suleiman who +set the gradations of the system in their final form. All who aspired +to any official position in the Moslem Institution must pass through a +_medresseh_ of some degree. On first entering they were called _Softas_, +or more properly _Sukhtas_, as those who were _inflamed_ with the +desire for learning. The students were in different grades, but there +seems to have been no fixed number of years of study; the instruction +being largely individual, each could proceed as rapidly as he was +able. On finishing, they received a sort of master’s degree and were +called _Danishmend_, which appears in several of the early sources as +_Talisman_.[653] Such students as were content to teach primary schools, +or to attend to ecclesiastical duties, needed to study no longer. + +Those who aspired to become jurists or judges had to pursue a long course +in law in the higher _medressehs_. At the end of this time they were +examined personally by the _Mufti_, or chief jurist, and if successful +they were dignified with the title of _Mulâzim_, or candidate. Those who +did not aspire to the higher judicial positions ended their preparation +at this point. The more ambitious sought appointment, for which they were +now qualified, as _Muderisler_, or professors, in _medressehs_ of low +grade. The _Muderisler_ received large salaries, which increased as they +rose. They were in three classes,—the _Muderisler_ of Constantinople, +of Adrianople and Brusa, and of the other cities of the empire. The +_Muderisler_ of Constantinople numbered about four hundred; they were in +ten grades, distinguished according to the subjects which they taught. +Those of other cities than the capital, and those at the capital who +did not pass through all the grades, became either jurists or judges +of lesser degrees. Those who wished to reach the higher judgeships +were obliged to pass through all ten grades. Since this was so long a +process as regularly to bring a man to gray hairs before he reached the +top, the rigid grading early began to be circumvented by the practice +of inscribing the sons of _Ulema_ as _Muderisler_ while they were very +young, substitutes being hired to teach in their places.[654] By the age +of thirty or forty they would thus be able to attain high position. A +continuance of this process, combined with the immunities and privileges +of the _Ulema_, was in time to lead to great accumulations of wealth in +the hands of a few families, who would be able to keep most of the high +judicial offices within their own numbers. + + +CLERGY, SEIDS, AND DERVISHES + +The clergy of the Ottoman nation were, as has been shown, of no great +education, and they seem to have possessed less influence than the +priests of any other religion.[655] They were in five classes: the +_Sheiks_, or preachers; the _Khatibs_, or leaders of Friday services; the +_Imâms_, or leaders of daily services; the _Muezzins_, who intoned the +call to prayer; and the _Kaims_, or caretakers of the mosques. + +The _Seids_, also known as _Emirs_ or _Sherifs_, were a class apart +among the Ottomans. They were not properly members of the _Ulema_, +unless, like others, they passed through the schools; they owed their +distinction rather to a real or assumed genealogy which carried their +ancestry back to the Prophet Mohammed. They alone were privileged to +wear a green turban. They were numerous; but the claims of many were +doubted, and some of them seem to have possessed reputations that were +far from savory.[656] They constituted the only hereditary nobility among +the Ottomans, but their privileges appear to have been personal rather +than financial: they were not to be struck, for example, on penalty +of severe punishment, and they had their own justice. Great honor was +shown to two members of this nobility, descendants of the Prophet: +to the _Mir-Alem_, the sultan’s standard-bearer, who was regularly a +_Seid_, and had precedence of all the officers of the army; and to the +_Nakib ol-Eshraf_, head of the _Seids_, who ranked second in the Moslem +Institution, and at the ceremonies of Bairam had precedence even of the +_Mufti_. The _Nakib ol-Eshraf_ was appointed by the sultan for life; +that member of the _Ulema_ who was a _Seid_ and who ranked highest when +the place fell vacant was ordinarily chosen. He had a staff of officers +and clerks in the capital and the provinces, and was head of the separate +jurisdiction of the _Seids_. Under the sultan he held despotic authority +over all _Seids_; and, when the sovereign ordered the punishment or death +of one of them, the _Nakib ol-Eshraf_ was commissioned to carry out the +execution. + +Dervishes also were not members of the _Ulema_. They were of many orders, +though sixteenth-century observers seem to have been impressed with but +four.[657] They represented in Islam the monks, the hermits, and the +begging friars of Christianity. Through them heresies spread, uprisings +were concocted, mobs were gathered, and holy war was preached. On more +than one occasion they endangered the power of the government.[658] Many +were honest, God-fearing folk, while others were scarcely more than +tramps and wandering thieves. + +Clergy, _Seids_, and dervishes represented the merely religious side +of the Moslem Institution. Islam was fundamentally a religion without +priests, monks, or nobles; and these persons never grew to possess +permanent influence and power in the Ottoman state.[659] + + +JURISTS AND THE MUFTI + +A number of the _Ulema_ who had finished the law course, and who at some +previous time had chosen to become counsellors and jurists rather than +to take up the severer and more active judicial career, constituted a +distinct body, the _muftis_, who were held in high esteem. One of these +was assigned as associate to the judge of every important city, to the +number of about two hundred in all, while others were counsellors for +the _Beylerbeys_ and _Sanjak Beys_. Appointed for life, they lived in +retirement, having no initiative of action. When the judge, _Bey_, or any +private citizen, confronted by a case or other matter which involved a +learned knowledge of the Sacred Law, submitted to one of them a question +in writing, usually in the form of a hypothetical case, it was the duty +of the _mufti_, after careful consideration of the question in the light +of the law books of the school of Abu Hanifa, to give an answer that +applied the Sacred Law to the matter concerned. These answers, which +were called _fetvas_, were usually extremely concise and unaccompanied +by reasoning; they were prepared and sealed in solemn form.[660] When a +judge or a _Bey_ proposed to his _mufti_ a question touching a pending +law case, the _mufti’s_ response ordinarily settled the case. Private +citizens who obtained _fetvas_ ordinarily did so to help their causes +in pending law suits; here again a pertinent question and answer would +usually settle the case. Since there was no class of professional +lawyers, the _muftis_ were a necessary and very useful body. + +In ordinary cities the _mufti_ ranked after the judge. This was not the +case in Constantinople, where the sultan and his officers of government +frequently had questions to present which touched matters of the highest +public importance. As a consequence the _mufti_ of Constantinople became +_par excellence_ the _Mufti_. Mohammed II assigned to him also the title +of _Sheik ul-Islam_, the Ancient of Islam, which in later times was to +become his ordinary title. The _Mufti_ was not regularly chosen from +among his fellows, but was usually advanced by the sultan from the active +judicial service.[661] He had the right to appoint and promote all the +other _muftis_ of the empire. A special bureau called the _Fetva-khaneh_ +was created by Suleiman to assist the _Mufti_ in preparing decisions. + +The _Mufti_ was definitely constituted by Suleiman the head of the +_Ulema_;[662] and as such he outranked all officials of government, +except that he yielded place to the grand vizier on ordinary occasions. +He was almost the equal of the sultan himself, since he was the expounder +and representative of the Sacred Law, which was above the sultan. +Bayezid II was accustomed to stand to receive the _Mufti_, and to give +him a seat above his own.[663] Early in Suleiman’s reign it was said, +“The Turk shows his [_Mufti_] the greatest reverence of any man in +his realm, because he represents justice and the image of God.”[664] +Sixteenth-century Westerners compared the _Mufti_ with a “very great +cardinal,”[665] but more often with the pope.[666] The _Mufti_ had, +however, no temporal authority and no active part in affairs; like +his brethren in lesser cities, he could give responses only when his +opinion was asked. He could, however, rightly be compared with the pope +in dignity and in the magnitude of the matters with which he dealt. His +alone was the right to proclaim that war should be begun, and to send +out preachers to declare that the war was holy and incumbent on all +Moslems. He was frequently consulted by the sultan as to the conformity +of proposed _Kanuns_ with the Sacred Law.[667] In his hands rested the +extreme responsibility of pronouncing that a sultan had transgressed +the Sacred Law and ought to be deposed. In short, though he could claim +no divinely delegated power to create new rules of faith or law, he was +the final earthly authority in the interpretation of the Sacred Law as +completed by Mohammed the Prophet. He exercised a function similar to +what in the United States of America is the highest office of the Supreme +Court,—the power of defending the Constitution. In this capacity the +_Mufti_ often withstood the sultan. _Urf_ was subordinate to _Sheri_, +and in case of conflict the former must yield; therefore the sultan, who +embodied the former, could not override the _Mufti_, who represented the +latter. A century after the time of Suleiman it was said:— + +“The _Mufti_ is the principal head of the _Mahometan_ Religion or Oracle +of all doubtful questions in the Law, and is a person of great esteem +and reverence amongst the _Turks_; his Election is solely in the Grand +Signior, who chuses a man to that Office always famous for his Learning +in the Law, and eminent for his vertues and strictness of Life: his +Authority is so great amongst them, that when he passes Judgment or +Determination in any point, the Grand Signior himself will in no wise +contradict or oppose it.... + +“In matters of State the _Sultan_ demands his opinion, whether it be in +Condemnation of any great man to Death, or in making War or Peace, or +other important Affairs of the Empire; either to appear the more just +and religious, or to incline the People more willingly to Obedience. And +this practice is used in business of greatest moment; scarce a Visier +is proscribed, or a _Pashaw_ for pretence of crime displaced, or any +matter of great alteration or change designed, but the Grand Signior arms +himself with the _Mufti’s_ Sentence; for the nature of man reposes more +security in innocence and actions of Justice, than in the absolute and +uncontroulable power of the Sword. And the Grand Signior, tho he himself +is above the Law, and is the Oracle and Fountain of Justice, yet it is +seldom that he proceeds so irregularly to contemn that Authority wherein +their Religion hath placed an ultimate power of Decision in all their +Controversies.”[668] + +The power of the _Mufti_ in the sixteenth century may be illustrated by +one or two instances. In the early years of the century, shortly before +the appearance of the Reformation movement in Western Europe, the Ottoman +Empire was threatened by the presence of large numbers of heretics in +Asia Minor, simultaneously with the rise of a strong Mohammedan heretical +power in Persia. Selim the Grim disposed of the heretics in his dominions +by wholesale execution,[669] and punished, though he failed to crush, +the Persians by the defeat of Khaldiran and the annexation of a large +part of their territory. After he had got rid of Mohammedan heresy in his +dominions, he was impressed with the absence of unity occasioned by the +presence of the Christian subjects.[670] Accordingly he decided to order +all these Christians to accept Islam on pain of death. To say that he +desired to execute the Christians of his dominions would be to put the +emphasis in the wrong place. He seems rather to have had in mind such a +process as was carried through in Spain in the course of the sixteenth +century, as a result of which none were left in that land who professed +another than the dominant religion. + +But here the _Mufti_ Jemali intervened decisively. He had readily given +a _fetva_ authorizing the extermination of the heretics as in accordance +with the Sacred Law, and he was later to sanction the Persian and the +Egyptian wars. In this case, Selim, it is said, deceived him by a +hypothetical question into giving a response which might be interpreted +to authorize the forcible conversion of the Christians. After the order +was issued, however, Jemali, awakened to the situation, put the Greek +Patriarch in possession of a sufficient defence by showing him that the +Sacred Law provided that Christians who had accepted Mohammedan rule and +agreed to pay _kharâj_ and _jizyeh_ (land tribute and poll-tax) were, +aside from certain regulations, to be left unmolested in the exercise +of their religion. This provision the Patriarch, as instructed by the +_Mufti_, claimed to be an irrevocable and eternal compact; therefore, +he urged, since Selim’s intention was contrary to it, his purpose +was unlawful and must be abandoned. The argument prevailed, and the +Christians were not disturbed as to their faith. + +It may be remarked that Selim’s idea was an excellent one from the +point of view of statesmanship, and would, in the end, have resulted +in a great advantage to the Moslem Institution. As pointed out in the +first chapter, the Christian churches in the Ottoman Empire constituted +a group of organizations that were parallel and rival to the Moslem +Institution; hence their removal would have left it a free field. Whether +its unopposed action would, in the long run, have been an advantage to +the empire and to the world is a matter for speculation which would be +out of place here; but as a state the Ottoman Empire would have been +notably unified by the clearing away of these institutions. They were +old, strong, and of a tenacious vitality; in them centered the hopes and +aspirations of the subject Christians; while they persisted, complete +amalgamation of the population was impossible; they were to keep alive a +sentiment of nationality and separatism that three centuries later was +to break off great sections from the empire. It seems clear, then, that, +had Selim been able to carry out his purpose, the history of the Levant +since his time would have been very different from what it has been. But +the _Mufti_, as guardian of the Sacred Law, was right. The position of +the Christian subjects rested on a firm constitutional foundation.[671] +The Prophet Mohammed himself, nine centuries before Selim, had made the +religious and social unity of the Ottoman Empire forever impossible. +He had also made political unity impossible at that time; for in the +sixteenth century political, apart from religious, unity was not +understood in either the East or the West. Only in the twentieth century +was Turkey to arrive at a new hope of political unity through an attempt +to remove religious differences from a position of great influence upon +the state. + +Another instance of the _Mufti’s_ power occurred in the reign of +Suleiman, who, as a willing servant of the Sacred Law, freely recognized +the greatness of the _Mufti’s_ position. The _Mufti_ Ebu su’ud was one +of the most distinguished ornaments of the Legislator’s reign. He had +passed through all the stages of advancement among the _Ulema_, and had +been _Kaziasker_ eight years when he was constituted _Mufti_. He wrote a +great commentary on the Koran, and it was he who collected the best-known +_Kanun-nameh_ of Suleiman.[672] This man was closely connected with +one of those sorrowful events which made the reign of Suleiman, great +as it was in victory, splendor, and learning, equally great in tragic +ruin of hope. Suleiman must have passed through many hours of torturing +indecision before he determined upon the execution of his eldest son, +Mustapha; and in so great a matter he needed to consult the guardian of +the Sacred Law. The story of the part which the _Mufti_ played shall +be told by Busbecq, who appears for the last time in the pages of this +treatise:— + +“Solyman had brought with him [to Amasia, where he joined the army] his +son’s death doom, which he had prepared before leaving home. With a view +to satisfying religious scruples, he had previously consulted his mufti. +This is the name given to the chief priest among the Turks, and answers +to our Pope of Rome. In order to get an impartial answer from the mufti, +he put the case before him as follows:—He told him that there was at +Constantinople a merchant of good position, who, when about to leave home +for some time, placed over his property and household a slave to whom he +had shown the greatest favour, and entrusted his wife and children to his +loyalty. No sooner was the master gone than this slave began to embezzle +his master’s property, and plot against the lives of his wife and +children; nay, more, had attempted to compass his master’s destruction. +The question which he (Solyman) wished the mufti to answer was this: +What sentence could be lawfully pronounced against this slave? The mufti +answered that in his judgment he deserved to be tortured to death. Now, +whether this was the mufti’s own opinion, or whether it was pronounced at +the instigation of Roostem or Roxolana, there is no doubt that it greatly +influenced Solyman, who was already minded to order the execution of his +son; for he considered that the latter’s offence against himself was +quite as great as that of the slave against his master, in the case he +had put before the mufti.”[673] + +The _Mufti’s_ power in reality went beyond the field of interpretation +and entered upon that of legislation. It is well known how much the +Supreme Court of the United States of America has extended the powers of +the federal government by the interpretation of the Constitution. The +_Mufti_ acted similarly, though with less freedom, in interpreting the +Sacred Law. His power in this direction was recognized by some Ottoman +Mohammedans: “The _Mufti_ hath a spacious Field for his Interpretation; +for it is agreed that their Law is temporary, and admits of Expositions +according to times and state of things. And though they Preach to the +People the perfection of their _Alchoran_; yet the wiser men hold, that +the _Mufti_ hath an expository power of the Law to improve and better it, +according to the state of things, times and conveniencies of the Empire; +for that their Law was never designed to be a clog or confinement to the +propagation of Faith, but an advancement thereof, and therefore to be +interpreted in the largest and farthest fetched sense, when the strict +words will not reach the design intended.”[674] + +The _fetvas_ of the _muftis_ amounted in practice to a body of +legislation which was intermediate between the _Sheri_ and the _Kanuns_: +they partook of the sacred character of the former, as being based +directly upon it; they were, like the latter, of a modern and practical +nature derived from recent application to actual cases. In the _fetvas_, +however, nothing radical or startling could ever be attempted; novel +features were obliged to be of a most inconspicuous character. The +_fetvas_ as a whole caused some development in the Sacred Law, but their +combined additions were altogether too slight to keep it abreast of the +march of events. + +In reality, the _muftis_ occupied the most influential position in the +Moslem Institution and perhaps in the Ottoman state. Usually inferior +to judges and officers of government in income and display, and giving +no direct impulse to affairs, they nevertheless wielded the greatest +continuous power in the state,—the quiet, steady, almost changeless, +almost irresistible, force of Mohammedanism. They were “guardians of +the laws” in as full a sense as any Greek could wish. Their authority +rested, first, on the acceptance by the entire Moslem population of the +absolute supremacy of the Sacred Law, and, second, on the recognition by +the same population that they, who had acquired learning in the Law by +long years of arduous mental labor, and who had chosen to continue in +its study rather than take up its more active and lucrative application +in service on the bench, were the persons through whom its supremacy on +earth was rightly to be maintained. Thus by popular consent the _muftis_ +constituted the conservative, regulative force in the Ottoman state. They +were destined to contribute very largely to the empire’s durability, +which, despite frightful shocks, disasters, and losses, was to continue +far beyond the expectation of the world. + +The _muftis_ did their work only too well. The idea of the changelessness +of the Sacred Law was essentially hostile to progress. Although +considerable flexibility was possible under its provisions, the +flexibility lay in its application to particular cases, and hardly at all +in the law itself. When the Ottoman power began to rise, scholasticism +was at its height, both in Christianity and in Mohammedanism. From +this blighting theological and philosophical bondage, which tended to +extend its deadening sway over all the activities of the human spirit, +Christendom was delivered by the Renaissance and the Reformation. The +Ottoman mind, on the contrary, continued to be held under it till the +most recent years. That it remained so long in bondage, with scarcely a +struggle to escape, was due very largely to the authority of the _Ulema_. +They who accomplished much toward building the Ottoman state into a solid +structure, and toward maintaining it against foes without and within, +also held it nearly stationary while the rest of the world moved on. + + +THE JUDICIAL SYSTEM[675] + +The judges who belonged to the corps of the _Ulema_ had jurisdictions +that were based upon territory, and that covered the whole empire to +an even wider extent than did the administration of the government. +The Crimea and North Africa, though under vassal governments, formed +part of the Ottoman judicial system.[676] The tribunals of the judges +seem to have been competent for all kinds of cases, whether civil or +criminal, and whether covered by the _Sheri_, the _Kanuns_, _Adet_, +or none of these.[677] But, as has been seen, they were not competent +to try all persons. The _kullar_, the _Seids_, and the members of the +foreign colonies had their separate systems of justice; even the subject +Christians, in matters between themselves, had their own ecclesiastical +tribunals to which they regularly resorted. Cases concerning the +administration of certain groups of _vakf_ lands were tried in special +courts, which were, however, presided over by members of the regular +judicial body. The fief-holders had seigniorial jurisdiction in certain +matters; and the officers of local government seem also to have had +independent right to decide cases outside the sphere of the Sacred Law, +whether covered by _Kanun_, _Adet_, or unprovided for.[678] The judges +of the Moslem Institution, therefore, tried all cases involving the +Sacred Law which arose within the empire, and which were between Moslem +and Moslem or between Moslem and Christian (except when the Moslem was a +_kul_ of the sultan or a _Seid_), as well as a large proportion of the +cases which were outside the sphere of the Sacred Law. + +Nearly all judges were judges of cities, having jurisdiction also over +the surrounding territory;[679] exceptions were the _Mufettishes_ of +the _vakf_ lands, the judge who accompanied the _Kapudan Pasha_ on his +annual cruise to the Aegean Islands, the two _Kaziaskers_, and the +grand vizier. The judges were all carefully graded in five principal +classes, three of which were each again subdivided into several groups. +By another grouping, on a geographical basis, they were in two divisions +under the _Kaziaskers_ of Europe and Asia. The five classes were the +greater _Mollas_, the lesser _Mollas_, the _Mufettishes_, the _Kazis_, +and the _Naibs_. The general name for judge was _Kazi_, and the popular +title of respect for them all was _Molla_;[680] but the official titles +were as described above. In general, a _Danishmend_ who aspired to the +judicial career chose while in the law course, according to his ambition +or ability, which of the five classes he would strive to enter and after +entering one of them he could not pass to another. Each had its ladder of +promotion. + +The greater _Mollas_ were in six groups: the _Kaziasker_ of Rumelia; +the _Kaziasker_ of Anatolia; the judge of Constantinople; the judges of +Mecca and Medina; the judges of Adrianople, Brusa, Cairo, and Damascus; +and the judges of the three suburbs of Constantinople,—Galata, Scutari, +and Eyub,—and of Jerusalem, Smyrna, Aleppo, Larissa, and Salonica. These +seventeen were in later times nominated by the _Mufti_ for approval by +the grand vizier and confirmation by the sultan; in Suleiman’s time +the members of the last four groups were nominated by the _Kaziaskers_ +subject to the approval of the pashas.[681] Their positions were +originally held for life, or until promotion, or during good behavior; +and they rose by promotion from group to group. Each had a number of +assistants, clerks, book-keepers, treasurers, and the like. They seem +to have had superior jurisdiction over the inhabitants, and control +of the lesser judges, in the entire dominion of the officer of local +government—_Beylerbey_ or _Sanjak Bey_—who resided in their city.[682] +The _Kaziaskers_ had each a large corps of subordinate officials. They +controlled the appointment of the judges of all other classes, subject +to the confirmation of the sultan. The five _Ulema_ who held high office +near the person of the sultan—his _Hoja_ or teacher, the head physician, +the head astrologer, and the two imperial _Imâms_—were reckoned as +adjunct members among the _Mollas_ of the first class. They had no small +influence on the destiny of the empire, as being the most disinterested +and trusted persons who had the ear of the monarch. + +The lesser _Mollas_ were the judges of the ten cities of second +rank,—Marash, Bagdad, Bosna-serai, Sofia, Belgrade, Aintab, Kutaia, +Konia, Philippopolis, and Diarbekr. + +The _Mufettishes_ were five in number, three representing the _vakfs_ in +Constantinople that were under the _Mufti_, the grand vizier, and the +_Kizlar Agha_, and two representing all three of these exalted officials +in Adrianople and Brusa. Cases concerning _vakfs_ that might arise +elsewhere were taken before the nearest _Kazi_. + +The _Kazis_ proper included the vast majority of the judges, to the +number, in D’Ohsson’s time, of about four hundred and fifty, who were +stationed in smaller cities. About two hundred in Europe, in nine groups, +and those in the Crimea and North Africa, were under the authority of the +_Kaziasker_ of Rumelia. About two hundred and twenty-five in Asia, in ten +groups, and thirty-six in Egypt, in six groups, were under the control of +the _Kaziasker_ of Anatolia.[683] + +The _Naibs_ were in several groups, as judges of villages, lesser judges +of cities, temporary substitutes for higher judges, and the like. They +ordinarily had no salaries, but lived upon fees and irregular earnings. +A group of these were important in the sixteenth century as a kind of +inspectors of public morals. They purchased their places, and lived upon +fines—and sometimes, it is said, upon extortions—from persons who did not +wish their private lives exposed.[684] + +Exercising many of the functions of police and market judges, but not +belonging to the _Ulema_, were the _Muhtesibs_, or lieutenants of police, +of the various cities. Accompanied by soldiers and attendants, they +patrolled the streets and inspected the markets, giving special heed to +weights and measures. If they found that the law had been infringed, they +inflicted punishment, whether financial or corporal, on the spot.[685] +By reason of the duty of applying sumptuary regulations, the office was +often lucrative.[686] + +In every court a single judge sat, with his clerks and other +subordinates. Cases were presented by the parties concerned, and +decisions were usually rendered immediately and in very concise form. +The judge coöperated with the _Subashi_ of the city, who brought before +the judge persons that were summoned and who executed the sentences +of the judges,[687] an arrangement in which lay a certain likeness to +the ecclesiastical courts of the West, which might condemn, but left +the execution to the secular arm. Appeal went up to judges higher in +the scale, and finally to the grand vizier.[688] Costs and fines were +moderate, and were fixed by _Kanun_;[689] they constituted, however, +a large part of the income of the judges and their subordinates. The +judges were salaried, and some of them had in addition large amounts of +irregular earnings. The judges attended to all the notarial work of the +empire. + +The _Subashis_, _Sanjak Beys_, and _Beylerbeys_ had complete jurisdiction +over all members of the Ruling Institution who resided in their +districts, as well as a more or less undefined authority in cases +controlled by _Kanun_, _Adet_, or otherwise outside the sphere of the +Sacred Law.[690] In capital cases they never proceeded to execution +without obtaining the approval of the judge of the city, in order to +have the sanction of the Sacred Law.[691] The decisions of the judges in +criminal cases were regularly submitted to without a murmur, since it was +felt that the judges represented Mohammed, “wore the robe of God,” and +had power of “sovereign sentence.”[692] + +The highest courts were those of the _Kaziaskers_, the grand vizier, and +the Divan. The _Kaziaskers_, besides attending to the cases that were +brought before them in the Divan and at the palace gate after its close, +held court at all other times in their own houses.[693] Mohammed II had +provided that, when cases were brought primarily to them in the city of +Constantinople, those which concerned Moslems should come before the +_Kaziasker_ of Rumelia and those which concerned non-Moslems before the +_Kaziasker_ of Anatolia. The titles of these judges show their original +functions as judges of the armies of Rumelia and Anatolia, offices +which they continued to exercise in time of war. In this capacity, +also, appeals came up to them in time of peace from the _Subashis_ and +_Sanjak Beys_ in matters touching _kullar_. The power of the _Kaziaskers_ +had been extended to include the headship of all the judges of their +respective regions, and the appointment of all judges, subject to the +approval of the pashas. In the Divan, and as “Pillars of the State,” they +ranked next to the viziers; they had the first right of audience with +the sultan at the close of each Divan; and until the reign of Suleiman +they had had all the authority over the _Ulema_ that later came to the +_Mufti_. They had immense incomes and were highly honored and esteemed. + +The grand vizier was actual head of the Moslem Institution as substitute +for the sultan; accordingly his court was the highest court of appeal for +all ordinary civil cases. It was also, however, like all other courts +in the empire, a court of first instance. He decided great numbers of +cases, large and small, for rich and poor alike. Justice was refused to +no one; it was rendered either by the grand vizier’s own decision, or by +reference for prompt settlement to one of the _Kaziaskers_ or to some +other judge.[694] + +The Divan’s principal deliberative business as a court was the trial +of capital cases of great officials. Although many such persons were +executed, it is strenuously denied that Suleiman ever ordered death +without a trial.[695] Nevertheless, the process was usually held in +the absence of the accused person and without his knowledge; he might +be at the end of the empire. In case of conviction a _Chaush_ was sent +to the condemned man’s place of residence, bearing secretly a written +commission, which was given to the nearest official who had power to +execute. The condemned man had at best a few hours in which to settle his +affairs and make his peace with God; then he was executed, and his head +was given to the _Chaush_ to be taken to the sultan as proof that the +mission had been faithfully accomplished. It is said that forty or fifty +heads sometimes reached the court of Suleiman in a single day.[696] + +Early in his reign, when filled with pride by his victory over the rebel +Ghazali, and feeling warm friendship toward Doge Loredano of Venice, +he wished to send the rebel’s head to the Doge by a special embassy, +and was dissuaded only with great difficulty by the Bailo of Venice in +Constantinople.[697] After Mohacs two thousand heads were set on poles +about his tent.[698] To Western eyes it seems a blot upon the noble and +generous character of Suleiman, that he treated the heads of his enemies +and of condemned criminals after the fashion of his time and country. +Aside from the question of barbarity and cruelty, however, the policy +of summary and certain execution of offenders was essential to the +maintenance of the Ottoman Ruling Institution in power. It was a process +of pruning, by which every dangerous growth was cut away. Had it not been +done, the system would have seemed today more commendable, but it could +hardly have failed to perish quickly. A century after Suleiman the remark +was made that what preserved the Ottoman state was the quickness and +severity of justice for crimes which had relation to the government.[699] + +What was the general character of Ottoman justice? It is to be feared +that it was often venal. A few years after Suleiman’s death a Western +writer expressed the opinion that the only incorruptible courts were +those of the grand vizier and the Divan.[700] Another charged that +Christian subjects had unfair treatment before the courts, in which they +were not allowed to testify, since some of the Moslems considered it +almost a meritorious religious act to turn a case against a Christian by +false testimony.[701] It is probable, however, that the Ottoman courts +in Suleiman’s time were reasonably just. The judges were well-paid, +highly honored, and carefully inspected by honest men who were sent out +annually by the _Kaziaskers_;[702] nevertheless, many of them no doubt +yielded to the same desire for money that afflicted the _kullar_. In at +least one respect the Ottoman courts were highly to be commended: there +was a minimum of trouble because of the “law’s delay.” Cases were always +decided promptly, and in clear and simple terms. An unjust decision +quickly given is often less expensive and less annoying in the long run +than tardy justice.[703] + +Some Western observers were as strongly impressed with the superiority +of Ottoman justice over that in their own lands as they were with the +superiority of discipline in the Ottoman camp, or of promotion by merit +in the Ottoman government service.[704] One of them said: “To understand +at length their diligence in justice, it would be necessary to write more +than I have done; and further, since there is nothing here [that is, in +France] so near immorality as the processes and extortions which men do, +it gives me shame to recite so great diligence among people proclaimed +wicked; this it is, without any doubt, which makes them so to rule, +conquer, and keep.... Of Sultan Suleiman, who rules at present, I do not +wish to speak, for his deeds are not yet accomplished, and he cannot yet +be praised, except for his humanity, justice, and fidelity.”[705] + +The law which the judges administered was primarily the Sacred Law, +as given in the Koran and the traditions of Mohammed, but especially +as codified by the great doctors of the school of Abu Hanifa, and as +interpreted in collections of the _fetvas_ of great jurists. Next +the judges applied the _Kanuns_ of the sultans, and the customs and +immunities of the regions in which they served.[706] Finally, they had a +considerable field in which to make use of equity: “The good sense and +prudence of judges trained in reasoning,” says Postel, “supplies and +decides many things that are not written.”[707] The only resemblance to +the Anglo-Saxon system of case law seems to have been the use of the +_fetvas_ of the _muftis_. Since the hearing of ordinary cases was summary +and decisions were rendered very briefly, no extended reports were +possible. The absence of printing, which was not introduced into Turkey +until the eighteenth century, aided further toward making a general use +of the decisions of judges as precedents practically impossible. In +those days judges relied upon their own knowledge of law and custom, +on the few books they might possess, on their sense of equity, and, in +matters of difficulty, on the opinions of the local _muftis_. Since +the judges were not each surrounded by a group of trained and keenly +watchful lawyers, but acted alone except for their own subordinates, +there was more opportunity for unjust decisions by a dishonest judge than +among English-speaking peoples. Or, to state the matter differently, +Ottoman justice depended more upon the integrity of judges than does +Anglo-Saxon justice. Although the Sacred Law was rigid, its application +to the individual case was adjustable, and adjustment was ordinarily +accomplished by the decision of one man. Judges therefore possessed great +power over the fortunes of individuals, a fact which in part explains the +great deference and honor that was shown them. + + +THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION AS A WHOLE + +A few words of summary will sketch the outlines of the complete Moslem +Institution in the Ottoman Empire. It represented and maintained the +entire system that was based upon the life and work of the Prophet +Mohammed. This system claimed to be sufficient for all sides of the +temporal, as well as for the eternal, life of all individuals, and +for the life of the state which they constituted; it also provided a +place for subject peoples and resident foreigners of other religious +affiliations. The power of the institution extended over the whole +empire, even beyond the limits of political control. + +The Moslem Institution was firmly grounded in the allegiance, the +fundamental beliefs, and the affections of the entire Moslem-born +population of the empire. It is true that not all Moslems believed +exactly alike, nor did they all practise the Sacred Law according to the +system of Abu Hanifa. But they were all fiercely and proudly Moslems, +and devoted to the supremacy of the Mohammedan system in this world, as +expressed in an institution which might not be what every one wished, +but which revealed and maintained the power of Islam. All the Moslems of +the empire were in a sense members of the institution. In the sixteenth +century any one of them might hope to see his son mount to a very high +place within the organization, since industrious study combined with +native ability was all that was demanded. Opportunities in the way of +schools were present nearly everywhere; and a student who once had shown +his aptitude would be carried forward, without expense to his relatives, +by funds which had been provided by sultans and pious individuals “for +the good of their souls.” The Moslem Institution was fundamentally +democratic. It was united in complete solidarity and perfect harmony with +all in the empire who were attached to the doctrines of the Prophet. All +believers were equal before God, and all were supposed to have equal +opportunity to rise to places of honor in the system. + +Distinction and membership in the institution proper rested upon birth +in the case of the descendants of Mohammed, upon profession of piety and +special religious service in the case of the dervishes, but upon learned +knowledge of the Sacred Law in all positions of public influence and +importance. The three highly-honored classes of teachers, jurists, and +judges were trained in the same superbly-planned educational system, in +the same text-books and the same ideas. Whether in Constantinople or +Cairo, the Crimea or Algiers, Budapest or Bagdad, old, grave, wise, and +learned professors, jurists, and judges taught, interpreted, and enforced +the same wide-reaching and changeless Sacred Law. As teachers, the +_Ulema_ conveyed to children and youth, in impressible years, that which +they had themselves received. The same learned persons, after fixing +each part of the whole round of legal studies in their minds by periods +of teaching, were advanced to places where they dealt not with boys, but +with men, where their work affected not the fortunes of individuals, +but the destinies of the empire. Yet their influence was exerted +strenuously in the same direction throughout, to impress and perpetuate +the changeless body of ideas in the Sacred Law. Professors, jurists, +and judges alike were, in all that they did and throughout their lives, +fundamentally teachers. The _Ulema_ taught all the Moslems of the empire, +from the young child to the aged sultan. They maintained schools for the +young; places of worship, courts, and offices of consultation for adults. +Every important officer of administrative government had a judge and a +_mufti_ at his elbow. Not only was the sultan himself in close relations +with the _Kaziaskers_ and the _Mufti,_ but he had always a spiritual +adviser to whom he showed great deference, and who bore the significant +title of the sultan’s _Hoja_, or teacher. There was an aspect in which +the Moslem Institution, based upon the Moslem population of the empire, +fitted the government as hand fits glove. This figure, moreover, can be +pressed beyond the mere comparison of shape; the hand is of much the same +efficiency with or without the glove, while the glove is useless without +the hand; furthermore, the hand may live to wear a succession of gloves. + + + + +CHAPTER VIII + +COMPARISON OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS + + +The Ottoman Ruling Institution, and the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman +Empire might be compared, contrasted, and reflected upon at great length. +In this discussion, however, it must suffice to select and comment upon a +few of their salient likenesses, differences, and interactions, without +attempting to separate such features sharply. + + +LIKENESSES + +Both institutions were constructed out of old and well-seasoned +materials. Many of the ideas in each can be followed back until their +origin is lost in prehistoric obscurity; hardly a feature in either but +had a clear derivation from, relationship to, or suggestion in, some +prototype of pre-Ottoman days. Only the final structure of each, the +proportion and composition of its parts, and the effect of the completed +whole was worked out in the Ottoman Empire. If an attempt be made, in a +very general way, to distinguish the main lines of influence which led +up to the two institutions, it may be said that the Ruling Institution +had its nucleus of ideas from the Turks of the steppe lands. Influenced +by old Persian neighbors and Chinese rulers, the original group of ideas +was brought into the Moslem Empire and Asia Minor by the predecessors of +the Seljuk Turks and by the Seljuk Turks themselves. Coming into contact +in Asia Minor with the ideas of the Byzantine Empire, and to some extent +with those of the crusaders from the West, the system took on a large +number of new features; and the Ottomans continued the process in Asia +Minor and Southeastern Europe until the time of Suleiman. The Moslem +Institution began with the ideas of the Arabs as combined by Mohammed +with Jewish, Middle Persian, and Christian influences. Political notions +were rapidly incorporated from those prevailing in Byzantine Syria and +Egypt, and perhaps to a greater extent from those in the Sassanian +Persian Empire. A compact system of ideas began early to be developed, +and in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries it reached final scholastic +shape. Together with its institutional embodiments, it began to pass to +the Ottomans in their earliest days; and, as the nation grew, it grew +into the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, fresh power being +given to it by Selim’s conquest of the old Moslem lands, and especially +by his acquisition of the over-lordship of the Holy Cities. The two lines +of tendency which led to the two great Ottoman institutions were first +brought into contact when, in the seventh century, the Arab conquest of +Persia advanced the Moslem frontier into Central Asia. From that time +to the reign of Suleiman reciprocal influence was exerted, although the +Moslem ideas affected the Turkish much more than the Turkish did the +Moslem. + +Both of the great Ottoman institutions were founded upon groups of +ideas and not upon racial descent. This subject, discussed above in the +Introduction, has been shown to be true to an extreme in the Ruling +Institution, which drew its members from every direction except from the +existing stock of the nation. The Moslem Institution embodied a religion +of universal claim. Though originally given to the Arabs, the Moslem +faith was intrinsically independent of race, as its subsequent history +revealed. Belief, and not blood, became the sole test of membership. This +common hospitality of its two great institutions to all who might wish +to join them laid firmly the foundation of the Ottoman nation, and made +possible the greatness and the permanence of its dominion. + +Both Ottoman institutions were self-perpetuating through education. +Each had a great educational system which was adapted to its special +character, and which was life-long in extent. The Ruling Institution +trained its pupils physically as well as mentally, whereas the Moslem +Institution neglected physical education in favor of a greater amount of +intellectual training. Otherwise their work was largely parallel. One +institution took its pupils from the children of Christian subjects and +neighbors, and trained them to conquer and to rule. The other took its +pupils from the children of Moslems and trained them to know, practise, +teach, and enforce the Moslem rules of law and life. The one system +raised the ablest Christian-born individuals to the highest positions, +and the other raised the ablest Moslem-born individuals similarly. Both +continually brought in new material at the bottom, and continually worked +upon all their material to increase its value. Each offered such rewards +and promotions as to induce its members to put forth their most strenuous +exertions, that they might develop their own powers and visibly help +their institution. Whatever faults of plan and structure the institutions +may have had, they were able to survive all dangers and disasters largely +through the trained ability of the individuals whom their educational +systems had brought to the front. + +Both institutions rose to an apex, through the Divan and the grand +vizier, in the sultan, who was the head and center of each. Yet the ideas +by which the two institutions were joined to their head were in striking +contrast. The sultan was master and owner of the Ruling Institution; he +was the divinely-appointed chief of the Moslem Institution. The members +of the former obeyed him as slaves; the members of the latter obeyed +him as free Moslems commanded by the Sacred Law to render allegiance +to the chief interpreter and defender of that law. The former knew no +power greater than the sultan’s; the latter relied upon the Sacred Law +as above the sultan. The Ruling Institution was extended downward in +each of its parts from the sultan’s authority, and in organization and +membership depended for existence upon his will. The Moslem Institution +rose upward from the people, and was attached almost artificially to the +sultan’s authority. Suleiman regulated the grades of higher advancement +in it, but the sultans who came after him touched the organization of the +institution scarcely at all. Very seldom, moreover, by comparison, did +the sultans punish the members of this institution; for the most part its +work went on quite independently of them. But the sultan was the head of +both institutions: every member of each looked upward along converging +lines which met at the foot of his throne. The highest promotions in +each were made by him directly, the honored men being put into positions +near their sovereign. + + +DIFFERENCES + +The fact that the Ruling Institution was recruited from Christian +slaves and the Moslem Institution from Moslem freemen led to a +profound difference of spirit. The Christian slaves, newly converted +to Mohammedanism, were not as a body so closely attached to the Sacred +Law as were the Moslem freemen. Their loyalty being rather to one man, +their master and benefactor, they felt a servile devotion which was very +different from the reasoned allegiance of those who had always been free. +A _Mufti_, fortified by the Sacred Law, would firmly oppose the will of +the sovereign in a case where a grand vizier would scarcely dare venture +a mildly contrary suggestion. The Sacred Law, despite the introduction of +all later influences, still breathed forth something of the freedom of +the Arabian desert: in one or two generations, as has been seen, it could +render its followers unfit to be slaves. Thus the spirit of the Ruling +Institution was far less independent of personal authority than that of +the Moslem Institution. + +As to the authority of old ideas the contrary was true. The fundamental +distinction of parties in modern states seems to rest upon a greater +or less relative inclination to follow old paths or to enter upon new +ones. Both institutions of the Ottoman state would in modern times be +classed as strongly conservative, but of the two the Moslem Institution +was by far the more so. Conservatism, in fact, was of the very essence +of the Sacred Law. The early Turks had also loved their _Adet_, but not +so much as to be unwilling quickly to adopt the new if they saw in it +distinct advantage; the rise of the Ottoman power was, indeed, marked +by the constant incorporation of new ideas, devices, and methods.[708] +As the Moslem influence grew, however, changes became increasingly more +difficult to make; and when they were made it was by the activity of the +Ruling Institution, usually against the resistance or the inert passivity +of the Moslem Institution. + +The fact that the Ruling Institution fought and governed while the Moslem +Institution thought and judged was, of course, highly significant: the +former embodied the active, the latter the contemplative, principle of +the nation. Here again is involved a difference of Turk and Saracen. +In the steppe lands the Turk fought, obeyed, and gave orders; after +the fever of conquest was abated, the Saracen, under Islam, thought, +preserved intellectual independence, and worshipped. With the two +characters placed side by side, it was in the nature of things that in +the long run muscle would be controlled by mind. + +By comparison with the Moslem Institution, the Ruling Institution +possessed a great structural disadvantage, in that it was much more +artificial and therefore much less stable. It admitted its members as +slaves, but they were not hereditary slaves; most of them were free-born +subjects of the empire or of the neighboring Christian states. A class of +hereditary slaves would not have possessed the requisite mettle. Now, the +acquisition of a large number of free-born children who can be made into +slaves is hardly a process that can be continued indefinitely. Conquest +had its limits for the Ottoman Empire, for boundaries were reached beyond +which lay states whose powers of self-defense developed increasingly; +accordingly, recruiting by capture became increasingly difficult. But the +levying of children as tribute was strongly against human nature; and +in the long run it, too, must lead to decline, for under its operation +the best were taken and inferiors were left. Furthermore, not only +were children separated from their parents against the wishes of the +parents, but the recruits, when they grew up, were not encouraged to form +family ties. Even when they did so, they were unable to advance their +children as they had been advanced themselves, and they could not be +sure of conveying their property to their descendants. Thus in several +respects the Ruling Institution ran counter to the idea of the family. +On the other hand, the advantages given to the sultan’s _kullar_ became +too great not to be coveted; and it was not natural that the free-born +Moslems should continue to let outsiders be the only recipients of +so much wealth, power, and privilege. The Moslem population forced +its way in, and the plan of the Ruling Institution was upset. The +Moslem Institution, on the contrary, was recruited voluntarily from an +increasing population; hence, as its advantages became attractive, it was +benefited rather than harmed by pressure for admission. Its able men, +while they must labor if they would advance, were free, unhindered in +their family relationships, and under little fear of being deprived of +property or life. + + +INTERACTIONS + +The two institutions, running everywhere parallel, with their members +in constant association one with the other, could not fail to act +reciprocally upon each other. It is not easy, however, to discriminate +likenesses that were due to mutual influence from those that were caused +by common circumstances; nor is it easy to distinguish pre-Ottoman +interactions from those which operated after the beginning of the +fourteenth century. A few probabilities may be expressed, however. + +It is a matter of frequent remark that men, institutions, and peoples +are apt to impart to each other their faults and vices more readily +than their good qualities. Whether or not this be true, the two Ottoman +institutions certainly seem to have taught each other some evil +qualities. Luxury, venality, and unnatural vices were all strongly +discountenanced by the Sacred Law; but all were fostered in the members +of the Ruling Institution by the very conditions of the system, and by +the sixteenth century all had come to be charged against the members of +the Moslem Institution as well. On the other hand, the conservatism of +the Moslem Institution and its resistance to progress came more and more +to characterize the Ruling Institution. Members of the _Ulema_ taught +even the pages of the palace and the princes on the intellectual side +of their training, thereby exerting a constant influence which in the +course of time operated powerfully on the Ruling Institution from top to +bottom, till it, too, began to acquire a changelessness which resisted +improvement and progress. With such a character once established, the end +of the empire’s greatness was at hand. In a rapidly progressing world, a +stationary position means a relative decline. + +The two institutions contributed strongly to each other’s power and +permanence. The Ruling Institution defended the Moslem Institution by +the sword, and carried out among the people the decisions of its wise +men. It also protected the latter’s sources of regular revenue, and thus +enabled the _Ulema_, secure of a living, to devote themselves to the +study and teaching of the Sacred Law. The Moslem Institution, on the +other hand, kept the Moslem population obedient and submissive to the +sultan’s authority as expressed in the Ruling Institution. It taught that +the Sultan was divinely appointed and therefore always to be obeyed, no +matter what his character was or how oppressive his rule might become, +so long as he did not transgress the Sacred Law; and that it was for +the _Ulema_ alone to decide when he had made such a transgression. +Accordingly the two institutions, so long as they acted in harmony, were +absolutely impregnable in their position among the Moslems of the empire. + + +THE RELATIVE POWER OF THE INSTITUTIONS + +These two institutions constituted, as it were, the two great +parties in the Ottoman state.[709] The Moslem Institution was always +strongly Islamic, and extremely conservative in all respects. The +Ruling Institution was originally liberal both religiously and in its +receptivity of new ideas, but it departed from its liberal tendency in +much the same proportion that the Moslem Institution increased in power. + +To trace the ups and downs of the influence of the two institutions from +the beginnings of Ottoman history would be an interesting problem. Much +depended of course, as must always be the case in a despotic state, +on the character of the sultan. With an active conquering sultan like +Mohammed II or Selim I, the Ruling Institution would gain upon its rival; +with a pious or mild sultan like Murad II or Bayezid II, the Moslem +Influence would increase in importance. Selim I’s vast conquests in +Moslem territories, and his acquisition of the protectorate of the Holy +Cities and of the title of caliph, prepared the way for a later advance +in the power of the Moslem Institution which was not in harmony with +his own personal influence. Suleiman had a fiery active period of youth +when the liberal policy was stronger in his mind, and a quieter old age +when the Moslem influence became predominant; it is not unlikely that +a consciousness of his position as caliph grew upon him with advancing +years. But in general, through all the reigns, the power of the Moslem +Institution grew; the only difference from reign to reign was in the rate +of speed. The Ruling Institution also grew in power before the world and +the Ottoman nation as long as the empire continued to expand rapidly; but +it did not grow relatively so fast as did the Moslem Institution. + +The reasons for the more rapid growth of Moslem influence lay chiefly in +the fact that that influence was cumulative. As to its financial basis, +the Moslem Institution, like the Christian church in the West, gained +lands and wealth continually, and never lost any; for sultans took great +pride, and high officials vied with each other, in founding mosques, +schools, colleges, and other charitable and semi-public institutions +supported by _vakfs_.[710] In general moral and political influence, +also, the institution gained rapidly through its system of education; +for, like the medieval Christian church again, it held in its hands all +the means and methods of intellectual development. Every new primary +school, college, and law school,—and they were many in the days of +glory,—strengthened the influence of this institution. In this field, +indeed, its power acted constantly upon its rival. Old _Hojas_ taught +the pages in the palace, advised the sultan’s mother, and trained the +young princes and the sons of high officials. Thus within the nation the +external show of the Moslem Institution, and its sway over the minds of +men, grew without ceasing. + +The Ruling Institution, on the other hand, lost relatively. In the early +days, when recent converts were exceedingly numerous and the religious +spirit of the young nation was weak, the Turkish-Aryan organization +was far stronger than the Semitic influence. Sultans, however, were +constantly giving away state lands as endowment for new mosques and +colleges; and, worse still, so much of the educational system of this +institution as was not controlled by its rival was directed only toward +its own membership and not toward the nation at large. Accordingly, +although the Ruling Institution grew in wealth and power, it did not keep +pace with the Moslem Institution, which, after two and a half centuries +of gain, was able to overtake it about the time of Suleiman’s reign. His +gifts of great mosques, numerous colleges, and vast endowment,[711] his +arrangement in final perfection of the _cursus honorum_ which led up from +the primary schools to the office of _Mufti_, and the personal leaning of +his later years toward the influence of the _Ulema_, settled permanently +the preponderance of the Moslem Institution. + +At the same time, the Moslem Institution could never destroy its rival. +Theoretically it had no need of such a counterpart. Mohammed and the +early caliphs had no such institution. The Sacred Law developed with no +mention of a secular government, and with no hint of any deficiency in +its own provisions that would make it inadequate to guide a nation by its +own strength; but, within thirty years from the death of Mohammed, Muavia +had set up a secular government at Damascus, and since then every Moslem +state had had one. Many a Moslem state, also, had had a ruler who was not +of lawful blood; for the Sacred Law affirmed that the _Imâm_, or divinely +appointed ruler, must be of the tribe of the Koreish.[712] According to +that unenforced provision, Suleiman himself had no right to the throne. +The fact is that the Moslem Institution very early became too unworldly +to live unsupported by a secular power. It was a strong but tender +hand, which must always wear a glove. After it had acquired a permanent +ascendency in the state, therefore, the Moslem Institution was compelled +to keep its rival in place, and to allow it always strength enough to +defend and support the empire which nourished both. + +Bound together closely in an alliance which neither enjoyed, but which +was necessary for the preservation of both, the Ruling Institution and +the Moslem Institution constituted the twofold inner framework of the +Ottoman Empire, to which it owed all its might and energy, its grandeur +and repute, its continuity and durability. + + + + +APPENDICES + + + + +APPENDIX I + +THE SECOND BOOK OF THE AFFAIRS OF THE TURKS + +Written in 1534, supposedly by Benedetto Ramberti + +Translated from the Italian + +[From _Libri Tre delle Cose de Turchi_, as printed in _Viaggi ... alla +tana_, Venice, 1543, pp. 131-146.] + + +As from a laborious and very dangerous sea into a safe and very quiet +port, one enters the city of Constantinople, after the great trouble and +inconvenience of the ride which he has endured over the long road.[713] +This city (to continue until I have here made an end of particular +description) was anciently called Byzantium, and afterwards was called +New Rome, and then Constantinople from the first Constantine. Byzantium, +as it is reported, was in the region where Pera is now, and was so named +from the river Byzantium, which afterward, by reason of an earthquake +such as are frequent in that region, changed its course elsewhere. But I +do not believe this, nor does it seem to me to agree with the description +of Polybius and other writers, who call those here Chalcedonians; +these, when they might themselves in ancient times have built upon this +site, did not care for it, but built in Asia, not having discerned the +convenience and beauty they were leaving to others; who might deprive +them even of their own site, as indeed happened. + +The city is 18 miles in circuit. It has seven little hills, not very +high. It is surrounded by wretched walls, and is full of houses, not many +of which are good, being made of clay and wood and only a few of stone. +It is full of groves, that is, of places wild and uninhabited, where +cypresses grow, and other such trees.[714] In Constantinople, then, is +the palace of the Turkish Signor, which is a singular structure and very +large, as will be told later. + +There is the palace of the ladies of the Signor, the palace of the +Janissaries, the Patriarcate, the palace of the Emperor Constantine, +which is in part ruined, the church of St. Sophia, which is a structure +most beautiful and divine; this was built by the Emperor Justinian from +the oldest and finest columns and marbles, as one can see now; in part +of it the Turkish Signor has made stalls for his horses. There is the +mosque of Sultan Mohammed, which has an _Imaret_ attached to it that is +like a hostel; in which they lodge any one, of any nation or law, who may +wish to enter, and they give him food for three days,—honey, rice, meat, +bread, and water, and a room in which to sleep. They say that from day +to day there are more than a thousand guests from various nations. Near +this they have baths and some fountains, most beautiful and delightful to +behold. There are the mosques of Sultan Bayezid, Sultan Selim, and other +Signors, which are very beautiful and exceedingly well-built. This makes +it clear that, when they wish, they know also how to build houses and +palaces that are magnificent and sumptuous. + +There is the Hippodrome, that is, the place where in ancient times horses +were made to run as in a theater and circus: in the center of this +Hippodrome there stands a needle, which is a column made in the form of +a needle, very beautiful and wrought very well and without mortar, made +of living rocks joined together in such a manner that they rise through +more than fifty cubits, tapering in the shape of a needle, which rests +on four marble balls.[715] There is a column of bronze in the shape of a +serpent with three heads.[716] There is a bronze Hercules brought from +Hungary,[717] and in the center there is a colossal structure made of +different beautiful marbles, in which is engraved the history of all +the above-mentioned objects, and of other things which used to stand in +the Theater and Hippodrome. There are throughout the city many vestiges +of antiquities, such as aqueducts, arches, porphyry columns, fountains +brought from the Danube and other near-by rivers.[718] Many gardens about +the houses of the great. Many mosques of private lords, and baths which +are attached to the mosques of private men and of public magistrates. + +On the other side of the sea from the Seraglio Point are the hills of +Asia, and the journey is of a little more or less than two miles; this +Asia is today called by a single name Anatolia; and there are on the +shore there some fortresses called Scutari. Then Kadikeui, situated +on a bay of the Hellespont,[719] where one can see many vestiges of +antiquities; and I, when I went there, saw underground where men were +working, a well of the finest marble with an aqueduct which came to +the center of the well, and a canopy of fine marble supported by four +beautiful columns. And in other places there appear many vestiges of +old churches, both of Christians and of heathen, places indeed most +beautiful, most pleasant, most fruitful. The situation of Constantinople +is such that not only can it not be described adequately, but it can +hardly be grasped in thought because of its loveliness. Certainly it is +rather to be considered divine than otherwise. Nor is there any one who +has seen it who has not judged it worthy to be ranked above all other +situations in the world. + +There are in the city besides the Turks, countless Jews, or Marrani +expelled from Spain;[720] these are they who have taught and who are +teaching every useful art to the Turks;[721] and the greater part of the +shops and arts are kept and exercised by these Marrani. There is a place +which is called _Bezestan_, where they sell and buy all sorts of cloth +and Turkish wares, silks, stuffs, linens, silver, wrought gold, bows, +slaves, and horses; and in short all the things that are to be found in +Constantinople are brought there to market: this, except for Friday, is +open every day. + +Constantinople is in Thrace: this has as its boundaries on the east the +Propontis and the mouths of the greater sea, on the west part of Bulgaria +and part of Macedonia, on the north Bosnia, on the south the Aegean Sea +with part of Macedonia which lies toward the river Nishava, called in +ancient times the Nesus.[722] + +This most noble city is inhabited by Turks: these as the more reliable +authors have written, and as many of the Turks themselves have confirmed +to me, had their origin in Scythia, which now is a part of Tartary, a +northern region divided into two parts by the river Don: one of these +parts is in Europe, and one in Asia.[723] The European part is bounded +on one side by Pontus, and on the other by the Riphean Mountains, and +at the back by Asia proper and the river Taspus. In Ptolemy these two +Scythias are called the one _intra Imaum montem_, and the other _extra +Imaum_. They departed then from Scythia (as is said above) and began to +make invasions and raids into their present confines: then proceeding +farther, in a short time they became lords of a good part of Asia, but +because they did not know how to keep only one chief among them, they +had no foundation or firmness. This circumstance having been considered +by one who was called Othman, a man of low rank among them, but of lofty +and valorous mind, he thought that, by having the arm and the favor of +some men of intelligence and authority, he could easily rule all this +people and the conquered territory, and increase it further upon good +opportunity: then having revealed this his thought to three persons, who +seemed more suitable than others for this business, he promised that +those by means of whom he might acquire the dominion to which he aspired, +he would always maintain, both themselves and their descendants, in +great state and dignity, and suitably to the great benefit which he had +received from them: besides this that he would never harm their blood nor +that of their posterity through laws that would lay hands upon them even +if they should transgress grievously.[724] They accepted the condition +and conspired together for the sovereignty; which they obtained by +astuteness, artfulness, threats, and the slaughter of many. These three +were called, the one Michael, a Greek who had turned Turk; from him the +Marcalogli[725] are descended; one of them is now Sanjak in Bosnia. The +second was Malco, a Greek renegade; from him have come the Malcozogli, +and there is now only one, who is Sanjak in Greece. The third was Aurami, +a native Turk; his descendants were called the Eurcasli; it is not now +known that any of these remain. In case the Ottoman family should fail, +these would pretend to the sovereignty, and therefore they are highly +respected. + +This Othman came to power about the year 1300, and lived in lordship +twenty-eight years:[726] Orchan succeeded him and lived twenty-two years +in the kingship. Then Murad who reigned twenty-three years. Then Bayezid. +Then Chiris Celeby, or, as others wish, Calepino, who lived about six +years. Then Mohammed, who reigned fourteen years.[727] Then Murad II who +reigned 31 years. Then Mohammed II who reigned 32 years and was the first +Emperor of Constantinople. Then Bayezid II who reigned 31 years. Then +Selim eight years: to him succeeded Sultan Suleiman, his only son, who +reigns at present. Of this succession it is written otherwise in some +histories, where they treat of wars and peaces, which have been made by +our republic in times past with this family: but since I have recounted +these in other places, it now suffices to have noticed the common opinion +of those who have written of the affairs of the Turks up to this time. +And so I will go on to describe the court of this Signor: it is arranged +in the following manner.[728] + +SULTAN SULEIMAN has a palace in the angle of Constantinople by the two +seas:[729] this is in circuit about three miles: and in it are his +residence and his court, which is called the PORTE. This palace, because +it was begun to be built by Sultan Mohammed, he willed when dying that +it should be rent-paying property of his mosque, and that it should pay +a thousand aspers a day, which are twenty ducats; and this has been +observed to the present.[730] + +He has in the aforesaid palace countless highly ornamented chambers, +but one among the others is set apart for himself: in this he sleeps, +and he has there six youths who serve his person.[731] Of these six, +two are deputed for the service of the chamber and the Signor during +the day, and then in the night the same ones come to keep guard when he +sleeps: these stand ever vigilant, the one at his head and the other at +his feet, with two lighted torches in their hands: these two then in +the morning when they clothe the aforesaid Signor, put into one of the +pocket-purses of his caftan a thousand aspers, and into the other twenty +golden ducats; whatever of this money is not given away by the Signor +during the day, remains to those who undress him at night; they never +find much in the garments, according to report. And always when he goes +forth to enjoy the chase or for some other purpose, besides the aforesaid +money which he carries, he is accustomed always to have behind him the +_Khazinehdar-bashi_, or chief treasurer; this man carries with him a +great sum of money to be given away. + +The duty of the aforesaid six youths, who are changed according to the +will of the Signor, is: of one to be _Papuji_,[732] or him who bears the +shoes, of another _Silihdar_, who bears the bow and arrows, of another +_Chokadar_, who bears the garments, of another _Sharabdar_, who bears the +pitcher of water, of another _Iskemleji_, who carries the stool, and then +of the sixth to be _Oda-bashi_, or chief of the Chamber. These have a +fixed salary of 15 to 20, and the _Oda-bashi_ of 30 aspers per day. + + Next comes + + The eunuch _Kapu Aghasi_,[734] or chief of the gate, who has 60 + aspers per day. + + The _Khazinehdar-bashi_, a eunuch, chief treasurer, 60 + aspers.[733] + + The _Kilerji-bashi_, chief of the butlers, 40 aspers. + + The _Seraidar-bashi_,[734] a eunuch, chief of the palace when + the Signor is away; he has 50 aspers. Twelve eunuchs subject to + the aforesaid, with 10 to 15 aspers each. + +There are next about five hundred youths aged from eight to twenty years, +who reside in the palace and are the delight of the Signor: they have +each from ten to twelve aspers per day; they are instructed in various +arts according to their genius, but especially in reading, writing, +and in the doctrine of their laws, and in riding. The masters are old +_Danishmends_,[735] called _Hojas_, or doctors of the laws. These boys +at the season of Bairam, which is like our Easter day, are clothed by +the Signor, some with silk and some with cloth, without any uniformity; +and each has a golden bonnet, a scimitar, and a bow: they never leave +the aforesaid palace until they have reached the age when the Signor +thinks them fit for offices: and then he makes them _Spahi-oghlans_, or +_Silihdars_, or of higher degrees according to their worth and the favor +which they have gained with the Signor. Each ten of them are guarded by +a eunuch called _Kapu-oghlan_, or chief of youths,[736] and each has a +slave’s frock, in which he sleeps rolled up in such a manner that he +does not touch another who may be near him. They reside in a large hall, +full of great lights and spacious, and their eunuchs sleep in the middle +of this hall. They have a garden in the palace, which extends more than +a mile, in which reside about thirty-five gardeners, called _Bostanjis_, +who are _Ajem-oghlans_:[737] these gardeners have from three to five +aspers each per day; they are clothed in blue cloth, and given a shirt. +Then when they leave the palace, they become Janissaries, or _Solaks_, or +_Kapujis_, or something else according to their quality. + + The _Bostanji-bashi_, or chief gardener, has fifty aspers a day + and many perquisites. + + The _Kiaya_,[738] who is, as it were, a lieutenant for the + gardeners, has 20 aspers per day; and each ten [gardeners] have + a chief called _Boluk-bashi_. From this garden, which is very + large and well-tended, full of excellent fruit-trees of every + sort, they obtain so much every year that from the product + of it alone they make the living expenses of the Signor, and + also get something more. Near the garden are always stationed + two small galleys; these are rowed by the gardeners when the + Signor goes on a pleasure-trip, and the _Boluk-bashi_ holds the + helm.[739] + + The _Ashji-bashi_, chief cook, with fifty cooks under him. He + has 40 aspers per day, the cooks under him four, six, or eight + aspers each. + + The _Helvaji-bashi_, or chief confectioner, with 40 aspers, and + he has thirty companions with five to six aspers per day each. + + The _Chasnijir-bashi_,[740] chief of the cupboards, with eighty + aspers: morning and evening he brings with his own hand the + dish of the Signor, and he has under him a hundred _Chasnijirs_ + with from three to seventy aspers each.[741] + + The _Mutbakh-emini_,[742] or steward, with 40 aspers. He has a + secretary with 20 aspers a day. + + A hundred _Ajem-oghlans_, who transport on carts the wood of + the palace. They have three to five aspers, and are provided + with clothing. + + Ten _Sakkas_, who carry water on horseback in leathern sacks, + with three to five aspers each. + + The expenses for the table of the Signor, and of the youths + with their eunuchs and others to about a thousand, amount to + five thousand aspers a day. + + Three _Kapuji-bashis_, or captains of the gate, who have a + hundred aspers a day and are clothed every year: and they have + under them two hundred and fifty _Kapujis_, who have five to + six aspers each; and each _Kapuji-bashi_ with a third of the + _Kapujis_ is obliged to keep guard at the gate of the Signor, + changing from day to day. And when any ambassador or other + person goes to kiss the hand of the Grand Signor, all these are + given presents of clothes or of money according to the degree + of him who is introduced. + + A _Kapuji-kiaya_, who is, as it were, a lieutenant of the + _Kapujis_, has forty aspers a day. + + Four Vizier Pashas, or chief counsellors: the greatest has + ordinarily twenty-four thousand ducats a year and the others + sixteen to eighteen thousand; but they have also so much + feudal income that they receive three times as much as the + provision in money.[743] To this should be added the garments + which the Signor gives them, the presents of ambassadors and + of others, the perquisites of the office they hold, which + are unlimited. At present they are only three. The first + is Ibrahim, born a Christian at Parga. The second Aias of + Khimara. The third Kassim of Croatia, a kidnapped Christian. + To these there is added a fourth at present,[744] who is + Khaireddin Bey Barbarossa of the Albanian nation, formerly a + corsair and now king of Algiers in Barbary. These Pashas live + and dress very superbly. They have: Ibrahim six thousand and + more slaves, Aias two thousand, Kassim fifteen hundred, and + Barbarossa about four thousand. To all these slaves they give + pay, horses, garments, golden bonnets and silver chains,[745] + according to their offices and degrees. And these serve their + Pashas under the same arrangements by which the Signor is + served by his [slaves]. They have also twenty-five or thirty + chancery secretaries to the Signor, men of great repute, with + twenty-five to thirty aspers per day each: they keep more or + fewer slaves as they can. These Pashas have entry to the Signor + for affairs of state; and it is in fact they who govern the + whole after their own fashion. + + There is next the _Mufti_, or the interpreter and chief of the + laws; they do not trouble him about anything except the affairs + of religion and their faith, and he has the position which our + Pope had in ancient times.[746] + + Two _Kaziasker Danishmends_, or doctors of the laws for the + army, one for Greece, the other for Anatolia. Their position is + of great importance. They sit at the Porte and have precedence + of the Vizier Pashas: on this account they are much esteemed. + They are executors of the laws, and with the consent of the + Pashas they appoint and remove the _Kazis_, who are like + podestas for the whole country. They have feudal income of + about six thousand ducats a year each. They keep two hundred + to three hundred slaves each, and they are accompanied by ten + secretaries appointed by the Signor and two _Mochtur-bashis_, + who hold the office of ushers:[747] these live from + perquisites, of which they have a great many. + + Two _Defterdars_, or treasurers, or rather, as we would say, + governors of the revenues. One of these has the receipt and the + care of those revenues which come from a third of Greece, or + from that part which is toward the Danube, and besides, from + Asia, from Syria, and from Egypt, with feudal income of ten + thousand ducats a year, although with the perquisites he gets + twice as much. The other has the care of the other two-thirds + of Greece: but when the Signor takes the field this man remains + in Constantinople as his vicar and lieutenant; and he has six + thousand ducats of feudal income, but gets three times as much; + and their position is of great dignity. They have under them + fifty clerks with many helpers: these keep the accounts of the + _Khazineh_, or treasury of the Signor; and these clerks are + appointed by the Signor with pay of fifteen to fifty aspers per + day each. The _Defterdars_ have, the first a thousand slaves + and the second five hundred, and the clerks from two to twenty + slaves each.[748] + + Two _Rusnamehjis_, chief clerks, who receive the money and + disburse it as needed, with twenty-five companions besides + themselves. + + The two have forty aspers each, and the twenty-five have eight + to ten aspers a day. + + Two _Veznedars_, or weighers of aspers and ducats, with + twenty-five to thirty aspers each. + + Six _Sarrafs_, or bankers, who know gold and silver [coins], + and they have ten to fifteen aspers each. + + One _Nishanji-bashi_, who signs the ordinances and public + writings with the monogram of the Signor. His position is like + that of grand chancellor and is of great repute. He sits at the + Porte below the _Beylerbeys_. He has eight thousand ducats of + feudal income, and travels in great honor with more than three + hundred slaves. + + An outside _Khazinehdar-bashi_, or household treasurer, with + ten _Khazinehdars_ under him. He has fifty aspers, and they ten + to fifteen per day. + + A _Defter-emini_, who has charge of the feudal grants: he keeps + the register of those who receive feudal grants. He has forty + aspers a day, and under him are ten clerks with ten to fifteen + aspers per day each. + + Eighty _Muteferrika_, or lancers of the body-guard[749] of the + Signor, these always carry lances when he takes the field; they + recognize no other head than the Signor himself. And when by + artifice or merit they acquire favor, they are made _Aghas_, or + generals. The least has ten, the greatest eighty, aspers per + day. + + A _Chaush-bashi_, or chief sergeant of the army. He is of so + great credit with every one, that when he is sent by the Signor + to some Pasha, _Sanjak_, or _Kazi_, with the order to have + the head of such and such a one cut off, he is obeyed without + their requiring a letter from him, or a command in writing; + not otherwise than if the Signor himself were there, and gave + command. He has a hundred aspers a day, and under him he keeps + a hundred slaves,[750] with twenty-five to forty aspers each. + + The _Mihter-bashi_, or chief of those who pitch the tents and + spread the rugs, who sweep the court-yards and attend to other + similar duties; he has forty aspers, a _Kiaya_ with twenty-five + aspers, sixty _Mihters_ with five to eight aspers each; and + they are clothed every year by the Signor. + + An _Agha_, or general of the Janissaries. He has for pay a + thousand aspers and over per day, and six thousand ducats of + feudal grant per year. When this _Agha_ holds court, which + is two or three times per week, he is obliged to give the + Janissaries to eat, a meal of bread, rice, mutton, honey, + and water. He has under him a _Kiaya_ or Secretary of the + Janissaries, who is, as it were, a vicegerent; he has two + hundred aspers per day of pay in cash, and thirty thousand + of feudal grant per year.[751] And there is a clerk of these + Janissaries, called the _Yaziji_ of the Janissaries,[752] with + a hundred aspers a day. + + A _Seymen-bashi_, chief of the harriers.[753] He has a hundred + aspers and has from the number of the Janissaries about two + thousand under him. + + A _Zagarji-bashi_, head of the hounds.[754] He has fifty aspers + a day, and has under him about seven hundred of the Janissaries. + + The Janissaries number about twelve thousand: they have each + from three to eight aspers of pay per day. Each ten has its + _Oda-bashi_, and each hundred has its _Boluk-bashi_. And + these heads of ten or of a hundred go on horseback. And the + _Oda-bashis_ have forty, and the _Boluk-bashis_ sixty aspers + a day. The remainder of the Janissaries go on foot. They are + clothed once a year by the Signor with coarse blue cloth. + They have their residence in two barracks in Constantinople + given by the Signor. Those who have no wives reside in these. + Those who are married reside at various places in the city. + For their living expenses each contributes so much a day, and + they have a steward and a cook, who provide their necessary + living: and those who have less pay than the others are obliged + to serve those who have more pay than they. Every hundred of + them when they take the field transport a tent. They go on + foot, and part of them are musketeers, and part halbardiers, + and part use the scimetar alone. Every three lead a horse + which carries their clothing. And when they come to old age, + or when for some other reason the service of one of them does + not please the Signor, they are stricken from the book of the + Janissaries, and are sent as _Hissarlis_[755] or castle guards; + and those of their officers who are deposed for such a reason, + are sent as castellans with a feudal grant equivalent to the + pay which they had previously, in such a way that none of + them suffers hardship. Such of them as succeed in war are made + _Voivodes_,[756] and raised to high positions. They come as + boys to this soldiery and are taught by the experienced ones. + They choose healthy ones, well-built, but nimble and dextrous, + lively above all, and more often cruel than compassionate. + In them rests the force and all the firmness of the army of + the Turk; they, because they are always exercising and living + together, all become as it were a single body, and of a truth + they are terrible.[757] + + From the Janissaries are chosen a hundred and fifty _Solaks_, + who are footmen of the Signor, with fifteen to twenty aspers a + day each: they march surrounding the person of the Signor every + time he goes forth. + + Two _Solak-bashis_, chief officers of the _Solaks_, who go + on horseback, with thirty aspers per day. And these and the + _Solaks_ are in obedience to the _Agha_ of the Janissaries. + + An _Agha_ of the _Spahi-oghlans_, an office of great honor. + He has from feudal grant and pay ten ducats a day, and he + has a large number of slaves, with a _Kiaya_ under him, or + lieutenant: this man has from feudal grant and pay a hundred + aspers a day. And also a _Yaziji_, or secretary, with thirty + aspers, and with large perquisites. + + The _Spahi-oghlans_, or youths on horseback, who may be + called _Spahi-oghlan_, are more than three thousand; and they + have twenty to forty aspers each; and every twenty have a + _Boluk-bashi_. These serve on horseback, each with five or six + slaves and a like number of horses. And they always journey, + and also encamp, at the right hand of the Signor. They are + great people. From them the Signor is wont to choose his chief + men. They are first put as boys into the palace, and when they + grow up they succeed well if they attain this grade: it is like + a ladder to mount to higher positions. + + An _Agha_ of the _Silihdars_, who has thirty thousand aspers + a day,[758] and under him a lieutenant, a secretary, a + _Kiaya_,[759] with thirty aspers and more each. + + There are three thousand _Silihdars_. They moreover ride and + encamp at the left hand of the Signor. They have twenty to + twenty-five aspers per day each, and they have four or five + slaves and a like number of horses, with feudal income for + their living. They are trained by the same education with + which the _Spahis_ are brought up: nor is there any difference + between them, except that the _Spahis_ go on the right, and + these on the left, of the Signor. + + Two _Ulufaji-bashis_, or chief officers of soldiers, with + two thousand _Ulufajis_, who go on the right hand and the + left of the Signor. The chief officers have a hundred and + twenty aspers, and the others eight to sixteen aspers; then + under them[760] they have a _Kiaya_, a secretary, and a + lieutenant,[761] with slaves and with horses, some more and + some fewer. + + Two _Aghas_, chief officers of the _Ghureba-oghlans_, or poor + youths[762] with eighty aspers each. _Kiayas_, thirty aspers. + Secretaries, twenty-five. And they have under them about two + thousand _Ghureba-oghlans_ with seven to fourteen aspers per + day: these have slaves and horses. + + Two _Emir-al-Akhors_,[763] or masters of the stable, a greater + and a lesser. The greater has five hundred aspers, the lesser + two hundred, with lieutenant and _Kiaya_[764] and others, who + have thirty to forty aspers each. + + Sixteen thousand altogether of _Serraj_, who have charge + of bridles[765] and saddles; _Ceyssi_, or stable servants; + _Carmandari_, who take care of the mules; _Deveji_, who take + care of the camels, and _Cavriliji_, who herd the cattle and + horses in various places. These have two to twenty aspers per + day each. + + Thirty to forty _Peiks_, or runners on foot, men who when boys + have had their spleens removed:[766] and they run post on foot + with great speed. These when the Signor goes forth remain + continually near, so that he may employ them according to his + needs. + + Select horses about four thousand for the person of the Signor; + on these the pages of the palace and the eunuchs ride for + exercise in their turns. + + A _Chakirji-bashi_, chief Vulturer, and a _Shahinji-bashi_, + chief Falconer. The first has a hundred and fifty aspers, and + the other has eighty; with _Kiayas_, lieutenants,[767] and + others, with ten to twenty-five aspers each per day. Under + these are about two hundred _Zanijiler_,[768] only a hundred of + whom have ten aspers a day, and the others have feudal income, + or exemption from taxation. And they take the field when the + Signor has need. + + A _Jebeji-bashi_, chief armorer. He has sixty aspers, a _Kiaya_ + and a secretary with twenty aspers each. He has under him about + one thousand five hundred _jebejis_, with seven to twelve + aspers. These all go on foot when the Signor takes the field. + + A _Topji-bashi_, chief of artillery. He has seventy aspers, a + _Kiaya_ [and] secretary with twenty aspers: and under him are + two thousand _Topjis_ with six to ten aspers, and they go on + foot. + + An _Arabaji-bashi_, chief wagoner. He has forty aspers, a + _Kiaya_ [and] secretary with twenty aspers: and under him three + thousand _Arabajis_ with three to six aspers each. + + A _Mihter-bashi_, or chief of trumpeters and drummers. He has + thirty [aspers] per day, and under him two hundred _Mihters_, + part of them on foot and part on horseback with three to five + aspers per day. + + An _Emir-Alem Agha_, who carries the standard of the Signor. + He has two hundred aspers a day, and is captain of all the + musicians. + + An _Arpa-emini_, who is Provider of the grain, with a + Lieutenant and a Chancellor.[769] He has sixty aspers, the + Lieutenant thirty and the Chancellor twenty: this _Arpa-emini_ + has under him twenty persons who receive among them all about + eight hundred aspers. + + A _Shehr-emini_,[770] or Commissioner of public works, who + takes care of the streets of Constantinople, and also of the + road when the Signor goes forth to war: and he has charge also + of public buildings, fountains, and aqueducts. He has fifty + aspers, and keeps under him four hundred men: among all of + these is given a thousand aspers. He has also a _Kiaya_ and + secretary with about thirty-eight aspers each.[771] + + A _Berat-emini_, who is deputed to distribute the ordinances + of the Signor in writing and who receives the fees; and he has + forty aspers, with two secretaries, and two superintendents + with twenty aspers each. + + A _Terjuman_,[772] or interpreter of all the languages. This + position is highly reputed in proportion to the worth and + intelligence of him who holds it. He has five hundred ducats + of fixed income each year, and has also a like sum from feudal + grant, and more than four times as much of extraordinary + income; and he is wont to be highly respected. + + Proceeding now further as I have begun, I shall leave it for + another time and eye to reduce this Porte to better order and + put everything in its proper place. I find that to all the + above-mentioned things should be added a PALACE of the ladies + of the Signor.[773] This is very large, with a circuit of about + a mile and a half; and it is provided with different chambers + and other rooms, where the sons of the Signor reside separately + with their mothers, and with a great number of eunuchs for + their guard and service. There also reside the Sultanas, that + is the mothers and the wives of the Signors; and there are + three hundred damsels, placed there virgins, and given to the + government of many matrons. To all of these damsels the Signor + has it taught to embroider different designs, to each he gives + pay of ten to twenty aspers per day; and twice every year at + the two Bairams he has them clothed in stuffs of silk. And + when one of these pleases him he does what he wishes with her, + and when he has lain with her he gives her a golden bonnet + and ten thousand aspers, and has her placed in a separate + apartment from the others, increasing her ordinary pay.[774] + In the aforesaid Palace there is an _Agha_ of the Eunuchs: + to these are given a hundred and twenty aspers for all. + Three _Kapuji-bashis_, and with them a hundred _Kapujis_ and + Janissaries at the gate: among all these is given six hundred + aspers a day. Ten _Sakkas_, who carry water, forty aspers in + all. And the damsels are served and educated up to the age of + twenty-five years. The teachers are the matrons, the servants + are the youngest among them; and when they have arrived at + twenty-five years, if it does not please the Signor to keep + them for his own use, he marries them to _Spahi-oghlans_, + and to others of the slaves of the Porte according to the + degree and condition of both parties; and in their place he + substitutes others. + + There is also a palace near Pera for about four hundred boys, + who have pay of six to ten aspers, and are clothed with silk + twice a year. These have an _Agha_ and eunuchs, as have + those in the great palace, [and] _Kapujis_, _Ajem-oghlans_ + and a hundred teachers of various arts. Among all these is + distributed eight hundred aspers a day. They are not so + noble, or of so beautiful appearance or show of intelligence + as are those who reside with the Signor; but from these also + many become great, and some of them are taken into the great + palace. And similarly in Adrianople there is a palace of + three hundred boys under pay, an _Agha_, eunuchs, _Kapujis_, + Janissaries, and teachers, about two hundred in all, who have + all together two thousand eight hundred aspers a day. These are + of third grade, but they are carefully taught and well kept + like all the others, and from them according to the spirit + and worth which they show promotions are made. There is also + in that region another palace, recently built, with a large + and beautiful garden: this is located on the river Maritza, + and in it reside about three hundred _Ajem-oghlans_; on these + [palaces] they spend every year two hundred thousand aspers + for each, and they have an _Agha_ with forty aspers and a + lieutenant and secretaries with thirty aspers each per day. In + various other places in Adrianople there are gardens: in these + reside continually as on deposit one thousand five hundred + _Ajem-oghlans_ with _Agha_ and secretaries, and on these they + spend six thousand aspers a year[775] or a little more. + + There is also an _Agha_ of the _Ajem-oghlans_, or Janissary + recruits, who resides in Constantinople; he has sixty aspers + per day, and under him are about five thousand _Ajem-oghlans_: + these they clothe twice a year, and on their teachers and + chiefs they spend ten thousand aspers[776] a year. They put + them on ships and buildings to carry wood and perform other + tasks. They become cooks or servants of the Janissaries, and + finally they become Janissaries. + + And every four years the Turkish Signor sends into Greece and + into Anatolia to seize boys, sons of Christians, ten or twelve + thousand each time: these he sends into Anatolia in the region + of Brusa or Caramania to dig the earth, so that they will + become accustomed to hard labor, and so that there they may + learn the Turkish language. These boys remain in such a place + and occupation three or four years: then they are ordered to be + gathered again, and are given to the government and discipline + of the _Agha_ of the _Ajem-oghlans_. For these the Signor does + not have any expenses so long as they reside in Anatolia, + because they are clothed and have their living from those whom + they serve by plowing the ground and doing other work for them. + +It seemed best to me to make mention in this place of all the palaces, +because they are as it were of the same body as that of the Signor, and +all the expenses of these are computed in the book of the expense of +the great palace, or that of the Signor. To these expenses are added +those, which are incurred in clothing twice each year the Pashas, the +_Kaziaskers_, the _Defterdars_, the _Beylerbeys_, and the _Nishanji_, and +the expenses which are incurred for the extraordinary presents of the +Signor. These in all amount to and go beyond a million aspers a year. + + There is also an Arsenal in the region of Pera, small and of + short circuit: this has on the sea-front ninety-two vaults, and + so little area and ground within that not merely no galleys + but not even materials and timbers can be contained there. In + it usually work each day about two hundred men; although there + are under pay two hundred patrons with two thousand aspers per + day for all.[777] A thousand _Azabs_, who have among them four + thousand aspers. Foremen, or masters fifty in number, who have + in leisure, that is, when not working, six aspers, and when + working, twelve aspers each. An Intendant, forty aspers. A + Secretary, twenty-five aspers, with ten clerks under him, who + have a hundred aspers. All these fulfil their duties when there + is great need; but they understand ill the trade and art of + building galleys. For this reason they do not turn out good and + ready ones like ours; and what few there are are overseen by + Christians, who are well paid. + + Over this Arsenal and all these persons, there is one who + is called the _Beylerbey_ of the sea; that is to say, Lord + of lords, an office created at the time when I was in + Constantinople; since in the past he who was _Sanjak_ of + Gallipoli was wont to be called Captain of the Sea. And + Khaireddin Bey called Barbarossa was the first who had this + title; he was then made fourth Pasha. To him is given the + government of all the fleets, and he has for income every year + a feudal grant of fourteen thousand ducats, besides that from + Rhodes, Euboea, and Mytilene; so that he receives twice as much + more. + +I find nothing else that pertains to arrangements for the rule and watch +of the sea which are worthy of note: wherefore I will now come to those +of the land; these are in truth well and usefully ordered. + + There is first one called the _Beylerbey_ of Greece: in this + are included all the lands which the Turkish Signor possesses + in Europe: this _Beylerbey_ is greater than all the others. + He has from feudal grant sixteen thousand ducats a year, and + gets more than double this. He sits at the Porte after the + Pashas,[778] and is of great repute with everybody. He has + under him besides his slaves, who number more than a thousand, + a _Defterdar_ with feudal income of three thousand ducats a + year; a hundred clerks who keep the books and accounts of the + feudal grants assigned to _Subashis_, _Kazis_, _Spahis_, and + others; among all of whom are distributed ten thousand ducats a + year. + + Thirty-six _Sanjaks_: these are in obedience to him, and have + for feudal income from five to twelve thousand ducats a year + each. They are distributed through the provinces: in these they + reside only so long as pleases the Signor: he changes them, as + seems best to him, from one province to another. Their duty is + to rule the _Spahis_, and to have them trained in arms, and to + keep them in obedience. + + Four hundred _Subashis_, who have among them all from feudal + income four hundred thousand ducats, and have about five + hundred slaves each.[779] + + Thirty thousand _Spahis_: these are horse soldiery set apart + some to the service of the _Beylerbey_, and some to that of + all the _Sanjaks_ of Greece. They have from feudal grant two + hundred ducats each, and each of them, for every hundred ducats + of feudal income, is obliged to maintain an armed man, with + horse and lance. And then they have besides the armed man two + or four or five servants and horses. These _Spahis_ are all + slaves of the Signor, and sons of slaves, and of _Spahis_. + + Twenty thousand _Timarjis_ who have ten to forty ducats of + feudal income each year, and because they do not reach a + hundred ducats, they are not called _Spahis_. These have each + a horse and two or three servants, and they serve distributed + through all the _Sanjaks_ of Greece. The feudal grants are by + assignment of land; the income of this assignment they get + partly from rent, but the greater part from the tithes of all + the income, which Turks as well as Christians pay, and from the + poll-tax, which is twenty-five aspers per head from Christians + alone, and from the imposts laid on animals, fruit-trees, and + other things. These imposts, moreover, are in addition to those + which they pay ordinarily to the Signor. + + Sixty thousand _Akinji_, or mounted adventurers, inscribed for + the lands of Greece and obliged to go to war without payment. + But they are exempt from any burden, and cities and villages + are bound to give them, when they pass through, living expenses + only. + + There are in all Greece, that is, in all the countries which + the Turkish Signor possesses in Europe, sixty-eight thousand + villages of Turkish and Christian people, subject to public + burdens.[780] + + There follow next six _Beylerbeys_ of Asia, and a separate + one of Egypt. The first of these is called the _Beylerbey_ of + Anatolia which was anciently Asia Minor: he has from feudal + income fourteen thousand ducats, but gets a great deal more. + This man has under him and in his government Pontus, Bithynia, + Asia proper, Lydia, Caria, and Lycia: these provinces under a + single name are called at present Anatolia. This man’s place at + the Porte is after the _Beylerbey_ of Greece. And he has under + him, besides his own slaves, who are more than a thousand, + twelve _Sanjaks_ with feudal income of from four to six + thousand ducats each. Ten thousand _Spahis_, with five to ten + aspers a day, and also more or less feudal income according to + their degree. Next after these follows + + The _Beylerbey_ of Caramania, which was anciently Cilicia and + Pamphylia, with feudal income of ten thousand ducats. This man + has under him seven _Sanjaks_ with four to six thousand ducats + of feudal income each, and five thousand _Spahis_, with five to + ten aspers a day each and feudal income besides. + + The _Beylerbey_ of Amasia and Tokat, which was Cappadocia and + Galatia, with feudal income of eight thousand ducats. Four + _Sanjaks_ with four to six thousand ducats of feudal income + each. Four thousand _Spahis_ with five to ten aspers a day each + and feudal income. + + The _Beylerbey_ of Anadole, which is a region between Syria, + Caramania, and Tokat, which was anciently Paphlagonia, and + is the half of Armenia Minor. He has ten thousand ducats of + feudal income, and under him seven _Sanjaks_ with four to five + thousand ducats of feudal income. Seven thousand _Spahis_, with + five to ten aspers per day and feudal income. In this province + of Anadole, they say that when the Signor is there, besides the + paid troops thirty thousand persons are obliged to ride without + any pay, but only with expenses from the villages. + + The _Beylerbey_ of Mesopotamia, under whom is the remainder of + Armenia Minor and part of the Major, the other parts belonging + to the Persians and the Kurds. This borders with Bagdad, or + Baldach, which was anciently Babylonia. He has of feudal income + thirty thousand ducats: and besides his own slaves, who number + two thousand, he has under him twelve _Sanjaks_ with feudal + income of four to six thousand ducats a year, and ten[781] + _Spahis_ with ten to fifteen aspers per day each, and with + large feudal income because of being at the confines of the + Persians: with these they are continually in conflict. + + A _Beylerbey_ of Damascus and Syria and Judea, with feudal + income of twenty-four thousand ducats; he has more than two + thousand slaves, and under him twelve _Sanjaks_ with feudal + income of five to seven thousand ducats, and twenty thousand + _Spahis_ with ten to fifteen aspers per day each and with good + feudal income. + + A _Beylerbey_ of Cairo: he holds jurisdiction as far as Mecca, + or as far as into Arabia: this Arabia is possessed by the + Turkish Signor in the way in which he possesses Albania, where + he is not yielded such obedience as he is accustomed to receive + from all his other states and countries. But [Arabia] Felix + stands in somewhat greater obedience than the rest. He has for + feudal income thirty thousand ducats, with numerous slaves: + these amount to more than four thousand; sixteen _Sanjaks_ with + feudal income of six to eight thousand ducats each; and sixteen + thousand _Spahis_ with fifteen to twenty aspers each per day. + + Near Mecca, and the countries of the Persians, are some Arabic + lords who do not obey any one. The rest[782] then borders + the Persians as far as Mesopotamia, in which is Bagdad.[783] + Passing Mesopotamia it borders the Persians again to the plain + of Naximan, then touches Erzinjan[784] and Erzerum, which are + the chief places of Armenia Major. This Armenia borders with + the Iberians and Georgians. In these Armenias, Major and Minor, + are many Kurds, people of the mountains and warlike, those of + [Armenia] Major obedient partly to the Turkish Signor, and + partly to the Persian; those of [Armenia] Minor to no one. + Next Trebizond borders with the Georgians and Mingrelians, + and with part of the Iberians, which people were anciently + called Colchians. And Ajemia,[785] which anciently was Assyria, + belongs to the Persian: he is absolute master of it. + + There are in all Anatolia, or in all the countries which + the Turkish Signor possesses in Asia, villages of Turks and + Christians to the number of more than seventy-two thousand, not + counting those which are in Egypt, which are many. + + The _Sanjaks_ truly [set forth]: these (as I said above) + have under government the provinces entrusted to the + _Beylerbeys_; they are men of much and very great reputation + and esteem, especially in the affairs of war; they are named + as below by the names of the places which are given to their + government. And first the _Beylerbey_ of Greece holds as his + sanjakate the places about Salonika. Then follow the others + of Kaffa, Silistria, Nicopolis, Vidin, Semendria, Servia and + Belgrade,[786] Zvornick, Bosnia, Hersek, which is the Servia + called the Duchy,[787] Scutari, Avlona, Yanina, Karli Ili, + Lepanto, Morea, Negropont, Trikkala, Gallipoli, Kirk-Kilisse or + Forty Churches, Viza, Chirmen, Kostendil, Vishidrina, Prisrend, + Okhrida, Alaja Hissar, Elbassan, Voinuch, Chiuchene, Zaiza. + These are usually counted thirty-five, but five are regions + united to neighboring places, namely Philippopolis, Sofia, + Durazzo, Albania, and Uskup. + + ANATOLIA, or Asia Minor: Pontus, Bithynia, Lydia, Caria, and + Lycia. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is at Kutaia. And the + others are in Hoja-ili, Boli, Kastamuni, Angora, Kanghri,[788] + Tekke-ili, Menteshe-ili, Aidin-ili, Alayeh,[789] Bigha, and + Manissa,[790] which is that of Sultan Mustapha, the oldest son + of the Signor. This place is opposite the middle of Chios near + the sea. + + AMASIA, and Tokat, which is Paphlagonia, Galatia, and + Cappadocia. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in Amasia, of + the others in Chorum, Janik, Kara-hissar, Samsun, Trebizond. + + CARAMANIA, which is Cilicia opposite Cyprus and Pamphylia. + The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in Konia. The others + have theirs in Naranda, Hissar, Eski-hissar, Versag-ili, + Sivri-hissar. + + ANADOLE, or Armenia Minor. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ + is in Marash. Those of the others in Sarmussacli, + Albistan-ovassi,[791] Adana, Tarsus. + + DIARBEKIR, or Mesopotamia, and part of Armenia Major, of which + the remainder belongs to the Persians and the Kurds. The + sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in Diarbekir. And the others + have theirs in Kara Amid, Arghana, Toljik, Hassan-Kief, Mardin, + Kharput, Mosul, Erzerum, Baiburt, Bitlis, and Naximan-ovassi. + + SYRIA, and Judea. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in + Damascus. Of the others in Malatia, Divirigi, Aintab, Antioch, + Aleppo, Tripoli, Hama, Homs, Safita, Jerusalem, Gaza. + + EGYPT, with part of Arabia Deserta as far as Jeddah;[792] + Mecca, with all of Arabia Felix, where are many Arab lordlings, + who are partly in devotion to the Turkish Signor, partly to no + one. The sanjakate of the _Beylerbey_ is in Cairo, and of the + others....[793] + + All the aforesaid _Sanjaks_, _Beylerbeys_, Pashas, and other + officials have salary or feudal income, as I have said above, + by fixed arrangement, that is, regularly: but they obtain from + extraordinary sources about as much more. And they live with + very great expenses for slaves: these they are accustomed to + clothe and they give them also wages besides, so that they will + not steal. + +How great the revenues of this Signor are, may be estimated from the +expenses. These revenues are obtained from the Kharâj, which is paid by +the non-Turkish subjects; this gives a million and a half ducats: from +the tax on animals, which gives eight hundred thousand ducats: from +mines, which give six hundred thousand ducats: from countless other +duties, salt-taxes, commendations, inheritances, gifts, the revenues of +Egypt over and above the expenses, rents, and tributes. And they are so +great that they not only meet the expenses, which amount besides the +feudal income in ready money drawn from the Treasury to more than twelve +thousand ducats a day;[794] but there remains over a great sum of money +from the surplus of each year. And it is believed that all the revenues +amount to fifteen millions in gold: five of which enter the Treasury, and +the other ten remain for the servants of war.[795] + + + + +APPENDIX II + +PAMPHLET OF JUNIS BEY AND ALVISE GRITTI + +Printed in 1537. Presented in the original Italian. + + +OPERA NOUA LA QUALE DECHIARA + + tutto il gouerno del gran Turcho & tutta + la Spesa che il gran Turcho ha sotto + di lui cosi in pace como in guerra + & il numero de le Persone & nome + & gouerno de le sue Donne + & Garzoni che lui tene + nel Serraglio serrati & + de tutta la Entrata che + lui ha a lanno & nomina + tutti li Signori + de le sue + prouincie: + + E il nome de tutte le sue terre chelha + sotto se: & la ordināza del suo Campo + quādo ua ala guerra como + ua in ordinanza tutte le + persone a sorte per + sorte & come + uanno e + che arme portano. Nouamente stampata + nel M D X X X V I I. + +Il Signor grāde cioe il grā Turcho ha uno serraglio principale doue tene +la sua sedia, & ha una camera deputada per lui doue dorme, & al gouerno +dessa ha 8. gioueni ch’ lo uestano e suestano doi al giorno deputati ala +guardia, & seruitii suoi, & la notte li fanno la guardia uno da capo, +laltro da piede con due torce accese: & q̄lli doi che li hāno fatto la +guardia la notte lo uestano la mattina, & li mettano ne la Scarsella +del dulimano cioe de la casacha sua aspri Mille uno aspro ual soldi do +di Milano, & in laltra duchati 20 doro: questi dinari sel Signor nō li +dona uia quel giorno restano a colori ch’ lo spogliano la sera, & q̄sti +giouani hāno uno capo ch’ si domāda Oddabassi cioe capo de li camarieri +uno Papugi che li porta le scarpe, laltro Selictare che porta larco & +frezze, laltro Ciochadar ch’ li porta le ueste, laltro Seracter che li +porta il mastrapā zoe il ramī da lacq̄, laltro schēni ch’ porta la sedia +questi sono li nomi che hanno li otto gioueni, & il capo de questi cioe +Oddabassi ha aspri 30. al di di soldo, & li altri 8. gioueni hano chi 15. +chi 20. aspri per uno secondo il loro grado. + +El Capagasi e monuco cioe castrato & e portinaro de la porta del gran +Turco ha aspri 60. di soldo. + +El Capiagabasi cioe il capo del Serraglio doue sta il Turcho quādo il +Signor e fora de Cōstantinopoli ha aspri 50. & ha sotto lui 12 mōuchi +cioe castrati che hāno aspri 16. al di per uno di soldo & spesa. + +El Casnādarbasi e monucho, cioe Tesorero de la Saluaroba del Signor ha +aspri 60. al di di soldo. + +Ha in el serraglio il Signor gioueni de anni 8. fino in 20. numero 700. +che hāno di soldo al giorno chi 10. chi 14. secondo il suo grado & +sono uestiti dal Signor q̄sti hàno maestri che li insegnano a legere e +scriuere & la lege loro, & como escano del serraglio hanno nella porta +cioe ne la sua corte officii chi Spacoglài chi Selictari chi Solachi & +altri stipēdii secondo gratia e ualore loro. + +Spacoglani sono gétilhomini che cortigiano il Signor quādo caualca: & +li Selictari sono q̄lli che uano alla mā sinistra del Signor q̄ndo ua +in campo: & li Solachi sono stafferi del Signor, & li suoi maestri sono +Talasimāi uecchi detti Cogia dotti nella lege loro, cioe sacerdoti & +questi putti sono ogni 10. in gouerno d’uno monucho detto Capogliano, +ognuno ha uno schiauinotto nel qual dormino détro la notte de sorte che +non si toccano insiemo & stanno in uno salotto & li Monuchi dormeno in +mezo desso salotto & stanno le lume accese tutta la notte. + +Ha uno giardino nel serraglio che uolge circa doi miglia doue stanno +circa 400. putti giardineri detti Bustāgi sono Ianicerotti, & hanno uno +capo che si domanda Bustāgibassi che e sopra tutti li giardini del Signor +ch’ sono molti e lui ha aspri 40. il di di soldo & altre molte regalie & a +li giardineri chi 3. chi 5. aspri al di & sono ognuno uestiti del Signor +di pāno azuro turchesco & una gamisa e uno paro di braghe do uolte a +lanno & quādo escano del serraglio che sono grādi diuentano Ianizari cioe +guardiani del Signor, Solachi cioe staffieri & Capigi cioe Portinari: & +il ditto Bonstāgibassi e q̄llo ch’e timonero quādo il Signor ua in Fusta +hāno uno p̄toiro cioe loco tenente che ha aspri 20. al di & ogni 10 de +detti hāno uno capo ditto Balucasi che ha aspri 20. il di & questi putti +uāno per tutto dentro del Serraglio & mai escano fino che non sono homeni. + +El Signor ha due Fuste che li nauegano li sopraditti giardineri, & lo +capo loro sta al timone con le quale il Signor ua a spasso assai per +canale & a li giardini lor. + +El calualgibasi capo de le cōfettioni ha aspri 40. il di con 30. homini +sotto di lui & hanno chi 5. chi 6. aspri al di. + +El Vechilargibasi capo deli despésieri ha aspri 40. il di cō uno scriuano +cō aspri 20 il di di soldo. + +El Cessignirbassi capo de li cardēceri ha aspri 80. il di & questo porta +la sera & mattina il piato al Signore & ha sotto di lui homini 100. che +hanno chi 5. chi 6. aspri al di di soldo. + +Vno Asgibassi capo de li coghi ha aspri 40. al di & ha da circa 80. +coghi sotto di lui che hāno chi 5. chi 6. chi 8. aspri il di, & ha da +80. Ianicerotti da 10. in 20. anni ditti baltagi cioe taglia legne che +tagliano le legne per la cucina del signore & per tutto il serraglio che +hanno da 3. in 5. aspri il di per uno & sono uestiti dal Signore. + +Ha circa 20. garzoni Ianicerotti carretteri che portano con li carri +le legne nel serraglio & hanno aspri 3. in 5. al di & sono uestiti dal +Signore. + +Sacha 10. cioe acquaroli che portano lacqua con li caualli nel serraglio +hanno 3. in 5. aspri il di & uestiti dal Signore. + +Vna stalla con 200. caualli per la ꝑsona del Signore con 100. homini al +gouerno suo che hanno aspri 5. in 8. al di di soldo per uno. Vnaltra +stalla con 4000. caualli per li schiaui soi con 2000. homini al suo +gouerno che hāno da 3 in 5 aspri al di di soldo & spesa. + +Il gran Turcho ha molti giardini & si uendano li frutti & del tratto di +essi si fa le spese a lui per essere entrate licite, & il suo serraglio +paga di liuello aspri 1000. al giorno a la moschea cioe a la gesia del +padre de suo padre Soltan memet. + +Spesa nel piato del Signor aspri 5000. & per li garzoni soi aspri 2500. +ogni giorno. + +Vno Capigilarchi caiasi idest gouernator & capo de tutti li capigi cioe +di portineri de la porta ha aspri 500. il di: & 3 capigibassi de la porta +del signore hanno aspri 100. il di & uestiti, sotto q̄sti sono Capigi +cioe Portinari numero 250. che hanno aspri 57. il di per uno, & questi +fanno la guardia a la porta del Signor di 24. in 24. hore, & quando +qualche Ambasciator ua a basciare la mano al Signor bisogna chel presenta +tutti costori. Vno Capigi la che chi si Protoiro idest locotenente di +Capigi ha aspri 40. il giorno. + +El Ciausbasi capo de li ciausi cō 100. ciausi sotto lui q̄sti sono homini +grādi & quādo uāno ꝑ fare morire alcuno sia dassai quāto si uoglia sono +obediti senza altra cōmissione in scritto, & q̄ndo il Signor caualca uāno +semp’ ináci a lui faciādo fare largo, hāno di soldi da aspri 25. sino in +40. al di secūdo lor grado & il ciaubasi ha aspri 200. + +El Mecterbasi capo de quelli che destendano li padiglioni & tapedi & +spazzan la porta & altre simile cose ha aspri 40. il di con il suo +Protoiro che ha aspri 20. il di con 60. homini sotto di lui che si +domandano Mecteri che hanno aspri 5. in 6. il di per uno & sono uestiti. + +Sono ordinatamēte 4. Bascia soi cāzelleri e cōseieri el primo ha duchati +24000 di entrata a lanno: li altri tre hāno chi 16000. chi 18000. duchati +a lanno & li sono date entrate doue cauano il tutto, & hāno molte altre +regalie & p̄senti. + +Abrain ch’era de la pargha albaneso e morto, hora li e Aiisbassa de la +sinita ch’e il prícipale Albāeso uno altro mostafa bascia ch’e mamalucho +di Alchayro & uno Casin bascia ch’e Crouato & Cayradibeii cioe Barbarossa +ch’era greco di metelí Isola & niuno puo essere bascia se non Christiani +renegati. Ayas ha numero 600. schiaui. Mostafa ne ha numero 200: Casin +crouato ne ha numero 150. Barbarossa ne ha da numero 100. A liquali danno +soldo caualli scufie doro & spade fornite dargento & di questi essi +Bascia fanno la corte loro & sono uestiti da essi Bascia. + +Doi Cadilescher talasimani uno de la Grecia laltro de la natolia cioe +Asia, & ha di entrata ducati 6 in 7 milia a lanno per uno: q̄sti sono +executori de la lege loro & hano 10. homini executori per uno dati dal +Signor sono q̄lli che metteno li Cadi cioe podesta per tutto il paese del +Signor & quādo uanno dal Signor entrano auanti deli Bascia hanno per uno +mocturbasi cioe cursor, & como cauallieri de li executori & questi tutti +uiuano di regalie, hāno lo Cadilescheri 200. in 300. schiaui per uno che +se ne fanno la lor corte. + +Doi Defterderi cioe thesoreri uno di Asia laltro di Europa che scodano +tutte le entrade del Signor & gouernano quasi il tutto hanno di entrada +ducati sie in sette milia a lanno per uno, & hanno 200. schiaui per uno & +ne fanno la lor corte. + +Hanno q̄sti Defterderi 50. scriuani per uno con li cogitori quali tengano +conto del thesoro del Signor, questi scriuani sono posti dal Signor con +soldo di 15. in 50. aspri al di per uno secondo il grado loro & hāno 15. +in 20. schiaui per uno. + +Secretarii 25. posti dal Signor che hanno 25. in 30. aspri il di & suoi +schiaui sono doi Rosanamagi idest capi de li scriuani che reuedano li +cōti & ch’ receuano dāno fora con 20. cōpagni sotto loro doi, hanno aspri +40. il di & li 25. compagni hāno aspri 8. in 10. al di per uno di soldo. + +Cinque Seraferi idest Bancheri che uedano tutti li danari che si scodano +hanno aspri 10. in 15. al di di soldo. + +Vno Tescheregibassi che segna tutti li commandamenti del Signor ha di +entrata ducati 7000. & 300. in 400. schiaui. + +Vno Casmandarbassi di fora con 10. Casandari il capo ha aspri 50. il di & +ha aspri 10. in 15. al di di soldo sintéde sopra la saluaroba del Signore +di fuora del serraglio. + +Vno Defterdaro emino cioe douanero sopra le intrade & tene il libro de li +timarati ha aspri 40. il di con lo scriuano che ha aspri 10. in 15. al di. + +Vno Agha de Ianiceri cioe Capitano de tutti li Ianiceri che ha intrata +duch. 7000. lāno, & ha aspri 10000. per far pasto a li Ianizari quādo +el da audiétia in casa sua che 2. o 3. uolte la settimana la da & ha +400. schiaui sotto se questi Ianizari sono la guardia del Signor tutti +schiopetteri & uanno a piede. + +Vno Gachaia de Ianizari cioe locotenéte ha 200 aspri al di & ducati 300. di +timaro cioe entrata a lanno con 25. schiaui suoi. + +Vno Scriuan di Ianizari che tien conto de loro Ianizari ha aspri 100. al +di & circa a 200 schiaui. + +Secmébassi capo di brachi da caza ha aspri 100. il di & ha del numero di +Iāizari 200 sotto di lui. + +Il Zarcagibassi capo de li liureri da cazza ha aspri 50 il di & ha del +numero di Ianizari 700. sotto di se che menano li cani a spasso quādo +bisogna. + +Sono li Ianizari numero 12000. li quali hanno da 3. sino in 8. aspri il +di di soldo & ogni 10. hanno il suo Odabassi cioe capo de numero dece & +ogni cento hanno il suo capo che si domanda Bolucbassi, & li capi loro +quando uanno in cāpo uāno a cauallo & hāno aspri 40. in 60. al[796] di +per vno secondo il grado loro. + +De li Ianizari si caua da 150 solachi che sono staferi dil Signor & 2 +solachibassi capi de q̄lli & tutti sono sotto lagha de Ianizeri, & sono +vestiti vna volta alanno dil Signor di pāno azuro, & hāno le stantie +loro in 2 lochi in Constantinopoli fatto fabricare dil Signor & li stano +q̄lli che non hāno moglie li maritati stano fora cō le dōne loro, & nel +vitto ogniuno mette tāto al di & hano dispēsieri choghi & q̄lli che hāno +pocho salario seruan al altri, & ogni 100 di loro quādo vano in cāpo +portano vno padiglione, & sono soldati apedi schopeteri & alabarderi e +simitarre. Quādo li ditti venghano in desgratia dil Signor o in veghieza +si mādan a sario zoe castelli che sono guardiani & si cassano del libro +de Ianizari & hāno entrate equalmente al suo primo soldo & li capi loro +similmente vano castellani con timaro vtsupra. + +Vno agha di Spachoglani capo cioe di destri giouene gentilhomo che a tra +timaro e soldo ducat 10 il di con reghalie & 400 schiaui. + +Vno Iaxagi scriuano de questi spachoglani ha aspri 30 il di con reghalie +& 30 schiaui. + +Vno Cacaia de ditti zoe protoiro a tra timaro e soldo aspri 100 al di. + +Sono li Spachoglani 3000 che hano aspri 20 in 40 il di secondo il grado +loro & ogni 20 hano vno capo domandato Bolucbassi & questi seruano a +cauallo con 5 o 6 schiaui & altri tanti caualli per vno questi vano sempre +ala man destra dil Signor, & alogiano appresso a lui in campo. + +Vno Agha deto Selicterbassi capo de li sinistri che sono ala mā sinistra +dil Signor ha aspri 250 il di & vno Protoiro cioe loco tenēte & vno +scriuano cō aspri 30 il di per vno questo Aga e capo di 3000 Selictari a +cauallo che stano a la man sinistra dil Signore & hano aspri 20 in 25 al +di ꝑ vno & hano 4. o 5. schiaui & altri tanti caualli & lui capo a 200 +schiaui soi. + +Doi Holofagibassi da la man destra & sinistra uno per banda capi de li +soldati a aspri 120 al di & hano 200 Holofagi sotto se cō aspri 16 il di +pervno il suo logo tenente cō aspri 20 e vno scriuano cō aspri 20 & vano +a cauallo con 2. o 3. caualli & tanti schiaui. + +Doi Aga capo de li carippoglani zoe poueri gioueni che hano aspri 30 il +di per vno cō il suo protoiro & scriuano con aspri 15 in 30 al di & sono +li Carippoglani numero 2000 che hano da 7 sino in 14 aspri al di per vno +li capi hano 25 schiaui per vno. + +Doi Bracorbassi zoe maestri di stalla vno grande vno picolo il grāde +a aspri 500 il di, & il picolo ne a 200 al di di soldo con protoiro & +scriuano con 30 sino in 40 aspri il di per vno. + +Sedici milia Sarachi zoe famigli che cōzano brene & selle Caysli zoe +fanti di stalla Carmādari zoe mulateri deuegi zoe gābeleri che vano dreto +a gambeli circirgli zoe mandreri che pascolano le mādre de li caualli +in varii lochi hano di soldo da 2 sino ī 20 aspri il di pervno secōdo il +grado loro chi piu chi meno. + +Caualli da caualcare per il Signor & soi puti & monuchi zoe castrati +numero 4000. + +Vno Zarchigibassi capo de li astori che a di soldo aspri 150 il di & +schiaui & vno Zarchigibassi capo di falconeri che a aspri 80 il di & +schiaui con il suo protoiro & scriuano con aspri 25 per vno al di. + +Vintimilia zainogiler homini a cauallo di lāza & mili soli de questi hāno +soldo aspri 10 il di & resto hāno timari o vero exemption di angarie per +essere homeni dil Signor & vano in campo. + +Vno hebegibassi capo de le armature a aspri 60 il di con il suo protoiro +& scriuan con aspri 20 per vno di soldo & à da 160 Ebegi zoe famigli +sotto se con 7 fino in 10 aspri il di per vno, & vano a pede. + +Vno Topgibassi capo de li bombarderi che ha aspri 60 il di con protoiro & +scriuan con aspri 20 pervno & a 2000 Topgi sotto se zoe bombarderi cō 6 +sino in 10 aspri il di di soldo per vno e vano a pede. + +Vno Arabagibassi capo de li careteri a aspri 40 il di con protoiro & +scriuano con aspri 20 per vno & a 1000 Arabagi zoe careteri sotto se con +3 sino in 6 aspri il di per vno. + +Vno Mecterbassi capo de li trombeteri & tamburini a aspri 30 il di con +protoiro & scriuan con aspri 12 ꝑ vno di soldo al di & a 12 millia +compagni sotto se che hano di soldo 3 sino in 5 aspri il di per vno parti +vano a piedi & parti a cauallo & altre regalie. + +Imralem aga Capitanio che porta il stendardo dil Signor a di soldo +aspri 200 al di & e sopra tutti li mecteri zoe trombetti & tamburini & +banderali. + +Vno Arpaemin prouiditore de le biaue per il campo con vno protoiro & vno +cursor lemin a aspri 60 il di di protoiro a aspri 30 il cursor aspri 20 +al di di soldo & a 20 persone sotto di lui con aspri 800 al di fra tutti +quelli 20 persone. + +Vno Saremin prouiditore de comun a cōzare le strade & fabricare in +Constantinopli a aspri 50 il di, & a sotto di lui 400 homeni cō aspri +1000 al di fra tutti cō protoiro & scriuano cō aspri 57 il di per vno. + +Vno Baratemin che dispensa tutti li comandamēti & che scode li denari de +li ditti a aspri 40 il di & a 2 scriuani & doi soprastanti con aspri 60 +il di per vno di soldo. + +Vno Seraglio di donne in Constantinopli che circōda vno miglio e mezo cō +stantie & camere doue stano li figlioli separati luno da laltro cō loro +madre & monuchi, & soltane zoe molier dil Signor & li sono da 200 in +300 dōzelle sotto la custodia di molte matrone veghie alequa il Signor +fa insegnare a ricamar diuersi lauori & a cadauna li da di soldo asp +10 fino in 20 per vna secondo il grado loro & ogni anno doi volte a li +bairami zoe a le sue pasque li veste tutte di setta, & lequal donzelle +quādo piace alcuna desse al Signore lui sta con lei & fa il fatto suo, & +como la hauta li dona vna schufia doro che val duc. 200 & aspri 10 millia +di cōtadi & la fa stare in vna camera separata da le altre & li cresse il +soldo suo & q̄lla che fa prima fioli quella e la sua moglie prima. + +In ditto seraglio & de tutti li altri monuchi zoe castrati che sono in +detto seraglio a aspri 60 il di di soldo & stano in questo seraglio 20 +monuchi & hano aspri 120 il di tra capigibassi zoe portinari & Ianizari +nu. 100 a le porte ꝑ guardia hāno aspri 500 al di fra tutti & numero 10 +Sacha che portano laqua dētro zoe aquaroli & hāno aspri 40 al di fra +tutti di soldo. + +Quando le donzelle sono in eta de anni 25 il Signor le maritta a li +schiaui di la porta zoe di la sua corte & in loco loro ne mete de le +altre & le piu giouane seruano a le altre. + +A vno seraglio appresso a pera a de garzoni nu. 400. in circa che hano +di soldo da 6 fin in 10 aspri il di ꝑ vno & li veste dói volte alanno +di panno di seda si como fa a le dōne & vno Agha zoe capo del seraglio +& 20 monuchi como nel altro seraglio & capigi & Ianizeri & maestri che +imparano voltegiare a cauallo & īparano a sonare in tutto numero 100 +homeni che hāno aspri 600 al di di soldo tra tutti & laga a aspri 60 il +di di soldo & 10 sacha con aspri 40 il di di soldo fra tutti li aquaroli. + +Vno Seraglio in Andranopoli nouo con vno bel giardino appresso a la +mariza fiumera nel qual stano Ianizerotti numero 300 & hāno aspri 12 al +di per vno Andranopoli e 5 zornate lōtan da Constantinopoli. + +Vno capo de detti zardineri a aspri 40 il di con vno protoiro & vno +scriuano che tengono cōto de ditto zardino con aspri 30 per vno al di. + +In diuersi lochi il Signor ha piu giardini in liquali son assai +Ianizerotti garzoni & soi capi hāno di soldo aspri 6000 al di fra tutti +questi giardini. + +Vno aga de agiamoglani Capitanio zoe gioueni greci in Cōstātinopoli a +aspri 60 il di & a 4 in 5000 Ianizerotti sotto lui & li da di soldo tra +tutti alāno ne a di spesa aspri 100 millia & liveste due fiate alanno +& hano li loro capi como li altri & questi se metano sopra fabriche & +condutte legne cō nauigli in Constantinopoli per il Signor & altre +stente poi si fano coghi & famegli di Ianizeri & in fino si fano Ianizeri. + +Ogni 4 anni il Signor manda a tore di gretia & di Natolia piu figlioli +de christiani per il paxe zoe ꝑ leville & doue vno padre ha 2 fioli li +piglian vno fiol ꝑ forza & lo fano turco & cosi a ognuno christiani ꝑ +il suo paese fano zoe soi subditi & ne piglia 10 ī 12000 a la volta +liquali puti li fano stare in la Natolia zoe in asia a zapare la terra +acio imparano la lingua turcha & cosi stentano 3. o vero 4. anni & poi +li manda a scriuere sotto laga di agiamoglani ditto vtsupra & di questi +il Signor non ne a spesa alcuna per che sono vestiti & fatto le spese da +quelli a che seruano per che li mete a stare cō altri sino chano imparato +la lingua & poi quando sono scritti li da soldo per la prima 2. in 3 +aspri per vno & secōdo li mete in altri officii li cresce il salario. + +Ha di spesa in li altri seragli di viuere aspri 5000 il di ditto di sopra. + +Veste due fiate alanno li Bassa zoe confieri defterderi zoe texoreri +beglerbeii zoe Signor de Signori nesangibei zoe quello che sopra di +frutti dil Signor & presenti di spexa aspri 5000 per volte. + +Vna Arsenale doue ten le sue galere che a volti 100 zoe 30 di galere +grosse che si domandano maone ꝑ portare caualli & il resto sono galere +futile. + +Tene continuamenti numero 200 patroni de galere pagati che hāno soldo fra +tutti aspri 200000 alanno di spexa. + +Tene continuo mille homeni axapi zoe marinero di galeri & ne a di spexa +alāno fra tutti aspri 400000. + +Maistri ouero proti numero 50 che sono sopra a far lauorare le galere zoe +farle che in ocio hanno soldo aspri 6 il di & quando lauorano hāno aspri +12 il di. + +Emino zoe capo de questi a aspri 40 il di vno scriuan che ten conto ha +aspri 28 al di con 10 scriuani sotto lui con aspri 80 al di fra tutti. + +El Zustiniano zoe vno zentilomo Venetiano che serue il Turcho & e sopra a +far fare galere ancora lui spexe straordinaria ha di soldo aspri 50 il di. + +Vno Beglerbei dil mar zoe Signor de Signori capo sopra le terre maritime +che a di entrata duc. 14000 & traze piu dil duplo sopra rodi metelino +negropōte & il tributo di sio isole in mar. + +Il Beglerbei di la gretia zoe capo di tutto il paese di la gretia magior +de tutti li altri a di entrada ducati 260 millia a lanno & traze il duplo +& a schiaui 1000. + +Vno protoiro zoe loco tenente di la gretia a ducati 4000 di entrada a +lanno & a schiaui 300. + +Vno Deftero zoe texorero de le entrate di la gretia che loro domandano +timari a ducati 3000 de entrada a lanno & ha 900 schiaui soi seruitori. + +Cento scriuani che tengono li libri & cōti dil Signor a di entrada fra +tutti a lanno ducati 10000. + +Trentasette Sanzachibei zoe contadi Signori per il paese che han di +entrada di 5 in 12 millia ducati a lanno secondo il grado loro chi piu +chi meno & hāno vno per laltro in tutto duca. 260 millia a lanno & 300 +schiaui per vno. + +Quatrocento Subasi per il paxe dil Signor zoe Capitanio di Iustitia che +hāno duc. 100 alanno per vno di entrada & hāno 50 schiaui per vno soi +famigli. + +Trenta millia Spachi che hanno di entrada luno per laltro ducati 200 per +vno alanno & ciaschaduno de ditti per ogni ducati 100 che hāno di entrada +deue tener vno homo armato di lanza a cauallo & oltra le lanze hanno tre +o 4 famigli per vno & altri tanti caualli zoe li Spachi. + +Vintimillia Trimarati zoe q̄lli che scodano le entrate per il paese hano +duc. 40 di entrata alanno ꝑ vno & per che non ariuano a li 100 ducati +dintrada nō si chiamano spachi & sono homeni a cauallo & vano in campo. + +Li Spacoglani li sopradetti timari cioe entrade de le decime de tutte +le entrade cosi de christiani como di turchi splenza aspri 25 per testa +da li christiani & da langaria de li animali & altra quanto pagano dil +Signor zoe piu o meno secondo diuersi paesi. + +Sesantamillia Iaching zoe ventureri scritti per il paese obligadi andare +in campo quando piace al Signor senza soldo & quando vano a la guerra le +ville & cita li dano il modo dil viuere. + +Tutti li spachi sono schiaui & figli de schiaui del Sig. + +Sette Beglerbei zoe Signor de signori sopra bassavno che se chiama di +la natolia ilquale era antichamēte in assia minore il qual a di entrata +ducati 24000 & ne traze assai piu & a sotto se il ponte labitinia azia +ꝑpia Lidia carian, licia prouincie & a schiaui 1000 soi seruitori & a +sanzachi 12 sotto lui zoe Signoroti cō entrada da 4 in 6000 ducati alanno +per vno & schiaui 500 pervno & Spachi 1000 sotto se cō soldo da 5 in 10 +aspri al di pervno secōdo la cōdition loro & q̄sto Beglerbei e di piu +authorita de li altri & e forte nominato per il paese questi Spachi nō +hano tanta entrata como vtsupra per essere piu abondantia la. + +Beglerbei de caramania chera silicia & pamfilia prouincie ha di entrata +ducati 10 millia & a 7 sanzachi sotto se con soldo ditto & spachi numero +500 sotto cō soldo como laltro beglerbei & schiaui mille. + +Beglerbei di anādoule che e tra la soria & Caramania & tocat ch’era gia +Pamphlagonia che e la mita di larmenia minore ha di entrada ducati 10 +millia alanno & sette sanzachi che hano di entrada da 4 in 5000 ducati +alāno & a schiaui 100 & Spachi 700 sotto lui quando il Signor hera fora +si dice questo Beglerbei faceua persone da caualcare senza soldo numero +30 millia. + +Beglerbei di la mexopotania sotto ilqual e il resto di larmenia minor & +parte di la magiore che laltra parte e dil Sophi & de cordi a di entrata +ducati trenta millia & schiaui due millia & sanzachi 12 con entrada vt +supra & spachi diece millia cō soldo vtsupra & confina con baldach zoe la +babilonia vera. + +Beglerbei di Damascho & Soria & Giudea a di entrada ducati 24 millia & +schiaui due millia & sanzachi 12 con entrada vtsupra & a Spachi numero +vintimillia sotto di lui. + +Beghlerbei di Alcario ha di entrada ducati trentamillia & schiaui quatro +millia Sāzachi 16 con entrada vt supra pervno & Spachi sedeci millia +sotto lui & Ianizeri tre millia & va fina alamecha cioe fina a la arabia +liquali ello possede como si fa deli albanesi per forza benche la arabia +felize stia in magior obedientia. + +Tra lamecha & Sophi sono alcuni Signori arabi poi il resto confina con +il Sophi fina in la mexopotania in laqual e baldach zoe Babilonia poi +passato la mexopotania cōfina il Suphi ne la pianura di nassimō poi +exdrun & extum che sono in la armenia mazore laqual cōfina con Zorgiani +& hiberi & ne larmenia mazor & minor sono assai cordi obedienti quelli +de la mazor parte al Signor Turcho & parte al Sophi Re di persia & +trabixonda lucho de Imperio in mar magior cōfina con mengreli zoe +mengrelia doue non si spende danari & ancora confina cō giorgiani che +antichamente si dimandauano colchi azamia chera asiria e dil Sophi. + +Armenia magior e minor sono christiani assai di quelli di san Thomaso +trabixonda sono greci & mengreli sono christiani & giorgiani sono +christiani. + +Ottomā hebe in sua cōpagnia ad acꝗstare il dominio vno michali greco +fatto turco dal qual son dissexi li mazalogli zoe mamaluchi de laqual +stirpe n’e vno hora sanzaco in bosina zoe Conte devna prouincia. + +Malco greco renegato alqual sono nasiuti li malcozogli, & di quella +stirpe n’e vno & e Sanzaco in gretia. Aurami che si chiamano Eurcassi de +laqual stirpe non si sa che ne sia alcun hora. + +Tutti questi generatione promisse ottoman di nō mettere mai mane nel +sangue loro ne mancharli mai di magistrato & ancora si conserua la +promessa fatali & questi furono quelli che aiutorno la caxa ottomana. + +Intrada dil gran Turcho de caragi zoe tributarii caua ducati 1300000 +da la Natolia & grecia caua ducati 1600000 di Egipto caua duc. 700000 +de Soria caua ducati 150000 de mexopotania ducati 250000 questi danari +caua si non di terra ferma senza le Isole che sotto lui & li douane di +Constantinopli e pera. + +Le entrate che se dice disse il Signor Aluise Gritti che sono piu presto +piu che meno & la spexa di la porta zoe di la corte dil Signor penso che +cōsuma tutta la entrada o poco meno. + +Li Beglerbei di egitto stano sotto il beglerbei di Alcairo per la magior +parte & li sono Sanzachi sino in lamecha doue sta larcha de macomet +Zingil Ghebur Iurcan & Tibris fiumi dil Paradiso Terestro. + +Li Beglerbei & li Sanzachi a chi piu chi meno secōdo la autorità sua & +son pagati de li territori doue stano escetto quelli che pigliano soldo +dil gran Turcho la entrada de li ditti non si po sapere a ponto bisogna +per arbitrio pensarla zoe de quelli di egitto. + + +QVI SI DICHIARA TVTTI LI SANZACHI + +zoe contadi che sono sotto li Beglerbei & si nomina li paexi doue sono & +Prouincie doue stano e prima. + +Li Sanzachi zoe Contadi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di la Gretia prima. + + 1 Gretia. + 2 Cafa. + 3 Silistria. + 4 Nicopoli. + 5 Vidin. + 6 Suornich. + 7 Bossina. + 8 Ersech del Ducato. + 9 Samandria belgrado. + 10 Seruia. + 11 Belgrado. + 12 Schutari. + 13 Valona. + 14 Carlali. + 15 Negroponte. + 16 Lepanto. + 17 Morea. + 18 Trighala. + 19 Galipoli. + 20 Quaranta Giexie. + 21 Vissa. + 22 Crimen. + 23 Ochria. + 24 Giostaudil. + 25 Vlzitrin. + 26 Pisdren. + 27 Alzasar. + 28 Albasan. + 29 Voinuch. + 30 Ciuchene. + 31 Zaiza. + Filipopoli. + Sofia. + Durazo. + Albania. + Schopia. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di la Natolia zoe Asia minor. + + 1 Giotachie. + 2 Cogia olli. + 3 Bolli. + 4 Castamoni. + 5 Anghori. + 6 Caugri. + 7 Tescheli. + 8 Metesseli. + 9 Haeid neli. + 10 Allaye. + 11 Buga. + 12 Manguixa il statto. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di Cappadocia. + + 1 Amassia. + 2 Cioriun. + 3 Giauich. + 4 Caraister. + 5 Sauisum. + 6 Trapixonda. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di Caramania. + + 1 Siogna. + 2 Naranda. + 3 Assar. + 4 Eschi assar. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di Auandoule. + + 1 Maras. + 2 Sarmus Sachi. + 3 Albistanouasi. + 4 Adaria. + 5 Tersis. + +Li Sāzachi che sono sotto il beglerbei di mesopotāia. + + 1 Dierbech. + 2 Carachmit. + 3 Argni. + 4 Solgich. + 5 Casangieph. + 6 Meridim. + 7 Carput. + 8 Mussul. + 9 Exrun. + 10 Haiburth. + Dittilis. Nassim nouasi. + +Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei di Soria. + + Damasco. + Malatia. + Dirmighi. + Antep. + Antiocha. + Aleppo. + Tripoli. + Cama ama. + Cams. + Sefetto. + Ieroxalem. + Gazara. + +Questi sono i lochi che ha sotto il Turco. + + Questa sia la ordenanza dil Cāpo dil Signore zoe dil gran + Turcho quādo va a la guerra primamente vna quātita di + spacoglani gētilomini con lanza & spada. + + Inanze al primo bassa li va numero 15 caualli ornati ꝑ la sua + persona con vno Ianizero per banda. + + E poi tre garzoni vestiti doro con schufie doro rosse vno li + porta larcho vno li porta le veste & vno li porta il ramin da + laqua. + + E poi vno Aga con schufia doro zoe Capitanio. + + E poi doi garzoni senza milza arente al bassa. + + E poi mille Ianizeri schopeteri a piedi. + + E poi da 60 Sanzachi zoe stendardi a cauallo. + + E poi trombetti e tamburin insiema a cauallo. + + E poi il campo a refuso de diuersi generationi e de diuersi + lanze tutti a cauallo. + + E poi gambelli muli bagaie del campo. + + E poi Gentilomeni Spachi a cauallo con spada & archo e frize + solle. + + E poi li cari de lartelaria. + + E poi caualli numero 30 con briglie doro per la persona dil + Signor. + + E poi tutti li capi de li Ianizari zoe Boluchbassi Odabassi + a cauallo con barete doro aguze con vno penagio di garzette + bianche in zima con lanze & con le banderolle zalle. + + E poi 12 milia Ianizeri con schiopetti alabarde apedi. + + E poi li solachi apedi staferi dil Signor cō archi e frize. + + E poi il gran Turcho sollo in mezo di Solachi. + + E poi 3 garzoni con schufie doro vestiti di pāno doro che li + portano archo e frize e laqua & veste. + + E poi 2 monuchi sēza coioni a cauallo dreto al signor. + + E poi Imralemaga ch’ porta il stēdardo dil Signor tutto verde + sollo. + + E poi 6 Sanzachi zoe bandere vna rossa vna biācha vna verde due + diuixa vna rossa e bianca & vna verde e rosso a cauallo. + + E poi trombeteri & tamburi a cauallo. + + E poi il campo a refuxo con li dulipante a cauallo cō lanze e + spada con le banderole rosse. + + A la banda destra dil Signor Spacoglani a cauallo cō lanze con + banderole zalle. + + A la banda sinistra dil Signor Selictari a cauallo con lanze + con banderolle rosse e bianche. + + E poi gambelli & mulli e bagaie dil campo e pagi. + + E poi Spachi con lanze a cauallo con dulipāti biāchi. + + E poi vno bassa solo con soi Stafeti. + + E poi 22 Sanzachi zoe stendardi a cauallo. + + E poi trombeteri tamburi a cauallo. + + E poi il campo a refuso de diuerse sorte con dulipant & barette + rosse de piu sorte generatione. + + E poi gambelli e muli e bagaie dil campo insema. + + E poi tutti li Iachingi zoe ventureri. + +Questo libro e stato cauato da Ionus bei il qual era greco & hora e +turcho & e interpetro grande dil Signor & dal Signor Aluise gritti fiol +dil Duxo di Venetia & tutto e vero. + + + + +APPENDIX III + +INCOMPLETE TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE KANUN-NAMEH, OR COLLECTION OF EDICTS, +OF SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT AS ARRANGED BY THE MUFTI EBU SU’UD + +Translated from the Turkish + +[From folios 69-70 of the Turkish MS. Fluegel No. 1816, Imperial +Library, Vienna: “Fundamental Laws of Sultan Suleiman, according to +the arrangement of the Mufti Ebu-Su’ud.” The table does not begin +till folio 27 of the manuscript. The page references are to Hammer’s +_Staatsverfassung_, where a translation of the paragraphs may be found.] + + + FOLIO + + 27. Law concerning mortgage and loan contracts. p. 396 + + 28. Law concerning fallow fields. p. 397 + + 29. Law concerning uncultivated lands. p. 398 + + 29. Law concerning absent and missing [tenants]. p. 398 + + 30. Law concerning the hereditary tenancy of land (_tapu_), and + regulations determining what sort of lands are given in + hereditary tenancy. p. 399 + + 31. Regulations for the case when a _Spahi_ of either a large + or a small fief possesses his fief in common ownership. p. 401 + + 32. Regulations for the case when a _Spahi_ dies or is + dispossessed before the delivery of the hereditary lease. + (In Hammer the heading is different and is not logically + placed.) p. 403 + + 33. Regulations for the case when the tenant dies before the + expiration of the hereditary lease. p. 404 + + 33. Law concerning the giving out of the winter and summer + pastures and concerning the legal relationships of + meadow lands. p. 199 + + 34. Law concerning the ground tax, concerning the taxes upon + state-lands, sandy fields, peasants’ houses, etc. p. 406 + + 35. Law concerning the tenth, the tax upon vineyards, leased + vineyards, the bushel, and the bushel-tax. p. 407 + + 36. Law concerning the tenth, the fifth, and the fodder tenth + (_salariyeh_). p. 407 + + 37. Regulations for the case of joint ownership when more than + the tenth of the crop, namely, the half or the fifth, is + demanded from the _Spahi_. (Not found in Hammer.) + + 38. Special regulations regarding the tenths of the _Spahis_. + (Not found in Hammer.) + + 39. Law concerning the taxes on mills and green produce. p. 408 + + 39. Law concerning the landlord’s share, the tenths and the + fruits. p. 408 + + 40. Law concerning the tenths [of honey, the tax on] bees, + other taxes, etc. p. 409 + + 41. Law concerning the sheep-tax and the fold-tax. p. 410 + + 42. Law concerning the obligations of subjects and the tax on + prisoners. (Hammer, the slave-tax.) p. 410 + + 42. Law concerning the half-hide-tax. (Hammer, the bride-tax.) p. 411 + + 43. Law concerning the hide-tax and the taxes on abandoned lands. p. 411 + + 44. Law concerning fleeing the country. p. 412 + + 45. Law concerning the wandering hordes. p. 413 + + 46. Law concerning the wagoners. p. 413 + + 47. Law concerning the irregular cavalry. (Hammer, fiefs for + public service.) p. 414 + + 48. Law concerning the Yayas and Mosellems (free foot-soldiers). p. 415 + + 49. Law concerning the imperial foundations and the _vakfs_. p. 416 + + 49. Regulations concerning lawsuits over land. p. 417 + + 51. Law concerning the time of the harvest. p. 418 + + 52. Law concerning the harvest and the designation of those + persons who receive their income out of landed property + but not at the time of harvest. (Not a separate heading + in Hammer.) p. 419 + + 53. Special regulations concerning fiefs in regard to dating, + registering, etc. (Not found in Hammer.) + + 54. Law concerning the intendants of the fiscus, the receivers + of taxes, and regulations concerning the revenues of the + court. p. 419 + + 55. Law concerning the holders of great and small fiefs, and + concerning the freedom of some military persons from + certain occasional taxes. p. 421 + + 56. Law concerning the _Beylerbeys_, the _Sanjak Beys_, and + the _Kapuji-bashis_. p. 422 + + 57. Law concerning the fees of judges. p. 423 + + 57. Law concerning the contents of the _berats_ of the judges + (their diplomas of appointment). (Omitted in Hammer.) + + 58. Regulations concerning lawsuits between _Spahis_ and + non-Mohammedans or between two _Spahis_. p. 424 + + 60. Law concerning taxes which are demanded from leased land + when the tenth alone is insufficient. (Not found in Hammer.) + + + + +APPENDIX IV + +THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MOGUL EMPIRE IN INDIA[797] + + “The uncommon abilities of most of the princes, with the + mild and humane character of all, rendered Hindostan the + most flourishing empire in the world during two complete + centuries.”—DOW. + + +GENERAL COMPARISON OF OTTOMAN AND INDIAN CONDITIONS + +When Baber first rode down through the grim gates of India’s northwest +mountain-wall, the accession of Suleiman lay but a year in the future; +the Mogul won the battle of Panipat but four months before the Turk +was victorious at Mohacs. Thus the founding of the Mogul Empire nearly +coincided with the meridian splendor of the Ottoman power, and its +decisive battle of establishment with the victory which led to the last +great extension of Ottoman authority into Europe. Not Baber or even +Akbar, Suleiman’s contemporaries, but Aurangzeb, whose reign began a +century after Suleiman’s death, affords the closest comparison with +the Turkish monarch; yet the third battle of Panipat in 1761 marked +the virtual destruction of the Mogul Empire, whereas the second battle +of Mohacs in 1687 meant but the first noteworthy step of the Ottoman +retreat. The house of Timur has disappeared from history, while the house +of Osman still reigns over wide territories; less than two and a half +centuries of genuine sovereign rule were enjoyed by the Moguls, while six +centuries have not sufficed to measure the independent existence of the +Ottomans. + +The Mogul emperors perhaps never ruled so large a territory as the +Ottoman sultans, but their lands were far more productive; moreover, +having from five to ten times as many subjects as their Western cousins +and an income in proportion, they could surpass even the Magnificent +Suleiman in display and largesse. The inferior persistence of their +dominion, therefore, suggests inferior strength and stability in their +institutions, a suggestion to which even a limited investigation lends +much support. + +The Moguls shared with the Ottomans their relation to the ideas of the +Mongol and Turkish Tatars of the steppe lands, and to those of the +Persians and the Arabs. They were more directly and vitally influenced +by the Tatars and Persians, and less directly by the Arabs. Farther +than this their relations were not to the comparatively organized and +energetic civilization of the Mediterranean but to the more speculative +and passive culture of India. Over the lands into which they entered as +conquerors lay the shadow not of sternly practical Roman legalism, but of +Hindu and Buddhist contempt for things mundane. + +They founded a despotism, but one that was never, even under Aurangzeb, +so closely related to the Sacred Law of Mohammed as was the government of +Suleiman. They ruled a variety of lands in a variety of relationships, +but never with the stern control exercised by the _Kaisar-i-Rûm_ +(Roman emperor), the name which they gave to the Turkish ruler at +Constantinople. They enforced the obedience of many peoples, who spoke +many languages and practised many forms of religion; yet they never held +these peoples under any such iron system of subjection as that which +dominated the Christian subjects of the sultan, even to the seizure of +their children for tribute. + +Since the passing of those prehistoric times when all human ideas were +solidified together into a single “crust of custom,” every nation +has probably had two leading institutions, more or less closely +connected,—the one of religion and the other of government. The foregoing +pages have shown how powerful and pervasive were the Ottoman Ruling +Institution and the Moslem Institution in the Ottoman Empire. In the +parallel organizations of the empire of the Moguls, however, it is +not possible to discern comparable unique individuality, systematic +structure, and ordered efficiency. Some allowance must be made for a +comparative lack of information, since not many Western observers have +described the more distant empire; but this fact can hardly alter the +conclusion materially. The institutional structure of the Mogul Empire +was decidedly inferior to that of the Ottoman Empire in solidity, system, +and persistent energy. + + +THE PERSONNEL OF THE MOGUL GOVERNMENT + +Baber’s following consisted of the comrades of his many years of +fighting, an army of cavalry, artillery, and musketry composed in +ancient Turkish fashion of high-spirited men attached to their chief by +impressive leadership and open-handed generosity. Courage, military +prowess, and the nominal profession of Islam were the necessary +qualifications; differences of race, education, and Moslem doctrine +were disregarded. Warriors of Turki stock, Persians of Shiite leanings, +hardy Afghans, “Roman” artillery engineers from Stambul, were equals in +the rough brotherhood of Baber’s camp. The principle of subordination, +at least among persons of consequence, was not that of slaves to their +master, but of tribesmen to their chief, of vassals to their honored +suzerain. + +When Turks had first invaded India, five centuries before, slavery as +a means of recruiting and training soldiers and governors was in full +swing. Mahmûd of Ghazni was the son of a father who had risen through +slavery. The thirteenth century saw enthroned at Delhi a dynasty of slave +kings which antedated by several decades the Mamelukes of Egypt. Late in +the fourteenth century Firoz III owned 180,000 slaves, of whom 40,000 +constituted his household. The Mameluke government endured for more +than two and a half centuries, until overthrown by the more centralized +and efficient slave system of the Ottomans; but in Central Asia and +ultimately in India a new force speedily rendered the slave method, save +for some survivals, antiquated and impossible. + +The dominance of the Mongols was based on the discipline of an army +of freemen who were intelligent enough willingly to render absolute +obedience to their officers as the well-tested condition of certain +success. With the break-up of the vast Mongol Empire, the lands now in +Russian Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Persia lapsed toward the horde +organization of nomad Tatars, but became more and more modified by Moslem +feudalism. Under such conditions, Timur, high-born and adventurous, +chivalrous and literary, fanatical and cruel, achieved an empire that +was large and splendid, but personal to himself, and destined to vanish +almost with its founder. Yet he presaged a time when in Asia and Europe +alike there should come, after the disintegrating individualism of the +fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, a period of the gathering together of +lands and peoples into large units under strong personal governments. + +Baber, descendant of Timur in the sixth generation, descendant also of +Genghis Khan, came at the beginning of the new era. Less ruthless than +either of his great ancestors, less legal than the “Inflexible One,” +less Moslem than the “Scourge of Asia,” but possessed of much of the +leadership and military genius of both, he stands forth, by reason of +his memoirs, as one of the best known conquerors of history. His love +of carousing, his family affection, his literary bent, his toleration of +heretics and infidels, his bold leadership, his liberality in dividing +spoil, presented qualities and suggested modes of activity which were to +characterize all his descendants down to the puritanical Aurangzeb. + +Thus the family life of the house of Baber was far more normal than +that of the house of Osman. In contrast with an almost unbroken line +of Ottoman slave mothers and wives, whose names with those of their +daughters have hardly survived, many of the Mogul imperial ladies are +well known. Witness the princess Gul-Badan, daughter of Baber, who like +her father wrote memoirs; the empress Nur-Jehan, who ruled India for a +time; and the empress Mumtaz-Mahal, for whom her devoted husband built +the fairest of all mausoleums. Turki princesses, ladies of high Persian +descent, and daughters of Hindu _Rajahs_, were taken into the imperial +harem, where, though women and eunuchs were present “from Russia, +Circassia, Mingrelia, Georgia, and Ethiopia,” no emperors sprang from +slave mothers during the period of greatness. With such a policy in +the family which constituted a chief element in the unity of the Mogul +Empire, it was but natural that officers and soldiers, statesmen and +public servants, should be accepted with a like catholicity. The best +fighters, of course, continued to be those who came down newly from the +high country beyond the northwest passes; and since such of these as met +success were apt to send for relatives and friends, there was continual +recruiting from among Tatars, Persians, Afghans, and Arabs,—all Moslems, +but of various sects. “Rûmis” from the Ottoman Empire were especially +useful in the artillery service. Some of them were doubtless European +renegades, but “Firinjis” or Franks were likely to come more directly +from Portugal and other European countries. Yet by no means all the brave +were from foreign lands. Many Rajputs under their own _Rajahs_ served the +Mogul emperors most acceptably, and when treated without prejudice they +were faithful. The high officers of government were usually Persians; but +Akbar was nobly served by the great Todar Mal, and appointed _Rajahs_ +to govern the Punjab and Bengal. About one in eight of his paid cavalry +chiefs was a Hindu; and of the lesser civil-service positions the mere +necessity for numbers, apart from superior skill and training, required +that many should be held by Hindus. + +It is not that slavery had disappeared from the Mogul system. Traces of +the old method can be discerned as late as the eighteenth century. In +fact, Muhammad Khan, a Bangash _Nawab_ of Farrukhabad, maintained what +was practically a replica in miniature of the Ottoman system. Hindu boys +between the ages of seven and thirteen, some of them sons of Rajputs +and Brahmins, were seized, bought, or accepted as _chelas_ or slaves to +the number of one or two hundred a year. They were taught to read and +write, and were specially rewarded when the task was completed. Five +hundred _chelas_ from eighteen to twenty years of age were trained as a +regiment of musketeers. From among the older _chelas_ were chosen the +officers of the household, generals of the army, and deputy governors +of provinces. The _Nawab_ arranged marriages between _chelas_ and the +daughters of _chelas_. He encouraged them to acquire personal property, +which he could claim in time of need; but he forbade them to found towns +or build masonry structures, lest occupying these they might tend toward +independence. Muhammad Khan did not, however, depend exclusively on his +Hindu slaves; he sent money to his own Bangash tribe, and thus obtained +a colony of Afghans to whom he gave high military positions and upon +some of whom he bestowed his daughters in marriage. Other vassals of +the emperor made use of a similar slave system; and it is not unlikely +that the emperor himself recruited his permanent infantry with the help +of slavery, and that he promoted some slaves to high positions. But the +absence of definite information in this direction is in most striking +contrast to its abundant presence in the records which deal with the +Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century. + +In theory the officers of government were so far the servants of the +emperor that their accumulated personal property belonged to him at their +death; but in practice the opulence and the generosity of the sovereign +led him often to leave such wealth in the hands of the officers’ +children. When this was not done, employment in the public service was +assigned to sons and pensions were granted to widows. + +Titles of nobility were awarded for life to distinguished officials; the +chief officers of the central government and governors of great provinces +were called _Emirs_ (_Omrahs_ in many Western writings, probably a +plural of majesty), generals of the army were _Khans_, and distinguished +soldiers of lesser rank were _Bahadurs_ or knights. Khondamir says that +Humayun organized a system of twelve orders or arrows, according to which +the entire imperial household was graded. “The twelfth arrow, which +was made of the purest gold, was put in the auspicious quiver of this +powerful king, and nobody could dare to touch it. The eleventh arrow +belonged to His Majesty’s relations and brethren, and all the sultans +who were in the government employ. Tenth, to the great _mushaikhs_, +_saiyids_, and the learned and religious men. Ninth, to the great nobles. +Eighth, to the courtiers and some of the king’s personal attendants. +Seventh, to the attendants in general. Sixth, to the _harems_ and to the +well-behaved female attendants. Fifth, to young maid-servants. Fourth, +to the treasurers and stewards. Third, to the soldiers. Second, to the +menial servants. First, to the palace guards, camel-drivers, and the +like. Each of these arrows or orders had three grades; the highest, +the middle, and the lowest.” Appointments and promotions were, as at +Constantinople, based upon valor and manifest ability. Through all the +period of greatness the ladder of advancement was kept so clear that +vigor, courage, and prowess could mount from the lowest ranks to the +steps of the throne. + + +RELATION OF GOVERNMENT TO RELIGIOUS PROPAGATION + +When the Ottoman Turks conquered their European territories, as well as +parts of their Asiatic dominions, they for the first time introduced +the Moslem religion. This was not the case with the Mogul advance into +India. Beginning with Mohammed ben Kasim’s invasion of Sind in 712 A.D., +and starting afresh with Mahmûd of Ghazni in 1000 A.D., the Moslem +political control, accompanied by the conversion of a portion of the +native population, had spread step by step until, when Baber came after +eight centuries, there remained little of India that was not actually or +had not at some time been under Moslem rule. No data appear to exist for +determining the actual proportion of the total population that was Moslem +during the Mogul period. Guesses have been made ranging from a possible +one in four to Bernier’s estimate of one in hundreds. The only basis of +any value would perhaps be that obtained by working backward from the +British censuses. In 1911 the Mohammedans constituted about twenty-one +per cent of the population of India, and their number was increasing at +a slightly more rapid rate than the average. It may be supposed that the +increase of the Moslem proportion was greater during the days of the +Mogul Empire, when it was especially profitable to change, and when there +was a strong inward flow at the northwest; but since the Mogul decline +the rate of relative progress has probably always been slow. Perhaps the +proportion about 1761 was somewhat less than one in five, and in 1526 it +may have been not more than one in from ten to twenty. Bernier’s guess +would certainly seem to have been wild, for it is inconceivable that so +small progress would have been made in a thousand years and so great in +the next two hundred. No doubt the Moslem contingent was then, as it is +now, unevenly distributed, being in high proportion in the northwest and +diminishing gradually with the distance from the mountain passes. At +points on the seacoast where trade had been active, the Moslem influence +had come early by way of the sea; hence there also the percentage was +greater. In Suleiman’s empire, comprising as it did a large amount of old +Moslem territory and including even the Holy Cities, the proportion of +Moslems was, of course, much higher; but it diminished rapidly from south +to north, until in Hungary it must have been extremely attenuated. + +In the absence of an elaborate slave system in India, there was not the +steady public machinery of conversion which operated powerfully in the +Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, it would seem that before the reign of +Aurangzeb no emperor cared to promote conversion to Islam by financial +or political rewards. Akbar, in fact, removed the jizyeh, or poll-tax, +which had previously, as in all other truly Moslem lands until recent +times, laid special burdens upon unbelievers, and the tax was not +reimposed until the time of Aurangzeb. Akbar also forbade the enslavement +of captives and of their wives and children. For a century, therefore, +the government lent little encouragement to change of faith. Down to the +accession of Aurangzeb there was a clear contrast between Ottoman and +Mogul policy in the attitude toward the Moslem religion: the Moguls held +far less than the Ottomans to the idea of the conquest of the world for +Islam, or to the conversion of unbelievers, as an object of governmental +endeavor. Aurangzeb alone had such zeal as characterizes the average +descendant of Osman; he desired no infidels in his service, and regarded +the Deccan as the _Dar-ul-harb_ which he wished to make part of the +_Dar-ul-Islam_. There can be no doubt, however, that under all the Mogul +emperors the social pressure usual in Moslem lands continued to encourage +conversion privately, while the slavery which Islam normally sanctions +was also contributing to the increase of the faithful. Moreover, it is +not likely that all the officers of the liberal emperors were as tolerant +and as indifferent to Moslem progress as were their superiors. + + +THE ARMY + +At Delhi, as at Constantinople, no sharp line could be drawn separating +government and army. The Mogul conquest was achieved by an army, and +the army became a government. Amalgamation with older systems of course +introduced groups of under-officials who had no military duties; but +those who would be great had to be capable of military command, men who +might be familiar with the pen but who must know how to wield the sword. + +The Mogul army organization seems, in the midst of confused testimonies, +to have borne a considerable resemblance to that of the Ottomans. The +emperor was commander-in-chief, and as late as Aurangzeb regularly +commanded in person in great campaigns. He had a personal army of +12,000 to 15,000 paid infantry and 12,000 to 40,000 paid cavalry. +These corresponded in number and function, but not at all in political +importance, to the Janissaries and _Spahis_ of the Porte among the +Ottomans. In great campaigns the standing army was supported by the +feudal cavalry, estimated at from 200,000 to 400,000, and by indefinite +numbers of irregular infantry, drawn from a mass estimated at four +millions. The army was strong in artillery, and possessed in trained +elephants a force of which the Ottomans could not make use. + +The emperor’s infantry were, at least from Akbar’s time, matchlockmen; +they seem to have been the only trustworthy and efficient foot-soldiers. +It would appear that their clumsy weapons, improved by Akbar himself, +were not changed up to the time of Aurangzeb; for Bernier reports that in +his day the muskets were rested on forks and fired by men who squatted +on the ground, and who feared that the flash might damage their eyebrows +and beards. On account of the method of payment it is not possible to +estimate closely the number of the emperor’s cavalry, or _Mansabdars_. +Men who agreed to furnish from five to five thousand troopers were taken +into his service, and pay (_mansab_) was assigned for the stipulated +number; but even in Akbar’s time, according to Badauni, it was possible +to present followers hired only for the occasion, and yet to draw +life-long pay for their services. In later years there ceased to be even +approximate correspondence between the amount of pay and the number of +troops furnished. The _mansab_ was then regarded as a salary, or even as +a pension. + +The more numerous feudal cavalry consisted of the holders (with their +followers) of _jagirs_, or grants, of the revenue of districts of larger +or smaller size, in return for which they served without other pay, +except in case of unduly prolonged campaigns. Holders of large areas +were accustomed to administer them in person, whereas those who held +smaller sections would often leave the administration to the governors +of provinces, who in time tended to appropriate the revenues. Aurangzeb, +however, pursued the policy of assigning service in regions remote from +the appointee’s _jagir_, and of retaining wives and children at the +court as pledges of fidelity. Hindu _Rajahs_ were easily brought into +the system by being invested with analogous rights in their hereditary +territories. Apart from these cases, the appointments, as in Turkey, +were not regarded as hereditary, but were apt to be given to fresh +recruits of ability from beyond the mountains. It was customary to make +small assignments to sons of dead _Jagirdars_, and to increase their +allowances upon proof of merit. _Jagirdars_ and _Rajahs_, like Timariotes +and _Zaims_, had jurisdiction and other governmental duties in the areas +assigned to them, and thus carried a large part of the task of local +government. Ultimately many of the higher positions became hereditary in +families which worked toward independence in the days of decline. + +The artillery seems to have been surprisingly strong under Baber and +Humayun, and to have declined later. Baber is said to have had seven +hundred guns at Panipat, which he chained together after the method +employed by Selim I at Kaldiran. Humayun is reported to have had at +Kanauj seven hundred guns discharging stone balls of five pounds +weight, and twenty-one guns discharging brass balls ten times as heavy. +Aurangzeb, it is said, transported seventy pieces of heavy artillery +and two or three hundred swivel guns, mounted on the backs of camels. +For fortress defence and siege operations the Moguls had a few enormous +guns, some of which are said to have required for transport two hundred +and fifty and even five hundred oxen! In addition to these resources, it +appears, if testimonies can be trusted, that Akbar kept five thousand +war elephants, each of which was accounted equal in time of battle to +five hundred horsemen; and Hawkins says that Jehangir had twelve thousand +elephants of all descriptions. Aurangzeb is reported to have maintained +in the palace stables the more modest number of eight hundred elephants. + +The early Mogul armies were efficient and successful. Aurangzeb, however, +conducted about the Deccan in his twenty-four years’ war of conquest a +horde that resembled a migration rather than an army. For each fighting +man there were at least two camp-followers; the march was without +discipline and order, like the movement of a herd of animals; and the +camp was a city five miles long, or, as others say, seven and a half +miles, or twenty miles in circumference. One European observer even +reported that the encampment was thirty miles about, and contained five +million souls! Among these he counted seven hundred thousand soldiers, +of whom three hundred thousand were cavalry. With all due allowance +for exaggeration, the Mogul army clearly tended to become exceedingly +numerous, but of increasing weakness and inefficiency. A battle in 1526 +between Baber and Suleiman would have been a worthy contest, but the army +of Aurangzeb would probably have been defeated easily by the Ottoman +troops which bit the dust before Prince Eugene. + + +THE COURT + +Splendid as was the display of Suleiman’s _entourage_, it lacked the +financial basis which the Moguls possessed from Akbar to Aurangzeb. +Gold and silver, gems, silks and muslins, were far more abundant in the +eastern land. A more highly developed architecture, showing far greater +richness of detailed ornamentation, served in India to construct not only +temples of religion and tombs of great personages, but also marvellous +palaces and pleasure-houses for the emperors. Many thousands of +attendants supplied every possible luxury and rendered every conceivable +service. + +No systematic description of the organization of the imperial household +has come to hand. Scattered allusions reveal the presence of very +numerous groups of officials, agents, and servants of all grades. +Teachers, physicians, scholars, valets, chamberlains, butlers, cooks, +kitchen servants, musicians, poets, generals, captains, guards, +equerries, hostlers, herdsmen, elephant-drivers, and stablemen, ministers +of state, judges, treasurers, secretaries, swarmed about the great halls +and myriad chambers of the palaces at Agra, Delhi, and Fatehpur-Sikri. +These, with the tradespeople who made their living by supplying the +household but who were less directly attached to the emperor, constituted +a migratory city of large size, which followed the emperor from residence +to residence and in time of campaign swelled almost unbelievably the +following of his enormous army. + +As for the court life which went on at the center of this vast and +multi-colored setting, this was necessarily twofold, by that custom of +all Moslem lands according to which the sexes must be segregated. Daily +assemblages, gatherings at the mosques on Fridays, great ceremonies +for special occasions, and the imperial hunts contained none but men as +participants. If women saw any part of such festivities, it was from a +distance and through thick veils or close-wrought lattices. Khondamir +says that Humayun divided his attendants into three great classes, +concerned respectively with government and war, with learning and +literature, and with music and personal grace and beauty. The latter +were called “people of pleasure ... because most people take great +delight in the company of such young-looking men, of rosy cheeks and +sweet voices, and are pleased by hearing their songs, and the pleasing +sound of the musical instruments, such as the harp, the sackbut, and the +lute.” Humayun devoted Sundays and Tuesdays to dealings with the first +class, holding audience and attending to government duties on those +days. Saturdays and Thursdays were days when “the tree of the hope” of +literary and religious persons “produced the fruit of prosperity by +their obtaining audience in the paradise-resembling court.” Mondays and +Wednesdays were devoted to pleasure parties, when old companions and +chosen friends were entertained by musicians and singers. On Fridays were +convened “all the assemblies,” whatever this may mean; and the emperor +sat with them as long as he could. + +The splendor of the court may be illustrated by two or three extracts. +Nizam-uddin Ahmad relates that Akbar, journeying in the fifteenth year +of his reign, accepted an invitation to rest at Dipalpur. “For some days +feasting went on, and upon the last day splendid offerings were presented +to him. Arab and Persian horses, with saddles of silver; huge elephants, +with chains of gold and silver, and housings of velvet and brocade; and +gold and silver, and pearls and jewels, and rubies and garnets of great +price; chairs of gold, and silver vases, and vessels of gold and silver; +stuffs of Europe, Turkey, and China, and other precious things beyond +all conception. Presents of similar kind also were presented for the +young princes and the emperor’s wives. All the ministers and attendants +and dignitaries received presents, and every soldier of the army also +participated in the bounty.” + +Sir Thomas Roe describes a curious annual ceremony of the Mogul emperors +as carried through by Jehangir. “The first of September was the King’s +Birth-day, and the solemnitie of his weighing, to which I went, and was +carryed into a very large and beautiful Garden, the square within all +water, on the sides flowers and trees, in the midst a Pinacle, where was +prepared the scales, being hung in large tressels, and a crosse beame +plated on with Gold thinne: the scales of massie Gold, the borders set +with small stones, Rubies and Turkeys, the Chaines of Gold large and +massie, but strengthened with silke Cords. Here attended the Nobilitie, +all sitting about it on Carpets until the King came; who at last appeared +clothed or rather loden with Diamonds, Rubies, Pearles, and other +precious vanities, so great, so glorious; his Sword, Target, Throne to +rest on, correspondent; his head, necke, breast, armes, above the elbows, +at the wrists, his fingers every one, with at least two or three Rings; +fettered with chaines, or dyalled Diamonds; Rubies as great as Wal-nuts, +some greater; and Pearles such as mine eyes were amazed at. Suddenly he +entered into the scales, sate like a woman on his legges, and there was +put in against him many bagges to fit his weight, which were changed +six times, and they say was silver, and that I understood his weight to +be nine thousand rupias, which are almost one thousand pounds sterling: +after with Gold and Jewels, and precious stones, but I saw none, it being +in bagges might be Pibles; then against Cloth of Gold, Silk, Stuffes, +Linen, Spices, and all sorts of goods, but I must believe for they were +in sardles. Lastly against Meale, Butter, Corne, which is said to be +given to the Banian.” The extract neglects to state that the ceremony was +followed by the distribution as largesse of all the valuables weighed +against the royal person with its heavy adornments. + +Bernier describes an audience of Aurangzeb. “The king appeared seated +upon his throne at the end of the great hall in the most magnificent +attire. His vest was of white and delicately flowered satin, with a silk +and gold embroidery of the finest texture. The turban of gold cloth had +an aigrette whose base was composed of diamonds of an extraordinary +size and value, besides an oriental topaz which may be pronounced +unparalleled, exhibiting a lustre like the sun. A necklace of immense +pearls suspended from his neck reached to the stomach. The throne was +supported by six massy feet, said to be of solid gold, sprinkled over +with rubies, emeralds, and diamonds. It was constructed by Shah-Jehan +for the purpose of displaying the immense quantity of precious stones +accumulated successively in the Treasury from the spoils of ancient +_Rajahs_ and _Pathans_, and the annual presents to the monarch which +every Omrah is bound to make on certain festivals. At the foot of the +throne were assembled all the Omrahs, in splendid apparel, upon a +platform surrounded by a silver railing and covered by a spacious canopy +of brocade with deep fringes of gold. The pillars of the hall were hung +with brocades of a gold ground, and flowered satin canopies were raised +over the whole expanse of the extensive apartment, fastened with red +silken cords from which were suspended large tassels of silk and gold. +The floor was covered entirely with carpets of the richest silk, of +immense length and breadth.” + +As regards the female side of the court, although this had almost +a separate organization and was, in keeping with Moslem and Indian +tradition, to a large extent secluded, yet the imperial ladies possessed +a measure of freedom through two centuries which allowed several of them +to stand forth as distinct individuals, and a few to influence affairs +profoundly. Jehangir assigned to the women of the household the sixth +and fifth orders, or arrows, of rank. Akbar is said to have kept five +thousand women in his harem. As usual, however, only a few of these were +wives or votaries of the imperial pleasure; most of them constituted an +elaborate organization for the housekeeping and entertainment of the few +great ladies, the mother, aunts, sisters, wives, and favorites of the +emperor. As already indicated, these women were of all kinds,—free-born +and slave, Moslem, Christian, and pagan, Turki, Afghan, Persian, +Hindu, Armenian, Slavic, Circassian, Georgian, and Ethiopian. Their +communication with the outside world was kept up through their relatives +and through eunuchs. + +A few of the imperial ladies may be mentioned. The princess Gul-Badan, +third daughter of Baber and Dil-Dar, wrote a history of the deeds of her +half-brother, Humayun. In her later life she went with other great ladies +on pilgrimage to Mecca, taking seven years for the journey; one-half +of this time she spent in Arabia, where she performed the rites of the +pilgrimage four times. After twenty more years filled with works of piety +and charity she died at the age of eighty. Her nephew, Akbar, with his +own hand helped bear her to the tomb. + +Most powerful of all the Mogul imperial ladies was the Persian Nur-Jehan, +or Nur-Mahal, wife of Jehangir. Born in poverty and actually cast away +by her parents, she rose to the throne of command. Mohammad Hadi says +that “by degrees she became, in all but name, undisputed sovereign of the +empire, and the king himself became a tool in her hands. He used to say +that Nur-Jehan Begam has been selected, and is wise enough, to conduct +the matters of state, and that he wanted only a bottle of wine and a +piece of meat to keep himself merry. Nur-Jehan won golden opinions from +all people. She was liberal and just to all who begged her support. She +was an asylum for all sufferers, and helpless girls were married at the +expense of her private purse. She must have portioned above five hundred +girls in her lifetime, and thousands were grateful for her generosity.” +Not only could she rule the empire effectively, if not always wisely and +impartially, but she could lead armies. Defeated at last by Shah-Jehan, +she put on perpetual robes of mourning for her dead husband and spent her +last eighteen years in devoted seclusion. + +Mumtaz-Mahal, niece of Nur-Jehan and wife of Shah-Jehan, did not aspire +to political control. She held fast the heart of her imperial husband and +became the mother of his fourteen children. The incomparable Taj Mahal, +built by the emperor after her untimely death, bears eternal witness to +great love followed by great grief. + +Last may be mentioned two of the daughters of Mumtaz-Mahal, Jehan-Ara and +Raushan-Ara. These ladies, like Charlemagne’s daughters too great for +matrimony, stirred up much trouble in the imperial household. Jehan-Ara +was her father’s favorite in his decadent old age, and an active partisan +of her brother Dara. Of vast influence for many years, she was at +length overshadowed by Raushan-Ara, who supported Aurangzeb and rose to +greatness with his advancing fortunes. Bernier was well-nigh overcome +by a distant view of this lady’s majesty. “I cannot avoid dwelling on +this pompous procession of the Seraglio. Stretch imagination to its +utmost limits, and you can imagine no exhibition more grand and imposing +than when Raushan-Ara Begam, mounted on a stupendous Pegu elephant, and +seated in a _meghdambhar_ blazing with gold and azure, is followed by +five or six elephants with _meghdambhars_ nearly as resplendent as her +own, and filled with ladies attached to her household (and succeeded by +the most distinguished ladies of the court) until fifteen or sixteen +females of quality pass with a grandeur of appearance, equipage, and +retinue, more or less proportionate to their rank, pay, and office. There +is something very impressive of state and royalty in the march of these +sixty or more elephants; in their solemn and as it were measured steps, +in the splendour of the _meghdambhars_, and the brilliant and innumerable +followers in attendance; and if I had not regarded this display of +magnificence with a sort of philosophical indifference, I should have +been apt to be carried away by such flights of imagination as inspire +most of the Indian poets, when they represent the elephants as conveying +so many goddesses concealed from the vulgar gaze.” + + +THE GOVERNMENT PROPER + +“The authority of the Great Mogul was despotic by all its origins: by +the fact of the conquest, by the Turkish tradition, by the tradition of +the old royalties of the country”;[798] and also, it may be added, by +the practice of Islamic governments since the abandonment of Medina as +the seat of the caliphs. The conquering chief owned all the conquered +land, and the wealth and labor and lives of its inhabitants were at his +disposal. As for the restriction of despotism by the Sacred Law, the +house of Baber did not feel this strongly until late. On the other hand, +even a drunkard like Jehangir had a keen sense of the responsibility +of his high position. The emperor considered it his duty to maintain +order, reward faithful service, and sit daily on the bench of justice +to redress the wrongs of his people. Aurangzeb is reported by Bernier +to have expressed his feeling of responsibility by saying: “Being born +the son of a king and placed on the throne, I was sent into the world +by Providence to live and labour, not for myself, but for others; ... +it is my duty not to think of my own happiness, except so far as it is +inseparably connected with the happiness of my people. It is the repose +and prosperity of my subjects that it behoves me to consult; nor are +these to be sacrificed to anything besides the demands of justice, the +maintenance of the royal authority, and the security of the State.” One +of his letters to his imprisoned father contains these words: “Almighty +God bestows his trusts upon him who discharges the duty of cherishing his +subjects and protecting the people. It is manifest and clear to the wise +that a wolf is no fit shepherd, neither can a faint-hearted man carry +out the great duty of government. Sovereignty is the guardianship of the +people, not self-indulgence and profligacy. The Almighty will deliver +your humble servant from all feeling of remorse as regards your Majesty.” +The sole fountain of legislation, the emperor observed economy in the +issuance of it, making use, so far as possible, of established Islamic +practice and immemorial custom. Yet from time to time, by administrative +regulations, ordinances, and decrees, he sought to improve the methods of +government. Aurangzeb, so much like Suleiman in many other respects, like +him also ordered and financed the compilation of a code of the Sacred +Law. It does not appear, however, that any such quantity of personal +legislation was issued by him or by any other Mogul emperor as by the +great Ottoman. + +The succession to the Mogul throne never became regular, since neither by +Mongol nor by Moslem custom was any one method prescribed. Nor did the +more kindly disposition of the house of Baber ever permit the publication +of such a decree as that of Mohammed II for the execution of brothers +upon the accession of a sovereign. Accordingly the resources of the +empire were apt to be wasted in civil wars between father and son, and +between older and younger brothers. Even the sons of Baber engaged in +civil war: Kamran, aided by Askari and Hindal, fought against Humayun. +Akbar’s brothers were so young that he had no rival at the time of his +accession. His two elder sons drank themselves to death; but this did not +prevent Selim, who became the emperor Jehangir, from rebelling against +his father and hastening the latter’s death. Jehangir’s two sons rebelled +against him in turn. Shah-Jehan’s four sons, Dara, Shuja, Murad, and +Aurangzeb, fought together until the last encompassed the death of the +others, besides keeping his father a prisoner during the last seven years +of life. The mournful story need not be carried beyond the fierce civil +war which followed the death of Aurangzeb, in which two of his sons were +slain. Clearly, the Ottoman method was more practical if less humane. So +unstable was the personal situation of the emperor that, if he failed to +show his face in public daily, the empire fell into commotion and civil +war became imminent. From the uncertainty of the succession the state, at +least, derived this benefit, that the fittest of the candidates for power +was likely to obtain the throne. Nevertheless, as Dow says, “to be born +a prince” of the Mogul Empire was “a misfortune of the worst and most +embarrassing kind. He must die by clemency, or wade through the blood of +his family to safety and empire.” + +As the army was the defence and prop of the Mogul government, so finance +was its sustenance. Here again the regulations of the Sacred Law were +but scantily observed. Akbar, aided by Todar Mal and extending the +methods of the Afghan Sher Shah, reduced to order and regularity the +existing revenue system, which in the course of centuries of varying +rule had become much confused. By ancient custom of India, the sovereign +as primary owner of the land was entitled to one-third of the crops in +kind. It was Akbar’s task to change the system to a more modern money +régime, a step in progress which the Ottomans have not been able to +take even to the present day. In classical times as in late years, +India, importing less of other commodities than she exported, steadily +absorbed gold and silver. It is likely that a large share of the wealth +of the newly-discovered Americas had already by Akbar’s day made its way +to India through the increasing Portuguese trade, and that Columbus, +Cortes, and Pizarro thus unwittingly gave him the means of modernizing +his land revenue. Several great tasks were involved in the change. All +the cultivated land of India had to be measured, its quality judged, +its average annual produce for the first nineteen years of Akbar’s +reign calculated, and the amount of the government’s share for each +tract reduced to current money. At first, it was attempted to renew +the settlement annually; but, since this proved very difficult in a +large and conservative land, a ten-year basis was eventually adopted. +When the British came to power they found the revenue in a state of +confusion which indicated that at some time during the Mogul period the +evaluation had ceased to be made regularly, modifications of the last +assessment having then been introduced successively, until all system had +disappeared. + +The imperial revenue was collected by a separate hierarchy of officials. +The great provinces were divided into districts, or _sirkars_, in each +of which a _Diwan_ was chief financial agent. His office was the _Defter +ali_, and his clerks were _Mutasidis_. In lesser districts the collectors +were _Amils_ or _Karoris_, the treasurers _Fotadars_. _Karkums_ were +appointed to settle disputes and audit accounts. The crown revenue +might be farmed out, in areas of a size comparable to the _jagirs_, +to officials known as _Zamindars_ or _Talukdars_, who in the days of +decline strove to make their position hereditary. In the local unit, or +_pargana_, the government was represented by a _Kanungo_, who kept the +records of assessments and payments. Akbar took measures also to bring +under cultivation waste and abandoned lands, and appointed for this +purpose _Karoris_, whose efforts were attended with much success. In +the best days the imperial financial officers acted as a check upon the +civil and military officials, upholding alike the interests of emperor +and common people. Evidence exists, however, that even in the time of +Akbar there was financial corruption, and that revenue officials were not +lacking who plundered the people and defrauded the emperor. + +The granting of _jagirs_ to officers and _Rajahs_, of pensions to learned +men and others, and of land in full title, free from revenue, for +religious foundations seems to have diverted from the royal treasury +about two-thirds of the possible land revenue. On the other hand, it +has been estimated that the emperor received from customs, tolls, +miscellaneous taxes, and presents an amount equal to what he got from the +land. Careful calculations have resulted in ascribing to Akbar a revenue +of over two hundred million dollars annually, and to Aurangzeb as much +as four hundred and fifty million dollars. Suleiman’s revenue would then +have been not the tenth part of Akbar’s and Louis XIV’s not the tenth +part of Aurangzeb’s. + +This revenue was expended upon the standing army, the court, the support +of learned and religious persons, a series of building operations which +were perhaps costly beyond parallel, bountiful gifts at certain seasons, +and regular charities. It would appear, farther, that the expenses of the +provincial governments were deducted from the imperial land revenue after +it had been estimated but before it was paid into the treasury. In spite +of the lavish outflow, however, an enormous treasure seems to have been +accumulated. By Mandelslo it was estimated in 1638 at the incredible sum +of one and a half billion crowns, equivalent to about the same number of +dollars! + +It was probably because of the greatly increased revenue which Akbar +obtained by his new method that he found it possible to remit the +_jizyeh_ or capitation tax on non-Moslems, and also the tax on pilgrims, +which had made the earlier Moslem rule obnoxious to the Hindu population. +On the other hand, it may have been not merely religious zeal, but also +financial stress caused by the civil wars preceding his accession, by +the Rajput revolt, by the long struggle in the Deccan, and by the pious +remission of many taxes not authorized by the Sacred Law, including the +tax on Hindu temple lands, that influenced Aurangzeb to reimpose the +capitation tax, and thus open wide the rifts in his disintegrating empire. + +In the days of its greatness, the budget of the Mogul Empire, alike in +income and expenditure, reached a height which had rarely if ever been +attained before. That of the East Roman Empire under the Macedonian +dynasty, and of the Saracen Empire in the days of Harun Al-Rashid, may +have rivalled it; but it is probable that only the great Western powers, +enriched by the industrial revolution in the late nineteenth and early +twentieth centuries, have ever reached a financial magnitude beyond that +of the empire of Aurangzeb. + +Humayun divided the responsibilities of government among four ministers, +and a fourfold division persisted at least as late as Aurangzeb. By a +curious form of logic the classification of duties and the names of the +four departments were based, not on convenience, but on relation to the +four elements: earth, air, fire, and water. The _Khaki_ department had +the care of agriculture, buildings, and domain lands; the _Hawai_, of the +wardrobe, the kitchen, the stables, and the like; the _Ateshi_, of the +artillery and the making of war material and other things in which fire +was employed; and the _Abi_, of the emperor’s drinks, and canals, rivers, +and water-works. When Khondamir wrote, about 1534, one man had oversight +of all four departments; but the development of a regular supreme +official of great power, like the grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire, +seems never to have taken place, no doubt because the imperial house did +not abandon the tradition of personal government. + +Humayun set aside two days of the week for business of state. Drums were +beaten to summon officials and give notice that the hall of audience +was open. Any subject might appear and ask for justice. Suits of fine +apparel and purses of money were at hand to reward the worthy, and +executioners stood by with drawn swords to punish the guilty. Guns were +fired at the close of the audience to notify officials that they might +retire. Aurangzeb held general court in the great hall of audience for +two hours on regular days. Persons who had petitions to present held +them up, and these were taken by the emperor, read by him, and often +granted on the spot. On at least one day in the week he sat with the two +_Kazis_ of the city, and on another day he heard privately ten cases of +persons of low rank. In the evening the chief officers were commanded +to be present in a smaller hall, where Aurangzeb sat to “grant private +audiences to his officers, receive their reports, and deliberate on +important matters of state.” This gathering resembled the Divan of +Suleiman, but it lacked most of the latter’s judicial work; in India such +work was done by the chief judges sitting separately, or by the emperor +in the great audiences. Furthermore, it was the sovereign and not a grand +vizier who presided in this council. The assembly was deliberative in +matters of policy and general administration, and judicial in that it had +jurisdiction of cases which involved officers of high rank. + +For purposes of local government the empire was divided into _subahs_, +or provinces, each under a _Nawab_ (a plural of majesty, from _naib_, +often called “nabob” by Westerners), or governor. Under Akbar the number +of _subahs_ varied from fifteen to eighteen. Like the _Beylerbeys_ of +the Ottoman Empire, the _Nawabs_ tended to increase in number, the size +of their provinces diminishing accordingly. The _Nawab_ was almost a +little emperor in his province. He held audiences, commanded the army, +conferred lesser titles, appointed and dismissed most officials, and +was the highest judicial authority. His power was limited, however, by +the emperor’s right to recall him, by the right of appeal in judicial +cases from him to the emperor, and by the fact that the financial and +judicial officers were separately appointed and were responsible only to +the throne. The _Nawab_ and his court were supported by lands granted +in _jagir_. He might suspend the _jagirs_ of officers pending imperial +decision. He was responsible for the security and order of his province, +and had _Faujdars_ under him in the several districts, who exercised +military command and the powers of chief of police and police judge, +their position resembling somewhat that of the _Sanjak Beys_ of the +Ottoman system. The chief financial officers in each province were the +_Diwans_, who, as explained above, collected the imperial revenue and +had oversight of all lesser revenue officers. They and their deputies +possessed judicial powers in cases concerning finance and land titles. +The chief judge of the province, subject however to appeals to the +governor, was the _Nizam_. He heard the serious criminal cases, and his +deputy, the _Daroga Adaulat al Aulea_, attended to most of the important +civil ones. Local _Kazis_, aided by _Muftis_, _Mohtesibs_, and _Kutwals_ +or mayors, kept order in the smaller cities and districts. _Rajahs_ who +had made terms with the emperor exercised powers very similar to those +of the _Nawabs_. Their positions were secured by heredity, however, and +in their provinces the imperial financial and judicial officers had no +jurisdiction. They simply owed military service and a certain amount +of tribute, failing in which they might be reduced by force of arms. +The Ottoman system contained no subjects who were at once so secure of +their positions, so nearly independent, and so powerful as the _Rajahs_. +Kurdish, Albanian, and Arabian chieftains were perhaps as secure and as +independent, but they were of very small wealth and might; while the +Voivodes of Wallachia and Moldavia were not so secure or so independent. + +The condition of the common people under this government is to be known +mainly by inference. Various documents and acts show the benevolent +intentions of emperors and high officials toward the masses. Whether from +wise prevision or from genuine charitable feeling, there appears to have +been much solicitude lest the cultivators of the soil should be reduced +to utter penury or driven from their lands. Akbar, for instance, issued +strict orders that on military expeditions nothing should be taken +from the people without careful assessment and immediate or subsequent +payment. Nevertheless, at the best the result of the general policy +was to leave the cultivator little more than a bare living. The whole +system drained away wealth to a few great cities and a comparatively +few persons. If but few complaints rose from the masses, it was because +their lot was no worse than that of their forefathers had been for many +generations. Aside from the periods of civil war, the Moguls gave peace +and order. Akbar removed internal tolls two centuries before such a thing +was accomplished in France, and thus made of the land a single economic +unit, with the result that in his reign India as a whole enjoyed such +prosperity as she has known at very few other periods in her history. + +Before the time of Aurangzeb special care was taken to conciliate the +Hindus. Akbar adopted definitely the policy of equal treatment for all, +a degree of toleration not to be found in the contemporary Europe of +William the Silent and Henry of Navarre. The government strove to abolish +or mitigate such Hindu practices as were abhorrent to Mohammedanism, and +at least one Moslem practice which offended the Hindus. Child-marriage, +the ordeal, and animal sacrifice were forbidden. Widows were to be +burned on the funeral pyres of their husbands only with their own full +consent, and those who preferred to live might marry again. In the Rajput +tributary states Hindu law of course prevailed. Probably in the regions +under direct Mogul rule Hindus were judged by their own law when Moslems +were not concerned and perhaps even by their own judges. It is true that +the Hindus had to wait until Akbar came to be released from the personal +disabilities imposed by earlier Moslem conquerors, that their temple +lands were taxed until the time of Aurangzeb, and that Brahmans, pundits, +and fakirs were perhaps only in Akbar’s presence treated with respect +equal to that accorded _Sheiks_, _Seids_, and _Ulema_. But the emperors +and their officers gave like justice to all; they permitted every man +to worship according to the rites of his forefathers, and apparently +never had a thought, as had Selim the Cruel, of giving to all non-Moslem +subjects the choice between Islam and death. There was little ground for +discontent until Aurangzeb began to apply a harsher policy. + + +THE MOSLEMS AND THE MOSLEM CHURCH + +In comparison with conditions in the Ottoman Empire, Moslems and +non-Moslems in the India of the early Moguls were far more nearly on +a level. This was due not merely to the toleration and indifference +of the emperors, but even more to the circumstances of the conquest, +under which both groups were treated alike, since Baber at Panipat in +1526 subdued the Moslem Lodi Sultans of Delhi, and at Kanwaha in 1527 +the Hindu Rajput confederacy. Indian-born worshippers of Allah and of +Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva were mingled in the same vast mass of conquered +subjects, equally separated from the victorious invaders. There was also, +in all probability, a much greater difference of race between Baber’s +highlanders and the Moslems that he found in India than between the +latter and the Hindus; for many inter-marriages had taken place, and +many natives of India had joined the followers of the Prophet. Time, of +course, diminished this distinction. + +Suleiman was distinctly the head of the Moslems of his empire. Through +his appointee the _Sheik-ul-Islam_, through his _Hoja_, the _Kaziaskers_, +the _Nakib-ol-Eshraf_, and other learned and saintly personages, he kept +in close touch with the religious chiefs of the Mohammedan population. +All who prayed toward Mecca, at least from the older portions of the +Ottoman Empire, were attached by many ancient ties to the house of Osman. +Their ancestors had perhaps been converts through its activities, had +certainly fought for it, and had seen its gradual and vigorous rise to +greatness. No such vital bonds joined to the Moguls the great mass of +their Moslem subjects. These remembered the glories and favors of lost +dynasties, and were indebted to the new sovereigns only for defeats +and humiliations which depressed them toward the level of the Hindus, +whom they had for centuries held to be far inferior to themselves. They +had no _Sheik-ul-Islam_, honored by the sovereign with a seat above +his own, whose decisions might determine the fate of the ruler or of +the empire. Almost as much to them as to the Hindus the emperor was a +stranger and a foreigner, to whom should be rendered, because of his +power, full submission and instant obedience, but not loyal affection and +whole-hearted devotion. There was ever an absence of solidarity between +the house of Timur and those Moslem subjects who had not come into India +in the service of that house, and this was not least among the elements +of weakness that shortened the life of the empire. When Rajputs had +been stirred to revolt, when Mahrattas had grown great, when bronzed and +capable Moguls had been supplanted by “pale persons in petticoats,” who +were left to rally about the tottering throne? More than two and a half +centuries have elapsed since the Ottomans ceased to draw systematically +from the strength of the Christian population, and yet the fighting stock +of their Moslem subjects has never failed or grown weak or faltered in +its loyalty; but Aurangzeb’s successors found few upon whom to rely, +and of this few a very small proportion who would sacrifice their own +fortunes freely, who would be faithful unto death. + +The Moguls found in India _Sheiks_, _Dervishes_, _Seids_, and _Ulema_, +mosques, schools, and pious foundations in abundance. In fact, the +developed system of Mohammedanism had extended itself over India with +visible results very much like those in all other Moslem lands, among +them the Ottoman Empire. From the ranks of those educated in Moslem lore +were taken teachers, judges, and counselors-at-law. + +There must have existed for the children of the Moslem population +_mektebs_, ordinary _medressehs_, and law schools, in which the Arabic +language and the sciences built upon the Koran, as well as the Persian +language and literature were taught. No doubt, also, the imperial +household contained systems of education, arranged for the two sexes +separately and prepared to train imperial and noble children and young +attendants, servants, and slaves in the knowledge which was thought best +adapted to fit them for life. It is interesting to notice what impression +the teaching regularly given to a young prince made (if Bernier can be +trusted) upon the keen intellect of Aurangzeb. When the latter became +emperor, his old teacher, it appears, confidently presented himself at +Delhi for reward. What, then, must have been his surprise to receive such +a deliverance as this from the lips of majesty! + +“Was it not incumbent upon my preceptor to make me acquainted with the +distinguishing features of every nation of the earth; its resources and +strength; its mode of warfare, its manners, religion, form of government, +and wherein its interests principally consist, and, by a regular course +of historical reading, to render me familiar with the origin of States; +their progress and decline; the events, accidents, or errors, owing to +which such great changes and mighty revolutions have been effected?... A +familiarity with the language of surrounding nations may be indispensable +in a king; but you would teach me to read and write Arabic; doubtless +conceiving that you placed me under an everlasting obligation for +sacrificing so large a portion of time to the study of a language wherein +no one can hope to become proficient without ten or twelve years of close +application. Forgetting how many important subjects ought to be embraced +in the education of a prince, you acted as if it were chiefly necessary +that he should possess great skill in grammar, and such knowledge as +belongs to a Doctor of Law; and thus did you waste the precious hours +of my youth in the dry, unprofitable, and never-ending task of learning +words!... Ought you not to have instructed me on one point at least, so +essential to be known by a king, namely, on the reciprocal duties between +the sovereign and his subjects? Ought you not also to have foreseen that +I might at some future period be compelled to contend with my brothers, +sword in hand, for the crown, and for my very existence? Such, as you +must well know, has been the fate of the children of almost every king of +Hindustan. Did you ever instruct me in the art of war, how to besiege a +town, or draw up an army in battle array? Happy for me that I consulted +wiser heads than thine on these subjects! Go! withdraw to thy village. +Henceforth let no person know either who thou art or what is become of +thee.” + +In this rebuke, whether it comes chiefly from Bernier or from Aurangzeb, +is excellent criticism upon the stereotyped Moslem education, and +material enough to cheer the hearts of modern advocates of a closer +relation between subjects of instruction and the business of life. + +The lack of solidarity between the mass of the Moslems of India and +the Mogul government, together with the religious indifference of +several emperors, prevented the Moslem church there from reaching the +full measure of the dignity, influence, and authority of the Moslem +Institution in the Ottoman Empire. Humayun’s division of the household +into three classes shows that he gave highest rank not to the clergy +but to princes of the blood, with nobles and ministers of state and +military men. “The holy persons, the great _Musheiks_ (religious men), +the respectable _Seids_, the literati, the law officers, the scientific +persons, poets, besides other great and respectable men formed the second +class.” The orders, or arrows, of nobility show a little more definitely +the place of the Moslem learned men, since they are assigned to the tenth +order, after the monarch and the princes of the blood and the _Rajahs_. + +In the palace-city of Fatehpur-Sikri, Akbar built a great hall, the +Ibadat-Khana, to which he repaired on holy nights with _Sheiks_, _Seids_, +_Ulema_, and nobles. Finding that his followers could not keep the peace +when mingled indiscriminately, he assigned one of the four sides of the +hall to each group. Here he was accustomed to listen to theological +discussions; and it appears that what he heard tended to destroy his +respect for the faith of the Prophet, and to predispose his mind toward +the eclectic religion which he instituted later. Says Badauni: “The +learned doctors used to exercise the sword of their tongues upon each +other, and showed great pugnacity and animosity, till the various sects +took to calling each other infidels and perverts.” In course of time +Akbar obtained a document signed by the principal _Ulema_, to the effect +that a just ruler is higher in the eyes of God than a doctor of the law +(_Mujtahid_), that Akbar was a just ruler, and that therefore his decrees +in matters of religion were binding upon the world. This declaration +placed Akbar distinctly above the Moslem church and at least on a level +with the prophet Mohammed; and he seems even to have played with the +idea that he was himself God. Certainly he hoped to unify all creeds +by his “divine faith.” His son and grandson were not much interested +in religion, and not at all inclined to assume actively the religious +headship of the empire; under them, the Moslem church had to take care of +itself. Religious interest appeared again in Aurangzeb, not in any spirit +of free inquiry, but in a rigid conformity to the rules of the Sacred +Law. From those youthful days when he preferred the meagre life of a +saint to the splendors of princely state, down to the long-deferred close +of his troubled career, Islam knew no more faithful observer of its rites +and prescriptions. In Aurangzeb’s reign and in his alone did the Moslem +religion take such a place in India as in the Turkey of Suleiman’s time. + +The learned Moslems of the Mogul Empire never had as the head of their +hierarchy a personage of such dignity and power as the _Sheik-ul-Islam_ +of Constantinople. The _Sadr Jehan_ appears to have been concerned +chiefly with the granting of land from the treasury to learned and +religious persons in lieu of pensions. The hierarchy of judges seems to +have been complete, at least in territory that was directly administered, +with two officials at court who corresponded to the _Kaziaskers_ of +Suleiman, and with _Kazis_ of high rank in the chief city of each +province and of lesser rank in other cities; but the functions of these +officers appear to have been more closely restricted than in the Ottoman +Empire, by reason of the superior jurisdictions of the emperor and +the governors, and of the criminal and financial jurisdictions of the +_Nizams_ and _Diwans_ and their deputies. As there is little mention of +the _muftis_, it would seem that their rôle was not very important. + +The Moslem church in India was not of the very fabric of empire. The +imperial family and most of their associates in government adhered to it; +but it had no thorough control of education and justice, and no power +to sanction war or pronounce the deposition of an emperor. It did not +curb the spirit of the nation or lay a heavy hand upon progress; but, as +it was relatively unable to hinder by its weaknesses, so it could not +contribute its abiding strength. The Mogul Empire is but a memory. The +Moslem church of India thrives and grows under the rule of aliens of +another faith. + + +BOOKS CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION OF APPENDIX IV + +BADEN-POWELL, B. H. A short account of the land revenue and its +administration in British India. 2d edition. Oxford, 1907. + +BAYLEY, SIR E. C. The local Muhammadan dynasties. Gujarát. London, +1886.—A sequel to Elliot’s History of India. + +BERNIER, FRANÇOIS. Travels in the Mogul empire, A.D. 1656-1663. +Westminster, 1891.—[As quoted by Lane-Poole and others.] + +CRICHTON, A. S. The Mohammedans as rulers of India. In _The Moslem +World_, i. 99-116. London, 1911. + +DOW, ALEXANDER. The history of Hindostan. 3 vols. London, 1770-1772. + +ELLIOT, SIR H. M., and DOWSON, JOHN. The history of India, as told by +its own historians. 8 vols. London, 1867-1877.—Vol. v (1873) contains +extracts from Khondamir, Badáúní, Nizam uddin Ahmad, etc. + +GUL-BADAN BEGAM. The history of Humāyūn (Humāyūn-nāma). Translated by +Annette S. Beveridge. London, 1902. + +HOLDEN, E. S. The Mogul emperors of Hindustan. New York, 1895. + +HUNTER, SIR W. W. A brief history of the Indian peoples. 23d edition. +[Oxford, 1903.] + +IRVINE, WILLIAM. The army of the Indian Moghuls; its organization and +administration. London, 1903. + +—— The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. J. R. A. S., Bengal, 1878, 340 ff. + +KEENE, H. G. The fall of the Moghul empire of Hindustan. New edition. +London, 1887. + +—— The Turks in India. London, 1879. + +LANE-POOLE, STANLEY. Aurangzíb. (Rulers of India series.) Oxford, 1893. + +LANE-POOLE, STANLEY. Bábar. (Rulers of India series.) Oxford, 1899. + +—— Mediæval India under Mohammedan rule (A.D. 712-1764). New York, 1903. + +LYALL, SIR A. C. The Moghul empire. In _Cambridge Modern History_, vi. +506-529. New York, 1909. + +MALLESON, G. B. Akbar. (Rulers of India series.) Oxford, 1908. + +RAMBAUD, ALFRED. Organisation de l’empire mongol. In Lavisse and +Rambaud’s _Histoire Générale_, vi. 878-883. Paris, 1895. + +RITCHIE, LEITCH. A history of the oriental nations. 2 vols. London, 1848. + +ROE, SIR THOMAS. Journal of his embassy to the court of the Great Mogul. +1615-1619. In Hakluyt Society’s publications, 2d series, vols. i-ii. +London, 1899.—[As quoted by Lane-Poole and others.] + + + + +APPENDIX V + +BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES + + +I. SOURCES OF OTTOMAN GOVERNMENTAL IDEAS + +Three traceable lines of influence can be followed from the earliest +times until their appearance in the Ottoman government of the sixteenth +century. The oldest began in Egypt, and continued down through various +dynasties until the Roman conquest, after which it began to enter the +Roman imperial government. From this it passed to the Byzantine and +thence to the Ottoman system. Locally again it followed a more direct +course through the Fatimides and Mamelukes until the time of Selim I’s +conquest of Egypt. The slave government of the Mamelukes offers an +interesting subject for comparison with the Ottoman Ruling Institution. +It would be superfluous to give references for this line of development, +except perhaps to mention Sir William Muir’s book, _The Mameluke or Slave +Dynasty of Egypt_ (London, 1896), and Stanley Lane-Poole’s _Egypt in the +Middle Ages_ (London, 1901). + +The second line, which seems to have contributed a greater number of +elements, came down in the Bagdad-Euphrates valley through various +governments to the Saracen and Seljuk empires, from which it passed to +the Ottomans. Here again no general references need be given. Perhaps +the most useful book in connection with the subject is D. B. McDonald’s +_Moslem Theology, Jurisprudence, and Constitutional Theory_ (New York, +1903). + +The third and most direct line of influence is through the Tatars +of the steppe lands. In A. H. Keane’s _Man, Past and Present_ +(Cambridge, England, 1899) there is a full and clear discussion of the +anthropological relationships of the Turks. E. H. Parker’s _A Thousand +Years of the Tartars_ (London, 1895) gives an account which is based +closely upon the Chinese sources, but which would be helped by the +addition of as many of the two or three thousand notes which he did not +print as would show the sources of his information. The Chinese story +of the great Tatar empire of the sixth century A.D. may be found in +Stanislas Julien’s _Documents Historiques sur les Tou-Kioue_ (Paris, +1877). W. Radloff’s _Alttürkischen Inschriften der Mongolei_ (Leipsic, +1894-95) discusses the earliest known Turkish monuments, which date +from the eighth century. Emil Bretschneider’s _Medieval Researches from +Eastern Asiatic Sources_ (2 vols., London, 1888, new edition, 1910) gives +an account of the Uigurs, whose greatness came in the eighth and ninth +centuries and whose name persisted until at least the twelfth century, as +is shown by the oldest known Turkish book, which is in their dialect. + +This old book has been printed, with original Syriac text, +transliteration into Roman characters, and German translation, by +Arminius (Hermann) Vambéry, under the title _Uigurische Sprachmonumente +und das Kudatku Bilik_ (Innsbruck, 1870). The _Kudatku Bilik_, the +“Wisdom that Blesses,” written at Kashgar in 1068 by Yusuf Khass Hajil, +is really an “Art of Government,” composed for the instruction of a +Turkish prince. It contains in rhymed couplets, arranged in chapters, +a large amount of advice on governmental matters, much of it being in +the form of proverbs. The book throws a great deal of light on the +fundamental Ottoman character. Vambéry has also made a study, on a +philological basis, of the civilization of the Tatars, entitled _Die +Primitive Cultur des Türko-tatarischen Volkes_ (Leipsic, 1879). + +A book equally remarkable with the _Kudatku Bilik_ is the _Siasset +Namèh_, written in 1092 for the Seljuk sultan Melek Shah by the great +vizier Abu ’Ali al Hasan b. Ishaq (known better by his title, the Nizam +al-Mulk), and printed in the original Persian, with a French translation, +by Charles Schéfer, Paris, 1893. This “Book of Government” reveals to +some extent three things,—the methods of government of Sassanian times, +the actual government under Melek Shah, and the Seljuk government as +the Nizam al-Mulk would have it. It also sheds much light upon Ottoman +institutions. + +The best general book on the Turks in Central Asia and their activities +down to the occupation of Asia Minor is undoubtedly Léon Cahun’s +_Introduction à l’Histoire de l’Asie: Turcs et Mongols_ (Paris, +1896). The same ground is covered briefly by Cahun in Lavisse and +Rambaud’s _Histoire Générale_, vol. ii. ch. xvi. There is a great +deal of information about the Persians and the Seljuk Turks in E. G. +Browne’s _Literary History of Persia_ (2 vols., London, 1902-1906). +Maximilian Bittner has made a valuable study of the Turkish language, +entitled _Der Einfluss des Arabischen und Persischen auf das Türkische_ +(Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, _Sitzungsberichte der +Philosophisch-Historischen Classe_, vol. cxlii. pt. iii. Vienna, 1900). +Sir W. M. Ramsay’s books are valuable for a study of the settlement +of the Turks in Asia Minor, particularly his _Historical Geography of +Asia Minor_ (London, 1890), _The Geographical Conditions determining +History and Religion in Asia Minor_ (with comments by D. G. Hogarth, H. +H. Howorth, and others, _Geographical Journal_, September, 1902, xx. +257-282), and _Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces +of the Roman Empire_ (Aberdeen, 1906). Volume V of H. F. Helmolt’s +_Weltgeschichte_ (Leipsic, etc., 1905) is useful for its attempt to trace +the elements of Ottoman culture which were derived from Byzantine and +other sources. William Miller’s _The Latins in the Levant_ (New York, +1908) gives a clear picture of the confused and divided state of affairs +to which the Ottomans put an end in their rough way. + + +II. THE OTTOMAN GOVERNMENT IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY + +Abundant material for a study of the sixteenth-century Ottoman government +has been provided and preserved; for the great place which the expanding +empire held in the world developed an immense interest in its affairs +on the part of the West, and made it worth the while of many of its +Western residents to prepare descriptions of its outstanding features, +among which its peculiar government was treated with special fulness. +The writings of these men of various Western nationalities are in a way +more helpful than a similar number of books from native writers would +be, because the foreigners could usually take nothing for granted, +but were compelled to draw a complete picture. They could not, on the +other hand, get at the inner springs of the Ottoman activity as well +as natives could; nor do any of them, with the exception of Menavino, +seem actually to have read and known the Ottoman laws. Fortunately, +Ottoman historians began to write abundantly shortly before the reign of +Suleiman. For Suleiman’s own time, the collections of his _Kanuns_ (since +he was noted as a legislator) contain much material which helps toward +an understanding of his government; moreover, writers of a later date +have been drawn with special interest toward his reign, as the climax of +Ottoman greatness. At the same time, no one but Zinkeisen has attempted +to give an extended account of the Ottoman government as it was in the +sixteenth century. + +No reasonably complete bibliography of books relating to Turkey has been +made. The following lists are worthy of mention as giving information in +regard to the material for a study of Turkish history and institutions +before the year 1600:— + +Richard Knolles gives a bare list of his authorities, to the number of +about twenty-five, at the beginning of his _Generall Historie of the +Turkes_, London, 1603. + +J. H. Boecler published at Bautzen in 1717 a _Commentarius +Historico-Politicus de Rebus Turcicis_, in which he gives, at pp. 14-41, +a list of 317 works on Turkish history and affairs, including 45 folio +volumes, 128 quartos, 98 octavos, and 45 duodecimos. + +Joseph von Hammer discusses his authorities in the preface to volume i +of his _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches_ (Pest, 1827); and in volume +x, pp. 57-336 (1835), he prints a list containing 3,025 titles of works +relating to Ottoman history which were to be found in Europe outside of +Constantinople. + +Amat di San Filippo, in his _Biografia dei Viaggiatori Italiani_, etc. (2 +vols., Rome, 1882), gives accounts of many of the early Italian writers +on Turkish affairs. + +Henri Hauser, in his edition of Du Fresne-Canaye, described below (p. +319), prints as Appendix II an _Essai d’une Bibliographie des Ouvrages +du XVIe Siècle relatifs au Levant_. The list, which does not pretend to +completeness, contains about 60 different titles. + +The catalogue of the library of Count Paul Riant, published in two parts +at Paris in 1899, also contains the titles of a great number of books +and pamphlets which relate to the subject under discussion. Most of this +material has been transferred to the Ottoman collection of the Library of +Harvard University, through the generosity of Messrs. J. R. Coolidge and +A. C. Coolidge,—a gift, it may be added, that has made the preparation +of the present treatise possible. There are also many titles on early +Ottoman history in the catalogue of Charles Schéfer’s Oriental library +(published at Paris in 1899), from which the same donors have contributed +445 volumes to the Harvard Ottoman collection. + +The list given in the _Cambridge Modern History_, i. 700-705, in +connection with Professor J. B. Bury’s chapter on “The Ottoman Conquest,” +is fuller than most of those just mentioned. It omits some valuable +authorities, however, such as Schiltberger, Menavino, Ramberti, and +Busbecq. + +It is possible to get contemporaneous views of the Ottoman Empire at a +date earlier than the beginning of the sixteenth century, though they are +all incomplete. The first accounts go back to the battle of Nicopolis +in 1396. Froissart (_Chroniques_, ed. Lettenhove, xv. 319 ff., Brussels, +1871), in a description of the battle and succeeding events which was +based on accounts given by Jacques du Fay and Jacques de Helly, gives +some idea of the Turkish army and the sultan. A better account for the +present purpose is that by Johann Schiltberger (translated into English +by J. B. Telfer, and published by the Hakluyt Society as _The Bondage +and Travels of Johann Schiltberger_, London, 1879). Schiltberger, then +a youth of sixteen, was taken prisoner at Nicopolis, and after serving +as slave to Bayezid I for six years, was captured by Timur at the battle +of Angora, 1402. He was retained as captive, not without important +responsibilities and wide journeys, for twenty-five years longer, when +he succeeded in escaping. It is a matter for regret that he says very +little of his life at the sultan’s court, since he held a position which +corresponded to that of page in later times. + +Another general account of the Turkish polity comes from the pen of +Bertrandon de la Broquière, first gentleman-carver (_écuyer tranchant_), +councillor, and chamberlain of Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy. In the +course of a trip through the Levant he met Murad II in Rumelia in 1433. +His observations show that many features of the Turkish system were then +already in operation,—as the four pashas, the slave system, the pages, +the imperial harem, the Janissaries (_Jehanicéres_), the feudal army, the +Divan, etc. La Broquière’s memoirs are edited by Charles Schéfer, under +the title _Le Voyage d’Outremer_, as volume xii of _Recueil de Voyages et +de Documents pour servir à l’Histoire de la Géographie depuis le XIIIe +jusqu’à la fin du XVIe Siècle_ (Paris, 1892). The same volume contains an +opinion in regard to the military power of the Turks by Jehan Torzelo, +dating from the year 1439. + +Still another report was written by a Transylvanian whose name remains +unknown, but who was a slave in Ottoman private families from 1436 to +1453. Evidently he had before his capture been a theological student +who held some of the ideas that preceded the Reformation movement. His +book had a great vogue after the year 1509, under various titles, such +as: Ricoldus, _De Vita et Moribus Turcarum_, Paris, 1509 (the attachment +to the name of Ricoldus is purely accidental); _Libellus de Ritu et +Moribus Turcarum_, Wittenberg, 1530 (with a preface by Martin Luther); +S. Frank, _Cronica-Abconterfayung_, etc., Augsburg, 1531; _Tractatus de +Moribus_, etc. The Wittenberg edition has been used in this treatise, +and is referred to as _Tractatus_. Although most of the book is +theological and argumentative, it affords a great deal of information. +Among other things, it contains what is probably the earliest mention of +the tribute children as the regular means of recruiting the Janissaries +(_Ginnitscheri_). + +The next good contemporary account of the Ottoman system is given in the +history of Chal(co)condyles (written in Greek), of which there are many +editions and translations. The one used here is the French translation, +_Histoire de la Décadence de l’Empire Grec et Établissement de celui des +Turcs_, Rouen, 1670. This writer, whose story comes down to 1465, speaks +out of his own observation in describing the Ottoman camp and government. + +The oldest authentic _Kanuns_ are in the _Kanun-nameh_ of Mohammed II, +which is translated by Hammer in his _Staatsverfassung_ (Vienna, 1815), +87-101. + +The earliest book that was devoted to a description of Ottoman manners, +religion, and government is by Teodoro Spandugino Cantacusino. Born of +an Italian father and a Greek mother, he spent his life alternately in +the East and the West. His book describes the empire as it was under +Bayezid II, who died in 1512, his information about the government being +obtained from two very high renegade officials, probably Messih Pasha and +Hersek-Zadeh Ahmed Pasha. The earliest edition was printed in French at +Paris in 1519 under the title _Petit Traicté de l’Origine des Turcqz_; +later editions, with and without his name, or under the name of B. +Gycaud, bear the title _La Généalogie du Grant Turc à Présent Regnant_, +etc. The edition used here is a reprint of the first French issue, edited +with notes by C. Schéfer, Paris, 1896. This writer is sometimes quoted as +Spandugino, and sometimes as Cantacusino. The first form is used in the +present treatise. + +A book that is even more valuable in some ways is Giovanni Antonio +Menavino’s _Trattato de Costumi et Vita de Turchi_. The edition used +here was printed in Florence in 1548. Menavino came of a wealthy Genoese +family. About the year 1505, when he was twelve years of age, handsome, +bright, and well educated for his years, he was captured near Corsica +by corsairs, and set aside as a gift suitable for the sultan. Taken to +Bayezid II, he pleased the old sultan greatly, and was placed at once +in the school of pages, where, as his book shows throughout, he must +have profited greatly by the teaching that he received. He describes the +religion, customs, and government of the Ottomans in much detail. In 1514 +he was taken by Selim I on the expedition against Persia; but he managed +to escape to Trebizond, whence he made his way to Adrianople, Salonika, +and thence home to Genoa. + +A group of excellent sources for studies of both the government and the +history of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century is found in the +reports which the Venetian _Bailos_ and orators extraordinary presented +to their Senate. + +Venice, says Ranke, “frequently sent her most experienced and able +citizens to foreign courts. Not content with the despatches on current +affairs regularly sent home every fourteen days, she further required +of her ambassadors, when they returned after an absence of two or three +years, that they should give a circumstantial account of the court and +the country they had been visiting.”[799] Since Constantinople was in +the sixteenth century the station of first importance in the Venetian +diplomatic service, it is safe to assume that the sons whom she sent +there were her most intelligent. + +A number of these Venetian reports, which do not, however, reach far +into Suleiman’s reign, are summarized by Marini Sanuto the Younger in +his voluminous _Diarii_, 1496-1533 (58 vols. in 59, Venice, 1879-1903). +The reports of Alvise Sagudino in 1496, and of Andrea Gritti in 1503, +are quoted by Schéfer in the introduction to his edition of Spandugino’s +work, noticed above. Rinaldo Fulin, in his _Diarii e Diaristi Veneziani_ +(Venice, 1881) reprints Sanuto’s abstract of the Itinerary of Pietro +Zeno, orator at Constantinople in 1523. + +The Venetian reports for the reign of Suleiman are all, so far as +preserved and known, collected in the invaluable work of Eugenio Alberi, +_Relazione degli Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato_ (15 vols., Florence, +1839-1863). The three volumes of the third series (published 1840, 1844, +1855, respectively), as well as a portion of the fifteenth volume or +Appendix, are devoted to Turkish reports. Volume i of this series is +also separately printed as _Documenti di Storia Ottomana del Secolo XVI_ +(Florence, 1842). A few writings are included in these volumes which were +not reports to the Venetian senate. + +In all, thirty-nine documents are thus presented, of which sixteen fall +within the reign of Suleiman. Unfortunately there is a gap between the +years 1534 and 1553, a period for which there should be eight or ten +documents of great value bearing on the Ottoman dealings with France, +Austria, Spain, and Persia. + +These volumes contain much helpful apparatus, such as a glossary of +Turkish words (vol. i); notes on the Venetian embassies to the Porte in +the sixteenth century, with a list of the Venetian representatives (vol. +ii); biographical notes concerning the writers (all three volumes); +chronological tables, genealogies, etc. (Appendix). The Venetians were +particularly interested in the financial side of the Ottoman government, +its mechanism, its army, and its fleet. Many character descriptions +of great personages enliven the pages. The last pages of the Appendix +contain a chronological index of the _Relazione_ and the other writings +included; also an alphabetical list of them by authors, and chronological +lists by countries. The subjoined list of reports from Constantinople +is taken from page 435, and will serve as a means of locating many +references in the foregoing pages. The more valuable reports are +distinguished by asterisks. + + +VENETIAN REPORTS FROM CONSTANTINOPLE + +as given in Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, 3 vols. and Appendix +(Florence, 1840-1863) + + Writer Date Volume Page + + Gritti, Andrea 1503 iii 1 + Giustiniani, Antonio 1514 ” 45 + Mocenigo, Alvise 1518 ” 53 + Contarini, Bartolomeo 1519 ” 56 + Minio, Marco 1522 ” 69 + Zen, Pietro 1524 ” 93 + Bragadino, Pietro 1526 ” 99 + Minio, Marco 1527 ” 113 + Zen, Pietro 1530 ” 119 + *Ludovisi, Daniello 1534 i 1 + *Navagero, Bernardo 1553 ” 33 + _Anonimo_ ” ” 193 + *Trevisano, Domenico 1554 ” 111 + *Erizzo, Antonio 1557 iii 123 + *Barbarigo, Antonio 1558 ” 145 + Cavalli, Marino 1560 i 271 + Dandolo, Andrea 1562 iii 161 + Donini, Marcantonio ” ” 173 + *Barbarigo, Daniele 1564 ii 1 + Bonrizzo, Luigi 1565 ” 61 + Ragazzoni, Jacopo 1571 ” 77 + *Barbaro, Marcantonio 1573 i 299 + Barbaro, Marcantonio ” Append. 387 + Badoaro, Andrea ” i 347 + *Garzoni, Costantino ” ” 369 + Alessandri, Vincenzo 1574 ii 103 + _Anonimo_ 1575 ” 309 + *Tiepolo, Antonio 1576 ” 129 + *Soranzo, Giacomo ” ” 193 + Venier, Maffeo 1579 i 437 + _Anonimo_ 1582 ii 209[800] + _Anonimo_ ” ” 427 + Contarini, Paolo 1583 iii 209 + *Morosini, Gianfrancesco 1585 ” 251 + Michiel, Giovanni 1587 ii 255 + Venier, Maffeo ” ” 295 + *Moro, Giovanni 1590 iii 323 + *Bernardo, Lorenzo 1592 ii 321 + *Zane, Matteo 1594 iii 381 + +An interesting small pamphlet is the _Auszug eines Briefes ... das +Türckich Regiment unn Wesen sey_, which was printed in a South-German +dialect in 1526. It purports to be a letter from a German settled at +Adrianople to his cousin in Germany, telling of his life as subject +Christian under the sultan. The literary arrangement is so good, and the +statements diverge so uniformly toward the dark side, that this would +seem to be a pamphlet written in Germany for the purpose of arousing +alarm and activity after the battle of Mohacs. + +Hieronymus Balbus, bishop of Gurk, published at Rome in 1526 a little +book of two essays addressed to Clement VII. The second part, “continens +Turcarum Originem, Mores, Imperium,” etc., was also commended to the +Archduke Ferdinand. The work makes up for a conspicuous lack of definite +and accurate information by means of abundant scriptural and classical +quotations and allusions, vituperation of the Turks, and assertion of +their military ineffectiveness. It is chiefly valuable as an evidence of +the “Turkish fear.” + +A book that had a wide influence is _Turcicarum Rerum Commentarius_ +addressed by Paolo Giovio, or Paulus Jovius, bishop of Nocera, to Emperor +Charles the Fifth, and dedicated at Rome in 1531. It was published in +several languages; the edition used here is the Latin one, Paris, 1539. +The book is historical except for the last ten pages, which contain a +description of the Ottoman government with particular reference to its +military resources. Giovio published also in two volumes at Florence, in +1550-1552, _Historiarum sui Temporis Tomus Primus_ [_et Secundus_]. + +V. D. Tanco, or Clavedan del Estanco, a Spanish gentleman, wrote in his +native tongue a book that was translated into Italian and published +at Venice in 1558 under the title _Libro dell’ Origine et Successione +dell’ Imperio de’ Turchi_. The basis of the work is the _Commentarius_ +of Jovius, just noticed; but this has been intelligently combined with +information from Froissart, Aeneas Sylvius, and others. The latest date +mentioned is 1537, and the death of Ibrahim in 1536 is not known. + +A very valuable and interesting work is the _Libri Tre delle Cose de +Turchi_, etc., published by Aldus in Venice in 1539, and reprinted often +thereafter. It appears also as one of the component parts of the work +published by Aldus in 1543, _Viaggi fatti da Vinetia, alla tana ... +in Costantinopoli_, known sometimes simply as _Viaggi alla tana_, or +“Travels to the Don.” The book appeared anonymously, but it has been +attributed with much confidence to Benedetto Ramberti (see Alberi, +_Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 8; _Archiv für Oesterreichische Geschichte_, +1897, lxxxiii. 9; _Revue Critique_, 1896, i. 20-21). Ramberti accompanied +Ludovisi to and from Constantinople during the first six months of 1534. +The book was written in the same year; for it shows that Barbarossa was +made pasha while it was in process of composition (see above, Appendix +I, p. 246, and, for the fact that Barbarossa was back in Algiers, May 9, +1534, see Ursu, _La Politique Orientale de François I_, Paris, 1908, p. +79), and in a long characterization at the close of the third book it +represents Luigi (Alvise) Gritti, who was assassinated in Hungary late in +1534, as still living. + +The first book of the three describes the journey overland from Ragusa to +Constantinople; the third book contains observations of no great value +on the power and policies of the Turks. The second book is the _pièce de +résistance_. It opens with a brief description of Constantinople and a +rapid sketch of the origin and history of the Ottoman Turks. An account +of the Turkish government follows, beginning with the inside service +of the household of the sultan, proceeding to the outside service, +then taking up the chief officers of government, the Janissaries, the +_Spahis_ of the Porte and the auxiliary branches of the army. The harem, +the palaces of the pages, the _Ajem-oghlans_, and the arsenal are next +described; then the feudal army is explained as it was constituted in +Europe and in Asia; and, finally, a list of the sanjakates of the empire +is given. The Italian used is fairly good, and the style is very simple, +often degenerating to the mere cataloguing of officers. Throughout the +book the financial aspect of the government is emphasized strongly, the +incomes of all persons mentioned being carefully stated. This second book +of Ramberti is of so great importance to the present treatise that it is +given in translation as Appendix I. The text used is that of the _Viaggi +... alla tana_ (Venice, 1543). + +Standing in exceedingly close relationship to the second book of Ramberti +is a twenty-two page pamphlet bearing the name of Junis Bey (Ionus Bei). +Written in broad Venetian dialect and printed on coarse paper in type of +a poor quality, not kept clean, it is in two portions, respectively of +eight and fourteen pages, which are distinguished by the use of larger +and smaller type. The title-page bears the inscription “reprinted in +1537.” The sixth page begins the list of pashas with the statement that +“Ibrahim of Parga is dead,” and then gives the name of his successor in +the office of grand vizier. On the seventeenth page it is said that the +territories of the _Beylerbey_ of Mesopotamia “border” those of Bagdad +which belong to Persia (Bagdad was taken by Suleiman in the winter of +1535 and 1536); on the eighteenth occurs the remark that Alvise Gritti +“says” such and such a thing; and at the close the book is attributed +to “Ionus bei” and “Signor Aluise gritti.” Now, Junis Bey was in Venice +from December 6, 1532, to January 9, 1533 (thesis of Theodore F. Jones, +p. 168, Harvard College Library); Gritti was assassinated in 1534; Junis +Bey was again in Venice from January 15 to February 17, 1537 (Jones, +209). It seems reasonable to conclude, therefore, that the first edition +of the pamphlet was printed at Venice in 1533 at the time of Junis Bey’s +first visit, and that at the time of his second visit in 1537 the first +eight pages were recast with a few changes, and in certain unsold copies +substituted for the older pages, the remainder being left as it stood +originally, despite the erroneous reference to Gritti. + +It is very clear that Ramberti had before him while preparing his “second +book” a document almost identical with this pamphlet. Beginning with his +description of the sultan’s household service, the order of treatment +is practically the same, and even the words and phrases are often the +same, except for differences of dialect. His language frequently suggests +that he is expanding on some material before him. It is worthy of note, +however, that not only Ramberti’s use of Italian, but also his use of +Turkish, is frequently better than that of Junis Bey. Moreover, in +his list of officials he includes the _Mufti_ and the chief dragoman +(_Terjuman_), whom Junis Bey leaves out, the latter omission being the +more remarkable in that Junis Bey held that office himself. On the +other hand, where there are differences in numbers, Junis Bey is more +apt to be correct than Ramberti. It seems not unlikely that both works +were derived from a manuscript, more nearly complete and correct than +either, in the possession of Alvise Gritti, which the latter allowed the +two writers to use, Junis Bey probably in 1532 and Ramberti in 1534. +Alvise Gritti was well known to both. Natural son of the doge Andrea +Gritti, he had won high favor with Ibrahim, who entrusted him with great +responsibilities. In fact, it may not be too bold a conjecture to suggest +that some of the information contained in his manuscript came from the +celebrated Grand Vizier himself. Aside from this possibility, a minute +survey of the Ottoman government, prepared by Gritti himself or with +his collaboration, either for his own use or for the information of his +kinsfolk the Venetians, possesses a presumption in favor of its accuracy +and truthfulness. Accordingly the closing words, “all is true,” may be +accepted with little reserve. + +These two works, by Ramberti and Junis Bey, were much used by other +writers on Turkish affairs. Postel shows a close acquaintance with them, +and Geuffroy frequently does little more than present a translation. +Ramberti was incorporated into a number of the collected works in regard +to the Turks which appeared in various languages after the middle of the +sixteenth century and thus entered into systematic histories. Since the +pamphlet of Junis Bey is very rare, its text is presented in Appendix II, +above. Besides matter very similar to that of Ramberti, it contains near +the end an account of the order of march of the sultan’s army when he +went to war. + +Guillaume Postel is perhaps the broadest-minded of the sixteenth-century +observers. He gives evidence of having had a legal training, and of +having reflected along political and constitutional lines. Nicolay, in +his preface, informs us that Postel knew Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Chaldean, +Syriac, and Arabic, as well as the principal Western languages. He +was sent by Francis I with the momentous embassy of La Forêt, and was +therefore in Constantinople about the year 1535. He seems to have made a +later visit for the purpose of acquiring manuscripts; but the substance +of his book, as appears from numerous references, dates from the first +visit. The volume was printed at Poitiers in 1560, but was not published +till 1570. It contains three parts, separately paged:— + +I. _De la République des Turcs_; II. _Histoire et Considération de +l’Origine, Loy, et Coustume des Tartares ... Turcs_, etc.; III. _La +Tierce Partie des Orientales Histoires, où est exposée la Condition, +Puissance, & Revenue de l’Empire Turquesque_, etc. The first part gives, +among other things, an excellent account of the page system and of +Ottoman law and justice. The third part is built upon the information in +Ramberti and Junis Bey; it describes the page system further, and adds a +good account of the _Ajem-oghlans_ and the Janissaries. By a reference it +shows acquaintance with Giovio. + +Antoine Geuffroy, knight of St. John, issued in 1542 his _Briefve +Description de la Court du Grand Turc_. Four years later this was +published in English by R. Grafton under the title _The Order of the +Great Turcks Court of Hye Menne of War_; and from thirty to fifty years +later it appeared, combined with other material, in large volumes in the +Latin and German tongues under the name of N. Honigerus or Haeniger, +with a Latin translation by G. Godelevæus, entitled _Aulae Turcicae, +Othomannicique Imperii Descriptio_, etc. The work of Geuffroy thus had +a great vogue. It was a sound, intelligent description of the empire, +built upon the information in Ramberti and Junis Bey. By references and +allusions it shows acquaintance with Froissart, Spandugino, and Giovio. +The references to Geuffroy in the foregoing pages are to the reprint in +Schéfer’s edition of Jean Chesneau, described below. + +Bartholomew Georgevitz, pilgrim to Jerusalem, issued a small book, _De +Turcarum Moribus Epitome_, which passed through many editions in two or +three languages, the first dating not later than 1544, and the latest not +earlier than 1629. The chapters are on various topics and from various +sources. The first, on the rites and ceremonies of the Turks, is abridged +from Spandugino. The second, on the Turkish soldiery, is by Georgevitz +himself; it is perhaps the most valuable, and shows by the age assigned +to Prince Mustapha that it was written about 1537. The fourth chapter +gives useful Turkish phrases, and is interesting as showing how Turkish +words were pronounced in the sixteenth century. The fifth chapter gives +a full account of the treatment of slaves of private citizens, written +by one who had been a slave, apparently Georgevitz himself. The edition +referred to in this treatise was printed at Paris in 1566. + +Jérome Maurand accompanied Captain Pinon on his mission to Constantinople +in 1544. A few years later he wrote, in Italian, an account of his +journey, which was translated by Léon Dorez as _Itinéraire de Jérome +Maurand d’Antibes à Constantinople_, and published at Paris in 1901 as +vol. xvii of _Recueil de Voyages_, etc. + +Before 1549, Ibrahim Halebi, the jurist, prepared by command of Suleiman +the codification of the Sacred Law which bears the name of _Multeka +ol-ebhar_, and which formed the foundation of D’Ohsson’s great work. + +Jean Chesneau went to Constantinople with D’Aramont, ambassador of Henry +II of France, and accompanied him on Suleiman’s campaign against Persia +in 1549. His narrative, which is not very illuminating or accurate, was +edited by Charles Schéfer and published at Paris in 1887, under the +title, _Le Voyage de Monsieur d’Aramon_, as vol. viii of _Recueil de +Voyages_, etc. Bound in the same volume are five letters in the Italian +language, written from Constantinople in 1547 by the ambassador Veltwyck +to Archduke Ferdinand of Austria; there is also (at pp. 227-248) a +reprint in French of the first edition of Geuffroy. + +Nicolas de Nicolay of Dauphiné, royal geographer and extensive +traveler, who wrote a book called _Discours et l’Histoire Véritable des +Navigations, Pérégrinations et Voyages faicts en la Turquie_, is not +the least interesting of sixteenth-century authorities on Turkey. His +account of his voyage from Marseilles to Constantinople in the year 1551 +in the train of the Seigneur d’Aramont, ambassador of Henry II, and the +drawings from life with which he embellishes his book, show his capacity +for exact observation. In his descriptions of the customs and government +of the Ottoman Empire, however, he does not reveal the possession of +much first-hand information. Menavino is here his principal source of +knowledge. The first edition of his book appeared at Lyons in 1567; it +was translated into several languages and reproduced often. An enlarged +edition, published at Antwerp in 1586, is the one referred to in the +foregoing pages. The plates in the book, about sixty in number, have been +said to be the work of Titian; but this is apparently incorrect, for +the preface merely states that Nicolay drew from life on the spot and +afterwards had the drawings reproduced “_avec fraiz & labeur incroyable_.” + +From a literary point of view, Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq is by all odds +the most interesting of sixteenth-century sources for the study of +Ottoman history and government. The charm of his style should not obscure +the facts that he was a keen and exact observer possessed of a true +scientific spirit, and that he reflected carefully on what he saw. He +wrote on Turkey during his period of service as ambassador from Charles +V to Suleiman between 1555 and 1562. One of his four Turkish letters was +printed in Antwerp in 1581, and since that time at least twenty-seven +editions and reprints have appeared in seven languages. The edition of +his _Life and Letters_, in two volumes, translated from the original +Latin by C. T. Forster and F. H. B. Daniell (London, 1881), has been +used in this treatise, as has also his _De Re Militari contra Turcam +instituenda Consilium_, as printed in a complete edition of his writings +published at Pest in 1758, pp. 234-277. + +Philippe Du Fresne-Canaye, a young Huguenot gentleman, was sent by his +family to Venice for safety in the troubled days after the massacre of +St. Bartholomew; and he took advantage of his nearness to the Levant +to visit Constantinople in 1573. He had prepared himself for his visit +by reading Ramberti, Postel, Nicolay, and others, but he does not seem +to have learned much that was not in those authorities. His _Voyage du +Levant_ was edited for publication in Paris in 1897 by Henri Hauser, as +vol. xvi of _Recueil de Voyages_, etc. Hauser’s Appendix II contains the +bibliography of sixteenth-century works relating to the Levant which is +mentioned above (p. 308). + +The _Kanun-nameh_ of Suleiman, collected by the _Mufti_ Ebu su’ud, who +died in 1574, contained a number of the Sultan’s _Kanuns_ relating +mainly to financial and feudal matters. A translation of the incomplete +table of contents of the Turkish manuscript copy of this _Kanun-nameh_ +(which is in the Imperial Library at Vienna, Fluegel No. 1816) is given +above as Appendix III. Many of the _Kanuns_ are translated in Hammer’s +_Staatsverfassung_, pp. 396-424, where they are erroneously attributed to +Achmet I. + +A little anonymous book, _The Policy of the Turkish Empire_, published +at London in 1597, contains an interesting preface. The remainder of +the book deals only with the Turkish religion, and is drawn mainly from +Menavino, with some incorporation from Spandugino and Georgevitz. + +At the conclusion of Richard Knolles’s _Generall Historie of the Turkes_ +(London, 1603), is to be found “A Briefe Discourse of the Greatnesse of +the Turkish Empire,” written probably in the year of publication, since +the story comes down to the accession of Achmet I in 1603. The lands +of the empire, “of all others now upon earth farre the greatest,” are +described, its revenues are set forth, the Timariotes, the Janissaries, +the chief officers of state, and the fleet receive notice, and the +Turkish power is compared with that of all states which touch its +frontiers. It is to this part of Knolles’s work (as printed in the 6th +edition of his History, with Ricaut’s continuation, London, 1687, ii. +981-990) that most of the references in the foregoing pages are made. + +Pietro Della Valle, known as Il Pellegrino, or The Pilgrim, wrote _Viaggi +... in la Turchia, la Persia, e l’India_, which was published in two +volumes (four parts) at Rome in 1658-1663. He was in Constantinople +in 1614 and 1615, and took advantage of every opportunity to witness +a ceremony. Observant of costumes and jewels, he could not esteem the +Turkish officials highly, because they were all slaves. The references in +this treatise are to the second edition of the first part, published in +1662. + +Many collections based on the above-mentioned writings and on others were +issued after the middle of the sixteenth century, and many surveys of the +Ottoman Empire were prepared as time went on. Of the latter, three stand +forth as of sufficient importance to throw light on sixteenth-century +conditions:— + +Sir Paul Ricaut, a resident of Turkey for many years, issued late in the +seventeenth century _The History of the Present State of the Ottoman +Empire_. He explains that he obtained his information from Turkish +records from high officials, from members of the Ulema, and from a Pole +who had passed through the school of pages and had spent nineteen years +in all at the Ottoman court. Ricaut was evidently a student of political +philosophy; he seems to have relied especially upon Tacitus, the civil +law, Machiavelli, and Lord Bacon. His book was printed in several +languages, has been much quoted since, and deserves the fame it received. +The sixth English edition, published in London in 1686, is used here. The +book is also printed at the end of the second volume of his edition of +Knolles’s _Turkish History_, London, 1687. + +Ignatius Mouradgea D’Ohsson, born in Turkey and long a resident there, +prepared between 1788 and 1818 his great _Tableau Général de l’Empire +Othoman_. He based his work on the _Multeka ol-ebhar_ (see above, p. 318) +which with its comments he rearranged and translated, adding to it a +great many observations of his own. The book appeared in two forms, the +huge folio edition being a magnificent example of the bookmaker’s art. +The smaller edition of the book (7 vols., Paris, 1788-1824) has been used +here. The last three volumes were published under the supervision of his +son after his death. Six of the seven volumes are based on the _Multeka_; +the seventh contains a full description of the government, including the +court, the ministers, the bureaus, the army, etc. + +Joseph von Hammer published at Vienna, in 1815, _Des Osmanischen Reichs +Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung_, in two volumes. The former is +very largely a collection of documents, such as _Kanuns_, _fetvas_, and +extracts from the _Multeka_. A large amount of valuable material is +presented; but it is only partly digested, and the author often does not +indicate clearly whence he drew his extracts. The second volume goes +over much the same ground as D’Ohsson’s seventh volume. Another work +of Hammer’s, his _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches_ (10 vols., Pest, +1827-1835), has furnished the historical background for this treatise. +This work is extremely valuable from the fact that it is based upon +numerous inaccessible Turkish sources; but it is largely uncritical, and +it does not make sufficient use of Western authorities. + +Leopold Ranke published at Hamburg in 1827 the first volume of his +excellent work, _Fürsten und Völker von Sud-Europa_. He was the first to +discern the value of the Venetian reports, and by their aid he reached +far greater accuracy than had yet been attained in attempts to describe +these great South-European empires when at the height of their power. The +English translation by W. K. Kelly, entitled _The Ottoman and the Spanish +Empires in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries_ (London, 1843), has +been used in the present treatise. + +The third volume of J. W. Zinkeisen’s _Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches +in Europa_ (Gotha, 1855) has been used for its discussion of the Ottoman +government in the sixteenth century. It is based too exclusively on +the Venetian reports, which Zinkeisen seems to have regarded as always +trustworthy, and it makes little or no use of Turkish sources. + +Stanley Lane-Poole, in his _Story of Turkey_, London, 1886, chapters +xiv and xvi, gives a very good summary of the structure of the Ottoman +household and administration, condensed from D’Ohsson’s seventh volume. + +In Lavisse and Rambaud’s _Histoire Générale_, iv. 747 ff., there is a +brief account, by Rambaud, of the organization of the Ottoman Empire in +general. Though not accurate in every respect, it gives, on the whole, an +excellent picture. + +A. Heidborn published at Vienna and Leipsic in 1909 a careful, +well-planned, and extremely valuable work entitled _Manuel de Droit +Public et Administratif de l’Empire Ottoman_. Although the principal +purpose of the book is to explain present-day conditions, the historical +background is outlined at many points. Unfortunately there is neither +table of contents nor index; but perhaps these will be supplied when the +work is extended farther. The chapters of the present volume deal with +the territory of the state, the sources and fundamental principles of +the legislation in force in the Ottoman Empire, the head of the state, +nationality, the administrative organization, and justice. The chapter on +justice occupies more than half the book, and treats fully the judicial +organization, civil and criminal law, and procedure. + +In addition to the works described above, the appended alphabetical list +contains the names of a few authors whose works, though occasionally +quoted in this treatise, call for no special comment; and also the names +of a number of writers who have dealt with the government of Turkey, but +who have not been quoted because their information either is of secondary +importance or derivation, or deals with a later time, when conditions had +been changed. + + +III. Alphabetical List of Works Cited + +ACHMET I. See KANUN-NAMEH of Achmet I. + +ALBERI, EUGENIO. Relazione degli ambasciatori Veneti al senato. 15 vols. +(in 3 series). Florence, 1839-1863.—See pp. 311-313. + +ALESSANDRI, VINCENZO. Relazione, 1574. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d +series, ii. 103-127. Florence, 1844. + +ANGIOLELLO. Mss. in Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Italien, No. 1238. + +AUSZUG eines briefes ... das türckich Regiment und Wesen sey. n. p. +1526.—See p. 313. + +[AVENTINUS, JOHANNES.] Türckische Historien, oder Warhaftige +Beschreibunge aller Türcken Ankunfft, Regierung, u. s. w. Translated from +the Italian by Heinrich Müller. Frankfort, 1570.—Earlier edition, with +slightly different title, 1563-[1565]. + +BADOARO, ANDREA. Relazione, 1573. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, i. +347-368. Florence, 1840. + +BALBUS, HIERONYMUS. H ... B ... ad Clementem VII ... de civili & bellica +fortitudine liber ... cui additus est alter continens Turcarum originem, +mores, imperium, etc. Rome, 1526.—See p. 313. + +BARBARIGO, ANTONIO. Sommario della relazione, 1558. In Alberi’s +_Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 145-160. Florence, 1855. + +BARBARIGO, DANIELE. Relazione, 1564. _Ibid._ ii. 1-59. Florence, 1844. + +BARBARO, MARCANTONIO. Relazione, 1573. _Ibid._ i. 299-346. Florence, 1840. + +—— Relazione, 1573. _Ibid._ Appendix vol., 387-415. Florence, 1863. + +BASSANO, LUIGI. See DU ZARE. + +BAUDIER, MICHEL. Histoire généralle du serrail, et de la cour du grand +seigneur empereur des turcs. Paris, 1626. + +BELIN, A[LPHONSE]. Du régime des fiefs militaires dans l’Islamisme, et +principalement en Turquie. _Journal Asiatique._ 6th series, xv. 187-301. +Paris, 1870. + +—— Étude sur la propriété foncière en pays musulman, et spécialement en +Turquie. Paris, 1862. + +BÉRARD, VICTOR. La révolution turque. Paris, 1909. + +BERNARDO, LORENZO. Relazione, 1592. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +ii. 321-426. Florence, 1844. + +BITTNER, MAXIMILIAN. Der Einfluss des Arabischen und Persischen auf das +Türkische. Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. _Sitzungsberichte +der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe_, vol. cxlii. pt. iii. Vienna, +1900.—See p. 306. + +BOECLER, J. H. Commentarius historico-politicus de rebus Turcicis. +Bautzen, 1717.—See p. 308. + +BON, OTTAVIANO. Il serraglio del gransignore (1608). [Edited by Guglielmo +Berchet.] Venice, 1865. + +BONRIZZO, LUIGI. Relazione, 1565. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, ii. +61-76. Florence, 1844. + +BRAGADINO, PIETRO. Sommario della relazione, 1526. In Alberi’s +_Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 99-112. Florence, 1855. + +BRETSCHNEIDER, E[MIL]. Medieval researches from Eastern Asiatic sources. +2 vols. London, 1888; another edition, 1910.—See p. 306. + +BROSCH, MORITZ. The height of the Ottoman power. _Cambridge Modern +History._ Vol. iii. ch. iv. London, 1904. + +BROWNE, E. G. A literary history of Persia. [2 vols.] London, +1902-1906.—See p. 306. + +BURY, J. B. The Ottoman conquest. _Cambridge Modern History_, vol. i. ch. +iii. London, 1902. + +BUSBECQ, OGIER GHISELIN DE. Exclamatio: sive De re militari contra Turcam +instituenda consilium, etc. In _Augerii Gislenii Busbequii Omnia quae +extant_, 234-277. Pest, [1758].—See p. 319. + +—— Life and Letters. Translated by C. T. Forster and F. H. B. Daniell. 2 +vols. London, 1881.—See p. 318. + +CAHUN, LÉON. Introduction à l’histoire de l’Asie: Turcs et Mongols. +Paris, 1896.—See p. 306. + +—— Les révolutions de l’Asie. In Lavisse and Rambaud’s _Histoire +Générale_, vol. ii. ch. xvi. Paris, 1893.—Formation territoriale de +l’Asie. _Ibid._, vol. iii. ch. xix. Paris, 1894. + +CAMBRIDGE medieval history (The). Planned by J. B. Bury; edited by H. M. +Gwatkin and J. P. Whitney. Vol. i. Cambridge, England, 1911.—See PEISKER. + +CAMBRIDGE modern history (The). Edited by A. W. Ward, G. W. Prothero, and +Stanley Leathes. 12 vols. and Index. London, 1902-1911.—See BROSCH, BURY. + +CANTACUSINO. See SPANDUGINO. + +CAVALLI, MARINO. Relazione, 1560. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, i. +271-298. Florence, 1840. + +CHAL(CO)CONDYLES, L[AONICUS]. Histoire de la décadence de l’empire grec +et éstablissement de celui des Turcs. Translated from the Greek by +B[laise] de Vigenere. Rouen, 1670.—See p. 310. + +CHARDIN, SIR JOHN. Travels into Persia and the East-Indies. London, 1686. + +CHARRIÈRE, E[RNEST]. Négociations de la France dans le Levant. 4 vols. +Paris, 1848-1860. + +CHESNEAU, JEAN. Le voyage de Monsieur d’Aramon (1549). Edited by Charles +Schéfer, in _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., vol. viii. Paris, 1887.—See p. +318. + +CONTARINI, BARTOLOMEO. Sommario della relazione, 1519. In Alberi’s +_Relazione_, 3d series, iii. 56-68. Florence, 1855. + +CONTARINI, PAOLO. Relazione, 1583. _Ibid._ 209-250. Florence, 1855. + +CRONICA—ABCONTERFAYUNG, etc. Augsburg, 1531.—The same as TRACTATUS, _q. +v._ + +DANDOLO, ANDREA. Relazione, 1562. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +iii. 161-172. Florence, 1855. + +DAY, CLIVE. A history of commerce. New York, 1907. + +DELLA VALLE, PIETRO (IL PELLEGRINO). Viaggi ... in ... la Turchia, la +Persia, e l’India. 4 pts. in 2 vols. Rome, 1658-1663 (pt. i, La Turchia, +1662, is 2d edition). — See p. 320. + +DJEVAD BEY, AHMED. État militaire ottoman. Vol. i. bk. i. Le corps des +Janissaires. Translated from the Turkish by Georges Macridès. Paris, +etc., 1882. + +DOCUMENTI di storia ottomana del secolo XVI. Vol. i. Florence, 1842.—The +same as Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, i (1840). See p. 311. + +D’OHSSON, IGNATIUS MOURADGEA. Tableau général de l’empire othoman. 7 +vols. Paris, 1788-1824.—See p. 320. + +DONINI, MARCANTONIO. Relazione, 1562. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +iii. 173-208. Florence, 1855. + +DOREZ, LÉON. See MAURAND. + +DU FRESNE-CANAYE, PHILIPPE. Le voyage du Levant (1573). Edited by Henri +Hauser in _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., vol. xvi. Paris, 1897.—See p. 319. + +DU ZARE, LUIGI BASSANO. Consuetudines & ratio vitae Turcorum. Rome, 1545. + +EBU SU’UD. See KANUN-NAMEH of Suleiman. + +ELIOT, SIR CHARLES. Turks. _Encyclopedia Britannica_, 11th edition, +xxvii. 468-473. Cambridge, 1911. + +ERIZZO, ANTONIO. Relazione, 1557. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +iii. 123-144. Florence, 1855. + +ESTANCO. See TANCO. + +FEBURE, MICHELE. L’état présent de la Turquie. Paris, 1675. + +FROISSART, SIR JOHN. Œuvres (chroniques). Edited by Kervyn de Lettenhove. +25 vols. (in 26). Brussels, 1867-1877. — See p. 309. + +FULIN, RINALDO. Diarii e diaristi veneziani. Venice, 1881.—See p. 311. + +GARZONI, COSTANTINO. Relazione, 1573. In Alberi’s _Relazione_, 3d series, +i. 369-436. Florence, 1840. + +GEORGEVITZ, BARTHOLOMEW. De Turcarum moribus Epitome. Paris, 1566.—See p. +317. + +GERLACH, STEPHAN. Tage-buch (1674). Quoted in Zinkeisen’s _Geschichte des +Osmanischen Reiches_, iii. 222 ff. Gotha, 1855. + +GEUFFROY, ANTOINE. 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Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa. 7 vols. +and Index, Hamburg and Gotha, 1840-1863.—See p. 321. + + + + +FOOTNOTES + + +[1] Cahun, _Introduction à l’Histoire de l’Asie_, 90. + +[2] The West was much concerned in the sixteenth century with the +problem of ascertaining the origin of the Turks. Balbus gives an idea +how difficult it was to reach a definite opinion: “Some count the Turks +among the Asiatic Sarmatians, and say that they were expelled by their +neighbors from the Caspian mountains into Persia, and descended into +Asia Minor. Others, following the name, perhaps, think that this people +had its beginning in Turce, a great and opulent city of the Persians. +Others consider them the progeny of the Parthians. Some think the Turks +had their origin in Arabia, and some in Syria. But it is more likely that +they were Scythians by origin, and (as we said above) from the foot of +Mount Caucasus, and that they formerly inhabited vast deserts.” See also +Knolles, 1-2. + +[3] Keane, _Man, Past and Present_, 268, 314-315. Holdich (in +_Encyclopaedia Britannica_, 11th ed., ii. 749 b) says, “As ethnographical +inquiry advances the Turk appears to recede from his Mongolian affinities +and to approach the Caucasian.” Keene (_Turks in India_, 1 ff.) is +inclined to consider the Turks a mere mixture of Mongols with Caucasians. +So bald a theory does not account for the group of Turkish languages. + +[4] Keane, 267. + +[5] _Ibid._ 317. + +[6] _Ibid._ 322; Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 3. + +[7] Keane, 322; Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 2; etc. + +[8] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 1. This fact, known to Knolles (p. 2), +seems to have escaped the attention of Sir Charles Eliot (_Encyclopaedia +Britannica_, 11th ed., xxvii. 470 d). + +[9] The older view, that Iran represented peoples of Indo-European stock, +and Turan peoples of Ural-Altaic stock, though once so generally adopted +as to sanction the bestowal of the names Iranian and Turanian upon these +groups of peoples, has been abandoned as regards the original legends, +in which Turan seems to have represented ruder tribes of Indo-European +lineage (Meyer, _Geschichte_, i. pt. ii. 814-815). But the Greeks +from their first acquaintance with the name identified Turan with the +Scythians, and at about the same time the Persians began to apply it to +the Northern peoples of alien stock. The conditions of frontier contact +between Turks and Persians during many centuries were undoubtedly as +described in the legends. + +[10] Rawlinson, _Parthia_, 33-35; Keane, 319. Meyer (in _Encyclopaedia +Britannica_, 11th ed., xxi. 214 c) regards the Parni or Aparni, who +became the conquering tribe in Parthia, as Iranian nomads; but Peisker +(in _Cambridge Medieval History_, i. 332) asserts that the nomads of the +Asiatic background all belong to the Altaian branch of the Ural-Altaian +race. The fact that the Parthian army was a slave army (see Meyer, +as above, 217 a) is perhaps the strongest piece of evidence that the +original Parthians were Turks. + +[11] Keane, 327. Asia Minor is here used in the larger sense, as denoting +in general the Asian territory which lies west of a line drawn from the +eastern end of the Black Sea to the head of the Gulf of Alexandretta. + +[12] Quoted in Keane, 328, from Gibbon (ed. Bury), vi. 250. + +[13] Vambéry, _Die Primitive Cultur_, 47; Keane, 328; Cahun, +_Introduction_, 169 ff.; Ramsay, _Studies in Eastern Roman Provinces_, +295. + +[14] Ramsay, _Studies in Eastern Roman Provinces_, 297. This statement +has been confirmed by conversation with other persons well acquainted +with conditions in Asia Minor. See also E. Huntington, in _National +Geographic Magazine_, September, 1910, p. 767. + +[15] Vambéry (_Die Primitive Cultur_, 47) expresses the opinion that the +Ottomans never received, all told, more than 25,000 men of Turkish blood. + +[16] _Ottoman_ is an attempt to pronounce _Othman_ by those who pronounce +_th_ like _t_; _Osman_ a similar attempt by those who pronounce _th_ (as +in “thin”) like _s_. + +[17] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 42-43. + +[18] Keane, 268, 316. Peschel, 380, says, “The Turks of the west have +so much Aryan and Semitic blood in them that the last vestiges of their +original physical characters have been lost, and their language alone +indicates their previous descent.” On the other hand, E. Huntington (in +_National Geographic Magazine_, September, 1910, p. 767) expresses the +opinion that the inhabitants of the central part of the plateau of Asia +Minor are “almost purely Turkish in race.” He does not say, however, that +this opinion is based on observation of physical appearances. + +[19] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 59. + +[20] Keene, 2, makes the interesting suggestion that this custom, +followed _mutatis mutandis_ by the Moguls of India, was a survival of +exogamous conditions among the ancestors of the Turks. + +[21] The twentieth power of 1/2 is 1/1,148,576. The description +given of Orchan, furthermore, shows scarcely a discernible trace of +Mongolian ancestry. Compare Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 158: “Mit demselben +[Osman] waren ihm zwar die Bocksnase und die schön gewölbten schwarzen +Augenbrauen gemein; aber er hatte blonde Haare und lichte Augen, die +Statur und die Stirne hoch, die Brust breit, die Faust kräftig wie die +Klaue des Löwen, das Gesicht rund und die Farbe desselben weiss und roth; +der Körperbau stark, der Bart und Knebelbart dicht und wohlgenährt.” +Murad II showed a little more evidence of Tatar descent. He “is,” says +La Broquière, 181, “a man of stout build and short body, and he has +something of the broad face of a Tatar’s physiognomy, and he has a rather +large hooked nose and rather small eyes, and he is very brown in the +face, and he has plump cheeks and a round beard.” + +[22] Keane, 266. + +[23] Compare the election of Sebuktegin, in Schéfer’s edition of the +_Siasset Namèh_, 158. + +[24] Cahun, _Introduction_, 79. + +[25] Vambéry, _Uigurische Sprachmonumente und das Kudatku Bilik_, 118. +This passage closely resembles the words attributed to Artaxerxes +I, first king of the Sassanian Persian line: “There can be no power +without an army, no army without money, no money without agriculture, +and no agriculture without justice” (Rawlinson, _Seventh Great Oriental +Monarchy_, i. 61). + +[26] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 36-45. + +[27] _Ibid._ 36. + +[28] Quoted by Cahun, in Lavisse and Rambaud, iii. 964. + +[29] Schéfer, _Siasset Namèh_, 139. + +[30] Bérard, 4 ff. + +[31] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 30; D’Ohsson, v. 7; Heidborn, 111. + +[32] D’Ohsson, i. 291; Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 32. + +[33] D’Ohsson, vi. 253. + +[34] _Ibid._ v. 53. + +[35] _Ibid._ 109. + +[36] _Ibid_. iv. 280; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 331; Erizzo, 137. + +[37] This was based upon a passage of the Koran, “Sedition is worse +than execution” (Sura 2: 187): Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 216. Professor +G. F. Moore points out that in this passage (and in Sura 2: 214, which +is substantially identical) the text refers to Mohammed’s war with the +Meccans, or to fighting in the sacred months. The word _fitnah_, here +translated “sedition,” has various meanings: first of all, “trial,” as +gold and silver, for example, are tried by smelting; then, “successful +temptation, leading or turning a man astray, error, discord, dissension, +sedition, etc.” The context indicates clearly that Mohammed had in mind +the leading or turning of people from the true religion as that which +is “worse than killing.” The other meanings would, however, allow some +accommodating jurist or theologian to make this a plausible proof-text +for authorizing the killing of the sultan’s brothers, who might become +seditious or furnish cause for dissension. + +[38] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 31. + +[39] _Ibid._ 32; D’Ohsson, vii. 150. + +[40] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 478, and _Staatsverfassung_, 340. + +[41] For the Tartar method of raiding in the seventeenth century, see +Ricaut, book i. ch. xiii. This may be compared with Turkish methods in +the fifteenth century, as described by the author of the _Tractatus_, ch. +v. + +[42] D’Ohsson, v. 50. Orthodoxy in the Moslem religion was by no means an +insuperable obstacle to attempts at conquest. The Mamelukes whom Selim I +overthrew were Sunnites, and Malekite Morocco was long a land coveted by +the Ottomans. A desire for the unification of orthodox Islam came into +play here. + +[43] D’Ohsson, v. 86. + +[44] The Turks laid claim also to Morocco, but they never exercised +abiding authority there: Knolles (ed. 1687), 987. + +[45] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 520-521. + +[46] These are given in detail in Hammer’s _Staatsverfassung_, 219-327. + +[47] _Ibid._ 251 (_Kanun-nameh_ of the _sanjak_ of Kurdistan). + +[48] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 478, and _Staatsverfassung_, 343 ff.; +Heidborn, 320 ff. + +[49] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 344. + +[50] D’Ohsson, vii. 372 ff.; Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 475 ff., and +_Staatsverfassung_, 337 ff. + +[51] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 345. + +[52] _Ibid._ 347. + +[53] _Ibid._ 344. + +[54] D’Ohsson, v. 96. + +[55] _Ibid._ + +[56] Belin, _La Propriété Foncière_, 88 ff. + +[57] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 476; D’Ohsson, vii. 374. + +[58] D’Ohsson, ii. 523 ff., especially 552-557. + +[59] Belin, _La Propriété Foncière_, 104 ff. + +[60] Ricaut, 112. + +[61] Bernardo, 387 (“like a mine of slaves for the service of the +Turks”); Ricaut, 123; Chardin, 85, 90 (“sometimes they will sell their +own children”), 94, 114, 192. It is said that the practice of raising +Circassian girls for sale is still carried on in Asia Minor (Heidborn, +81). + +[62] Ricaut, 138; Postel, iii. 71; Nicolay, 10 (“The most of those who +are called Turks in Algiers, whether in the king’s household, or on +the galleys, are Christians of all nations who have denied their faith +and turned Mohammedan—sont Chrestiens reniez et Mahumetizez de toutes +nations”); Lavisse and Rambaud, iv. 816, 820. + +[63] Nicolay, 83. Jorga, iii. 167-189, has taken note of the ancestry of +many of the high Turkish officials of the sixteenth century; he finds no +Roumanian among them. + +[64] In regard to the Armenians, see Schiltberger, 73; Chalcocondyles, +53. As to both Armenians and Jews, see Navagero, 42; Postel, i. 34. +Morosini, 294, makes mention of an Armenian who was in 1585 the +_Beylerbey_ of Greece by special favor of the Sultan. + +[65] Pélissié du Rausas, i. 21-22. + +[66] D’Ohsson, v. 104. Visiting foreigners (_muste emin_) who might +remain more than one year became tributary subjects (_zimmi_): Belin, _La +Propriété Foncière_, 57. + +[67] For the times when these different “communities” were formed within +the Ottoman state, see Steen de Jehay, _passim_. In brief, the Greek +community was organized in 1453 and the Armenian in 1461. The latter was +at first supposed to include all subjects who were not Moslem or Greek +Orthodox; those who were not Gregorian Armenians were gradually separated +off by a process of differentiation which may be said to be active still. +With the growth of the spirit of nationalism in the nineteenth century, +the Greek Orthodox community has also been divided. + +[68] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 237. + +[69] See Jorga, iii. 167 ff., especially 174, 188. + +[70] Gritti, 24-25. + +[71] A. Barbarigo, 149-150 (from a summary of his _Relazione_). + +[72] Barbaro, 315-329, _passim_. + +[73] Morosini, 263-267, _passim_. + +[74] Bernardo, 358-364, _passim_. + +[75] Zane, 389. + +[76] _Ibid._, 414. + +[77] Knolles (ed. 1687), 982. + +[78] Ricaut, 14-15. + +[79] These _Spahis_ of the Porte are to be distinguished from the body of +feudal _Spahis_. See below, pp. 98-105. + +[80] This is illustrated by the quotations in the last section of Chapter +i, above. See also Menavino, 138 (referring to the pages, he says “Tutti +sono suoi schiaui & figlioli Christiani”); Ricaut, 14 (all who receive +pay or office from the sultan are called _kul_); D’Ohsson, vii. 203 (“Les +employés civils de même que les militaires, suivant l’antique usage de +l’Orient, sont assimilés aux esclaves du Souverain, et qualifiés de ce +nom—coul—dans toutes les pièces publiques”). In D’Ohsson’s time the term +had acquired such a general usage as in the English phrase “your obedient +servant.” Della Valle, i. 44, speaking of the entry to the Divan, says, +“Tutti sono schiavi;” and Ranke, 9, says, “All were slaves.” + +[81] D’Ohsson, vii. 149, 207. + +[82] For example, Lodge, _The Close of the Middle Ages_ (1906), 500; +Myers, _Medieval and Modern History_ (1905), 165. + +[83] The _Tractatus_, ch. viii, says simply 20 years and under; Zeno, +128, says above 10 years. Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 244, 263) +mention pages from 8 to 20 years old; Navagero, 49, says between 12 and +15 years, Trevisano, 229, says that they were taken not at the age of +6 or 7 years as formerly, but at 10 or 12 years. Postel, iii. 23, sets +between 12 and 14 as the lower limit, and 18 and 20 as the upper limit. +Nicolay, 62, says that the pages were from 8 to 20 years of age; Garzoni, +396, says that they ranged from the tenth to the thirteenth year; +Ricaut, 74, fixes the age at 10 or 12 years. Too much reliance should +not be placed on Trevisano’s statement as to former times, since hearsay +evidence as to Turkish affairs is unreliable. Considering the rougher +life in earlier times, it is likely that levies would then have been made +of older, rather than younger, boys. The presence of young boys among the +pages was due to the selection of unusually promising captives. + +[84] Myers (as above) mentions the two methods of capture and tribute as +successive. + +[85] Djevad Bey, i. 26: “Ces prisonniers ou esclaves étaient d’ailleurs +incorporés dans l’armée des Janissaires, et alors l’effectif qui manquait +était complété par la voie de la levée de troupes parmi les sujets +chrétiens.” + +[86] Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 254, 270) say that 10,000, or +12,000 were taken every 4 years. Geuffroy, 242, and Postel, iii. 23, +give the same estimate. Ricaut, 74, says he is “given to understand” +that about 2000 were collected yearly in the middle of the seventeenth +century. The exigencies of war probably increased the number greatly at +times. Bérard, 12, naming no authority, says that in some years Suleiman +took 40,000 boys. + +[87] 20,000 _Ajem-oghlans_, 12,000 to 14,000 Janissaries, 10,000 of the +auxiliary corps, grooms, etc., 40,000 _Spahis_ of the Porte (including +the 12,000 members of the four corps and the followers they were obliged +to bring), 2000 pages and high officials. Suleiman took with him on his +last campaign 48,316 men under pay (Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 181). +Morosini, 259, says that in 1585 the sultan had under pay 80,000 men. +This is exclusive of about one-half of the _Ajem-oghlans_. + +[88] Postel, i. 20. + +[89] See below, p. 69, note 3. + +[90] Postel, iii. 36. + +[91] See below, p. 99, note 1. + +[92] For example, Piri Mohammed, a descendant of the thirteenth-century +poet, Jelal ad-din Rumi. Cf. Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 18. + +[93] Notably Junis Bey, who says (below, p. 265), “None can be a +pasha except a Christian renegade.” This custom is said to have been +established by Bayezid II (Angiolello, 74, quoted by Jorga, ii. 306, note +2). For further instances, see the last section of Chapter i, above. + +[94] See above, p. 33. + +[95] D’Ohsson, v. 91. + +[96] Schiltberger, 5, gives an early example. See also _Tractatus_, ch. +viii. + +[97] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 167. + +[98] Zeno, 127. + +[99] Zeno is strongly impressed by these two sources. + +[100] Postel, iii. 17-18. It was in this way that Menavino entered the +system (see his _Trattato_, 10). + +[101] Cf. Postel, iii. 23. + +[102] A study of the nationality of the high officials of the +sixteenth century gives evidence of this. For example, Ibrahim was an +Albanian (Junis Bey, below, p. 265); Rustem Pasha was a Croat (Hammer, +_Geschichte_, iii. 268); Ferhad was a Hungarian (_ibid._ 365); the grand +vizier Ali, whom Busbecq (_Life and Letters_, i. 157) calls “a thorough +gentleman,” was a Dalmatian; Ayas was an Albanian, and Kassim a Croat +(Junis Bey, p. 265); etc. For many other examples, see Jorga, iii. +167-189. + +[103] The _Tractatus_, ch. viii, says every 5 years; Spandugino, 102, +says once in 5 years or oftener; Zeno, 128, says each year; Ramberti and +Junis Bey (below, pp. 254, 270) say every 4 years; Postel, iii. 22, says +every 3 or 4 years. + +[104] _Tractatus_, ch. vi. + +[105] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 75; Zeno, 128; Nicolay, 83. Jorga, +iii. 188, finds no Roumanian among the high Turkish officials of the +sixteenth century. Roumania, being a vassal state, was not exposed to +the _devshurmeh_. Knolles (ed. 1687, pp. 984-985) says that the tribute +boys from Asia were not advanced to become Janissaries, because they were +not of sufficiently high quality. They are not found in positions of +prominence. + +[106] Navagero, 48. + +[107] Menavino’s translator says _quasi decimatione_ (Lonicerus, i. +140). Postel, iii. 22-23, says expressly that the children were not +tithed; Nicolay, 83, however, states that one in three were taken, as +does J. Soranzo, 245. Morosini, 264, speaks of a tithe (_decima_). +Gibbon (ed. Bury), vii. 79, says that a fifth of the boys were taken; +see also Lavisse and Rambaud, iv. 758. The latter statements seem to be +based theoretically on the fifth of the captives to which the sultan was +entitled. The differences among those who profess to fix a proportion are +evidence that there was none. + +[108] Spandugino, 103. + +[109] Postel, iii. 22. Navagero, 49, says that the officers summoned the +heads of families and commanded them to present their sons. + +[110] Navagero, 49. + +[111] Postel, iii. 23. + +[112] Navagero, 49. + +[113] Postel, iii. 23. + +[114] Geuffroy, 240. Bragadin (1526), 103, says: “Ibrahim has his mother +and two brothers in the palace. He does much good to Christians. His +father is _Sanjak_ in Parga.” And again, 104: “Ayas has three brothers. +His mother at Avlona is a Christian, and he sends her 100 ducats +annually.” Nicolay, 86, says, on the contrary, that the tribute boys are +never afterwards willing to recognize father, mother, or relatives. He +cites the case of an uncle and nephews of Rustem Pasha, who begged in +Adrianople, but received no aid from him. Cf. Zane, 438. + +[115] Spandugino, 144, 145. + +[116] Trevisano, 130. + +[117] _Ibid._ + +[118] Bernardo, 332, says in 1592, after the system had been dislocated, +that the greater part of the recruits were then sons of Turks. + +[119] Erizzo, 131; Morosini, 267; Ricaut, 14. + +[120] Spandugino, 180. + +[121] _Ibid._ 183; J. Soranzo, 250. + +[122] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 144, 156, 162. + +[123] Postel, iii. 68. + +[124] _Ibid._ G. Soranzo (1576), 197, says that the Grand Signor is heir +of all the pashas. + +[125] D’Ohsson, vii. 147. In the seventeenth century the sultan allowed +the children of pashas only what pleased him (Ricaut, 131). Morosini, +274, refers to a similar practice in the latter part of the sixteenth +century. + +[126] Ricaut, 16, calls the Turkish court “a prison of slaves.” + +[127] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 379. + +[128] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 159. + +[129] D’Ohsson, vii. 61 ff. + +[130] Spandugino, 77; Ramberti, below, p. 253; Junis Bey below, p. 268; +Nicolay, 64. + +[131] Spandugino, 78, is probably wrong in his statement that the girls +of the harem were recruited from gifts, _tithes_, and _tribute_. The +small number of women in the harem would make the elaborate process of +tribute-taking unnecessary. + +[132] Postel, i. 34. + +[133] Navagero, 75; Jovius, _Historiarum_, ii. 371. But Bragadin, 101, +calls her a Montenegrin, and Ludovisi, 29, an Albanian; while Busbecq +(_Life and Letters_, i. 178) says that she came from the Crimea. Gomara +indicates that her Turkish name was Gul-behar, the Rose of Spring +(Merriman, _Gomara’s Annals of Charles V_, 141). This confusion of +knowledge in regard to so important a personage gives evidence of the +secrecy which surrounded the sultan’s harem. + +[134] See below, p. 79, note 2. + +[135] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 232. Spandugino, 69, says that many were +made such. Menavino, who was himself a page, says that very few were so +treated, and only for punishment (_Trattato_, 138). + +[136] Spandugino, 69; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 237. + +[137] Menavino, 143; “Schaiui chiamati Bascia [pasha].” + +[138] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 112. Selim I, married a princess, +daughter of the Khan of the Crimean Tartars. This appears to have been +the last of such alliances, of which there were a number in earlier times. + +[139] D’Ohsson, vi. 9. + +[140] _Ibid._ vii. 177. In 1537, Junis Bey (below, p. 265) says that +Ayas had 600 slaves, Mustapha 200, Kassim 150, Barbarossa 100. But this +account must contain misprints or errors; for Ramberti (below, p. 246) +says that in 1534, Ibrahim had more than 6000 slaves, Ayas 2000, Kassim +1500, and Barbarossa about 4000. Bragadin, 103, said in 1526, that +Ibrahim had 1500 slaves, Mustapha 700, Ayas 600. Junis Bey (256-258) says +further that the _Beylerbeys_ of Rumelia and Anatolia and Caramania had +1000 slaves each, the _Beylerbey_ of Syria 2000, the _Beylerbey_ of Cairo +4000, etc. Iskender Chelebi had 6000 slaves (Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. +144). Geuffroy, 240, says of the viziers: “Tous ont saray de femmes et +d’enfans comme ledict grant Turc.” See also Menavino, 143; and Ramberti’s +description of Alvise Gritti’s household at the close of his third book. + +[141] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 157. Seven of his slaves became viziers +and grand viziers, among them Mohammed Sokolli. + +[142] Iskender Chelebi was followed to war by 1200 horsemen (Hammer, +_Geschichte_, iii. 144). Rustem trained 200 carbineers as part of his +household (Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 242). + +[143] Garzoni, 413, says that 1000 _Spahis_ were assigned to the retinue +of the grand vizier, and 500 to those of each of the other pashas. + +[144] _Tractatus_, ch. vii. + +[145] D’Ohsson, i. 49. + +[146] In the early days non-Arab converts held a position of clientage, +but they had never been slaves. In the Ottoman Empire new converts were +particularly honored, so that this distinction was lost. A partial +enfranchisement was possible, and might sometimes resemble the condition +of a Roman freedman. Cf. D’Ohsson, vi. 28 ff. + +[147] According to D’Ohsson, v. 86, no free-born Moslem could ever +lawfully become a slave. + +[148] D’Ohsson, vi. 24. + +[149] _Ibid._ + +[150] _Ibid._ iv. 300 ff. + +[151] Spandugino, 180. It may be observed that Ottoman slavery bore no +slight resemblance to the method of bondage which brought from Europe +many ancestors of present-day Americans. “In the year 1730,” says Mrs. +Susannah Willard Johnson (in her _Narrative of Captivity_ reprinted +Springfield, 1907, pp. 5-6) “my great-uncle, Colonel Josiah Willard, +while at Boston, was invited to take a walk on the long-wharf, to view +some transports who had just landed from Ireland; a number of gentlemen +present were viewing the exercise of some lads who were placed on shore +to exhibit their activity to those who wished to purchase. My uncle spied +a boy of some vivacity, of about ten years of age, and who was the only +one in the crew who spoke English: he bargained for him. I have never +been able to learn the price; but as he was afterwards my husband, I +am willing to suppose it a considerable sum.... He lived with Colonel +Willard until he was twenty years of age, and then bought the other year +of his time.” In this account a number of the characteristics of the +Ottoman system can be observed. Young boys of Caucasian blood are taken +from their native land; they are bought and sold; they are judged like +young animals by appearance and physical activity; no taint attaches +to their bondage; they may marry into the master’s family. The one +noteworthy difference is that the bondage terminates at a definite age. + +[152] _Tractatus_, “Orario Testimonialis”: “Denique domino meo ita carus +eram, ut saepius in collocutione plurium, plusquam filium suum, quem +unicum habebat, me diligere assereret,” etc. + +[153] Postel, iii. 20, says that all the pages were considered children +of the sultan, and were truly his adopted sons. + +[154] Ricaut, 14. + +[155] Postel, iii. 21. + +[156] Ricaut, 16. + +[157] Postel, iii. 21. + +[158] _Ibid._ 71-72; Ramberti, below, p. 255. + +[159] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 12. + +[160] According to Sale’s translation, the Koran says (Sura 2: 257), +“Let there be no violence in religion.” Palmer translates, “There is no +compulsion in religion.” See D’Ohsson, vi. 59; Schiltberger, 73. + +[161] Idris, fol. 107, quoted in Hammer’s _Geschichte_, i. 91. + +[162] Quoted _ibid._ ii. 117. + +[163] Ricaut, 147-148: “No people in the World have ever been more open +to receive all sorts of Nations to them, than they, nor have used more +arts to encrease the number of those that are called _Turks_.” + +[164] _Tractatus_, ch. viii. + +[165] Ricaut, 46. + +[166] Bernardo, 369-370, and see also 359. + +[167] Postel, iii. 21. + +[168] _Ibid._ 20. + +[169] Ricaut, 128 ff. + +[170] The general Ottoman attitude on this point is shown by +Schiltberger, 73: Mohammed “has also ordered, that when they overcome +Christians, they should not kill them; but they should pervert them, and +should thus spread and strengthen their own faith.” _Tractatus_, ch. +xi, says, “Turci neminem cogunt Fidem suam negare, nec multum instant +de hoc alicui persuadendo, nec magnam aestimationem faciunt de his qui +negant.” The last clause of this testimony, however, is contrary to +practically all other sources. Conversion seems sometimes to have been +forced as an alternative to death when a Christian had offended greatly +against the Mohammedan faith (Lonicerus, i. 123; see also D’Ohsson, +vii. 327). Some writers, however, assert that circumcision, the outward +mark of acceptance of Islam, was regularly enforced upon the tribute +boys (Chesneau, 41; J. Soranzo, 245; Morosini, as quoted above, p. 41). +Heidborn, 128, says that conversion was not anciently enforced on a large +scale, _except_ for the recruiting of Janissaries. + +[171] Ricaut, 46 ff. + +[172] Schiltberger, 74; La Broquière, 219; Spandugino, 249. Ricaut, +152, says that great inducement was offered the common people to become +Turks; they obtained honor and the privilege to domineer and injure with +impunity, and they became in the fashion. + +[173] _Tractatus_, ch. xi, quoted above. + +[174] D’Ohsson, vi. 59; Ricaut, 148. + +[175] _Tractatus_, ch. v; Nicolay, 86. + +[176] Ricaut, 284. + +[177] Bernardo, 367; Zane, as quoted above, p. 42. See also Jorga, iii. +188. + +[178] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 235. + +[179] Nicolay, 160-161. + +[180] Menavino, 244. + +[181] _Tractatus_, ch. xxi. + +[182] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 351. + +[183] Georgevitz (before 1552), 40, “De Ordine Peditum”; Ranke, 19-20; +Barbaro (1573), 305. 317. Selim II, on his accession granted to the +Janissaries the formal privilege of entering their sons in the corps; +for the Persian war of 1594 the corps was opened to other Turks and all +Moslems. By 1592, the majority of the Janissaries were said to be sons of +Turks; Bernardo, 332. See also Knolles (ed. 1687), 985. + +[184] Postel, iii. 20. + +[185] _Kanun-namch_ of Mohammed II, printed in Hammer’s +_Staatsverfassung_, 94. + +[186] Hammer’s _Geschichte_, i. 94. + +[187] See p. 49. + +[188] Spandugino (1517), 108, says that the Janissaries are not allowed +to marry. He was probably wrong. Certainly some were married soon after +his time: Ramberti (1534), below, p. 249; Junis Bey (1537), below, p. +267; Nicolay (1551), 92. + +[189] Ricaut, 366. + +[190] The resemblance of the Janissaries to monks is noticed by Busbecq, +_Life and Letters_, i. 88, and Tavernier, 12. + +[191] Ricaut, 151. + +[192] One careful observer thought that this might be true of the whole +Ottoman nation. _Ibid._, but in the middle of the fifteenth century +contrary testimony was given (_Tractatus_, ch. xi). + +[193] See the calculation above, p. 49. + +[194] Navagero, 50; Barbaro, 316; Nicolay, 84. J. Soranzo, 245, states +that the tribute boys were all brought to Constantinople, circumcised, +and brought before the _Agha_ of the Janissaries. Record was made of the +name of each, of his father’s name, and of his native place. Soranzo’s +accuracy is questionable, as when he says that the greater part were put +into palaces in Constantinople. + +[195] Postel, iii. 17; Ricaut, 46. + +[196] Ricaut, 74: “In whom appearing more strength of body than of mind, +they are set apart for labor and menial services.” + +[197] Busbecq, _De Re Militari_, 260. + +[198] Spandugino, 104: the emperor chooses a few and sends the rest to +the towns of the Turks of Anatolia to live with the lords and gentlemen. + +[199] Spandugino speaks of 900; Junis Bey and Ramberti, 1400; Geuffroy, +1200; Postel, 1300 to 1500. + +[200] Junis Bey and Ramberti, 300; Geuffroy, 300. + +[201] Junis Bey and Ramberti, 400; Geuffroy, 400; Postel (iii. 20), 600 +or 700. + +[202] Junis Bey and Ramberti, 700; Geuffroy, 500; Postel (iii. 3), 700 or +800. + +[203] Navagero, 42. See also Tanco, 205. + +[204] Menavino, 13. Postel, iii. 17, says that, when presented, they were +clothed in silk and cloth of gold or silver; but Ricaut, 49, says that +their clothing and diet were simple. + +[205] Menavino, 11 ff. + +[206] Busbecq, _De Re Militari_, 262-263. + +[207] Postel, iii. 2. + +[208] Menavino, 126. + +[209] Ricaut, chs. v-vi. + +[210] Spandugino, 63. See also Nicolay, 84; and the quotations in the +last section of Chapter i, above. + +[211] D’Ohsson, vii. 34. + +[212] Hammer (_Geschichte_, i. 232), by a singular perversion of the +truth, asserts that the page system had its origin and primary purpose in +the satisfaction of the unnatural lusts of Bayezid I and his successors. +Not only does the whole structure and organization of the system disprove +this, but the absence of reference to such a purpose in all contemporary +writers is sufficient to settle the matter. The vice which takes its name +from Sodom was very prevalent among the Ottomans, especially among those +in high position (Spandugino, 186; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 232; +Ricaut, 151, 211; D’Ohsson, iv. 473). The pages were apt to be afflicted +by it, and were carefully watched to prevent it, and terribly punished +if discovered (Ricaut, 60). Occasionally a sultan became enamored of a +page (Ricaut, 61); but Suleiman seems to have been free from this vice +(Busbecq, i. 159; Marini Sanuto, _Diarii_, December 6, 1523). + +[213] Menavino, 126-128. He was a page from about 1505 to 1514 (_ibid._ +243-245). + +[214] Ricaut, “To the Reader,” 45-62. This describes the system as it was +about 1650. + +[215] Postel, iii. 11. + +[216] _Ibid._ 19; Ricaut, 50. + +[217] Postel, iii. 10; Ricaut, 50. + +[218] Ricaut, 51. The same custom was observed in the education of the +princes and of all children of great officials (Spandugino, 179). Tanco, +197-198, says he has heard that Suleiman himself labored daily at a +trade, so that even the Prince should earn his bread by the sweat of his +brow; see also Jorga, ii. 343. + +[219] Menavino, 126, 127. + +[220] Postel, iii. 10. + +[221] Ricaut, 59. + +[222] Navagero, 43. + +[223] Ricaut, 48, says that in the three colleges of education the +eunuchs exercised very severe discipline beyond that of monks. + +[224] Menavino, 127. + +[225] Ramberti, below, pp. 244, 245; Junis Bey, below, p. 263; Ricaut, 49. + +[226] Ricaut, 49: “Their first Lessons are silence, reverence, humble and +modest behaviour, holding their heads downwards, and their hands across +before them.” + +[227] _Ibid._ 48. + +[228] D’Ohsson, vii. 47. + +[229] Ricaut, 51; D’Ohsson, vii. 34 ff. These chambers were the +_Kiler-odassi_, or Pantry; the _Khazineh-odassi_, or Treasure Chamber; +the _Khas-odassi_, or Inner Chamber. See below, pp. 126-128. + +[230] Ricaut, 52. + +[231] Postel, iii. 11. + +[232] Spandugino, 62. + +[233] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 32. + +[234] _Ibid_. 490. + +[235] Ramberti (below, p. 244) says that they became _Spahi-oghlans_, +_Silihdars_, and officials of higher degree according to their worth and +to the favor which they had gained with the sultan; Junis Bey, below, p. +263. + +[236] Menavino, 138. + +[237] Ricaut, 71; Postel, i. 33; Nicolay, 64; D’Ohsson, vii. 64. + +[238] Ramberti, below, p. 254 (“he marries them to Spahi-oghlans, or to +others of the slaves of the Porte according to the degree and condition +of both parties”); Junis Bey, below, p. 269; Geuffroy, 244; Chesneau, 40; +Nicolay, 64. + +[239] Trevisano, 130, speaks of 16,400; but this number does not seem +sufficient to account for all. + +[240] Chalcocondyles, 97; Spandugino, 103; Ramberti, 255; Junis Bey, +270; (they are sent “to dig earth in order to learn Turkish”); Zeno, +127; Geuffroy, 243; Navagero, 50. Chesneau, 44, states that those +_Ajem-oghlans_ who were levied in Anatolia were sent to gentlemen in +Rumelia. + +[241] Ramberti, below, p. 255; Junis Bey, below, p. 270; Nicolay, 86. + +[242] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 78; Junis Bey, as above. + +[243] Ramberti and Junis Bey, as above, say after three or four years; +Geuffroy, 243, after four years. Navagero, 50, says that every two or +three years, as the service demands, an officer takes those who are +ready; some have served two or three, some four or five years. Trevisano, +130, says that they are left six or seven years. + +[244] Ricaut, 77. + +[245] Chalcocondyles, 97; Spandugino, 104; Navagero, 52. + +[246] Navagero, 52; Postel, iii. 22, 25. + +[247] Spandugino, 76. + +[248] Ramberti, 254, says 5000; Junis Bey, 269, says 4000 or 5000; +Geuffroy, 242, says 5000 or 6000; Trevisano, 129, says 6800; Garzoni, +415, says 6000; Postel, iii. 25, says 5000 to 7000; D. Barbarigo, 33, +says 7600. + +[249] Junis Bey, 269; Navagero, 51; Trevisano, 129; Postel, iii. 25. + +[250] Trevisano, 129. + +[251] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 77. + +[252] Ramberti, below, p. 254; Junis Bey, below, p. 269; D’Ohsson, vii. +28. + +[253] Postel, iii. 25. + +[254] Postel, iii. 22, says that only those who had special privilege +from the sultan were allowed to learn letters. Ricaut, 76, says that +some of those in the palace service were taught to read and write. In +D’Ohsson’s time (vii. 327), each _oda_ had a _hoja_ to teach reading and +writing to those who wished. + +[255] Junis Bey, 269, 270, says that they had 2 or 3 aspers per day +at first, and more as they advanced, and that their chief was allowed +100,000 aspers a year for their food and clothing. Postel, iii. 23, says +that their chief was allowed 10,000 aspers a day to keep them and pay +them, and other money for their clothing. + +[256] Ramberti, 254; Junis Bey, 270; Postel, iii. 25. + +[257] Spandugino, 104. Trevisano, 130, says that they became such at from +20 to 25 years old, according to their mind, value, or favor. + +[258] Ricaut, 76. But those of the principal palace in Constantinople +had greater opportunities; they might become Janissaries, _Solaks_, +_Kapujis_, etc. (Ramberti, below, p. 245.) + +[259] Chalcocondyles, 97. + +[260] Trevisano, 130; Barbaro, 316; Garzoni, 397. + +[261] Zinkeisen, iii. 228. + +[262] Ricaut, 53; D’Ohsson, vii. 34-39. + +[263] Ramberti, below, p. 244; Junis Bey, below, p. 263; Ricaut, 53. + +[264] Junis Bey, as quoted above, p. 81, note 4. + +[265] Chalcocondyles, 171; Barbaro, 305; Nicolay, 89 (“the wages of each +are increased, according to the merit of their military valor”). + +[266] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 160. + +[267] _Tractatus_, ch. viii. + +[268] Postel, i. 121. + +[269] _Ibid._ iii. 19. + +[270] Tanco, 197, 206. + +[271] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 105. + +[272] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 154-155. + +[273] Ricaut, 77. + +[274] Spandugino, 185; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 108. + +[275] Spandugino, 132. + +[276] The grand vizier Rustem’s wealth is summed up in detail in Hammer’s +_Geschichte_, iii. 386: “He himself left at his death an immense fortune; +no grand vizier before him had amassed so much wealth. His estate +consisted of 815 farms in Rumelia and Anatolia, 476 water mills, 1700 +slaves, 2900 war horses, 1106 camels, 5000 richly embroidered coats and +robes of honor, 8000 turbans, 1100 caps of cloth of gold, 2900 coats of +mail, 2000 cuirasses, 600 saddles finished in silver, 500 others adorned +with gold and precious stones, 1500 helmets plated with silver, 130 pairs +of golden stirrups, 760 sabres adorned with precious stones, 1000 lances +trimmed with silver, 800 Korans, 130 of which were set with diamonds, +5000 volumes of various works, 78,000 ducats, 32 precious stones +representing a value of 112 donkey-loads (that is to say, 11,200,000 +aspers); the ready money which was found in his house was estimated at +1000 loads (100,000,000 aspers, or 2,000,000 ducats.)” + +[277] D. Barbarigo, 30-33. + +[278] Menavino, 128. + +[279] The cause of the execution of Junis Pasha by Selim I. Cf. Hammer, +_Geschichte_, ii. 524. + +[280] Halil Ganem, i. 169. + +[281] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 322. + +[282] Cahun, _Introduction_, p. vii: “Les Turcs et les Mongols ... nées +de la guerre et organisées pour la conquête.” + +[283] This was true even in D’Ohsson’s time (vii. 399). + +[284] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 181. + +[285] Curiously enough, the oldest sense in which the Turkish word _kul_ +was used as a term denoting relation to a prince, was in reference to +soldiers (Vambéry, _Uigurische Sprachmonumente und das Kudalku Bilik_, +113, stanza 12b). At that time the word was applied to the foot-soldiers +as distinguished from the cavalry, who were then volunteer knights. This +usage survived in the Ottoman system to the extent that the regular +infantry, including the Janissaries, artillerymen, and other lesser +permanent corps, were regarded as in a particular and special sense the +sultan’s _kullar_ (D’Ohsson, vii. 328; Djevad Bey, i. 15-18). + +[286] The _Bostanjis_, or gardeners, and other _Ajem-oghlans_ of the +palace service were not left behind: D’Ohsson, vii. 326; Djevad Bey, i. 7. + +[287] Extended accounts of the Janissaries may be found in D’Ohsson, vii. +310 ff.; Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 192 ff.; Zinkeisen, iii. 201 ff.; +Djevad Bey, vol. i, book i. + +[288] For an example of the persistence of this idea, see Bérard (1909), +12-13: “La Turquie désormais subsiste par le janissaire et doit vivre +pour le janissaire d’abord ... depuis la prise de Rhodes (1522) jusqu’à +l’apparition de la flotte russe aux Dardanelles (1770), tant vaut le +janissaire et tant vaut l’empire.” Professor A. C. Coolidge suggests that +the hold which this remarkable organization had upon the imagination of +fellow-countrymen as well as of foreigners was in part “due to the fact +that in almost all Oriental history good infantrymen have been extremely +rare, and the Janissaries were the only good infantrymen in the Ottoman +Empire.” It is also true that the Janissaries were that group within the +Moslem fold which came least under the taming and subordinating influence +of the system; they were a frontier province of Islamic society. When +in the seventeenth century they ceased to be drawn directly from the +Christian population and became a variety of military aristocracy, not +only did they remain in part a fighting infantry, but their original +freedom of spirit and action was by no means abandoned. + +[289] D’Ohsson, vii. 359-360; Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 251, 361, iii. +45; Nicolay, 89. + +[290] Rhodes was pillaged after capitulation (1521), and so were Ofen +(1529), and Wychegrad (1544): Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 28, 83, 263. + +[291] _Ibid._ ii. 252. Hence the death of a sultan was kept concealed +until his successor had assumed power (_ibid._ 535; iii. 449). + +[292] Mohammed II gave them ten purses of gold (1451), _ibid._ i. 504; +Bayezid II gave them 2000 aspers each (1481), _ibid._ ii. 252; Selim I +gave them 3000 aspers each (1512), _ibid._ 382; from Suleiman they asked +5000 aspers each, which he compounded by giving them one-third in cash +and increased pay (1520), _ibid._ iii. 6. + +[293] Before Vienna (1529), _ibid._ 88; on march toward Persia (1534), +_ibid._ 148; at Tabriz (1535), _ibid._ 158. + +[294] This usage dates from Suleiman; D’Ohsson, vii. 354. + +[295] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 86: the Janissaries “are scattered +through every part of the empire, either to garrison the forts against +the enemy, or to protect the Christians and Jews from the violence of the +mob. There is no district with any considerable amount of population, no +borough or city, which has not a detachment of Janissaries to protect +the Christians, Jews, and other helpless people from outrage and wrong.” +Janissaries might be detailed to attend on foreign ambassadors, or to +escort foreign travelers within the empire (Knolles, ed. 1687, p. 985). + +[296] Nicolay, 89, was perhaps the first to point out the likeness of +the Janissaries to the Roman Pretorian Guard, and to see in them a great +danger to the Ottoman Empire. + +[297] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 420, 520. + +[298] _Ibid._ iii. 88. + +[299] Trevisano, 129, says that they had sufficient authority on the +death of a sultan to give the empire to which of his sons they pleased. +Cf. J. Soranzo, 248; Morosini, 255; Garzoni, 432; Knolles (ed. 1687), 985 +(“neither can any of the Turks Sultans account themselves fully invested +in the Imperial Dignity, or assured of their Estate, until they be by +them approved and proclaimed”). + +[300] D’Ohsson, i. 278-284; Heidborn, 120. + +[301] D’Ohsson, i. 284. This rule is sometimes stated erroneously as an +old Turkish custom, a provision of Mohammedan law, or an old Ottoman law +or custom. + +[302] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 98: “_Kanun_ of the Security of the +Throne: The majority of Legists (_Ulema_) have declared it allowable, +that whoever among my illustrious children and grandchildren may come +to the throne, should, for securing the peace of the world, order his +brothers to be executed. Let them hereafter act accordingly.” + +[303] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 352 ff. + +[304] Menavino, 219; Trevisano, 129; Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 365. + +[305] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 314. + +[306] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 185-189. + +[307] Postel, iii. 87, says, about 1537: Suleiman “has among others a +son named Mustapha, marvelously well educated and prudent and of the age +to reign; for he is 23 or 24 years old; and God grant that so great an +atrocity may not come so near us (_Dieu ne permette qu’une Barbarie si +grande vienne si pres de nous_).” + +[308] 10,000 is the number according to Bragadino, 106. 12,000 is given +by almost all contemporaries: Ramberti, below, p. 249; Junis Bey, +below, p. 266; Giovio, _Commentarius_, 76; Geuffroy, 234; Navagero, +53; Trevisano, 128; Barbaro, 305; Postel, iii. 30; Busbecq, _Life and +Letters_, i. 86; Nicolay, 88; Erizzo, 127. Navagero, 56, says some think +that 15,500 or 16,000 were inscribed; and Garzoni, 416, says that there +were 13,000 or 14,000. Djevad Bey, i. 90, gives 12,000 in 1523, and +13,599 in 1574. In 1564 D. Barbarigo, 33, gives a precise number, 13,502. +D’Ohsson, vii. 330, says, without stating any authority and against the +above contemporary evidence, that Suleiman raised the number to 40,000. +Hammer (_Geschichte_, i. 95, and iii. 473) says, referring to D’Ohsson, +that Suleiman had 20,000; but in his _Staatsverwaltung_, 195, he states +that Suleiman had only 12,000 before Szigets. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 990) +says, about 1603, that the Janissaries numbered not over 12,000 to 14,000. + +[309] Junis Bey, 272, and Ludovisi, 17, give the number of this garrison +as 3000. Postel, 38, gives the number as 30,000; this must include the +Mamelukes. + +[310] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 77: about 6000 of the older of them stay +about the Prince. Navagero, 55: 8000 to 10,000 are always ready. + +[311] Ramberti, 249; Junis Bey, 267. + +[312] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 194; Ricaut, 365 (mentions 162 +_odalar_); Djevad Bey, i. 28. In Chalcocondyles’s time (1465), 97, the +strength of each _oda_ seems to have been of 50 men. In Suleiman’s time +it was less than 100. Later it became much larger. + +[313] Nicolay, 96-97; D’Ohsson, vii. 313-320; Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, +201 ff.; Djevad Bey, i. 35, 45. + +[314] D’Ohsson, vii. 314; Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 428. This was the +case only from 1515 to 1582. + +[315] _Kiaya_ is a word which offered infinite difficulties of +pronunciation and spelling; for example, gachaia, cacaia, checaya, +quaia, queaya, caia, cahaia, chiccaia, chechessi. Some authors employ a +different spelling each time they use the word. Trevisano, 118, gives +chietcudasci. _Kiaya_ represents the popular pronunciation. The more +nearly correct form of the word, following the Turkish spelling, is +_ketkhuda_. + +[316] D’Ohsson, vii. 353. + +[317] Djevad Bey, i. 35. + +[318] Ramberti, below, p. 250; Junis Bey, below, p. 266. + +[319] Ludovisi (1534), 9, gives a pessimistic account of them; according +to him, they had not the order or the discipline or the astuteness which +was found in the Christian infantry. Postel, iii. 30, praises them +greatly for order, frugality, and temperance. Djevad Bey, i. 56-64, +gives a favorable description; he says (p. 56) that the first of their +fundamental laws enjoined absolute obedience. + +[320] Postel, iii. 31; D’Ohsson, vii. 353; Djevad Bey, i. 66, 69. + +[321] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 296. + +[322] D’Ohsson, vii. 351; Djevad Bey, i. 56-59. + +[323] Ramberti, below, p. 249; Junis Bey, below, p. 267; D’Ohsson, vii. +352. + +[324] Djevad Bey, i. 289. + +[325] This name for the sultan’s paid cavalry is that regularly employed +by the Venetian writers of the sixteenth century: for example, Moro, 337; +Bernardo, 330. + +[326] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 95. + +[327] D’Ohsson, vii. 353. + +[328] For the great disturbance which they raised in 1593, see Zinkeisen, +iii. 79. + +[329] All of these names are spelled with an ingenious variety in +contemporary writings:— + +_Spahi_: spai, spachi, sipahi, sipah, spacoillain (spahi-oghlan). + +_Silihdar_: selicter, sillictar, sulastrus, suluphtar. + +_Ulufagi_: holofagi, allophase. + +_Ghureba_: caripy, caripicus, ciarcagi, caripp (oglan), gharib (oglan), +capi (oglan) + +The word _Spahi_ is of identical derivation with _Sepoy_. + +[330] Ramberti, below, p. 250; Junis Bey, below, p. 267; Postel, iii. 34. +Giovio (_Commentarius_, 75) says that some _Spahis_ brought as many as +ten horsemen. + +[331] Giovio, 75; Postel, iii. 35. + +[332] They were called “poor youth” by Menavino, 152; Junis Bey, 267; +Ramberti, 251; Trevisano, 126; Postel, iii. 36. Spandugino, 97, says +that they were strangers from Asia, Egypt, and Africa. Giovio, 76, says +that they were all Moslems from Persia, Turcomania, Syria, Africa, +Arabia, Scythia, and even India; but he is wrong in confining them to +Moslems in the sixteenth century. Trevisano, 126, asserts that they were +renegades from every nation; and on this authority Zinkeisen falls into +the opposite error of confining them to Christian renegades. Postel, iii. +36, says that they were chosen from the _Akinji_, Kurds, and _Azabs_. +Menavino, 152, declares that they were not slaves of the great Turk, but +that part were Turks, part Christian renegades, and part Arabs (_Mori_). + +[333] The _Spahis_ of the Porte are discussed at length in D’Ohsson, vii. +364 ff.; Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 237 ff.; Zinkeisen, iii. 168 ff. + +[334] Giovio (_Commentarius_, 75) mentions 2000 in each of the first two +corps, and 1000 in each of the second two. Junis Bey (below, p. 267) +puts 3000 in each of the first two corps, 2000 in each of the second +two. Ramberti (below, p. 250) gives more than 3000 _Spahi-oghlans_, 3000 +_Silihdars_, and 2000 in each of the other corps. Ludovisi, 15, puts 3000 +in each of the first two, 2500 in the third, and 2000 in the fourth. +Trevisano, 125, puts 2000 in each but the fourth, which contained 1500. +D. Barbarigo, 33, mentions 7095 _Spahis_. Barbaro, 304, says that there +were 15,000 _Spahis_ of the Porte. There were under pay in 1660, after +serious changes, 7203 _Spahis_, 6254 _Silihdars_, 976 _Ulufajis_, and 722 +_Ghurebas_: Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 175. + +[335] A calculation based on Junis Bey’s statements gives a total of +between 41,000 and 49,000. Garzoni, 413, says distinctly that there were +40,000 _Spahis_ of the Porte paid out of the sultan’s treasury; that +among these were 3000 _Spahi-oghlans_, 3000 _Silihdars_, 3000 _Ulufajis_, +and 2000 _Ghurebas_ (_ciarcagi_); and that the grand vizier had 1000 +_Spahis_ assigned to his retinue, and the other viziers each 500. +D’Ohsson, vii. 364-365, states that the _Spahis_ proper in the time of +Mohammed II, numbered 10,000, and that Achmet III, raised their strength +to 12,000; like figures for the _Silihdars_ were 8000 and 12,000. This +estimate must include the additional horsemen. + +[336] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 57; Menavano, 148, 151. + +[337] See above, pp. 47 (note 1), 91. The Ottoman feudal system is +discussed at length in Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 337 ff.; D’Ohsson, +vii. 372 ff.; Zinkeisen, iii. 145 ff.; Belin, _Du Régime des Fiefs +Militaires en Turquie_; Tischendorf, _Moslemisches Lehnswesen_. + +[338] Junis Bey (below, p. 271) says, shortly after describing the feudal +_Spahis_ of Europe, that “all the _Spahis_ are slaves and sons of slaves +of the Seigneur (_Tutti li spachi sono schiaui & figli de schiaui del +Sig[nor]_);” but this statement is incomplete. Ramberti (below, p. 256) +adds, “and sons of _Spahis_.” The latter group undoubtedly contained the +great majority of the feudal _Spahis_. Geuffroy 246, enlarges on the +statement by saying that the 30,000 feudal _Spahis_ of Europe were all +_Ajem-oghlans_ and slaves of the great Turk. No other writer terms them +_kullar_. Garzoni, 412, calls them Turkish soldiers. The whole theory +of the Ottoman feudal system made them such; the smaller fiefs were +hereditary from of old, and gaps were filled from volunteers with the +army, who must have been Moslems, since Christians were not allowed to +bear arms: Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 349 ff. (“_Kanun-nameh_ of the +granting of _Timars_ and _Ziamets_”). + +[339] Junis Bey, p. 271 (they collect the income from the Christians, +etc.); Moro, 339 (they are appointed by the king to administer justice); +Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 478; D’Ohsson, vii. 373. Heidborn, 157, +discusses their duties in some detail. + +[340] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 275; Heidborn, 145. + +[341] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 476. + +[342] Spandugino, 146, states that under Mohammed II, each fief-holder +who had 5000 aspers of income was obliged to bring another with him to +war; but in his time (under Bayezid II) this obligation was imposed upon +those who had 3000 aspers, unless retired on account of age. Ramberti and +Junis Bey (below, pp. 256-271) say that for each 100 ducats a _Spahi_ +must keep an armed horseman, and three or four servants, and a like +number of horses; see also D’Ohsson, vii. 373. Heidborn, 145, states that +holders of _timars_ brought an additional warrior for each 3000 aspers of +income, and holders of _ziamets_ an additional one for each 5000 aspers; +but in any case the first 3000 aspers was exempt. + +[343] D’Ohsson, vii. 374. + +[344] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 352. + +[345] _Ibid._ 94. + +[346] Hammer (_ibid._ 143 ff.) describes Suleiman’s legislation, giving +translations of much of it. + +[347] Ricaut, 343. + +[348] D’Ohsson, vii. 374; Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 352 ff. + +[349] The limit differed according to region. In Rumelia a _teskereh_ was +required for all _timars_ of 6000 aspers and over, and for all _ziamets_: +Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 275. + +[350] Ramberti (below, p. 256) gives this limit as 100 ducats, or 5000 +aspers. + +[351] Garzoni, 413; Tanco, 209. + +[352] Bernardo, 329; Knolles (ed. 1687), 983. + +[353] Spandugino, 211; Zinkeisen, iii. 129. The feudal _Spahis_ had +lower officers who were not sent out from the capital, such as the +_Cheribashis_. + +[354] The name means “ensign bey,” and was translated _flambole_: for +example, Geuffroy, 246. + +[355] Postel, iii. 44; Tiepolo, 138. + +[356] Heidborn, 140, says that the _Subashis_ had _ziamets_, the _Alai +Beys_ had small _khasses_, the _Sanjak Beys_ had _khasses_ of a million +aspers or more, and the _Beylerbeys_ much more. The amount which he +assigns to the _Sanjak Beys_ is too large for Suleiman’s time. Ramberti +(below, pp. 256-258) gives their income at from 4000 to 12,000 ducats, +which would amount to from 200,000 to 600,000 aspers. + +[357] Ramberti, below, p. 256; Junis Bey, below, p. 271. + +[358] Menavino, 186, 190, says that in his time the _Beylerbey_ of +Anatolia resided at Kutaia (Custage). Ramberti, 259, mentions the same +place (Chiothachie) as the seat of his sanjakate. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. +986) says that all the _Beylerbeys_ except the _Beylerbey_ of Rumelia +were supposed to reside within their dominions. + +[359] _Tractatus_, ch. xi. + +[360] Trevisano, 132. + +[361] In Europe 30,000 _Spahis_ and 20,000 _Timarjis_; in Anatolia 12,000 +_Spahis_; in Karamania 7000, Amasia 4000, and Avandole 7000. This is the +estimate of Junis Bey and Ramberti, which Geuffroy, 247, follows, and +which Postel, iii. 37 ff., changes a little (Karamania 5000 instead of +7000, Amasia omitted). Ludovisi, 16, gives practically the same figures. +Navagero, 41, gives 40,000 in Europe and 80,000 to 100,000 in Asia, the +latter figure probably including the troops of Syria and Mesopotamia, and +of Egypt, which was not provided with fiefs in the same way. Barbaro, +304, and Garzoni, 412, mention 80,000 in Europe and 50,000 in Asia. D. +Barbarigo (1558), 33, speaks of a sum total of 160,000 feudal _Spahis_. +Tiepolo (1576), 140, speaks of 60,000 _timars_ in Europe which sent +80,000 _Spahis_, and 50,000 _Spahis_ from Asia. The number may have +increased about one-half during Suleiman’s reign, but it is more likely +that all the groups of figures are only estimates. Ricaut, 341, after +careful inquiry, gives the number of _Zaims_ in his time as 10,948, and +of _Timarjis_ as 72,436, for the whole empire except Egypt. He thinks +that this estimate should be increased to 100,000. The total feudal +contingent in the time of Achmet I, was by Turkish authority about the +same (Tischendorf, 57 ff.). D’Ohsson, vii. 375, estimates the feudal +troops at 200,000 in Suleiman’s time; on p. 381, however, he speaks of +more than 150,000 men. See below, p. 107, n. 1. + +[362] Postel, iii. 38 (“triple pour le moins”). + +[363] Chesneau, 46; D’Ohsson, vii. 381. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 990) says +that not over one-third could safely be called to arms. + +[364] After the year 1541: Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 232. + +[365] After the year 1552: Trevisano, 124. The number of the _Beylerbeys_ +was greatly increased in the last third of the sixteenth century. +Knolles, 986-988, mentions five in Europe, 30 in Asia, and 4 in Africa, +besides the _Beylerbey_ of the Sea, whose office was created by Suleiman, +but who is not mentioned above as having no part in the army. + +[366] Spandugino, 153; Nicolay, 160. + +[367] The name _akinji_ is variously spelled: yachinji, alcanzi, +alcangi, aconiziae, alengi, aquangi, achiar, aghiar. Spandugino, 150, +says that the sultan can collect 200,000 of these for the war; Ramberti +and Junis Bey (below, pp. 257, 271) mention 60,000 as inscribed; Giovio +(_Commentarius_, 81) names 30,000; Garzoni, 414, says 25,000 or 30,000; +Postel, iii. 26, says 50,000 or 60,000. Ramberti, 271, tells us that when +in arms they were entitled to living expenses from the villages near +which they passed. + +[368] Zinkeisen, iii. 203. + +[369] Spandugino, 152. Junis Bey, 270, mentions 1000 with the fleet, and +Postel, iii. 71, mentions 10,000. + +[370] Postel, iii. 26. + +[371] Chalcocondyles, 135; Giovio, _Commentarius_, 81, etc. + +[372] Spandugino, 151. + +[373] See above, p. 98. + +[374] Junis Bey, below, p. 268. In addition were several thousand +saddlers, etc., who were not reckoned as regular troops: the _Bostanjis_, +older pages, body-guards, etc. + +[375] Knolles (ed. 1687), 984. + +[376] Several contemporary estimates of the complete army may be +compared: Marini Sanuto, under date of October 26, 1529, gives an +estimate of the Turkish army then before Vienna as containing 305,200 +men. The same writer (_Diarii_, lvi) gives three or four estimates from +the year 1532, when Suleiman went forth on the Güns campaign: on p. +768, Suleiman’s army is said to contain 500,000 men; on p. 870 is found +an account of Suleiman’s entry into Belgrade, in which 170,300 men are +mentioned, besides “adventurers” and “many others”; on the same page +is estimated the number with which the Sultan was to leave Belgrade, +which sums up 284,500, and does not seem to account fully for the +territorial armies; on p. 894 he summarizes a despatch from Ratisbon, +dated August 23, 1532, which relates the testimony of three Turkish +prisoners to the effect that the Turkish army numbers over 300,000 +persons, but that not over 80,000 are good fighting men. Postel, iii. +38, estimates the enrolled army at 218,000, and the whole at 500,000. +He states elsewhere that Suleiman took 500,000 men with him on the +Persian expedition of 1534-35. Chesneau’s impression (pp. 106-108) of +Suleiman’s army, when he saw it near Aleppo in the spring of 1549, was +that it occupied 80,000 to 100,000 tents, on a plain eight to ten miles +long; that it contained 300,000 to 400,000 fighting men, of whom all +but 10,000 or 12,000 Janissaries were on horseback; and that the total +number of persons assembled was about a million. Chesneau’s chief, the +ambassador D’Aramont, writing concerning the same expedition from Esdron +(Erzerum?) a few weeks later, speaks of “the mass of his (Suleiman’s) +army, which is by common estimate of 300,000 men, as may be judged from +the extent of the camp, which extends ten or twelve miles in length, and +contains at least 60,000 tents or more, with such order and obedience +that, considering the great multitude, it is almost unbelievable” +(Charrière, ii. 68). In the year 1558, A. Barbarigo, 150-151, estimated +the cavalry alone at more than 300,000. Twenty-six years after Suleiman’s +death Bernardo, 331, says that the paid troops, in which he includes +the sultan’s household and the feudal army, amounted to 250,000 men. +Zinkeisen, iii. 199, estimates the extreme total of the sultan’s cavalry +alone at 565,000. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 984), writing about 1603, says +that the sultan could always gather 150,000 Timariotes for a great +expedition. He says that the Timariotes numbered in all 719,000 fighting +men, of whom 257,000 were in Europe and 426,000 in Asia. The last two +estimates are incredibly large. + +[377] _Tractatus_, ch. xi, marginal summary. + +[378] La Broquière, 273. + +[379] Chalcocondyles, 135. + +[380] Giovio, _Commentarius_, 83 (condensed). + +[381] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 293; on p. 221 he compares Turkish +and Western soldiers most unfavorably for the latter. + +[382] Postel, i. 126; see also Dandolo, 166. Georgevitz, 45, says that he +accompanied the Turkish army on an expedition against Persia (probably +1533 to 1536): “I saw a _Spahi_ decapitated together with his horse and +servant, because the horse, having been left loose, entered some one’s +field.” + +[383] Postel, iii. 31, speaking particularly of the Janissaries. + +[384] Morosini, 261. + +[385] _The Policy of the Turkish Empire_, “To the Reader.” + +[386] Junis Bey (below, pp. 274, 275) gives the order of march; Postel, +29 ff., describes the encampment. + +[387] Chalcocondyles, 135, says that the Turks lodged more grandly in the +field than in peace at home. + +[388] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 79. + +[389] _Ibid._ 160. + +[390] Other reasons have been advanced to account for the fall of Ibrahim +(cf. Postel, iii. 48 ff.). The fact that he had became a danger to the +throne is sufficient. + +[391] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 438. + +[392] Halil Ganem, i. 206. + +[393] Ranke, 11. + +[394] The _Spahis_ of the Porte, and the Janissaries were not as a body +put under a _Seraskier’s_ command until the time of Murad III: D’Ohsson, +vii. 368; Djevad Bey, i. 16. + +[395] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 141. + +[396] Final audience was given to the Austrian ambassadors on June 23 +(_ibid._ 138), and Ibrahim marched about September 21 (_ibid._ 143). + +[397] _Ibid._ 277. + +[398] Postel, iii. 54, speaking of Charles V in 1535-36, says: +“The Emperor had and lost during the war against the Sofi the +fairest opportunity that ever Prince had in this world, to recover +Constantinople: for at every shaking of a leaf, all the people trembled, +and there was no guard in the city except the inhabitants and ten +thousand _Ajem-oghlans_” [these from the time of Mohammed II had been +commissioned to guard the capital during the army’s absence: D’Ohsson, +vii. 348]. Erizzo, 131, also discusses this danger, emphasizing the valor +of the Persians and the readiness of Asia Minor to revolt. The Turks +in Constantinople in 1535 feared that the expedition which Charles V +was preparing against Tunis was intended for an attack upon their city +(_Revue Africaine_, xix. 352). + +[399] Suleiman in his letter to Ferdinand, November 27, 1562, says, “I, +Lord of the Orient from the land of Tsin to the extremity of Africa”: +Busbecq, _De Re Militari_, 272. + +[400] Ibrahim said, “I, if I now wished it, could place Luther on one +side and the Pope on the other, and compel them to hold a council; what +Charles ought to have done, the Sultan and I will now do”: Hammer, +_Geschichte_, iii. 134. + +[401] Gerlach, 257, quoted in Zinkeisen, iii. 222. + +[402] Postel, iii. 19. + +[403] Spandugino, 218; Postel, i. 126. + +[404] D’Ohsson, vii. 202. + +[405] Suleiman permitted this because of the increase it produced in his +income: Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 114; Halil Ganem, i. 197. + +[406] D’Ohsson, vii. 182, 202. + +[407] Ricaut, 140; D’Ohsson, vii. 287. + +[408] Montesquieu, livre v, ch. xix. + +[409] Postel, i. 126: “les gents de la court, qui ont leurs chefs _Aga_ & +_Bassi_ pour Iuges,” etc. + +[410] Spandugino, 214 ff., relates how this came about, and says (p. +218), “No _Cadi_ can have power and authority over the slaves who receive +pay from the Seigneur.” + +[411] Zane, 407; Robertson, i. 249. + +[412] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 176, 684; ii. 674. + +[413] _Ibid._ i. 96. The descendants of Michael have been among the very +few families who were constituted landed nobles in the Ottoman Empire. +Seven “endowments of the Conquerors” still exist, one of which benefits +his line: Heidborn, 314. + +[414] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 96. + +[415] _Ibid._ iii. 18. + +[416] Spandugino, 13; Ramberti, below, p. 242; Junis Bey, below, p. 273. +D. Barbarigo, 19, names eight great families among whom the succession +might fall (he says that some thought it should pass through the female +line): in Rumelia four,—Micali, Ersecli, Eurenesli, Egiachiali; in +Anatolia, four,—Cheselamath, Diercauli, Durcadurli, Ramadanli, formerly +called Spendial. Ricaut, 107, says that in his time there existed an +“ancient compact” by which, in default of heirs male in the Ottoman line, +the empire was to descend to the Crimean Tartars. + +[417] Ricaut, 211. + +[418] _Ibid._ 129: “A Turk is never reverenced but for his Office, that +is made the sole measure and rule of his greatness and honour, without +other considerations of Vertue or Nobility.” + +[419] Below, ch. vii. + +[420] Above, ch. iii, under heads “Other Motives for Incorporating +Christians,” “Advancement Based on Merit.” + +[421] Ricaut, 129. + +[422] About the year 1800, when the two institutions, and particularly +the Ruling Institution, had reached an extreme state of decay, and +before new institutions after Western models had yet been introduced, +the Ottoman Empire was to come very near to such a breaking-up. It seems +actually to have been saved by the lingering of the tradition against +heredity in office; for, though life-tenure of purchased governorships +had become regular, no Pasha except the North African corsairs of the +seventeenth century, and Ibrahim in Egypt in the early nineteenth +century, succeeded in founding a dynasty upon Ottoman soil. For the +disorders about 1800, see Heidborn, 144. + +[423] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 490-491, quoting Kochi Bey. + +[424] See above, p. 69, note 3. + +[425] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 278. + +[426] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 6. + +[427] Postel, i. 31, says that Suleiman occasionally sent for one of his +women to visit him in the principal palace. Nicolay, 62, reports that +about 1551 Roxelana was residing within the palace grounds. By 1585 the +principal ladies of the harem had been transferred to the new palace, +leaving the old palace to the function of a training-school for recruits. +These steps illustrate the rapid increase of the importance of the harem +in the Ottoman scheme. + +[428] Exceptions were made in case of the old _Hojas_, or teachers of +the young princes, the religious advisers of the queen mother, and +physicians. See Postel, i. 35; Ricaut, 68; D’Ohsson, vii. 11; Hammer, +_Staatsverwaltung_, 73. + +[429] _Siasset Namèh_, 121, 123, 163. + +[430] “_Kanun_ of the Imperial Table,” printed in Hammer’s +_Staatsverfassung_, 98: “It is not my _Kanun_ that any one should dine +with my Imperial Majesty; it might be some one not of Imperial blood.” +Suleiman did not always observe this _Kanun_ (cf. Hammer, _Geschichte_, +iii. 99). + +[431] Erizzo, 138; Morosini, 281. + +[432] Extended descriptions of the household are found in D’Ohsson, vii +and Hammer’s _Staatsverwaltung_. Lane-Poole, in his _Story of Turkey_, +ch. xiv, gives a good, clear summary of D’Ohsson. References to these +authorities are here omitted except in a few instances of special +interest. + +[433] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 71; Menavino, 179. The _Eski Serai_ of +the sixteenth century stood where the _Seraskierat_, or War Office, now +stands. + +[434] D’Ohsson, v. 52. + +[435] Postel, i. 32. + +[436] See above, pp. 56, 57, 78, 79. + +[437] Junis Bey (below, p. 269) says twenty, a number scarcely +sufficient. Twenty years earlier Menavino, 180, speaks of about forty. + +[438] Ricaut, 67-68, mentions several of these. + +[439] Postel, i. 35. + +[440] Ricaut, 73. + +[441] Hammer (_Geschichte_, ii. 222) says that the custom of +accomplishing the death of sons of daughters of sultans (by neglecting to +tie the navel cord) dates from Mohammed II; but no contemporary authority +appears to mention such a custom. D’Ohsson, vii. 93, says that it was +instituted in the time of Achmet I. The son of a sister of Selim I was +_Beylerbey_ of Aleppo about 1550 (Alberi, _Anonimo_ of 1553, 228). + +[442] Ludovisi, 29; Postel, i. 31. See p. 141, note 2. + +[443] Postel, i. 31. + +[444] Spandugino, 64. + +[445] Menavino, 137. + +[446] D’Ohsson, vii. 34. Whether this number was fixed in Suleiman’s +time does not appear from the records. Mohammed II had 32 officers of +the _Khas Oda_ (Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 96). Menavino, 121-123, +names three special officers, 15 of second grade, and 35 of third grade, +before mentioning the treasury. Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 243, +263) name 6 principal officers, but do not distinguish the _odalar_ +further. Chesneau, 39, says that 25 of the pages were Suleiman’s personal +servants, and that 5 served him specially. Navagero, 45, speaks of 25 or +30 in the _Khas Oda_. Ricaut, 52, speaks of 40. + +[447] Ramberti and Junis Bey, as above; Postel, iii. 4; Navagero, 45. + +[448] Navagero, 44. + +[449] The number of pages in the _Kiler Odassi_ is given by Menavino, +125, as 25, all between 20 and 22 years of age. Navagero, 44, says that +they numbered 300 or 400; but this is incredible. He gives no numbers for +the purely educational _odalar_, and evidently has counted them all in +the _Kiler Odassi_. + +[450] Hammer (_Staatsverwaltung_, 30) erroneously says that the pages +of these _odalar_ attended to the lowest duties of the palace, and were +recruited from three palace schools outside. Navagero, 44, disproves this. + +[451] An additional chamber, the _Seferli Odassi_, or Chamber of +Campaign, was instituted by Murad IV to attend to his laundry work and +other special duties in time of war. The membership was chosen out of the +educational _odalar_, and it ranked next after the _Kiler Odassi_. See +Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 28. + +[452] Ricaut, 47. + +[453] Ramberti, below, p. 255. + +[454] Ramberti and Junis Bey, below, pp. 245, 264. + +[455] Menavino, 160 ff. + +[456] Zinkeisen, iii. 181, states erroneously on the authority of +Trevisano, 125 (meaning p. 128), that these were all Turks and of noble +blood. The fact that Menavino, 146, calls them “schiaui” is sufficient +disproof. Zinkeisen also quotes Spandugino, 114, to the effect that +the _Muteferrika_ were all lords, or sons of princes or of lords; but +Spandugino, 62, says that pages pass to the office of _Muteferrika_ from +the highest four offices at least. Trevisano, 127, says, “Li quali sono +giovani nati Turchi, _e figliuoli d’uomini di autorità_” (italics not in +original); but “men of authority” were practically all renegades. Moro, +341, calls them, in 1590, sons of the principal Turks. The fact seems to +be that most of the _Muteferrika_ were Ottomans of the second generation +(_i. e._, sons of renegades) and that the rest were regarded as ennobled +by passage through the high offices of the _Khas Oda_. + +[457] Menavino, 155 (he says they were Persians); Nicolay, 98; Ramberti, +below, p. 251. + +[458] Spandugino, 116, gives the number 300, and says that they became +Janissaries. Menavino, 140, mentions 500. Ramberti (pp. 246, 253) +mentions 250 at the principal palace and 100 at the palace of the harem; +the latter he calls Janissaries. + +[459] Junis Bey, below, p. 265. + +[460] Spandugino, 125. + +[461] Postel, iii. 9. + +[462] Ricaut, 373. In his time they numbered 500 or 600. + +[463] Junis Bey, 263. Ramberti, 245, speaks of 35, which is clearly too +few. + +[464] Postel, iii. 11. + +[465] Menavino, 129. In D’Ohsson’s time (vii. 15) this official was also +the jailer and presiding executioner of the palace, inspector of the +water supply and forests near the capital, and overseer of hunting and +fishing and of the trade in wine and lime. How many of these functions he +exercised under Suleiman seems not to have been recorded. In Spandugino’s +time (p. 118) the chief _Kapuji_ was presiding executioner. + +[466] Ramberti, 251; Junis Bey, 268. + +[467] Menavino, 150. They were not _kullar_. Cf. the _Zainogiler_, below, +pp. 252, 268. + +[468] Shortened in use to _Miri-akhor_, _Imrakhor_, _Imbrahor_, +_Imbroor_, _Imror_, etc. + +[469] D’Ohsson, vii. 17; Menavino, 148-150. + +[470] A short form of _Emir-Alem_. + +[471] Menavino, 145. + +[472] D’Ohsson, vii. 21. In his time these were under the “Chief of the +Black Eunuchs.” It does not appear who controlled them under Suleiman. + +[473] Postel, iii. 12; Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 44. + +[474] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 37. + +[475] Spandugino, 127-128, describes the hunting organization under +Bayezid II. Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 249, 266) state that 2700 +or 900 Janissaries served under the _Segban-bashi_ and _Zagarji-bashi_ in +the care of the dogs. + +[476] D’Ohsson, iv. 98 ff. + +[477] _Siasset Namèh_, 161. + +[478] _Tractatus_, ch. ix. + +[479] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 88 ff. + +[480] _Ibid._, 434 ff. + +[481] The statements of this paragraph are based upon the _Kanuni +Teshrifat_ as given in Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 434 ff. See Della +Valle, i. 45: “Tutti gli uffici, e tutti gli ordini, tanto della militia, +quanto della Corte, e d’ogni altra sorte di persone, hanno qui il loro +habito proprio, and in particolare al portamento della testa, si cognosce +ciascuno che cosa è.” + +[482] Postel, iii. 13; Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 18. + +[483] Ricaut, 156. + +[484] The festival of the Birth of the Prophet was not instituted until +the reign of Murad III (Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 469). The sultan’s +annual visit to the relics of the Prophet also became a great ceremony. + +[485] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 96-101. Only less splendid was the +marriage of Ibrahim to Suleiman’s sister in 1524 (_ibid._ 38). + +[486] Compare Gritti, 27: the Janissaries at the reception of ambassadors +“stand in such quiet and order as for war that it is a marvellous thing +and not to be believed by those who have not seen it with their own eyes.” + +[487] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 152 ff. + +[488] A name for Cairo, used much from the time of the crusades onward. + +[489] Nicolay, 88-89, explains that the wearing of ostrich plumes, +attached in a tube of jeweled gold to the front of the turban, and +curving over the head and down the back, was a highly-valued privilege +accorded only to such Janissaries as had distinguished themselves in +action. + +[490] The _Solaks_. + +[491] The _Sharabdar_, the _Chokadar_, and the _Silihdar_. + +[492] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 283 ff. + +[493] _Ibid._, 302 ff. These quotations may profitably be compared with +those from the _Tractatus_ in regard to the simplicity of Murad II +(above, p. 134). Not a few descriptions of court and camp ceremonies in +the century following the accession of Suleiman have been handed down. +For example: Suleiman’s entry into Belgrade in 1532 (Marini Sanuto, lvi. +870); Suleiman’s entry into Aleppo, 1548 (anonymous report, in Alberi, +3d series, i. 224 ff.); Suleiman’s reception of Captain Pinon in 1544 +(Maurand, 207-225); Selim II’s reception of De Noailles in 1573 (Du +Fresne-Canaye, 59-72); Ahmed I’s going to mosque, 1614 (Della Valle, +68-71); Ahmed I’s reception of the Venetian _Bailo_, 1615 (_ibid._ 98 +ff.). + +[494] Postel, i. 31, speaks of the mother of Mustapha as having superior +authority about 1537, though residing much at Magnesia; and he does not +speak of Roxelana. But Ludovisi, 29, shows that Roxelana was in 1534 the +wife of Suleiman, and that the mother of Mustapha then resided with her +son at Magnesia. For the decisive quarrel between Roxelana and the mother +of Mustapha, see Navagero, 75. + +[495] Navagero, 79. + +[496] Described above, pp. 93-95. + +[497] Navagero, 76-77. + +[498] The unfortunate Jehangir also was thought to have come to his +death from shock at the death of Mustapha and fear of a similar fate for +himself. See Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 178; Navagero, 77. But see +Alberi, _Anonimo_ of 1553, 216, for another and more credible account. + +[499] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 425. + +[500] See above, pp. 78, 120. + +[501] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 331; Halil Ganem, i. 199. + +[502] Spandugino, 185. A generation earlier still La Broquière, 186, +said: “No one speaks to them [the pashas] unless he brings them a +present, as well as one for each of the slaves who guard their gate.” + +[503] Spandugino, 145, relates how in his time the peasants were eaten, +as it were, all the year by tithes, compulsory presents, land-tax, +and extortion. The earlier sixteenth-century writers seem not to +have observed that the sultan’s subjects were especially miserable. +Morosini (1585), 272, remarks vigorously upon the tyranny and oppression +which were causing depopulation and destroying the incentive of the +farm-dwellers to produce more than a bare sustenance. Zane (1595), 395, +415, writes in a similar vein. Gerlach, 52 (quoted in Zinkeisen, iii. +361), found those who lived at a distance from Constantinople in a +wretched state of oppression. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 982), writing about +1603, speaks of the desolate condition of the empire, especially in +those regions through which the army was accustomed to pass. In Ricaut’s +time (pp. 124, 145, 323) agricultural decline, accompanied by misery and +depopulation, was apparent. + +[504] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 438. + +[505] D’Ohsson, i. 268; Heidborn, 112, note 11. Heidborn, 106-121, treats +fully the constitutional position of the sultan. + +[506] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 226. + +[507] D’Ohsson, iv. 482 ff. + +[508] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 1-3. + +[509] _Ibid._ i. 557, iii. 159, etc. + +[510] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 29. This use of the word _Urf_ in +Turkish is not the same as that of its Arabic original (see Redhouse, +1294; Youssouf Fehmi, 237). Heidborn, 37 ff., discusses the sources of +Ottoman law, giving an especially thorough and excellent treatment to the +Sacred Law. + +[511] Macdonald, 71; D’Ohsson, i. 5 ff. + +[512] Macdonald, 94, 115; Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 4; D’Ohsson, i. 11 +ff. + +[513] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 9. + +[514] D’Ohsson, 21. + +[515] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 10; D’Ohsson, i. 22-24. The +_Multeka_ is the basis of D’Ohsson’s excellent work, which consists +of a translation of the code with its comments, to which he has added +observations of great value based on historical studies and on his own +investigations during many years’ residence in Turkey. Heidborn, 44-69, +gives a detailed account of the development of the Sacred Law. He also +(pp. 85-89) describes the _Multeka_ and gives a table of its contents. + +[516] Heidborn, 40-41. This writer uses the form _fykyh_. + +[517] Snouck Hurgronje, in _Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, xxvii. 1 +ff., 74 ff. + +[518] Goldziher, in _Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft_, +viii. 406 ff.; Kohler, _ibid._ 424 ff.; Juynboll, 8, 310. + +[519] In Turkey at the present day the courts of the Sacred Law +(_Sheriyeh_) have sole cognizance of the following classes of cases: “in +civil law, questions concerning marriage, alimony, education of children, +liberty, slavery, inheritance, wills, absence, and disappearance; in +criminal law, suits concerning retaliation, the price of blood, the +price of laming a limb, the price of causing an abortion, damages for +disfigurements, the division of the price of blood” (Heidborn, 255). +The _Nizamiyeh_, or secular courts, have sole cognizance of commercial +and penal cases, and a few other groups. All other causes are taken +before the _Sheriyeh_ courts if the parties agree; otherwise before the +_Nizamiyeh_ courts. Thus the courts of the Sacred Law still retain a +great deal of importance in Turkey. + +[520] See, in particular, above, pp. 40, 41, 42. See also Postel, i. 116 +ff., 124 ff.; Ricaut, 200 ff. Heidborn, 43, comments on this state of +affairs, and explains the comparatively recent further legal developments +in Turkey as follows:— + +“Durant de longs siècles le fykyh, tout pétrifié qu’il était, put suffire +aux besoins de la société islamique et son manque de souplesse fut +d’autant moins ressenti, que l’évolution de cette société elle-mème a été +à peu près nulle. Assoupie dans une léthargie profonde, elle semble se +recueillir de son immense effort de jeunesse et contempler en spectatrice +indifférente ou dédaigneuse les progrès réalisés, depuis, par l’Occident. +En Turquie seulement, à mesure que se resserraient ses liens avec +l’Europe, fut comprise l’impérieuse nécessité de sortir de cet isolement +et d’emprunter à la culture occidentale certaines méthodes susceptibles +de rajeunir le corps vielli de l’empire. Par suite de cette orientation +récente, le fykyh a subi, en Turquie, d’importantes abrogations de fait +sinon de droit, qui atteignent cependant plutôt le domaine du droit +public que celui du droit privé. Celui-ci subsiste, dans une large +mesure, malgré ses imperfections et son absence de plan et de clarté. On +s’est contenté de combler ses lacunes les plus apparentes par des lois +empruntées à la législation occidentale, sans se soucier de la complète +disparate créée par la réunion d’éléments aussi hétérogènes.” + +[521] D’Ohsson, i. 261, v. 11. + +[522] Macdonald, 66; Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 12. + +[523] Heidborn, 69. + +[524] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 14; Heidborn, 71. + +[525] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 32; D’Ohsson, i. 291. + +[526] Ricaut, 202; Steen de Jehay, 13 ff. + +[527] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 31. + +[528] In the course of time the development of civil courts in the +Ottoman Empire has relegated the former judicial system to the position +of ecclesiastical courts with jurisdiction similar to that of Christian +church courts of the Middle Ages. See Macdonald, 113; and above, p. 154, +note 2. + +[529] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 30. + +[530] _Ibid._ 31. + +[531] For an example of this practice, see _ibid._ 343. + +[532] _Ibid._ 2. + +[533] _Ibid._ 29. + +[534] Heidborn, 90. + +[535] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 31; in pages 219-327 are found the +_Kanun-namehs_ of all the _sanjaks_. + +[536] _Ibid._ 87-101. + +[537] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 480. + +[538] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_: 101-143, the _Kanun-nameh Misr_; +143-162, police and market laws of Suleiman; 187-211, _Kanuni Rayah_; +337-434, _Kanuni Timar_. Hammer does not make it clear where he found +particular _Kanuns_, or how completely he has presented the originals; +nor has he attempted to distinguish _Kanuns_ of Suleiman from those of +earlier and later sultans. The _Kanuni Rayah_ was not made into a formal +_Kanun-nameh_ till 1614 (_ibid._ 211). See Heidborn, 91-92. + +[539] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 142. + +[540] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 39. + +[541] A translation of a portion of the table of contents of this +collection, as found in the manuscript Fluegel No. 1816, in the Imperial +Library at Vienna, is given in Appendix III, below. This shows by +comparison with the headings in Hammer’s _Staatsverfassung_, 396-424, +that Hammer has there translated at least one-half of the manuscript, +though he appears to attribute these sections to the _Kanun-nameh_ of +Achmet I (_ibid._ 384). The table of contents of the latter collection of +laws is very different (see next note). + +[542] The _Kanun-nameh_ of Achmet I, issued in 1619, contained +collections of (1) feudal laws; (2) laws of the army, the navy, the +outer and the inner service; (3) laws of police, finance, and fiefs. See +Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, pp. xviii, xix. + +[543] This statement is based on information obtained from a gentleman +long resident in Turkey. + +[544] Zinkeisen, iii. 161 ff. + +[545] Macdonald, 10. + +[546] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 96. + +[547] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 32. + +[548] D’Ohsson, i. 258 ff. + +[549] “The dignity of the Imâmate does not absolutely demand that the +Imâm be just, virtuous, or irreproachable, or that he be the most +eminent and the most excellent of the human beings of his time” (from +the _Multeka_, quoted by D’Ohsson, i. 271); “Vices or tyranny in an +Imâm do not demand his deposition” (_ibid._ 288). This is the doctrine +of orthodox Islam, as the outcome of the early Kharijite schisms. The +Shiites are more critical as regards their sovereigns, who are not +regarded as _Imâms_. + +[550] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 32; D’Ohsson, i. 291. + +[551] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 331-333; D’Ohsson, iv. 50 ff. + +[552] Busbecq, i. 331; D’Ohsson, iv. 103, 280. + +[553] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 71, 486. + +[554] _Ibid._ ii. 216-217, 223. + +[555] _Ibid._ i. 565, ii. 223. + +[556] See above, pp. 58, 59. + +[557] A. Barbarigo, 155; D. Barbarigo, 26; Bernardo, 326; Erizzo, 136. +See also Chesneau, 41. + +[558] Barbaro, 319. + +[559] Postel, iii. _passim_, gives various glimpses of his life. + +[560] _Siasset Namèh_, 163. + +[561] The position and duties of the grand vizier at a later date are +described at length by Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 79-101, and by +D’Ohsson, vii. 177-189. + +[562] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 226; taken from the Turkish historian +Aali and referring to the time of Mohammed II. + +[563] Postel, i. 123. + +[564] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 5. + +[565] _Ibid._ iii. 793. + +[566] The position of the _Defterdars_ about the year 1800 is discussed +in D’Ohsson, vii. 261 ff., and in Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 137 ff. +Contemporary accounts are found in Menavino, 168; Ramberti, below, p. +247; Junis Bey, below, p. 265; Postel, iii. 66-70. + +[567] The word means primarily “book-keeper.” It is derived either +from the Greek word διφθέρα or from a similar Persian word (Hammer, +_Geschichte_, ii. 228). Ramberti (below, p. 247) mentions but two +_Defterdars_, one who took care of the revenue from all the Asiatic +provinces, Egypt, and the Danubian countries, and received ten thousand +ducats a year, and perquisites, the other who took care of the revenue +from the rest of the European dominions, received six thousand ducats and +perquisites, and was governor of Constantinople in the sultan’s absence. + +[568] Spandugino, 98. + +[569] Junis Bey (below, p. 265) says that the _Defterdars_ had 200 slaves +each for their courts. Then he speaks of 50 scribes, each with 15 or +20 slaves, and of 25 secretaries who must have been the heads of the +bureaus, and who had slaves. Next he mentions the two _Rusnamehjis_, who +had 20 or 25 companions under them. Ramberti, 247, says that the first +_Defterdar_ had 1000 slaves in his household, and the second 500. Postel, +iii. 69, mentions only one _Rusnamehji_, but clearly states that he is +over the chiefs of the twenty-five bureaus. + +[570] D’Ohsson, vii. 264-273; Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 145-170. + +[571] It certainly was in 1660. Cf. Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 170. + +[572] D’Ohsson, vii. 265, omits the intendants of buildings and forage. + +[573] D’Ohsson, vii. 236. + +[574] Charges for the right to plant and transport tobacco were later +assigned to the care of this bureau. See Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 156. + +[575] At a later date, when the expenses of the harem became greater, the +customs duties of certain regions, the tobacco revenue from Syria and +Arabia, and the tax on wool and yarn were also assigned to this bureau +(_ibid._ 158). + +[576] Junis Bey (below, p. 266) and Postel, iii. 70, call this official +_Defterdar-emini_. His department, in three bureaus, became a record +office of land titles (D’Ohsson, vii. 193). It may have had this wider +function in the sixteenth century. + +[577] Spandugino, 65, 119; Ramberti, below, pp. 244, 248. + +[578] Menavino, 182; Postel, iii. 70. + +[579] Ricaut, 103, Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, pp. 256, 271) say that +the _Beylerbey_ of Rumelia had 100 scribes. + +[580] Spandugino, 148; Postel, iii. 63. + +[581] This subject is treated in Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 478-483, and +_Staatsverfassung_, 180-337; D’Ohsson, v. 15-37; and, as concerns the +legal taxes, in Belin, _La Propriété Foncière_. + +[582] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 37 ff. + +[583] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 523, iii. 65. + +[584] _Ibid._ iii. 266. According to Heidborn, 339, the registering of +the lands of the different regions of the Ottoman Empire, begun in 1548 +by Suleiman’s order and completed after some 55 years, remains to the +present time the basis of land titles in Turkey. + +[585] D’Ohsson, vii. 242. + +[586] Spandugino, 144. Postel, iii. 65, says that the tithes (apparently +those revenues not sold in the lump or left for individual collection) +were collected by Christian receivers (_tous Chrestiens_), who delivered +them to the _Kadis_, and these to the _Sanjak_, he to the _Beylerbey_, +and the _Beylerbey_ to the _Defterdars_. + +[587] D’Ohsson, vii. 258. + +[588] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 471. It was a poll-tax of 15 aspers on +each male inhabitant. + +[589] Spandugino, 57. + +[590] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 167, 592. + +[591] By _Kanun_ of Mohammed II: Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 99. + +[592] Postel, iii. 68. + +[593] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 472. + +[594] Postel, iii. 70. + +[595] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 234. + +[596] _Ibid._ iii. 471. + +[597] La Broquière, 182; Ricaut, 404. + +[598] Ricaut, 404. + +[599] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 472. + +[600] See above, pp. 115, 116. + +[601] Postel, iii. 49. + +[602] Below, p. 273. + +[603] La Broquière, 182, estimated the sultan’s revenue in 1433 at +2,500,000 ducats. Chalcocondyles, 171, overestimated it at 8,000,000 +ducats about the year 1465. Alvise Sagudino (quoted in Schéfer’s edition +of Spandugino, p. lv) reckoned it in 1496 at 3,300,000 ducats; Andrea +Gritti, father of Alvise, made it 5,000,000 in 1503 (_ibid._ lviii); +Spandugino’s estimate, under Bayezid, was 3,600,000 (_ibid._ 132). +Mocenigo, 54, set Selim I’s income at 3,130,000, besides 800,000 from +the Persian conquests, all spent in Persia. Minio (1522), 71, estimated +the revenue as 3,000,000. Zeno (1524), 95, called it 4,500,000, and the +expenses 3,000,000. Bragadin (1526), 106, says that the treasury had an +income of 12,000,000, of which the sultan took 4,500,000 (the larger +amount would no doubt include the feudal income). Minio (1527), 115, +states the income as 7,000,000. Zeno (1530), 121, gives 6,000,000 or +more for the income, 4,000,000 for the expenses. Giovio (_Commentaries_, +73) sets the revenue at 6,000,000, and the expenses at 4,000,000 or +5,000,000. Postel, iii. 68, gives 4,000,000 on Alvise Gritti’s authority, +though he apportions it differently from Junis Bey. D’Ohsson, vii. 258, +says that Suleiman’s revenues rose to 26,000,000 piasters. At 40 aspers +to the piaster and 50 aspers to the ducat, this gives about 20,000,000 +ducats, which is far too much. + +[604] Navagero (1553), 37-39, estimates 7,166,000 ducats; Trevisano +(1554), 149-150, says 8,196,000 ducats. Navagero seems to overestimate +the mines (1,500,000 ducats) and the duties (1,200,000); Trevisano’s +estimate of 2,000,000 from the animal tax seems unwarranted. Erizzo +(1557), 130, claims to give an authentic statement of the sultan’s income +and expenditure; the former he sets at 4,600,000 ducats and the latter +at 3,600,000. A. Barbarigo (1558), 150, gives 7,740,000 ducats as income +and 4,100,000 as expenditure. Donini, 190, says that after great efforts +he knows most certainly that the income of the treasury for 1561 was +216,519,826 aspers, or 4,330,396 ducats and 26 soldi, and the expenditure +206,581,957 aspers, or 4,131,639 ducats and 7 soldi. He states that this +income is less by 400,000 ducats than usual, because of the prohibition +of wine. Erizzo does not include the tax on mines and salt works, and +the income from Mesopotamia and the domain lands, in his list of sources +of revenue; and Donini does not specify the sources. Bernardo, 347, says +that the income in his time of service (1584-87) was 9,000,000 ducats, +and that by 1592 it was 10,000,000. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 982) estimates +the sultan’s ordinary revenues about 1603 as 8,000,000. This does not, +however, include confiscations, fines, tribute, customs, booty, etc., +which Knolles (p. 983) believed to exceed the ordinary revenue. Hammer, +_Staatsverwaltung_, 170, gives official figures for a hundred years +later (1660): the income of the treasury then was 600,000,000 aspers, +or 11,000,000 to 12,000,000 ducats at sixteenth-century valuations; +capitation was nearly 2,000,000, land tax about as much, mines 1,000,000, +etc. + +[605] The extensive notes given above show clearly that from 1433 to 1660 +there was a progressive increase in the sultan’s income, as measured +in aspers or ducats. Brosch (in _Cambridge Modern History_, iii. 130) +accuses Suleiman of raising by taxation double the amount exacted by +Mohammed II, and thus bringing undue pressure to bear. This statement +fails to take account of the fact that Suleiman’s empire was about double +that of Mohammed II’s in area, population, and wealth. Also it seems to +have been the case that the value of gold and silver fell greatly after +the discovery of the American mines (Day, 135). If these effects were +felt promptly in the Levant, Suleiman’s income in the last years of +his life may have had little more purchasing power than Mohammed II’s. +Distributed over a wider area, the pressure of taxation in his time may +easily have been lighter than it was three generations before. + +[606] Postel, iii. 67, says that it does not include the _timars_. He +says (iii. 168) that some call the total revenue 12,000,000 ducats, in +which they must include the income of the fief-holders. Bragadin, 106, +says that the income is 12,000,000. Ramberti (below, p. 261) estimates it +at 15,000,000, of which 5,000,000 goes into the treasury and 10,000,000 +remains for the “servants of war.” + +[607] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 472; and see above, p. 144 and note 2. + +[608] Accounts are given in D’Ohsson, vii. 159-172, and in Hammer, +_Staatsverwaltung_, 101-137. References to the _Nishanji_ are found in +Spandugino, 99; Menavino, 168; Ramberti, below, p. 248; Ludovisi, 14; +Navagero, 94; Trevisano, 118; Garzoni, 430; Junis Bey (below, p. 266) and +Postel, iii. 63, speak of a _Teskereji-bashi_, giving a description which +applies exactly to the _Nishanji_ as represented by contemporaries. Since +the word means merely “chief of document-writers,” it refers without +doubt to the _Nishanji_. + +[609] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 133. + +[610] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 54. + +[611] Postel, iii. 63. See also Ramberti, below, p. 248. + +[612] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 229, iii. 796. The first _Reis Effendi_ +whose name is known was Haider Effendi, executed in 1525 on the charge of +promoting an uprising of the Janissaries. The office is mentioned in the +_Kanun-nameh_ of Mohammed II (Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 90). + +[613] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 126 ff.; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, +_passim_. + +[614] Ricaut, 57. + +[615] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 90. + +[616] Trevisano (1554), 118. Morosini (1585), 266, says that the +employees of the chancery were then native Turks. + +[617] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 35. + +[618] Cahun, _Introduction_, 82, speaking of Turks of the steppe lands: +“Dès qu’ils descendaient de cheval, c’étaient des barbares bureaucrates +et paperassiers.” + +[619] Spandugino, 185. + +[620] The Divan, as it was about 1800, is described in D’Ohsson, vii. +211-232; and in Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 412-436. Contemporary +references are Menavino, 169; Postel, i. 122; Navagero, 93; Trevisano, +117; Garzoni, 430. Zinkeisen, iii. 117-125, has pictured the Divan in the +sixteenth century. + +[621] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 489. This is the first of the reasons +given by Kochi Bey for the decline of the empire after Suleiman. + +[622] Postel, i. 123; Trevisano, 119; Garzoni, 431. D. Barbarigo, +32, gives an instance in which Suleiman made use of this means of +information, and in consequence ordered the execution of the grand vizier +Achmet. + +[623] Hammer (_Staatsverwaltung_, 412-436) gives them with great +exactness. + +[624] In the time of Mohammed II a procession was formed by the members +of the Divan, the men of the lowest rank in front, and the grand vizier +last. On reaching the door of the hall, the lesser officials stopped and +separated into two lines, between which the grand vizier advanced. The +greater officials followed, so that the hall was entered in the order of +rank. See Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 225. + +[625] From the _Kanun_ of Mohammed II: Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, +89. Aali (used by Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 225) gives a different +arrangement, which can hardly have been correct. + +[626] Postel, i. 123. + +[627] Garzoni, 431. + +[628] Postel, i. 123. + +[629] Garzoni, 431. + +[630] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 89; Trevisano, 118-119. + +[631] Navagero, 98; D. Barbarigo, 26. See also above, p. 164 and note 3. + +[632] Postel, i. 123. + +[633] Trevisano, 120. See above, p. 164. + +[634] Zinkeisen, iii. 125; Tiepolo, 164. + +[635] Heidborn, 141: “Le divan était à la fois une sorte de Conseil +d’État, où se discutaient les affaires politiques importantes, et une +Cour suprême autorisée à évoquer tout litige devant elle et à connaître +notamment des procès entre Ottomans et étrangers qui dépassaient la +valeur de 3000 aspres.” + +[636] Although this and other features of the Moslem Institution will +be spoken of throughout this chapter in the past tense, much that is +mentioned remains in existence in Turkey at the present time. The _vakfs_ +are discussed at length in D’Ohsson, ii. 437-567; and more briefly in +Belin, _La Propriété Foncière_, 74-104. Heidborn, 306 ff., gives a +well-analyzed account; and on p. 306, note 245, he mentions additional +authorities. + +[637] Ricaut, 213. + +[638] D’Ohsson, ii. 540. + +[639] Ricaut, 217. D’Ohsson, ii. 532, expresses a different opinion. + +[640] Interest was allowable on the funds belonging to mosques, though +otherwise forbidden: Ricaut, 218; D’Ohsson, ii. 550. + +[641] See below, p. 234, note 1. + +[642] Ramberti, below, p. 243; Ricaut, 215. + +[643] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 237. + +[644] Ricaut, 215. In D’Ohsson’s time (ii. 538) it was estimated at +1,000,000 aspers. Nicolay, 68, says that it had been 300,000 ducats +before the conquest. + +[645] Morosini, 267; Zane, 406; Heidborn, 309. + +[646] Mohammed II fixed these fees: for example, 7 aspers for sealing a +document, 12 for a signature, 32 for the marriage contract of a virgin, +15 for that of a widow, etc. See Hammer, _Staatsverfassung,_ 100. + +[647] D’Ohsson, iv. 599. + +[648] The _Ulema_ and other members of the Moslem Institution are +described in D’Ohsson, iv. 482-686. Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 372-412, +gives a summary of D’Ohsson’s treatment. Heidborn, 208-210, describes the +educational system summarily. + +[649] The ten studies were grammar, syntax, logic, metaphysics, +philology, tropics, stylistics, rhetoric, geometry, and astronomy: +Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 238. + +[650] Among these studies were advanced rhetoric and metaphysics, +dogmatics, civil law, exegesis, jurisprudence, oral tradition, and +written documents (Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 239). All schools above the +_mektebs_ came under the name _medresseh_. Heidborn distinguishes eight +classes to which Suleiman added four colleges of yet higher degree. His +implication (p. 210, note 5) that the student who aimed at the highest +judgeships must study through eight or more _medressehs_, and then teach +through a like series, can hardly be correct, since the ordinary human +life would be too short for such a double round. Probably the steps of +progress were not so precisely regulated or so numerous. + +[651] D’Ohsson, ii. 464. + +[652] Hammer (_Geschichte_, ix. 145-163) found 275 in Constantinople +alone, of which 50 had been founded before the death of Suleiman. + +[653] Chalcocondyles, 53; Ramberti, below, p. 244; Junis Bey, below, p. +265; etc. + +[654] D’Ohsson, ii. 477; Heidborn, 213. + +[655] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 236: “The priesthood proper ... is +perhaps in no other state of less influence, but the teaching body is +in no other kingdom (except China) of greater weight and political +importance.” + +[656] Ricaut, 211. + +[657] Spandugino, 219; Menavino, 72 ff.; Nicolay, 121. Ricaut, 261 ff., +knew eight or ten orders, which he describes at some length. + +[658] Hammer, _Geschichte_, i. 154, ii. 357, iii. 67; Postel, i. 112. + +[659] Heidborn, 269-274. + +[660] Ricaut, 201. + +[661] In Ricaut’s time (p. 204) one of the _Kaziaskers_ was regularly +chosen for this position. + +[662] D’Ohsson, iv. 500. Heidborn, 215, says that the title _Sheik +ul-Islam_ was first bestowed by Murad II upon the _mufti_ of Adrianople, +who was removed to Constantinople by Mohammed II after the capture; that +Mohammed assigned the title _Reis ul-ulema_, or chief of the _Ulema_, to +this officer, but that he reached great dignity only under Suleiman. + +[663] Spandugino, 113. + +[664] Postel, i. 118. + +[665] Spandugino, 112. + +[666] La Broquière, 181; Ramberti, below, p. 247; Geuffroy, 241; +Trevisano, 122; Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 116; Bernardo, 364. + +[667] Heidborn, 216. + +[668] Ricaut, 200-202. + +[669] Hammer, _Geschichte_, ii. 401. + +[670] _Ibid._ 536 ff.; Heidborn, 215, note 16. + +[671] D’Ohsson, v. 104 ff. + +[672] See Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 278 ff.; and Appendix III below. +Heidborn, 215, contributes further details as to the great _Mufti’s_ +advance in the _cursus honorum_ of the Moslem Institution. He shows that +he began his legal studies at 27 years of age, continued them until his +45th year, was made _Kazi_ of Brusa, then of Constantinople, and in his +50th year (944 A.H.) _Mufti_. The last statement seems to be erroneous; +for Hammer (as above) says that he became _Mufti_ in 952 (1545 A. D.), +after eight years’ service as _Kaziasker_. Probably, then, he was made +_Kaziasker_ in 944 and _Mufti_ in 952. After thirty years in that eminent +position, he died in 982 (1574). + +[673] Busbecq, _Life and Letters_, i. 116-117. + +[674] Ricaut, 202. + +[675] This description, based on D’Ohsson’s account, may represent +at some points a development later than the time of Suleiman. No +sixteenth-century writer seems to have gone into the organization of the +system in detail. Heidborn, 220 ff., treats with fulness the past and +present judicial system of the Ottoman Empire. + +[676] Hammer, _Staatsverwaltung_, 380. + +[677] Postel, i. 117. + +[678] The _Subashis_ in particular were closely connected with the +administration of justice. Postel, i. 120, says loosely that _Pasha_, +_Kazi_, and _Subashi_ all mean the same thing. Chesneau, 47, says that +the sultan had two judges in every city, a _Kazi_ for civil cases and +a _Subashi_ for criminal cases. This is certainly incorrect, for the +Sacred Law provided for many criminal cases, while _Kanuns_ dealt with +many civil cases. The _Sanjak Beys_ and _Beylerbeys_ held Divans, or +councils, resembling on a lesser scale the sultan’s Divan (Heidborn, +143, note 17); following the analogy of the _Kaziaskers_, the _Kazi_ of +the city in which each such officer resided would sit in his Divan and +decide the cases that came up touching the Sacred Law, and would also +hold independent court at other times. In cities of lesser importance, +the _Kazis_ appear to have been the heads of the restricted municipal +governments (_ibid._, note 16). + +[679] A scheme of the higher offices in the judicial system in the early +nineteenth century is given in Hammer’s _Geschichte_, ix. 1-10. + +[680] _Kazi_ is the Turkish pronunciation of the Arabic word _kadi_, +judge; _Molla_ is the Turkish form of the Arabic word _maulā_, lord. + +[681] Junis Bey (below, p. 265) and Postel, i. 119, state that the +_Kaziaskers_ nominated all _Kazis_. Junis Bey says: “Two _Cadilescher_ +talismans, one of Greece and the other of Natolia or Asia, and they each +have revenues of 6 or 7 thousand ducats a year: who are executors of +their law ... it is they who appoint the Kadis or podestas of all the +lands of the Seigneur.” Ramberti (below, p. 247) and Nicolay, 119, say +that the consent of the pashas was necessary also. + +[682] Ricaut, 205. + +[683] Hammer (as above, p. 216, note 4) gives a list of 39 judges of rank +above the _Kazis_ proper, and 243 _Kazis_ of Rumelia, 280 of Anatolia, +and 34 of Egypt. The total is thus 557 _Kazis_ proper, and 596 judges in +all. In the subsequent list of 247 positions in Rumelia as rearranged +under Mahmûd II, five places in the Crimea are mentioned as seats of +_Kazis in partibus_, but neither list appears to mention any in North +Africa. + +[684] Spandugino, 188; Postel, i. 127. + +[685] Spandugino, 213; D’Ohsson, vi. 333. + +[686] Postel, i. 126. This officer is called by Postel _Mortasi_. + +[687] Menavino, 66; Spandugino, 211. + +[688] Postel, i. 120, 124; Nicolay, 119. There was no regular +organization of the procedure of appeal; nevertheless it was allowed +(Heidborn, 389). + +[689] Hammer, _Staatsverfassung_, 100. See above, p. 203, note 1. + +[690] See above, p. 116. + +[691] Spandugino, 211. + +[692] _Ibid._ + +[693] The Arabic words _kadi al asker_ signify judge of the army. In the +sixteenth century the pronunciation seems to have been _kadi l’esker_; +nowadays it is _kazi asker_. The burdensome duty of holding court +continually is mentioned in Spandugino, 96; D’Ohsson, iv. 581. + +[694] Postel, i. 123. Heidborn, 141-143, note 15, quotes from Ypsilanti +an interesting description of a session of the grand vizier’s court. + +[695] Postel, i. 127, iii. 8. + +[696] _Ibid._ iii. 9. + +[697] Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 11. + +[698] _Ibid._ 61. + +[699] Ricaut, 3. + +[700] Garzoni, 430. See also Morosini, 273. + +[701] Postel, i. 124. Matters were distinctly worse in Ricaut’s time (pp. +140-141). + +[702] Spandugino, 114. + +[703] It has been suggested (Morosini, 273) that the promptness of +justice had a connection with the early military character of the Moslems. + +[704] Spandugino, 211, 255. + +[705] Postel, i. 127, iii. 87. + +[706] _Ibid._ i. 117. + +[707] _Ibid._ + +[708] The use of cannon is perhaps the most conspicuous example. + +[709] Halil Ganem, i. 201. + +[710] Spandugino, 207: “And the Turkish lords generally, as well great as +small, study only to build churches and hospitals and to enrich and make +hostelries for lodging travelers, to improve the roads, to build bridges, +to construct baths, and several other charitable works which they do in +such a way that I suppose the Turkish lords are beyond comparison greater +alms-givers than our Christian lords; and in proportion as they have good +zeal, they use great hospitality. They voluntarily lodge Christian, Turk, +and Jew alike.” See also Morosini, 270. + +[711] He built seven mosques (Hammer, _Geschichte_, iii. 456), four +colleges at Mecca (_ibid._ 459), four colleges around the Suleimanieh +Mosque (_ibid._ 470), and endowed them all, etc. + +[712] See above, p. 150. + +[713] Ramberti came overland from Ragusa on his journey from Venice to +Constantinople. + +[714] The writer seems not to have observed that these groves were +cemeteries. + +[715] The writer evidently did not know that this Egyptian obelisk +consists of a single stone. It actually rests on four bronze cubes. + +[716] This was the support of the tripod of the priestess at Delphi. +The heads have been broken off, and are now in the treasury of the Old +Seraglio at Constantinople. + +[717] This was overthrown at the downfall of Ibrahim in 1536. + +[718] This remarkable statement is probably the source of Nicolay’s +similar idea (p. 77). The Danube is more than two hundred miles distant +from Constantinople. + +[719] Rather, of the Sea of Marmora. + +[720] _Marrani_: Jews and Moors of Spain, baptized, but remaining true to +their own religion. + +[721] This statement and the following one are certainly exaggerations. + +[722] Either the writer’s geographical knowledge or the text is in +confusion. The description here, as well as that which follows, cannot be +made to fit the map. + +[723] The boundary between Europe and Asia is now, of course, placed far +to the east of the Don. + +[724] Compare Junis Bey, below, pp. 272, 273. + +[725] Michaloghli. + +[726] More accurately, Othman, beginning in 1299, ruled 27 years; Orchan, +33 years; Murad I, 30 years; Bayezid I, 13 years; Mohammed I (_Chelebi_) +in undisputed rule 8 years, after 11 years of civil war; Murad II, 30 +years; Mohammed II, 30 years; Bayezid II, 31 years; Selim, 8 years, until +his death in 1520, when Suleiman came to the throne. + +[727] Celeby and Calepino are forms of _Chelebi_, the Gentleman, which +was an appellation of Mohammed I; these three names, therefore, refer to +the same person. + +[728] At this point the writer begins to follow the pamphlet of Junis Bey. + +[729] Seraglio Point is thrust out into the Bosphorus just before it +meets the Sea of Marmora. + +[730] The land on which Mohammed’s palace was built had belonged to the +church of St. Sophia under the Byzantine Empire. See above, p. 202. + +[731] Junis Bey speaks of eight youths, but names six, as below. + +[732] After Junis Bey. The word here is “_Chiuchter_.” + +[733] There were two treasurers of the household, bearing the same name. +One labored within the palace, and one without. See above, p. 127. + +[734] There is confusion here. The _Kapu Aghasi_ and the _Seraidar-bashi_ +were the same person. The chief of the gate is rightly called the +_Kapuji-bashi_. Junis Bey shows similar confusion (below, p. 263). See +above, p. 126; and Redhouse, 1435. + +[735] “_Talismani._” See above, p. 205. + +[736] “_Capoglano._” The derivation is faulty; the literal meaning is +“gate-youth.” + +[737] “_Gianizzerotti._” Junis Bey, below, p. 263, speaks of 400 +gardeners, which is probably more nearly correct. + +[738] “_Protogero._” _Kiaya_, or by transliteration _Ketkhuda_, is the +Turkish word. See above, p. 96, note 4. + +[739] This should read “the _Bostanji-bashi_”: Junis Bey, 263. + +[740] The chief taster. + +[741] Junis Bey, 264, says five to six aspers each. + +[742] Intendant or steward of the kitchen. + +[743] The word translated “feudal income,” or “feudal grant,” is +“_timar_.” See above, p. 100 ff. + +[744] This sentence was evidently inserted after the previous part of the +paragraph had been written. See below, p. 255. + +[745] “_Centola._” + +[746] This remark seems to contain a comparison between the relation of +the pope to the Roman emperor and that of the _Mufti_ to the sultan. Such +a comparison would, however, be inexact. See above, p. 209. + +[747] “_Cavalleria._” Junis Bey, below, p. 265, calls them _cursori_. + +[748] Junis Bey, 266, says 15 to 20 slaves each. + +[749] “_Spezzate._” + +[750] That the other _Chaushes_ were slaves not of the _Chaush-bashi_, +but of the sultan, is shown by the amount of their pay. See Junis Bey’s +testimony below, p. 265. + +[751] Junis Bey, below, p. 266, says that the _Kiaya_ of the Janissaries +has 300 ducats of feudal grant per year, which would equal about 15,000 +aspers. + +[752] “_Giannizzeriasis._” + +[753] “_Livreri._” + +[754] “_Bracchi._” + +[755] “_Assareri._” + +[756] This Slavonic word seems to be used here simply in the sense of +“army officers.” + +[757] “_Immensi._” + +[758] This is an error. Probably the number intended is three hundred. +Junis Bey, below, p. 267, gives two hundred and fifty. + +[759] Only two officers should be named here. The lieutenant +(_Protogero_) and the _Kiaya_ were the same. Junis Bey gives this +correctly. + +[760] Under each _Agha_, or chief officer. + +[761] The _Kiaya_ and the lieutenant are the same. + +[762] This derivation is from a secondary meaning; the primary meaning is +“foreign youth.” See above, pp. 98, 99, note 1. + +[763] “_Bracor-bashi._” + +[764] This should read “_Kiaya_ and secretary.” + +[765] “_Brene._” + +[766] This is the common report in Western writers as regards the +_Peiks_. See Menavino, 155; Nicolay, 100. + +[767] _Kiayas_ and secretaries. + +[768] This refers to those whom Junis Bey, below, p. 268, calls +_Zainogiler_, a body of lancers, who are here erroneously classed with +the falconers. Junis Bey’s figures are 20,000 in all, 1000 receiving pay +in money. Are they the Voinaks (above, p. 131)? + +[769] Junis Bey, “_cursor_,” a messenger or porter. + +[770] Literally, “intendant of the town.” + +[771] Junis Bey says 57. + +[772] Usually called by Western writers “Dragoman.” + +[773] This was the “Old Palace” of Mohammed the Conqueror, and stood +where the _Seraskierat_, or War Office now stands. + +[774] Suleiman is said to have been faithful to Roxelana after he had +made her his wife. See above, p. 56. + +[775] This should read “per day.” Junis Bey, below, p. 269. + +[776] This should read 100,000: _ibid._ + +[777] Junis Bey, below, p. 270, says 200,000 per year. + +[778] At the meetings of the Divan. + +[779] This should read fifty each: Junis Bey, below, p. 271. + +[780] “_Che fanno fattione._” + +[781] This should read “ten thousand”: Junis Bey, below, p. 272. + +[782] Of the Turkish possessions in Asia. + +[783] “_Maldac._” + +[784] “_Esdum._” Junis Bey, below, p. 272, has “_exdrun_.” + +[785] More correctly, _Irak Ajam_, north-central Persia. + +[786] Junis Bey, 273, counts these as two, and the whole number as +thirty-six. + +[787] Herzegovina. + +[788] “_Cangri._” + +[789] “_Hallayce_” or “_Allaye_.” + +[790] The ancient Magnesia. + +[791] The plain of Albistan. + +[792] “_Alziden._” + +[793] Evidently the writer intended to fill these in, but failed to +secure the names. + +[794] This amounts to about four million ducats a year. + +[795] The reference is, of course, to the feudal _Spahis_ and their +officers, who then received according to this estimate two-thirds of the +revenues of the empire. + +[796] At this point the smaller type begins. See below, p. 315. + +[797] The object of this appendix is to set forth in outline the features +of the Mogul government, in order to suggest comparison with that of the +Ottoman Empire. Completeness neither of research nor of exposition has +been attempted. A list of the authorities consulted, most of which are +secondary, will be found at the end of the appendix. + +[798] Lavisse and Rambaud, _Histoire Générale_, vi. 879. + +[799] Leopold Ranke, _The Ottoman and the Spanish Empires_, Preface, 1. + +[800] The report at this page, though ascribed to Jacopo Soranzo, 1581, +and so referred to in the foregoing footnotes, was really written in 1582 +by some one in his suite. + + + + +GLOSSARY OF TURKISH WORDS + +The pronunciation of the words defined should be approximately phonetic, +the vowels by the continental system, the consonants as usually in +English. Forms not defined are variant Western spellings. Gh is silent +except at the beginning of a word. Plurals of nouns originally Turkish +are formed by affixing -ler or -lar. The plurals in -s used in the +foregoing pages are Anglicized. + + + Achiar, or Aconiziae, _see_ Akinji. + + Adet, established custom, 152, 161. + + Agha, a general officer. + + Aghiar, _see_ Akinji. + + Agiamoglani, _see_ Ajem-oghlan. + + Ajem-oghlan (untrained youth), a cadet or apprentice Janissary, 79 ff. + + Akinji, the irregular cavalry, 105. + + Alai Bey, a colonel of the feudal cavalry, 103. + + Alcangi, Akanzi, or Alengi, _see_ Akinji. + + Allophase, _see_ Ulufagi. + + Ameji, a receiver of petitions, etc., 183. + + Aquangi, _see_ Akinji. + + Arpa-emini, intendant of forage, 132. + + Ashji-bashi, a chief cook, 245. + + Azab, the irregular infantry, 105. + + + Bailo (Italian), a Venetian minister resident at Constantinople. + + Bairam, the name of two great Moslem festivals, 136. + + Balucasi, _see_ Boluk-bashi. + + Bascia, _see_ Pasha. + + Bash, a head, a chief. + + Bassa, _see_ Pasha. + + Berat, an ordinance, or document conferring a dignity or privilege. + + Berat-emini, a distributor of ordinances, 253. + + Beylerbey (lord of lords), a general of feudal cavalry and governor + of a province or group of provinces, 103. + + Beylikji, a director of the three chancery bureaus, 183. + + Beylik Kalemi, a bureau of the Chancery, 183. + + Bezestan, a market house in Constantinople, built by Mohammed II. + + Bin(m)bashi (chief of a thousand), a colonel. + + Boluk-bashi, a captain of the Janissaries, 249. + + Bostanji, a gardener. + + Bostanji-bashi, the head gardener of the Sultan’s palace—a high + official, 130. + + + Cacaia, _see_ Kiaya. + + Cadilescher, _see_ Kaziasker. + + Cahaia, or Caia, _see_ Kiaya. + + Calvalgibassi, _see_ Helvaji-bashi. + + Capagasi, _see_ Kapu-aghasi. + + Capiagabasi, _see_ Kapuji-bashi. + + Capi (oglan), _see_ Ghureba (oghlan). + + Caragi, _see_ Kharâji. + + Caripicus, _see_ Ghureba. + + Caripp (oglan), _see_ Ghureba (oghlan). + + Caripy, _see_ Ghureba. + + Carmandari (Italianized), muleteers, 251. + + Carzeri, _see_ Kharâji. + + Casnandarbasi, _see_ Khazinehdar-bashi. + + Cavriliji (Italianized), a herdsman, 251. + + Ceyssi, _see_ Seis. + + Chakirji, a vulturer, 252. + + Chasnejir, a taster, 245. + + Chasnejir-bashi, a chief taster, 245. + + Chaush, an usher, 130. + + Chaush-bashi, chief of the Chaushes—a high official, 183. + + Checaya, or Chechessi, _see_ Kiaya. + + Chelebi, a gentleman. + + Cheri-bashi (chief of soldiery), a petty officer of feudal cavalry. + + Chiccaia, or Chietcudasci, _see_ Kiaya. + + Chokadar, a page of high rank, 127. + + Ciarcagi, _see_ Ghureba. + + Ciaus, _see_ Chaush. + + Cogia, _see_ Hoja. + + Coureyschs, _see_ Koreish. + + + Danishmend, a master of arts, 205. + + Dar ul-harb, home or land of war, 29. + + Dar ul-Islam, home or land of Islam, 64. + + Defterdar, a treasurer, 167 ff., 174. + + Defter-emini (intendant of account-books), a recorder of fiefs, 172. + + Deli, crazy (appellation of a scout or a captain of the Akinji). + + Dervish, a member of a Moslem religious order, 207. + + Deveji, a camel-driver, 251. + + Devshurmeh, a gathering or collecting (of the tribute boys), 51. + + Divan, the Ottoman council of state, 187 ff.; a council of a great officer, + 216, note 3. + + Dulbend, or Dulipante (Italianized), a turban. + + + Emin (plural Umena), an intendant, 132. + + Emir, a descendant of the prophet Mohammed, 206 ff.; a commander, a + governor. + + Emir-al-Akhor, a grand equerry, 131. + + Ersi kharâjiyeh, tribute lands, 31. + + Ersi memleket, state lands, 31. + + Ersi ’ushriyeh, tithe lands, 31. + + Eski, old. + + + Fetva, a response from a Mufti, 208, 223. + + Fetva-khaneh, the drafting bureau of the Sheik ul-Islam, 208. + + Fikh, the practical regulations of the Sacred Law, 153. + + Firman, an administrative ordinance, 157. + + + Gachaia, _see_ Kiaya. + + Gharib (oglan), _see_ Ghureba (oghlan). + + Ghureba (foreigner), a member of the lowest corps of the standing + cavalry, 98 and note 5. + + Gonnullu, a volunteer soldier or sailor, 102. + + Gul-behar, rose of spring (a feminine proper name), 57 note 3. + + + Hebegibassi, _see_ Jebeji-bashi. + + Hekim-bashi, a chief physician, 129. + + Helvaji-bashi, a chief confectioner, 245. + + Hoja, a teacher; the Sultan’s adviser, 128. + + Holofagi, _see_ Ulufagi. + + Humayun, imperial. + + + Iaching, _see_ Akinji. + + Ianicerotti (Italianized), the Ajem-oghlans. + + Iaxagi, _see_ Yaziji. + + Ikinji Kapu-oghlan, a white eunuch in charge of the second gate of + the place, 128. + + Imâm, the Caliph or lawful successor of Mohammed, 28, 150, 235; a leader + of daily prayers, 206. + + Imbrahor, Imbroor, Imrakhor, or Imror, _see_ Emir-al-Akhor. + + Iskemleji, a page of high rank, 244. + + Itch-oghlan (inside youth), a page in one of the Sultan’s palaces, 73 + ff. + + + Jebeji-bashi, a chief armorer, 252. + + Jerrah-bashi, a chief surgeon, 129. + + Jizyeh, a poll or capitation tax on non-Moslems, 175. + + + Kadi, _see_ Kazi. + + Kadi al asker, or Kadi l’esker, _see_ Kaziasker. + + Kaim, a caretaker of a mosque, 206. + + Kalem, a bureau of the Treasury, 168 ff. + + Kanun, an imperial decree, 152, 158. + + Kanuni, legislator, 27. + + Kanun-nameh, a book or collection of laws, 158 ff. + + Kapu Aghasi (general of the gate), the white eunuch in charge of the + principal palace, 126. + + Kapudan Pasha, an admiral, 189. + + Kapuji, a gatekeeper, 130. + + Kapuji-bashi, a head gatekeeper, 126. + + Kapujilar-kiayasi, a grand chamberlain, 190. + + Kazi, a judge, 215 ff. + + Kaziasker (judge of the army), one of the two chief judges of the + Ottoman Empire, 220 ff. + + Ketkhuda, _see_ Kiaya. + + Kharâj, a tax or tribute in money or kind on lands belonging to + non-Moslems, 175. + + Kharâji, a non-Moslem who pays the kharâj, 41. + + Khass Oda (private chamber), the highest chamber of pages, 75, 126. + + Khass, a very large fief, 100. + + Khatib, a leader of Friday prayers, 206. + + Khazinehdar-bashi, a treasurer-in-chief, 127. + + Khazineh-odassi (chamber of the treasury), the second chamber of + pages, 127. + + Khojagan, a chief of a treasury bureau, 168. + + Khurrem, happy, joyful (a feminine proper name), 57. + + Kiaya (common form of ketkhuda), a steward or lieutenant, 96 note 4, + 125. + + Kiaya-bey, the lieutenant of the grand vizier, 182 ff. + + Kiaya Katibi, a private secretary of the Kiaya-bey, 184. + + Kilerji-bashi, a chief of the sultan’s pantry, 127. + + Kiler-odassi (chamber of the pantry), the third chamber of pages, 127. + + Kizlar Aghasi (general of the girls), the black eunuch in charge of + the palace of the harem, 125. + + Koreish, the Arabian tribe of which Mohammed the prophet was a + member, 150, 235. + + Kul, a slave; one of the sultan’s slave-family, 47 ff. + + + Masraf-shehriyari (imperial steward), substitute for the intendant of + kitchen, 132. + + Mawuna, or Maone (Italianized), a sailing vessel. + + Mecter, _see_ Mihter. + + Medresseh, a secondary school or college, 203 ff. + + Mekteb, a school, 203. + + Mektubji, a private secretary of the grand vizier, 184. + + Mihter, a tent-pitcher; a musician. + + Mihter-bashi, the chief tent-pitcher, 132. + + Mir Alem, the imperial standard bearer, 131, 206. + + Miri-akhor, _see_ Emir-al-Akhor. + + Molla, a judge of high rank, 217. + + Mosellem, a fief holder by ancient tenure, 105. + + Muderis, a professor in a Medresseh, 205. + + Muezzin, one who calls Moslems to prayer, 206. + + Mufettish, a special judge dealing with endowments, 201, 218. + + Mufti, a Moslem legal authority; in particular, the Sheik ul-Islam, 207 + ff. + + Muhtesib, a lieutenant of police, 219. + + Mujtahid, a doctor of the Sacred Law. + + Mulâzim (candidate), a graduate of the higher Medressehs, 205. + + Mulk, land held in fee-simple, 31. + + Munejim-bashi, a chief astrologer, 129. + + Muste emin, a resident foreigner, 34. + + Mutbakh-emini, intendant of the kitchen, 132. + + Muteferrika, the Noble Guard, 129. + + Muteveli, an administrator of an endowment, 201. + + + Naib, an inferior judge, 218. + + Nakib ol-Eshraf, the chief of the Seids or descendants of the prophet + Mohammed, 206. + + Nazir, an inspector of an endowment, 201. + + Nishanji, a chancellor, 182 ff. + + Nizam al-mulk, basis of the order of the kingdom (title of a vizier + of Melek Shah), 306. + + + Oda (a room), a chamber of the pages or of the harem recruits; a + company of the Janissaries. + + Oda-bashi (head of chamber), the page of highest rank, 244; a + corporal of the Janissaries, 249. + + Oghlan, a youth. + + Okumak-yerleri (reading-places), primary schools, 203. + + Orta, a company of the Janissaries. (_See also_ Oda.) + + Ouloufedgis, _see_ Ulufaji. + + + Papuji, a page of high rank, 244. + + Pasha, a very high official. + + Peik, a member of the body-guard of halbardiers, 130. + + Podesta (Italian), a municipal judge. + + + Quaia, or Queaya, _see_ Kiaya. + + + Ramazan, the Moslem month of fasting. + + Rayah, non-Moslem Ottoman subjects, 159. + + Reis Effendi, or Reis ul-Khuttab, a recording secretary, 174; a + recording secretary of the Divan, later an important minister + of state, 182 ff. + + Reis ul-Ulema (head of the Ulema), an early title of the Sheik + ul-Islam, 208 note 3. + + Rekiab-Aghalari (generals of the stirrup), a group of high officers + of the outside service of the palace, 131. + + Rusnamehji, a chief book-keeper of the Treasury, 168. + + Ruus Kalemi, a bureau of the Chancery, 183. + + + Sakka, a water-carrier. + + Sanjak, a flag or standard, a district. + + Sanjak Bey, a high officer of feudal cavalry and governor of a + Sanjak, 103. + + Saremin, _see_ Shehr-emini. + + Sarraf, a banker. + + Schēni, _see_ Iskemleji. + + Seferli-odassi (chamber of campaign), the fourth chamber of pages, + 128 note 1. + + Segban-bashi (master of the hounds), the second officer of the corps + of Janissaries, 96, 132 note 3. + + Seid, a descendant of the prophet Mohammed, 206. + + Seis, a groom, 251. + + Selicter, _see_ Silihdar. + + Seracter, _see_ Sharabdar. + + Serai, a palace. + + Seraskier, a commander-in-chief. + + Serraj, saddlers, 251. + + Seymen-bashi, a popular form of Segban-bashi, _q. v._ + + Shahinji, a falconer, 252. + + Sharabdar (drink-bearer), a page of high rank, 127. + + Shehr-emini, intendant of imperial buildings, 132. + + Sheik, a preacher; a head of a religious community, 206. + + Sheik ul-Islam, the Mufti of Constantinople and head of the Moslem + Institution, 208 ff. + + Sheri (or Sheriat), the Moslem Sacred Law, 152 ff. + + Sherif, a descendant of the prophet Mohammed, 206. + + Silihdar (sword-bearer), a member of the second corps of standing + cavalry, 98 and note 5; the page who carried the sultan’s + arms, 127. + + Sillictar, _see_ Silihdar. + + Sipah, or Sipahi, _see_ Spahi. + + Sofi, woolen; a dervish (an appellation of the Shah of Persia). + + Softa, an undergraduate in a Medresseh, 205. + + Solak (left-handed), a janissary bowman of the sultan’s personal + guard, 129. + + Spachi, _see_ Spahi. + + Spacoillain, _see_ Spahi-oghlan. + + Spahi, a cavalry soldier; a member of the standing or feudal cavalry, + 47, 98 ff., 100 ff. + + Spahi-oghlan (cavalry youth), a member of the highest corps of the + standing cavalry, 98 and note 5. + + Spai, _see_ Spahi. + + Subashi, a captain of the feudal cavalry and governor of a town, 103. + + Sukhta (inflamed), _see_ Softa. + + Sulastrus, _see_ Silihdar. + + Sultana, a princess or queen mother, 125; (the true Turkish form uses + a proper name or the word Valideh, followed by Sultan). + + Suluphtar, _see_ Silihdar. + + + Tahvil Kalemi, a bureau of the Chancery, 183. + + Talisman, _see_ Danishmend. + + Tapu, a tenant’s lease or title deed, 31. + + Terjuman, an interpreter (dragoman). + + Terjuman Divani Humayun, a chief interpreter of the sultan, 183. + + Teshrifat, ceremony, 134. + + Teshrifatji, a master of ceremonies, 184. + + Teskereh, a document. + + Teskereji, a master of petitions, 184. + + Teskereji-bashi (chief of document-writers), the Nishanji, 184, 185. + + Timar, a fief of small income, 100; feudal income. + + Timarji, the holder of a Timar. + + Tughra, the sultan’s monogram, 185. + + + Ulema (plural of âlim, a learned man), the whole body of Moslems + learned in the Sacred Law, 203 ff. + + Ulufaji (paid troops), a member of the third corps of the sultan’s + standing cavalry, 98 and note 5. + + Umena, plural of Emin. + + Urf, the sovereign will of the reigning sultan, 152, 162. + + ’Ushr, a tithe on lands belonging to Moslems, 175. + + + Vakf, a religious endowment, 31, 201 ff. + + Valideh, a mother. + + Veznedar, an official weigher of money, 132. + + Vizier (burden-bearer), a minister of state, 163 ff. + + Voivode (Slavic), an officer, a governor. + + + Yachinji, _see_ Akinji. + + Yaya, a fief holder by ancient tenure, owing infantry service, 105. + + Yaziji, a scribe or secretary. + + Yedi-kuleh (seven towers), a strong castle against the land wall of + Constantinople, 172. + + Yenicheri (new soldiery), the corps of the Janissaries, 91 ff. + + Yeni Oda (new chamber), the lowest chamber of pages in the principal + palace, 75, 127. + + + Zagarji-bashi (master of the harriers), a high officer of the + Janissaries, 132 note 5. + + Zanijiler (Italianized), lancers or Voinaks (?), 252. + + Zarabkhane-emini, intendant of mints and mines, 132. + + Ziam, the holder of a Ziamet. + + Ziamet, a large fief, 100. + + Zimmi, a tributary non-Moslem subject, 34. + + + + +INDEX + + + + +INDEX + + + Achmet I, 126 note 1, 160 and note 5. + + Advancement based on merit, 82-86; + in Mogul Empire, 283. + + Adviser of sultan (_Hoja_), 128, 218, 225. + + Afghans, in Mogul Empire, 280, 282. + + Agra, 287. + + Agricultural conditions, 144 and note 2, 163, 177; + under Moguls in India, 297, 298. + + Akbar, Mogul emperor, 278, 281; + removed poll-tax on non-Moslems, 284; + army of, 295; + presents made to, 188; + harem of, 290; + revenue system of, 293, 294; + amount of revenue of, 195; + policy of, toward cultivators of soil, 297; + removed internal tolls, 298; + tolerated Hindus, 298; + relation to Mohammedanism of, 302; + “divine faith” of, 302. + + Albania, status of, 30, 33, 258, 297; + furnished tribute boys, 52, 74. + + Ali Pasha, grand vizier of Suleiman, steps in promotion of, 87, 88; + great authority, 164. + + Anatolia, 77, 79 note 4, 102, 104, 168, 169, 220; + _Beylerbey_ of, 103-105, 189. + + Arabia, status of, 6, 30; + rendering of justice in, 37; + taxation in, 175, 176. + + Arabic language, 21, 77. + + Arabs, influence on Ottoman Empire, 4, 20, 23; + in Foreign Legion, 50; + relation of, to Ottoman government, 227, 258, 297; + service of, to Mogul emperors, 281. + + Arbitrary taxes, 175, 176. + + Architecture, in Ottoman Empire, 23, 24, 239-241; + in Mogul Empire, 287, 295. + + Armenian subjects, a separate organization, 34, 37; + not liable to tribute of boys, 34. + + Arms, of _Spahis_ of the Porte and Janissaries, 138, 139; + of Mogul infantry, 285. + + Army— + Of Ottoman Empire, 90-113, 194; + principal subdivisions of, 91; + the territorial army, 104, 105; + numbers in, 106, 107 and note 1; + the supreme command of, 109-111; + indivisibility of, 111-113. + Of Mogul emperors, 279, 285-287; + compared with Ottoman army, 285. + + Artillery of Mogul emperors, 286. + + Asia Minor, Occidental influence in, 7; + occupation of, by Turks, 5, 14 ff., 35, 227; + defined, 14 note 1; + teachers from, 77; + Janissary apprentices sent to, 79; + heretics in, 210. + _See_ Anatolia. + + Astrologer of sultan, 129. + + Audiences, of Suleiman, 101; + of Aurangzeb, 289, 296; + of Humayun, 296. + + Aurangzeb, Mogul emperor, compared with Suleiman, 278, 302; + a zealous Moslem, 284, 298, 302; + army of, 286, 287; + audiences of, 289, 296; + sisters of, 291; + views on government of, 292; + in civil wars, 293; + revenue of, 295; + reimposed capitation tax on non-Moslems, 295; + education of, 300, 301. + + Austria, raided, 29, 50; + paid tribute to Suleiman, 30, 177; + wars of, with Ottoman Empire, 112, 113. + + + Baber, founder of Mogul Empire, house of, compared with house of + Osman, 278, 292, 293, 299 (_see_ Timur, house of); + followers of, 279; + character of, 280; + family life of, 281; + treatment of Moslem subjects by, 298. + + Babylon, 4. + + Bairam, feast of, 135, 136, 140. + + Balkan peninsula, 6, 51, 103. + _See_ Albanians, Bulgarians, Rumelia, Servians. + + Bangash tribe of Afghans, 281, 282. + + Battle, order of, 100, 104. + + Bayezid II, circumstances of deposition of, 94; + gave _kullar_ their own justice, 116; + honor shown the _Mufti_ by, 209. + + Bayezid, son of Suleiman, execution of, 94, 95, 142, 143; + war against, 136. + + Bedchamber, gentlemen of the, 75-78, 126, 127. + + Body-guards, 129. + + Bondage, American colonial, compared with Ottoman slavery, 60 note 7. + + Booty, 176, 178. + + Bosra, 31. + + Brahmins, 282, 298. + + Buddhist influence on Mogul Empire, 279. + + Bulgarians, 16, 33, 35, 74. + + Bureaucratic tendencies, 19, 32, 186, 187. + + Bureaus, of the Treasury, 168 ff.; + of the Chancery, 183; + of the _Mufti_, 208. + + Busbecq, opinion of, on Ottoman education, 74, 86; + dealings with Janissaries, 96; + witnessed ceremonies, 136-141; + on execution of Mustapha, 213. + + Byzantine Empire, disintegration of, in 13th century, 6; + bequest of, to Ottoman Turks, 4, 21, 24, 227. + + + Caliph, as _Imâm_, 28, 157, 163 note 1; + the sultan as, 150; + Suleiman as, 234. + + Canon law, of Roman Catholic Church, 157; + of Moslems, _see_ Sacred Law. + + Capitation tax, 21, 170, 175, 284. + + Caucasus, slaves from, 16, 34, 50, 57, 281. + _See_ Circassia, Georgia, Mingrelia. + + Cavalry— + Of Ottoman Empire, regular, _see_ _Spahis_ of the Porte; + feudal, 100-105; + irregular, 105-107. + Of Mogul Empire, regular, 285; + feudal, 285, 286. + + Ceremonies of the Court, 133-141; + law of, 134, 158. + + Chancellor, 182-187, 189, 248. + + Chancery, bureaus of, 183; + personnel of, 186, 187. + + Charles V, Emperor, relations of, with Suleiman, 112, 113 and note 2. + + China, influence of, on Turks and Mongols, 5, 19, 118. + + Christians, converted and incorporated as Turks, 8, 14-17, 63-68; + not entrusted with great power, 62; + right to practise their religion, 211, 212. + _See_ Renegade Christians. + + Christian subjects of Ottoman Empire, protected by Sacred Law, 26, + 212; + position of, 34; + subject to levy of male children, 51-55; + relation of, to Sultan, 151; + legislation regarding, 159, 160 note 1; + taxation of, 170, 175; + church lands of, 172; + Selim I’s attempt to convert forcibly, 211, 212; + treatment of, in courts, 222. + + Circassia, slaves from, 33 note 2, 57, 74, 290. + + Civil war, in Ottoman Empire, 94; + in Mogul Empire, 293, 301. + + Clergy, Moslem, 206. + + Codifications, of Moslem Sacred Law, 152, 153, 292; + of sultans’ legislation, 158-161. + + Colleges, of pages, 73-79; + of education, 203-205. + + Comparison of the Ruling Institution and the Moslem Institution, + 227-236; + likenesses, 227-230; + differences, 230-232; + relative power, 232-236. + + Confiscations, 55, 172, 178, 179. + + Conservatism, in regard to taxation, 177; + in education, 204; + of the two great institutions compared, 230, 232, 233. + _See_ Custom. + + Constantinople described, 239-241. + + Constitution, the Sacred Law a form of, 27, 28, 150, 156, 157, 175, + 193, 209, 214. + + Conversion to Mohammedanism, in Asia Minor, 15 ff.; + by Ottoman Turks, 33, 67; + by the Ruling Institution, 62-71; + meaning of, 62, 63; + why encouraged, 63-66; + not usually forcible, 63 and note 2, 66 and note 3, 67; + sincerity of, uncertain, 68-69; + in India, 284. + + Corruption, official, 32, 39, 86, 144, 161, 177; + judicial, 222. + + Costumes, 134, 135. + + Counsellors-at-law, _see_ Jurists. + + Court— + Of the sultan, 120-145; + separation of men and women, 121; + organization of household, 123; + the harem, 124-126; + the inside service, 126-128; + the outside service, 128-133; + ceremonies of, 133-141; + influence of, 141-145. + Of Mogul emperors, 287-291. + + Courts of justice, the Divan, 187-193, 221; + of the Grand Vizier, 166, 221; + of the _Kaziaskers_, 220; + of present-day Turkey, 154 note 2; + procedure of, 219-221; + venality of, discussed, 222, 223; + the law administered by, 223. + + Crimean Tartary, status, 30; + rendering of justice in, 37, 216; + slaves sent from, 50; + Selim I married princess from, 58 note 2; + contingent furnished by, 106; + Khan of, pensioned, 171. + + Croatians, 34. + + Crusades, 6-9, 227. + + _Cursus honorum_, of Ruling Institution illustrated, 87, 88; + of Moslem Institution, 212 and note 1, 235. + + Custom, power of, 19, 21, 27, 230. + + Customary law, 152, 161, 162, 223. + + + Decentralization, tendency toward, 32, 38, 174. + + Delhi, Moslem capital of India, 280, 285, 287, 299, 300. + + Democracy, 84, 198, 225. + + Dervishes, 37, 207, 300. + + Descendants of Mohammed the Prophet (_Seids_), 37, 206, 207, 225, 300. + + Despotism, in Ottoman Empire, 25-27, 46, 48, 55, 151, 159, 174, 193; + in Mogul Empire, 279, 292. + + Dil-Dar, wife of Baber, 290. + + Discipline, of Janissaries, 96, 97 and note 1; + of army generally, 108, 109; + of Ruling Institution, 196. + + Divan, 135, 166, 187-193; + membership of, 188-190; + sessions of, 189-191; + general character of, 191-193; + comparison with audiences of Aurangzeb, 296; + of the Grand Vizier, 166; + of lesser officials, 216 note 3. + + Domain lands, 31, 169, 171, 172, 176. + + Donatives to Janissaries, 92 and note 5. + + + Ebu su’ud, the _Mufti_, 120, 212 and note 2, 213; + table of contents of his collection of Suleiman’s laws, 276, 277. + + Education— + Of members of Ruling Institution, 71-88, 196, 197; + comprehensiveness of, 71, 72; + classification of, 73. + Of members of Moslem Institution, 203-206, 225; + comparison of above systems, 228, 229, 234, 235. + Of Moslems in India, 300. + + Egypt, unable to unify Levant, 10; + status of, 30; + inhabitants of, 33; + Janissaries of, 95; + legislation for, 159, 160; + taxation of, 176; + Mamelukes of, 280. + + Emancipation of slaves, 48, 60. + + Endowments, religious and charitable, 31, 32, 200-203, 234 and note + 1, 235, 300. + + Equerries, 131. + + Equity in Turkey, 223. + + Eugene, Prince, 287. + + Eunuchs, 57, 125-128. + + Execution, grounds of, 88; + of Mustapha, 89, 94, 95, 142, 213; + of Bayezid and Ibrahim, 89, 94, 111, 141, 142; + of grand viziers, 167; + process of, 210, 221; + policy of, 222. + _See_ Fratricide. + + Expenditures of government, 178, 179. + + Extortion, 32, 86, 144, 163, 182. + + + Fatehpur-Sikri, 287, 302. + + Ferdinand I, Archduke and Emperor, 30, 112. + + Feudal cavalry— + Of Ottoman Empire, 100-105; + rights of, 100; + obligations of, 101; + officers of, 103-105. + Of Mogul Empire, 280, 285, 286. + + Feudal system of Ottomans, 21, 24, 100-105, 176, 181 and note 2; + law of, 152, 159-161; + of Mogul Empire, 285, 286. + + Fiefs, origin of, 21, 24, 31, 32; + reorganized by Suleiman, 102; + vacancies, 178. + + Fleet, 171, 178, 179. + + Foreign affairs, minister of, 183-185. + + Foreign Legion, 50, 98, 99 note 1. + + Foreigners in Ottoman Empire, privileges of, 35, 37, 38; + relation of, to sultan, 151; + taxation of, 176, 177. + + Foundations, _see_ Endowments. + + Fratricide of Ottoman sultans, 27 and note 2, 94 and note 2; + not authorized in Mogul Empire, 293. + + + Gardener, the head, 81, 130, 131. + + Generals (_Aghas_), of the Janissaries, 96; + of the _Spahis_, 99; + of the army, 110; + of the sultan’s harem, 125; + of the imperial stirrup, 131; + in the Divan, 189, 191. + + Genghis Khan, 280. + + Georgia, status of, 30; + slaves furnished by, 33. + + Ghazali, 221. + + Government— + Of Ottoman Empire, described, 146-198; + rested on old political ideas, 4; + functions of, 147, 148; + limitation to its own affairs, 149, 174, 175; + compared with Mogul government, 278 ff. + Of Mogul Empire, of inferior strength and durability, 278-279; + described, 292-298. + _See_ Local government. + + Governors of provinces, in Ottoman Empire (_Beylerbeys_), 103, 174, + 187, 189, 191, 207, 216, 219, 220; + in Mogul Empire (_Naibs_), 296, 297. + + Grand vizier, 164-167, 189-191, 220, 221, 229; + none in Mogul Empire, 296. + + Greek Orthodox subjects, a separate organization, 34, 37; + the sultan their temporal head, 151. + + Gritti, Alvise (or Luigi), household of, 58 note 4; + given command in Hungary, 62; + testimony of, as to Suleiman’s income, 179; + pamphlet of (with Junis Bey), 262-275. + + Gul-Badan, daughter of Baber, 281, 290. + + + Hanifa, Abu, 152, 224. + + Harem— + Of Suleiman, organization of, 56; + recruited from slaves, usually Christian, 56, 57; + number of women in, 56; + education of recruits for, 78, 79; + officers of, 125; + Suleiman’s mother, consorts, and daughter, 126. + Of Mogul emperors, 290, 291. + + Harem intrigue, 121, 165. + + Harun Al-Rashid, 295. + + Heads of executed persons, 221. + + Heredity of privilege and office discouraged, 66, 117-120; + how permitted to feudal cavalry, 101; + in Mogul Empire, 286. + + Heretics, Moslem, 210, 211. + + Hindus, influence of, on Mogul Empire, 279; + in service of Mogul emperors, 281, 286; + their religion tolerated, 298; + condition of, compared with that of Moslem subjects, 299. + + Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina, 30, 125, 153, 169, 171, 228, 284. + + Holy war, 209. + + Household of the sultan, 123-133; + organization of, 123; + the harem, 124-126; + the inside service, 126-128; + the outside service, 128-133; + number in, 133. + + Humayun, Mogul emperor, orders of nobility of, 282, 283; + artillery of, 286; + attendants of, at court, 288; + in civil war, 293; + ministers of state of, 295; + audiences of, 296. + + Hungary, 30, 33, 51, 74, 178; + administration of, 176; + small proportion of Moslems in, 284. + + Huns, 10, 20. + + Hunting organization, 132. + + + Ibrahim Halebi, 153. + + Ibrahim Pasha, grand vizier, treatment of parents, 53; + estate of, taken by Suleiman, 55; + vast power of, 83, 164, 167; + made Seraskier, 110; + execution of, 89, 111, 141; + proposes to settle Lutheran controversy, 113; + chief falconer, 132; + marriage of, 136 note 2; + other references, 62, 246, 265. + + Ideas, not racial descent, the basis of Ottoman Empire, 3 ff., 228; + illustrated in Mogul Empire, 279-283. + + Immunity from taxation, of the _kullar_, 35, 66, 114, 115; + of the _Ulema_, 35, 118, 119, 203, 206. + + Imperial family, in Ottoman Empire, 56-58; + in Mogul Empire, 281, 290, 293. + + Income of Suleiman, 179-182, 260; + of Mogul emperor, 293-295. + + Incorporating spirit, of early Ottomans, 16; + of Tatars, 18; + of Ottoman Turks, 64 and note 3; + of Moslems and Byzantines, 65; + of Ruling and Moslem Institutions, 228. + + India, absorbs gold and silver, 294; + influence of, upon Mogul Empire, 279; + prosperity of, under Akbar, 298. + + Infantry— + Of Ottoman Empire, regular, _see_ Janissaries; + irregular, 105-107. + Of Mogul Empire, 285. + + Inside service, 126-128. + + Institutions of government in Ottoman Empire, 25, 35-38; + compared with Mogul institution, 278, 279. + _See_ Moslem Institution, and Ruling Institution. + + Intendants, 132. + + Interest, lawful only for funds of mosques, 201 note 3. + + Interpreters, 130, 183. + + Iranians, 13 and notes 3, 4. + + Irregular troops, 50, 105-107. + + Iskender Chelebi, _Defterdar_, estate of, taken by Suleiman, 55; + educational system and armed household of, 59. + + Issus, battle of, 7. + + + Janissaries, described, 47, 91-97; + religious character of, 68, 69; + rule against admission of their sons broken down, 69 note 3; + not supposed to marry, 70; + uprisings of, 92; + conquests limited by, 93; + influence of upon succession to the throne, 93-95; + number of, 95 and note 3; + organization and officers of, 95, 96; + promotions of, 96; + appearance of, 138, 139; + finances of, 169, 179; + other references, 249, 250, 266, 267. + + Janissary apprentices (_ajem-oghlans_), education of, 79-82; + rewards of, 82, 83; + punishments of, 88; + other references, 47, 73, 129, 254, 255, 269, 270. + + Jehan-Ara, daughter of Shah-Jehan, 291. + + Jehangir, son of Suleiman, 142, 143 note 1. + + Jehangir, Mogul emperor, elephants of, 286; + ceremony of weighing of, 288, 289; + harem of, 290; + sense of responsibility of, 292; + in civil war, 293. + + Jelal ad-din Rumi, 118. + + Jemali, the _Mufti_, 211, 212. + + Jerbé, victory of, 89. + + Jewish subjects, not liable to tribute of boys, 34; + have separate organization, 34, 37; + the sultan their legal head, 151; + Ramberti’s testimony regarding, 241. + + Judges— + General description of, 216-223; + classification of, 216-219; + venality of, discussed, 222, 223; + the law administered by, 223; + power of, over individuals, 224. + Grand vizier, 165, 189-191, 220, 221. + _Kaziaskers_, in Divan, 167, 189-191; + duties, 217-220; + other references, 225, 247, 263. + Special, for endowments, 201, 218. + In Mogul Empire, 297, 300. + + Junis Bey, chief interpreter of Suleiman, testimony of, as to + Suleiman’s income, 179; + pamphlet of (with Alvise Gritti), 262-275. + + Jurisconsults or jurists (_muftis_), 207-215, 225, 303; + their chief (_Sheik ul-Islam_), 151, 208 ff., 247, 299. + + Jurisprudence, Moslem, 153-155. + + Justice, systems of, in general, 34-36, 216; + of the Janissaries, 97; + of the _kullar_, 116; + of the _Ulema_, 203; + of the _Seids_, 206, 207; + of the Moslem Institution, 215-224; + in India, 297, 300. + + Justinian, 6, 158. + + + Kara Khalil Chendereli, traditional founder of Janissaries, 63, 64, + 117. + + Khaireddin Barbarossa, 246. + + Khosrew Pasha, 152. + + Khurrem (or Roxelana), wife of Suleiman, 56-58, 95, 126, 141-143, 213. + + Kitchen service, 129. + + Kiuprilis, 165. + + Koran, 40, 42, 152, 214, 223, 300. + + Koreish, 150, 235. + + Kurdistan, 30. + + Kurds, 105, 106, 296. + + + Land system, outline of, 28-32; + complication of, 32, 175, 176. + + Law, classification of, 152; + of Ceremonies, 134; + of Subjects, Fiefs, Egypt, and Fines and Punishments, 159, 160. + _See also_ Sacred Law. + + Law schools, 203-205. + + Lawyers, none in Turkey, 208, 223. + + Learned associates of sultans, 128, 129, 218, 225. + + Legislation, 27, 150-163; + of the sultans generally, 157-158; + of Mohammed II, 158, 159; + of Suleiman, 32, 159-161; + of the jurists through _fetvas_, 214. + + Lepanto, battle of, 95, 143. + + Local government— + In Ottoman Empire, officers of, 103-105, 256-260, 270-272; + justice in, 216-220. + In Mogul Empire, 294, 296, 297. + + + Mahmûd of Ghazni, 280, 283. + + Malta, 143, 145. + + Malversations, 177, 294. + + Mamelukes of Egypt: how recruited, 33; + duration of rule, 280. + + March, order of, 274, 275. + + Master of ceremonies, 184. + + Masters of the hunt, 132. + + Mediterranean civilization, 7, 279. + + Menzikert, battle of, 7. + + Merit the basis of advancement, 82-86; + also in Mogul Empire, 283. + + Mesopotamia, 31. + + Michael of the Pointed Beard, 117, 118. + + Mihrmah, daughter of Suleiman, 126, 142, 143. + + Mines, 132, 171, 176. + + Mingrelia, status of, 30; + slaves furnished by, 33, 57, 289. + + Missionary motive of Ruling Institution, 62-71. + + Mogul emperor’s authority, original feudal bond, 279, 280; + commander-in-chief of army, 283; + despot, 298. + + Mogul Empire, less durable than Ottoman, 278, 279; + government of, 278-303; + financial greatness of, 295. + + Mohacs, battles of, 177, 278. + + Mohammedanism, relation to Christianity, 8, 68; + effect on Turkish character, 8; + bequest of, to Ottoman Turks, 21, 227 ff.; + missionary energy of, 63, 64, 284. + + Moldavia, 30, 52 note 1, 106, 129, 178, 297. + + Mohammed II, the Conqueror, quotation from letter of, to Uzun Hassan, + title page, 64; + his _Kanun_ of fratricide, 94 and note 2, 142; + dined alone, 122 and note 3; + built palace, 123; + adopted ceremonies, 134; + ordered Sacred Law codified, 152; + legislation of, 158, 159; + organized the Treasury, 168; + instituted tax-farming, 177; + regulated education of Moslem Institution, 203; + rule of as to jurisdiction of _Kaziaskers_, 220. + + Mohammed Piri Pasha, grand vizier, 167. + + Mohammed Sokolli, grand vizier, 120, 164, 165, 167. + + Mohammed the Prophet, tradition of, 152; + descendants of, 206, 225, 300; + completed Sacred Law, 209; + granted toleration to Christian subjects, 212; + represented by judges, 220; + founder of Moslem system, 224, 235; + derivation of ideas, of, 227. + + Mongols, relation of, to Turks, 12; + invasion of, 15; + empire of, 280. + _See_ Tatars. + + Morocco, 30. + + Moslem-born subjects, not admitted to high office, 40-44, 66; + pressure of, to enter Ruling Institution, 69 note 3, 117, 120, 195, + 231; + persistent loyalty of, 300. + + Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, antecedents of, 21; + general description of, 36, 37, 199, 200, 224-226; + institutions parallel to, 37; + relation of, to Ruling Institution, 38; + contemporary descriptions of, 38-44; + Suleiman its head, 151; + received sultan’s fifth of booty, 178; + the Divan its cap-stone, 188; + financial support of, 200-203; + educational system of, 203-206; + clergy, _seids_, and _dervishes_, 206, 207; + jurists and the _Mufti_, 207-215; + democratic spirit of, 225; + comparison of with Ottoman Ruling Institution, 227-236; + cumulative influence of, 234; + needed support of Ruling Institution, 235; + comparison of, with Moslem church in India, 300-303. + + Moslems in India, 283, 284, 299-303; + not in close touch with emperors, 299, 300; + had no powerful chief, 299, 302; + their educational system, 300. + + Mosques, 24, 202, 240, 300. + + Muhammad Khan, _Nawab_ of Farrukhabad, 281, 282. + + Mumtaz-Mahal, empress of India, 281, 291. + + Murad II, sultan, appearance, 17 note 4; + simplicity of life, 134. + + Mustapha, eldest son of Suleiman, mother of, 57 note 3, 126; + execution of, 89, 94, 95, 142, 213; + character of, 95 note 2; + ceremony at circumcision of, 136. + + + Nenuphar, or Nilufer, bride of Orchan, 17. + + Nobility, of the _kullar_, 84, 85, 114-120; + of the _Seids_, 118, 206, 207; + of the _Ulema_, 118, 119, 203; + in the Mogul Empire, 282. + + Noble Guard (_Muteferrika_), 78, 129, 140, 248. + + Non-Moslem subjects, 34. + _See_ Christian subjects, Jewish subjects, etc. + + North Africa, status of, 6, 30, 38; + inhabitants of, 33; + rendering of justice in, 37, 216; + Janissaries of, 95; + Suleiman desires to unify, 113 and note 1. + + Notarial work, 219. + + Nur-Jehan (or Nur-Mahal), empress of India, 281, 290, 291. + + + Old Testament, ideas of, in Mohammedanism, 8. + + Orchan, sultan, 17 and note 4. + + Osman I (Othman), sultan, 4, 6, 16 and note 1, 242, 272, 273; + house of, compared with that of Timur, 278, 281, 299. + + Ottoman Empire, based on ideas, not race, 4; + rapidity of growth, 6; + character and mission, 7-10; + definition, 25; + lands comprised in, 6, 28-32; + peoples governed by, 33-35; + comparison of, with Mogul Empire, 278 ff. + + Ottoman Ruling Institution, _see_ Ruling Institution. + + Ottoman Turks, racial descent of, 10-18; + unification of Levant by, 9; + early history of, 15 ff.; + a mixed race, 16, 17; + sources of culture of, 18-24. + + Outside service, 128-133. + + + Pages, the colleges of, 73-79; + the three palaces of, 74; + course of training of, 75-78; + graduation of, 75; + rewards of, 82; + punishments of, 88; + age of their dismissal postponed, 120; + duties of, in the palace service, 126, 127; + Ramberti’s description of, 244. + + Palace-guards, 130. + + Palaces of Suleiman, principal palace, 74, 79, 123, 124, 243, 262; + palace of the harem (Old Palace), 124, 253, 268, 269; + other palaces, 74, 79, 254, 269; + accounts of the palaces, 128. + + Panipat, battles of, 278, 299. + + Parthians, 4, 11 note 1, 13 and note 4. + + Patriarch of Constantinople, 151. + + Pensions, in Ottoman Empire, 32, 183; + in Mogul Empire, 285, 294, 302. + + Persian language, 21, 77. + + Persians, bequests of, to Ottoman Turks, 4, 20, 21, 23, 33, 175; + blockade of Ottoman trade-routes by, 7; + could not lawfully be enslaved, 29; + wars of, with Ottoman Empire, 112, 113; + support of Mogul emperors by, 280, 281. + + Personality of law, 28, 34, 35. + + Physicians of sultan, 129. + + Plato, 45, 71. + + Police, Janissaries as, 93; + minister of, 183; + lieutenants of, 219. + + Poll-tax, _see_ Capitation tax. + + Pope, compared with _Mufti_, 42, 209, 213. + + Portuguese, blocked Ottoman sea-trade, 7; + served Mogul emperors, 281; + brought gold and silver to India, 294. + + Primary schools, 203, 204. + + Printing in Turkey, 223. + + Punishments, in Ruling Institution, 88, 89, 197. + + + Queen mother, 56, 57, 122 note 1, 125. + + + Ragusa, 30, 178. + + Rajputs, in service of Mogul emperors, 281, 282; + at war, 295, 299, 300; + their _Rajahs_, 281, 286, 297, 301. + + Raushan-Ara, daughter of Shah-Jehan, 291. + + Reformation, 9, 10, 113. + + Religious “communities,” origin of, in Turkey, 20; + when organized, 34 note 5. + _See_ Armenian subjects, Greek subjects, and Jewish subjects. + + Renegade Christians, given chief offices of Ottoman Empire, 39-44, + 62-71; + unfavorable view of their character, 42; + counted as Turks, 70; + total number made by Ruling Institution, 70; + Khosrew Pasha learned in Moslem law, 152; + other references, 167, 186. + + Revenues, of Suleiman, 179-182; + of Mogul emperors, 293-295. + + Revolution, right of, 26, 157, 209, 233. + + Rivalry of Ruling and Moslem Institutions, 38, 233-236. + + Roman Empire, 6; + its influence on Turks, 150, 279-281. + _See_ Byzantine Empire. + + Roumania, 52 note 1. + _See_ Moldavia, and Wallachia. + + Roxelana, _see_ Khurrem. + + Ruling Institution, antecedents of, 23; + general description of, 36, 45-47, 193-198; + institutions parallel to, 37; + relation of, to Moslem Institution, 38; + not clearly understood by certain historians, 38, 39; + contemporary descriptions of, 39-44; + component parts of, 47; + number of personnel of, 49 and note 4; + advancement by merit in, 82-88; + break-down of system of, 43, 69 note 3, 120; + relation of, to rest of Empire, 133; + influenced by Suleiman’s splendor, 144; + the Divan its cap-stone, 188; + comparison of, with Moslem Institution, 227-236; + artificiality of, 231; + support of Moslem Institution by, 233, 235. + _See also_ chapter headings. + + Rûm, Seljuks of, 6, 16. + + Rumelia, 104, 168, 169, 220; + _Beylerbey_ of, 103, 105, 189. + + Russia, 29, 57, 74. + + Rustem Pasha, grand vizier, armed household of, 59; + liberal religious views of, 68; + wealth of, 87 note 1; + attitude of, toward Janissaries, 97; + sale of offices by, 115, 116; + suspected of influencing Mustapha’s execution, 213; + other references, 53 note 3, 142, 164, 167. + + + Sacred Law of Islam, scope of, 21, 156, 235; + limitation of despotism by, 25, 26, 157; + character of, 152-157; + sketch of history of, 152, 153; + lack of elasticity of, 27, 156, 157, 215; + Suleiman’s observance of, 163; + how developed by _fetvas_, 214; + precepts of, both civil and criminal, 216; + relation of, to Moslem Institution, 225; + spirit of freedom in, 230; + not so much regarded in Mogul Empire, 279, 292, 293, 302. + + St. Sophia, church of, 24, 202, 239. + + Sale of office, 115, 116, 179. + + Saracens, Empire of, 5, 6, 14; + bequest of, to Ottoman Empire, 21-23; + comparison of, with Turks, 231. + + Scholasticism, Moslem, 8, 9, 215, 228. + + Scouts, 105. + + Scythians, 11 note 1, 12, 13 note 3. + + Seal, the imperial, 165. + + Selim I, the Cruel, or the Grim, not given to sensuality, 56; + said to have executed seven viziers, 88; + circumstances of accession of, 94, 142; + effect of conquests of, 112, 228, 233, 234; + punishment of heresy by, 210; + attempt of, to convert Christian subjects forcibly, 211, 298. + + Selim II, the Sot, 95, 111, 136, 143, 165. + + Seljuk Empire, 5, 7, 119; + occupation of Asia Minor by, 14 ff.; + bequest of, to Ottoman Turks, 4, 23, 227; + simplicity of life in, 133. + + Servians, 34. + + Shah-Jehan, Mogul emperor, constructs Peacock Throne, 289; + defeats Nur-Jehan, 291; + civil war of sons of, 293. + + Sher Shah, 293. + + Simplicity of life among Seljuks and early Ottomans, 133, 134. + + Slave-Families of Ottoman subjects, 58, 59; + conversion encouraged in, 67. + + Slave-Family of the sultan, 36, 39-44, 47-58; + age of admission to, 48; + methods of recruiting for, 49-53; + number of members of, 49 and note 4; + status of members of, 55; + faithfulness of, 65; + education of, 71 ff.; + constituted standing army, 90 and note 4; + honors and privileges of, 114-120; + influence of, upon government, 149. + + Slavery— + Of Turks in Saracen Empire, 22. + In Ottoman Empire, sources of supply for, 29, 30; + mainly of European Christians, 33; + provided high officials, 39-44; + character of, 60, 61; + comparison of, with American colonial bondage, 60 note 7; + color line not drawn, 60; + emancipation frequent, 61; + attitude of converted slaves to Sacred Law, 230. + In Mogul Empire, 280-282, 284. + + Slavs, Southern, 33, 52, 74. + _See_ Bulgarians, Croatians, and Servians. + + Sovereign will of sultan, 162, 163. + + _Spahis_ of the Porte, described, 47; + recruiting of, from pages, 78, 98-100; + organization of, 98, 99; + number of, 99 and notes 3, 4; + appearance of, 138, 139; + finances of, 169, 179; + other references, 250, 251, 267. + + Splendor— + Of Suleiman, 133-141, 195; + its effect, 144, 145. + Of Mogul emperors, 287-291; + its effect, 297, 298. + + Stable service, 131. + + State lands, 31, 32. + + Steppe lands, 5, 11, 231. + + Stirrup, generals of imperial, 131. + + Studies— + In the colleges of pages, 76, 77. + In the imperial harem, 79. + Of the _Ajem-oghlans_, 81 and note 3. + In schools, 203; + in colleges, 203 and note 4; + in law schools, 204 and note 1. + Of Aurangzeb, 300, 301. + + Succession to throne, in Ottoman Empire, 93-95; + in Mogul Empire, 293. + + Suleiman the Magnificent, limitations on despotic power of, 26-28; + family life of, 56-58; + said to have labored at a trade, 76 note 5; + self-command of, 89; + execution of Mustapha by, 89, 94, 142, 312; + execution of Bayezid and Ibrahim by, 89, 94, 111, 141, 142; + reorganization of feudal system by, 102; + appointment of Ibrahim as Seraskier by, 110; + relations of, to Charles V and Ferdinand of Austria, 112, 113; + promotion of Ibrahim and Rustem by favor of, 120; + mother, consorts, and daughter of, 126; + authority of, as caliph, 150; + head of all institutions, 151; + legislation of, 32, 152-163; + attitude of, to Sacred Law, 163; + ceased to preside at Divan, 188; + treatment of criminals by, 221, 222; + relation of, to power of great institutions, 234; + endowments of, 235 and note 1; + head of Moslems of Empire, 299. + + Sultan’s authority, head of Ruling Institution, 46; + master of slave-family, 55; + commander-in-chief of the army, 109, 110; + head of state and government, 150, 151; + head of Moslem Institution, 151; + subject to Sacred Law, 157; + legislative power, 157, 158; + unworthiness of character irrelevant, 163 note 1, 233; + consultation with the _Mufti_, 210-214; + comparison of relations to the two great institutions, 229; + supported by Sacred Law, 233. + + Syria, 31. + + Szigeth, campaign of, 111. + + + Taj Mahal, 291. + + Tartars of the Crimea, _see_ Crimean Tartary. + + Tatars, definition, 11, 12; + bequests to Ottoman Turks, 18; + political organization, 19; + influence on Mogul Empire, 279, 280. + + Taxation, 175-182; + inelasticity of, 177. + + Tent-pitchers, 132. + + Theodosius I, 9, 158. + + Timariotes, _see_ Feudal cavalry. + + Timur (Tamerlane), character of, 280; + house of, compared with that of Osman, 272, 281, 299. + _See_ Baber, house of. + + Tithe lands, 31, 32. + + Todar Mal, 281, 293. + + Transylvania, 30, 178. + + Treasure, of Suleiman, 172; + of Prince of Gujarat, 178; + of Mogul emperors, 295. + + Treasurers, of the household, 127; + of the Empire (_Defterdars_), 167-172, 189, 191, 247, 265; + in Mogul Empire, 294, 297. + + Treasury, twenty-five bureaus of, 168-172; + characteristics of, 173, 174; + personnel of, 186, 187. + + Tributary provinces, 30; + condition of inhabitants of, 33; + government of, 37. + + Tribute, 178. + + Tribute boys, increased the number of Turks, 16, 70; + regions from which taken, 34, 51; + process of levying, 51, 52; + estimate of the system, 53, 54; + ultimate effect, 69-71, 231; + not levied by Mogul government in India, 279, 281, 282. + + Tribute lands, 31, 32. + + _Tu-kiu_, Empire of, 13, 14, 19. + + Turanians, 12, 13 note 3. + + Turki followers of Mogul emperors, 280, 281. + + Turkish language, 18, 77, 79. + + Turks, in Western Asia, 5, 14 ff.; + relation of, to Mongols, 12; + relation of, to Caucasians, 11 and note 2; + comparison of, with Saracens, 231; + Ramberti’s account of origin of, 242; + influence of, on Mogul Empire, 279. + _See_ Ottoman Turks, and Seljuk Empire. + + + Unification of territories by Ottoman Turks, 9, 10. + + United Greek subjects, a separate organization, 34. + + United States of America, compared with Ottoman Empire, 3, 28, 45, + 58, 209, 213. + + Unnatural vices, 75 note 6, 232. + + Uses (legal term), 32, 202. + + Ushers, 130. + + Uzun Hassan, 64. + + + Vassal states, of Ottoman Empire, 29, 30; + of Mogul Empire, 297. + + Venality, of Ottoman officials, 39, 69; + of Ottoman justice, 222. + + Venice, 30, 178, 179. + + Vienna, siege of, 93, 143. + + Viziers, 163-167, 189-191; + Ramberti’s account, 246. + + Voinaks, 131. + + Volunteer soldiers, 102, 106. + + + Wallachia, 30, 52 note 1, 106, 129, 178, 297. + + War, declaration of, 26, 209. + + Wealth, accumulation of, discouraged, in private citizens, 59; + allowed to high officers, 86, 87, 260; + of Rustem Pasha, 87 note 1, 161; + of Mogul Empire, 278, 287, 295. + + Western Europe, not interested in East after Crusades, 10; + comparison with Ottoman Empire, 35, 36, 74, 94, 121, 157, 179, 204, + 222. + + Women, had no part at Ottoman Court, 121; + more prominent in Mogul Empire, 281, 290, 291. + + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 76054 *** diff --git a/76054-h/76054-h.htm b/76054-h/76054-h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..4d1dc5a --- /dev/null +++ b/76054-h/76054-h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,21028 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html> +<html lang="en"> +<head> + <meta charset="UTF-8"> + <title> + The Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Suleiman the Magnificent | Project Gutenberg + </title> + <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover"> + <style> + +a { + text-decoration: none; +} + +body { + margin-left: 10%; + margin-right: 10%; +} + +h1,h2,h3,h4 { + text-align: center; + clear: both; +} + +h2.nobreak { + page-break-before: avoid; +} + +hr.chap { + margin-top: 2em; + margin-bottom: 2em; + clear: both; + width: 65%; + margin-left: 17.5%; + margin-right: 17.5%; +} + +img.w100 { + width: 100%; 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The Suppression of the African Slave-Trade +to the United States of America, +1638-1870.</b> By <span class="smcap">W. E. B. Du Bois</span>, Ph.D., +Editor of “The Crisis.” 8vo. $1.50 net.</p> + +<p><b>II. The Contest over the Ratification of the +Federal Constitution in Massachusetts.</b> +By <span class="smcap">S. B. Harding</span>, Ph.D., Professor of European +History in Indiana University. 8vo. $1.25 net.</p> + +<p><b>III. A Critical Study of Nullification in +South Carolina.</b> By <span class="smcap">D. F. Houston</span>, +A.M., LL.D., Secretary of Agriculture. +8vo. $1.25 net.</p> + +<p><b>IV. Nominations for Elective Office in the +United States.</b> By <span class="smcap">Frederick W. Dallinger</span>, +A.M., late Member of the Massachusetts +Senate. 8vo. $1.50 net.</p> + +<p><b>V. A Bibliography of British Municipal +History.</b> Including Gilds and Parliamentary +Representation. By <span class="smcap">Charles Gross</span>, +Ph.D., late Gurney Professor of History and +Political Science in Harvard University. +8vo. $2.50 net.</p> + +<p><b>VI. The Liberty and Free Soil Parties in +the Northwest.</b> By <span class="smcap">Theodore Clarke +Smith</span>, Ph.D., Professor of History in Williams +College. 8vo. $1.75 net.</p> + +<p><b>VII. The Provincial Governor in the English +Colonies of North America.</b> By +<span class="smcap">Evarts Boutell Greene</span>, Ph.D., Professor +of History in the University of Illinois. +8vo. $1.50 net.</p> + +<p><b>VIII. The County Palatine of Durham.</b> +A Study in Constitutional History. By +<span class="smcap">G. T. Lapsley</span>, Ph.D., Fellow of Trinity +College, Cambridge. 8vo. $2.00 net.</p> + +<p><b>IX. The Anglican Episcopate and the American +Colonies.</b> By <span class="smcap">Arthur Lyon Cross</span>, +Ph.D., Professor of European History in the +University of Michigan. 8vo. $2.50 net.</p> + +<p><b>X. The Administration of the American +Revolutionary Army.</b> By <span class="smcap">Louis Clinton +Hatch</span>, Ph.D. 8vo. $1.50 net.</p> + +<p><b>XI. The Civil Service and the Patronage.</b> +By <span class="smcap">Carl Russell Fish</span>, Ph.D., Professor +of American History in the University of +Wisconsin. 8vo. $2.00 net.</p> + +<p><b>XII. The Development of Freedom of the +Press in Massachusetts.</b> By <span class="smcap">C. A. +Duniway</span>, Ph.D., President of the University +of Wyoming. 8vo. $1.50 net.</p> + +<p><b>XIII. The Seigniorial System in Canada.</b> +By <span class="smcap">W. B. Munro</span>, Ph.D., Professor of +Municipal Government in Harvard University. +8vo. $2.00 net.</p> + +<p><b>XIV. The Frankpledge System.</b> By <span class="smcap">William +Alfred Morris</span>, Ph.D., Assistant +Professor of English History in the University +of California. 8vo. $1.50 net.</p> + +<p><b>XV. The Public Life of Joseph Dudley.</b> +By <span class="smcap">Everett Kimball</span>, Ph.D., Associate +Professor of History in Smith College. +8vo. $2.00 net.</p> + +<p><b>XVI. Mémoire de Marie Caroline, Reine +de Naples.</b> Edited by <span class="smcap">Robert Matteson +Johnston</span>, A.M., Assistant Professor of +Modern History in Harvard University. +8vo. $2.00 net.</p> + +<p><b>XVII. The Barrington-Bernard Correspondence.</b> +Edited by <span class="smcap">Edward Channing</span>, +Ph.D., McLean Professor of Ancient +and Modern History in Harvard University. +8vo. $2.00 net.</p> + +<p><b>XVIII. The Government of the Ottoman +Empire in the Time of Suleiman the +Magnificent.</b> By <span class="smcap">Albert Howe Lybyer</span>, +Professor of European History in Oberlin +College. 8vo. $2.00 net.</p> + +</div> + +<p class="center">HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS<br> +CAMBRIDGE, MASS., U. S. A.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iii"></a>[iii]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv"></a>[iv]</span></p> + +<p class="titlepage mid">THE GOVERNMENT OF<br> +<span class="larger">THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE</span><br> +IN THE TIME OF SULEIMAN<br> +THE MAGNIFICENT</p> + +</div> + +<p class="titlepage"><span class="smaller">BY</span><br> +<span class="smcap">ALBERT HOWE LYBYER, Ph.D.</span><br> +<span class="smaller">PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY, OBERLIN COLLEGE</span></p> + +<div class="attr" id="titlepage"> + +<p>“Our empire is the home of Islam; from father to son the +lamp of our empire is kept burning with oil from the hearts of +the infidels.”</p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Mohammed II, the Conqueror.</span></p> + +<p>“A lord and his bondsmen.”</p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Ranke.</span></p> + +<p>“Les Turcs ... nées de la guerre et organisées pour la +conquête.”</p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Cahun.</span></p> + +<p>“The Ottoman government ... seems to have attained +during the sixteenth century the highest degree of perfection of +which its constitution was capable.”</p> + +<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Robertson.</span></p> + +</div> + +<figure class="figcenter titlepage illowp60" style="max-width: 6.25em;"> + <img class="w100" src="images/c-u-p.jpg" alt=""> +</figure> + +<p class="titlepage">CAMBRIDGE<br> +HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS<br> +<span class="smaller">LONDON: HENRY FROWDE<br> +<span class="smcap">Oxford University Press</span></span><br> +1913</p> + +<p class="titlepage smaller">COPYRIGHT, 1913<br> +BY HARVARD UNIVERSITY</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[v]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2> + +</div> + +<p>The Ottoman Turks, after the world had long despaired of +them, have in these last years shown signs of renewed vigor. +The time is, then, perhaps not inauspicious for an examination +of the structure of their organization in the period of its greatest +power and prestige. It is not easy for the present age to realize +how large the empire of Suleiman bulked in the eyes of contemporaneous +Europe. Amid the vast energies and activities, the +magnificent undertakings and achievements, of the marvellous +sixteenth century, nothing surpassed the manifestations of power +that swept forth from Constantinople. The following pages +will have been worth while if their incomplete presentation +shadows forth, however dimly, the secrets of Ottoman greatness +and success.</p> + +<p>This book was originally prepared in partial fulfilment of the +requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Harvard +University, and was subsequently awarded the Toppan Prize. +The writer desires to acknowledge his very great indebtedness +for advice, suggestion, and criticism to a number of kind friends +with whom he has consulted, but especially to Professor A. C. +Coolidge and Professor G. F. Moore. Nor can he let the book +go to press without recording his extreme obligation to his wife +for unwearying assistance at every stage of its preparation.</p> + +<p class="right">A. H. L.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Oberlin, Ohio, 1912.</span></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> + +</div> + +<table class="contents"> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"></td> + <td class="tdpg smaller">PAGE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Ideas Constitute a Nation</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INTRODUCTION_I">3</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Background of Ottoman History</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INTRODUCTION_II">5</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Character and Mission of the Ottoman Empire</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INTRODUCTION_III">7</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Racial Descent of the Ottoman Turks</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INTRODUCTION_IV">10</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Seljuk and Ottoman Turks in Asia Minor</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INTRODUCTION_V">14</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Sources of Ottoman Culture</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INTRODUCTION_VI">18</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a><br> + THE CHARACTER OF THE OTTOMAN STATE IN GENERAL</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Definition</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I_I">25</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Limitations on Despotism</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I_II">26</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Territorial Basis</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I_III">28</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Peoples</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I_IV">33</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Institutions of Government</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I_V">35</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Contemporary Descriptions of the Two Great Institutions</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_I_VI">38</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a><br> + THE OTTOMAN RULING INSTITUTION: AS A SLAVE-FAMILY</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">I.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">General Description</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II_I">45</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">II.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">The Slave-Family</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II_II">47</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Methods of Recruiting</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II_II_I">49</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Tribute Boys</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II_II_II">51</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Estimate of the System</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II_II_III">53</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Slave Status</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II_II_IV">55</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Harem, the Eunuchs, and the Royal Family</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II_II_V">56</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Other Ottoman Slave-Families</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II_II_VI">58</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Character of Ottoman Slavery</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_II_II_VII">60</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</a><br> + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS MISSIONARY ENTERPRISE AND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">I.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">The Missionary Motive</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_I">62</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Ottoman Attitude</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_I_I">63</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Other Motives for Incorporating Christians</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_I_II">65</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Requirement of Conversion</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_I_III">66</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Sincerity of Conversion</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_I_IV">68</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Effect of the Process</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_I_V">69</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">II.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">The Educational Scheme</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_II">71</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Colleges of Pages</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_II_I">73</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Harem</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_II_II">78</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Ajem-oghlans</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_II_III">79</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Advancement Based on Merit</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_II_IV">82</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Punishments</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_III_II_V">88</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</a><br> + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS AN ARMY</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Military Aspect</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_I">90</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Janissaries</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_II">91</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Succession to the Throne</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_III">93</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Spahis of the Porte</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_IV">98</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Feudal Spahis</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_V">100</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Officers of the Feudal Spahis</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_VI">103</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Other Bodies of Troops</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_VII">105</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Discipline and Ardor</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_VIII">108</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Supreme Command</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_IX">109</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Indivisibility of the Army</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV_X">111</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</a><br> + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS A NOBILITY AND A COURT</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">I.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Privileges of the Kullar</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V_I">114</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Nobility not Hereditary</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V_I_I">117</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">II.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Character of the Sultan’s Court</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V_II">120</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Organization of the Household</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V_II_I">123</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Harem</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V_II_II">124</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Inside Service</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V_II_III">126</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Outside Service</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V_II_IV">128</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">The Ceremonies of the Court</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V_II_V">133</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub"><span class="smcap">Influence of the Court</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_V_II_VI">141</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</a><br> + THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS GOVERNMENT</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Summary</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_I">146</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Functions of the Ottoman Government</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_II">147</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Sultan as Head of the State and of the Government</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_III">150</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Sultan as Legislator</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_IV">152</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Legislation of Suleiman</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_V">159</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Viziers</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_VI">163</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix"></a>[ix]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Defterdars or Treasurers</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_VII">167</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Taxation in the Ottoman Empire</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_VIII">175</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Suleiman’s Income</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_IX">179</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Nishanji or Chancellor</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_X">182</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Divan or Council</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_XI">187</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Ruling Institution as a Whole</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI_XII">193</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</a><br> + THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">General Description</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII_I">199</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Financial Support of the Moslem Institution</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII_II">200</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Educational System</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII_III">203</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Clergy, Seids, and Dervishes</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII_IV">206</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Jurists and the Mufti</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII_V">207</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Judicial System</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII_VI">215</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Moslem Institution as a Whole</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII_VII">224</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII</a><br> + COMPARISON OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Likenesses</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII_I">227</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Differences</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII_II">230</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">Interactions</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII_III">232</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2"><span class="smcap">The Relative Power of the Institutions</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII_IV">233</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="3" class="tdc"><a href="#APPENDICES">APPENDICES</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">I.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">The Second Book of the Affairs of the Turks</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">Written in 1534, supposedly by <span class="smcap">Benedetto + Ramberti</span>.</td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">Translated from the Italian</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_I">239</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">II.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Pamphlet of Junis Bey and Alvise Gritti</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">Printed in 1537. Presented in the original Italian</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_II">262</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">III.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Incomplete Table of Contents of the Kanun-Nameh, or + Collection of Edicts, of Suleiman the Magnificent as arranged by the Mufti + Ebu Su’ud</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">Translated from the Turkish</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_III">276</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">IV.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">The Government of the Mogul Empire in India</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">General Comparison of Ottoman and Indian Conditions</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV_I">278</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">The Personnel of the Mogul Government</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV_II">279</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">Relation of Government to Religious Propagation</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV_III">283</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">The Army</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV_IV">285</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x"></a>[x]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">The Court</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV_V">287</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">The Government Proper</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV_VI">292</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">The Moslems and the Moslem Church</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV_VII">299</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">Books consulted in the Preparation of Appendix IV</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_IV_VIII">303</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">V.</td> + <td><span class="smcap">Bibliographical Notes</span></td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">i. Origins of Ottoman Governmental Ideas</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_V_I">305</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">ii. The Ottoman Government in the Sixteenth Century</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_V_II">307</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr"></td> + <td class="tdsub">iii. Alphabetical List of Works Cited</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#APPENDIX_V_III">322</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">GLOSSARY OF TURKISH WORDS</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#GLOSSARY">331</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td colspan="2">INDEX</td> + <td class="tdpg"><a href="#INDEX">339</a></td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span></p> + +<h1>THE GOVERNMENT OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE</h1> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="INTRODUCTION_I"><span class="smcap">Ideas Constitute a Nation</span></h3> + +<p>A nation, when considered from its earliest to its latest days, +is much more a body of ideas than a race of men. Men die, +families decay, the original stock tends to disappear; new +individuals are admitted from without, new family groups take +the lead, whole tribes are incorporated and absorbed; after +centuries the anthropological result often bears but slight resemblance +to the original type. Undoubtedly the fabric of ideas +which a nation weaves as its history develops also undergoes +changes of pattern; old principles pass out of sight, and new +ones, born of circumstance, or brought in from without, come to +controlling influence. But ideas are not, like men, mortal: +they can be transmitted from man to man through ages; they +can be stored in books and thus pass from the dead to the living; +when built together into a solid and attractive structure, they +impart to the whole something of their individual immortality. +Singly they pass as readily to strangers as to kindred; when +organized to rounded completeness as the culture of a great +living nation, they have a power which lays hold of men of many +races, alone or in masses, and in the absence of strong prejudice +compels acceptance.</p> + +<p>Such an assimilative force can clearly be seen in vigorous +operation in the United States of America today. A system of +ideas, woven of countless threads spun by Egyptian, Babylonian, +Hebrew, Greek, Roman, and Teuton, preserved and enlarged +by Frank, Anglo-Saxon, Norman, and Englishman, recombined +in a new and striking pattern by the founders of the republic, +is thrown over men from every nation under heaven, who under +its influence all become of one type, not to be mistaken wherever +it is seen.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span></p> + +<p>The history of the Ottoman Empire reveals the constant +working of a like assimilative force. It was not merely, and not +even mainly, the compulsion of the sword that built up and maintained +the strongest national power of the sixteenth century. +Swords must be wielded by men; and how were enough strong +and capable men found and bound together in willing coöperation +to conquer large sections of Europe, Asia, and Africa, to organize +and govern their conquests in a fairly satisfactory fashion, and +to establish a structure which, after more than three hundred +years of decay, disaster, and disintegration, has yet enough +strength to form the basis for a new departure? The only +answer possible is that the attraction of a great body of national +ideas gathered men from every direction and many races to unite +in a common effort. Although much violence, injustice, and +destructive passion was involved, the result was a great and on +the whole a durable and useful empire.</p> + +<p>The government of the Ottoman Empire when at the height +of its power cannot be understood from a description of its court, +costumes, ceremonies, and officials, with a catalogue of their +provinces and duties. A thorough comprehension of the main +political ideas that constituted the life of the empire is essential. +Since most of these ideas were old and tried, and were wrought +in a thousand ways into the general scheme, a complete treatment +would demand that they should be considered historically +from the time of their adoption. Nor would it be sufficient to +go back to the beginning of the house of Osman. The Turkish +nucleus which gathered around him, and the Mohammedans +and Christians from near and far who joined his rising fortunes +were already in possession, in a fairly systematic form, of most +of the ideas of the completed Ottoman government. The +inquiry should be begun farther back, among Byzantine Greeks, +Seljuk Turks, Mohammedans of Persia and Arabia, and Turks +of Central Asia. Many of the ideas, indeed, can be traced yet +farther, through Tartary to China and through Parthia and +Rome to Babylon and Egypt.</p> + +<p>These origins, however, cannot be considered here except in +the briefest possible fashion. All that can be done is to outline<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> +the background of Ottoman history, the general character of +the Ottoman Empire and its service to the world, the racial +descent of the Ottoman Turks, and the main influences which +affected their institutions and culture.</p> + +<h3 id="INTRODUCTION_II"><span class="smcap">The Background of Ottoman History</span></h3> + +<p>From early times the developing Chinese civilization in the +valley of the Yellow River had to contend with intermittent +attacks from the barbarians of the north and west. In the latter +half of the third century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> China’s work of domestic consolidation +and centralization reached completeness, and foreign conquest +began. The policy was then initiated which has never +since been departed from,—the subjugation of the outlying +lands and the cultural assimilation of their inhabitants.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> Following +up with armies, governors, and garrisons the nomads +who fled to the west, by the beginning of the second century A.D. +China held vassal all the population of the steppe country from +the Great Wall to the Caspian Sea; her frontiers marched with +those of Parthia. Early in the third century she entered upon +four hundred years of weakness, and her western possessions +fell away; but she regained strength and restored her western +dominion just in time to confront the rising Saracen flood. +During three brilliant centuries, the seventh, eight, and ninth +of our era, she held the nomads in fairly constant subjection, +and presumably taught them many of her orderly, organized +ways. It was probably in part by the strength of her discipline +that in the succeeding half-millennium the descendants of these +nomads, Turks and Mongols, wrought their will from the Sea +of Japan to the Adriatic, over most of Asia, half of Europe, +and a goodly portion of Africa.</p> + +<p>From the eighth century Turks drifted southwestward in +ever-increasing numbers out of Chinese territory into the declining +Saracen Empire. Early in the eleventh century an army +followed this course and set up the vast but short-lived empire +of the Seljuk Turks. These broke the eastern frontier of Asia +Minor, which had protected the Greeks and Romans for fourteen<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> +hundred years, and pushed on until they could see the domes of +Constantinople. The eastward pressure of the crusading period +kept them from European shores for two centuries, near the close +of which the Mongols overran their disintegrated lands. A +remnant, the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm, struggled on in Asia +Minor until the close of the thirteenth century, when it fell into +ten parts. The East Roman, or Byzantine Empire, had by that +time also been thoroughly wrecked, and the Balkan Peninsula +was divided among Frank, Italian, and Catalan, Greek, Serb, +Albanian, Wallach, and Bulgarian.</p> + +<p>The people of one of the ten fragments of the Seljuk Sultanate +of Rûm took the name of Osmanlis from their chief Osman. +Located on the border of the Greek and Turkish groups of +principalities, they drew men and governmental ideas from both. +The rapidity of their growth from so small a beginning, and under +such apparently unfavorable circumstances, into a durable state +is one of the marvellous things of history. In about two and a +quarter centuries from the time of their independence they were +able to attempt for the last time to unite the entire Mediterranean +civilization into one empire. North Africa, Egypt, +Syria, Arabia, the Tigris-Euphrates valley, Armenia, Asia +Minor, Greece, the Balkan Peninsula, a large part of modern +Austria-Hungary and of modern Russia, were theirs; they +threatened Italy, Central and Eastern Europe, and Persia. +They thus held all three of the earliest centers of Mediterranean +civilization, the western half of the Old Persian Empire, and all +the dominions of Rome except the northwestern one-third. +Apart from Spain and the lands east of the Zagros Mountains, +they ruled the Saracen Empire. With the exception of Italy +(with Illyricum and the adjacent islands) and the short-lived +Byzantine conquests in Spain, the empire of Justinian lay within +their boundaries. The later Byzantine Empire became the +heart of their dominions, and its two chief supports—the trade +which passed through the Bosphorus and the products and men +of Asia Minor—became their own principal supports. The +inheritance of lands and of institutions by the Ottoman Turks +from the two great medieval empires of the Levant, the Saracen<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> +and the East Roman, is by all odds the most pregnant fact of +their existence. They were the immediate heirs of a part of +the territory and of the whole of the culture of the Seljuk Turks. +The scene of the “world’s debate” formed but an insignificant +part of their dominions. They gathered into one net all the +shoal of feudal, royal, and imperial powers which made the +Levant of the thirteenth century as decentralized as the Holy +Roman Empire or the Italy of the fifteenth century.</p> + +<h3 id="INTRODUCTION_III"><span class="smcap">Character and Mission of the Ottoman Empire</span></h3> + +<p>This rapid survey leads to a number of significant observations. +First, the Ottoman Turks of the sixteenth century ruled countries +wholly within the sphere of the Mediterranean civilization. +The only possible exception was the steppe lands north of the +Black Sea; but these had been almost as much under the sway +of Rome and Constantinople as they ever were under that of +Stamboul. Even communication with Eastern and Southern +Asia was well-nigh cut off. The road to China north of the +Caspian Sea alone remained open, but after the break-up of +the Mongol Empire it had become long and dangerous. The +rival and hostile New Persian power firmly closed the southern +land route to India and China; and even the sea-way from +Egypt eastward was blockaded by the newly-arrived Portuguese. +Thus the Ottoman Empire, except in remote origins, which, +indeed, profoundly influenced it, grew and flourished within +what is commonly considered the main field of history. Accordingly, +it has a greater claim upon the Western world on the score +of kinship than has hitherto generally been allowed.</p> + +<p>Second, within the Mediterranean civilization the Ottoman +Empire combined regions of both Orient and Occident. The +classical world knew chiefly Romans, Greeks, and Orientals. +The Ottoman Turk succeeded to two-thirds of this world, the +lands of Greece and the East. From the day of Issus to the day +of Menzikert, Asia Minor had to all intents and purposes been +a part of Europe. After Menzikert it became a center of Turkish +rule, to which, in the course of time, territories from both +Asia and Europe were added in widening circles. No deep<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> +knowledge of historical forces is necessary to suggest that neither +in Southern Europe nor in Asia Minor itself could the teachings +of fourteen centuries or more be obliterated in five centuries or +less, or even in an eternity; nor would they fail to exert a profound +influence from the moment of conquest. To regard the +Ottoman Empire as a mere Oriental state would be to misread +history and to misunderstand human nature. Its lands were +of both Orient and Occident, so also were its people, so also were +its culture and its government.</p> + +<p>Third, the Ottoman Turks drew men and ideas from both +Mohammedans and Christians. They have commonly been +regarded as wholly Mohammedan, and therefore they have +been shut off by a well-nigh impenetrable barrier from the sympathies +of a world still possessed by the prejudices of crusading +days. The foundations of such prejudices are easily open to +attack. The main religious ideas of Mohammedanism are not, +except as to the divinity of Christ, inharmonious with those of +Christianity; they were, indeed, in all probability drawn chiefly +from the religious teachings of the Old Testament. The social +system of Mohammedanism is also much like that of the Old +Testament. Its most objectionable features, the seclusion of +women, polygamy, and slavery, may be regarded as survivals +from an older condition of mankind out of which a portion of +the human race has emerged—not without frequent cases of +atavism—and which Mohammedans themselves are tending +to abandon. But, leaving aside the question of the kinship of +Christianity and Mohammedanism, no one can deny that the +Ottomans ruled over many Christians, that many of their +ablest men and families were of Christian ancestry, and that, +according to the nature of humanity, as much of their civilization +and ruling ideas may have come from Christian as from Mohammedan +sources.</p> + +<p>It is true that as a nation the Ottoman Turks remained Mohammedan; +this has constituted the real “tragedy of the Turk.” +Bound hand and foot by that scholastic Mohammedanism which +was reaching rigid perfection at the time when the Turks first +became prominent in the Saracen Empire, and which only in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> +very recent days seems tending toward a Reformation, they +could not amalgamate the subject Christian peoples, already +confirmed in nationalism by the events of centuries. The +deadening system stilled their active spirits, imprisoned their +extraordinary adaptability, and held them at a stage of culture +which, though in some respects it distinctly led Europe in the +sixteenth century, was before long passed through and left +behind by the progressive West. Nevertheless, the Turks +were no more limited to Mohammedan ideas than to Mohammedan +men, and they are entitled to be considered in the light +of their double origin.</p> + +<p>Fourth and last, the great task before the Ottoman Turks +was a work of unification. Lands which had been united under +the great Theodosius, and then during eleven centuries had been +more and more disintegrated by invasion of German, Slav, Arab, +Tatar, and Turk, by war of Byzantine, Persian, Moslem, Crusader, +and Mongol, by destruction of roads and safe water-routes, +and by general decay of civilization, until confusion and disorder +reigned and anarchy seemed not far ahead—these lands were +once more brought under a single control. Was it their destiny +to be genuinely reunited, not merely in a common subjection, +not merely by an external shell of authority, but in the pulsing +life of a vigorous nation, harmonious in every part and run +through by patriotism? This was the well-nigh insoluble +problem which the Ottoman Turks attempted bravely. How +they solved the administrative and governmental phase of it +the present treatise will try to show. Religious unity was +out of the question; and in the sixteenth century, in East and +West alike, social and cultural unity waited upon the religious. +Had the Ottoman Empire been able four hundred years ago to +set apart religious considerations as matters for the individual—a +process which affords the chief hope of the new Turkey of the +twentieth century—her whole subsequent history must have +been very different.</p> + +<p>But in the measure in which unity was attained in the Levant +under the Ottoman authority, in that measure did the Ottoman +Empire render service to civilization and humanity. After the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> +close of the thirteenth century Western Europe, absorbed in its +own affairs, was able to give little attention to the East. Two +centuries were taken up with the consolidation of national powers, +chiefly at the expense of feudalism and the medieval church. +By the sixteenth century a measure of internal solidarity had +been attained and the struggle for external supremacy over the +West had been begun. The whole situation was complicated +by the actively leavening force of the New Learning and the +explosively rending force of the Reformation. Under such +circumstances even the advance of the Turks into Central +Europe could only temporarily divert attention from absorbing +problems and direct it toward the East. To what a state of +minute division and infinite disorder the Levant would have +come by that time, had the Ottoman Empire not grown up, +can only be imagined. Egypt, the only Levantine power of +consequence after the close of the crusades, had reached the +natural limits of her dominion, and had she aimed at wider +conquests the Mameluke government would scarcely have been +capable of imperial sway. No other of the countless principalities +of the eastern Mediterranean showed enough life to +accomplish unity. But the Ottoman Turks, cruelly and destructively, +imperfectly and clumsily, yet surely and effectively, +built up and maintained a single authority, to which the world +probably owes most of that measure of enlightenment, culture, +and order which can be found in the Levant today.</p> + +<h3 id="INTRODUCTION_IV"><span class="smcap">The Racial Descent of the Ottoman Turks</span></h3> + +<p>The question as to the origin of the Ottoman Turks was raised +in Western Europe as soon as the race began to appear upon the +stage of history. There seemed to be something mysterious and +uncanny about their rise to power. If an innumerable horde +of strange barbarians, a second invasion of Attila, had overrun +the Levant and settled down to rule its conquests, cause and +effect would have been apparent. But this nation seemed to +arise out of the earth. Organized and disciplined beyond any +parallel in the West, it seemed to come from nowhere and to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> +begin at once to take a very real part in human affairs.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> The +problem of its origin is by no means completely solved as yet, +but the main elements can perhaps be outlined. A search for +these carries the inquiry to the steppe lands.</p> + +<p>The great band of open country which stretches with hardly +a break across the whole of Asia and far into Europe resembles +the ocean both in its vastness and in its character as an intermediate +region through which the travel of commerce, statesmanship, +religion, learning, and curiosity can pass between more +thickly-settled lands. It differs from the ocean, however, in +being everywhere more or less habitable. The ethnic relations +of its families, tribes, and nations are by no means clear. China, +with a markedly Mongolian population, lay at the east and southeast; +Indo-Europeans of the Caucasian race dwelt at the southwest +and west. The tribes between seem from the earliest recorded +times to have presented every intermediate stage of +physical type, as they do now; and in general the shading from +yellow to white appears to have proceeded regularly from east to +west, a circumstance that may have been due largely to climatic +influence, but was probably far more the result of admixture.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> +These peoples were given to frequent warfare, one of whose +objects was the capture of men, women, and children as the most +valuable booty. They seem to have had no race aversions that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> +would hinder inter-mixture, and no race pride that would prevent +captives, in the course of time, from attaining full equality in +any rank to which their abilities could carry them. Accordingly, +the process of admixture that can be observed in historic times +has probably been followed from the remote past.</p> + +<p>The name Tatars may be used to designate all the inhabitants +of the steppe-ocean who were not distinctly Caucasian. By +geographical designation they are properly called the Ural-Altaic +peoples, while ethnically they constitute the Mongolo-Turki +group.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Included perhaps among those unclassified +peoples who were known of old to the Greek as Scythians, to the +Persians as Turanians, and to the Chinese as <i>Hiung-nu</i>, the +Tatars, despite many differences, show unmistakable kinship, +usually in their physical features, always in their language and +institutions. They have been grouped since medieval times +into two great divisions, the Mongols and the Turks. This +division may be said to correspond in a very general way to their +greater and lesser resemblance to the Chinese, and to a narrower +and wider geographical separation from China. Many tribes +possess such intermediate characteristics that they cannot +easily be classified as Turks or Mongols;<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> but a tribe that is +markedly like the Chinese is clearly Mongol, and a tribe that +differs widely from the Chinese is clearly Turkish. If these +explanations be adopted, the Turkish peoples are then in general +those Tatars who have had the greatest admixture of Caucasian +blood. Their original seat seems to have been in Mongolia, +but in historic times they had come to occupy the whole central +part of the steppe region, from the Desert of Gobi to the Volga, +in contact with their Mongol kindred on the east and with +Iranians on the south and Slavs on the west. The theory of +admixture receives support from the fact that the peoples of the +Mediterranean civilization found Mongolians repulsive in appearance, +but prized Turkish slaves for their beauty.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>The name Turk does not appear prominently in the Byzantine +and Chinese annals before the fifth century A.D., when the people<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> +of a Tatar empire were designated Τοῦρκοι and <i>Tu-kiu</i>.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> The +word <i>Turcae</i> was used by classical writers soon after the beginning +of the Christian era.<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> The name has been suspected of +lying hidden in the <i>Targitaos</i> of Herodotus and the <i>Togharmah</i> +of Scriptures. However this may be, ancestral peoples possessing +the characteristics of the Turks of course existed, and perhaps +appeared in history, in very early times.</p> + +<p>Some have suggested that the Sumero-Accadians of Babylonia +were Turks, but this question hardly bears on the present subject. +The relations of Turks and Persians on the Central Asian frontier +is much more apropos. The legends of the long wars of Iran +and Turan, however little detailed historical value they may +have, illustrate the circumstances of continual contact both in +war and in peace.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Princes and nobles whose lives were forfeit +in their own country fled over the border; princesses were +exchanged in marriage; and unnumbered thousands of less +exalted folk passed the frontier as captives or slaves. The +frontier itself was not fixed, but left great regions now to the +rule of the Persian and now to the rule of the Turk. The Parthians +may have been Turks.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> After their downfall the lines<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> +of Persian and Turk were drawn sharply by the nationalist +Sassanians. From the middle of the fifth century, indeed, the +Persians had their fill of wars with the Ephthalites, whose appellation +of White Huns may indicate their mixed Mongolian and +Caucasian origin; the Chinese annals specify the kinship of the +<i>Tie-le</i> with the <i>Tu-kiu</i>. No sooner had the Arabs engulfed +Persia than they began to welcome the Turks whom they found +to the north, and whose semi-nomadic culture was singularly +like their own. The Saracen Empire was administered for about +a century chiefly by Arabs, for another century chiefly by Persians, +and after that chiefly by Turks, who rose rapidly through +slavery and military service to the rule of provinces and even +of kingdoms. Thus great numbers of Turks came or were +brought into many parts of Western Asia. When Toghrul, +grandson of Seljuk, led the first great Turkish invasion into the +heart of the Saracen Empire, he found his kindred everywhere. +Under the Seljuk Sultans large numbers of Turks streamed in +and were settled in Persia, Azerbaijan, Syria, and Asia Minor.</p> + +<p>The Turkish occupation of Asia Minor has been called the +most thorough piece of work done by the race.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Few details +of it have been recorded, but one great fact stands out: under +the Byzantine Empire, Asia Minor was Greek, Christian, and +the home of the empire’s most vigorous and loyal citizens; under +the Ottoman Empire, Asia Minor is Turkish, Mohammedan, +and the home of the empire’s most vigorous and faithful subjects. +The process of this transformation, so far as it is known, deserves +examination.</p> + +<h3 id="INTRODUCTION_V"><span class="smcap">Seljuk and Ottoman Turks in Asia Minor</span></h3> + +<p>The Seljuk Turks were orthodox, and often fanatical, Moslems; +accordingly they put great pressure upon the inhabitants +of the peninsula to make them exchange Christ for Mohammed. +“Great numbers apostatized, ‘many thousand children were +marked by the knife of circumcision; and many thousand<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> +captives were devoted to the service or the pleasures of their +masters.<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>’”</p> + +<p>The Seljuk Turks were already a mixed race, and had no greater +objection than their ancestors to the reception of new members. +They had come as a Turkish army followed by a host of Turcoman +nomads.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> The soldiers took wives from the women of +the land and servants from the men and children, and the nomads +filled the gaps left among their women and children after the +long, hard journey. Those of the adult Anatolians who were +left free found a thousand temporal advantages in following +the Prophet, whose simple faith and consoling doctrines, moreover, +suited both their temperament and their circumstances. +Christianity had sat lightly upon many of them, and Mohammedanism +seems to have been accepted as lightly; for traces +of Christian and perhaps of pre-Christian practices and beliefs +can be seen among the Moslems of Asia Minor today.<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> To turn +Moslem was then, as ever since, to turn Turk. In the course +of three centuries the process of settlement and conversion +reached virtual completion; nearly all the plateau of Asia Minor +became Mohammedan and Turkish. Nothing approaching +the nature of statistics is available for determining what the +proportion was between invading Turks and converted Christians. +The probabilities, based on the known character of Turkish +invasions and the length and difficulty of the journey from the +steppe lands, point to a relatively small number of Turkish +settlers.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> Yet this doubly-mixed people has contributed those +subjects of the Ottoman Empire who are accounted the most +characteristically Turkish.</p> + +<p>The invasion of Western Asia by the Mongols of Genghis +Khan in the early part of the thirteenth century drove an unknown<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> +number of Persians and Turks to take refuge in Asia +Minor. Among these is said to have been a group led by a +chief named Suleiman, whose grandson Osman gave the Ottomans +their name.<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a> This group reached the Seljuk kingdom of +Rûm, and was allowed by good custom of the time to proceed +to the Christian frontier and conquer what it could. About +the time of settlement tradition specifies the number as four +hundred families, or 444 horsemen, a figure which has clearly +been shaped with reference to the sacred number four, but which +shows the belief that the group was not large.<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> The growth of +this band was far more rapid than could have been accomplished +by natural increase. A part of the additional membership was +supplied by Turks and other Moslems of adventurous spirit +who sought the fighting and booty of the border-land. But +these were by no means all. The Ottoman traditions and history +reveal at countless places the hospitable incorporating spirit +of the embryonic nation, which rapidly increased its numbers +from the Christian population by conversion, marriage, and +capture, and most strikingly by the tribute tax of Christian +male children. The Ottoman conquests to the eastward brought +gradually into the brotherhood all the Seljuk Turks of Asia +Minor, and as many as were or became Mohammedan from the +various conquered peoples—Greeks of Trebizond, Armenians, +Syrians, and others. The conquests in Europe converted <i>en +masse</i> some sections of Bulgarians and Albanians, who still +show evidence of their origin; a very great number of individuals +among the subject Christians, however, were so completely +incorporated as to lose all trace of their source. Thousands +upon thousands of captives from the whole of Southeastern +Europe, from all of Southern Russia and Poland, from the +Caucasus region, from Central Europe as far as Regensburg +and Friule, and from the shores and islands of the Mediterranean +were likewise incorporated; till, as a result of all this Western +admixture, the ruling nationality of the Ottoman Empire,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> +though called Turkish today, retains no physical trace whatever +of Mongolian ancestry.<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> Many of its members undoubtedly +have no Tatar blood in their veins; as for the rest, they are, +if the above discussion be well founded, a mixture of Europeans +chiefly with Turks of Asia Minor, who were themselves a mixture +of the former Christian population with Seljuk Turks, while +these again were a mixture dating back through countless ages +of contact between the white and the yellow races. A simple +computation will illustrate the matter. Osman is said to have +captured a fair Greek lady named Nenuphar, or Nilufer, the +Lotus-flower, and to have given her as bride to his son Orchan, +the first of the Ottoman sultans.<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> From that time it became +increasingly the policy of the sultans to take their wives from the +Caucasian race.<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> If Orchan be set down as of pure Mongolian +descent, and if it be supposed, as is certainly very near the truth, +that all the mothers of succeeding sultans were not of Turkish +blood, and if the mother be assumed to contribute to the child +an influence equal to the father’s, the proportion of Mongolian +blood in the veins of the reigning sultan, who is of the twentieth +generation from Orchan, can readily be calculated,—about +one part in one million.<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> Similar proportions would hold good<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> +for many of the Osmanli Turks. Probably the nation as a +whole has no more of Tatar blood than the American nation +has of Norman.</p> + +<h3 id="INTRODUCTION_VI"><span class="smcap">The Sources of Ottoman Culture</span></h3> + +<p>The question at once arises: What significance, then, has +the name Turk as applied to modern Turkey? To this query +a general answer only can be given here, as part of a rough +statement in regard to the derivation of the main elements of +Ottoman culture.</p> + +<p>Of the whole body of ideas and institutions and intangible +inheritances possessed by the Ottoman Turks in the sixteenth +century, no small number of the most fundamental ones were +derived from the remote Tatar ancestors of a part of the nation, +from whom even this part was far separated in time and space. +Foremost among these inheritances is the Turkish language, +which in its principles of monosyllabic stem, inflexion by postfixes +alone, and assonance, and in its general system of grammar +and body of words of ordinary life, has survived from the early +days through all vicissitudes.<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Old Turkish is the Anglo-Saxon +of the Osmanli, as Persian is his Greek and Arabic his Latin. +Somewhat more hospitable than those who use Western languages, +the Turk has nearly always accepted with a foreign +thing its foreign name; and the great majority of the foreign +words and phrases so accepted he has not changed in any way, +except to modify the pronunciation of some sounds about which +the tongue does not readily curl. Among other Tatar bequests +to the Osmanlis may be named the hospitable assimilative +tendency to which reference has already been made; a predisposition +to war and conquest, accompanied by an openness of +mind as to the best methods and means of prevailing; an ability +and inclination to govern, combined with great adaptability as +to methods and means; and some acquaintance with systematic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> +and bureaucratic methods of government impressed upon +the nation by the Chinese. Again, the Tatars, possessed of the +tenacious conservatism of a primitive people, predisposed the +Ottomans to a close adherence to custom—to the doctrine +that, when a thing had been done once in a certain way, it should +always thereafter be done in the same way. Finally, the Tatars +contributed various elements of the national character, such as a +touch of the old love of nomad life, a certain stolidity of spirit +and calm sobriety of temper (taught, perhaps, by the vastness +of the steppe in comparison with the littleness of man), and a +lack of originality which hindered the construction of freely-borrowed +ideas into new forms of higher relation. In general, +therefore, the foundations of the national character of the Ottomans +were laid in the early days, in a body of ideas which was +passed down continuously from man to man, not so much through +blood-relationship as through willing acceptance or enforced +adoption.</p> + +<p>The nature of a Tatar nation in the steppe lands, manifesting +many of the elements mentioned above, is extremely significant +as foreshadowing some features of the Ottoman government. +A Tatar nation was a voluntary association, independent of +kinship, formed about a promising leader, and interested in +war and conquest; thus it might grow with extreme rapidity +until the geographical extent of its dominion would be marvellous. +The empire of the <i>Tu-kiu</i>, for example, gathered in about +twenty-five years after its foundation territories which reached +from China proper to the confines of the Byzantine Empire. +The leader of such a nation maintained his control by the right +voluntarily given him to punish treason and conspiracy by death;<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> +when his controlling hand grew weak, the nation went to pieces. +“A Turkish tribe could maintain a political organization and a +compact grouping only by war; without benefits from pillage +and tributes, it would be obliged to dissolve and to disperse by +clans, whose fractions would group themselves anew, and form +another nation about the strongest man.... In regard to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> +empires like those of the Huns, or the Turks, military associations +without ethnic bonds, one cannot say that they dissolve; they +disband. Reversing the custom of other peoples, with the Turks +it is the king who feeds his people, who clothes them, who pays +them.”<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Add to this system a loyalty to a hereditary leader +which makes the bonds of union permanent, and the description +would apply fairly well to the growing Ottoman nation. A +passage from the <i>Kudatku Bilik</i> applies yet more closely, since +it shows a military government in the midst of a subject population:<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>—</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“In order to hold a land one needs troops and men;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">In order to keep troops one must divide out property;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">In order to have property one needs a rich people;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Only laws create the riches of a people:</div> + <div class="verse indent0">If one of these be lacking all four are lacking;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">Where all four are lacking, the dominion goes to pieces.”</div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>The ancient Persian seems to have given the Ottoman at long +range a number of his ideas of government, such as the exaltation +of the monarch, the separation of officials of the court from +those of the government proper, the division of the ministry +into five departments, the council of state, the giving of large +powers to local governors, and the beginnings of the so-called +“legal” system of taxation.<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> From him also seems to have +come the policy of allowing subjects who professed alien religions +to form separate organizations, which lived in a measure under +their own laws. One writer goes so far as to say: “All investigations +into the oldest state regulations of the Orient, into the +origin of monarchical forms and constitutions, into the ceremonial +of courts and the hierarchy of officials, lead back to the +great kingdom of the ancient Persians, from whom they have +come down more or less modified, to the Arabs, who sat as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> +caliphs on the thrones of the three continents, to the Seljuk +Turks and the Byzantines, who at the same time grew up on the +ruins of the Saracen and Roman kingdoms in Asia and Europe, +and through both to the Ottomans who swallowed up the kingdoms +of Iconium and Byzantium.”<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> The Sassanian Persians +handed down through the Moslems the completed “legal” +system of a land tax of two sorts based on cadasters, and a +capitation tax levied on those who practised a foreign religion. +They may also have contributed many features of the Ottoman +feudal system. During the Abbassid period the Persians and +the Turks who gradually displaced the Arabs in the civil and +military administration of the Saracen Empire were thrown into +very close contact with each other. It was only natural, therefore, +that the Persians, who possessed the more advanced culture, +should influence the Turks in many directions. Their +chief direct gift lay in the domain of poetry and literature, +a field in which they added a vast number of words and ideas to +the original Turkish stock.</p> + +<p>The Saracens gave the Ottomans a complete religious and social +system, united under a Sacred Law which professed to provide +for all relations of life, and which became more and more rigid +as time went on. Into this had been wrought slowly by generations +of learned men most of the Persian governmental ideas +that have been mentioned, together with others from Arabian +and Byzantine sources, such as a species of laws of inheritance +and a system of juristic responses. The Saracens gave also their +alphabet and a large stock of Arabic words. All that the Moslems +gave the Ottomans was embodied in one great, complex +institution, which was founded upon an elaborate system of +education and supported by the revenues from a large part of +the land of the empire, and which possessed great solidity and +an almost changeless permanence. In the Ottoman Empire, +as in all other Moslem lands, the influence of this completed +institution was ultimately very injurious; when added to the +Tatar love of custom, it laid a heavy hand on all movements +toward improvement and progress. Its ultimate attitude<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> +toward earthly affairs is well expressed in the following +couplet:—</p> + +<div class="poetry-container"> +<div class="poetry"> + <div class="stanza"> + <div class="verse indent0">“To build in this world palaces and castles, there is no need;</div> + <div class="verse indent0">They will at last be ruins: to build cities, there is no need.”<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></div> + </div> +</div> +</div> + +<p>A development which took place among the Turks within the +Saracen Empire was of the profoundest significance to Ottoman +history. From some date in the early ninth century, Turkish +youth were brought to Bagdad in large numbers as purchased, +but by no means unwilling, slaves. Having been trained as +soldiers, they became generals and local governors, and after +no great length of time the central government also passed into +their hands. The training of such young Turkish slaves in the +palaces of caliphs and governors clearly foreshadowed Ottoman +methods. The account that perhaps looks farthest back in relation +to the Turks is found in the <i>Siasset Namèh</i>, and refers to +the time of the Samanid dynasty, which ruled in East Persia +from 874 to 999. It describes the external aspect of the system +of education, such as promotion and marks of honor, but leaves +the severe work which lay behind to be inferred:—</p> + +<p>“This is the rule that was followed at the court of the Samanids:</p> + +<p>“They advanced slaves gradually, taking account of their +services, their courage, and their merit. Thus a slave who +had just been purchased served for one year on foot. Clothed +in a cotton tunic, he walked beside the stirrup of his chief; they +did not have him mount on horseback either in public or in +private, and he would be punished if it were learned that he had +done so. When his first year of service was ended, the head +of the chamber informed the chamberlain, and the latter gave the +slave a Turkish horse which had only a rope in its mouth, a +bridle and a halter in one. When he had served one year on +horseback, whip in hand, he was given a leathern girth to put +about the horse. The fifth year they gave him a better saddle, +a bridle ornamented with stars, a tunic of cotton mixed with silk, +and a mace which he suspended by a ring from his saddle-bow.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> +In the sixth year he received a garment of a more splendid color; +and in the seventh year, they gave him a tent held up by a pole +and fixed by sixteen pegs: he had three slaves in his suite, and +he was honored with the title of head of a chamber; he wore +on his head a hat of black felt embroidered with silver and he was +clothed with a silk robe. Every year he was advanced in place +and dignity; his retinue and his escort were increased until the +time when he reached the rank of chief of squadron and finally +that of chamberlain. Though his capacity and merit might be +generally recognized, though he had done some noteworthy deed +and had acquired universal esteem and the affection of his +sovereign, he was obliged nevertheless to wait until the age of +thirty-five years before obtaining the title of <i>emir</i> and a government.”<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a></p> + +<p>In this system of the training of slaves for war and government +lay the nucleus of the fundamental institution of the Ottoman +state, which, together with the institution based on the Sacred +Law, was to sum up practically the entire organized life of the +Ottoman nation. Under the Samanids it was Turkish boys +who were thus educated by Arabs and Persians, but the Ottomans +were later to apply the same principle to the education of Christian +youth.</p> + +<p>The Seljuk Turks brought most of the ideas that have been +mentioned into Asia Minor. They served chiefly as mediators +between the older Turkish, Persian, and Mohammedan systems +and that of the Ottomans. Besides adding some features out +of their own experience, such as a method of book-keeping, and +handing on a taste for constructing public buildings like caravanserais, +khans, and mosques, they gave rise to several important +religious orders which were to have a place in Ottoman life.</p> + +<p>What was left for the Byzantines to contribute to the Ottoman? +He had received already the main features of his national +character,—language, literary influences, law, and religion. +One of his two leading institutions was already almost fully +developed in Moslem lands, and required only transplantation. +The other, however, the institution of war and government,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> +could still be modified considerably; and this was to incorporate +much from the Byzantines.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> Many details of governmental +organization, both imperial and local, a supplementary system +of taxation, a greatly elaborated taste for court ceremonial and +splendor, a plan of organizing foreign residents under a special +law, and a host of lesser usages and customs were to be taken over +by the Ottomans. The Ottoman feudal system also probably +owed its final form to the Byzantines; and perhaps it was from +them that the Ottomans learned their abnormal love for fees and +gifts. The matchless structure of Saint Sophia served as a +model for the superb mosques that lift the shapely masses of +their great gray domes, supported by clusters of semidomes and +lesser domes, above the cypress trees and gardens of the rounded +hills which in Constantine’s city slope down to the blue waters +of the Sea of Marmora, the Bosphorus, and the Golden Horn.</p> + +<p>This sketch of the origin of the elements of Ottoman culture +does not profess to be in any sense complete. So great a subject +is worthy of separate and extended treatment. No more has +been attempted here than partly to prepare the way for an understanding +of the strange system of government which the Ottoman +Turks developed, and to show that that system was no new creation, +but was made of elements which in their origins reached +far back into the past. Out of old and tried ideas was built up a +double structure which was individual, conservative, and efficient, +strong, durable, and useful.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br> +<span class="smaller">THE CHARACTER OF THE OTTOMAN STATE IN GENERAL</span></h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_I_I"><span class="smcap">Definition</span></h3> + +<p>The Ottoman Turkish state of the sixteenth century was a +despotism, limited and supported by the Mohammedan Sacred +Law; it governed a vast territory, which had been gathered by +the progressive conquest of many separate lands, and which was +consequently held in many diverse relationships; it ruled a +multitude of peoples, some of which were favored as holding to +the state religion, and others of which, though in an inferior +position, had yet the right by sacred compacts to practise other +religions and obey other laws.</p> + +<p>This description reveals at once the complex and parti-colored +character of the Ottoman Empire at the period when its power +and prestige were greatest, when its armies were feared from +the shore of the German Ocean to the borders of India and its +fleets from Gibraltar to Bombay, and when its favor and goodwill +were sought by powers great and small in Asia, Africa, and +Europe. For the state as for the individual, the penalty of +greatness is increase of responsibility and care. In any conquering +nation the growth of governmental institutions must keep +pace with increase of territory and population, or advance will +be stifled by confusion. The growth may, however, be too +rapid to be intelligently directed. Most great institutions, in +fact, tend to develop a separate life of their own which may +become too vast and powerful for human comprehension and +control; for political, religious, economic, and social forces +proceed out of and act upon them in numerous and unexpected +ways. In the case of the Ottoman Empire the situation was +rendered more difficult by the presence in its territory of stable +and vigorous institutions centuries older than its own. These +were profoundly hostile to its inner spirit, far too powerful and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> +individual to be destroyed or absorbed by it, and therefore an +eternal obstacle to unity. In addition, the Ottoman institutions +themselves grew more and more apart into two unified +groups, which were in striking contrast in many ways; dwelling +together, they acted upon each other continually; and unfortunately +they were so constituted that their reciprocal influence +was to the injury of both. A fuller explanation will make the +complicated situation clearer.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_I_II"><span class="smcap">The Limitations on Despotism</span></h3> + +<p>It may seem a contradiction in terms to speak of a despotism +as limited; yet a little reflection will show that there never has +existed and never can exist a despotism that is not limited. +In what land has the will of one man been obeyed instantly, +everywhere, and by all? In what land have there not been stubborn +traditions, ineradicable prejudices, and powerful organizations, +which have blocked the way of the despot as effectively +as lofty mountains and stormy channels? The great limitation +upon the power of the Ottoman sultan was the <i>Sheri</i>, or Sacred +Law of Islam, which claimed to be wholly above him and +beyond his alteration.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> He might by act of violence transgress +its provisions, but he had even then done it no damage; it was +still what it had always been. And he knew well that his transgressions +must not be too many, and must not at all touch certain +matters, else he would be declared to have forfeited the throne.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> +The Sacred Law divided with him the allegiance of his Mohammedan +subjects; it demanded to be consulted before he removed +the head of a criminal,<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> or went to war with an enemy;<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> it took +for itself the revenues of a large share of his lands, and so +controlled the imposition of general taxation as seriously to +embarrass his finances; it even protected his Christian subjects +from all efforts of his to bring them forcibly under its sway;<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> it +entered into his very spirit and persuaded him to relinquish<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> +harmless pleasures,<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> while it supported him in the execution of +able and worthy brothers and sons.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> The <i>Sheri</i> was a form of +rigid constitution which by its own provisions was incapable of +amendment. It purported to regulate for all time the matters +included in its scope. Open to a small measure of modification +by juristic interpretation, it was probably on the whole as +changeless a system as has ever prevailed among men. The +sovereign had no right to modify it in the least respect.</p> + +<p>Nor was the Sacred Law the only real limitation upon the +sultan’s power. Although he was not bound to observe the +legislation of his ancestors or maintain their institutions,<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> yet +he could not lightly destroy what he must at once replace. +Some of their laws he might cease to observe, some institutions +he might neglect, improve, or reform; but the main substance +of their work was too useful and too well-established to be +undone. Suleiman bears the name of Legislator (<i>El Kanuni</i>); +but in his case it was even more true than in similar instances +in other lands that he did not so much ordain and create anew +as rearrange and put in order, reorganize and regulate.</p> + +<p>Again, few other peoples in the world, perhaps, have been so +much under the power of custom as was the Ottoman nation.<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> +That which had been once done in a certain way must always +be done in the same way, or in what was believed to be the same +way, unless a change had been accomplished by the distinct +intervention of fully recognized authority. The inertia of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> +people was so marked that the sovereign power seldom found it +worth while, and then only when driven by necessity, to put forth +the great exertion required to make a change in the established +order.</p> + +<p>Restricted thus by an unchangeable constitution, by the +presence of deep-rooted laws and institutions, and by the settled +customs of a highly conservative people, the power of the Ottoman +sultan could be exerted freely in certain directions only. +What these were will appear as the scheme of the government is +unfolded.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_I_III"><span class="smcap">The Territorial Basis</span></h3> + +<p>A fundamental characteristic of the modern state is considered +to lie in the fact that its power is territorial, that it exerts equal +authority over every part of a certain territory, and over every +human being and every material object upon, above, or under +the surface of that territory. Although an authority so evenly +applied may be possible theoretically, it is never in actual existence +in any particular state; for special laws and arrangements +always modify the situation. For example, lands and property +devoted to religious or educational uses, or owned by a foreign +nation for its ambassador, are regularly exempted from taxation. +Or, again, the government of the United States of America +stands in different relations toward the soil of the District of +Columbia, the state of Massachusetts, the territory of Alaska, +the Philippine Islands, and the Panama Canal Zone.</p> + +<p>By the laws of Islam the soil of a conquered land is granted by +God as the absolute possession of the <i>Imâm</i>, or divinely commissioned +prince, who commands the conquering army.<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> Apart +from the question as to where the sovereignty rests, this theory +of ownership is substantially that of the modern state. The fact +that the soil of the Ottoman Empire came into highly complex +relationships with the government, therefore, arose not so much +from a different fundamental theory as from a greater number of +special arrangements based on circumstances and on the personality +of religion and law.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span></p> + +<p>The Ottoman Empire consisted, first, of a great body of lands +which were directly administered according to a system that +was exceedingly intricate but approximately uniform; second, +of a number of regions less directly administered under special +regulations; third, of numerous tributary provinces; and fourth, +of certain protected or vassal states. Outside the whole, except +where the frontiers were natural, lay a belt of neutral or disputed +territory, which tended to be depopulated by continual raids +from both sides, only less frequent and terrible in time of peace +than in time of war.<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> The great significance of this belt to the +Ottoman people and government was that it furnished a continuous +supply of captives for the enormous slave-trade of the +empire. Outside of the raided belt, again, lay the <i>Dar-ul harb</i>, +or land of war, inhabited either by peoples whose religions were +regarded as inferior, or by heretics, whom it was a duty to conquer, +at least when practical.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> The order in which these several +regions are mentioned, an order based on progressive diminution +of control, corresponds in general to an increasing distance from +Constantinople. While the Ottoman Empire was growing, +each sort of territory tended to absorb the next, proceeding from +the center outward.</p> + +<p>These lands may be considered rapidly in the reverse order. +The territory in which raiding was frequent consisted of a strip +extending across Austria-Hungary from the head of the Adriatic +in a northeasterly direction, and another band stretching eastwardly +across Southern Poland and Russia in the edge of the +forest region. The latter was separated from Crimean Tartary +by the steppe land, which the Tartars kept uninhabited in order +to afford a free passage to their light horse. The Persian frontier +also lay waste; but the country was too much broken for easy +raiding, and Mohammedans, even though heretical, could not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> +lawfully be enslaved.<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Similar conditions existed on the Moroccan +frontier, except that the majority of the inhabitants of +Morocco were orthodox Moslems. Another section that may +properly be regarded as one of the raided regions from which +slaves and booty were drawn was the Christian shipping on the +Mediterranean Sea, and the islands and shores of that sea so far +as they were held by Christians. Crimean Tartary, Georgia, +Mingrelia, and parts of Arabia were vassal territories, more or +less lightly attached and paying no regular tribute.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> Venice’s +island of Cyprus, the Emperor Ferdinand’s possessions in Hungary, +the territories of Ragusa, Transylvania, Moldavia, and +Wallachia, all paid regular tribute with occasional presents, for +the privilege of maintaining their own administrations. Egypt +was under a special government, adapted with slight changes from +that of the Mamelukes, headed by a pasha sent out from Constantinople +for a term of three years, and delivering a large part of +its annual revenue to the imperial treasury. The Holy Cities of +Mecca and Medina, far from paying tribute, received a large +annual subsidy at the cost of Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> North Africa, conquered +by the Corsairs, was brought into the empire by Khaireddin +Barbarossa principally for the sake of prestige and support; +but, though in its organization it imitated the parent government, +it was seldom in close obedience.</p> + +<p>The regions directly administered were divided into districts, +or <i>sanjaks</i>, each of which had a separate law or <i>kanun-nameh</i>, of +taxation, which rested upon terms made at the time of conquest.<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> +Parts of the mountain lands of Albania and Kurdistan, and the +desert of Arabia, though nominally under direct administration, +were in very slight obedience; they retained their ancient tribal +organizations, under hereditary chieftains who were invested +with Ottoman titles in return for military service, and whose +followers might or might not submit to taxation.<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> The remaining<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> +<i>sanjaks</i>, more closely under control, were yet organized in no +simple way.</p> + +<p>Parcels of land in the great central portion of the Ottoman +Empire were in three classes,—the tithe lands (<i>ersi ’ushriyeh</i>), +the tribute lands (<i>ersi kharâjiyeh</i>), and the state lands (<i>ersi +memleket</i>).<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> The tithe lands had been granted to Mohammedans +in fee-simple (<i>mulk</i>) at the time of conquest, on condition of +paying a relatively small portion (not more than one-tenth) of +the produce to the state. The tribute lands had been granted +or left to Christians in fee-simple at the time of conquest, on +payment of one of two taxes—either a fixed sum for the land +itself or a share of the produce—the latter ranging in amount +from one-tenth to one-half.<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> The state lands were such as had +never been granted in fee-simple, and hence their title remained +in the sultan. He received the revenue, however, from only a +part of them; for a very large portion had been given to mosques +as endowment (<i>vakf</i>) for their maintenance and the support of +their attendants, or for the benefit of the schools, hospitals, and +other buildings attached to them; and another large portion +had been granted in fief to Mohammedans, who in return rendered +military service on horseback.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The comparatively +small remainder of the state lands was held as crown domain, +administered in a special way by the sultan as owner. The +tenants of state lands held title only by lease, or <i>tapu</i>, and paid +both money and crop rent to the church, the fief-holder, or the +crown.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> All the lands in Europe were regarded as state land,<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> +for the Ottomans gave out in fee-simple few lands that were +conquered from Christians. Asia Minor was also largely state +land; but Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt were held under +older arrangements, and were mainly tribute lands. Arabia +and Bosra were almost wholly tithe lands, as being the oldest +Arabian possessions.<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> The fundamental quality of all tribute<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> +land was unchangeable;<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> but original tithe lands which had come +into the hands of Christians were temporarily regarded as tribute +lands,<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> and lands in fee-simple (tithe and tribute lands) might +be devoted by their owners as religious endowments (<i>vakf</i>).<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> +Original small fiefs might be made into one large one; or a number +of persons might come to hold a fief without division of it, +provided they jointly furnished the required military service.<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> +Many endowments (<i>vakf</i>) were made by private individuals +for various public purposes; in time, through the attachment of +pension provisions and by other devices, a system was built up +which had many of the features of the employment of uses under +English law.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> + +<p>No small amount of land of every sort went out of cultivation, +and after a certain time had elapsed, if the owner was unknown, +became state land. If this or any other unoccupied land was +brought again under the plow, it might be granted to the new +cultivator.<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> + +<p>This rapid survey is sufficient to reveal the tangled nature +of the Ottoman land system in both its farther and its nearer +aspects, and to show why the administration had to become +markedly and increasingly bureaucratic. Such a multiplication +of relations acted powerfully toward decentralization, since the +regulation of countless details could be attended to better from +points near at hand; and the immense amount of adjustment to +which officials and clerks must devote their time afforded infinite +opportunities for corruption and extortion. Suleiman, in his +legislation, made a series of efforts to simplify and systematize +the situation, and with some success; but he could not remove +the causes of the complications, or arrange matters so that they +would not eventually become worse than before.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_I_IV"><span class="smcap">The Peoples</span></h3> + +<p>The wide Ottoman territory held a great number of peoples, +marked off by differences of race, language, religion, and customs. +The raided belt was inhabited chiefly by Southern Slavs, Germans, +Hungarians, Poles, and Russians; and the Christian +shores and islands of the Mediterranean chiefly by Greeks, +Italians, French, and Spaniards. Accordingly, slaves from all +these peoples were constantly forwarded to the center and distributed +widely—in the service of the sultan, in the households +of the great, and on the estates of country gentlemen. They +were treated without prejudice in accordance with their abilities, +and in the end the great majority were brought into the Moslem +fold, many of them rising to the highest positions. The inhabitants +of the tributary states were left in possession of most of +their own institutions, but whether to their advantage in the +long run is a question open to debate.<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> They were plundered +directly by their own princes and indirectly by the Turks, and +they had almost no part in the work and life of the empire. The +Mingrelians and Georgians captured and even raised children +for the slave-trade of the empire proper and of Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> The +Egyptian fellahs toiled, as they have done through all ages, +to produce wealth for their masters, who were now in two bodies—the +Mamelukes, recruited as always from slaves of many races, +and the group of officials and Janissaries who aided and sustained +the Ottoman pasha. The Berbers of North Africa furnished +a sufficient task of government to their rulers, who consisted of a +body of officials and Janissaries recruited from captives and from +the Turks and other inhabitants of southwestern Asia Minor,<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> +but connected only at the top with the central government of the +empire.</p> + +<p>In the region which was under more or less direct administration, +Albanians, Servians, Croatians, Bulgarians, and Greeks—in +general, the Christian subjects in the Balkan Peninsula—furnished +most of the tribute children; but some were taken from +the Christians of western and northeastern Asia Minor and the +Caucasus region.<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> Kurds and Arabs, being Moslems, could +not be enslaved, but they fought for the empire on the eastern +frontiers. Armenians and Jews were, by ancient privilege, +exempt from both blood tribute and military service.<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p> + +<p>The principle of the personality of law and religion came most +visibly into play in the heart of the empire. Prevalent in the +Orient from the time of Assyria’s greatness to the present day, +it is not easily to be understood in a land that has wholly separated +religion and law. Where these two ideas are united, two +men who hold different faiths must perforce live under different +laws.<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> Islam inherited the idea of the personality of law through +the Sassanian Persians, and endeavored to apply it with simplicity +by drawing a single line between Moslem citizens (<i>Muslim</i>) +and non-Moslem subjects (<i>Zimmi</i>).<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> The Ottomans adopted +the idea unreservedly and worked it out into a complicated +system: each considerable body of their non-Moslem subjects, +Greek Orthodox, United Greek, Armenian, and Jewish, they +left, in time, not merely to its own religion, but to its own law +and the administration of its law in all matters that did not +concern Moslems.<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> Proceeding yet farther with the same principle,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> +they granted even greater privileges to foreigners who +wished to reside within the empire. Except for a tax upon the +land which they might occupy, for the necessity of paying customs +duties, and for responsibility to Ottoman courts of justice +in civil cases in which Ottoman subjects were concerned, such +foreigners were almost wholly free from Ottoman control, freer +far to do as they pleased than they could be in their native lands.</p> + +<p>Regions existed where nearly all the inhabitants obeyed one +law. In Bulgaria and Greece few were not Greek Orthodox. +In the interior of Asia Minor few were not, at least legally, +Mohammedan. But in the great cities of the empire, and +especially in the capital, there was an immense variety of obedience. +Not only did the various colonies of foreigners and the +various subject nationalities have their separate rights under +different systems, but individuals among them, such as ambassadors +and clergymen, had special privileges and immunities. +Even among the Mohammedans there were various distinctions. +Several large classes were privileged, and in different ways, +including all the people of court and church, of the army and +the law, of government and education. The social and legal +structure was thus scarcely less complicated than that of medieval +Western Europe, with its interlocking of feudal and official and +royal privilege, of clergy and nobility, of free and chartered +cities.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_I_V"><span class="smcap">Institutions of Government</span></h3> + +<p>In the midst of so much territorial complexity and among +so many peoples which enjoyed different rights, what unifying +institutions did the Ottoman Empire possess? In the largest +sense, the government included every organization that could +lay claim to any public character, and all of these must be brought +into view if there is to be a complete understanding of the conditions. +In the first place, however, it is necessary to discover and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> +comprehend the genuinely great and powerful institutions. +These were two, and not, as is essential to the modern conception +of the state, a single one. Each was, it is true, composed of several +parts, which may be regarded as distinct institutions in themselves; +and yet each had an inherent unity that must be firmly +grasped and held if the situation is to be understood.</p> + +<p>If names must be assigned to these two great composite +institutions, the nearest approximation would perhaps be to +call them State and Church. But these words give no adequate +idea of them, since each embraced a little less and at the same +time far more than is included in the conception of the corresponding +Western institutions. They will therefore be described +and discussed as the “Ottoman Ruling Institution,” and the +“Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire.” The character +of each and the distinction between them will become clear as +they are explained in detail. For the present, a brief statement +of the composition of each and of its function in the government +of the empire will suffice.</p> + +<p>The Ottoman Ruling Institution included the sultan and his +family, the officers of his household, the executive officers of the +government, the standing army composed of cavalry and infantry, +and a large body of young men who were being educated for +service in the standing army, the court, and the government. +These men wielded the sword, the pen, and the scepter. They +conducted the whole of the government except the mere rendering +of justice in matters that were controlled by the Sacred Law, +and those limited functions that were left in the hands of subject +and foreign groups of non-Moslems. The most vital and characteristic +features of this institution were, first, that its personnel +consisted, with few exceptions, of men born of Christian parents +or of the sons of such; and, second, that almost every member +of the Institution came into it as the sultan’s slave, and remained +the sultan’s slave throughout life no matter to what height of +wealth, power, and greatness he might attain.</p> + +<p>The Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire included the +educators, priests, jurisconsults, and judges of the empire, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span> +all who were in training for such duties, besides certain allied +groups, such as dervishes or monks, and emirs or descendants +of the Prophet Mohammed. These men embodied and maintained +the whole substance and structure of Mohammedan +learning, religion, and law in the empire. They took part in the +government by applying the Sacred Law as judges assisted by +jurisconsults, and in these capacities they paralleled the entire +structure of administration to the remotest corner of the empire.<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> +In fact, their system extended to regions where direct administration +was not exercised. In the Crimea, for example, the rendering +of justice was in their hands, while the other functions of +government were performed by a vassal state in light obedience. +The situation in Arabia and in North Africa was somewhat +similar, though complicated by the presence of rival systems of +jurisprudence. In direct contrast to the Ruling Institution, +the personnel of the Moslem Institution consisted, with hardly +an exception, of men born of Moslem parents, and born and +brought up free.</p> + +<p>Both these institutions, while uniquely powerful and independent +within the empire, were paralleled by lesser institutions, +but in different ways. The Ruling Institution was followed +closely by the governments of Egypt and North Africa, and less +closely by those of the tributary and vassal states; but all these +were strictly subordinate, and exercised what authority they +possessed only within definite territorial limits. The Moslem +Institution was followed closely by the Greek and Armenian +and Jewish national institutions, and to some extent by the +organization of the foreign colonies. Each of these various +institutions rested on a religious organization or theory, cared +for the learning, religion, and law of its people, and rendered +justice in matters not covered by the Ottoman administration; +but all were wholly independent of the Moslem Institution, +and, since they were based on personality instead of territory, +they exercised jurisdictions which were territorially co-extensive +with its jurisdiction and often with the jurisdictions of each +other.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span></p> + +<p>The two great institutions and the lesser parallel ones included +practically all the government of the empire when regarded in +its widest aspect. In the time of Suleiman the Ruling Institution +was perhaps of greater power and influence than the Moslem +Institution, but the tendency of the latter was to gain upon the +former. Notable progress in that direction was made during +his reign, and indeed through his personality. The policy of +both toward the parallel lesser institutions was to prevent them +from gaining in power, and, so far as possible, to weaken them. +In the former aim this policy succeeded with all but two classes,—the +governments of North Africa, which were separated by a sea +under their own control, and the organizations of the foreign +settlements, which were supported by active and increasing +powers outside of the empire. But the two great institutions +were restrained by circumstances and their own inherent structure +from extirpating the parallel institutions, and in time they +were to cease to weaken them. The greatest dangers to the +whole Ottoman system lay, however, in the rivalry of the two +great institutions and in a tendency of the Ruling Institution +toward decentralization and division into its component parts.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_I_VI"><span class="smcap">Contemporary Descriptions of the Two Great Institutions</span></h3> + +<p>Few writers on the history and government of the Ottoman +Empire since the sixteenth century have grasped the individual +unity, the parallelism, and the contrast of its two leading institutions. +D’Ohsson and Von Hammer understood the Moslem +Institution, but missed the conception of the Ruling Institution, +the unity of which had disappeared long before their time. +Ranke obtained from a few of the Italian writers a very vivid +conception of the Ruling Institution, particularly as a slave-family +and an army; but he did not see the Moslem Institution +in its due proportion and importance. Zinkeisen, making wider +use of the Italians, came nearer than any other to a clear understanding +of the whole scheme; yet his exposition does not leave +a distinct impression. Bury, in his lucid chapter in the <i>Cambridge +Modern History</i>, describes well the <i>Spahis</i> and the Janissaries,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> +and notes that many tribute children rose to high positions; +but he does not grasp the unity of the Ruling Institution, and +he seems hardly at all to see the Moslem Institution. Jorga, +the latest to write a general history of Turkey, makes it his +avowed purpose to exhibit cultural and institutional growth; +he comes near, but does not attain, a distinct conception of the +Ruling Institution; while giving especial attention to the renegades +who reached high position in the fifteenth and sixteenth +centuries, he seems not to recognize how definite, and how intelligently +constructed and directed, were the policy and organization +which raised them to power.<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> + +<p>In order to show how clearly some of the Italian writers of +the sixteenth century understood the two institutions, though +not under any particular names, translations of certain quotations +are subjoined. Since they will serve also to justify the +present writer’s point of view, no apology need be made for their +length.</p> + +<p>Andrea Gritti, Venetian orator extraordinary to Bayezid II, in +his report to the Venetian senate on December 2, 1503, mentions +the highest Turkish officials as follows:—“For affairs of state +and every other matter of importance His Majesty is wont to +take counsel with the pashas.... These are ordinarily four +in number, who reside in Constantinople; they are born of +Christian parents, seized from the provinces while small, and +educated in different places by men delegated for that purpose; +raised then to certain positions either through the affection +which the Grand Signor bears for them, or by some enterprises +valorously carried through, they quickly become very rich, +selling, among matters of importance, justice and favors; but +when they find themselves at the summit of felicity they live +in great danger.”<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p> + +<p>Antonio Barbarigo, Venetian <i>Bailo</i> at Constantinople from +1555 to 1560, speaks further of the high officials: “Nor does +there exist in this so great empire either superiority or illustriousness +of blood, so that any one can glory in his descent, but all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span> +are in an equal condition, and they themselves wish to be named +and called slaves of the Grand Signor, and their greatest pride is +when they say that they are slaves of the Signor; and all his chief +men and governors are slaves, and Christian renegades, and +sons of Christians brought up from an early age in the seraglio, +and then in time, according to their worth, exalted and rewarded +and made great by His Majesty.”<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> + +<p>Marcantonio Barbaro, <i>Bailo</i> of Venice at Constantinople from +1568 to 1573, seems to have been the first to discern clearly the +contrast of the two institutions.</p> + +<p>“It is a fact truly worthy of much consideration, that the +riches, the forces, the government, and in short the whole state +of the Ottoman Empire is founded upon and placed in the hands +of persons all born in the faith of Christ; who by different +methods are made slaves and transferred into the Mohammedan +sect. Then whoever will carefully direct his attention to this +principal consideration, will come more easily to an understanding +of the government and nature of the Turks....</p> + +<p>“Other sorts of persons are not ordinarily admitted to the +honors and the pay of the Grand Signor, except the above-mentioned, +all Christian-born....</p> + +<p>“The emperor of the Turks has ordinarily no other ordinances +and no other laws which regulate justice, the state, and religion, +than the Koran; so that, as the arms and the forces are wholly +reposed in the hands of persons all born Christians, so, as I have +already said, the administration of the laws is all solely in the +hands of those who are born Turks, who bring up their sons in the +service of the mosques, where they learn the Koran, until being +come of age they are made <i>kazis</i> of the land, who are like our +<i>podestas</i>, and administer justice, although the execution remains +in the hands of those who wield arms....</p> + +<p>“I have taken much space to demonstrate to your most excellent +Signory how the government of this empire is wholly reposed +in the hands of slaves born Christians, this appearing to me a +matter for much consideration....”<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span></p> + +<p>Gianfrancesco Morosini, Venetian <i>Bailo</i> at Constantinople +from 1582 to 1585, later made a cardinal of the Roman church, +yields to none in the fulness and depth of his observation of the +Turks. He too distinguishes clearly the great institutions:—</p> + +<p>“There are two sorts of Turks: one of these is composed of +natives born of Turkish fathers, and the other of renegades, +who are sons of Christian fathers, taken violently in the depredations +which his fleets and sailors are accustomed to make on +Christian territories, or levied in his own territory by force of +hand from the subjects and non-Moslem tax-payers (<i>carzeri</i>) of +the Signor, who while boys are by allurement or by force circumcised +and made Turks.... Not only does the greater part +of the soldiery of the Turks consist of these renegades, but in +yet greater proportion all the principal offices of the Porte are +wont to be given to them, from the grand vizier to the lowest +chief of this soldiery, it being established by ancient custom that +the sons of Turks cannot have these positions....</p> + +<p>“To the native Turks are reserved then the governing of +the mosques, the judging of civil and criminal cases, and the +office of the chancery: from these are taken the <i>kazis</i> and the +<i>kaziaskers</i>, the teachers (<i>hojas</i>), and their <i>Mufti</i>, who is the head +of their false religion; and the <i>kazis</i> are like podestas, and render +justice to every one, and the <i>kaziaskers</i> are like judges of appeal +from these <i>kazis</i>....”</p> + +<p>“The renegades are all slaves and take great pride in being +able to say, ‘I am a slave of the Grand Signor’; since they +know that this is a lordship or a republic of slaves, where it is +theirs to command.”<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p> + +<p>Lorenzo Bernardo was <i>Bailo</i> of Venice in Constantinople +from 1584 to 1587. After a second period of service in 1591 +and 1592 he presented the longest extant report to the Venetian +senate on the Ottoman Empire. After describing the principal +officers of the Ottoman government at the time he says in his +involved style:—</p> + +<p>“These are they, in whom is reposed not only the whole +government of the state, but also the command of all the arms<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span> +of this so great an empire; and yet these are neither dukes, nor +marquises, nor counts, but all by origin are shepherds, and persons +base and vile; wherefore it would be well if this most serene +republic, imitating in this direction the Grand Signor, he who +from this sort of persons, his slaves, creates and makes the best +captains, <i>sanjaks</i> and <i>beylerbeys</i>, giving them in this way credit +and reputation....</p> + +<p>“Just as the whole government of the affairs of the state +and the command of its arms is reposed in the hands or the +control of slaves by origin Christian, and then made Turks by +various accidents; so the government of the affairs which look +toward justice, and all the charge of affairs of religion are located +in the hands of native Turks, sons of Turks, who having been +educated in the universities instituted by the Grand Signor +and the present ministers, and made learned in their laws, which +consist, both civil and criminal, in no other teaching than that +of the sole book, the Koran, become <i>imâms</i>, or priests, who govern +mosques; <i>kazis</i>, or podestas; <i>hojas</i>, or preceptors of great men; +and finally <i>kaziaskers</i>, or judges of supreme appeal, of whom +there are only two, the one in Asia and the other in Europe; +and the head of all these and supreme in their religion is the +<i>mufti</i>, like the pope among us, who is chosen by the Grand +Signor.”<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p> + +<p>Lastly, Matteo Zane shall speak, Venetian <i>Bailo</i> in Constantinople +from 1591 to 1597. In the imperfect record of his vigorous +report, the illustrious diplomatist says: “The Turks are partly +natives and partly renegades; the natives, who live for the most +part in Asia, are in comparison with the renegades less depraved +and less tyrannous, because they still have in them some religion, +which the others have not,—the most arrogant and scoundrelly +men that can be imagined, having seemingly with the true faith +lost all humanity. This alienation from religion is fitting in +desperate characters, who are induced to it by licentious freedom +of life, and by seeing placed in their hands the arms, the government, +the riches, and in short the whole empire, excluding the +native Turks, who are admitted only to the careers of justice,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> +as that of <i>kazi</i> and the like, and to those of religion, such as +<i>mufti</i>, <i>hoja</i>, and <i>imâm</i>, as is very well known.”<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p> + +<p>The impending break-down of the system near the close of +the sixteenth century is also set forth clearly by Zane: “The +government of the Turkish Empire is suffering within itself so +many and such great alterations, that one may very reasonably +hope, divine aid mediating, for some notable revolution within a +short time, because the native Turks continue to sustain the +greatest dissatisfaction, from seeing all the confidence of the +government reposed in the renegades, who, at a tender age for +the most part, are taken into the seraglio of the king or of private +citizens, and made Turks. To the renegades is committed not +merely the care of arms, but the entire command and the execution +of the acts of justice of the <i>kazis</i> (although they do not allow +appeals), and the superintendence of religion; whence one may +say that they rule everything and that the native Turks are their +subjects as are servants to their masters; which was not true in +other times to such excess as at present.”<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p> + +<p>To these testimonies from Italian writers may be added a +paragraph written about 1603 by the great English historian of +Turkey, Richard Knolles. Knolles shows no acquaintance with +the Moslem Institution, but his recognition of the Ruling Institution +is good:—</p> + +<p>“The <i>Othoman</i> Government in this his so great an Empire, +is altogether like the Government of the Master over his Slave, +and indeed meer tyrannical; for the Great Sultan is so absolute +a Lord of all things within the compass of his Empire, that all +his Subjects and People, be they never so great, do call themselves +his Slaves and not his Subjects; neither hath any man +power over himself, much less is he Lord of the House wherein +he dwelleth, or of the Land which he tilleth, except some few +Families in <i>Constantinople</i>, to whom some few such things were +by way of reward, and upon especial favour given by <i>Mahomet</i> +the Second, at such time as he won the same. Neither is any +man in that Empire so great, or yet so far in favour with the +Great Sultan, as that he can assure himself of his Life, much less<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span> +of his present Fortune or State, longer than it pleaseth the +Sultan. In which so absolute a Sovereignty (by any free born +People not to be endured) the Tyrant preserveth himself by +two most especial means; first, by taking off all Arms from his +natural Subjects; and then by putting the same and all things +else concerning the State and Government thereof into the +Hands of the Apostata, or Renegade Christians, whom for the +most part every third, fourth, or fifth Year (or oftner, if his need +so require) he taketh in their Child-hood, from their miserable +Parents, as his Tenths or Tribute Children; whereby he gaineth +two great Commodities: First, For that in so doing he spoileth +the Provinces he most feareth, of the flower, sinews, and strength +of the People, choice being still made of the strongest Youths, +and fittest for War; then, for that with these, as with his own +Creatures, he armeth himself, and by them assureth his State; +for they, in their Child-hood, taken from their Parents Laps, +and delivered in Charge to one or other appointed for that +purpose, quickly, and before they are aware, become Mahometans; +and so no more acknowledging Father or Mother, depend +wholly on the Great Sultan; who, to make use of them, both +feeds them and fosters them, at whose hands onely they look +for all things, and whom alone they thank for all. Of which +Fry, so taken from their Christian Parents (the only Seminary +of his Wars) some become Horse-men, some Foot-men, and so in +time the greatest Commanders of his State and Empire, next +unto himself; the natural Turks, in the mean time, giving themselves +wholly unto the Trade of Merchandise, and other their +Mechanical Occupations; or else to the feeding of Cattel, their +most ancient and natural Vocation, not intermedling at all with +matters of Government or State.”<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br> +<span class="smaller">THE OTTOMAN RULING INSTITUTION: AS A SLAVE-FAMILY</span></h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_II_I"><span class="smcap">I. General Description</span></h3> + +<p>Perhaps no more daring experiment has been tried on a large +scale upon the face of the earth than that embodied in the +Ottoman Ruling Institution. Its nearest ideal analogue is +found in the Republic of Plato, its nearest actual parallel in the +Mameluke system of Egypt; but it was not restrained within +the aristocratic Hellenic limitations of the first, and it subdued +and outlived the second. In the United States of America +men have risen from the rude work of the backwoods to the +presidential chair, but they have done so by their own effort +and not through the gradations of a system carefully organized +to push them forward. The Roman Catholic church can still +train a peasant to become a pope, but it has never begun by +choosing its candidates almost exclusively from families which +profess a hostile religion. The Ottoman system deliberately +took slaves and made them ministers of state; it took boys from +the sheep-run and the plow-tail and made them courtiers and +the husbands of princesses; it took young men whose ancestors +had borne the Christian name for centuries, and made them +rulers in the greatest of Mohammedan states, and soldiers and +generals in invincible armies whose chief joy was to beat down +the Cross and elevate the Crescent. It never asked its novices, +“Who was your father?” or “What do you know?” or even +“Can you speak our tongue?”; but it studied their faces +and their frames and said, “<i>You</i> shall be a soldier, and if you +show yourself worthy, a general,” or, “<i>You</i> shall be a scholar +and a gentleman, and if the ability lies in you, a governor and a +prime minister.” Grandly disregarding that fabric of fundamental +customs which is called “human nature,” and those<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span> +religious and social prejudices which are thought to be almost +as deep as life itself, the Ottoman system took children forever +from parents, discouraged family cares among its members +through their most active years, allowed them no certain hold +on property, gave them no definite promise that their sons and +daughters would profit by their success and sacrifice, raised and +lowered them with no regard for ancestry or previous distinction, +taught them a strange law, ethics, and religion, and ever kept +them conscious of a sword raised above their heads which might +put an end at any moment to a brilliant career along a matchless +path of human glory.</p> + +<p>The members of this system were, in a general way, as long +as they lived, at once slaves, proselytes, students, soldiers, nobles, +courtiers, and officers of government. To be understood fully, +the institution should be considered from each of these points of +view. The aspects which were of central and controlling importance, +however, were those of war and government; the +others were preparatory or accessory. Furthermore, the sultan +was the head and center of the institution in every one of its +aspects. He gave it its unity, its vigor, and its propelling force. +Although his despotic power was limited in many directions, it +knew no limits with regard to the members and the mechanism +of this institution. The person, the fortune, the property, and +the life of every member lay in his hand.<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p> + +<p>The absolute character of the sultan’s authority was an element +of great strength to the institution, but it contained also the +possibility of a great danger. To manage the system well +required an almost superhuman intelligence. The sultan held +the position of Deity toward his slaves, and he needed the +omniscience and benevolence of Deity to exercise his power +wisely and justly. Unfortunately, his position, which controlled +the whole scheme, was the only one that was filled by the uncertain +lot of heredity. While strong men came to the throne, the +system worked out marvellous results. When weak men were +to come, as happened immediately after Suleiman, the system +was to begin to fall apart into dangerous fragments. Yet its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span> +vitality was so strong that it lived on through nearly three +centuries of alternate decline and rehabilitation, and its spirit +may almost be said to abide still.</p> + +<p>The Ruling Institution contained certain component parts, +which were capable of separate existence, and some of which at +times tended to escape complete control. Among these the best-known, +though not intrinsically the most important, was the +body of permanent infantry known as the Janissaries. They +represented the brute force of the system and its most dangerous +element. Another component institution was the permanent +cavalry, the <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte.<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> These were more numerous +than the Janissaries, but being better educated and encouraged +by the presence of greater opportunities, they were not so dangerous. +A third important sub-institution was the hierarchy of +governing officials. Although these had great power, they could +be dealt with individually; and the sword was never far from +their necks. Subordinate bodies of a secondary influence were +the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, or apprentice Janissaries, and the colleges of +pages, which trained many of the <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte and most +of the officers of government. Each of these component parts +will be dealt with in its proper place. Theoretically, and except +at certain junctures practically, they were strictly subordinated +to the main institution and yet fully incorporated with it. The +Ruling Institution as a whole will be considered as a slave-family, +a missionary institution, an educational system, an army, a +court, a nobility, and a government.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_II_II"><span class="smcap">II. The Slave-Family</span></h3> + +<p>Every one who belonged to the Ruling Institution in any +capacity from gardener to grand vizier, save only the members of +the royal family, bore the title of <i>kul</i>, or slave, of the sultan.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span> +Nor was this title a mere form: with few exceptions, all members +entered the system as actual slaves, and there was nowhere +along the line of promotion any formal or real process of emancipation. +The power of the sultan over the lives, persons, and +property of the members of the institution, and his right to their +absolute obedience, bear every mark of having been derived +from the idea of slavery. The very word despot means by +derivation the master of slaves, and it was only over his <i>kullar</i> +that the sultan’s power was despotic in the fullest sense.<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p> + +<p>Entrance to the system came by the door of slavery, which +was open regularly only to Christian boys from ten to twenty +years of age. It is an error, found in some writers even lately, +to name eight years as the usual age.<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> The correct limits are +given approximately by many contemporary writers.<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> It is +probable that the preferred ages were between fourteen and +eighteen, and that only in exceptional cases were boys taken +before the age of twelve or after the age of twenty.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span></p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_II_II_I"><span class="smcap">Methods of Recruiting</span></h4> + +<p>Four methods were employed for obtaining recruits for the +system,—by capture, purchase, gift, and tribute. Of these only +the last is commonly considered;<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> but it was originally, and +probably always, merely supplementary to the others.<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> The +four methods ultimately rested on two. Slaves who were +bought for the sultan or given to him had nearly all been either +taken as captives or levied illegally with the tribute boys; there +was hardly any other way, since slaves passed too rapidly into +the Moslem fold to have their children available for the system. +As to the comparative numbers obtained by the different methods +there are few data for calculation. Probably about three thousand +tribute boys was the annual average in the sixteenth century,<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> +but there is no reason to think that this was a majority +in the number of annual recruits. The whole number in the +system may be estimated at about eighty thousand.<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Since +the losses by war were sometimes tremendous, it is probable +that the average annual renewal required was as much as one-tenth, +or between seven and eight thousand. On this basis the +tribute boys furnished somewhat less than one-half of the whole +number. These calculations are, of course, more or less arbitrary.</p> + +<p>It is true that children of <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte might be admitted +to the college of pages at the pleasure of the sultan, but their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span> +grandchildren and the children of all other Moslems were excluded +by rigid rules.<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a> These rules began to be invaded about +the close of Suleiman’s reign by the admission of the sons of +Janissaries,<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> an innovation that was of ultimately fatal import to +the system. A certain number of adults were also received and +some of these were sons of Moslems; exceptional individuals +from among the irregular troops were admitted to the <i>Spahis</i> +of the Porte by way of reward,<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> and that body contained a Foreign +Legion of about two thousand, composed of renegade +Christians, Arabs, Nubians, and the like.<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> Occasionally, also, +some high official of Suleiman’s government had been born a +Moslem.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> But the total effect of all these exceptions was so +slight as to cause them to be disregarded by more than one +contemporary observer.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> + +<p>The original homes of the captives have been described.<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> +By the Sacred Law the sultan was entitled to one-fifth of all +captives taken in war;<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> and he chose as his share, through +agents, such young men as seemed suitable for a place in his +system.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Since by special Ottoman regulation the sultan’s +fifth belonged to the church, he was accustomed to pay twenty-five +aspers to the church for each slave that he took.<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> His +officers also purchased in the public slave-market of the capital +such youths as were available.<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> These came from the captives +that the Tartars of the Crimea took in great numbers, from the +quasi-slave-farms of the Caucasus,<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> from the irregular raids in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span> +Austria, and from the corsair expeditions. The sultan received +a large number of boys as gifts, since it was well known that no +presents were more acceptable.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> Those who desired his favor +kept a lookout for such as would please him.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_II_II_II"><span class="smcap">The Tribute Boys</span></h4> + +<p>Although the levying of tribute boys in the Christian provinces +of the empire seems not to have produced the majority of neophytes +for the system, the practice has always received a share +of attention far beyond its numerical importance. Several +reasons for this suggest themselves. In the first place, it rested +on a unique and almost unparalleled idea; then, it involved an +extraordinary disregard of human affection and of the generally +acknowledged right of parents to bring up their children in +their own law and religion;<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> and, finally, it produced the ablest +and highest officials of the system.<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> In the latter respect its +youth seem to have borne some such relation to those obtained +by capture as the cultivated fruits of the garden do to those +gathered in the woods.</p> + +<p>The levying was accomplished by a regular process, the <i>devshurmeh</i>. +Normally every four years, but oftener in case of need,<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> +a body of officials more skilled in judging boys than trained +horse-dealers are in judging colts were sent out by the government +to the regions from which tribute was taken.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> The whole +of the Balkan Peninsula, Hungary, the western coast of Asia<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span> +Minor, and the southern and eastern shores of the Black Sea +were included in the territory visited; but the strongest and +ablest youths came from the mountain regions inhabited by +Albanians and the Southern Slavic peoples.<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> The recruiting +officers were commissioned each to bring in a certain number, +which had been apportioned to them out of a total determined +at the capital.<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> There was no principle of tithing, and no fixed +proportion or number of boys was levied from each village or +family;<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> the quota desired from each district was obtained for +the government by selection of the most available youths. The +recruiting officers sometimes collected a larger number than was +asked for, and sold the surplus on their own account to high +officials or wealthy private citizens.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> A regular procedure was +followed. The officers obtained from the Christian priest of +the village a list of the boys whom he had baptized, and who were +between the ages of twelve and twenty years or thereabouts.<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> +All these were brought before the officers, who selected the best.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> +Parents who had strong and well-favored sons might lose them +all, while those who had weaklings would lose none.<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> On leaving +each village, the officer took with him the boys whom he had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span> +selected; and, when his quota had been gathered, he took them +to the capital.<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_II_II_III"><span class="smcap">Estimate of the System</span></h4> + +<p>This levying of boys as tribute has always elicited a great +amount of moral indignation, as representing an extreme of +oppression, heartlessness, and cruelty. The religious factor +has increased the odium of the custom. Certainly no argument +can be found which will justify it to those who believe in the +liberty of the individual, the absolute right of parents over +minor children, and a complete withdrawal of human beings +from the category of property,—principles which seem in the +sixteenth century to have had no place in Ottoman philosophy +or jurisprudence, at least as regards Christian subjects. It may +be said at once that the custom cannot be brought into harmony +with Western ideas. So much being granted, how did the +system bear upon the parents who were despoiled and the boys +who were taken?</p> + +<p>In the midst of the conflicting testimony of reputable witnesses, +it is evident that the parents of tribute boys did not all feel +alike. The grief at parting was often a heart-breaking thing to +witness;<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> the mother whose son was taken by force to an unknown +life among enemies of all that she had been taught to hold dear +would hardly have suffered more at the death of her son. At +the same time, she might hope to see him one day in the possession +of great wealth and power. It is not to be supposed that +youth taken at from twelve to twenty years of age would ever +forget their parents; and, if they lived and prospered, they would +sometimes seek them out, as did Ibrahim, even though they +might not try his unfortunate experiment of bringing them up +to the capital.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> Fathers would appreciate the opportunities<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span> +which arose before their sons much more than would the mothers. +Both would be more or less reluctant to let them go, according +as their Christian religious convictions were deep or shallow. +Parents who wished to keep their sons would sometimes marry +them in tender years, since married boys were ineligible; those +who had means bought exemption for their sons from the recruiting +officers, who thus reaped great rewards.<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> On the contrary, +many parents were glad to have their sons chosen, knowing that +they would thus escape from grinding poverty,<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> receive a first-rate +training suited to their abilities, and enter upon the possibility +of a great career. Some parents, in fact, came to regard +the process as a privilege rather than a burden;<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> and they had +reason to do so, since Turkish parents envied them the opportunity, +and sometimes tried to evade the regulations by paying +Christians to take their Moslem sons, and declare them as +Christian children, so that they might be enrolled as the sultan’s +slaves.<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> Apart, then, from political theory and religious prepossession, +the levying of tribute children was by no means a +mere evil to the parents.</p> + +<p>The situation of the boys themselves, considered under the +same reservations, was almost wholly favorable. They were +taken at an age when they would not feel the parting as they +might have felt it in earlier or later years, when their attachment +to things and places would be at its weakest, and before their +religious convictions were likely to have become fixed. They +were taken from the narrow mountain valleys and the labor-hungry +plains. They were taken at the age when the bounding +pulse and the increasing strength of youth suggests great hope +and promises great achievement. They were taken to opportunities +as great as their utmost abilities, greater often than they +could possibly imagine. They might still have to labor for a +time, but a distinct career lay ahead. The best military education<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span> +in the world would certainly be theirs. If their abilities +lay in that direction they could have a finished and thorough, +though specialized, education of the mind. They could look +forward to travel, wealth, power, and all else that human ambition +desires. In that land and that age of the world, the question +of the religious and social systems being laid aside, an unprejudiced +observer could hardly imagine a more brilliant opportunity +than that which lay before the tribute boys.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_II_II_IV"><span class="smcap">The Slave Status</span></h4> + +<p>Whether captured, purchased, presented, or levied, the young +men who entered the system were the slaves of the sultan, the +personal property of a despot. They were his slaves for life, +and, though they felt honored by the title,<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> they were never +allowed to forget the responsibilities of their condition. They +must to the end of their days go where the sultan chose to send +them, obey his slightest wish, submit to disgrace as readily as +to promotion,<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> and, though in the highest office of state, they +must accept death by his order from the hands of their humblest +fellow-slaves.<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> If one of them was executed, all his property +went to his master. The time had not yet come when heads +would be removed for the sake of the owner’s possessions; yet +Suleiman profited greatly by the death of several of his slaves, +in particular from the estates of the <i>Defterdar</i> Iskender Chelebi +and the grand vizier Ibrahim.<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> When one of the sultan’s slaves +died leaving sons or daughters, the master sealed up his property, +and took the tenth part for himself before distributing the rest +to the children;<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> the nine-tenths was, indeed, given to the +children rather by the favor of a bountiful and wealthy master +than as a right. If the slave had no sons or daughters, the +sultan took his whole estate;<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> and a day was to come when his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span> +empty treasury would demand the whole estate under all circumstances.<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> +Thus in all essential respects the eighty thousand +<i>kullar</i> of the sultan constituted one great slave-family.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_II_II_V"><span class="smcap">The Harem, the Eunuchs, and the Royal Family</span></h4> + +<p>Two or three less numerous but highly important groups may +properly be discussed in the present connection. The imperial +harem and the imperial family itself were virtually parts of the +same slave system.<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> The harem of Suleiman was not the large +and costly institution that was maintained by some of his successors; +like his father Selim,<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> he was not given to sensuality, but +is said to have been faithful to Khurrem from the time that +he made her his wife.<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> The character of an Oriental royal +harem has often been set forth incorrectly. While it may +contain hundreds or even thousands of women, a very few of +these are the actual consorts of the monarch. A large number are +the personal servants and entertainers of himself, his mother, his +consorts, his daughters, and his infant sons. Another section +consists of those who are being educated for the same personal +service. A fourth group, probably the great majority, are mere +house-servants, who attend to all the domestic labors of the +harem and are seldom promoted to more honorable positions. +There is, finally, a group of older women who preserve order +and peace, teach, keep accounts, and manage the establishment +generally.<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p> + +<p>Suleiman’s harem contained about three hundred women, +who were kept in a separate palace well fortified and guarded.<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> +His harem fully deserves to be reckoned as part of the great +slave-family, since all its inmates except his children were purchased<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span> +or presented slaves.<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> These women, brought for the +most part from the region of the Caucasus,<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> and including in +their number some of the fairest female captives of many lands, +were nearly all daughters of Christians. Khurrem herself was +a Russian, while the rival of her youth seems to have been a +Circassian.<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> In another respect the harem deserves to be +reckoned with the Ruling Institution, in that its inmates, upon +attaining the age of twenty-five, were, if they had not attracted +the sultan’s special attention, as a rule given in marriage to +distinguished <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte.<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a></p> + +<p>A comparatively small group, not hitherto mentioned, of the +attendants at the sultan’s palace and harem belong within the +slave-family. Although the Sacred Law strongly disapproved +of the employment of eunuchs, that unfortunate class was thought +too useful to be dispensed with entirely. Some were white, +brought mainly from the Caucasus region; but the great majority +were negroes brought from Africa. Tribute children seem +rarely to have been made eunuchs.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> The class deserves mention +because several of the important offices of state among the +“men of the pen” were held by eunuchs, and now and then one +rose to high place in the army or the administration.<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p> + +<p>The royal family also may rightly be included in the slave-family. +The mothers of the sultan’s children were slaves; the +sultan himself was the son of a slave; and his daughters were +married to men, who, though they might be called vizier and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span> +pasha, wore these titles at the sultan’s pleasure, whereas they +bore indelibly the title of <i>kul</i>, or slave.<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> The sultan’s sons, +though they might sit upon the throne, would be the consorts +of none but slaves. Long before Suleiman’s time, the sultans +had practically ceased either to obtain brides of royal rank, or +to give the title of wife to the mothers of their children.<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> Suleiman, +given to legality and religious observance, and greatly +devoted to the lovely Roxelana, made her his lawful wife. Since, +by the Sacred Law, the status of the mother as wife or slave +does not affect the legitimacy of the children if the father acknowledges +them,<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> all children born in the harem were of equal legitimacy +and rank.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_II_II_VI"><span class="smcap">Other Ottoman Slave-Families</span></h4> + +<p>The ruling institution of any state is apt to be copied in +miniature by many organizations within the same state. The +municipalities of Rome, and the state and city governments +of the United States, were each modeled after the central government. +In a similar way, every great officer of the Ottoman +court built up a slave-family after the model of the Ruling +Institution. The grand vizier had a very large establishment; +the viziers had somewhat smaller ones; the governors of provinces +had households in proportion to their incomes;<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> and each +adult prince kept a miniature government. Not only the slave-family<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span> +feature but all the other features of the Ruling Institution +were imitated. All deemed it meritorious to purchase Christians +and turn them into Moslems. Iskender Chelebi had a highly +successful educational system;<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> he also kept a little standing +army, and at a later time so did Rustem.<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> Each great officer +protected his slaves, each kept them about him like a court, +each used them as a little government to rule his affairs. Such +imitation might easily become a danger to the state, but ordinarily +a prompt remedy could be applied. Every such household was +strictly personal; it was gathered about a living man; that man +was ordinarily himself a slave of the sultan: let him show the +least movement toward treason, and his head would be removed, +his property would come to his master, his household would be +incorporated with the central slave-family, all danger would +be at an end, and the sultan would only be the stronger. Further +safeguards lay in the close relations of the head of each slave-family +to the sultan, and in the fact that some <i>Spahis</i> of the +Porte and other imperial <i>kullar</i> of inferior position seem usually +to have been attached to the suite of each great official.<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> Moslem +private citizens also kept slave-families as numerous as they +could afford,<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> but these could hardly become dangerous under +any circumstances. They might emulate the missionary and +educational character of the greater households, but they would +not dare attempt any imitation of the military features. Further, +the whole Ottoman system so discouraged great accumulations +of wealth that private citizens could never hope to compete +with the power of officials and of the sultan.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span></p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_II_II_VII"><span class="smcap">Character of Ottoman Slavery</span></h4> + +<p>Ottoman slavery was a very different institution from that +which Anglo-Saxons have practised. In it there could ordinarily +be no color-line, and therefore no ineffaceable distinction. Where +difference in color existed it counted for nothing, by old Islamic +customs. Nor did the fact of slavery impart any indelible +taint. Islam knew slave and free;<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> in the Ottoman Empire, +at least, it knew no intermediate class of freedmen.<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> The +sultan seems never to have emancipated his slaves, probably +because of a lingering Oriental theory, foreign to Mohammedanism,<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> +that all his subjects were his slaves. Private citizens +had the power of emancipation,<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> and they often exercised it as +a meritorious act. The slave who was set free was immediately +in possession of full rights.<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> Slavery had therefore no inherent +quality. It was merely an accidental misfortune from which +complete recovery was possible. The idea of Aristotle, that +some men are born to be slaves, was wholly absent.</p> + +<p>Where no permanent wall of separation exists, natural human +affection can have free play. The Moslem religion teaches +kindness and benevolence to all but armed enemies of the faith.<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> +Moslem masters, in constant personal association with persons +whose condition led them to strive to please, were apt to become +very friendly toward them. Such friendliness often led to +warm affection and the bestowal of benefits. Emancipation was +one of these; and, further, not only the sultan but many of +his subjects did not hesitate to give their daughters in marriage +to worthy slaves.<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> A slave was often beloved above a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span> +son;<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> it was felt that, while a son possessed a character which +was more or less a matter of chance, a slave had been selected. +Thus it is clear why the sultan’s slaves were sometimes called +his children,<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a> and why the title of <i>kul</i> was prized.<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> + Suleiman +was a stern, and sometimes a cruel parent to his great family; +but he was as just in rewarding as in punishing, and it is not +surprising that all his slaves were true to him.<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p> + +<p>Thus was woven what has well been termed “a wonderful +fabric of slavery.”<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> History may have known as large a slave-family, +but certainly none that was more powerful and honorable, +better provided for and rewarded, more obedient and more +contented.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br> +<span class="smaller">THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS MISSIONARY ENTERPRISE AND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM</span></h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_III_I"><span class="smcap">I. The Missionary Motive</span></h3> + +<p>Although almost every member of the governing group in the +Ottoman Empire had been born a Christian, it was absolutely +necessary for his advancement that he should profess the Moslem +faith. A keen contemporary observer knew of only one Christian +who had been entrusted with great power. Alvise Gritti +was allowed to hold special command in Hungary, but this +appointment was made outside the system, as a personal affair +of the grand vizier Ibrahim, without the concurrence of the +sultan.<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> Various Christians were employed in such matters as +the superintendence of ship-building and cannon-founding;<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> +but this was a purely commercial relationship, and such a man +had no place in the <i>cursus honorum</i>. The fundamental rule, +open to the few exceptions previously described, was very simple. +Every member of the Ruling Institution must have been born +a Christian and must have become a Mohammedan.</p> + +<p>A number of questions arise at once. Why were none but sons +of Christians admitted? Why was conversion essential to +promotion? What was the process of accomplishing conversion? +How thorough was the conversion? Why were the +sons of most of the converts, and the grandsons of practically +all, carefully pushed out of the system?</p> + +<p>The first of these questions might be answered in terms of +policy of state; but since, in all Moslem thinking, church, state, +and society form one undivided whole, such an answer would be +inadequate. Conversion to Mohammedanism meant much +more than an inward change and an outward association for +religious purposes with a new group of worshippers. It meant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span> +the adoption of a new law for the whole of life, beginning with +the religious and ethical, but including as equally essential +portions the regulation of all social, commercial, military, and +political relationships.<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> It meant admission to a new social +system, naturalization in a new nation, an entire separation +from the old life in all its aspects and a complete incorporation +with the new. Expansion of membership was always a cardinal +principle of Mohammedanism; and the expansion was to be not +merely by the aid of the sword, but far more by peaceful means. +The sword took the land and sometimes the body of the unbeliever; +but his soul was to be won by the benefits of the system, +first religious, then social, financial, and political.<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> Every +nation that has reached eminence has believed firmly that its +general system was immensely the superior of every other in the +world, and no nations have been more thoroughly convinced +of this than those of Moslem faith. Accordingly, their desire +to convert the unbeliever was founded primarily on benevolence. +Closely connected with this motive was a burning interest in the +grandeur of Islam as a militant, expanding system; and subordinate +thereto was a purpose to increase the wealth, numbers, and +power of the state.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_I_I"><span class="smcap">The Ottoman Attitude</span></h4> + +<p>The Ottoman system incorporated young Christians not +merely to obtain more faithful, more obedient, and more single-hearted +servants, but, before and beyond this, to obtain new +members of the Ottoman nationality, new believers in the +Moslem faith, and new warriors for the Ottoman Empire as +representing Islam. This missionary purpose stands out very +clearly in the words attributed to Kara Khalil Chendereli, the +traditional founder of the corps of Janissaries, by a poet-historian +of the early sixteenth century, who no doubt here, as elsewhere +in his writings, introduced the ideas of his own day: “The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span> +conquered are slaves of the conquerors, to whom their goods, +their women, and their children belong as a lawful possession; +in converting the children to Islam by force, and in enrolling +them as soldiers in the service of the faith, one is working for +their happiness in this world and their eternal salvation. According +to the words of the Prophet, every infant comes into the +world with the beginnings of Islam, which, developing in an +army formed of Christian children, will encourage even in that +of the infidels the ardor of conversion to Islam; and the new +troop will recruit itself not merely with the children of the conquered, +but also with a crowd of deserters from the enemy, +united to the believers by common origin or pretended opinions.”<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> +The sentiment of this declaration is woven of two strands, both +ultimately religious,—a desire to convert great numbers to +Islam, and a purpose to strengthen the army which wars for the +faith.</p> + +<p>Mohammed the Conqueror expressed the same idea poetically +in a letter to Uzun Hassan: “Our empire is the home of Islam; +from father to son the lamp of our empire is kept burning with +oil from the hearts of the infidels.”<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> This declaration seems to +reveal two things. First, the Conqueror asserts that, since by +Moslem theory there can be but one <i>Dar ul-Islam</i>, or land of +Islam, his empire is the sole lawful Moslem state; second, he +declares that, by the policy of his house, the empire derives its +strength from the ever-renewed supply of Christians. Whether +this exegesis be exact or not, the fact is indisputable that the +fundamental missionary spirit of Islam was strong in the Ottomans +of the sixteenth century,<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> and that the Ruling Institution +was deliberately conducted for the purpose, among others, of +transferring the ablest and most useful of the subject Christians +in each generation into the dominant nation. As the first +Western observer who comprehended the system remarked,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span> +“This comes from no accident, but from a certain essential +interior foundation and cause, which,” he feels it his Christian +duty to say, with a helpless admiration, “is desperation of good, +and obstinacy in evil, and ... is the work of the devil.”<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> +Not only did Mohammedanism encourage the practice of taking +in outsiders to serve, fight, and aid in ruling, but this practice +was thoroughly in harmony with the old Turkish spirit which +prevailed in the steppe lands, and a similar policy had been +followed by the Byzantine Empire. Thus, in encouraging the +incorporation of foreigners the three great influences which +met in the Ottoman state had exerted a combined activity as +perhaps in no other direction. The Ruling Institution acted +for centuries as a great steadily-working machine for conversion.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_I_II"><span class="smcap">Other Motives for Incorporating Christians</span></h4> + +<p>Besides the combined religious and national purpose which +led to the introduction of Christian youth into the system, +other motives helped to give it definite shape. That purpose +alone would hardly have caused a rigid rule to be laid down +which would exclude Mohammedans. Here, undoubtedly, +the well-known tendency of governments that rest on force to +rely upon servants brought from a distance and owing all to +their favor came strongly into play.<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> The sultan’s <i>kullar</i> were +uniformly faithful to the hand that had raised them from poverty +to high position. “Being all slaves by condition, and slaves of +a single lord, from whom alone they hope for greatness, honor, +and riches, and from whom alone on the other hand they fear +punishment, chastisement, and death, what wonder that in his +presence and in rivalry with each other they will do stupendous +things?”<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> Having expected ill treatment from the enemies +of their nation, they were drawn by the surprising contrast to +deep gratitude and boundless devotion;<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> they were not attached +to interests and traditions of family and property which would +prevent full and loyal obedience; they learned what was taught<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span> +them by their master’s command, and were not possessed by +ideas and prejudices that would make them independent in mind +and intractable. On the contrary, Moslems born and bred in +pride of religion and nationality could not easily be moulded to +the shape desired; the very title of <i>kul</i> was out of harmony with +their beliefs; hence they were inherently unavailable for the +system, and the recognition of this fact led to their rigid exclusion. +An important reason for excluding children of renegades +was that heredity of privilege and office was against Ottoman +policy. The immunity from taxation that was enjoyed by the +sultan’s officials would tend to the building up of vast fortunes +that would be beyond the reach of public taxation;<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> and the +power of great families entrenched behind large property interests +would in time endanger the supremacy of the throne.<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_I_III"><span class="smcap">The Requirement of Conversion</span></h4> + +<p>Conversion was a principal object of the system, and favor +and promotion waited as rewards upon acceptance of the Moslem +faith. In fact, a young man was not fitted to participate in the +system until he had turned Moslem. He could not be an Ottoman +warrior and statesman and fail to profess and practise, in +most respects, at any rate, the system which inspired his fighting +and on whose principles the state rested. The garment was +seamless: it must be either worn or not worn.</p> + +<p>At the same time, conversion of the neophytes of the Ruling +Institution seems not ordinarily to have been forcible.<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span> +Ottomans were too wise to believe that the best results could be +accomplished by such means. Their policy was rather to throw +every difficulty in the way of remaining a Christian, and to offer +every inducement to make the Moslem faith and system seem +attractive. To this end their educational scheme helped greatly;<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> +for it involved complete isolation from Christian ideas of every +sort, and complete saturation in all the ideas of Mohammedanism, +religious, moral, social, and political. Even those whose education +was mainly physical were isolated from Christians in a +strict Moslem environment. No doubt there were special +rejoicings and rewards when a <i>kul</i> was ready to declare, “There +is no God but Allah and Mohammed is His Prophet,” as there +were in like circumstances in the rest of the Ottoman world.<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> +But the <i>kullar</i> seem not to have been urged to change their faith; +on the contrary, an attitude of apparent indifference was sometimes +taken with them.<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> Probably, however, few who remained +long in the system failed to surrender sooner or later. Prejudices +of child-hood would in time be overcome; what the +majority did would tend to act powerfully upon the individual; +the reward of a brilliant career would take clearer and more +alluring shape, until in time, in the absence of all contrary suggestion, +the real truth and value of the Mohammedan religion +would make it appear to be the only worthy system. It is not +surprising that the scheme seemed to Christians one of diabolical +ingenuity.</p> + +<p>What went on in the sultan’s slave-family in regard to the +conversion of slaves went on in every Mohammedan household. +Conversion was desired but not compelled, and reward awaited +it.<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> Among female slaves also, even in the imperial harem, the +same process was employed. Not merely the imperial slave-family, +but the entire system of slavery that existed in the Ottoman<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span> +Empire, was thus a great machine for the conversion of +Christians into Turks.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_I_IV"><span class="smcap">Sincerity of Conversion</span></h4> + +<p>It is not easy to learn what thoughts possessed the hearts of +the members of the Ruling Institution. Enough is recorded, +however, to show that not all who turned Moslem did so without +mental reservation, and to prove that it was possible to hold +fast to an inward belief in the superiority of Christianity through +many years spent in the sultan’s service. It has been said +sometimes that the converted Christians were more severe than +the Moslems toward their brethren who remained steadfast.<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> +This would be natural both because of the zeal of new converts, +and because Christianity is intrinsically less tolerant than Mohammedanism; +but the accusation does not seem to be supported +as against the members of the Ruling Institution. A distinction +must be drawn between behavior in time of war and in time of +peace. The Janissaries were fierce fighters and terrible enemies; +but religiously they belonged to a sect which was so liberal as to +be accused of rank heresy, and even, it is said, to have been +denied the name of true believers.<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> Many of the renegades +were persons who held no sort of religion.<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> The grand vizier +Rustem told Busbecq, after offering him great rewards if he +would turn Moslem, that he believed in the salvation of those of +other faiths;<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> and a <i>deli</i>, or scout, in his service confided to a +French gentleman that, while he pretended to follow Mohammedanism, +he was a Christian at heart.<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> The fact that a Genoese +boy, taken at twelve years of age, educated as a favored page for +eight or nine years, and evidently trained carefully in Mohammedan +beliefs, would seize the first opportunity to escape shows +what was possible beneath the surface.<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> Two generations +earlier there was a renegade who cursed the day when he had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span> +turned Turk, but who felt that he could not go back.<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a> Nor +were the members of the system always submissive to the stricter +rules of Mohammedan ethics. The Janissaries, for example, +forced Bayezid II to reopen the wine shops of the capital, which +in the religious fervor of his later years he had ordered closed;<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a> +and the members of the government were led by fondness for +display and lavish expenditure into shameless venality, the +cause and the effect being equally contrary to the teachings and +example of Mohammed. The probability is that large numbers +of the sultan’s slaves were merely nominal Mohammedans in +religious belief, though they necessarily followed the larger part +of the Moslem scheme of life.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_I_V"><span class="smcap">Effect of the Process</span></h4> + +<p>Sons of Janissaries were not allowed to become Janissaries, +although the rule began to be infringed about the end of Suleiman’s +reign.<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> Sons of <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte might be admitted +as pages and to the corps of <i>Spahi-oghlans</i>, but their grandsons +were rigidly excluded.<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> Sons of great officials were provided +with fiefs, or pensions, and so usually passed out of the Ruling +Institution into the territorial army.<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> Thus few were allowed +in the scheme beyond the first generation in the Moslem faith, +and almost none beyond the second. The explanation of this +has been given already: descendants of renegades were Moslems, +and hence subject to the same disqualifications as members of +Mohammedan families of long standing. Not all Moslems of +the empire were counted Ottomans, or, as they called themselves, +Osmanlis, or, as they are commonly called nowadays, Turks;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span> +for Arabs, Kurds, and other Mohammedans who had not adopted +the Turkish language did not bear the Turkish name. But all +the descendants of members of the Ruling Institution were +added to the Ottoman-Turkish nationality. The total number +of Janissaries in the three centuries during which they were +recruited from Christian children has been estimated at five +hundred thousand;<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> but, as reckoned above, the tribute boys +furnished less than one-half of the recruits of the institution,<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> +and the page system persisted in its original form after the +Janissaries had become hereditary. From one to two millions +of the flower of the Christian population must have been brought +into the Ottoman nation by the operation of the Ruling Institution.</p> + +<p>It does not necessarily follow that a like number of new Turkish +families were thus founded. The Janissaries were not supposed +to marry, although the rule was not strictly enforced;<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> a hundred +years later, at any rate, the majority are said to have been +unmarried.<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> As the <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte probably married late, +when they married at all, the whole system had thus something +of a monastic aspect.<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> High officials, it is true, were apt to keep +harems of some size; yet the children even of these were ordinarily +few in number.<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> Furthermore, the frequent fierce wars +carried off many of the sultan’s slaves, and the danger of execution +and of confiscation of property put a check on their establishment +of families. It is probable, therefore, that the Ruling +Institution, like most great slave-families, was wasteful of human +life.<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> But although its Christian-born members may not have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span> +perpetuated their numbers, they nevertheless increased the +Ottoman nation by the addition of such children as were born to +them; and the Moslem descendants of these, sailing in quieter +waters, doubtless became, both numerically and otherwise, a +great strength to the nation.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_III_II"><span class="smcap">II. The Educational Scheme</span></h3> + +<p>Plato would have been delighted with the training of the +sultan’s great family, though his nature would have revolted +from its lowliness of birth. He would have approved of the +life-long education, the equally careful training of body and mind, +the separation into soldiers and rulers (even though it was not +complete), the relative freedom from family ties, the system’s +rigid control of the individual, and, above all, of the government +by the wise. Whether the founders of the Ottoman +system were acquainted with Plato will probably never be known, +but they seem to have come as near to his plan as it is possible +to come in a workable scheme. In some practical ways they +even improved upon Plato,—as by avoiding the uncertainties +of heredity, by supplying a personal directing power, by insuring +permanence through a balance of forces, and by making their +system capable of vast imperial rule.</p> + +<p>In the largest sense the Ruling Institution was a school in +which the pupils were enrolled for life. Constantly under +careful drill and discipline, they advanced from stage to stage +through all their days, rewarded systematically in accordance with +their deserts by promotions, honors, and gifts, and punished rigorously +for infraction of rules, while both rewards and punishments +increased from stage to stage until the former included all that +life under the Moslem scheme could offer, and the latter threatened +to take away the life itself. The system also cared for all +sides of the nature of its pupils, subject to the considerable +limitation that it was especially a school of war and government. +The bodies of all were trained as thoroughly as were the minds +of the best. Though all received some mental training, including +at least an acquaintance with the Moslem mode of life, the +ablest were put through a severe course in Oriental languages<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span> +and Moslem and Ottoman law, which embraced ethics and theology. +Thus both body and mind, as well as the religious nature, +were provided for systematically and through life. Looked at +thus, the Ottoman educational scheme, in its relations to the +whole lives of those under instruction, was more comprehensive +than any Western institution of learning. The officers of a +Western army are educated and organized in a life-long system +which provides for both body and mind; but they do not learn +theology and they do not govern the nation. Great American +railroads and manufacturing corporations possess schemes of +education and advancement which bear comparison to the Ottoman +system in life-long scope, promotion for merit, and the +possibility of rising from the bottom to the top; but the mental +training which they give even to their ablest helpers is of a highly +technical sort, which bears no comparison to the general learning +and finished culture bestowed upon the most studious in the +Ottoman scheme. In general, Western universities and educational +systems, although they far surpass the Ottoman scheme +in the scope and character of the intellectual training which they +give, do not provide a comparable systematic training of the body; +and their control over the lives of their students ceases early. +The superior comprehensiveness of the Ottoman system was, +of course, based upon the fact that its members were slaves. +Their master could keep them at school all their lives, in order +that they might become better and better trained to serve him. +At the same time, reward was considered more potent than the +rod. Unequalled prizes were offered in this school, so skilfully +disposed and graded as to call out the utmost strivings and the +best work of every pupil.</p> + +<p>The first stages of the wide scheme, which constitute the +educational system in its narrower sense, were a fitting introduction +to the rest. All the recruits for the sultan’s slave-family, +whether captured, bought, presented, or levied, to the number +of probably three or four thousand annually, with an addition +of ten or twelve thousand in the years of the <i>devshurmeh</i>,<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a> were +brought by a regular process before trained officials, carefully<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span> +registered, and divided into two classes.<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> Those who best +satisfied the criterions of bodily perfection, muscular strength, +and intellectual ability so far as it could be judged without long +testing,<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>—about one in every ten of the whole number,—were +chosen for a superior quality of training, especially on the intellectual +side. The remainder were destined for a different education, +which was mainly physical.<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> The first regularly became +pages and <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte, and the ablest of them rose to the +great offices of the army and the government. The others +regularly became <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> and Janissaries, but the ablest +of these might also rise to positions as <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte and +even as generals and officers of state.<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> Failure to be selected for +the higher school was not, therefore, a final restriction to low +position. Merit was recognized everywhere, and regularly led +to promotion. At the same time, it was a distinct advantage +to a young man to be chosen for the higher training, since he +would receive greater care, would acquire more of both ornamental +and useful learning, and would associate with those already +great, and perhaps with the sultan himself.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_II_I"><span class="smcap">The Colleges of Pages</span></h4> + +<p>Of those selected for the higher training, a portion were distributed +among the households of the provincial governors and +high officers at the capital.<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> These were probably brought up +in much the same way as if they had remained with the sultan. +The very choicest of the recruits, to the number of perhaps two +hundred annually, or twelve to fifteen hundred in all,<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a> were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span> +taken into three palaces of the sultan as <i>Itch-oghlans</i>, or pages. +Three or four hundred were in the palace at Adrianople,<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> a like +number in one at Galata,<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> and from five to eight hundred in the +principal palace at Stamboul.<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> These were all handsome boys, +physically perfect, and of marked intellectual promise. An +excellent idea of the international character of the college is given +by a Venetian writer, who said that the pages of the palace +included Bulgarians, Hungarians, Transylvanians, Poles, Bohemians, +Germans, Italians, Spaniards, a few French, many +Albanians, Slavs, Greeks, Circassians, and Russians.<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Itch-oghlans</i> were dressed in suitable raiment and were well +cared for without luxury.<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> That the sultan took a particular +interest in the arrival of excellent specimens is evident from the +reception that Menavino received.<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a> The general Ottoman +attitude toward the pages, and indeed toward all recruits, has +been well expressed by a thoughtful observer: “The Turks +rejoice greatly when they find an exceptional man, as though +they had acquired a precious object, and they spare no labor or +effort in cultivating him; especially if they discern that he is +fit for war. Our plan [that is, in Western Europe] is very different; +for if we find a good dog, hawk, or horse, we are greatly +delighted, and we spare nothing to bring it to the greatest perfection +of its kind. But if a man happens to possess an extraordinary +disposition, we do not take like pains; nor do we think +that his education is especially our affair; and we receive much +pleasure and many kinds of service from the well-trained horse, +dog, and hawk; but the Turks much more from a well-educated +man (<i>ex homine bonis moribus informato</i>), in proportion as the +nature of a man is more admirable and more excellent than that +of the other animals.”<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span></p> + +<p>That the primary object of the page system was educational +appears from all contemporary observations. Not merely are +their palaces termed “places for nourishing youths,”<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> but +Menavino calls the place where he was taught “the palace +school.”<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a> Another writer gives chapters on “The Education +of Young Men in the Seraglio,” and “The Studies and Learning +in the Seraglio,”<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a> and speaks of the young men as “designed +for the great offices of the empire.” Another says, “And the +said emperor does this good for the profit of his soul, and when +they are grown up he takes them from there and gives them +dignities and offices, according as it seems to the emperor they +have deserved.”<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> Some of the pages were the personal servants +of the sultan, and a band of thirty-nine constituted his gentlemen +of the bedchamber, or <i>Khas Oda</i>.<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> These were the élite of all, +chosen by selection after selection; and, though young, they +ranked very high in the system. Since only a few of all the +pages could attain to this honor, the remainder were at school +for outside service.<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p> + +<p>Besides many less direct descriptions of the course of training, +two exist which are derived from men who passed through the +palace school. Menavino tells his own story;<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> and Ricaut<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span> +records what he learned from a Polish captive who had spent +nineteen years in the sultan’s service and had reached high +position.<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a> Although these accounts were written one hundred +and fifty years apart, they agree in essentials. Menavino +does not refer to the physical training in arms and horsemanship; +but at the time of his escape he showed himself, if not a courageous, +yet an accomplished horseman. Postel, some twenty +years after Menavino’s time, describes this training in some +detail. He probably had his information from a French page +named Cabazolles, whom he quotes as authority on one point.<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></p> + +<p>The pages were trained in the art of war, the use of all sorts of +arms, and good horsemanship.<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a> Suleiman took especial delight +in watching their cavalry evolutions, and occasionally summoned +a page who pleased him, conversed with him, and dismissed +him with presents.<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> Also, by old Oriental custom, every +page was taught some handicraft useful in his master’s service, +and, no doubt, intended to provide for his own support in case +of need.<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a></p> + +<p>Menavino describes the course of study in the so-called <i>Yeni +Oda</i>, or New Chamber, which contained from eighty to a hundred +boys. “When a boy has remained five or six days in that school, +they set him to learning the alphabet. There are four teachers +in the school. One drills the boys in reading during their first +year. Another teaches the Koran in the Arabic (<i>Moresco</i>) +language, giving explanations of the different articles of their +faith. After this a third teaches books in the Persian tongue, +and some write a little, but they do not teach writing willingly. +A fourth teaches Arabic books, both vulgar and literary.” It is +interesting to notice that, from the first, rewards in the form of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span> +pay were given for labor. “These boys,” continues Menavino, +“have a daily allowance of two aspers during the first year, three +during the second year, four during the third year, and thus +their allowance increases each year. They receive scarlet garments +twice a year, and some robes of white cloth for the summer.”<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> +Postel describes how they learned with great diligence +Arabic and Turkish letters and the law.<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> Ricaut explains in +more detail that the chief object of the course of study was to +teach reading and writing for the purpose of giving inspection +into the books of law and religion, especially the Koran. He +says that Arabic was taught to enable the boys to inspect the +writings of the judges and to have knowledge of religion, Persian +to give them quaint words and handsome and gentle deportment, +and adds that both tongues might be needed in governing +Eastern regions. He gives a list of their text-books, and remarks +that those who wished to become men of the pen studied with +greater exactness. They were not, he says, taught logic, physics, +metaphysics, mathematics, or geography, and their knowledge +of ancient history was much mixed. “Yet as to the successes +and progress of Affairs in their own Dominions,” he adds, “they +keep most strict Registers and Records, which serve them as +Presidents and Rules for the present Government of their Affairs.”<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a> +This shows that the pages were instructed in Turkish +history and the various <i>Kanun-namehs</i>, or imperial laws. Most +of the teachers were Anatolian Turks,<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> chosen no doubt, as +imparting better pronunciation and more orthodox religious +views.</p> + +<p>Discipline was severe,<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> but was kept within bounds. A page +could be beaten on the soles of his feet with no more than ten +strokes, and not more than once on any one day.<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a> The boys, +organized in groups of ten, were watched carefully by eunuchs, +both day and night.<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> Absolute obedience, modest behavior and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span> +decorum, and good manners were taught with great insistency.<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> +The two sections, or <i>odalar</i>, at the palace seem to have been of +equal rank,<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> while the schools in Pera and Adrianople ranked +lower.<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> Select boys who had finished their studies were promoted +through the different chambers of the personal service of the +sultan to the Inner Chamber,<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a> where twelve or fifteen of the +thirty-nine held titular offices.<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> On reaching the age of twenty-five +every page was sent out from the school.<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> Those from the +Inner Chamber passed at once to places in the Noble Guard +(<i>Muteferrika</i>), or to governorships of towns.<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> Ibrahim passed +almost directly to the place of grand vizier;<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> but he was the first +to break the regular order of promotion, and in after times much +evil was held to date from the precedent.<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> The majority passed +into the regular cavalry, or <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte.<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> Those who +left the school were honored by a ceremony of farewell. The +sultan personally commended each one, and gave him encouragement +for good conduct in his new position. He presented each +with an embroidered coat and one of his most beautiful horses, +and often a gift in money. The young man, with all the presents +he had received during his stay, was escorted to the great gate, +where he mounted his horse triumphantly, and departed from +the palace forever.<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a></p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_II_II"><span class="smcap">The Harem</span></h4> + +<p>Probably because of the tendency of the human mind to +construct along parallel lines, the imperial harem partook of +the characteristics of the schools of pages. There were two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span> +<i>odalar</i>, or rooms, for the recruits of the harem, in which they were +taught housework, sewing and embroidery, manners and deportment.<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> +They were organized in groups of ten, each group under +a matron. Those with a taste for music and dancing learned +those accomplishments, those who were studious learned to +read and write. All were carefully instructed in the system of +Islam. Like the pages, nearly all of them passed out of the +palace at the age of twenty-five, being given in marriage to +<i>Spahis</i> of the Porte or to other officials.<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> Thus the harem might +be considered a training-school of slave-wives for the sultan +himself and for the most highly honored of his <i>kullar</i>.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_II_III"><span class="smcap">The Ajem-oghlans</span></h4> + +<p>The term <i>ajemi-oghlanlar</i> signifies “foreign youth,” and was +sometimes applied to all the young recruits. Ordinarily, however, +it was given only to the remainder left after the pages +had been selected. These, for the most part destined to become +Janissaries, probably numbered about twenty thousand.<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> Their +training was largely physical, industrial, and military, with +oral instruction in the Turkish language and the principles of the +Mohammedan system. The <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> usually passed through +two or three stages. Unless they knew Turkish and something +of Turkish ways, they were first scattered through Asia Minor +in the service of Moslem country gentlemen.<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> There they were +set at hard agricultural labor, to strengthen their bodies to the +utmost. They were expected to learn to speak and understand +the Turkish language and to learn the faith, the laws, and the +customs of the Turks. The sultan allowed them no pay. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span> +gentlemen whom they served, responsible for them to the sultan, +supplied them with food and clothing and whatever else they were +pleased to give.<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> The number of these <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> of the first +stage may be estimated as ten thousand.<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a> At the end of two or +three years, or perhaps at about the time for a new <i>devshurmeh</i>,<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a> +officers came to examine them. If they knew enough Turkish +and were strong and well-grown, they passed to the next stage.</p> + +<p>Having been brought to Constantinople, and once more +carefully inscribed and estimated,<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> were again +distributed, but now in groups. About two thousand were +assigned to service with the fleet at Gallipoli.<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> Another two +thousand, probably the most intelligent, were appointed as +gardeners, or <i>Bostanjis</i>, to the sultan’s palaces in Stamboul, +Adrianople, Brusa, and Magnesia;<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> and five hundred or more +served in other capacities about the palaces, as wood-cutters, +helpers in the kitchen, and the like.<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> Five or six thousand were +kept in Constantinople and employed in the shipyards or on +public buildings,<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a> or were hired out in bands of one hundred or +more to private citizens for hard labor of various sorts.<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> Some +were hired out similarly in other cities.<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> In the midst of such a +variety of occupations, two objects seem always to have been +kept in mind,—the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> were to develop the utmost +strength of body, and they were to learn some trade useful in +war.<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> In this stage they were normally organized in groups or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span> +messes of ten. The gardeners were under the charge of an official +of high rank and great authority, who bore the humble title of +<i>Bostanji-bashi</i>, or head gardener; he was aided by under officers +and an administrative staff. Those in Constantinople were +under the orders of an <i>Agha</i>, or general officer, with a staff of +under officials, clerks, and accountants.<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a> Being filled with the +spirit of youth, conscious of their superior physical strength and +privileged position, gathered together in large groups, and +unrestrained by substantial mental instruction, the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> +were by no means easy to manage. They frequently +raised great disturbances in the city, in emulation perhaps of +the Janissaries.<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a> Those who wished were allowed to learn to +read and write, but they were not obliged to do so.<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> They +received a small amount of pay, with food and clothing.<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a></p> + +<p>After a certain time spent in this stage of development, the +majority of the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> were assigned, one by one as each +seemed ready, to the service of the <i>odalar</i>, or messes, of the +Janissaries.<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> The latter then became responsible for their +training in the art of war, and discharged this duty with much +zeal. In the course of time, as the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> acquired sufficient +skill, and as vacancies occurred, they were enrolled as +full-fledged Janissaries.<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> The gardeners of the sultan’s palaces +and the palace servants seem not ordinarily to have become +Janissaries, but to have been advanced toward the directing +of the transport, commissary, and artillery services, the oversight +of the imperial stables, and like positions in the administration<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span> +of the army and the great household.<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> No doubt some of those +assigned to the fleet were promoted in the navy, but most of +them seem to have become Janissaries.<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> Thus a large number +and variety of openings lay before the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, who as +they became ready were advanced into them. The ordinary age +of graduation from the corps was twenty-five years,<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a> which may +be regarded as the age of majority for all the sultan’s slaves. +At times war caused such depletion of the upper service that +<i>Ajem-oghlans</i> were promoted before they had reached the desired +age or were thoroughly ready.<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a></p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_II_IV"><span class="smcap">Advancement Based on Merit</span></h4> + +<p>The entire system from start to finish was designed to reward +merit and fully to satisfy every ambition that was backed by +ability, effort, and sufficient preparation. Two parallel lines +of reward were established, the honorable and the financial. +In the page school the first was represented by promotion from +class to class, and, in the case of those who were observed to be +the most suitable, by advancement through the chambers of +personal service to the <i>Khas Oda</i>. In this <i>oda</i> they were promoted +in regular order through the twelve or more special +offices.<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a></p> + +<p>Among the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> the process seems to have been carried +on by carefully observing and testing individuals, by advancing +them from stage to stage on this basis, and by entrusting them +in the later stages with greater and greater responsibilities. +The financial reward began for the pages immediately upon +admission to the school. It was then probably about equal to +the daily wages of an unskilled laborer. This was increased +regularly year by year, and in the <i>Khas Oda</i> reached the proportions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span> +of a handsome salary.<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> The <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> depended during +the first stage on the rewards assigned by their temporary +masters. After that stage they began to receive a small amount +of pay from the sultan, which was gradually increased.<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> All +were provided with food, lodging, and at least a part of their +clothing, and individuals might hope to obtain special gifts.</p> + +<p>This double system was continued without a break through +the entire institution. The lowest Janissary might hopefully +aspire to promotion, either through the hierarchy of office in his +own corps, or by being lifted out of it for service in the cavalry +or the active administration.<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> The pages who had passed out +of the school were already well up in the scale of advancement, +and every place except the sultan’s own was within their grasp. +The grand vizier, indeed, might wield almost the whole of the +sultan’s power, a fact which Ibrahim, shortly before his fall, +realized so fully that he added to his title of <i>Seraskier</i> the word +Sultan.<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> The losses occasioned by fierce and frequent wars, +and by not infrequent depositions and executions, gave abundant +opportunity for men to rise from below. Conquest was continually +adding new offices and commands. The whole Ruling +Institution was, so to speak, in a constant state of boiling, in +which the human particles were rapidly rising to the top, and, +alas, disappearing, while others rose as rapidly behind them.</p> + +<p>The figure just employed is applicable, however, only to the +mere phenomenon of rising: the upward movement was not in +the least accidental or automatic; it was conducted with keen +intelligence at every stage. Now and then, as in the case of +Ibrahim, favor disturbed the scheme; but this happened very +seldom before the end of Suleiman’s reign. Sometimes a temporary +confusion resulted from extraordinary losses in war, +but order was soon restored. There is reason to believe that +human history has never known a political institution which +during so long a period was so completely dominated by sheer<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span> +intellect, and thereby so unerringly held to its original plan and +purpose, as was the Ottoman Ruling Institution. The democracy +of Athens attained an unexampled level of average intelligence, +but under its sway the exceptional mind received discouragement +rather than exceptional training. The free democracies +of the present age allow the gifted individual opportunities to +fight his way upward, but against obstacles which sometimes +become insuperable. These systems are unquestionably superior +on the whole to the Ottoman scheme, because of their inclusiveness +and individual freedom; but as regards sheer efficiency, +unobstructed opportunity, and certainty of reward, their operation +is wasteful, clumsy, and blind by comparison.</p> + +<p>Some testimonies of shrewd contemporary observers will +show how they regarded the Ottoman scheme of promotion +both in itself and in comparison with Western ways. The +intelligent author of the <i>Tractatus</i> is impressed by the unity +and control of the scheme. “Out of the aforesaid slaves,” +he writes, “promotions are made to the offices of the kingdom +according to the virtues found in them. Whence it comes about +that all the magnates and princes of the whole kingdom are as it +were officials made by the king, and not lords or possessors; +and as a consequence he is the sole lord and possessor, and the +lawful dispenser, distributer, and governor of the whole kingdom; +the others are only executors, officials, and administrators +according to his will and command.... Whence it follows +that in his kingdom, although there is an innumerable multitude, +no contradiction or opposition can arise; but, united as one +man in all respects and for all purposes, they look to his command +alone, they obey and serve unwearyingly.”<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a></p> + +<p>Postel says: “The Seigneur [or sultan] has four or several +principal personages for all the business of his empire, whether +in war or justice, and they are promoted to this honor by degrees +from lower offices, always mounting and giving good examples of +living, unless by some extraordinary favor the prince raises +them from some low place, which is very perilous.”<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> Speaking +of the pages in the palace, he adds: “When they have lived<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span> +there a long time and done well, they are given a place where they +receive pay, and they are made Castellans and given other offices +used among them. If there are some who have the ability to +make themselves known, they may have the best fortune in the +world, and become governors of the land and Pashas; for there +they judge of nobility by the worth which they see appearing +in a man, and they give honors according to the evidence of +his past.”<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> Of Suleiman, Tanco says, “He sows hope of certain +reward in all conditions of men, who by means of virtue, may +succeed in mounting to better fortune”; and of the Janissaries, +“Each has his good and real fortune in his hand.”<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p> + +<p>Among all observers, Busbecq seems to have been most +impressed with the system of advancement by merit. “The +Turks,” he tells us, “do not measure even their own people by +any other rule than that of personal merit. The only exception +is the house of Ottoman; in this case, and in this case only, does +birth confer distinction.”<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a></p> + +<p>Referring to his audience with Suleiman, he says: “There was +not in all that great assembly a single man who owed his position +to aught save his valour and his merit. No distinction is attached +to birth among the Turks; the deference to be paid to a man is +measured by the position he holds in the public service. There +is no fighting for precedence; a man’s place is marked out by the +duties he discharges. In making his appointments the sultan +pays no regard to any pretensions on the score of wealth or rank, +nor does he take into consideration recommendations or popularity; +he considers each case on its own merits, and examines +carefully into the character, ability, and disposition of the man +whose promotion is in question. It is by merit that men rise +in the service, a system which ensures that posts should only +be assigned to the competent. Each man in Turkey carries in +his own hand his ancestry and his position in life, which he may +make or mar as he will. Those who receive the highest offices +from the sultan are for the most part the sons of shepherds or +herdsmen, and so far from being ashamed of their parentage,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span> +they actually glory in it, and consider it a matter of boasting +that they owe nothing to the accident of birth; for they do not +believe that high qualities are either natural or hereditary, nor +do they think that they can be handed down from father to son, +but that they are partly the gift of God, and partly the result of +good training, great industry, and unwearied zeal; arguing +that high qualities do not descend from a father to his son or +heir, any more than a talent for music, mathematics, or the like; +and that the mind does not derive its origin from the father, so +that the son should necessarily be like the father in character, +but emanates from heaven, and is thence infused into the human +body. Among the Turks, therefore, honours, high posts, and +judgeships are the rewards of great ability and good service. +If a man be dishonest, or lazy, or careless, he remains at the bottom +of the ladder, an object of contempt; for such qualities there +are no honours in Turkey!</p> + +<p>“This is the reason that they are successful in their undertakings, +that they lord it over others, and are daily extending +the bounds of their empire. These are not our ideas; with us +there is no opening left for merit; birth is the standard for everything; +the prestige of birth is the sole key to advancement in the +public service.”<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a></p> + +<p>Finally, Ricaut, after describing the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, declares +that this part of the system “is one of the most Politick Constitutions +in the World, and none of the meanest supports of the +<i>Ottoman</i> Empire.”<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a></p> + +<p>Financial rewards paralleled advancement in office with great +exactness. When a man came to high position, he was provided +with the means to live splendidly in proportion to his rank. +In addition to his salary, many opportunities of increasing his +income presented themselves; and though some of these would +be considered undignified in Western eyes,<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> and others were +undoubtedly stained with rapacity and extortion,<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> they were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span> +allowed to be enjoyed under all ordinary circumstances. The +sultan’s higher officials not only lived in great splendor, with a +numerous retinue, a large harem, and many costly garments, +dishes, gems, and the like, but they often accumulated great +wealth in money, houses, lands, mills, horses, cattle, sheep, and +everything else that is considered worth collecting.<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> Thus, as +men were promoted, they were enabled regularly to proportion +display of wealth to rank and office.</p> + +<p>The example of one of Suleiman’s chief servants will illustrate +the <i>cursus honorum</i> in the Ottoman system. Ali Pasha was a +native of Dalmatia. Levied with the tribute boys, he was admitted +to the principal palace at the time when Ibrahim was +<i>Oda-bashi</i>, or head of the Inner Chamber of pages. In the course +of time he was made <i>Kapuji</i>, or gatekeeper. When Ibrahim +became grand vizier, Ali became <i>Chasnejir</i>, or chief taster, to +Suleiman, and held that office during the expedition to Vienna +in 1529. In due course he was discharged from the palace, and +appointed to high office outside. He soon reached the grade of +<i>Agha</i>, or general or the <i>Ghurebas</i>, the lowest of the four divisions +of the regular cavalry, and was then promoted to be <i>Agha</i> of the +<i>Spahi-oghlans</i>, the highest of the cavalry divisions. Next he +became second equerry and later first equerry (<i>Emir-al-Akhor</i>), +then <i>Agha</i> of the Janissaries, then <i>Beylerbey</i> of Rumelia. In the +last capacity he attended the sultan in the Persian war of 1548-1549. +As a reward for special services in the war he was made +pasha of Egypt in 1549, and at the time of his departure was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span> +nominated vizier. Returning to Constantinople in 1553, he +was made third vizier, and upon the death of Rustem in 1561, he +became grand vizier. Because of jealousies and enmities caused +by his promotions he had hardly a friend left; nevertheless, he +was able to hold the favor of Suleiman until his death in 1565.<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a></p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_III_II_V"><span class="smcap">Punishments</span></h4> + +<p>The system did not attempt to rely wholly upon the glittering +attractions of indefinite promotion and enormously increasing +wealth. Not all men can be allured to remain unswervingly +within a narrow path of strict obedience and whole-hearted +service. Pages and <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> were held to severe discipline +by sufficient and certain punishment; but their teachers and +eunuch masters were required to keep that punishment within +bounds by the certainty of yet severer punishment.<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> +might be beaten, or sold out of the sultan’s service. +After the close of the strictly educational period, punishment, +like reward, followed continuously the law of proportionate +increase. The higher the position, the heavier the punishment +of being passed over in promotion, or of being actually degraded. +Fines and confiscations also grew with rank. At no great height +in the scale, the personal punishments reached that of death, +and death was always very near the highest officials. Any +tendency toward treason or revolt, any act of disobedience, +sometimes a plot against a higher official, sometimes even a +disagreement with the sultan in a matter of policy,<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> would lead +to sudden execution. The viziers of Selim I carried their wills +in their bosoms; and well they might, since the heads of seven +are said to have fallen at his command.<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a></p> + +<p>Thus was the system carefully kept clear of all the human +material that seemed to endanger its working or threaten its +unity. There was no sympathy for weakness, no accepting of +excuses, no suspension of sentence, no mercy. Suleiman did<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span> +not always have the heart to execute promptly; but in the end +he had no alternative, so remorseless was the system. Even +his best friend, Ibrahim, went too far and had to be removed. +Two of his sons, the oldest and ablest, threatened the system +in turn, and one after the other suffered the bow-string. Small +wonder that Suleiman’s soul was not filled with joy at the victory +of Jerbé. “Those who saw Solyman’s face in this hour of +triumph,” says Busbecq, “failed to detect in it the slightest +trace of undue elation. I can myself positively declare, that when +I saw him two days later on his way to the mosque, the expression +of his countenance was unchanged; his stern features had +lost nothing of their habitual gloom; one would have thought +that the victory concerned him not, and that this startling +success of his arms had caused him no surprise. So self-contained +was the heart of that grand old man, so schooled to meet each +change of fortune however great, that all the applause and +triumph of that day wrung from him no sign of satisfaction.”<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> +Arbiter of the destinies of so many men, compelled to be remorseless +as fate, Suleiman could allow joy no place in his soul. He +who wielded as severe a rod as ever man held must maintain +over himself the sternest discipline of all.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br> +<span class="smaller">THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS AN ARMY</span></h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_I"><span class="smcap">The Military Aspect</span></h3> + +<p>The Ottoman government had been an army before it was +anything else. Like the Turkish nations of the steppe lands, +the Ottoman nation was “born of war and organized for conquest.”<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> +Fighting was originally the first business of the state +and governing the second. As time went on, and particularly +after the capture of Constantinople, the necessity of administering +immense territories transferred the preponderance to the +governmental aspect; but even in Suleiman’s time the two great +functions of the Ruling Institution were very closely united. +War carried practically the whole government into the field.<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a> +Of course substitute officials had to be left behind to attend to +what public business was absolutely necessary, but these were +paralleled by, and indeed were usually identical with, the officers +and soldiers who had to be left behind to preserve public order. +So completely was the government an army, that the more +important judges, who did not belong directly to the Ruling +Institution, were taken into the field. Suleiman on his last +campaign had 48,316 men under pay.<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> Acceptance of the sultan’s +pay by ordinary usage signified that the recipient was a <i>kul</i>.<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> +Evidently, then, almost the entire personnel of the Ruling<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span> +Institution, except the younger pages and the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> +who were as yet unfit, accompanied the master to war.<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> In fact, +army and government were one. War was the external purpose, +government the internal purpose, of one institution, composed +of one body of men. On the military side, this institution +carried on war abroad, repressed revolt at home, kept itself in +power, and preserved sufficient order in the empire to allow a +busy and varied economic and social activity. On the governmental +side, it supplied itself with funds, regulated its own workings,—which +was no small task,—kept the operations of the +other institutions of the empire in order, and enforced the law. +The high officials of government held high command in war. +The generals of the army had extensive administrative duties in +regard to the affairs of the troops under them, the management +of departments of state, or the government of provinces.</p> + +<p>The scope of the present treatise confines the discussion of +the Ruling Institution as an army to those features which lie +nearest the governmental aspect. The great majority of its +members constituted the standing army of the empire, in the +two great sections of Janissaries, or infantry, and <i>Spahis</i> of the +Porte, or cavalry. Subordinate sections cared for the artillery +and transport services, and for other necessary adjuncts to campaigning. +Although the feudal <i>Spahis</i> did not receive pay from +the sultan, and hence were not properly <i>kullar</i>, their officers +were his slaves, even though many of them were supported +during their term of service from fiefs. Besides these regular +troops there were also attached to the Ottoman army certain +irregular bodies of a lower order,—the <i>Akinji</i>, the <i>Azabs</i>, the +Kurds, and so on.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_II"><span class="smcap">The Janissaries</span><a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a></h3> + +<p>The body of regular infantry known as <i>Yenicheri</i>, or “new +troops,” a name which the West has changed to Janissaries,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span> +comes near to standing in the Western imagination for the +sultan’s entire slave-family.<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> In the sixteenth century, however, +it formed not more than a fourth of the whole number; nor does +its importance seem to have been beyond its numerical proportion, +except in one or two respects. Since its members were +physically trained beyond comparison with their intellectual +education, since they were kept in poverty and hence were comparatively +irresponsible, and since a large portion of them were +in comparative idleness in time of peace, they were liable to +act as an organized and very dangerous mob. They might +start a riot on short notice, or burn a section of the city in order +to pillage the neighboring houses, or rifle the shops of the Jews, +or plunder the grand vizier’s establishment.<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> They could not +easily be restrained from plundering cities which had capitulated +or from violating terms of surrender.<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> They felt that the +death of a sultan gave them an interregnum of license before the +accession of a new sovereign.<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a> They demanded donatives at +the succession of a new ruler with such increasing rapacity as +to embarrass the treasury;<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> and they needed to be braced at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span> +critical moments by liberal presents.<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a> In time of battle, however, +they drew up an invincible line behind which the person of their +sovereign was as safe as in an impregnable fortress. Their +devotion to his person was the greater because they were in a +special sense his <i>kullar</i>, and because he was one of them, being +inscribed in one of their <i>odas</i> and receiving his pay regularly.<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> +In small groups on garrison duty their severe training seems to +have made of them an efficient police.<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> Yet their <i>esprit de corps</i>, +resting on consciousness of power, made them feared at all times. +They took an active part in determining the destinies of the +empire in two ways,—by limiting conquests, and by influencing +the succession to the throne.<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a> They compelled the mighty +Selim to turn back from both Persia and Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a> They murmured +before Vienna, and without doubt hastened the raising +of the siege.<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_III"><span class="smcap">The Succession to the Throne</span></h3> + +<p>The Janissaries had no small influence in determining the +succession to the throne.<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a> There was no law fixing the succession, +since neither the <i>Sheri</i> nor the <i>Kanuns</i> provided for such +things;<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> but it was a matter of fundamental custom that a prince<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span> +of the house of Osman should rule, and it was almost as fundamental +that a son of a sultan should succeed him. Not until +1617 was the present rule established, by which the oldest male +of the royal house is heir apparent.<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> Before that, when a sultan +had several sons, the eldest had no inherent right to succeed, +as is the practice in Western Europe. The Turkish father +naturally desired to choose which of his sons should follow him; +and to this end, when he gave them provincial governments, he +often placed the favorite nearest the capital. After Mohammed +II had issued his famous <i>Kanun</i>, by which the son who reached +the throne was legally authorized to execute his brothers,<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a> a +situation of unstable equilibrium arose as soon as the sons of a +sultan began to grow up. Each knew that he must either +obtain the throne or die soon after his father; hence revolt was +almost forced upon a son who found himself placed farther from +the capital than a favored brother. When Bayezid II grew old +and feeble, his active and warlike son Selim opposed his wish +to leave the empire to Achmet;<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> in the end Selim triumphed, +and Bayezid, forced to abdicate, met a death that was believed +by many not to have been natural.<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a> The Janissaries turned +the scale in this struggle, and henceforth they were felt to be a +dangerous element whenever a sultan came to have more than +one grown son. They had a great part in the death of both +Mustapha and Bayezid, the ablest sons of Suleiman; indeed, +their sympathy for the former was undoubtedly a chief reason +in determining Suleiman to execute him, since only thus could +his own safety be assured.<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> In the case of Bayezid, the fact +that the Janissaries did not support him spelled his doom, even +though his father, beyond all precedent, pardoned his first revolt,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span> +and though the influence of his mother Roxelana was strong in +his favor.<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a> Speculation is dangerous; but the Janissaries may +have done Western Europe a great service on these occasions. +Had either Mustapha or Bayezid come to the throne instead +of the drunken and dissolute Selim II, the issue of Lepanto +might have been different, a new expedition against Vienna led +by a vigorous and idolized young monarch might have succeeded, +the Ottoman power might have ruled more widely and +permanently than it did, and the decay of the Ruling Institution +might have been long postponed.<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a></p> + +<p>The Janissaries in Suleiman’s time numbered between twelve +and fourteen thousand;<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> and this number probably did not +include the garrison which supported the power of the empire +in Egypt,<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> still less that which upheld the corsair rule in North +Africa. Except in time of war many of the Janissaries were distributed +in garrisons, so that probably not more than half resided +in the capital.<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a> Such of these as were married lived at home, and +the others were lodged in two great barracks.<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> They were organized +in messes of ten; ten messes constituted an <i>orta</i> or <i>oda</i>, of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span> +which there were one hundred and sixty-five in Suleiman’s time.<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> +Each <i>orta</i> had its officers, who had been promoted from its ranks; +and above all the <i>ortas</i> was a graded set of officers, under the +<i>Agha</i>, or general, of the Janissaries.<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> This official had never +been a Janissary, but had come through the colleges of pages.<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a> +He not merely commanded the Janissaries, but was a sort of +minister of war for them. Aided by his <i>Kiaya</i>, or lieutenant,<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> +his chief <i>Yaziji</i>, or scribe, and a bureau of clerks, he directed +their enrolment, the distribution of their pay, their promotions, +their location, the purchase of their supplies and clothing, and +all the other business of the corps. He was well paid and was +of great authority, outranking all other generals, though on +some occasions he was obliged to yield precedence to two of +the generals of cavalry, whose corps were older than those of +the Janissaries.<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a></p> + +<p>The Janissaries had a regular ladder of promotion through +the offices of their <i>odas</i> and above, as far as the position of +<i>Segban-bashi</i>, which was the office next below that of <i>Agha</i>.<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a> +One hundred and fifty of their best bowmen were honored by +being detailed to accompany the sultan on the march, as his +<i>Solaks</i>.<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> They might also for distinguished ability or service +be taken into the regular cavalry, and have all its opportunities +open to them. No less than the rest of the army, they kept<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span> +marvellous order in camp, and, except at the crises above described, +were completely obedient to their officers.<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a> They were +punishable only by their own officers, not even the grand vizier +having direct jurisdiction over them.<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> They had a strong sense +of maintaining their privileges and what they considered to be +their rights. Busbecq, who gives illumination at so many +points, shows how the grand vizier Rustem, and even Suleiman +himself, felt toward these men when they were all together and +their blood was hot. On one occasion Busbecq’s servants +quarreled with some Janissaries, and he was disposed to back +his men up; whereupon Rustem sent a trusty messenger to +him with a verbal message, asking him “to remove every cause +of offence which might occasion a quarrel with those atrocious +scoundrels. Was I not aware,” he asked, “that it was war +time, when they were masters, so that not even Solyman himself +had control over them, and was actually himself afraid of +receiving violence at their hands?”<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> Great care had to be +taken to keep the Janissaries under control, for they were capable +of wrecking the whole government. They were, to be sure, +constantly drained of their ablest men by promotion; but this +only left the others the more liable, like sheep, to follow a new +leader into evil. They could be repressed more or less by punishment: +now and then an especially active promoter of trouble +was executed;<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> officers who offended were sometimes sent to +command distant garrisons, and sometimes they were stricken +from the roll.<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> Suleiman succeeded, on the whole, in keeping +the Janissaries in hand, and he was able to lead them farther +east than could his father Selim. They never revolted against +him,<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> and they supported him against Bayezid.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_IV"><span class="smcap">The Spahis of the Porte</span><a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a></h3> + +<p>The regular cavalry were all included under the general name +of <i>Spahis</i>, or horsemen; but the name was also applied to one +of the four divisions into which Osman’s corps of daring riders +had been organized after the model of the cavalry of the caliph +Omar I.<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> Their organization was older than that of the Janissaries; +it had come down continuously from the early days.<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a> +The members were not organized into a single body, they had +high pay, and they were in the presence of excellent opportunities +to acquire wealth and to rise with rapidity. Accordingly, +they appear never to have caused Suleiman any special trouble.<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a></p> + +<p>The four corps were the <i>Spahis</i> in the narrower sense, often +called <i>Spahi-Oghlans</i>; the <i>Silihdars</i>, or weapon-bearers; the +<i>Ulufajis</i>, or paid troops, in two divisions, the left and the right; +and the <i>Ghurebas</i>, or Foreign Legion, also in two divisions, the +left and the right.<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> The <i>Spahis</i> were most honored and best +paid, but each had to bring with him to war five or six armed +slaves on horseback. The <i>Silihdars</i> had less pay and furnished +four or five horsemen. The <i>Ulufajis</i> furnished two or three +horsemen each.<a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> These three corps were recruited from the +pages and the Janissaries, the <i>Ulufajis</i> receiving also occasional +members by special promotions from the irregular troops.<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a> +The Foreign Legion had least pay of all, and its members came +alone; not having begun as the sultan’s <i>kullar</i>, and often not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span> +even as Ottomans, they enjoyed small honor.<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> Each of the +first two corps, and each division of the last two corps of the +<i>Spahis</i> of the Porte, was organized separately after the fashion +of the Janissaries, with its own general, who supervised the +administration of all its affairs.<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> The number of the <i>Spahis</i> +of the Porte is given on two bases. In Suleiman’s time the actual +members of the four corps counted from ten to twelve thousand +men, or a little less than the number of the Janissaries;<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> but, +since most of them had each to bring from two to six additional +horsemen, the total force which they assembled was from forty +to fifty thousand.<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> Whether the entire number or only the actual +members were regularly considered to be the sultan’s <i>kullar</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span> +under his pay, does not appear clearly. Probably he did not +pay the additional horsemen directly; for strictly speaking, they +were <i>kullar</i> of his <i>kullar</i>. In time of battle all the regular troops, +<i>Spahis</i> and Janissaries alike, were drawn up to protect the sultan, +the Janissaries being aligned in front, the <i>Spahis</i> proper on the +right, the <i>Silihdars</i> on the left, and the <i>Ulufajis</i> and <i>Ghurebas</i> +in the rear.<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_V"><span class="smcap">The Feudal Spahis</span><a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a></h3> + +<p>Outside the towns the greater part of the European dominions +of the sultan, and a large part of Asia Minor, were granted in +fief to Moslems who were for the most part not <i>kullar</i> of the +sultan.<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> They deserve to be considered in a discussion of the +government, however, not only because they collected the +revenues and exercised seigniorial jurisdiction in their estates,<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a> +but also because they were officered by the sultan’s <i>kullar</i>. +The estates were of different sizes and were reckoned in three +classes: <i>timars</i>, when the yearly revenue was under twenty +thousand aspers; <i>ziamets</i>, when it was twenty thousand to one +hundred thousand aspers; <i>khasses</i>, when it was over one hundred<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span> +thousand aspers.<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> <i>Timars</i> might be united into a <i>ziamet</i>, but +<i>ziamets</i> could not be divided.<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> Every fief-holder must appear +in person when summoned to war. If the annual income of a +<i>Timarji</i>, or Timariote, reached six thousand aspers, he must +bring with him an armed horseman; and he must bring another +for each additional three thousand aspers of his revenue. The +holder of a larger fief must bring with him an armed horseman +if his income amounted to ten thousand aspers, and another +horseman for each additional five thousand aspers of income.<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a> +In the sixteenth century this service was strictly exacted, and the +fief-holders were held to residence on their estates. The principle +of heredity entered into the distribution of these estates, but +under limitations. One son of the holder of a small fief had a +right to the fief;<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a> not more than three sons of the holder of a +large fief were entitled to small fiefs.<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> The sons of <i>kullar</i> in +high position might receive fiefs large in proportion to the rank +of their father;<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a> by this means they were honorably conveyed +from the ruling Institution into the Moslem population. The +<i>Zaims</i> and Timariotes, as the holders of the corresponding fiefs +were named, were a class of country gentlemen, honest, sober, +true to the Moslem faith and to the sultan, better in morals than +the <i>kullar</i> if not so able of intellect, the substantial middle class +of the empire, ancestors of those who today give hope that +Turkey may become a modern nation. It was these who gave +the first training to the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, starting them well on the +road from Christianity to Islam, and preparing them to become +members of the Ottoman nation.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span></p> + +<p>In the time of Suleiman the system of fiefs had become greatly +disarranged.<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> The distribution of them had been left to the +local governors, and corruption had crept in; the frequent +wars also had led to rapid changes and consequent confusion. +Moreover, the army always contained a large number of <i>Gonnullu</i>, +or volunteers, who came at their own expense, and fought +with the hope, often realized, of receiving the fiefs of slain men +as the reward of signally brave conduct.<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> It is said that during +the course of a single bloody day one fief changed owners seven +times. If fiefs might thus be granted in the midst of battle, +it is not easy to see how a condition of reasonable order could +have been preserved in the feudal system. Suleiman, therefore, +by a <i>Kanun</i> of the year 1530, attached the granting of all fiefs +above a certain size once more to the central government.<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> +Each holder of such a fief must obtain a <i>teskereh</i>, or document, +from Constantinople, in order to have good title.<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a> The central +treasury administered such estates during vacancies. Only +those fief-holders who held by <i>teskereh</i> were entitled to be called +<i>Spahis</i>;<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> the others were known as <i>Timarjis</i>, or Timariotes. +The feudal <i>Spahis</i> of Anatolia were more under the authority +of the governor than were those of Europe; they were not so well +paid, did not have so much practice in fighting, and were not so +highly esteemed as soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a></p> + +<p>Thus the country gentry were kept under good control; the +accumulation of estates was prevented, any tendency toward +independence could easily be thwarted, and the sultan obtained +regularly the service for which the lands were granted. In +addition, most of the subject Christian population was governed +locally without any trouble to the sultan, and was held down +well and uniformly by resident seigneurs. A great advantage<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span> +of the system was that, by the granting of new fiefs in newly-conquered +lands, the territorial army was automatically increased +in proportion to the increase of the empire.<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_VI"><span class="smcap">Officers of the Feudal Spahis</span></h3> + +<p>Local government and the command of the feudal <i>Spahis</i> +was cared for by officials who belonged to the sultan’s great +slave-family, and who brought with them to their posts a number, +proportioned to their rank, of <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte, pages, <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, +and slaves of their own. The lowest of these officers +were the <i>Subashis</i>, or captains, who were in time of peace governors +of towns, with enough Janissaries and <i>Azabs</i>, or irregular +infantry, to police the locality.<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> Next above these were the +<i>Alai Beys</i>, or colonels, who in time of peace were ready with a +company of from two hundred to five hundred troops to pass +from place to place as there might be need.<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> Above these again +were the <i>Sanjak Beys</i>, who governed important cities and held +superior rule over a number of towns and the district in which +they lay.<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> Finally, in the Balkan Peninsula and in Western +Asia Minor there was from of old a <i>Beylerbey</i>, who had authority +over all the <i>Beys</i> of his region. Incomes were provided by the +assignment of fiefs proportioned in size to each officer’s importance.<a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a> +All of these officers of local government had a sufficient +staff of lieutenants, treasurers, book-keepers and clerks.<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> The +<i>Beylerbey</i> of Rumelia resided in time of peace at Constantinople. +The <i>Beylerbey</i> of Anatolia seems to have spent much time in his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span> +dominions,<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> though undoubtedly he was often at the capital, +since he had his regular place in the Divan.</p> + +<p>In time of war this official scheme, detached from its function +of local government, drew together the feudal <i>Spahis</i>, section +by section, into a perfectly organized territorial army for each +of the two regions. Notice of time and place was sent round, +and within a month every man called had joined his proper +standard.<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a> After uniting with the sultan’s regular army, the +army of Rumelia under its <i>Beylerbey</i> had the right of the battle-line +when fighting in Europe, and the army of Anatolia under +its <i>Beylerbey</i> had the right of the line when fighting in Asia.<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> +The enrolled feudal troops of Europe numbered about fifty +thousand, and those of Asia, including Anatolia, Karamania, +Amasia, and Avandole, thirty thousand.<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> In each case the +number should be doubled or tripled to allow for the additional +horsemen which all the <i>Spahis</i> were required to bring.<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> On the +other hand, a considerable proportion of the feudal troops,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span> +sometimes estimated at one-half,<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> remained on duty at home +in time of war to protect the provinces and prevent uprisings. +The feudal troops, while brave, eager, and regardless of their +lives, had not the physical strength nor the practice of fighting +in squadrons which the regular troops had, and hence were not +their equals.</p> + +<p>The <i>Beylerbeys</i> of Rumelia and Anatolia were called out with +their troops for every campaign. The eight other <i>Beylerbeys</i> +of Suleiman’s time,—those of Karamania, Amasia, Avandole, +Syria, Mesopotamia, Egypt, Hungary,<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> and Temesvar,<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>—who +had fewer feudal troops at command and more need of them +at home, were summoned only when the war was in their region.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_VII"><span class="smcap">Other Bodies of Troops</span></h3> + +<p>There were three principal bodies of irregular troops, the +<i>Akinji</i> or cavalry, the <i>Azabs</i> or infantry, and the Kurds; besides +various smaller groups, such as the descendants of the ancient +corps of <i>Yayas</i> and <i>Mosellems</i>, who held fiefs of a sort in the +oldest <i>sanjaks</i> of the empire, and the <i>Deli</i> or “crazy” company +of scouts.<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a> The <i>Akinji</i> numbered perhaps thirty thousand in +time of peace and were mainly near the European frontier, where +they made a living by raiding. They received no pay either in +peace or in war, but gathered booty and slaves and hoped for +promotion.<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> The <i>Azabs</i> numbered perhaps ten thousand in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span> +peace and forty thousand in war.<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> Some of them served in the +garrisons and some with the fleet.<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> The number of the <i>Akinjis</i> +and <i>Azabs</i> was greatly augmented in time of war by the addition +of volunteers, many of whom were criminals and ruffians.<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> +The irregular troops were the terror of the invaded lands in war +time; for the regular army was held under iron discipline, but +these irresponsible creatures carried fire, rapine, and sword over +wide areas of country. In time of siege and battle the <i>Azabs</i> +were sent forward to break the charge of the enemy, or to aid in +filling the moats by their own bodies.<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> Such as lived were +rewarded generously; the rest were believed to pass at once by +a martyr’s death to heavenly reward.<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a> The Kurds lay near the +Persian frontier to the number of about thirty thousand. Individuals +among the <i>Akinji</i>, <i>Azabs</i>, and Kurds might hope to +become gentlemen through distinguished bravery, by being made +<i>Ulufajis</i> among the <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte.<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a></p> + +<p>Attached to the regular army there were also various auxiliary +corps of armorers, cannoneers, men of transport service, +musicians, commissaries, and the like, to the number of three +or four thousand in all.<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a> The Tartars of the Crimea, and the +Moldavians and Wallachians, were also obliged to furnish contingents.<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> +All told, the enrolled strength of the entire army +was something more or less than two hundred thousand men. +But, since the <i>Spahis</i> were required to bring other fighting men +with them in proportion to their revenues, since numerous slaves +and private servants accompanied the soldiers, and since the +feudal and irregular troops were joined by great numbers of +volunteers, both horse and foot, high and low, the complete<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span> +army for the greatest expeditions probably numbered about +three hundred thousand men.<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> At the close of Suleiman’s +reign the paid nucleus was about fifty thousand strong; the +feudal <i>Spahis</i> for a European campaign numbered about +sixty thousand, with perhaps a like number of helpers. The +remaining troops were of no great value in battle, unless to +break the first shock of the enemy’s charge. They served +chiefly to lay waste the hostile country and to gather booty and +slaves.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_VIII"><span class="smcap">Discipline and Ardor</span></h3> + +<p>Contemporary observers were strongly impressed with the +wonderful discipline and intense zeal for fighting that was seen +among the Turks. The silence, order, and cleanliness of the +camps, the absolute obedience, enforced if need be by severe +punishments and executions, the submissiveness to long marches, +hard labor, and scanty food, the eagerness for battle, the joy +in conflict, the recklessness of life, presented a perfection of +discipline, self-control, and single-hearted purpose that seemed +miraculous. A few of the many witnesses may be heard briefly:</p> + +<p>“The Turks come together for war as though they had been +invited to a wedding.”<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a></p> + +<p>“The Great Turk is the best obeyed by his subjects of all the +lords that I know.”<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a></p> + +<p>“I think there is no prince in all the world who has his armies +and camps in better order, both as regards the abundance of +victuals and of all other necessities which are usually provided, +and as regards the beautiful order and manner they use, in encamping +without any confusion or embarrassment.”<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a></p> + +<p>“Their military discipline has such justice and severity as +easily to surpass the ancient Greeks and Romans; the Turks +surpass our soldiers for three reasons: they obey their commanders +promptly; they never show the least concern for their +lives in battle; they can live a long time without bread and wine, +content with barley and water.”<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a></p> + +<p>“Peace and silence reign in a Turkish camp.... Such is +the result produced by military discipline, and the stern laws +bequeathed them by their ancestors.”<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a></p> + +<p>“It is marvellous how the force and rigor of justice increase +in war.... If the soldiers rob or beat, the head comes off, +or they are so beaten that they can never be well again.”<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span></p> + +<p>“They keep the divinest order in the world.”<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a></p> + +<p>“In truth the discipline could not be better, nor the obedience +greater.”<a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a></p> + +<p>“For such as are acquainted with the Histories of the Turkish +affaires, and doe aduisedly looke into the order and course of +their proceedinges: doe well perceiue, that the chiefest cause +of their sodaine and fearefull puissaunce, hath beene the excellence +of their Martial discipline joyned with a singular desire +and resolution to aduaunce and enlarge both the bounds of their +Empire and the profession of their Religion. The which was +alwaies accompanied with such notable Policie and prudence, +that the singularitie of their vertue and good gouernment, +hath made their Armes alwaies fearefull and fortunate, and +consequently, hath caused the greatnesse of their estate.”<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_IX"><span class="smcap">The Supreme Command</span></h3> + +<p>The sultan was commander-in-chief of the entire army, +standing, feudal, and irregular. When the army was summoned +for a great campaign, it gathered about him; on the march and +in camp every body of troops had its place with reference to him;<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> +in formation of battle, he was the central point about which the +whole vast display was organized. When the army was assembled, +and then only, the sultan stood forth visibly and palpably +as the head and center of the Ruling Institution and of the +Ottoman nation upon which it rested. His <i>kullar</i> were gathered +about him in devotion of body and soul; they were going forth +under his leadership against the infidel or the heretic; they were +manifesting the results of the long and careful training that he +had given them; they marched, encamped, and fought under +his eye and command; they formed an honored and privileged<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span> +nucleus in the midst of a vast, loyal, and ambitious national +army; they surrounded and served him as monarch with a splendor +seen at no other time;<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a> with complete apparatus of council, +ministry, treasury, and chancery, they carried on his government +from whatever city, valley, mountain, or plain he might +be occupying. Here was the Ruling Institution in being, exhibiting +in varying degrees all its aspects, revealing its essential +unity, enforcing the despotic will of its master, commander-in-chief, +and chief executive.</p> + +<p>The very greatness and unity of the Ruling Institution as an +army was not without serious disadvantages. The power could +not wisely be delegated, and the army could not effectively be +divided. At the opening of the campaign of 1529 Suleiman +issued to Ibrahim a commission as <i>Seraskier</i>, or general of the +army, which placed the Ruling Institution, the Moslem Institution, +the Ottoman nation and all the subject nations under his +command. The Sultan’s order ran as follows: “My Viziers, +<i>Beylerbeys</i>, Judges of the Army, Jurists, Judges, <i>Seids</i>, <i>Sheiks</i>, +Dignitaries of the Court and Supports of the Empire, <i>Sanjak +Beys</i>, Generals of Cavalry or of Infantry, <i>Alai Beys</i>, <i>Subashis</i>, +<i>Cheribashis</i>, and all the victorious Soldiery great and small, +high and low, the Officials and Appointees, all inhabitants of +My kingdoms and lands, the people of city and country, rich +and poor, distinguished and ordinary, and all men are to recognize +My above-named Grand Vizier as <i>Seraskier</i> ... and to +consider all that he says and desires as a command from My +own mouth....”<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> This was a delegation of the supreme +command of the army and all the human military resources of +the empire to Ibrahim. Since Suleiman himself went on this +campaign, the supreme command was not then exercised apart +from the sultan’s presence. Four years later, however, Ibrahim, +clothed with the same authority, was sent ahead to open the +Persian campaign. On the return march he added the title of +Sultan to that of <i>Seraskier</i> in issuing his daily orders.<a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> Perhaps<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span> +he felt like Pepin the Short, that he who had the power of king +should also bear the name. But Suleiman was no <i>roi fainéant</i>; +Ibrahim had gone too far, the empire could have but one head, +and Ibrahim suffered the bow-string.<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> Suleiman profited by +the experience; he appointed no more <i>Seraskiers</i> with such +exalted powers, but himself led the army when it was assembled +as a whole. The campaign of Szigeth was the thirteenth which +he directed in person.<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> The precedent of delegating the supreme +command was, however, a fatal one; for Selim the Sot and all +his successors were to use this method to avoid the exertion of +campaigning, and from this step was to date the beginning of +the empire’s downfall.<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> “This so constituted organization had +need of two things: it needed for its animation a man filled himself +with a vivid spirit and free and mighty impulses, and to give +it movement and activity it required continual campaigns and +progressive conquests; in a word, war and a warlike chief.”<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a> +When another than the sultan should become head of the Ruling +Institution as visibly assembled, and yet be only an official +removable at a cloistered monarch’s caprice, the army would +lose the keystone of its organization, and ere long victory would +depart from its banners.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_IV_X"><span class="smcap">Indivisibility of the Army</span></h3> + +<p>The essential oneness of the army, based on the sultan’s ownership +of the standing body of cavalry and infantry and its attachment +to his person,<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a> and on the incapacity of the territorial +armies to carry on great campaigns alone, was also a fact injurious +to the Ottoman power. At the accession of Selim I, the empire +had been nearly identical in territory with the Byzantine Empire<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span> +under the Macedonian dynasty. No great power had marched +with it. The conquests of Selim in the East and of Suleiman in +Hungary had pushed the frontiers to the borders of two great +powers: Persia on the east and Austria on the west remained +henceforth constantly hostile in feeling and often hostile in fact +to the Ottoman Empire.<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> They were so far away from the Ottoman +capital that the road to either was a journey of months for +the army, and relations with both were often disturbed at the +same time; but there was only one great army, and there could +be only one serious war. If, while war was in progress on one +frontier, conditions became intolerable on the other, it was necessary +to make peace on what terms could be had, and carry the +army to the other extremity of the empire. Thus, Suleiman and +Ibrahim concluded the peace of 1533 with Charles and Ferdinand, +in order to be free to proceed against Persia at once;<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> and thus +Suleiman was obliged to arrange terms with Ferdinand in 1547, +in order to march against Persia in 1548.<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> Had a Cardinal Cesarini +absolved Charles and Ferdinand from either treaty, and +had they been able to act, they could have marched to Constantinople +in 1534, 1535, or 1548 against practically no resistance.<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> +On the other hand, had the Ottoman standing army been divisible, +and separable from the person of the monarch, the Sultan +could have kept a steady pressure at both frontiers; and by +taking advantage of opportunities he might have conquered far +to the west and north, and realized his ambition of adding all +the heretical Persian dominions to his empire so as to reach<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span> +the Chinese frontier, and of sending the horsetail standards to the +Atlantic shore of North Africa.<a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> Or he might have carried out +the intention expressed through Ibrahim in 1533—which was +quite in keeping with his character—of aiding the Emperor +Charles V to enforce unity of religious belief upon the Protestants +and the pope.<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> It is interesting to notice that Austria possessed +two great advantages over Persia in the wars with Turkey. +The Ottomans did not wish to pass the winter in the cold north, +but they did not object seriously to staying in Aleppo or Bagdad. +This attitude probably saved Vienna for Austria and lost Bagdad +for Persia. Again, since the journey from Vienna to Constantinople +was much easier than that from Tabriz to Constantinople, +the Austrians could have reached Constantinople while the +Ottoman army was in the East, whereas the Persians could not +have reached Constantinople while the Ottomans were in Austria. +This advantage remained theoretical, however, in Suleiman’s +time, since neither Austria nor Persia was ever able to attempt +invasion.</p> + +<p>Thus the inherent character of the Ottoman Ruling Institution, +as a single magnificent army united under the supreme +command of the sultan, made the institution incapable of adaptation +to an indefinitely expanding empire, and so set bounds, +certain as those of fate, to Ottoman conquest. The sultan had +but one arm; it was a long arm and a strong one, yet it could +reach only a fixed distance, and it could strike but one blow.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V<br> +<span class="smaller">THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS A NOBILITY AND A COURT</span></h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_V_I"><span class="smcap">I. Privileges of the Kullar</span></h3> + +<p>No disgrace was attached to the condition of being the sultan’s +slave; on the contrary, the title of <i>kul</i> was felt to be an honor. +Boys longed to bear it.<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> No one who had it desired to be rid +of it. It carried marked distinction and secured deference +everywhere. Those who revealed by their costume, bearing, or +assertion that they were the sultan’s property were treated with +the consideration always granted in monarchies to property and +persons closely related to the sovereign.</p> + +<p>This honor shown to the <i>kullar</i> rested, however, on no mere +servile attachment to the sultan and on no mere fear of an +Oriental despot. The sultan’s slaves from lowest to highest +were set off from his subjects by a distinct set of privileges which +in Western minds were associated only with nobility. Besides +a general protection over them all by means of careful registration +and watchful organization, the sultan bestowed upon all +his <i>kullar</i> the personal rights of immunity from taxation,<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> and +responsibility to none but their own officials and courts and to +him.<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> At the same time he freed them all from anxiety about +the necessities of life, and enabled most of them to enjoy its +luxuries, by regular pay from his treasury, or, in the case of some +high officials, by revenues from ample estates. In return for +these privileges they were all sternly required to render him +honorable service, usually of a military character. This service +was not always of a character that the West considered honorable. +The labors of the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, and the foot service of the Janissaries +and auxiliary corps were not noble in Christian feudalism,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span> +which knew no implements but sword and spear and fought from +the back of a horse. But these humble slaves of the sultan +possessed the same privileges as the highest, and any service +was honorable which would make their muscles stronger for +fighting and teach them to contribute to the sultan’s military +undertakings on sea and land. All members of the sultan’s +family were supposed to use their income in strengthening his +military forces. Janissaries had pay for themselves alone. +<i>Ghurebas</i> had only enough to keep themselves and one horse +for each man. Other <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte brought additional +horsemen in accordance with their pay. Higher officials were +expected to support armed households large in proportion to +their revenues. After the model of the sultan’s household, +every <i>kul</i> according to his means built up a military establishment +which followed him and his master to war.</p> + +<p>Immunity from taxation grew naturally out of the slave +status. There would be no advantage to the sultan in exacting +taxes from persons whom he supported and who were supposed +to devote all their energies to his service and use all their income +for him. As long as the Ruling Institution was kept firmly to +its purpose, pressure was applied, not so that successful <i>kullar</i> +would surrender part of their income to the master, but so that +they would bring as large a contingent as possible to fight his +battles. Suleiman’s grand vizier, Rustem, following a long-disused +precedent of the time of Bayezid I,<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a>—a reign which had +in various ways foreshadowed later evils,—established a tax +upon the greater offices of the empire;<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> but, since the sultan +did not receive the whole of such charges, the custom amounted +to the sale of offices. Not only was such a practice out of harmony +with the theory of the Ruling Institution, but it proved +very injurious in operation, and was rightly accounted one of +the causes of the decay of the empire. The sultan took pay at +the granting of an office, and so presently did every official from +the men under him; until in time the practice became so systematized<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span> +that a regular tariff was arranged and brought into +use on the occasion of every appointment.<a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> Those who thus +were put to great expense on coming into office felt the necessity +of recouping themselves by whatever means lay in their power.<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> +Hence arose not merely oppression of the sultan’s subjects, +both Christian and Moslem, but also a partial recovery of losses +at the expense of the sultan himself. His servants were forced +to devote to personal affairs a large part of the attention that +should have been all his, and to curtail by various devices the +contingent which they furnished for his military service. When +the members of the Ruling Institution began to prey upon +each other, the grand vizier, on behalf of the sultan, taking the +lead, the solidarity of the institution began to be broken. It +may be true that in the West, as Montesquieu said, the honor +of a monarchy was not inconsistent with the sale of office;<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> but +in the Ottoman Empire it opened the door to fatal corruption.</p> + +<p>The members of the Ruling Institution had not always had +their own system of justice; they had long been under the +jurisdiction of the ordinary Moslem courts. This had led to an +essential difficulty; the ordinary courts were part of another +institution and were recruited in a wholly different way; their +judges had risen through a rival system of education, and were +men of letters rather than men of war; the favored <i>kullar</i> of +the sultan had, therefore, come to feel averse to obeying them.<a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a> +Accordingly, Bayezid II had ordered that the members of his +family should be judged by their own officers.<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a> This was a +radical change; for it brought into prominence the distinction +between the two institutions, and had the further effect of setting +off the <i>kullar</i> from all the rest of the population of the empire, +and of constituting them almost a separate nationality. Their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span> +position became one greatly to be desired. The Moslem-born +population came to feel that somewhere there was a great injustice. +They whose ancestors had shed their blood for the faith +were, in the lands which their fathers had conquered, denied +admittance to the class which not only filled most of the offices +of army and state but enjoyed high privileges. Sons of the +conquered inhabitants, infidel-born, might alone become nobles, +paid by the state rather than contributing to its expenses, not +subject to the judges trained from boyhood in the Sacred Law; +while their own Moslem sons were rigidly excluded from the +honored class, were obliged to bear a part in the burdens of the +state with small hope of sharing its glory, and were expected to +take their chances before the same courts to which Christians +and Jews were brought for civil and criminal cases. The very +extent of the privileges of the <i>kullar</i> made toward the break-down +of the system.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_V_I_I"><span class="smcap">Nobility not Hereditary</span></h4> + +<p>The privileges of the sultan’s <i>kullar</i> fell short of those of +Western nobility in one very important respect, namely, that +they could not normally be handed on to the descendants and +heirs of those privileged. This exception is so important that +various Western writers have affirmed that the Turks had no +nobles.<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a> As the word is used in this treatise, heredity is not +regarded as of the essence of nobility; the latter is considered +to lie in the possession of special personal privilege, recognized +in the structure of the state.</p> + +<p>In the early Ottoman days, several of the high offices of state +became the appanages of particular families. The family of +Kara Khalil Chendereli held the office of grand vizier continuously +for a century, and furnished an occupant of the office +at a later date.<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> The descendants of Michael of the Pointed +Beard led the <i>Akinjis</i> until the time of the first siege of Vienna.<a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span> +The family of Samsamat Chaush held the office of master of +ceremonies for generations.<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> A descendant of the thirteenth-century +poet Jelal ad-din Rumi held office under Suleiman.<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> +Some writers of the early sixteenth century said that, whereas +Osman had been aided in winning his dominions by two Greek +renegades, Michael of the Pointed Beard, and Malco, and by +Aurami or Eurcasi, a Turk, he had promised that he would +“never put hand in their blood or fail to give them a magistracy.”<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a> +The promise had been kept, and in 1537 one of the +Michaloglou was <i>Sanjak</i> in Bosnia and one of the Malcosoglou +was <i>Sanjak</i> in Greece. The other family was then extinct. +It is said that these were considered to be of royal blood, and that +in case of failure in the line of Osman the succession to the throne +would fall to them.</p> + +<p>Apart from these few exceptions, the principle of heredity in +office had been excluded from the Ottoman system by the time +of Suleiman. The Ottomans, by old Turkish rule probably +derived from the Chinese, knew no nobility apart from office +and public service. An exception was introduced by Islam in +the case of <i>Seids</i>, or <i>Emirs</i>, descendants of the Prophet; but +this modification the Ottomans did not wholly respect.<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> Accordingly, +Ottoman nobility became official,<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> personal, and without +hereditary quality. It was, in fact, the reverse of hereditary, +since nobility in the father was an actual hindrance to the son and +to all his descendants. But the <i>kullar</i> were not the only class +in the Ottoman Empire which enjoyed official, personal nobility. +The members of the Moslem Institution were also exempt from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span> +taxation, were supported out of public revenues, and were left +in enjoyment of their own government as a part of their general +jurisdiction in the empire. They had an advantage over the +<i>kullar</i> in that their property was not subject to confiscation. +Their position will be discussed later.<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a></p> + +<p>In the program of the Ruling Institution the policy of avoiding +heredity of nobility fitted in exactly with the slave system, the +educational scheme, and the army arrangements; for the knowledge +that every man was considered to be “his own ancestry,” +and that increased honor and privilege depended on achievement +alone, made every ambitious member a devoted slave, an indefatigable +learner, and a dauntless warrior. The reasons for this +policy, the method of applying it by advancement through +merit, and the vivid impression which it made on thoughtful +Western observers have been described already;<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> but for its +observance an additional reason of great weight may be mentioned. +Not only did it prevent the accumulation of property +and power in the hands of the members of one family, but it +allowed no influence to become intrenched in the offices of central +and local government. No <i>Beylerbey</i> or <i>Sanjak Bey</i> could hope +to rebel successfully. All were “but strangers and foreigners in +the countries they ruled,”<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> and held their positions by the most +insecure tenure. The Ottoman Empire was not destined to go the +way of that of Charlemagne or of the Seljuk Turks. Whatever +decay it might undergo, it could not break up into small independent +states under officials who had converted their governorships +into sovereignties, so long as its two great institutions were +maintained consistently.<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span></p> + +<p>Against this policy two main tendencies conspired, both based +on “human nature,” the strife of favor against merit, and the +desire of the excluded to share in privilege. The first was liable +to disturb the order of promotion, the second to open the system +to the sons and descendants of the officials and to other Moslems. +No one but Selim the Grim was fitted to maintain the policy +rigidly against such pressure. Suleiman yielded a little on the +first point, in such matters as the promotion of Ibrahim and +Rustem;<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> and the second began in his time to gain ground at +the bottom, by the admission of sons of Janissaries to the ranks +of the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>. Within a generation after his death, +however, the flood-gates were to be opened.<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> The body of Janissaries +and the body of <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte were gradually but +swiftly to be made Moslem and so cut off from the Ruling Institution; +the age at which the pages passed out of the palace +was to be postponed; and in time the divided Ruling Institution +was to cease to be the admiration of the West and was to become +its laughing-stock. But Suleiman was spared the sight of such +a decadence. Near the end of his reign, after Rustem and +Roxelana had ceased to disturb, the system brought to the top +one of the greatest of Ottoman statesmen, Mohammed Sokolli. +At about the same time the Moslem Institution also raised up +a great legist, Ebu su’ud.<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> These two upheld the institutions +and the empire at the height of their glory for nearly thirty years, +of which fifteen lay after the death of Suleiman.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_V_II"><span class="smcap">II. Character of the Sultan’s Court</span></h3> + +<p>In the early stages of all monarchies the household of the +prince and the government of the state have probably been +identical.<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> After the period of establishment has come to an +end and settled institutions have been organized, the household +and the government have tended to draw apart into separate and +distinct systems under different officials. Which of the two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span> +has become of the greater importance in the eyes of the sovereign +and in influence upon the policy and destiny of the +nation has depended on circumstances, and particularly on the +character of individual monarchs. While such a state has been +in a period of increase of power and influence, the government +has regularly been the more prominent: men of practical experience +in affairs and in the field have overshadowed the palace +servants. When decay and decline have set in, the household, +partly by way of cause and partly by way of effect, has risen to +supremacy: individuals of more or less secluded life, but possessing +opportunities for personal intercourse with the monarch,—favorites, +body-servants, women, and eunuchs,—have made +the men of affairs and of war dependent upon them for place and +authority. The Ottoman Empire came clearly into the stage of +differentiation between household and government after the +conquest of Constantinople in the reign of Mohammed II. In +the time of Suleiman the empire was still in the period when +government was greater than household; but clear signs were +appearing that a less active and more plastic sovereign would +turn the scale.</p> + +<p>The household of the Ottoman sultan was curiously divided +and limited. An essential difference between the courts of +Christian and Moslem monarchs was created by the seclusion +of women in Mohammedan society. In the West, women +appeared with the men of the court not only on occasions of +amusement and diversion, but also in public parades and ceremonies +of less and greater importance, and the ladies of the royal +family led the fashionable society of the land. In the East, on +the other hand, the visible court and retinue of the monarch +was wholly ungraced by the presence of the fair sex; all the great +ceremonies and cavalcades were participated in by men alone. +It seems to be a fact that, before the middle of the reign of Suleiman, +no woman resided in the entire vast palace where the +sultan spent most of his time.<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a> The women of his family were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span> +elsewhere, carefully guarded behind walls which with very few +exceptions no man but himself might pass.<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> The men and the +women who were associated with the sultan constituted two +separate worlds, between which the only bond was himself.</p> + +<p>The sultan’s household was divided in another way. By the +maxims of despotic government it is forbidden that the ruler +should associate on terms of intimate friendship with those who +are his high officials of state. In order to avoid this regulation +and yet provide his master with intelligent and amusing companionship, +the <i>Nizam-al-mulk</i> advised the Seljuk sultan Melik +Shah to choose as boon companions a band of courtiers who +would be allowed to have no share whatever in the conduct of +affairs.<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> This resource was hardly open to the Ottoman sultans, +first because the dignity and independence of Moslem-born +Ottoman Turks deprived them of the pliancy which is expected +from courtiers, and second because the sultan’s Christian-born +slaves, who had been led onward by ambition ever since they +had entered his service, and at the end of their education were +ready to become men of affairs, were not fitted to be mere courtiers. +The difficulty became greater after Mohammed II, filled with +the Byzantine notion of imperial sacredness, ordered that no +one should sit with him at table.<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> A sultan was thus practically +forced by a combination of principles and circumstances to spend +his leisure hours with boys, eunuchs, and women.<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> The only +mature men with whom he could converse freely were a small +and select group of religious advisers, astrologers, and physicians; +all the other men of his household met him only formally and for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span> +the transaction of business. So great limitations on his companionship +could not fail to influence his character, and in the +course of a few generations to tend greatly toward the predominance +of household over government.</p> + +<p>To confine the consideration of Suleiman’s court to his immediate +household would be to narrow the discussion too much. +The chief officers of government formed a part of his retinue on +all ceremonial occasions, and had not ceased to be counted as +his personal followers. In fact, all the members of the Ruling +Institution, except the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> and young pages, may be +regarded as belonging to the sultan’s court in that large sense +of the term which includes all those individuals who are attached +to the person of the monarch as his daily associates, his councillors, +the officers and members of his household, his body-guard +and palace-guard, and his retinue on ceremonial occasions and +in camp. The splendid court of Suleiman the Magnificent is +worthy of separate and special treatment for which there is no +room here; in describing it, as in describing his army, only those +aspects which are of a governmental nature can be considered. +The topics that will claim attention are the subdivisions of his +household and the main features of its organization, the importance +given to personal and public ceremony, the splendor of the +court, and the influence of the court on the destiny of the empire.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_V_II_I"><span class="smcap">Organization of the Household</span><a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a></h4> + +<p>The sultan’s household may be considered in three principal +subdivisions, each of them composed of a number of parts: the +outside service of the palace, the inside service of the palace, +and the harem. The outside service was composed of men +and <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, the inside service of white eunuchs and pages, +the harem of black eunuchs and women. The first two subdivisions +were, in time of peace, in attendance at the principal +palace which had been built by Mohammed II on the site of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span> +acropolis of ancient Byzantium. The grounds of this palace +were extensive: within the first gate was a large open space +used on state occasions as a parade ground; within the second +gate were the buildings of the palace proper, a beautiful garden, +and an exercise ground for the pages. The members of the +outside service, except the gardeners, did not ordinarily pass +beyond the second gate of this palace. The harem was permanently +located some distance away in the center of the city, +in the first palace occupied after the conquest, known in the sixteenth +century as the Old Palace.<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> In time of war, practically +the entire outside service, and the principal officers and personal +attendants from the inside service, accompanied the sultan. +None of the women of the harem were taken with the army, as +this was against the Ottoman custom, though permitted by the +Sacred Law.<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> In excursions during time of peace some of the +ladies might accompany their lord.<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> The three subdivisions of +the household will be considered in the reverse order.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_V_II_II"><span class="smcap">The Harem</span></h4> + +<p>The harem was so distinct in Suleiman’s time from the rest +of his household, so little seen and known, so much his personal +affair, that it would seem scarcely to demand attention in a consideration +of his court. The importance of its officials and +personages was small as compared with later times, after the +harem had been removed to the principal palace and the sultans +had begun to spend a much larger portion of their time in its +society. Yet the influence of two of its ladies upon Suleiman +was so great as to give them a place in history and a relation to +the destiny of the nation. Accordingly, the harem cannot be +passed over without mention. Its organization has already been +sketched so far as regards the recruiting, conversion, and education +of the women;<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> its groupings and principal personages remain +to be described.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span></p> + +<p>The guard and order of the palace of the harem was committed +to forty or more black eunuchs,<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a> under an official known as the +<i>Kizlar Aghasi</i>, or, literally, the “general of the girls.” This +<i>Agha</i> was held in great honor, and was made administrator of +many religious endowments for the benefit of various mosques, +and particularly of the <i>vakfs</i> of the Holy Cities of Mecca and +Medina. His importance in Suleiman’s time bears no comparison +with what it became later. Other black eunuchs held official +positions in the service of the principal ladies, and had the +oversight of the education of the young princes.<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a></p> + +<p>The greatest lady of the harem, while life was spared to her, +was the sultan’s mother, the <i>Sultana Valideh</i>. Not only did +she receive great respect and deference from her son, but she +had a general oversight and authority over all his women. The +next lady in importance was the mother of the sultan’s first son; +and after her came the mothers of other sons. Mothers of daughters +enjoyed much less consideration. Each of these favored +ladies had her own suite of apartments, her business staff under +a woman known as her <i>Kiaya</i>, which may here be translated as +steward or housekeeper, and her group of personal and domestic +servants. The <i>Kiaya</i> of the queen mother enjoyed great importance. +The group of slave girls who were the sultan’s personal +and domestic servants when he visited the harem were also +under a <i>Kiaya</i> with assistants. Sons of the sultan lived with +their mothers during their tender years. They were carefully +educated in letters and arms, much as were the pages, but with +greater deference.<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> At a suitable age they were sent out, with +carefully selected little courts, to the governorship of provinces. +Daughters were married at an early age to high officials of the +sultan.<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a> In later generations infant sons who might be born to +them were not allowed to live, lest they might become a menace +to the throne. This seems not to have been the case in the time<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span> +of Suleiman, who avoided danger by excluding them carefully +from office.<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a></p> + +<p>Information about Suleiman’s harem and family comes +guarded with explanations of the difficulty found in obtaining +trustworthy reports. Some facts are known, and probabilities +exist as to others. Suleiman’s mother lived until far along in +his reign. The mother of his eldest son, Mustapha, held, according +to custom, the next place in his harem. After the year 1534 +she divided her time between the palace at Magnesia, where her +son was <i>Sanjak Bey</i>, and the harem palace in Constantinople.<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a> +Khurrem, usually called Roxelana, had supplanted her in favor +at some previous date, and, being legal wife of the Sultan, held a +position superior to hers in some respects. Suleiman seems not +to have visited his harem very often.<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> Mihrmah, his daughter by +Roxelana, who became the wife of Rustem, was very dear to +him.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_V_II_III"><span class="smcap">The Inside Service</span></h4> + +<p>The five chambers of pages, under the control of white eunuchs, +and the doorkeepers supplied the inside service of the principal +palace. The head of this service was the <i>Kapu Aghasi</i>, or “general +of the gate,” a white eunuch, who was also charged with the +management of many religious endowments. He had the right +to speak to the sultan when he wished,<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> and hence was very +highly regarded. The <i>Kapuji-bashi</i>, or head doorkeeper, was +also a white eunuch, who had charge constantly of the second +gate of the principal palace, with a company of twenty or more +white eunuchs who were guards under him.<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a> The pages have +already received attention from the educational point of view. +Nearest the person of the sultan were the pages of the <i>Khas +Oda</i>, or Inner Chamber, of whom there were probably thirty-nine,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span> +the sultan himself being reckoned the fortieth.<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> A number +of these pages later bore the title of <i>Agha</i>, but they seem not to +have done so in Suleiman’s time. Their chief officer was the +<i>Khas Oda-bashi</i>, or head of the Inner Chamber, one of the pages +in Suleiman’s day, but in later times a white eunuch. The +pages of highest rank were the <i>Silihdar</i>, who outside the palace +carried the sultan’s weapons, the <i>Chokadar</i>, who carried his garments, +and the <i>Sharabdar</i>, or cup-bearer.<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a> The others took care +of his apartments and his wardrobe, and brought his food to +him. The second group of pages constituted the <i>Khazineh +Odassi</i>, or treasury, under a well-paid white eunuch, the inside +<i>Khazinehdar-bashi</i>. These, to the number of sixty or seventy, +cared for all the treasures in the sultan’s palace, made all payments, +and kept all accounts.<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> Another <i>Khazinehdar-bashi</i> +took care of all the financial affairs of the inside service which +needed attention outside the palace walls. The <i>Kiler Odassi</i>, or +pantry, under a white eunuch called the <i>Kilerji-bashi</i>, cared for +the bread, pastry, and game of the sultan; their chief controlled +also the kitchen service of the palace. The pages of this chamber +seem not yet to have finished their education.<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> They, together +with the pages of the Inner Chamber, rode with the sultan +whenever he left the palace. The remaining two chambers, the +Large and the Small, or the Old and the New, were concerned +wholly with the education of the pages.<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> They were under the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span> +general direction of the <i>Ikinji-Kapu-oghlan</i>, or eunuch of the +second gate.<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a> The entire personnel of the inside service amounted +to from six to eight hundred persons. The eunuch officers +maintained severe discipline, exact obedience, and perfect +order among them all.<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> The groups of eunuchs who had charge +of the colleges of pages in Pera and Adrianople may also be +reckoned in the inside service. It would seem that the accounts +of all these palaces were kept as one, and that therefore +the chief officers of the principal palace must have supervised +the officers of the others.<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a></p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_V_II_IV"><span class="smcap">The Outside Service</span></h4> + +<p>The members of the household who were not held within +the inner regions of the palace or near the person of the sultan +were far more numerous. Many stood in close relations to the +members of the inner service, either being under their authority +or having regular dealings with them. All, of course, served the +sultan, either directly or nearly so, through the mediation of +one or more officers. To describe at length their subdivisions, +duties, and officers would be to repeat an account which has been +given often by others. Only a general sketch will be attempted +here, by way of distinguishing the various groups of the service. +Beginning with those in closest relations to the sultan, they +were the learned associates of the master, the kitchen service, +the body-guard, the palace-guards, the gardeners, the stable +service, the tent-pitchers, the masters of the hunt, and the +intendants.</p> + +<p>The learned associates of the sultan belonged chiefly to the +corps of the <i>Ulema</i>. They therefore represented the Moslem +Institution near the person of the monarch. Chief among them +was the sultan’s <i>Hoja</i>, or teacher, a confessor or adviser in religious +matters, who was held in very great esteem and was often<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span> +advanced to high judicial office. Next came two <i>Imâms</i>, or +preachers to the sultan, associated with whom were a number of +muezzins, or chanters. After these ranked the <i>Hekim-bashi</i>, +or chief physician, who had ten or more associates; the <i>Munejim-bashi</i>, +or chief astrologer, whose services were believed to have +a very real value; and the <i>Jerrah-bashi</i>, or chief surgeon, with +ten or more helpers.</p> + +<p>The kitchen service under the oversight of the <i>Kilerji-bashi</i> +comprised bakers, scullions, cooks, confectioners, tasters, and +musicians, each to the number of from fifty to one hundred.<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> +Allied to these were the companies of tailors, shoemakers, furriers, +goldsmiths, and the like, who were employed exclusively +in the palace service.<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> Each group had its responsible head and +was subject to a thorough oversight, since even such remote +affairs, when under the care of the Ottoman Ruling Institution, +were regulated and ordered with great precision. A number of +these servants, such as the scullions, wood-cutters, and water-carriers, +were <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>.</p> + +<p>The body-guards were three, the <i>Muteferrika</i>, the <i>Solaks</i>, +and the <i>Peiks</i>. The <i>Muteferrika</i>, or Noble Guard, consisted +of from one to two hundred of the choicest graduates from the +page schools and of sons of high officials.<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> Among them, in +1575, were brothers of the <i>Voivodes</i> of Wallachia and Moldavia. +The <i>Muteferrika</i> followed immediately after the sultan on horseback, +and in time of battle were ready to defend him to the end. +The <i>Solaks</i> were veteran Janissary archers, to the number of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span> +about one hundred and fifty, who marched on foot beside the +sultan wherever he went, with bows and arrows ready for instant +use. The <i>Peiks</i> were a picturesque company of halberdiers of +about one hundred men,<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a> which had been taken over, arms, +costumes, and all, from the Byzantine emperors. They ran +in front of the sultan when he rode, and were always ready to be +sent on missions.</p> + +<p>The palace-guards were the <i>Kapujis</i>, the <i>Chaushes</i>, and the +<i>Bostanjis</i>. The <i>Kapujis</i>, or gatekeepers, were <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> +who, to the number of three or four hundred,<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> watched the +outside gates of the principal palace and of the palace of the +harem. Like all the other guards, they accompanied the sultan +to war, where they were the guards of his tent. The <i>Chaushes</i>, +who numbered about one hundred,<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> were ushers who acted as +marshals on the days of Divan and of state ceremony, and +who in time of war dressed the ranks of the troops.<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a> They also +acted as messengers of state within the empire. When a distant +officer had been condemned to death, a <i>Chaush</i> was sent to execute +the sentence and bring back the offender’s head.<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> Since +among the <i>Chaushes</i> there were many renegades who knew +various European languages, they were useful as interpreters +and were sometimes sent as envoys on important missions.<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> +The <i>Bostanjis</i>, or gardeners, were <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, and as such +have been mentioned already. To the number of about four +hundred,<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> they cared for the garden and grounds of the principal +palace, and rowed the sultan’s caiques when he wished to enjoy +the matchless scenery of the Bosphorus. Their chief, the +<i>Bostanji-bashi</i>, who had risen from their ranks, seems to have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span> +been the only adult man besides the sultan who resided within +the inner regions of the palace.<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> His general charge over all +the sultan’s gardens, wherever they might be, included oversight +of the banks and shores of the Bosphorus, the Sea of Marmora, +and the Dardanelles.<a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> This gave him great power, and his favor +was much courted.</p> + +<p>The stable service was exceedingly important in a nation which +relied so much upon cavalry, and which was still under the +influence of the tradition of the steppe lands. The sultan for +his own use kept a stable of two hundred horses tended by a +hundred men, and for the use of his retinue four thousand horses +tended by two thousand men.<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a> Besides these, a thousand or +more Bulgarian Christians known as Voinaks tended herds of +horses on the great domanial pastures.<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a> All these followed +the army to war as grooms. They were under the control of a +very great official, the <i>Emir-al-Akhor</i>,<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> or grand equerry, who, +with the second equerry, also had oversight of the numerous +saddlers, camel-drivers, and muleteers of the imperial service, +and control of all the domanial pastures and forests of the empire.<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a></p> + +<p>The head gardener, the head gatekeeper, the grand equerry, +the second equerry, and the <i>Mir-Alem</i><a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> or standard-bearer, +constituted the special group of officers known as the <i>Rekiab-Aghalari</i>, +or “generals of the [imperial] stirrup.” The <i>Mir-Alem</i> +had charge of the imperial standards and the six horsetails +which were borne before the sultan. He distributed standards +and horsetails to <i>Beylerbeys</i> and <i>Sanjak Beys</i>, who thus in a way<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span> +received investiture at his hands.<a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> As a consequence he ranked +first among the officers of the household as related to the government. +He also had superior control over the gatekeepers, and +he commanded the military music.</p> + +<p>The tent-pitchers, under a <i>Mihter-bashi</i>, cared for the sultan’s +tents in peace and war. Similar groups were the <i>Veznedars</i> +(who weighed the money received by the sultan), the guards +of the outside treasury, the purchasing agents of cloth and muslins +for the palace, and the guardians of presents.<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a></p> + +<p>The masters of the hunt were important officials in the time +of Suleiman, who practised the ancient royal custom of going +with great state and numerous attendants to hunt over a large +region.<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> Heads of the dog-keepers, falconers, vulturers, gerfalconers, +and hawkers held honorable position. A number of the +pages of the higher <i>odalar</i> had subsidiary duties as falconers;<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a> +Ibrahim was chief falconer at the time of his promotion to the +position of grand vizier. A part of the regular army aided in +the hunts. The Janissaries show by the names of some of their +chief officers that their corps grew in part out of the hunting +organization of the early sultans.<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a></p> + +<p>The intendants, or <i>Umena</i>, had charge of various departments +of supply and administration. They were the <i>Shehr-emini</i>, +or intendant of imperial buildings; the <i>Zarabkhaneh-emini</i>, or +intendant of mints and mines; the <i>Mutbakh-emini</i>, or intendant +of the kitchen and pantry; the <i>Arpa-emini</i>, or intendant of +forage for the stables of the palace; and the <i>Masraf-shehriyari</i>, +or substitute for the intendant of the kitchens.</p> + +<p>This rapid survey, though by no means complete, shows +something of the complicated organization, the numerous +personnel, and the various functions of the groups of the imperial<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span> +household. The number of individuals connected with it may +be estimated to have been between ten and fifteen thousand, +many of whom were not the sultan’s slaves, but his servants +and employees in various capacities. All, however, except the +few members of the <i>Ulema</i>, were under the complete control +and command of members of the Ruling Institution. No +confusion resulted from such great complexity, for each group +of servants had its definite duties, and knew exactly from whom +to receive orders and to whom to report accomplishment.</p> + +<p>It is clear that the functions of many of the officials of the +household, especially those of the head gardener, the grand +equerry, and the standard-bearer, intrenched upon the province +of government. The chief black eunuch and the chief white +eunuch collected and administered the revenues of many parcels +of land which were devoted to special purposes. The <i>Umena</i> +were so clearly recognized as exercising governmental functions +that they were regarded as chancellors,—an exception, made +for the sake of convenience, to the rule of separating household +and governmental officials. It resulted, therefore, that, while +order was maintained with comparative ease within the mechanism +of the household and, as will be seen, of the government, +difficulty and confusion accumulated in the relations of the Ruling +Institution to the rest of the empire. The splendid organization +worked admirably down a certain distance from the top; but, +as the energy of the single will became mediated by many officials, +and as the multiplex land-ownership and varied population +of the empire was approached, disorder to the extent of unworkability +was so constantly threatened that only more or less convulsive +readjustments, resorted to from time to time, enabled +the institutions of the empire to remain in being.</p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_V_II_V"><span class="smcap">The Ceremonies of the Court</span></h4> + +<p>The Sacred Law, based on the practice of Mohammed and the +four early caliphs, discouraged display of every sort;<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> nor did +the Seljuk Turks take readily to the magnificence which under +Persian influence had prevailed at the court of the Bagdad<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span> +caliphate.<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> So, too, the early Ottoman sovereigns appear to +have maintained simplicity of life down to the time of Murad II. +A contemporary observer said: “The very Magnates and +Princes observe such simplicity in all things, that they cannot +be distinguished from others. I saw the King going a long distance +from his palace to Church accompanied by two youths.... +I saw him also praying in Church, not in a chair (<i>cathedra</i>) +or royal throne, but seated like the rest on a rug spread on the +ground; nor was there about him any ornament, either suspended +or exhibited or displayed. He used no singularity in +regard to his garments or his horse, by which he could be distinguished +from others. I saw him at the funeral of his mother, +and I could not possibly have recognized him, had he not been +pointed out to me.”<a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a></p> + +<p>In the understanding of Mohammed II, however, the capture +of the imperial city seems to have included the appropriation +of imperial forms and ceremonies; for no small number of his +<i>Kanuns</i> dealt with matters of rank and ceremony.<a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> By the time +of Suleiman the <i>Kanuni Teshrifat</i>, or Law of Ceremonies, had +become a collection of considerable magnitude.<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> It is significant +that the regulations concerning such matters as the color and +shape and material of robes and turbans, the order of precedence +on small as well as great occasions, and the observances proper +to each such occasion were made a matter of law. On the one +hand, a body of practice was set up which, though not distinctly +forbidden by the Sacred Law, was contrary to its essential spirit. +On the other hand, to rules of court etiquette, which in the West +are often unwritten and certainly have not similar standing +with acts of legislation, were given the rank and authority of +imperial laws. The Law of Ceremonies stood on a par with +the Law of Subjects, the Law of Fiefs, the Law of Egypt, and +the Law of Fines and Punishments. In fact, this law was +observed even more carefully than the others, since the matters +which it covered usually came under the eye of the sultan himself. +It was as much the duty of an officer to wear the proper costume,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span> +and to appear in the right place and at the right time at public +ceremonies, as to attend to the business connected with his +position.</p> + +<p>All the classes of members of the sultan’s household, all the +high officers of government, and all the separate bodies of troops +in the standing army were clearly distinguished from each other +by costume or head-dress or by both. Each group and every +officer in each group had his exact place in every ceremonial +assembly and his exact rank in every procession. Each great +official, beginning with the sultan, had his title for use in public +documents, a designation which, though not exactly fixed, +varied little from time to time.<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a></p> + +<p>Ceremonial occasions were numerous and splendid. All +were participated in by representatives from each division of +the Ruling Institution, and on the greatest occasions practically +its whole membership was present. The ceremonies may be +grouped as simple occasions, religious festivals, and extraordinary +ceremonies. Among the simpler ceremonial occasions were the +regular meetings of the Divan, which in time of peace took place +four times a week, on Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday. +On Fridays the sultan rode forth to mosque in magnificent state.<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> +On other days some of the officials made visits of state to their +superiors. Every three months the Janissaries were paid with +much ceremony in the parade-ground between the first and second +gates of the palace. For the sake of giving an impression of +wealth and magnificence, such occasions were frequently chosen +for the reception of ambassadors.<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a></p> + +<p>The great religious festivals of Islam, in which all the Moslems +of the empire participated, were celebrated by the court with +great pomp. These were the two feasts of Bairam, one of which +comes at the close of the fast of the month of Ramazan, and the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span> +other and greater seventy days later.<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a> On the great day of +Bairam the ceremony of kissing the hand of the sultan was +performed by all the officials of the household and government.</p> + +<p>The principal extraordinary ceremonies were those in celebration +of the birth of sons or daughters to the sultan, of the circumcision +of princes and the marriage of princesses, the accession +to the throne, and the going forth of the sultan to war. The +greatest of all Suleiman’s celebrations was probably that of the +circumcision of his sons, Mustapha, Mohammed, and Selim, in +1530. Twenty-one successive days of display, feasting, games, +and formal presentation of gifts contributed to the unparalleled +grandeur of the occasion.<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a></p> + +<p>It is not impossible to obtain an idea of the appearance of +the sultan’s court and retinue at this time of the empire’s greatest +splendor. One observer, often quoted already, who was gifted +with superb powers of expression, has left a clear record. Seer +and seen alike vanished from the earth more than three centuries +ago; yet through the keen eyes of Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq +the world has ever since looked upon the great Suleiman as he sat +and rode in state. Busbecq, ambassador to the Ottoman court +from Emperor Charles the Fifth and his brother Ferdinand, +describes his first audience with Suleiman in camp at Amasia +in 1555, also the train that attended the sultan as he went forth +from Constantinople to war against his son Bayezid in 1559, +and a Bairam ceremony in camp near Scutari a few weeks after +the latter event. Some quotations from these descriptions will +give a better idea of Suleiman’s court than any number of +statistics. The first describes the audience at Amasia:—</p> + +<p>“The Sultan was seated on a very low ottoman, not more +than a foot from the ground, which was covered with a quantity +of costly rugs and cushions of exquisite workmanship; near +him lay his bow and arrows....</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span></p> + +<p>“On entering we were separately conducted into the royal +presence by the chamberlains, who grasped our arms. This has +been the Turkish fashion of admitting people to the Sovereign +ever since a Croat, in order to avenge the death of his master, +Marcus, Despot of Servia, asked Amurath for an audience, and +took advantage of it to slay him. After having gone through a +pretence of kissing his hand, we were conducted backwards to +the wall opposite his seat, care being taken that we should never +turn our backs on him....</p> + +<p>“The Sultan’s hall was crowded with people, among whom +were several officers of high rank. Besides these there were all +the troopers of the Imperial guard, Spahis, Ghourebas, Ouloufedgis, +and a large force of Janissaries.... Take your stand +by my side, and look at the sea of turbaned heads, each wrapped +in twisted folds of the whitest silk; look at those marvellously +handsome dresses of every kind and every colour; time would +fail me to tell how all around is glittering with gold, with silver, +with purple, with silk, and with velvet; words cannot convey +an adequate idea of that strange and wondrous sight: it was the +most beautiful spectacle I ever saw.</p> + +<p>“With all this luxury great simplicity and economy are +combined; every man’s dress, whatever his position may be, +is of the same pattern; no fringes or useless points are sewn on, +as is the case with us, appendages which cost a great deal of +money, and are worn out in three days. In Turkey the tailor’s +bill for a silk or velvet dress, even though it be richly embroidered, +as most of them are, is only a ducat. They were quite as much +surprised at our manner of dressing as we were at theirs. They +use long robes reaching down to the ankles, which have a stately +effect and add to the wearer’s height, while our dress is so short +and scanty that it leaves exposed to view more than is comely +of the human shape; besides, somehow or other, our fashion of +dress seems to take from the wearer’s height, and make him look +shorter than he really is.</p> + +<p>“I was greatly struck with the silence and order that prevailed +in this great crowd. There were no cries, no hum of voices, the +usual accompaniments of a motley gathering, neither was there<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span> +any jostling; without the slightest disturbance each man took +his proper place according to his rank. The Agas, as they call +their chiefs, were seated, to wit, generals, colonels (bimbaschi), +and captains (soubaschi). Men of a lower position stood. The +most interesting sight in this assembly was a body of several +thousand Janissaries, who were drawn up in a long line apart +from the rest; their array was so steady and motionless that, +being at a little distance, it was some time before I could make up +my mind as to whether they were human beings or statues; at +last I received a hint to salute them, and saw all their heads +bending at the same moment to return my bow.<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> On leaving +the assembly we had a fresh treat in the sight of the household +cavalry returning to their quarters; the men were mounted on +splendid horses, excellently groomed, and gorgeously accoutred. +And so we left the royal presence.”<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a></p> + +<p>On the second occasion, when Suleiman was going forth to +war, Busbecq obtained a place at a window:—</p> + +<p>“From this I had the pleasure of seeing the magnificent +column which was marching out. The Ghourebas and Ouloufedgis +rode in double, and the Silihdars and Spahis in single file. +The cavalry of the Imperial guard consists of these regiments, +each of which forms a distinct body, and has separate quarters. +They are believed to amount to about 6000 men, more or less. +Besides these, I saw a large force, consisting of the household +slaves belonging to the sultan himself, the Pashas, and the other +court dignitaries. The spectacle presented by a Turkish horseman +is indeed magnificent. His high-bred steed generally comes +from Cappadocia or Syria, and its trappings and saddle sparkle +with gold and jewels in silver settings. The rider himself is +resplendent in a dress of cloth of gold or silver, or else of silk or +velvet. The very lowest of them is clothed in scarlet, violet, +or blue robes of the finest cloth. Right and left hang two handsome +cases, one of which holds his bow, and the other is full of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span> +painted arrows. Both of these cases are curiously wrought, and +come from Babylon,<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> as does also the targe, which is fitted to the +left arm, and is proof only against arrows or the blows of a mace +or sword. In the right hand, unless he prefers to keep it disengaged, +is a light spear, which is generally painted green. +Round his waist is girt a jewelled scimitar, while a mace of steel +hangs from his saddle-bow.... The covering they wear on +the head is made of the whitest and lightest cotton-cloth, in +the middle of which rises a fluted peak of fine purple silk. It is a +favorite fashion to ornament this head-dress with black plumes.</p> + +<p>“When the cavalry had ridden past, they were followed by +a long procession of Janissaries, but few of whom carried any +arms except their regular weapon, the musket. They were +dressed in uniforms of almost the same shape and colour, so +that you might recognize them to be the slaves, and as it were +the household, of the same master. Among them no extraordinary +or startling dress was to be seen, and nothing slashed or +pierced. They say their clothes wear out quite fast enough +without their tearing them themselves. There is only one thing +in which they are extravagant, viz., plumes, head-dresses, etc., +and the veterans who formed the rear guard were specially +distinguished by ornaments of this kind. The plumes which +they insert in their frontlets might well be mistaken for a walking +forest.<a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> Then followed on horseback their captains and colonels, +distinguished by the badges of their rank. Last of all, rode their +Aga by himself. Then succeeded the chief dignitaries of the +Court, and among them the Pashas, and then the royal body-guard, +consisting of infantry, who wore a special uniform and +carried bows ready strung, all of them being archers.<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> Next +came the Sultan’s grooms leading a number of fine horses with +handsome trappings for their master’s use. He was mounted +himself on a noble steed; his look was stern, and there was a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span> +frown on his brow; it was easy to see that his anger had been +aroused. Behind him came three pages, one of whom carried +a flask of water, another a cloak, and the third a box.<a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a> These +were followed by some eunuchs of the bedchamber, and the +procession was closed by a squadron of horse about two hundred +strong [the Muteferrika].”<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a></p> + +<p>Busbecq spent three months in Suleiman’s camp near +Scutari:—</p> + +<p>“I should have returned to Constantinople on the day before +the Bairam, had I not been detained by my wish to see that +day’s ceremonies. The Turks were about to celebrate the rites +of the festival on an open and level plain before the tents of +Solyman; and I could hardly hope that such an occasion of +seeing them would ever present itself again. I gave my servants +orders to promise a soldier some money and so get me a place +in his tent, on a mound which commanded a good view of Solyman’s +pavilions. Thither I repaired at sunrise. I saw assembled +on the plain a mighty multitude of turbaned heads, attentively +following, in the most profound silence, the words of +the priest who was leading their devotions. They kept their +ranks, each in his proper position; the lines of troops looked like +so many hedges or walls parting out the wide plain, on which +they were drawn up. According to its rank in the service each +corps was posted nearer to, or farther from, the place where the +Sultan stood. The troops were dressed in brilliant uniforms, +their head-dresses rivalling snow in whiteness. The scene which +met my eyes was charming, the different colours having a most +pleasing effect. The men were so motionless that they seemed +rooted to the ground on which they stood. There was no coughing, +no clearing the throat, and no voice to be heard, and no one +looked behind him or moved his head. When the priest pronounced +the name of Mahommet all alike bowed their heads +to their knees at the same moment, and when he uttered the +name of God they fell on their faces in worship and kissed the +ground.... When prayers were finished, the serried ranks<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span> +broke up, and the whole plain was gradually covered with their +surging masses. Presently the Sultan’s servants appeared +bringing their master’s dinner, when, lo and behold! the Janissaries +laid their hands on the dishes, seized their contents and +devoured them, amid much merriment. This licence is allowed +by ancient custom as part of that day’s festivity, and the Sultan’s +wants are otherwise provided for. I returned to Constantinople +full of the brilliant spectacle, which I had thoroughly +enjoyed.”<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a></p> + +<h4 id="CHAPTER_V_II_VI"><span class="smcap">Influence of the Court</span></h4> + +<p>The influence of the Ottoman court may be looked at in three +ways,—as affecting the sultan, the Ruling Institution, and the +destiny of the empire; but all three ultimately reduce to the last. +The sultan was influenced by his personal relationships with the +different individuals or groups which came into closest contact +with him. Reference has already been made to Roxelana. +Undoubtedly she had much influence over her imperial husband, +but to what extent she pushed him toward particular decisions +and actions cannot be known. It is improbable that she had +anything of consequence to do with the death of Ibrahim, since +the favorite’s own actions had brought matters to such a pass +that he was a menace to the throne; moreover, her influence +in public affairs seems not yet to have become great. Some +writers of that date do not mention her at all, though she had +already won the supreme affection of Suleiman, and had, so to +speak, passed round the superior position of the mother of the +first-born son by being made a legal wife.<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> Seventeen years<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span> +later the situation was clear: Roxelana had triumphed completely +over the mother of Mustapha; her son-in-law Rustem, married +to Suleiman’s well-beloved daughter Mihrmah, had held the +supreme office of grand vizier for nine years; her hump-backed +son Jehangir was Suleiman’s favorite child. Nevertheless, +as late as the beginning of 1553 Suleiman seems to have intended +still that Mustapha should occupy the throne.<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a></p> + +<p>Mustapha became a victim less of Roxelana and Rustem +than of the indeterminate and dangerous condition of the rules +of succession to the throne.<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> Had primogeniture been the established +order, Mustapha need only have been on his guard against +poison; he would have lacked motive for rebellion, and his father +would not have been in fear of deposition. Had not Mohammed +II established the terrible <i>Kanun</i> which ordered the execution +of the brothers of a sultan at his accession, Roxelana need +not have feared for the lives of her own sons. Had not the +Janissaries helped Selim to the throne ahead of time and against +the wishes of his father, their favor toward Mustapha would +not have forced a crisis. If Suleiman really desired Mustapha +to succeed him, he made a great mistake in sending him far away +to the governorship of Amasia. Bayezid, the ablest living son +of Roxelana, was in Karamania; and Selim, the least promising +of Roxelana’s children, but apparently her favorite, was assigned +to the governorship at Magnesia. Selim was thus removed +from the capital by a journey of only five or six days, Bayezid +by a somewhat greater distance, and Mustapha by a journey of +twenty-six days.<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> Suleiman may have meant by these appointments +only to promote his sons to more distant governorships +as they grew in experience and could be entrusted with greater +responsibilities; they, on the other hand, could hardly fail to +suspect that he had different intentions. Without further +discussion, suffice it to say that, with custom and law as it was,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span> +the situation was untenable. First Mustapha, and later Roxelana’s +own son Bayezid, became the victims of inexorable circumstances +in which she undoubtedly played some part, though +exactly what it was cannot be known.<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> In so far as she contributed +to the fatal outcome, she hastened the fall of the empire. +If ever a government demanded a strong man to keep it in operation, +the Ottoman government needed one to maintain its +Ruling Institution. From the beginning there had been as yet +no failure; but after Suleiman the Magnificent, the Legislator, +was to come Selim the Sot, the Debauché!</p> + +<p>Nor was the beloved and pious Mihrmah without her influence +on the fate of the empire, if it be true that she urged her father +on to the great expedition against Malta.<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> His reign had opened +with two great triumphs: the fortresses that had defied the +great Conqueror, Belgrade and Rhodes, had fallen before his +troops. He had failed before Vienna, it is true; but in the +thirty-five succeeding years he had made large conquests, he had +strengthened his power, and his prestige had grown steadily. +Now, near the close of his life, his mailed fist was broken upon a +rocky isle in the Mediterranean. What but the confidence +gained by that successful resistance gathered and nerved the +Christian fleet that won the day at Lepanto? The influence +of Roxelana and Mihrmah foreshadowed the power exerted +in later reigns by far inferior and far worse women.</p> + +<p>The influence of Ibrahim, for whose promotion Suleiman +violated the rules of advancement in the government service, +and of Rustem, for whom he broke the rule of giving no high +place to relatives of the imperial family, has been discussed +already.<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> In his late years the Sultan came greatly under the +influence of the <i>Ulema</i>, who had readier access to him than had +any other outside force,<a id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a> and whose power over him has been +thought by some to have been unfavorable. Just what ills it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span> +brought about in his own time, however, are not easily to be +discovered.</p> + +<p>The Ruling Institution was affected strongly by the splendor +and luxury of the court of Suleiman. The Sultan had so enormous +an establishment, and was so fond of display and ceremony, +that a similar spirit developed in all his <i>kullar</i>. Each officer +of position became inordinately ambitious to have a large household, +many horses, much portable wealth, and superb equipment +for his horses and servants on state occasions and in time of +war. Just as Suleiman’s splendor embarrassed his finances, +so that he was willing that Rustem should require payment for +office from newly-appointed great officials, so most of his <i>kullar</i>, +in order to keep up display, were led to undignified and extortionate +procedures. In the time of Suleiman’s grandfather the +Ottomans of high position had already been excessively grasping. +“And to tell the truth,” writes Spandugino, “in that country +they are more eager after money than devils after souls. And +one cannot accomplish anything with the princes or lords except +by the power of money. In general, as well the emperor as his +princes and lords have mouths only for eating, for if you go to +them without giving them some present you will accomplish +nothing.”<a id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a></p> + +<p>That eagerness for wealth with which Spandugino reproached +the Turks became only worse under the Magnificent sultan’s +example. The members of the Ruling Institution might prey +on each other to a certain extent by the sale of offices; but the +ultimate evil effect fell upon the subjects outside. They in the +end must pay for all the luxury and splendor of the great court +and the little courts. The pressure upon them tended to become +worse and worse. Lands began to grow less productive and to +pass out of cultivation. That dead blight began to descend +upon agriculture and trade which persists in Turkey to the present +day.<a id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> Yet in the time of Suleiman this weakness hardly appeared.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span> +Although his best two sons had come to cruel deaths, although +twenty thousand of his troops had lately died in vain at Malta, +he went forth to his last campaign with a train which surpassed +in pomp and splendor all that he had led before.<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI<br> +<span class="smaller">THE RULING INSTITUTION: AS GOVERNMENT</span></h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_I"><span class="smcap">Summary</span></h3> + +<p>The Ottoman Ruling Institution has now been considered in all +but the last of its aspects. The recruiting of its members from +Christian subjects and enemies, their conversion to Mohammedanism, +and their training for the duties of war and government +were first explained; then the military duties and organization +of the sultan’s <i>kullar</i>, their privileged and noble status, and their +organization and activity as a household and court were described. +Of the seven aspects in which the Ruling Institution +may be considered only one remains, that of government in +the narrow sense.</p> + +<p>With certain exceptions, the Ruling Institution constituted +the government of the Ottoman Empire. According to the +Sacred Law, the rendering of justice belonged to the Moslem +Institution, and many internal matters were left to be regulated +by the subject nationalities, which were organized as churches, +and by the foreign colonies, which remained under their own +laws; but even over these bodies the Ruling Institution held the +sword, and in the case of the Moslem Institution it held the +purse-strings also. Aside from such exceptions, it attended to +all the functions of government that were performed within +the empire. These, however, as will appear, were by no means +so numerous and extensive as are the activities of a progressive +twentieth-century state.</p> + +<p>Some of the functions of government cared for by the Ruling +Institution have already been described in the previous chapters. +The guidance of the educational system, the management of +the army of the empire, the conduct of local government, the +oversight of the household, the care of the sultan’s gardens, +pastures, and forests, the regulation of ceremonies at his court, +may be all be regarded as tasks of government. To some of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span> +them it will be necessary to refer again briefly; but the fact +that they have been described already simplifies the problem +of setting forth the plan of the government in its narrower +sense.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_II"><span class="smcap">Functions of the Ottoman Government</span></h3> + +<p>All governments must in some fashion maintain themselves +in place and in operation; they must obtain means to meet +expenses, and they must keep some kind of record of their receipts +and expenditures and of their acts. They must alter and expand +the unwritten and the written rules under which they operate, +at least enough to keep their system workable. They must +protect their subjects sufficiently to enable them to earn a living +and the means to meet taxation. They must meet the efforts +of other governments of both a diplomatic and a military character. +All these things the Ottoman government did in its own +way. In addition, it remained in the sixteenth century strongly +under the ancient impulse to increase its bounds and the number +of its subjects, particularly at the expense of Christians and +Shiites and in the interest of Sunnite Islam.</p> + +<p>The Ottoman government did not include among its functions +the building and maintenance of systems of roads, bridges, and +ferries, the conduct of a public postal service, the promotion +of agriculture, industry, and commerce, the organization of a +system of public and universal education, the adjustment of +taxation and customs duties in the interest of the welfare of its +subjects, or an extension of the activities and liberties of its +subjects. Benevolence toward the common people had hardly +emerged into the consciousness of any sixteenth-century state. +Self-maintenance in power by the most available means, which +were usually military force; increase of power, authority, and +territory, by similar means; and, incidentally, an assurance of +the well-being of all the privileged persons who were connected +with the government, in proportion to their importance: these +were the chief objects aimed at by the governments of that day, +whether in the West or in the East.</p> + +<p>Accordingly, the chief energies of the Ottoman Ruling Institution +in its capacity as government were directed toward the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span> +smooth running of the machine. For this object the best and +most devoted men were obtained and trained. They, with as +many other members of the Ottoman nationality as possible, +were organized into a magnificent army, which first of all +defended and maintained the government against enemies at +home and abroad, and then increased its dominions and greatness +by victorious campaigns in the “land of war.” The religious +motive entered strongly here, since the power and conquests +of the Ottoman nation were felt to be the power and conquests +of Islam. The welfare and contentment of the members of the +government, beginning with the sovereign, were assured by exclusive +privileges, elaborate organization of personal service, +and ceremonies in which they could be flattered by opportunities +for display and by gradations of honor.</p> + +<p>There remained as the special functions of government, +first, the careful elaboration and watchful improvement of the +regulations under which the Ruling Institution and the state +were organized; second, the keeping of every part of the administrative +machinery in the best possible order and condition; +third, the acquisition of enough money and means to carry out +the purposes of the government, and the supplying of this money +and means in suitable quantity at the time and place needed +and to the proper persons; and, fourth, the preparing and recording +of all written acts necessary to the transaction of the business +of the government. A fifth function was the adjustment of +disputes between subjects of the empire who were not connected +with the government; this was attended to largely by another +institution, though supported and executed by the members +of the government itself. The first of these functions, that of +legislation, was cared for chiefly by the sultan himself; the second, +of administration, was controlled by his viziers; the third, of +finance, was managed by the <i>Defterdars</i> through twenty-five +departments; the fourth, of chancery, was under the power of +the <i>Nishanjis</i>; the fifth, of justice between the subjects, was, +in matters controlled by the Sacred Law, administered by the +<i>Ulema</i>, the learned men of the Moslem Institution, under the +headship of the <i>Kaziaskers</i>. These five functions were by no<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span> +means so clearly separated as were the groups of officials concerned +with them. A logical classification of duties would have +necessitated much readjustment.</p> + +<p>The striking way in which the Ottoman Ruling Institution, +when regarded as a government, limited its operations almost +exclusively to its own affairs seems to have resulted from its +character as a single slave-family. Although its essential character +is somewhat obscured by the facts that it was by far the +largest slave-family in the empire, that it had ruling authority, +and that some of its members exercised general governmental +functions, it is nevertheless true that the legislation of the sultans +and of Suleiman himself was largely directed to the regulation +of the institution itself, most laws of wider and deeper import +being included in the almost unchangeable Sacred Law. The +business of the viziers was also largely that of the institution, +aside from the fact that the grand vizier, as representative of +the sultan, headed also the justice of the empire. The imperial +treasury, again, was concerned, in the first place, with obtaining +the revenues due to the sultan, such of them as did not come +from his personal rights as the owner of domain lands being +farmed out, so that the government did not even here touch +the people directly. In the second place, the revenues were +paid out to the members of the institution as soldiers, servants, +officials, and members of the royal family. All who followed +the sultan to war without belonging to his great household +provided their own support. Even the officers of local government, +though appointed from his <i>kullar</i>, were supported by the +assignment of lands which they administered themselves by +means of the Ruling Institution. The sultan’s chancery was +similarly confined in its operations to the preparation and registration +of acts, decrees, commissions, and the like, most of which +were concerned with the adjustment and operation of the Ruling +Institution. Finally, the officers of the army and the government +rendered and administered justice to all the <i>kullar</i>, besides +deciding many law cases under imperial laws. To a very great +extent, then, the sultan’s government was that of a large slave-family, +which secured its own interests and managed to the best<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span> +advantage its own affairs, which cared little for the welfare of +the great majority of the people of the empire, and which had +dealings with them and attended to their affairs only when +obliged to do so by the pursuit of its own aims.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_III"><span class="smcap">The Sultan as Head of the State and of the Government</span></h3> + +<p>Suleiman’s authority rested actually and immediately upon +the military might which he controlled. Psychologically, it +was strongly supported by the ancient Turkish tradition of +absolute obedience to the ruler who led and fed his people, and +by the undying allegiance of the population of wide areas to the +Caesar of New Rome, to whose seat and splendor Suleiman +had succeeded. Theoretically, and, if a modern expression +may be used, constitutionally, Suleiman’s power was that of +the ancient caliphs of Islam. It is true that he suffered under +one apparently complete disqualification. A tradition of high +order asserted that the <i>Imâms</i> must be of the Prophet’s tribe, the +Koreish;<a id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> but by an extension of the principle of agreement +(<i>ijma</i>) by which the consensus of the Islamic doctors of the law +of any period may establish an interpretation of some passage +of the Sacred Law, Suleiman’s father, after the acquisition of +the Holy Cities and the resignation of the last Abbassid caliph +at Cairo, had come into full rights as caliph. The title itself +seems to have been known by none of the Western writers of the +sixteenth century, nor was it commonly used by Suleiman in +public documents.</p> + +<p>In his capacity as caliph, Suleiman was head of the Islamic +state, defender, executor, and interpreter of the Sacred Law, +and defender of the faith. He was under obligation to punish +heretics and unsubmissive infidels, to protect true believers, +and to extend the area of his divinely-appointed rule. To him, +after Allah and the Prophet, was due the absolute obedience of +all good Moslems within his dominions. As for his Christian subjects,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span> +they also regarded him as their lawful sovereign, given +by God as a punishment for their sins. The Sacred Law recognized +no power of legislation in the head of the state, since God +through Mohammed had legislated once for all; but it entrusted +to him the functions of administration and justice, to be exercised +to the fullest possible extent, subject always to the prescriptions +of the Law. The sultan being thus supreme, all the great institutions +of the Ottoman Empire are to be thought of, not as built +upward from a basis in the popular will, but as extended downward +from the divinely-appointed sovereign at the top. To +what extent the Ruling Institution held this relationship has +been indicated already. Central and local government, household +and court, standing, feudal, and irregular army, all depended +upon the sultan. The Moslem Institution recognized him as +its head, and the highest officials of the judiciary, chosen out of +its membership, were appointed by him and removable at his +will.<a id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> So also the <i>Mufti</i>, the chief of the jurists, was appointed +by the sultan.<a id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a> Even the ecclesiastical organizations of the +subject Christians and Jews were likewise extended downward +from his authority, since at the capture of Constantinople the +Conqueror had at once assumed that temporal headship of the +Christian churches which had been held by the Byzantine +emperors.<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a> The Greek Patriarch received from the sultan +appointment and investiture, including a command to bishops, +clergy, and people of his faith to render obedience to him in +matters within his province; the other Christian groups and the +Jews were likewise dependent. Finally, the privileges enjoyed +by the foreign settlements all depended upon grants from the +sultan or upon treaties made with him in his sovereign capacity.<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a> +As for the officials of the Ruling Institution, they were all either +directly or indirectly the sultan’s appointees. Grand vizier, +viziers, treasurers, chancellor, generals of the inside service, +generals of the outside service and the army, <i>Beylerbeys</i> and +<i>Sanjak Beys</i>, all took their places at a word from him, and at a +second word all left them without a murmur.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_IV"><span class="smcap">The Sultan as Legislator</span></h3> + +<p>So far as legislation was possible under the Ottoman system, +the sole power to issue it rested in the sultan. The law which +demanded obedience within the Ottoman Empire was fourfold: +the <i>Sheri</i>, or Sacred Law of Islam; the <i>Kanuns</i>, or written +decrees of the sultans; the <i>Adet</i>, or established custom; and the +<i>Urf</i>, or sovereign will of the reigning sultan.<a id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> The <i>Sheri</i> was +above the sultan and unchangeable by him; the <i>Kanuns</i> and the +<i>Adet</i> were subordinate to the <i>Urf</i>; the <i>Urf</i>, when expressed and +written, became <i>Kanun</i> and annulled all contradictory <i>Kanuns</i> +and <i>Adet</i>.</p> + +<p>The <i>Sheri</i> was the whole body of Islamic law as accepted by +the Ottoman nation. Its long history cannot be detailed here. +Based originally on the Koran, supplemented by traditions of +Mohammed’s legal decisions and sayings, and by the decisions +of the early caliphs and the interpretations of early judges,<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a> +it was first formulated by Abu Hanifa, who was the earliest of +the four great orthodox Moslem doctors, and who became the +accepted teacher of all Turkish peoples.<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> His code was worked +over again and again in the course of six centuries, as new decisions +of judges and interpretations of jurists accumulated. +Mohammed II found it necessary to have a new code prepared, +a task for which he chose Khosrew Pasha, who, singularly enough, +was a Christian renegade, seemingly almost the only one who rose +high in the Moslem Institution.<a id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a> This work, finished in 1470,<a id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a> +was not sufficient in the days of Suleiman. At the time of its +preparation the Ottoman Empire had been still wholly within +territory that had remained Christian during all the early brilliant +period of Islam; but since then the sultans had conquered three +seats of the later caliphate, Damascus, Bagdad, and Cairo, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span> +had come to hold the protectorate of the Holy Cities, where +Mohammed and the early caliphs had ruled. A new code of +law, therefore, better adapted to the more widely Moslem character +which the empire had assumed, was demanded. Suleiman +charged Sheik Ibrahim Halebi (of Aleppo) with the task of preparing +such a code; and the result, prepared before 1549, was +the <i>Multeka ol-ebhar</i>, the “Confluence of the Seas,” which remained +the foundation of Ottoman law until the reforms of the +nineteenth century.<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> The <i>Multeka</i> did not, however, entirely +replace the previous codes and collections of <i>fetvas</i>, or authoritative +juristic opinions, which continued to be used as law books of +less weight.</p> + +<p>Early in the process of formulation, the Sacred Law was +separated logically into two great divisions,—matters of faith +and morals, and practical regulations, groups corresponding +more or less closely to the Western conceptions of theology and +law. The Moslems never made an actual separation of these +two divisions of the Sacred Law; both in education and in +practice they regarded them as parts of one great unity of advice, +precept, and command, divinely sanctioned and binding upon +all true believers. The practical regulations, or the Law proper, +went by the Arabic name of <i>fikh</i>; it included both jurisprudence +and positive law.<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a></p> + +<p>A group of Dutch and German thinkers, led by Dr. Snouck +Hurgronje, has been so strongly impressed by the jurisprudential +side of the <i>Sheri</i> as almost to deny that it has or has ever had an +important practical side;<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a> but a careful consideration of the early +history of the Ottoman Empire suggests that their view in its +entirety is not supported by the facts. Dr. Goldziher says: +“In later days, historical consideration has proved that only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span> +a small part of this system, connected with religious and family +life, has a practical effect as of old, while in many parts of merely +juristical character this theological law is entirely put aside in +actual jurisdiction.... Snouck Hurgronje was really the first +who set forth with great acuteness and sure judgment the historical +truth, namely, that what we call Muhammedan law is +nothing but an <i>ideal</i> law, a theoretical system; in a word, a +learned <i>school-law</i>, which reflects the thoughts of pious theologians +about the arrangement of Islamic society, whose sphere of +influence was willingly extended by pious rulers—as far as +possible—but which as a whole could hardly ever have been +the real practical standard of public life. He finds there rather +<i>a doctrine of duties</i> (<i>Pflichtenlehre</i>) of quite an ideal and theological +character, traced out by generations of religious scholars, who +wished to rule life by the scale of an age which in their idea was +the golden period, and whose traditions they wished to maintain, +propagate, and develop. Even the penalties for offenses against +religious laws are often nothing else but ideal claims of the pious, +dead letters conceived in studies and fostered in the hearts of +God-fearing scholars, but neglected and suppressed in life where +other rules become prevailing. We find even in the oldest +literature of Islam many complaints about the negligence of the +religious law by <i>Ulema</i> in their struggle against the practical +judges, that is to say against the executors of actual law.”<a id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a></p> + +<p>The last sentence quoted contains by implication a genuine +distinction between the “religious law,” which may be called +jurisprudence, and the “actual law.” It is true that at the +present time “actual law” in all Mohammedan lands consists +only in a comparatively small proportion of precepts drawn from +the <i>Sheri</i>; yet a body of precepts which today requires an elaborate +system of courts for its enforcement, and which offers a +career to many thousands of living men as teachers, advisers, +and judges, can hardly be adjudged a mere “doctrine of duties.”<a id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span> +Undoubtedly the <i>Sheri</i> has suffered a gradual shifting of emphasis +from its practical to its jurisprudential side; undoubtedly it has +suffered progressive encroachment upon the area of its practical +application, beginning in very early times and leading up to an +invasion in force in the nineteenth century by the principles, +practice, and procedure of Western Europe. But in the Ottoman +Empire of the sixteenth century the <i>Sheri</i> had no such inferior +place. Even then, to be sure, it occupied by no means the whole +field of practical law; but an examination of the quotations +from the Venetian reports which were presented in an earlier +chapter is of itself sufficient to show that at that time the <i>Sheri</i> +held the place of overwhelming preëminence in legal matters, +in point of usefulness as well as of honor; that its practical +precepts to the full extent of their formulated scope were the +private law of the land; that its judges were of equal or greater +authority and repute than were the high officers of government; +that the latter were in most cases obliged to execute decisions +of the former, their independent jurisdiction being confined to a +limited class of persons, and to the decision of administrative +cases according to <i>Kanuns</i> outside the field of the Sacred Law.<a id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span></p> + +<p>The Sacred Law reached out far beyond the conception of law +in the West. It was originally supposed to be sufficient for the +entire government of the Islamic state (of which there was +believed to be but one upon the earth),<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> as well as for the minute +regulation of the social, ethical, and religious life of all its members.<a id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> +From two circumstances, however, it rapidly became +inadequate as a political constitution: first, from the expansion +of the original simple Islamic society into a great world-power, +with interests and relationships far more complex than had been +dreamed of by the founders; and, second, from the fact that the +Law, believed to be of divine origin,<a id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> was proclaimed unchangeable +by its own provisions, and hence could not, except with +extreme difficulty, be adapted to new responsibilities and times. +Judges and jurists labored manfully to provide elasticity by +interpretation, but the task was too great to be completely +successful. It became necessary, therefore, for princes to +supplement the Sacred Law by decrees of their own, a course +in which they could not transgress the positive commands of the +Sacred Law. But even within the Law itself the jurists had +allowed them considerable latitude, by classifying its provisions +under different heads as of various degrees of obligation: some +acts were forbidden, some were advised against, some were +considered indifferent, some were recommended, and some were +rigidly prescribed.<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a> Princes were compelled to keep hands off +all matters that were forbidden or prescribed; but in the wide +intervening field there was much that they might do, and an +even larger field was left open in matters that were not touched +at all by the Sacred Law because they had lain outside the +experience of the fathers of Islam or had developed since their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span> +time. In case of undoubted transgression of the Sacred Law, +the Moslem society, led by the <i>Ulema</i>, was considered absolved +from allegiance to the sovereign and justified in exercising the +right of revolution.<a id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> The <i>Sheri</i> was thus a written constitution +for the Ottoman Empire, not subject to amendment, but capable +of some slight modification by judicial and juristic decision and +interpretation.<a id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a> The sultan had no power over it except as +guardian, interpreter, and executor. The popular consent +which allowed him to remain in authority did not recognize +in him any right to amend or abolish any part of the Sacred +Law.</p> + +<p>The Ottoman sovereigns at first issued their new legislation +as <i>firmans</i>, or ordinances,<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> but in the course of time they adopted +from the Greek word κανών, or rule, the word <i>kanun</i>, which they +applied to every general law. This Greek word as applied to +law thus came to be used in contrary senses in the East and the +West. To the canon law of the West corresponded the <i>Sheri</i>, +and to the civil or rather the national law of the West, the +<i>Kanuns</i>. It is to be noted, however, that the <i>Sheri</i> had wider +sway in Turkey in the sixteenth century than the canon law ever +had in the West. Not only did it deal with a far larger field, +but its judges seem sometimes to have administered the <i>Kanuns</i> +also; they had, further, the support of the national government, +whereas the rival courts of the great officials had ordinarily a +very limited jurisdiction. The position of the ecclesiastical +courts of the Christian subjects was much more like that of +similar courts in the West.<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Kanuns</i> were issued in accordance with a general formula +of the Sacred Law. “The <i>Imâm</i>,” quotes Von Hammer, “has +the right to make all civil and political regulations which are +demanded by prudence, the circumstances, and the public<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span> +welfare of the administration and the highest executive power.”<a id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> +The <i>Kanuns</i> of previous sultans were not binding upon a reigning +sultan, except so far as he chose to put them in force;<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> but the +necessity of preserving a continuous administration led ordinarily +to the carrying over to a new reign of all <i>Kanuns</i> that were actually +in use. Reforms or readjustments were often accomplished +by the revival, with modifications, of old <i>Kanuns</i>, rather than +by wholly new legislation.<a id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Kanuns</i> dealt with matters of military, financial, feudal, +criminal, and police law, and with the law of ceremonies.<a id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a> All +these were also covered in a measure by the Sacred Law, with +two exceptions,—the feudal law and the law of ceremonies, +which had to do with matters non-existent in the early Islamic +state.<a id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a> Within these two fields the sultans had a free hand; +in all others their <i>Kanuns</i> were strictly supplementary and +administrative.<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Kanuns</i> were issued separately to meet special circumstances. +A number of them, when collected according to subject-matter +or under the name of the sultan who issued them, constituted +a <i>Kanun-nameh</i>, or book of laws. Each department +of the government had its own <i>Kanun-nameh</i>, and the laws of +taxation for each <i>sanjak</i> were collected into a separate group.<a id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> +It is incorrect to think of a <i>Kanun-nameh</i> of Mohammed II or +of Suleiman as bearing any resemblance to the codes of Theodosius +or Justinian. Not in magnitude, scope, character of +contents, authorized unification, or prevailing authority can any +comparison be made. The <i>Kanun-nameh</i> of Mohammed II +seems from its opening words to have had his sanction as a +collected body: “This is the <i>Kanun</i> of my fathers and ancestors, +according to which my successors shall act from generation to +generation.”<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> These words themselves show, however, that the +contents were not a unified body, but a collection of <i>Kanuns</i><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span> +issued at different times by former sultans as well as by the one +who was reigning; and an examination of the contents bears out +the statement. Nor does the collection possess completeness +in any sense. The first of the three parts deals mainly with the +relative rank of officials, the second with a miscellaneous lot of +usages, chiefly ceremonial, the third with fines for some serious +offenses and with the salaries of some great officials. The whole +code is brief and shows great economy of legislation.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_V"><span class="smcap">The Legislation of Suleiman</span></h3> + +<p>Suleiman’s laws are not contained in a single <i>Kanun-nameh</i>. +He is rightly named the Legislator by comparison with preceding +Ottoman sultans, who were men of the sword and not of the pen; +who, saying little, but doing much, had built up a great empire. +With the empire, institutions which started from small beginnings +had also grown great; but, resting as they did on few written +laws or ordinances, they had tended to reach a confused and +complicated condition. The Ruling Institution itself, gathered +closely about the sultans and constantly amended by them, +was kept in excellent order; it needed no <i>Kanun-nameh</i>, and as a +whole never had one, though many <i>Kanuns</i> of rank, ceremony, +salary, and inheritance had reference to it. More remote +matters, however, could not have so much attention. By the +time of Suleiman’s accession, for example, the feudal system, and +the bearing of the various forms of taxation and land tenure +on the subject population, had come into great disorder; criminal +law also needed further development, and the market and gild +regulations of the cities of the empire demanded attention. +Egyptian affairs were likewise in wild confusion. Already +disordered under the last Mameluke sultans,<a id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> they were now, by +reason of the many deaths and confiscations in the war of conquest +and the setting-up of a new governing authority, imperatively +demanding settlement. In accordance with the needs +of the time, therefore, Suleiman issued a large number of <i>Kanuns</i>, +dealing especially with <i>timars</i> or fiefs, <i>rayahs</i> or subjects, ceremonies,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span> +and criminal and market regulations, and comprising a +constitution for Egypt, the <i>Kanun-nameh Misr</i>.<a id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> The latter +appears to be the only body of <i>Kanuns</i> which the Legislator +published as a whole, and which formed a complete system; +issued in 1532,<a id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> it was probably inspired by Ibrahim, following +up his visit to Egypt in 1524.<a id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> The collection of the great +<i>Mufti Ebu su’ud</i>, which is called the <i>Kanun-nameh</i> of Suleiman, +contains chiefly his ordinances in regard to the land tenure and +taxes of the subject Christians, together with a number of laws +designed to regulate the feudal system, and a few relating to +judges and legal processes.<a id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a> Suleiman was great as a legislator +only by comparison with his predecessors. He set nothing in +final order; and the ground had to be gone over again within +fifty years after his death, in the reign of Achmet I.<a id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> His legislation +was doubly hindered: first, by the conservatism of his people +and his religion, which alike believed that the old ways were +the best, and which made radical departures practically impossible; +and, second, by the weakness inherent in despotic legislation, +in which the distance of the law-giver from the subjects +affected makes true adaptation to circumstances and complete +enforcement impossible of attainment. Because of the first +hindrance, most of Suleiman’s laws professed an attempt to +restore a former better state of affairs. As a matter of fact,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span> +they probably did not contain much more than a statement in +black and white, with necessary simplifications, of a confused +body of practice that had grown up gradually, formulated in +parts by the ordinances of his predecessors. Because of the +second hindrance to his legislation, Suleiman was not able to put +into satisfactory and enduring order matters of such vital interest +to the people as the feudal and financial systems. Conferring +only with a few religious men and a limited number of high +officials, aside from the shut-in members of his inner service, +he could not possibly know how his regulations would bear +upon the holders of small fiefs and the Christian tenants and tax-payers +in remote parts of the empire. The officials who formulated +the <i>Kanuns</i> for him were only a little better able than he +to judge of such matters; and the persons chiefly affected by +the laws were not consulted at all. Moreover, after issuing +his laws the sultan could not follow them up to see to their +execution. In later times, orders to readjust land titles were +sometimes given, but with little further result than to enrich +officials by the bribes which they accepted for declaring titles +good, or by their confiscations of property on which the owners +could not pay enough.<a id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> Although official corruption was undoubtedly +not so bad under Suleiman as it became later, the suspiciously +great wealth of high officials like Ibrahim and Rustem +and the fact that fiefs and finances were in worse disorder than +ever, after no great time had elapsed, gives evidence that his +laws were not faithfully enforced.<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a></p> + +<p>Not much need be said about <i>Adet</i> and <i>Urf</i>. <i>Adet</i>, or custom, +corresponds primarily to the body of unwritten regulations +under which the Turks of the steppe lands lived. As in most +semi-civilized societies, it was at once far wider in scope, more +rigid, and more binding, as enforced by popular opinion, than +written laws in more advanced societies usually are. Something +of these primitive characteristics were carried over into the +Ottoman nation, with all its acquisition of new membership and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span> +incorporation of useful ideas. The conservative character of +Islam strengthened the tendency to perpetuate established +custom. It has been remarked of the caliphate that in no other +state have little causes near the beginning produced such great +effects, because of the tendency to follow precedent minutely.<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> +A very similar observation has been made in regard to the +Ottoman state: “The changeless perpetuity of a primitive +institution appears at every step in Ottoman history.”<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> What +has been shall be, was a precept observed by the Ottomans +in matters small and great. The principles of the Sacred Law, +the accepted <i>Kanuns</i>, and the local <i>Adet</i> of towns, districts, +and manors had almost equally binding force. In fact, to the +unlettered citizen they probably formed one indistinguishable +whole, which seemed almost a feature of the ordering of nature. +Although such sentiments tended strongly toward stability, +they were a great hindrance to improvement. The early Ottomans +had adopted new ideas and institutions with great readiness; +but, since they held to them with equal tenacity, in the +course of time they had no room left for the admission of more +novelties. As fusion and combination were processes little +understood, the tendency was thus toward stagnation, interrupted +violently and for short periods when evils became too +great to be endured. But, while the disposition to adhere +to the established order was exceedingly strong among the +Ottomans, <i>Urf</i>, the will of the sovereign was recognized to be +superior to <i>Adet</i>, much as the Creator was held to be superior +to the ordinary operations of nature. The sultan’s will, however, +penetrated but seldom so far as to the masses of the people.</p> + +<p><i>Adet</i> supplemented the Sacred Law and the <i>Kanuns</i> in matters +which they did not cover.<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> It differed from district to district, +as it does in the West. <i>Urf</i> was the sovereign will of the reigning +sultan; it was the seat and organ of sovereignty, being absolute +to the full extent in which, according to the Sacred Law, God has +delegated the right of legislation and rule to human beings.<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> +The will of a past sultan could prevail only if it had been expressed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span> +in a <i>Kanun</i> and was enforced by the reigning sovereign. It was +by the expression of <i>Urf</i> that <i>Kanuns</i> were issued or annulled +and that <i>Adet</i> was replaced by <i>Kanun</i>. So long as the Sacred +Law was untouched, <i>Urf</i> might be exercised oppressively, +cruelly, or unworthily, without giving any one the right to +resist.<a id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a> Against the <i>Sheri</i>, however, it had no force; any attempt +to exercise it thus was an invitation to disaster.<a id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a></p> + +<p>Suleiman was never in danger from transgression of the +Sacred Law. A devout Moslem, whose piety increased in old +age, he took seriously his duty of enforcing its provisions, not +even hesitating at such as were unpopular, like the prohibition +of wine-drinking,<a id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> or at such as demanded self-sacrifice on his +part, like the disapproval of musical instruments and silver +plate.<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> If he did not enact measures directly to increase the +welfare of the common people, his attempts to regulate the +tax and tenancy systems tended to lighten their condition. +Moreover, he used severe measures to put down extortion; +and he strove by his market and police regulations to maintain +justice, fairness, and order.<a id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_VI"><span class="smcap">The Viziers</span></h3> + +<p>Ottoman writers represented their government under the figure +of a tent supported by four lofty pillars,<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a>—the Viziers, the +<i>Kaziaskers</i>, the <i>Defterdars</i>, and the <i>Nishanjis</i>. It is not safe +to press comparisons too far, however; for, as a matter of fact, +the pillars did not bear equal weight. All four groups of officials +were necessary, but they were not of like importance: the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span> +<i>Nishanjis</i> were far less esteemed than the others; the grand +vizier, on the other hand, carried, from the time of Suleiman, +so much greater a burden than any one else that he might be +compared to a central pillar which supported the entire tent.</p> + +<p>The viziers were the chief councillors of the sultan for peace +and war, administration and justice; and they deliberated all +important questions in the meetings of the Divan, which will +be described later. The word vizier means burden-bearer, the +idea being that an official so designated lifted from the shoulders +of the sovereign the burden of state, and bore it upon his own +shoulders. The number of viziers was not rigidly fixed, but in +the reign of Suleiman, there were ordinarily four, that being a +sacred number with both Turks and Moslems.<a id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> All bore the title +pasha, which was sparingly used in the sixteenth century. +Ordinary viziers had no regular responsibilities besides their +function as councillors; they had great incomes from both +regular and irregular sources, and kept large establishments +modeled on that of their master.<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a></p> + +<p>In the time of Suleiman, the office of grand vizier reached +the climax of a noteworthy development. Whereas formerly +this official had been the senior member of the sultan’s board +of advisers, <i>primus inter pares</i>, he now became a personage far +above his fellow-viziers. His position came to differ from theirs +not merely in degree, but in kind, a difference typified by the +fact that, in reporting to Suleiman after the meetings of the +Divan, none spoke but the grand vizier.<a id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> This development +of the office seems to have resulted from Suleiman’s willingness +to entrust much power to a chosen instrument, who would thus +relieve him of many of the immense cares of empire. Ibrahim +first held his master’s confidence for many years. Later +Rustem came to full power, supported by the wife and the +favorite daughter of the monarch. In Suleiman’s last years +he left well-nigh everything to Ali and to Mohammed Sokolli.<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span></p> + +<p>The grand vizier thus came practically to wield the sovereign +power of the Ottoman state: the sultan might almost discharge +his mind of public care. That is why it became easy for Selim II +and his successors to withdraw into the harem, and devote most +of their energies to carousing and debauchery. Had the position +of the grand vizier been more secure, this change might have +been for the good of the Ottoman state, as affording a means +of supplementing the scanty abilities of weak sultans by those +of the ablest men of the empire. In the case of Mohammed +Sokolli, and of the Kiuprilis three generations later, such was +to be the fact. More often, however, the place of grand vizier +was to be so thoroughly at the mercy of harem intrigue that +only a master of this art could retain his precarious position by +immense efforts, such as would leave a mere remnant of his +energies free for the service of the state. The increase under +Suleiman of the relative power of the grand vizier was thus a +dangerous and eventually a disastrous development.</p> + +<p>It is clear that the grand vizier fully deserved the name of +burden-bearer. Whereas even so earnest a sovereign as Suleiman +appears to have had a sufficiently leisurely life in time of +peace, in spite of his great responsibilities as head of a despotic +government,<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> his grand viziers must have been kept fully occupied. +He that has been called the greatest of all viziers, the +<i>Nizam al-mulk</i>, spoke out of his experience when he said: “It +is necessary that the sovereign consider with his vizier affairs +of state and all that concerns the army, the finances and general +prosperity. He must needs give attention to the measures +which should be taken against the enemies of the empire and +everything that relates to the subject. All these matters give +rise to a great many annoyances and preoccupations and put +the spirit to torture, for they do not leave a single instant of +repose.”<a id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a></p> + +<p>The grand vizier represented the sultan as head of the civil +and military administration and as supreme judge.<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a> He appointed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span> +the highest officials in these departments. He presided +over long sessions of the Divan four days in the week. Some +of his other duties, cares, and obligatory ceremonies appear in +the catalogue of his ten special prerogatives:<a id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a>—</p> + +<p>1. He had the care of the imperial seal, with which, on the +days of the Divan, the doors of the treasury and chancery were +sealed. The delivery of the seal was the symbol of investiture +with the office of grand vizier.</p> + +<p>2. He might hold a Divan of his own at his palace in the afternoon. +This was an important session of court at which many +cases, both great and small, were decided.<a id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a></p> + +<p>3. He had the right to be escorted by the <i>Chaush-bashi</i> and +all the <i>Chaushes</i> from his palace to and from the sultan’s palace.</p> + +<p>4. He received visits of state from the <i>Kaziaskers</i> and <i>Defterdars</i> +every Wednesday.</p> + +<p>5. He was honored by the appearance of the officers of the +imperial stirrup every Monday in the Divan.</p> + +<p>6. He went in solemn procession on Friday to the mosque, +escorted by the <i>Chaushes</i>, the <i>Muteferrika</i>, and others of the +outside service in turbans of ceremony.</p> + +<p>7. He received a weekly visit from the <i>Agha</i> of the Janissaries, +and a monthly visit from the other viziers.</p> + +<p>8. He inspected the city of Constantinople and its markets, +escorted by the judge of Constantinople, the <i>Agha</i> of the Janissaries, +the provost of the markets, and the prefect of the city.</p> + +<p>9. He received a weekly visit of state from various magistrates +and <i>Sanjak Beys</i>.</p> + +<p>10. He was honored at the two Bairams with official felicitations +from the other viziers, the <i>Defterdars</i>, the <i>Beys</i>, the magistrates, +and the generals of the army.</p> + +<p>Customary ceremonies alone were evidently enough to absorb +a very large part of the grand vizier’s time; but they were a +mere incident to the vast amount of administrative and judicial +business that demanded his attention. It is not to be wondered<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span> +at that the period of service in this office was short, on the average. +The post was a dangerous one; for the possessor, with all +his greatness, was the sultan’s <i>kul</i>, and liable to summary execution +if he failed to give satisfaction. Of some two hundred +men who served as grand viziers in the course of five hundred +years, about twenty were executed at the time of their deposition.<a id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a></p> + +<p>Suleiman’s grand viziers held office for comparatively long +periods.<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a> Seven, taken together, served him forty years; Mohammed +Piri Pasha, whom he found in office at his accession, +served in all six years, and Mohammed Sokolli, whom he left +in office at his death, served fifteen years. Thus in sixty-two +years there were only nine in all. Three of them deserve to be +called great,—Ibrahim for his splendor, his breadth of mind, +and his continuance in favor, Rustem for his financial shrewdness, +and Mohammed Sokolli for his statesmanship. These +three also served the longest,—Ibrahim thirteen years, Rustem +fifteen years in two periods, and Mohammed Sokolli fifteen +years without a break. Four of the nine ended their service at +death, two were deposed and executed, three were simply deposed. +All except Mohammed Piri Pasha were Christian +renegades, who had risen as slaves to the highest honor of the +empire.</p> + +<p>The <i>Kaziaskers</i> were, under the sultan and the grand vizier, +the heads of the judiciary of the empire. They sat in the Divan, +where they ranked next to the grand vizier. Since they belonged +to the Moslem Institution, discussion of their duties will be +postponed to the next chapter.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_VII"><span class="smcap">The Defterdars, or Treasurers</span><a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a></h3> + +<p>The great labor of accounting for the receipts and expenditures +of the Ruling Institution in practically all its capacities<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span> +was under the care of the two principal <i>Defterdars</i>, or treasurers, +one for Rumelia and one for Anatolia, aided by two of lower +rank, one for Aleppo and the southwest and one for the Danubian +countries.<a id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a> The principal <i>Defterdars</i> were men of great position, +with large incomes and households, and possessing the right of +audience with the sultan in regard to matters of revenue.<a id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> Under +them were twenty-five departments or bureaus, as instituted +by the Conqueror, each with a chief, or <i>Khojagan</i>, who directed +a number of clerks of different grades. Between these and the +<i>Defterdars</i> were several intermediate officials, of whom the most +important were the two <i>Rusnamehjis</i>, or book-keepers. The +total personnel of the treasury department numbered more than +eight hundred.<a id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a></p> + +<p>A list of the twenty-five bureaus, or <i>kalems</i>, with a statement +of the provinces of each, will give an excellent idea of the complicated +financial arrangements of the Ottoman government.<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a> +Taken as a whole, they show in outline the economic substructure +of the Ruling Institution, as well as that of the Moslem Institution, +with exception of the sultan’s private treasury, out of +which most of the inner service of the court was paid, and of the +provisions for the officers and judges of local government:—</p> + +<p>1. The <i>Buyuk Rusnameh Kalemi</i>, or greater book-keeping +bureau, was the central office to which all the accounts were +brought from the other bureaus. Once or twice a year it drew<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span> +up a statement of the finances of the government. The income +of this bureau seems to have been the greatest of all.<a id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a></p> + +<p>2. The <i>Bash Muhasebeh Kalemi</i>, or head bureau of accounts, +was the largest of all in numerical strength, and the second in +income. It kept account of tithes and taxes from the <i>sanjaks</i>, +of munitions of war of all kinds, of the pay of the garrisons of +Rumelia and Anatolia, of the receipts and expenses of the intendants +of buildings, the admiralty, the kitchen, forage,<a id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a> the mint, +the three powder factories at Constantinople, Salonika, and +Gallipoli, and of the inspector of artillery. This bureau received +copies of all contracts made in the public service, and it registered +and countersigned the entire vast number of orders on the +treasury.</p> + +<p>3. The <i>Anatoli Muhasebesi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of accounts +for Anatolia (though it was by no means confined to Anatolia +in its scope), kept accounts for certain domanial lands, for the +garrisons in the Aegean Islands, and for the pensions of veteran +soldiers.</p> + +<p>4. The <i>Suvari Mukabelesi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of control for +the cavalry, kept account of the salaries of officials of the inner +service, of the <i>Kapujis</i>, of the imperial stables, and of all the +<i>Spahis</i> of the Porte.</p> + +<p>5. The <i>Sipahi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of the <i>Spahis</i>, issued orders +for the pay of the <i>Spahis</i> proper, which required to be countersigned +by the head of the fourth bureau.</p> + +<p>6. The <i>Silihdar Kalemi</i>, or bureau of <i>Silihdars</i>, was similar +to the fifth bureau, except that it was concerned with the <i>Silihdars</i>.</p> + +<p>7. The <i>Haremein Muhasebeh Kalemi</i>, or bureau of accounts +of the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina, kept the books of the +religious endowments or <i>vakfs</i> of the imperial mosques, of the +salaries of all persons connected with these mosques, of all other +religious endowments in Constantinople and elsewhere in Rumelia, +and of all Rumelian property dedicated to the Holy Cities. +All certificates of nomination to service in connection with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span> +mosques in Rumelia were prepared here, to be presented to the +tenth bureau for the issuance of diplomas.</p> + +<p>8. The <i>Jizyeh Muhasebesi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of accounts +for the capitation tax, issued orders yearly for the payment of +this tax according to the estimated number of adult male subject +Christians. A specified number of these orders was sent to each +district, which was held responsible for a corresponding revenue.<a id="FNanchor_573" href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> +The income of this bureau was only a little less than that of the +second bureau.</p> + +<p>9. The <i>Mevkufat Kalemi</i>, or bureau of tributes, kept account +of taxes paid in kind, of the quantity of grain in the public +storehouses of Constantinople and the border fortresses, and +of the grants of supplies from these stores to the several army +corps and to the households of military and civil <i>kullar</i> who were +required to follow the army.</p> + +<p>10. The <i>Maliyeh Kalemi</i>, or chancery bureau of the treasury +department, issued diplomas to all employees of mosques who +brought certificates of nomination from the seventh and twentieth +bureaus, and to all administrators of religious endowments +and pensioners upon such funds; and it drew up for the approval +of the sultan and the countersignature of the <i>Defterdars</i> all +<i>firmans</i>, or administrative orders, that concerned the treasury +department.</p> + +<p>11. The <i>Kuchuk Rusnameh Kalemi</i>, or lesser book-keeping +bureau, kept the accounts of the head <i>Kapujis</i>, the stewards, +and the marine.</p> + +<p>12. The <i>Piadeh Mukabelesi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of control +for the infantry, kept the books of the Janissaries and the auxiliary +corps of the standing army.</p> + +<p>13. The <i>Kuchuk Evkaf Muhasebesi Kalemi</i>, or lesser bureau +of accounts of religious endowments, kept the accounts of all +pensioners and attendants of the endowed public hospitals, +soup-kitchens, insane asylums, and the like.</p> + +<p>14. The <i>Buyuk Kalaa Kalemi</i>, or greater bureau of fortresses, +kept record of the garrisons and of the militia who were liable +for the service of the fortresses of the Danube regions.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span></p> + +<p>15. The <i>Kuchuk Kalaa Kalemi</i>, or lesser bureau of fortresses, +kept like records for fortresses in Albania and the Morea.</p> + +<p>16. The <i>Maaden Mukataasi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of mine leases, +kept account of the tribute required from gipsies, of the receipts +from gold and silver mines in Europe and Asia, of the tributes +from Moldavia and Wallachia, and of the customs duties of +Constantinople, Adrianople, Smyrna, Gallipoli, Chios, and other +places.<a id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a></p> + +<p>17. The <i>Saliyaneh Mukataasi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of salaries, +arranged the yearly pay of the captains of the fleet, and of the +Khan of the Crimea and some of his officials.</p> + +<p>18. The <i>Khaslar Mukataasi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of domanial +leases, kept the books of the domain lands whose revenues were +assigned to the chief ladies of the harem, including the <i>Sultana +Valideh</i> and the sultan’s daughters, and to the high officials of the +government.<a id="FNanchor_575" href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a></p> + +<p>19. The <i>Bash Mukataasi Kalemi</i>, or head bureau of leases, +cared for the revenues from the domains in some lower Danubian +lands, from the rice fields of Eastern Rumelia, from various +salt works, from the fisheries of the Aegean and Black seas, +and from the forests.</p> + +<p>20. The <i>Haremein Mukataasi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of leases +of the Holy Cities, was charged with regard to Anatolia, as was +the seventh bureau with regard to Rumelia.</p> + +<p>21. The <i>Istambol Mukataasi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of leases +for Constantinople, kept account of the domanial leases of +Salonika, Tirhala, and Brusa, the market dues of Constantinople +and Adrianople, the revenues from silk and from the manufacture +of articles in gold and silver.</p> + +<p>22. The <i>Brusa Mukataasi Kalemi</i>, or bureau of the leases of +Brusa, kept account of the domanial leases in the neighborhood +of that city.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span></p> + +<p>23. The <i>Avlonia Mukataasi Kalemi</i>, kept similar accounts for +the island of Euboea, or Negropont.</p> + +<p>24. The <i>Kaffa Mukataasi Kalemi</i> kept similar accounts for +Kaffa and certain domain lands of Anatolia.</p> + +<p>25. The <i>Tarishji Kalemi</i>, or bureau of dates, dated all public +documents that came from the other bureaus, and, at least in +later times, prepared assignments on the public revenues on +behalf of creditors of the government.</p> + +<p>Supplementary bureaus, attached to some of the others, +were the bureau of confiscations and escheats to the crown, +the bureau of the tax on animals, and the bureau of the Christian +churches and monasteries. An additional office of great importance, +called the <i>Oda</i> of the treasury department, attended to the +correspondence of the <i>Defterdars</i>, to their reports to the grand +vizier and the sultan, and to the forwarding of leases for sections +of the crown lands. Attached to the treasury department +was a special court under a judge appointed by the <i>Kaziasker</i> +of Rumelia, which was designed to adjust disputes between the +department and private citizens.</p> + +<p>A <i>Defter-emini</i>, or book-keeper intendant, kept the records of +the fief-holders and administered their estates during vacancies. +He was well paid, and had a staff of clerks.<a id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> He appears to +have been independent of the <i>Defterdars</i>. Two household +treasurers were in charge of the sultan’s personal funds: the +eunuch <i>Khazinehdar-bashi</i>, already mentioned as chief of the +treasury chamber of pages, guarded the treasure stored there, +and paid the members of the inner service; a second official, +under the authority of the former and apparently called by the +same name, attended to the business of the sultan’s private +purse outside the palace.<a id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a> The sultan had in the castle of the +Seven Towers, or <i>Yedi-kuleh</i>, another deposit of treasure which +was supposed to be very large.<a id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span></p> + +<p>The characteristics of the treasury scheme give evidence +that it developed by a gradual growth without systematic +revision at any time. As new occasions for expenditure arose, +they were put in charge of various bureaus; as new provinces +or other sources of fresh income appeared, they were either +assigned to existing bureaus or given to new ones created for +the purpose. The bureaus of Istambol, Avlona, and Kaffa +evidently date from the time of the Conqueror; most of the +others must have been older. That the conquests of Selim +and Suleiman were not administered from Constantinople +is evident from a study of the bureaus, and from the separate +listing of the revenues from Syria, Mesopotamia, and Egypt in +contemporary estimates. Since the authorities give no source +of revenue for the first bureau, which nevertheless seems to +have had the greatest income of all, it is probable that the +tribute from the later conquests was paid into that department, +and by it apportioned to bureaus of expenditure, such as the +fourth, the eleventh, and the twelfth. It is worthy of notice +to what an extent the sources of revenue were ear-marked for +expenditure. The second bureau received the tithes and taxes +of the <i>sanjaks</i>, and paid them out for munitions of war, the +maintenance of garrisons, and the expenses of the intendants +of the outside service of the court. The third bureau received +the revenue from certain domanial lands, and supported the +garrisons of the Aegean Islands and soldiers who had been pensioned. +The eighteenth bureau administered domanial lands +for the support of the harem and high officials. The ninth +bureau received and delivered to the army taxes paid in kind. +The seventh, thirteenth, and twentieth bureaus took revenues +from lands assigned by religious endowment for the support of +the Moslem Institution and certain beneficiaries, and paid them +out as stipulated by the givers.</p> + +<p>Instead of one treasury, into which all revenues should come +and out of which all disbursements should be made, there were +fifteen or more bureaus which received, and as many which spent; +and some of those which both received and spent were, except +for the oversight of the first bureau, practically independent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span> +institutions. A distinct tendency toward decentralization of +management is manifest. Whatever could be set off by itself +was made as nearly independent as possible, subject only to +inspection and supervision. This policy undoubtedly resulted +from the despotic character of the government. Since one +man, the founder of a despotic state, can attend to only a limited +number of duties, he is forced, as his power develops, to assign +more and more responsibilities to subordinates. The method +which most relieves the central management is to entrust definite +duties to definite groups of men, to support these with sufficient +revenues, and then to leave them to themselves. If things go +wrong in any department, the central authority intervenes, +punishes severely those who were responsible, sets things to +rights forcibly, and again leaves the department to itself. The +system is very dangerous unless the central management can be +kept constantly strong and able to assume full control promptly +and effectively. This was the case in the Ottoman Empire +until after the time of Suleiman.</p> + +<p>A yet stronger tendency toward decentralization appeared +in connection with local government. Each <i>Beylerbey</i> had his +own <i>mufti</i>, <i>reis effendi</i>, and <i>defterdar</i>, with a considerable body +of clerks, who advised him, recorded his decisions, attended +to the revenues from the estates assigned for the support of his +household, and kept account of the fief-holders in his dominion.<a id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> +Each <i>Sanjak Bey</i> again had his group of assistants, with similar +duties on a lesser scale.<a id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> Some generations later the extension +of this decentralization was to become a great evil.</p> + +<p>The duties of the bureaus of the treasury department reveal +clearly the limited purposes and activities of the Ottoman +government. The support of the Ruling Institution as standing +army, court, and government was provided for; the revenues +assigned by former sultans and by private individuals to the +support of the Moslem Institution in its religious and charitable +aspects were supervised; the navy was provided for; and the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span> +<i>Khan</i> of the Crimea was pensioned. But nothing was done for +the great mass of the population. They were expected to +furnish the means for these activities; and the duty of the most +conscientious sovereign was fully performed if he provided that +they should labor unmolested, and should not be burdened with +taxation beyond their ability to pay. Under a strong ruling +hand the Ottoman system easily maintained order through +the standing and feudal armies, but it did not so easily regulate +the burden of taxation. This subject deserves special consideration.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_VIII"><span class="smcap">Taxation in the Ottoman Empire</span><a id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a></h3> + +<p>A distinction was drawn between taxes authorized by the +Sacred Law, which were called legal, and all others, which were +called arbitrary as depending on the will of the sovereign. The +early Islamic system of taxation, taken over, it would seem, +from the Sassanian Persian Empire,<a id="FNanchor_582" href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> was extremely simple. +No taxes were laid except on land and on persons. The lands +of Arabia and Bosra were charged with a tithe, or <i>’ushr</i>, of their +produce. Other conquered lands were more heavily burdened, +being assessed with a <i>kharâj</i>, or tax payable in money, and with +a share of the produce, which might be from the tenth to the +half according to the fertility of the land. The tax on persons, +the <i>jizyeh</i>, was limited to a poll or capitation tax on adult male +subjects who were not Moslems. The <i>’ushr</i>, the <i>kharâj</i>, and the +<i>jizyeh</i> were the only taxes recognized by the Sacred Law.</p> + +<p>Other methods of taxation were utilized almost from the +beginning. When, with the conquest of Syria and Egypt, the +Byzantine Empire was entered, it did not seem best to sweep +away the customs, tolls, and other impositions which drew +revenue from trade. As such taxes did not rest on a constitutional +foundation, they were discouraged by some legists; but +they became more and more necessary as a worldly government +developed, and as the revenues from a large part of the land +were set aside for religious foundations.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span></p> + +<p>The early Islamic state also had a vast source of revenue +in booty. Four-fifths of this went to the generals and soldiers +actually concerned in conquest; the remaining fifth was sent to +Medina. After the capital had been removed from Arabia, +the “Prophet’s fifth” was still claimed for the support of legists +and judges.</p> + +<p>The Islamic system, with its distinction of legal and arbitrary +taxes, its rules regulating the distribution of booty, and its +custom of devoting revenues to religious foundations, was taken +up by the Ottoman state. At the same time the feudal system, +based upon both Seljuk and Byzantine example, was applied +to a large part of the lands conquered from Christians, an arrangement +which yielded considerable revenue for the support +of individuals; and a host of Seljuk and Byzantine imposts +lengthened the list of arbitrary taxes. Much land was retained +as imperial domain, perhaps in many cases land that was already +domain of the Byzantine emperors and other rulers whom the +Ottomans dispossessed. The conquests in Cilicia, Syria, Mesopotamia, +and Egypt were left under the old regulations, with +some clearing away of arbitrary taxes, and preparing of cadasters +in the Turkish language.<a id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> Hungary was carefully cadastered, +to be administered thus during a century and a half.<a id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> Special +arrangements and exemptions were made for the foreign colonists, +of a character similar to old Byzantine and Saracen treaties +and agreements.</p> + +<p>As a result of all this, the system of taxation in the Ottoman +Empire was very complex. It contained a great variety of +taxes,—on persons, land, trade, animals, produce, mines, +markets, and the like,—differing from <i>sanjak</i> to <i>sanjak</i> and +from town to town; and it collected its income by various +methods and through various agencies. The details of the +system cannot be considered here, but a few general observations +may be made.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span></p> + +<p>Until the time of Mohammed II the revenues were administered +directly by the treasury department, but this method led +to so many malversations at the cost of the government that he +changed the system to one of tax-farming. By this means the +government became sure of its money. The malversations +did not stop, however, but went on now at the cost of the tax-payers.<a id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a> +The taxes of regions of large size were sold by the +treasury, usually to high officers among the <i>kullar</i>, who did not +intend to collect the taxes themselves, but sold them again by +sections. This process might be repeated several times, till in +the end it would probably be, not Ottomans, but Christians +and Jews who applied the screws to the unfortunate subjects.<a id="FNanchor_586" href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a> +The amount wrung from them might easily be double what +the government received.</p> + +<p>The strongly conservative tendency of the Ottoman people +showed markedly in regard to taxation. The taxes that had +been agreed upon of old were paid, but a general revision of the +system in the direction of uniformity was never thought of. +The revenues of the empire were thus extremely inelastic.<a id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a> A +special war contribution might be laid, as was done by Suleiman +before Mohacs,<a id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> and requisitions might be made upon the +inhabitants of a region through which the army passed; but a +permanent increase of revenue was practically impossible. +The tendency was in the other direction. As the value of money +declined, not without assistance from the sultans,<a id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a> all revenues +payable in agreed sums declined likewise. Payments in kind +from agricultural products may have increased for a time under +local peace and security, but in the end they were to diminish +also. Treaties with Western nations were so favorable to the +latter commercially as to prevent the receipt of extensive revenues<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span> +from foreign customs duties; and such trade must have +increased with the growth of the empire and the increasing +luxury of the court. But on the whole the sultan’s receipts +from taxation, aside from the effect of new conquests, and allowing +for the fluctuations in tithes due to good and bad harvests, +were probably not far from stationary.</p> + +<p>The receipts from the sultan’s fifth of booty taken in war, +which included slaves, must have been considerable up to the +end of Suleiman’s reign. They were all devoted, however, +to the support of the Moslem Institution.<a id="FNanchor_590" href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> Tribute came in +from several countries, as Moldavia, Wallachia, Transylvania, +Ragusa, from Venice for Cyprus, and after 1547 from Austria +for Hungary. This was forced up whenever possible as punishment +for unrest, and was shared by the sultan with high officials.<a id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> +Confiscations of the property of executed persons brought +several great sums to Suleiman. The estates of <i>kullar</i> who +died without children, and the tithes of the estates of those +who left children, constituted a valuable though irregular revenue.<a id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a> +The great treasure of the prince of Gujarat came to +Suleiman after the prince’s death.<a id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> Something was realized +from the administration of the estates of fief-holders who died +without sons; but the lands of these had to be granted again +before long in order to keep up the strength of the feudal army.<a id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> +Fees connected with the administration of justice went directly +to the support of the judges and other officials concerned.<a id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a> +With regular taxation nearly stationary, the increase from extraordinary +sources did not keep pace with advancing expenditures.<a id="FNanchor_596" href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a></p> + +<p>Suleiman’s expenses grew particularly in regard to the fleet +and the household. Some Western writers remarked that the +sultan was put to no expense by war, since his standing army +required to be paid in peace as well as in war, and since the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span> +remainder of his troops came at their own expense.<a id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a> It is true +that his additional expenditure was small as compared with +that for a contemporary Western army, built from a small +permanent nucleus by the hiring of mercenaries and the levy +of national troops which had to be supported by the treasury; +but the sultan had to replace large quantities of munitions of +war that were used up or destroyed, and great numbers of +animals of transport. Moreover, the Janissaries and <i>Spahis</i> +had to be placated at times by presents, and it was more expensive +to feed the army in the field than in the barracks. But the +fleet was a great and growing expense, despite the extent to +which it was supported by raiding and by revenues from North +Africa;<a id="FNanchor_598" href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> and the luxury and splendor of the Magnificent Sultan’s +court grew apace. In spite of fresh conquests and large confiscations, +therefore, Suleiman learned to feel the need of money. +He found it necessary to compel his great officials to help him, by +exacting sums of money from them at the time of their appointment.<a id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a> +These sums were moderate, but, as already pointed +out, they set a fatal example.<a id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_IX"><span class="smcap">Suleiman’s Income</span></h3> + +<p>Suleiman’s revenues have been variously estimated. The +lowest, and probably the most accurate for the field which it +covers, during the years between 1530 and 1537, is that given +by Junis Bey, chief interpreter of the Ottoman court, and Alvise +Gritti, natural son of the Doge of Venice, and business partner +of the grand vizier Ibrahim.<a id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> Junis Bey says: “The income +of the Great Turk from <i>kharâj</i> or tribute amounts to 1,300,000 +ducats from Anatolia and Greece, and 1,600,000 ducats from +Egypt, and 700,000 ducats from Syria and 150,000 ducats from +Mesopotamia and 250,000 ducats from his farms, the islands +which are under him, and the customs of Constantinople and +Pera. Signor Alvise Gritti says that the income is rather more +than less than I have stated, and I think that the expenses of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span> +Porte or of the Seigneur’s court consume the entire income or a +little less.”<a id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a></p> + +<p>The total regular revenue of Suleiman would thus have been +about four million ducats.<a id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> Two estimates made twenty-five +or thirty years later differ notably, however. They indicate +about half as much revenue from Syria and Egypt, allow several +times as much from the farms and the customs duties, and +introduce taxes on mines and salt works, tithes paid in kind, +the animal tax, tributes, escheats, and document fees.<a id="FNanchor_604" href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> According<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span> +to their estimated total of seven or eight million ducats, +it would seem that a million ducats ought to be added to Junis +Bey’s estimate for the mines, salt works, and tributes, and a +million for the other revenues mentioned. This would give an +estimate of six million ducats for Suleiman’s revenues in the +early part of his reign. Toward the close of his reign, after +large territories in Europe and Asia had been incorporated, and +after Rustem had made new arrangements, the total amount +was probably seven or eight million ducats.<a id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a> The bullion value +of six million ducats is less than fourteen million dollars. If, +then, the purchasing power of money be estimated at five times +what it is now, the regular revenue of Suleiman’s government +was equivalent to less than seventy million dollars nowadays, +no large sum for so great an empire. It is necessary to remember, +however, that this by no means covers all the expenses for public +purposes within the empire. It probably includes none of the +revenues devoted to the Moslem Institution, nor those specifically +assigned by feudal grant to the officers of local government; +certainly it does not include those gathered by the permanent +fief-holders and used for their own support, which probably +amounted to about twice as much more.<a id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> Allowing for all this,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span> +the sum total, the equivalent of perhaps two hundred million +dollars, for all the expenses of central and local government +was small in proportion to population, according to modern +standards. Had there been no extortion, the people of the +empire would not have been burdened heavily. Even with it, +as indicated already, they probably did not suffer greatly in +Suleiman’s time.<a id="FNanchor_607" href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_X"><span class="smcap">The Nishanji or Chancellor</span></h3> + +<p>The chancery department of the Ottoman government seems +not to have reached such a stage of development in the sixteenth +century as had the treasury department; certainly it was not so +conspicuous. Contemporary writers give so little information +about it that it is hard to draw a reasonably complete picture +of it. They mention several of the officials who were prominent +in the department in later times; but evidently those of the +earlier period were not under the same relationships to each +other as were later ones who bore the same titles. The +<i>Nishanji-bashi</i>, often called simply the <i>Nishanji</i>, was clearly +the chief, but other details are not easily to be ascertained. +It seems necessary, therefore, to describe the Ottoman chancery +as it was two centuries after Suleiman’s death, and then to +endeavor to conjecture what it was in his time.<a id="FNanchor_608" href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a></p> + +<p>In the latter part of the eighteenth century the Ottoman +government had three ministers of state and six under-secretaries +of state. The three ministers were the <i>Kiaya-bey</i>, the +<i>Chaush-bashi</i>, and the <i>Reis Effendi</i>, the last named being by far +the most important. The <i>Kiaya-bey</i> was the substitute or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span> +lieutenant of the grand vizier, and attended especially to affairs +of the interior and of war; under him were a number of officials +who formed connecting links between the grand vizier and the +various groups of <i>kullar</i> in the household and the army. The +<i>Chaush-bashi</i> was at the same time second official in the grand +vizier’s court of justice, minister of police, introducer of ambassadors, +grand marshal of the court, and chief of the <i>Chaushes</i>. +To assist him in the execution of these varied functions, he had a +large number of under officers and clerks. The <i>Reis Effendi</i>, +whose full title was <i>Reis ul-Khuttab</i>, “Chief of the Men of the +Pen,” was minister of foreign affairs, secretary of state, and +chancellor. In the first capacity he was prominent in international +relations; in the second he was responsible for the +preparation of the addresses and reports which the grand vizier +made to the sultan; in the third, he was head of the three bureaus +of the chancery. In charge of these under him were a <i>Beylikji</i>, +or general director of the three bureaus, a <i>Terjuman Divani +Humayun</i>, or chief interpreter, and an <i>Ameji</i>, who drew up the +grand vizier’s reports to the sultan for the inspection of the +<i>Reis Effendi</i>.</p> + +<p>Of the three bureaus, the <i>Beylik Kalemi</i> prepared, recorded, +or transmitted, as was proper in each case, <i>Kanuns</i>, treaties, +and all <i>firmans</i> that did not concern the treasury department. +The <i>Tahvil Kalemi</i> prepared the diplomas of governors, of judges +of large towns, and of fief-holders. The <i>Ruus Kalemi</i> made out +certificates for the clerks of all bureaus, for <i>Kapuji-bashis</i>, professors +in endowed colleges, administrators of religious endowments, +pensioners on the treasury or on religious benefactions, +and soldiers of the auxiliary corps of the regular army. Together +the three bureaus kept employed about one hundred and fifty +clerks of three grades, provided for by fiefs. The <i>Nishanji’s</i> +sole duty was to authenticate <i>firmans</i> sent to the provinces, +by tracing at the head of each document the sultan’s <i>tughra</i>, +or official signature. He had no influence on the conduct of +business, but, as evidence of past greatness, he ranked above +even the <i>Reis Effendi</i> on ceremonial occasions.<a id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span></p> + +<p>The under-secretaries were attached by pairs to the ministers. +The <i>Teshrifatji</i>, or master of ceremonies, and the <i>Kiaya Katibi</i>, +or private secretary, of the <i>Kiaya-bey</i> were attached to the +<i>Kiaya-bey</i>. The greater and lesser <i>Teskerejis</i>, or masters of +petitions, were attached to the <i>Chaush-bashi</i>. The <i>Beylikji</i>, +mentioned above as head of the three bureaus of the chancery, +and the <i>Mektubji</i>, or private secretary of the grand vizier, in +which office he was assisted by a bureau of thirty clerks, were +attached to the <i>Reis Effendi</i>.</p> + +<p>It is evident that all the functions of the officials and bureaus +described above must have been performed in some fashion in +the time of Suleiman. The conservative character of Turkish +institutions simplifies the problem of determining how they +were performed. It has been seen, partly by external and partly +by internal evidence, that the bureaus of the treasury department +persisted from the time of Mohammed II to the end of the +eighteenth century with few changes. Accordingly, the inference +may fairly be made that the same was true of the chancery +department. Moreover, the chief officials of the later date are +mentioned in sixteenth-century writings, among them the +<i>Kiaya</i> of the grand vizier, the <i>Chaush-bashi</i>, and the <i>Reis Effendi</i>; +Junis Bey held the position of chief interpreter;<a id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> and the duties +of Suleiman’s master of ceremonies must have been important. +The great change in the chancery in the interval was the decline +of the <i>Nishanji</i> from the highest place in the department to one +of little importance, and the rise of the <i>Reis Effendi</i> from a +subordinate place to the top. From of old the <i>Nishanji</i> had had +the duty of affixing the sultan’s signature to documents; but in +early Ottoman days, when the pen was of very little consequence +in comparison with the sword, he had been held in small esteem. +He was responsible, however, for the accurate and legal formulation +of the papers which he signed; and as the nation grew his +importance increased, till by the sixteenth century he had +become a great official, clearly the head of the chancery department, +and the recipient of a large salary. A description of +about the year 1537 says of the <i>Nishanji</i>: “There is a <i>Teskereji-bashi</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span> +who has the duty of engrossing the ordinances and commands +of the prince and the court, when it has transmitted them +to him, and is like a general secretary of the commands, or +recorder of the documents of the prince, which are called <i>Teskereh</i>; +and it is also his duty, in consultation with the pashas, +to revise the writings and take care that they contain no ambiguous +expressions, as though he were a keeper of the seals. +The present occupant of the office has seven thousand ducats +of revenue from fiefs, and a large number of slaves, and other +lesser recorders who also prepare commands, licenses, safe-conducts, +and other letters as there may be need. These are +paid here for their trouble, and they may receive three or four +hundred livres. It is said that the present [<i>Nishanji</i>] is so +just a man, that he has never in his life received a <i>sou</i> from any +one with whom he has transacted business.”<a id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Reis Effendi</i> was at that time, it would seem, little more +than recording secretary of the Divan.<a id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a> The reasons for the +later change in the relative importance of these two officials +probably lay in the withdrawal of the sultan into his inner palace, +and the development of foreign relations. As the sultan became +more sequestered, the <i>Nishanji’s</i> personal relation to him was +gradually cut off; for the same reason the grand vizier came to +be more heavily burdened, and left more responsibility on the +<i>Reis Effendi</i>. Beginning with Suleiman’s reign, relations with +the Western European nations became ever closer and more +complicated. Cared for in his time by the grand viziers Ibrahim, +Rustem, and Ali,<a id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> they were entrusted in later reigns to the <i>Reis +Effendi</i>. Presently, then, this official displaced the <i>Nishanji</i> at +the head of the chancery, and the latter was gradually reduced +almost to the functions of a name-stamp. Aside from this +important difference, and the general fact that the business of +the chancery was not so extensive in Suleiman’s time as it became<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span> +later, and that the functions of separate officials had not come +to be so rigidly defined, the inference may be made that the +description of the late eighteenth century holds good generally +of the Ottoman chancery of the sixteenth century.</p> + +<p>Little evidence appears as to the status of the personnel of +the treasury and chancery departments. The upper officials +were drawn from the quieter and more studious members of the +school of pages;<a id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> in the time of Mohammed II the <i>Nishanji</i> +might be drawn from the ranks of the <i>Ulema</i>.<a id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a> Junis Bey +refers to the employees of the bureaus sometimes as slaves and +sometimes as companions or scribes. They were paid not in +money but by fiefs. Near the close of Suleiman’s reign, it is +said, the chancery clerks were Turks, whereas they had been +Christians and Greeks not long before, and had written their +documents in Greek.<a id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a> Whether or not this be true, the books +of the treasury department had been kept in Turkish from the +first;<a id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a> but it does not follow, of course, that the clerks of this +department had always been Ottomans, or that, if they were, +they had been regularly either Moslem-born or renegades. +The general reasons which led the sultan to build the Ruling +Institution out of slaves in its other aspects would tend to +operate here also; on the other hand, the nature of the work +demanded persons of quiet tastes and, for many positions, +those of considerable learning in language and law, and such +persons were more easily to be found in the Moslem-born population +than among the Christian subjects or renegades. It would +seem that in Suleiman’s time, or shortly before, the personnel +of the chancery changed from Christian-born to Moslem-born. +Naturally, then, the personnel of the treasury would have +been likely to undergo a similar transformation at the same time.</p> + +<p>It has been said that when Turks dismount from their horses, +they become bureaucrats and paper-scribblers.<a id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a> Undoubtedly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span> +the Ottoman government gave evidence of the truth of this +statement. The twenty-five bureaus of the treasury and the +appended bureaus, the three bureaus of the chancery, the treasuries +and chanceries of <i>Beylerbeys</i> and <i>Sanjak Beys</i>, the offices +of the generals of cavalry and infantry, and of the <i>Umena</i> and +other household officials without and within, contained some +thousands of men whose whole time was occupied in writing, +recording, and transmitting laws, ordinances, diplomas, nominations, +projects, deeds, grants, orders for pay, receipts, reports, +addresses, petitions, answers, and the like. The existence of +so many component institutions, connected only at the top and +paralleling each other’s activities both near and far, together +with the custom of verifying, authenticating, and recording +many papers in different bureaus and by different officials, +created a vast and growing amount of red tape that in time was +greatly to hinder all government business. Even in Suleiman’s +day it seems to have been the practice on the part of clerks and +officials to demand a private fee for each act of writing or signing +or stamping or recording or approving or inspecting.<a id="FNanchor_619" href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> In the +time of prosperity, however, this practice can hardly have been +so vexatious and dilatory as it became later. The bureaucratic +tendency was no doubt based on a desire to keep everything in +order by checks and cross-recording; but in the end it defeated +its object by employing such a multiplicity of devices that order +was lost in confusion.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_XI"><span class="smcap">The Divan or Council</span><a id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a></h3> + +<p>In a land where the law was nearly fixed, and where whatever +power of legislation was allowed was definitely lodged in one +man, the only deliberation possible was on administrative and +judicial subjects. The oversight of these matters was given in +charge to a council, the Divan, which held long sessions four<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span> +times each week throughout the year in time of peace, unless +perhaps in the month of fasting. This council was composed +of <i>ex officio</i> members who represented (when those who came +only on special days are added to those who came each day) +all the great component parts of the Ruling Institution. The +Moslem Institution also was represented in the two <i>Kaziaskers</i>; +for the grand vizier and the Divan constituted not only the +supreme council of administration but the supreme court of the +empire. It was thus not strictly a part of the Ruling Institution, +but rather the cap-stone of both institutions, the body that +gave final unity, immediately under the sultan, to the organization +of the empire.</p> + +<p>In former times the sultan had presided at the Divan. Suleiman +did not, and he has been greatly blamed for discontinuing +the custom.<a id="FNanchor_621" href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a> It is not impossible to sympathize with him, +however, for he thus freed himself from a great burden; to spend +several hours in deliberation on four days of each week during a +lifetime is a prospect from which any man would shrink. Nevertheless, +it was a serious rift in both of the great institutions of +the empire at the most dangerous place, and its effect was +decidedly to hasten their disintegration. Suleiman kept the +Divan under control by means of a grated window in the wall +of the room where it met.<a id="FNanchor_622" href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> Not knowing when he might be +listening there, his councillors had always to speak as if he were +present with them.</p> + +<p>The arrival of the councillors at the hall of the Divan, their +entry, their places for sitting or standing, their rank at the simple +meal of which they partook while there, the order of their going +in to audience with the sultan afterward, and the manner of their +departure, were all according to <i>Kanun</i> or equally rigid custom. +At a later time the details of these ceremonies were all minutely +specified.<a id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a> Probably they were not so elaborate in the time of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span> +Suleiman, but contemporary writings show them already considerably +developed.</p> + +<p>The sessions of the Divan have been described so often that +it is not necessary to go into detail here. Soon after sunrise +on Saturday, Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday the officials who +were to participate came to the palace, accompanied by their +secretaries, ushers, body-guards, and other attendants. They +passed the second gate of the palace in the inverse order of rank, +and waited at their prescribed places in the hall of the Divan +until the grand vizier approached, accompanied by his retinue, +when all came out and took places according to rank in two +lines, between which the grand vizier entered. Those who had +the right then followed him in by pairs, and once more took +their places.<a id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a> Officials who might be summoned waited in antechambers +near; and attendants, guards, and soldiers, stood at +suitable distances.</p> + +<p>The grand vizier sat Turkish fashion in the middle of a long +sofa which extended round three sides of the hall. On his right +sat the other viziers (unless one or more happened to be absent +on a special mission), and beyond them, on the sofa at the end +of the room, the <i>Nishanji</i>. On the grand vizier’s left were the +two <i>Kaziaskers</i>, and beyond them the <i>Defterdars</i>.<a id="FNanchor_625" href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> The <i>Beylerbeys</i> +of Anatolia and Greece, and, after Barbarossa’s appointment, +the <i>Kapudan Pasha</i>, sat beyond the viziers on the right. +The <i>Agha</i> of the Janissaries also had a place, and the chief +interpreter was often needed. Other generals and high officials +might be summoned; heads, officials, and clerks of bureaus +were at hand; and <i>Chaushes</i>, <i>Kapuji-bashis</i>, and <i>Kapujis</i> were +in readiness to be sent on errands and missions. Before the +grand vizier, when judicial business was being considered, stood<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span> +the <i>Teskerejis</i>, or masters of petitions. On the floor at his left +sat the <i>Reis Effendi</i>. The <i>Kapujilar-kiayasi</i>, or grand chamberlain +of the household, was present; and the <i>Chaush-bashi</i>, as +grand marshal of the court, here bearing the additional title +of <i>Bey</i> of the Divan, saw that all went according to rule. After +greetings and other formalities the business was taken up in order +of importance.<a id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> Great questions, like proposals of ambassadors, +the condition of the provinces, and the possibility or desirability +of war were discussed briefly by the viziers, the others +present being called upon to speak if their views were desired. +The grand vizier either declared the decision on such matters, +subject to the sultan’s approval, or reserved the decision for the +master.<a id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> Lesser matters were decided by the viziers individually, +or were referred by them to the other great officials present, or +to an official in attendance outside. Much of the time there was +no general deliberation, but several affairs might be considered +by different members of the Divan simultaneously. Lawsuits +were presented to the grand vizier by the masters of petitions, +and the parties might appear to plead their own cases, bringing +witnesses. The grand vizier turned over many cases to the +<i>Kaziaskers</i>. All business was done with despatch, and a large +amount was accomplished. Decisions were briefly formulated, +without discussion of the reasons for action. The <i>Reis Effendi</i> +and lesser secretaries and clerks wrote down carefully all that +was decided upon. After the sultan had signified his approval +at the close of a Divan, the decisions were irrevocable.</p> + +<p>During and also at the close of the session, which might last +seven or eight hours,<a id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a> a simple meal of bread, meat, rice, fruit, +and water was served to all who were in attendance within and +without the hall of the Divan. To meet the expense of this, +four days’ pay was reserved each year from the salaries of all +who were expected to attend.<a id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a> Order was kept most carefully +among all who were present within and without the hall of the +Divan, and absolute silence was preserved, except for such +movements and conversation as were necessary to the transaction<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span> +of business. Any disturber of order and quiet was taken +away and immediately bastinadoed.</p> + +<p>After the day’s work was done, which might be about noon +in summer time or toward sunset in the winter, those officials +of the Divan who had the right of audience went to the hall of +audience to meet the sultan. They were the viziers, <i>Kaziaskers</i>, +and <i>Defterdars</i> regularly, and the <i>Beylerbeys</i> and the <i>Agha</i> of the +Janissaries when they had business;<a id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> the <i>Defterdars</i>, however, +received audience on Sundays and Tuesdays only. The <i>Kaziaskers</i> +entered first, and when their business had been approved +they went to the gate and held court. The <i>Beylerbeys</i>, the +<i>Defterdars</i>, and the viziers entered the audience chamber together. +The <i>Beylerbeys</i> transacted their business and departed; the +<i>Defterdars</i> did likewise, and went to the door of the treasury to +give audience. The ordinary viziers, left behind in the presence +of the sultan, usually said nothing unless asked; the grand +vizier alone reported on the decisions of the day.<a id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a> These the +sultan usually approved as made, sometimes mitigating a decision +or himself dictating a reply to an ambassador.<a id="FNanchor_632" href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a> Suleiman +was willing to give a free hand to Ibrahim, Rustem, and Mohammed +Sokolli during their long periods of service.<a id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a></p> + +<p>In time of war the Divan was held in the grand vizier’s tent, +which was usually pitched near the sultan’s. As all the high +officials, and the heads of bureaus with at least part of their +clerks, were present with the army, much the same ceremony +could be gone through with as in the capital. When the sultan +was absent from the city on campaigns, the few officials of +government who were left behind held a secondary Divan on +Saturdays and Sundays. In case of emergency during war-time, +or for some other special reason, a Divan might be held on horseback.<a id="FNanchor_634" href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a></p> + +<p>The Divan of Suleiman was a splendid ceremony, and it +transacted a great amount of administrative and judicial business.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span> +A large proportion of the duties of the principal officials +was attended to in its sessions rather than in private offices; +and on particular matters there was a certain amount of deliberation, +though the Ottomans were not a people of many words. +The Divan was by no means a legislative chamber. It was in a +sense a combination of a president’s cabinet and a supreme +court;<a id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> yet it was unlike both. Its presiding officer was appointed; +all its decisions required the approval of the sultan, +who was not present at its sessions; and all its members were +responsible to him for good behavior on penalty of their lives. +It was the highest court in the land, yet not so much a court of +appeal as a court of first instance. It had no power to judge the +validity of laws; yet it was not restricted in its jurisdiction, +since it had cognizance of all civil and criminal cases that might +be presented to it from any part of the empire. In its judicial +aspect, again, its decisions had no validity without the approval +of the sultan. With all its limitations, however, it was of great +value to the Ottoman government. Below the sultan, but above +all institutions of the empire, it bound together at the top the +Ruling Institution and the Moslem Institution, and it united +similarly all the component divisions of each; it was the pivot +from which were suspended all the separate parts of the despotically +constructed government. In it met the ablest men of the +empire, chosen by selection after selection, each one charged +with great responsibilities and possessing power to execute +without delay what might be agreed upon. The Divan was +excellently adapted to the general Ottoman system. It enabled +the ruler, with a minimum of care, to keep the closest control +over every part of the empire through extremely intelligent +and capable agents, who were bound to him by gratitude, self-interest, +ambition, and fear. It was a training-school of judges, +administrators, and statesmen, since men ordinarily rose from +place to place among its offices as they gained experience; here<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span> +they imparted ideas and methods to each other, and made their +abilities known to the highest officials, the grand vizier and the +sultan, with whom lay the power of promotion. Nor was the +Divan wholly destitute of legislative influence. All <i>Kanuns</i> +were issued in the sultan’s name and after his definite approval; +yet the information on which they were based must regularly +have come through members of the Divan, and members of the +Divan with their subordinates must certainly have drawn them +up and revised them into shape. Controlling administration +and justice and influencing legislation, the Divan, under the +leadership of the grand vizier, governed the Ottoman Empire +for the sultan.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VI_XII"><span class="smcap">The Ruling Institution as a Whole</span></h3> + +<p>That which for want of a better name has been called in this +treatise the Ottoman Ruling Institution has now been discussed +in all its general aspects. Space has been lacking for the presentation +of many details, though the attempt has been made to +introduce all such as would give necessary evidence or useful +illustration. A few statements intended to summarize and bind +together what has been said will complete the discussion of the +institution.</p> + +<p>The Ottoman Ruling Institution was in its most essential +aspect a government for the Ottoman Empire. In this respect +its form was a despotism, centered in one man, the sultan. Yet +the despotism was greatly circumscribed by a rigid constitutional +law, which was firmly grounded in strong religious belief and +intense national conservatism. This law held the sultan within +limited functions, but at the same time it gave him his right to +rule. As a government under this law, the Ottoman Ruling +Institution maintained public order, defended the empire against +its enemies, and endeavored by conquest to enlarge its possessions +and with them the domain of the Sacred Law. A large proportion +of its energies was devoted to obtaining and distributing the +means of its own support, to keeping its own machinery in order, +and to maintaining its authority within the empire. The idea of +labor for the public welfare or of effort toward progress was not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span> +present. Change came, not by conscious striving toward betterment, +but by growth, development, and decay, the effects of +which were adjusted when it became necessary. But within such +limits, there was in the sixteenth century a distinct desire, +founded on consciousness of greatness, pride of power, and +loyalty to Islam, to have the government well-ordered and +intelligently directed, and to cause it to bear upon its subjects +as evenly and lightly as possible. Suleiman laid hold of many +problems which had arisen, and through the agency of his ablest +servants strove to set his house in order. That he did not succeed +in accomplishing more permanent results was due to the +fact that the task was too great for any man. The institution +was too artificial to endure indefinitely.</p> + +<p>The whole institution kept itself in power, and defended and +enlarged the empire, by being organized as an army. With +exceptions, all its officers of government were soldiers and all +its army officers had governmental duties. It constituted a +standing army of cavalry and infantry, aided by artillery, +commissary, and transport services; and it controlled a much +larger feudal and irregular army. Through the feudal army it +kept the country in subjection. By garrisons it held the towns +quiet. In case of rebellion, it threw a great force upon the +insurgents, and beat them down with cruel and resistless energy. +For foreign wars it gathered an enormous but well-controlled +host, which was victorious in battle throughout the reign of +Suleiman. It took by siege Belgrade and Rhodes, but it failed +at Vienna and Malta. The weakness of the Ruling Institution +as an army was its essential indivisibility. Only one great +war could be waged at a time, although there were great enemies +in two directions; hence an overwhelming defeat of the principal +army would have been irreparably disastrous. But the army +was to suffice for a long period; and for generations its worst +foes were to be, not foreign armies, but internal rivalries and +departures from its constitutive principles.</p> + +<p>To maintain the pomp and ceremony which are attached +to the idea of an empire, especially in the East, and to supply +the sultan on a large scale with all the enjoyments which were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span> +considered due to his state, the Ottoman Ruling Institution +was in another aspect a great court and household. Nearly +all its members shared in the display of grand occasions, many +went to the hunt with the sultan, and a large proportion of them +had constant duties of ceremonial and personal service. Suleiman +was known as the Legislator and the Conqueror, but beyond +both these titles as the Magnificent; he shone as head of the +government and the army, but still more as head of the court. +Splendor and luxury, however, are expensive, and in the end +his example was to be ruinous.</p> + +<p>All the members of the Ruling Institution were set off as a +nobility by exemption from taxation and by special jurisdiction; +but, lest they might prove a danger to the institution, they were +not allowed to transmit their nobility to their descendants. +In the end, however, their special privilege was to become so +desirable that the walls of separation would be invaded and the +institution would be wrecked.</p> + +<p>The Ottoman Ruling Institution, at once the government, +the army, and the nobility of a great nation, was at the same +time a genuine slave-family. Almost all its members were +recruited as slaves and remained slaves throughout their days; +their lives and their property were at the disposal of the sultan; +they must obey without hesitation, as all slaves must obey. +Yet their condition was far from being miserable. Their slavery +conveyed no taint: one of them might be married to a protégée +or even a daughter of the great master; their children would +never be reproached because of the father’s status. It was an +honor to be the sultan’s <i>kul</i>. Vast wealth and almost royal +power and rule might be theirs; yet each member of the Ruling +Institution was actually a slave.</p> + +<p>The most characteristic feature of this institution lay in the +fact that its recruits were almost all drawn from children (born +within or without the empire) of Christian parents, and that +before they were advanced they were expected to become Mohammedans. +A twofold motive lay beneath this policy,—a +desire to obtain single-hearted servants and to increase the +number of believers in the Mohammedan faith. Sons of these<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span> +converts were sometimes admitted to the Ruling Institution, +but their grandsons practically never. Thus a constant stream +of the ablest and fittest Christian children who were born in or +near the Ottoman dominions were brought into the Ruling +Institution, the Ottoman nation, and the Mohammedan fold.</p> + +<p>The next most characteristic and the most abiding feature +of the Ottoman Ruling Institution was its educational quality. +The Christian slaves were all acquired while young, and were +trained with the greatest care to become useful members of the +institution, each in the capacity for which nature had best +fitted him. They were provided with an education which, +if not so general or so advanced as the usual training of modern +times, was more nearly complete. Body and mind, social, +moral, and religious nature, all received attention. The immediate +object of this education was to fit the boys for the sultan’s +service in war and government; but they were also trained to +adorn his ceremonies and his court, and to live by the principles +and in the faith of Mohammed. When they were first admitted, +their training was more or less like that in schools of an industrial, +military, and cultural character; but it did not stop with the +attainment of majority. Army, household, bureaus, local +government, and Divan, all were conducted much like schools. +Strict discipline was constantly maintained, slackness was severely +punished, and industry and ability were richly rewarded. +The results were well-nigh incredible; they constitute a wonderful +demonstration of how little the human spirit is limited by the +ignorance or the restricted and humble life of ancestors. With +hardly an exception, the men who guided Suleiman’s empire +to a height of unexampled glory were sons of peasants and herdsmen, +of downtrodden and miserable subjects, of unlettered and +half-civilized men and women. It is not easy to decide which +is more to be admired, the ability by which such young men rose, +or the confidence with which they were chosen and expected +to rise. If these men had not really risen, if they had remained +boorish, ignorant, and narrow, though elevated to high position +and authority, the facts would be less remarkable than they are. +The evidence is, however, that they really became educated,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span> +cultured, and polished men: to this day their descendants have +a manner and charm that can rarely be found among Western +peoples. It is much easier to understand the whole process and +its results in a modern democratic age and land than it was in +feudal Europe of the sixteenth century. The Ottoman Ruling +Institution was from start to finish ingeniously contrived to +develop its members, within the limits of its purposes, to their +utmost capacity. Great authority, great position, great financial +rewards, were offered. Great punishments were not far away +from those who might prove dangerous, treacherous, or even +incompatible and inefficient.</p> + +<p>As a result of its careful selection and training of men for +society, war, and government, the Ottoman Ruling Institution, +allowing for all imperfections of structure, was a very efficient +and permanent entity. It was later to endure terrible shocks +and losses without destruction; it was to suffer a partial separation +of its component institutions into hostile bodies, and to +witness serious departures from its rules and principles. But, +despite attack from without and disintegration and decay within, +it long stood firm; and, together with its dissimilar companion, +the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, it has kept the +vital spark of that empire alive for more than two centuries +after extinction began to be thought imminent. Even today +its abiding spirit gives promise of lighting a new and very different +torch, which, having burned away the limitations and imperfections +that caused the ruin of the older institution, will yet +be the brighter for preserving a democratic faith in the capacity +of the able individual, and a disposition to help him forward by +education and to trust him with all the responsibility that he +is able to bear. Most features of the Ottoman Ruling Institution +cannot live in the twentieth century. Despotism, military +rule, personal privilege, excessive imperial splendor, proselytism, +and slavery have been dethroned in favor of political +and religious liberty, equality, fraternity, separation of church +and state, and government by the people. But the idea of an +education which will develop the individual to the full extent +of his capacities is thoroughly modern; and the disposition to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span> +entrust high offices to those who, without regard to ancestry, +are the ablest, and who become by their own efforts and by +carefully supervised training the best equipped, is in advance +of the ordinary practice of Western democracies. Herein lies +one of the strongest elements of hope for the future of the new +Turkey, which may thus preserve continuity with the past.</p> + +<p>The Ottoman Ruling Institution, still thus capable of imparting +valuable ideas, was in its halcyon days a thing of immense +moment in the world. Out of carefully selected but most +heterogeneous materials it had built itself up as a firm, strong, +and simple structure, which had gathered a chaotic mass of petty +states and hostile peoples into a great and, by comparison, a +well-governed and durable empire. In the reign of the great +Suleiman no human structure existed which equalled this institution +in wealth, splendor, power, simplicity and rapidity of action, +and respect at home and abroad.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII<br> +<span class="smaller">THE MOSLEM INSTITUTION OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE</span></h2> + +</div> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VII_I"><span class="smcap">General Description</span></h3> + +<p>In a survey of the institutional history of the Ottoman Empire, +a study of the complex organization which was based upon and +inspired by the Mohammedan religion would demand as large +a space as that given to the Ruling Institution. In a discussion +of the government of the empire, however, a much briefer treatment +will suffice. The Moslem Institution as a whole will +be sketched rapidly; fuller consideration will be given to its +juristic and judicial features, which especially affected and +entered into the government of the nation.</p> + +<p>The structure of the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, +as of the corresponding institutions in all Moslem lands, +was and remains to the present time wholly different from that +of any of the Christian ecclesiastical organizations. As a mere +church it claimed far less place and influence than they do, but +in other aspects it reached out far more widely. It included +all those Mohammedans in the Ottoman Empire, outside of the +Ruling Institution, who were in any way lifted above the level +of the ordinary believer. Islam recognized no organized priesthood, +no aristocracy, and no monks; yet the Ottoman Moslem +Institution possessed groups that were much like each of the +three. In addition it had a graded educational system, with a +graded corps of teachers, it contained a hierarchy of jurist-theologians, +and it supplied a classified body of judges, whose +combined jurisdictions covered the whole empire. That which +all persons who constituted this institution had in common +was a special relationship to the Mohammedan religion, sometimes +based on birth or piety, but usually established by intellectual +training in connection with the Book and the Law of +Islam. In contrast with the Ottoman Ruling Institution, the +Moslem Institution cannot as a whole be regarded under several<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span> +aspects. Like the former, it included component institutions; +but these all grew up from the Mohammedan population and +rested on one broad base, instead of being extended downward +from the top. At the same time, the sultan was the head of this +institution, whether it be considered as a whole or in reference +to each of its component institutions. He and his government +appointed its most influential personages, maintained careful +oversight of its financial support, and kept record of the appointments +of all its members who shared in this support. The two +great institutions of the Ottoman Empire were therefore joined +together at the top, and, as will appear, they touched at every +other level both in financial and in governmental relations.</p> + +<p>The fundamental difference of the two institutions lay in +the fact that the members of the Ruling Institution were drawn +almost exclusively from Christian families, and the members +of the Moslem Institution even more exclusively from Mohammedan +families. While it is likely that the majority of the +Mohammedan families had sprung from Christian ancestors +not many generations back, it is also true that Islam acts rapidly +upon the spirit of converts. Accordingly the two institutions +were very differently constituted. Between them arose a +rivalry of tendency and influence which was to become extremely +harmful to the Ottoman state.</p> + +<p>In this treatise the financial side of the Moslem Institution +will be considered, the four great groups of its membership will +be discussed in the proportion of their relation to the government, +and some attention will be given to the institution as a +whole.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VII_II"><span class="smcap">Financial Support of the Moslem Institution</span><a id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a></h3> + +<p>As already stated, a large proportion of the land of the Ottoman +Empire, perhaps one-third,<a id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> was set aside as <i>vakf</i>, or religious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span> +endowment. Much of this had been so devoted by sultans, +and in such cases the imperial treasury could use for its own +purposes none of the revenue or income from these lands. Other +parcels of land had been set apart by private individuals, in +these instances the treasury receiving for its own use the same +revenues as before the endowment, while the surplus income +from the land was devoted to the purposes specified by the giver. +Each tract of such land was by the original act of endowment +assigned to a particular object, and a <i>Muteveli</i> or administrator +and a <i>Nazir</i> or inspector were appointed to take care of it. In +a large proportion of cases a high official of the government or +household, such as the grand vizier, the <i>Mufti</i>, the <i>Kapu Agha</i>, +or the <i>Kizlar Agha</i>, was put in charge <i>ex officio</i> in one or the other +capacity, on the theory that, being near the person of the sultan, +he would be subject to constant control. In course of time the +<i>Kizlar Agha</i>, the grand vizier, and the <i>Mufti</i> found it necessary +to organize the properties under their charge by holding private +Divans of the subordinate administrators and inspectors, and by +appointing <i>Mufettishes</i>, or special judges, each with a staff of +subordinates and travelling inspectors.<a id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a></p> + +<p>Although every tract of land was assigned for a definite object +and placed under specified guardians, the <i>vakfs</i> were a matter +of public record, and the accounts of all were kept by the treasury +department in the appropriate bureaus. The subjects who lived +on <i>vakf</i> lands seem to have been better treated than those on +lands of other sorts, just as in the West in the Middle Ages the +serfs of the church were often better off than other serfs.<a id="FNanchor_639" href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> There +were three classes of <i>vakfs</i>,—the regular <i>vakfs</i> of the mosques, +the <i>vakfs</i> for charitable purposes, and the customary <i>vakfs</i> of +the mosques. The last were chiefly in the nature of investments +of the funds of the mosques, and were according to <i>Kanun</i> +rather than <i>Sheri</i>.<a id="FNanchor_640" href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> In the second class were included endowments +of schools, libraries, hospitals, bridges, fountains, caravanserais,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span> +public baths, convents for dervishes, and the like. The +narrow provision of the Ruling Institution for public service +was in this way supplemented.<a id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a> The first class deserves further +attention.</p> + +<p>The chief material unit in connection with the Moslem Institution +was the mosque. Each great mosque was a large house of +worship, with a group of smaller institutions clustered about it, +such as colleges, law schools, hospitals, insane asylums, and soup-kitchens. +For the support of these and of all persons who conducted +them, the income from the <i>vakfs</i> of the mosque was +applied. In many cases the lands which had belonged to Christian +churches before the Ottoman conquest were assigned as +<i>vakfs</i> for the support of the mosques into which the churches +were converted. For example, the grounds of the sultan’s +principal palace had belonged to the church, and were assigned +as <i>vakf</i> to the mosque of Aya Sofia. When Mohammed II took +them for his palace he pledged a revenue of one thousand and +one aspers a day to the great mosque.<a id="FNanchor_642" href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a> This church was one +of eight in the city of Constantinople which were so treated.<a id="FNanchor_643" href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> +The revenue of Aya Sofia was estimated at two hundred thousand +ducats a year.<a id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a> The income of the principal mosques being +much larger than the expenses, a considerable portion of the +surplus was used by the guardians for their own benefit, although +they were supposed to receive no compensation, but to labor +for the love of God. The fact is that many of the sultan’s +<i>kullar</i> provided an inheritance for their sons and descendants +by setting apart for specific purposes lands in <i>vakf</i>, of which the +desired persons should be administrators, it being clearly understood +that a portion of the income should be retained by them.<a id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> +The remainder of the surplus was held in a special treasury by +the appropriate bureaus, or was reinvested in customary <i>vakfs</i>, +or was lent to the government. The <i>vakfs</i> as a whole supported<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span> +all the official members of the Moslem Institution, except that +the judges derived much of their income from fees and fines.<a id="FNanchor_646" href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a> +The treasury department received and controlled all the revenues +from <i>vakfs</i>, and paid from the appropriate funds all who were +duly certified as recipients of salaries and pensions.</p> + +<p>All the <i>Ulema</i>, in connection with their support from semi-public +funds, possessed the noble privilege of immunity from +taxation. Since the rendering of justice was in their hands, +they had their own justice. In addition, their property was not +subject to confiscation; and, since they were not <i>kullar</i>, it passed +by inheritance to their relatives and never to the sultan. All +these privileges gave the learned class in the Ottoman Empire +the prestige of nobility, besides great financial advantage.<a id="FNanchor_647" href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VII_III"><span class="smcap">The Educational System</span></h3> + +<p>Like the Ruling Institution, the Moslem Institution contained +and embodied an educational system which was of its essential +structure. Through it, from the time of Mohammed II, the +great majority of the members of the institution, including all +who expected promotion, were required to pass; accordingly, +they bore as a body the name of the <i>Ulema</i>, or learned men.<a id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> +The schools, supported by <i>vakfs</i> and attached to mosques, were +in three grades: the <i>mektebs</i> or primary schools, known in the +sixteenth century as <i>okumak-yerleri</i> or reading-places; the +ordinary <i>medressehs</i> or colleges; and the higher <i>medressehs</i> or +law schools, of university grade. The <i>mektebs</i> taught Arabic +reading and writing and the Koran; the <i>medressehs</i> gave a course +of ten studies resembling the Seven Arts of the West;<a id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a> the law<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span> +schools taught the group of sciences connected with the Koran +and the <i>Sheri</i> and including both law and theology.<a id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a></p> + +<p>There was no compulsory education; nor could the system, +by reason of the individual character of its foundations, be +universal for Mohammedan children. But it may be supposed +that any Moslem parent, the inhabitant of a town of some size, +who desired his son to learn the rather difficult art of reading +and writing Turkish and Arabic, or even to enter upon a learned +career, was not devoid of an opportunity. Furthermore, where +primary schools existed the instruction was free, and some +students were even fed and lodged;<a id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> the students in the <i>medressehs</i> +were also partially supported, and those in the law +schools received a sufficiency. This system, which dated back +at least to the twelfth century in Moslem lands, probably in the +Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century gave better opportunity +for education to Moslem boys than was afforded to Christian +children in any land until a much later date. The Ottomans +believed thoroughly in education; but, unfortunately, their +conservatism was in course of time to turn a beneficent institution +into a harmful one. No change of consequence, either in +methods of teaching or in subjects of study, was permitted +from century to century; hence the training that had once +carried its earnest pupils to the forefront of human knowledge +was in time to hold them firmly at a stage which the rest of the +world had long passed through and left far behind.</p> + +<p>The <i>medressehs</i> were very numerous in the empire;<a id="FNanchor_652" href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a> the mosque +of the Conqueror had eight, that of Suleiman five. It was +Suleiman who set the gradations of the system in their final<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span> +form. All who aspired to any official position in the Moslem +Institution must pass through a <i>medresseh</i> of some degree. +On first entering they were called <i>Softas</i>, or more properly +<i>Sukhtas</i>, as those who were <i>inflamed</i> with the desire for learning. +The students were in different grades, but there seems to have +been no fixed number of years of study; the instruction being +largely individual, each could proceed as rapidly as he was +able. On finishing, they received a sort of master’s degree and +were called <i>Danishmend</i>, which appears in several of the early +sources as <i>Talisman</i>.<a id="FNanchor_653" href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> Such students as were content to teach +primary schools, or to attend to ecclesiastical duties, needed to +study no longer.</p> + +<p>Those who aspired to become jurists or judges had to pursue +a long course in law in the higher <i>medressehs</i>. At the end of this +time they were examined personally by the <i>Mufti</i>, or chief +jurist, and if successful they were dignified with the title of +<i>Mulâzim</i>, or candidate. Those who did not aspire to the higher +judicial positions ended their preparation at this point. The +more ambitious sought appointment, for which they were now +qualified, as <i>Muderisler</i>, or professors, in <i>medressehs</i> of low grade. +The <i>Muderisler</i> received large salaries, which increased as they +rose. They were in three classes,—the <i>Muderisler</i> of Constantinople, +of Adrianople and Brusa, and of the other cities +of the empire. The <i>Muderisler</i> of Constantinople numbered +about four hundred; they were in ten grades, distinguished +according to the subjects which they taught. Those of other +cities than the capital, and those at the capital who did not pass +through all the grades, became either jurists or judges of lesser +degrees. Those who wished to reach the higher judgeships were +obliged to pass through all ten grades. Since this was so long +a process as regularly to bring a man to gray hairs before he +reached the top, the rigid grading early began to be circumvented +by the practice of inscribing the sons of <i>Ulema</i> as <i>Muderisler</i> +while they were very young, substitutes being hired to teach +in their places.<a id="FNanchor_654" href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> By the age of thirty or forty they would thus<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span> +be able to attain high position. A continuance of this process, +combined with the immunities and privileges of the <i>Ulema</i>, +was in time to lead to great accumulations of wealth in the hands +of a few families, who would be able to keep most of the high +judicial offices within their own numbers.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VII_IV"><span class="smcap">Clergy, Seids, and Dervishes</span></h3> + +<p>The clergy of the Ottoman nation were, as has been shown, +of no great education, and they seem to have possessed less +influence than the priests of any other religion.<a id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a> They were in +five classes: the <i>Sheiks</i>, or preachers; the <i>Khatibs</i>, or leaders of +Friday services; the <i>Imâms</i>, or leaders of daily services; the +<i>Muezzins</i>, who intoned the call to prayer; and the <i>Kaims</i>, or +caretakers of the mosques.</p> + +<p>The <i>Seids</i>, also known as <i>Emirs</i> or <i>Sherifs</i>, were a class apart +among the Ottomans. They were not properly members of the +<i>Ulema</i>, unless, like others, they passed through the schools; +they owed their distinction rather to a real or assumed genealogy +which carried their ancestry back to the Prophet Mohammed. +They alone were privileged to wear a green turban. They were +numerous; but the claims of many were doubted, and some of +them seem to have possessed reputations that were far from +savory.<a id="FNanchor_656" href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> They constituted the only hereditary nobility among +the Ottomans, but their privileges appear to have been personal +rather than financial: they were not to be struck, for example, +on penalty of severe punishment, and they had their own justice. +Great honor was shown to two members of this nobility, descendants +of the Prophet: to the <i>Mir-Alem</i>, the sultan’s standard-bearer, +who was regularly a <i>Seid</i>, and had precedence of all +the officers of the army; and to the <i>Nakib ol-Eshraf</i>, head of +the <i>Seids</i>, who ranked second in the Moslem Institution, and +at the ceremonies of Bairam had precedence even of the <i>Mufti</i>. +The <i>Nakib ol-Eshraf</i> was appointed by the sultan for life; that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span> +member of the <i>Ulema</i> who was a <i>Seid</i> and who ranked highest +when the place fell vacant was ordinarily chosen. He had a +staff of officers and clerks in the capital and the provinces, and +was head of the separate jurisdiction of the <i>Seids</i>. Under the +sultan he held despotic authority over all <i>Seids</i>; and, when +the sovereign ordered the punishment or death of one of them, +the <i>Nakib ol-Eshraf</i> was commissioned to carry out the execution.</p> + +<p>Dervishes also were not members of the <i>Ulema</i>. They were +of many orders, though sixteenth-century observers seem to +have been impressed with but four.<a id="FNanchor_657" href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a> They represented in Islam +the monks, the hermits, and the begging friars of Christianity. +Through them heresies spread, uprisings were concocted, mobs +were gathered, and holy war was preached. On more than one +occasion they endangered the power of the government.<a id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> Many +were honest, God-fearing folk, while others were scarcely more +than tramps and wandering thieves.</p> + +<p>Clergy, <i>Seids</i>, and dervishes represented the merely religious +side of the Moslem Institution. Islam was fundamentally a +religion without priests, monks, or nobles; and these persons +never grew to possess permanent influence and power in the +Ottoman state.<a id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a></p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VII_V"><span class="smcap">Jurists and the Mufti</span></h3> + +<p>A number of the <i>Ulema</i> who had finished the law course, +and who at some previous time had chosen to become counsellors +and jurists rather than to take up the severer and more active +judicial career, constituted a distinct body, the <i>muftis</i>, who were +held in high esteem. One of these was assigned as associate +to the judge of every important city, to the number of about +two hundred in all, while others were counsellors for the <i>Beylerbeys</i> +and <i>Sanjak Beys</i>. Appointed for life, they lived in retirement, +having no initiative of action. When the judge, <i>Bey</i>, +or any private citizen, confronted by a case or other matter<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span> +which involved a learned knowledge of the Sacred Law, submitted +to one of them a question in writing, usually in the form +of a hypothetical case, it was the duty of the <i>mufti</i>, after careful +consideration of the question in the light of the law books of +the school of Abu Hanifa, to give an answer that applied the +Sacred Law to the matter concerned. These answers, which +were called <i>fetvas</i>, were usually extremely concise and unaccompanied +by reasoning; they were prepared and sealed in solemn +form.<a id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a> When a judge or a <i>Bey</i> proposed to his <i>mufti</i> a question +touching a pending law case, the <i>mufti’s</i> response ordinarily +settled the case. Private citizens who obtained <i>fetvas</i> ordinarily +did so to help their causes in pending law suits; here again +a pertinent question and answer would usually settle the case. +Since there was no class of professional lawyers, the <i>muftis</i> were +a necessary and very useful body.</p> + +<p>In ordinary cities the <i>mufti</i> ranked after the judge. This +was not the case in Constantinople, where the sultan and his +officers of government frequently had questions to present +which touched matters of the highest public importance. As a +consequence the <i>mufti</i> of Constantinople became <i>par excellence</i> +the <i>Mufti</i>. Mohammed II assigned to him also the title of +<i>Sheik ul-Islam</i>, the Ancient of Islam, which in later times was +to become his ordinary title. The <i>Mufti</i> was not regularly +chosen from among his fellows, but was usually advanced by +the sultan from the active judicial service.<a id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> He had the right +to appoint and promote all the other <i>muftis</i> of the empire. A +special bureau called the <i>Fetva-khaneh</i> was created by Suleiman +to assist the <i>Mufti</i> in preparing decisions.</p> + +<p>The <i>Mufti</i> was definitely constituted by Suleiman the head +of the <i>Ulema</i>;<a id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a> and as such he outranked all officials of government,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span> +except that he yielded place to the grand vizier on ordinary +occasions. He was almost the equal of the sultan himself, since +he was the expounder and representative of the Sacred Law, +which was above the sultan. Bayezid II was accustomed to +stand to receive the <i>Mufti</i>, and to give him a seat above his own.<a id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a> +Early in Suleiman’s reign it was said, “The Turk shows his +[<i>Mufti</i>] the greatest reverence of any man in his realm, because +he represents justice and the image of God.”<a id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> Sixteenth-century +Westerners compared the <i>Mufti</i> with a “very great cardinal,”<a id="FNanchor_665" href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> +but more often with the pope.<a id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> The <i>Mufti</i> had, however, no temporal +authority and no active part in affairs; like his brethren in +lesser cities, he could give responses only when his opinion was +asked. He could, however, rightly be compared with the pope +in dignity and in the magnitude of the matters with which he +dealt. His alone was the right to proclaim that war should be +begun, and to send out preachers to declare that the war was holy +and incumbent on all Moslems. He was frequently consulted +by the sultan as to the conformity of proposed <i>Kanuns</i> with the +Sacred Law.<a id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a> In his hands rested the extreme responsibility +of pronouncing that a sultan had transgressed the Sacred Law +and ought to be deposed. In short, though he could claim no +divinely delegated power to create new rules of faith or law, he +was the final earthly authority in the interpretation of the +Sacred Law as completed by Mohammed the Prophet. He +exercised a function similar to what in the United States of +America is the highest office of the Supreme Court,—the power +of defending the Constitution. In this capacity the <i>Mufti</i> +often withstood the sultan. <i>Urf</i> was subordinate to <i>Sheri</i>, and +in case of conflict the former must yield; therefore the sultan, +who embodied the former, could not override the <i>Mufti</i>, who +represented the latter. A century after the time of Suleiman +it was said:—</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span></p> + +<p>“The <i>Mufti</i> is the principal head of the <i>Mahometan</i> Religion +or Oracle of all doubtful questions in the Law, and is a person +of great esteem and reverence amongst the <i>Turks</i>; his Election +is solely in the Grand Signior, who chuses a man to that Office +always famous for his Learning in the Law, and eminent for his +vertues and strictness of Life: his Authority is so great amongst +them, that when he passes Judgment or Determination in any +point, the Grand Signior himself will in no wise contradict or +oppose it....</p> + +<p>“In matters of State the <i>Sultan</i> demands his opinion, whether +it be in Condemnation of any great man to Death, or in making +War or Peace, or other important Affairs of the Empire; either +to appear the more just and religious, or to incline the People +more willingly to Obedience. And this practice is used in business +of greatest moment; scarce a Visier is proscribed, or a +<i>Pashaw</i> for pretence of crime displaced, or any matter of great +alteration or change designed, but the Grand Signior arms +himself with the <i>Mufti’s</i> Sentence; for the nature of man reposes +more security in innocence and actions of Justice, than in the +absolute and uncontroulable power of the Sword. And the +Grand Signior, tho he himself is above the Law, and is the +Oracle and Fountain of Justice, yet it is seldom that he proceeds +so irregularly to contemn that Authority wherein their Religion +hath placed an ultimate power of Decision in all their Controversies.”<a id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a></p> + +<p>The power of the <i>Mufti</i> in the sixteenth century may be +illustrated by one or two instances. In the early years of the +century, shortly before the appearance of the Reformation +movement in Western Europe, the Ottoman Empire was threatened +by the presence of large numbers of heretics in Asia Minor, +simultaneously with the rise of a strong Mohammedan heretical +power in Persia. Selim the Grim disposed of the heretics in his +dominions by wholesale execution,<a id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a> and punished, though he +failed to crush, the Persians by the defeat of Khaldiran and the +annexation of a large part of their territory. After he had got +rid of Mohammedan heresy in his dominions, he was impressed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span> +with the absence of unity occasioned by the presence of the +Christian subjects.<a id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a> Accordingly he decided to order all these +Christians to accept Islam on pain of death. To say that he +desired to execute the Christians of his dominions would be to +put the emphasis in the wrong place. He seems rather to have +had in mind such a process as was carried through in Spain +in the course of the sixteenth century, as a result of which none +were left in that land who professed another than the dominant +religion.</p> + +<p>But here the <i>Mufti</i> Jemali intervened decisively. He had +readily given a <i>fetva</i> authorizing the extermination of the +heretics as in accordance with the Sacred Law, and he was +later to sanction the Persian and the Egyptian wars. In this +case, Selim, it is said, deceived him by a hypothetical question +into giving a response which might be interpreted to authorize +the forcible conversion of the Christians. After the order was +issued, however, Jemali, awakened to the situation, put the Greek +Patriarch in possession of a sufficient defence by showing him +that the Sacred Law provided that Christians who had accepted +Mohammedan rule and agreed to pay <i>kharâj</i> and <i>jizyeh</i> (land +tribute and poll-tax) were, aside from certain regulations, to be +left unmolested in the exercise of their religion. This provision +the Patriarch, as instructed by the <i>Mufti</i>, claimed to be an +irrevocable and eternal compact; therefore, he urged, since +Selim’s intention was contrary to it, his purpose was unlawful +and must be abandoned. The argument prevailed, and the +Christians were not disturbed as to their faith.</p> + +<p>It may be remarked that Selim’s idea was an excellent one +from the point of view of statesmanship, and would, in the end, +have resulted in a great advantage to the Moslem Institution. +As pointed out in the first chapter, the Christian churches in the +Ottoman Empire constituted a group of organizations that were +parallel and rival to the Moslem Institution; hence their removal +would have left it a free field. Whether its unopposed action +would, in the long run, have been an advantage to the empire +and to the world is a matter for speculation which would be out<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span> +of place here; but as a state the Ottoman Empire would have +been notably unified by the clearing away of these institutions. +They were old, strong, and of a tenacious vitality; in them +centered the hopes and aspirations of the subject Christians; +while they persisted, complete amalgamation of the population +was impossible; they were to keep alive a sentiment of nationality +and separatism that three centuries later was to break off great +sections from the empire. It seems clear, then, that, had Selim +been able to carry out his purpose, the history of the Levant +since his time would have been very different from what it has +been. But the <i>Mufti</i>, as guardian of the Sacred Law, was right. +The position of the Christian subjects rested on a firm constitutional +foundation.<a id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a> The Prophet Mohammed himself, nine +centuries before Selim, had made the religious and social unity +of the Ottoman Empire forever impossible. He had also made +political unity impossible at that time; for in the sixteenth +century political, apart from religious, unity was not understood +in either the East or the West. Only in the twentieth century +was Turkey to arrive at a new hope of political unity through an +attempt to remove religious differences from a position of great +influence upon the state.</p> + +<p>Another instance of the <i>Mufti’s</i> power occurred in the reign of +Suleiman, who, as a willing servant of the Sacred Law, freely +recognized the greatness of the <i>Mufti’s</i> position. The <i>Mufti</i> +Ebu su’ud was one of the most distinguished ornaments of the +Legislator’s reign. He had passed through all the stages of +advancement among the <i>Ulema</i>, and had been <i>Kaziasker</i> eight +years when he was constituted <i>Mufti</i>. He wrote a great commentary +on the Koran, and it was he who collected the best-known +<i>Kanun-nameh</i> of Suleiman.<a id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> This man was closely +connected with one of those sorrowful events which made the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213"></a>[213]</span> +reign of Suleiman, great as it was in victory, splendor, and +learning, equally great in tragic ruin of hope. Suleiman must +have passed through many hours of torturing indecision before he +determined upon the execution of his eldest son, Mustapha; +and in so great a matter he needed to consult the guardian of the +Sacred Law. The story of the part which the <i>Mufti</i> played +shall be told by Busbecq, who appears for the last time in the +pages of this treatise:—</p> + +<p>“Solyman had brought with him [to Amasia, where he joined +the army] his son’s death doom, which he had prepared before +leaving home. With a view to satisfying religious scruples, he +had previously consulted his mufti. This is the name given to +the chief priest among the Turks, and answers to our Pope of +Rome. In order to get an impartial answer from the mufti, he +put the case before him as follows:—He told him that there was +at Constantinople a merchant of good position, who, when about +to leave home for some time, placed over his property and household +a slave to whom he had shown the greatest favour, and +entrusted his wife and children to his loyalty. No sooner was +the master gone than this slave began to embezzle his master’s +property, and plot against the lives of his wife and children; +nay, more, had attempted to compass his master’s destruction. +The question which he (Solyman) wished the mufti to answer +was this: What sentence could be lawfully pronounced against +this slave? The mufti answered that in his judgment he deserved +to be tortured to death. Now, whether this was the +mufti’s own opinion, or whether it was pronounced at the instigation +of Roostem or Roxolana, there is no doubt that it greatly +influenced Solyman, who was already minded to order the execution +of his son; for he considered that the latter’s offence against +himself was quite as great as that of the slave against his master, +in the case he had put before the mufti.”<a id="FNanchor_673" href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Mufti’s</i> power in reality went beyond the field of interpretation +and entered upon that of legislation. It is well known<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214"></a>[214]</span> +how much the Supreme Court of the United States of America +has extended the powers of the federal government by the +interpretation of the Constitution. The <i>Mufti</i> acted similarly, +though with less freedom, in interpreting the Sacred Law. +His power in this direction was recognized by some Ottoman +Mohammedans: “The <i>Mufti</i> hath a spacious Field for his +Interpretation; for it is agreed that their Law is temporary, and +admits of Expositions according to times and state of things. +And though they Preach to the People the perfection of their +<i>Alchoran</i>; yet the wiser men hold, that the <i>Mufti</i> hath an expository +power of the Law to improve and better it, according to +the state of things, times and conveniencies of the Empire; for +that their Law was never designed to be a clog or confinement to +the propagation of Faith, but an advancement thereof, and therefore +to be interpreted in the largest and farthest fetched sense, +when the strict words will not reach the design intended.”<a id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>fetvas</i> of the <i>muftis</i> amounted in practice to a body of +legislation which was intermediate between the <i>Sheri</i> and the +<i>Kanuns</i>: they partook of the sacred character of the former, as +being based directly upon it; they were, like the latter, of a +modern and practical nature derived from recent application +to actual cases. In the <i>fetvas</i>, however, nothing radical or +startling could ever be attempted; novel features were obliged +to be of a most inconspicuous character. The <i>fetvas</i> as a whole +caused some development in the Sacred Law, but their combined +additions were altogether too slight to keep it abreast of the +march of events.</p> + +<p>In reality, the <i>muftis</i> occupied the most influential position +in the Moslem Institution and perhaps in the Ottoman state. +Usually inferior to judges and officers of government in income +and display, and giving no direct impulse to affairs, they nevertheless +wielded the greatest continuous power in the state,—the +quiet, steady, almost changeless, almost irresistible, force of +Mohammedanism. They were “guardians of the laws” in as +full a sense as any Greek could wish. Their authority rested,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215"></a>[215]</span> +first, on the acceptance by the entire Moslem population of the +absolute supremacy of the Sacred Law, and, second, on the +recognition by the same population that they, who had acquired +learning in the Law by long years of arduous mental labor, and +who had chosen to continue in its study rather than take up its +more active and lucrative application in service on the bench, +were the persons through whom its supremacy on earth was +rightly to be maintained. Thus by popular consent the <i>muftis</i> +constituted the conservative, regulative force in the Ottoman +state. They were destined to contribute very largely to the +empire’s durability, which, despite frightful shocks, disasters, and +losses, was to continue far beyond the expectation of the world.</p> + +<p>The <i>muftis</i> did their work only too well. The idea of the +changelessness of the Sacred Law was essentially hostile to +progress. Although considerable flexibility was possible under +its provisions, the flexibility lay in its application to particular +cases, and hardly at all in the law itself. When the Ottoman +power began to rise, scholasticism was at its height, both in +Christianity and in Mohammedanism. From this blighting +theological and philosophical bondage, which tended to extend +its deadening sway over all the activities of the human spirit, +Christendom was delivered by the Renaissance and the Reformation. +The Ottoman mind, on the contrary, continued to be +held under it till the most recent years. That it remained so +long in bondage, with scarcely a struggle to escape, was due very +largely to the authority of the <i>Ulema</i>. They who accomplished +much toward building the Ottoman state into a solid structure, +and toward maintaining it against foes without and within, also +held it nearly stationary while the rest of the world moved on.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VII_VI"><span class="smcap">The Judicial System</span><a id="FNanchor_675" href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a></h3> + +<p>The judges who belonged to the corps of the <i>Ulema</i> had +jurisdictions that were based upon territory, and that covered<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216"></a>[216]</span> +the whole empire to an even wider extent than did the administration +of the government. The Crimea and North Africa, +though under vassal governments, formed part of the Ottoman +judicial system.<a id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a> The tribunals of the judges seem to have been +competent for all kinds of cases, whether civil or criminal, and +whether covered by the <i>Sheri</i>, the <i>Kanuns</i>, <i>Adet</i>, or none of these.<a id="FNanchor_677" href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> +But, as has been seen, they were not competent to try all persons. +The <i>kullar</i>, the <i>Seids</i>, and the members of the foreign colonies +had their separate systems of justice; even the subject Christians, +in matters between themselves, had their own ecclesiastical +tribunals to which they regularly resorted. Cases concerning +the administration of certain groups of <i>vakf</i> lands were tried in +special courts, which were, however, presided over by members +of the regular judicial body. The fief-holders had seigniorial +jurisdiction in certain matters; and the officers of local government +seem also to have had independent right to decide cases +outside the sphere of the Sacred Law, whether covered by <i>Kanun</i>, +<i>Adet</i>, or unprovided for.<a id="FNanchor_678" href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a> The judges of the Moslem Institution, +therefore, tried all cases involving the Sacred Law which arose +within the empire, and which were between Moslem and Moslem +or between Moslem and Christian (except when the Moslem was +a <i>kul</i> of the sultan or a <i>Seid</i>), as well as a large proportion of the +cases which were outside the sphere of the Sacred Law.</p> + +<p>Nearly all judges were judges of cities, having jurisdiction +also over the surrounding territory;<a id="FNanchor_679" href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> exceptions were the <i>Mufettishes</i><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217"></a>[217]</span> +of the <i>vakf</i> lands, the judge who accompanied the <i>Kapudan +Pasha</i> on his annual cruise to the Aegean Islands, the two <i>Kaziaskers</i>, +and the grand vizier. The judges were all carefully +graded in five principal classes, three of which were each again +subdivided into several groups. By another grouping, on a +geographical basis, they were in two divisions under the <i>Kaziaskers</i> +of Europe and Asia. The five classes were the greater +<i>Mollas</i>, the lesser <i>Mollas</i>, the <i>Mufettishes</i>, the <i>Kazis</i>, and the +<i>Naibs</i>. The general name for judge was <i>Kazi</i>, and the popular +title of respect for them all was <i>Molla</i>;<a id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> but the official titles +were as described above. In general, a <i>Danishmend</i> who aspired +to the judicial career chose while in the law course, according +to his ambition or ability, which of the five classes he would +strive to enter and after entering one of them he could not pass +to another. Each had its ladder of promotion.</p> + +<p>The greater <i>Mollas</i> were in six groups: the <i>Kaziasker</i> of +Rumelia; the <i>Kaziasker</i> of Anatolia; the judge of Constantinople; +the judges of Mecca and Medina; the judges of Adrianople, +Brusa, Cairo, and Damascus; and the judges of the three +suburbs of Constantinople,—Galata, Scutari, and Eyub,—and +of Jerusalem, Smyrna, Aleppo, Larissa, and Salonica. These +seventeen were in later times nominated by the <i>Mufti</i> for approval +by the grand vizier and confirmation by the sultan; in Suleiman’s +time the members of the last four groups were nominated +by the <i>Kaziaskers</i> subject to the approval of the pashas.<a id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> Their +positions were originally held for life, or until promotion, or during +good behavior; and they rose by promotion from group to +group. Each had a number of assistants, clerks, book-keepers, +treasurers, and the like. They seem to have had superior jurisdiction +over the inhabitants, and control of the lesser judges, in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218"></a>[218]</span> +the entire dominion of the officer of local government—<i>Beylerbey</i> +or <i>Sanjak Bey</i>—who resided in their city.<a id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a> The <i>Kaziaskers</i> had +each a large corps of subordinate officials. They controlled the +appointment of the judges of all other classes, subject to the confirmation +of the sultan. The five <i>Ulema</i> who held high office near +the person of the sultan—his <i>Hoja</i> or teacher, the head physician, +the head astrologer, and the two imperial <i>Imâms</i>—were +reckoned as adjunct members among the <i>Mollas</i> of the first class. +They had no small influence on the destiny of the empire, as +being the most disinterested and trusted persons who had the +ear of the monarch.</p> + +<p>The lesser <i>Mollas</i> were the judges of the ten cities of second +rank,—Marash, Bagdad, Bosna-serai, Sofia, Belgrade, Aintab, +Kutaia, Konia, Philippopolis, and Diarbekr.</p> + +<p>The <i>Mufettishes</i> were five in number, three representing the +<i>vakfs</i> in Constantinople that were under the <i>Mufti</i>, the grand +vizier, and the <i>Kizlar Agha</i>, and two representing all three of +these exalted officials in Adrianople and Brusa. Cases concerning +<i>vakfs</i> that might arise elsewhere were taken before the nearest +<i>Kazi</i>.</p> + +<p>The <i>Kazis</i> proper included the vast majority of the judges, +to the number, in D’Ohsson’s time, of about four hundred and +fifty, who were stationed in smaller cities. About two hundred +in Europe, in nine groups, and those in the Crimea and North +Africa, were under the authority of the <i>Kaziasker</i> of Rumelia. +About two hundred and twenty-five in Asia, in ten groups, and +thirty-six in Egypt, in six groups, were under the control of the +<i>Kaziasker</i> of Anatolia.<a id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Naibs</i> were in several groups, as judges of villages, lesser +judges of cities, temporary substitutes for higher judges, and the +like. They ordinarily had no salaries, but lived upon fees and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219"></a>[219]</span> +irregular earnings. A group of these were important in the +sixteenth century as a kind of inspectors of public morals. +They purchased their places, and lived upon fines—and sometimes, +it is said, upon extortions—from persons who did not +wish their private lives exposed.<a id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a></p> + +<p>Exercising many of the functions of police and market judges, +but not belonging to the <i>Ulema</i>, were the <i>Muhtesibs</i>, or lieutenants +of police, of the various cities. Accompanied by soldiers and +attendants, they patrolled the streets and inspected the markets, +giving special heed to weights and measures. If they found +that the law had been infringed, they inflicted punishment, +whether financial or corporal, on the spot.<a id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> By reason of the +duty of applying sumptuary regulations, the office was often +lucrative.<a id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a></p> + +<p>In every court a single judge sat, with his clerks and other +subordinates. Cases were presented by the parties concerned, +and decisions were usually rendered immediately and in very +concise form. The judge coöperated with the <i>Subashi</i> of the +city, who brought before the judge persons that were summoned +and who executed the sentences of the judges,<a id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> an arrangement +in which lay a certain likeness to the ecclesiastical courts of the +West, which might condemn, but left the execution to the secular +arm. Appeal went up to judges higher in the scale, and finally +to the grand vizier.<a id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a> Costs and fines were moderate, and were +fixed by <i>Kanun</i>;<a id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> they constituted, however, a large part of the +income of the judges and their subordinates. The judges were +salaried, and some of them had in addition large amounts of +irregular earnings. The judges attended to all the notarial +work of the empire.</p> + +<p>The <i>Subashis</i>, <i>Sanjak Beys</i>, and <i>Beylerbeys</i> had complete +jurisdiction over all members of the Ruling Institution who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220"></a>[220]</span> +resided in their districts, as well as a more or less undefined authority +in cases controlled by <i>Kanun</i>, <i>Adet</i>, or otherwise outside +the sphere of the Sacred Law.<a id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> In capital cases they never +proceeded to execution without obtaining the approval of the +judge of the city, in order to have the sanction of the Sacred +Law.<a id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> The decisions of the judges in criminal cases were regularly +submitted to without a murmur, since it was felt that the judges +represented Mohammed, “wore the robe of God,” and had power +of “sovereign sentence.”<a id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a></p> + +<p>The highest courts were those of the <i>Kaziaskers</i>, the grand +vizier, and the Divan. The <i>Kaziaskers</i>, besides attending to +the cases that were brought before them in the Divan and at the +palace gate after its close, held court at all other times in their +own houses.<a id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a> Mohammed II had provided that, when cases +were brought primarily to them in the city of Constantinople, +those which concerned Moslems should come before the +<i>Kaziasker</i> of Rumelia and those which concerned non-Moslems +before the <i>Kaziasker</i> of Anatolia. The titles of these judges +show their original functions as judges of the armies of Rumelia +and Anatolia, offices which they continued to exercise in time of +war. In this capacity, also, appeals came up to them in time of +peace from the <i>Subashis</i> and <i>Sanjak Beys</i> in matters touching +<i>kullar</i>. The power of the <i>Kaziaskers</i> had been extended to +include the headship of all the judges of their respective regions, +and the appointment of all judges, subject to the approval of the +pashas. In the Divan, and as “Pillars of the State,” they +ranked next to the viziers; they had the first right of audience +with the sultan at the close of each Divan; and until the reign +of Suleiman they had had all the authority over the <i>Ulema</i> that +later came to the <i>Mufti</i>. They had immense incomes and were +highly honored and esteemed.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221"></a>[221]</span></p> + +<p>The grand vizier was actual head of the Moslem Institution +as substitute for the sultan; accordingly his court was the +highest court of appeal for all ordinary civil cases. It was also, +however, like all other courts in the empire, a court of first +instance. He decided great numbers of cases, large and small, +for rich and poor alike. Justice was refused to no one; it was +rendered either by the grand vizier’s own decision, or by reference +for prompt settlement to one of the <i>Kaziaskers</i> or to some other +judge.<a id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a></p> + +<p>The Divan’s principal deliberative business as a court was the +trial of capital cases of great officials. Although many such +persons were executed, it is strenuously denied that Suleiman +ever ordered death without a trial.<a id="FNanchor_695" href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> Nevertheless, the process +was usually held in the absence of the accused person and without +his knowledge; he might be at the end of the empire. In +case of conviction a <i>Chaush</i> was sent to the condemned man’s +place of residence, bearing secretly a written commission, which +was given to the nearest official who had power to execute. The +condemned man had at best a few hours in which to settle his +affairs and make his peace with God; then he was executed, and +his head was given to the <i>Chaush</i> to be taken to the sultan as +proof that the mission had been faithfully accomplished. It is +said that forty or fifty heads sometimes reached the court of +Suleiman in a single day.<a id="FNanchor_696" href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a></p> + +<p>Early in his reign, when filled with pride by his victory over +the rebel Ghazali, and feeling warm friendship toward Doge +Loredano of Venice, he wished to send the rebel’s head to the +Doge by a special embassy, and was dissuaded only with great +difficulty by the Bailo of Venice in Constantinople.<a id="FNanchor_697" href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> After +Mohacs two thousand heads were set on poles about his tent.<a id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> +To Western eyes it seems a blot upon the noble and generous +character of Suleiman, that he treated the heads of his enemies +and of condemned criminals after the fashion of his time and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222"></a>[222]</span> +country. Aside from the question of barbarity and cruelty, +however, the policy of summary and certain execution of offenders +was essential to the maintenance of the Ottoman Ruling +Institution in power. It was a process of pruning, by which +every dangerous growth was cut away. Had it not been done, +the system would have seemed today more commendable, but +it could hardly have failed to perish quickly. A century after +Suleiman the remark was made that what preserved the Ottoman +state was the quickness and severity of justice for crimes which +had relation to the government.<a id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a></p> + +<p>What was the general character of Ottoman justice? It is +to be feared that it was often venal. A few years after Suleiman’s +death a Western writer expressed the opinion that the only +incorruptible courts were those of the grand vizier and the +Divan.<a id="FNanchor_700" href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a> Another charged that Christian subjects had unfair +treatment before the courts, in which they were not allowed +to testify, since some of the Moslems considered it almost a +meritorious religious act to turn a case against a Christian by +false testimony.<a id="FNanchor_701" href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a> It is probable, however, that the Ottoman +courts in Suleiman’s time were reasonably just. The judges +were well-paid, highly honored, and carefully inspected by honest +men who were sent out annually by the <i>Kaziaskers</i>;<a id="FNanchor_702" href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a> nevertheless, +many of them no doubt yielded to the same desire for money +that afflicted the <i>kullar</i>. In at least one respect the Ottoman +courts were highly to be commended: there was a minimum of +trouble because of the “law’s delay.” Cases were always +decided promptly, and in clear and simple terms. An unjust +decision quickly given is often less expensive and less annoying +in the long run than tardy justice.<a id="FNanchor_703" href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a></p> + +<p>Some Western observers were as strongly impressed with the +superiority of Ottoman justice over that in their own lands as +they were with the superiority of discipline in the Ottoman<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223"></a>[223]</span> +camp, or of promotion by merit in the Ottoman government +service.<a id="FNanchor_704" href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a> One of them said: “To understand at length their +diligence in justice, it would be necessary to write more than I +have done; and further, since there is nothing here [that is, in +France] so near immorality as the processes and extortions +which men do, it gives me shame to recite so great diligence +among people proclaimed wicked; this it is, without any doubt, +which makes them so to rule, conquer, and keep.... Of +Sultan Suleiman, who rules at present, I do not wish to speak, +for his deeds are not yet accomplished, and he cannot yet be +praised, except for his humanity, justice, and fidelity.”<a id="FNanchor_705" href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a></p> + +<p>The law which the judges administered was primarily the +Sacred Law, as given in the Koran and the traditions of Mohammed, +but especially as codified by the great doctors of the school +of Abu Hanifa, and as interpreted in collections of the <i>fetvas</i> of +great jurists. Next the judges applied the <i>Kanuns</i> of the sultans, +and the customs and immunities of the regions in which they +served.<a id="FNanchor_706" href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a> Finally, they had a considerable field in which to make +use of equity: “The good sense and prudence of judges trained +in reasoning,” says Postel, “supplies and decides many things +that are not written.”<a id="FNanchor_707" href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a> The only resemblance to the Anglo-Saxon +system of case law seems to have been the use of the +<i>fetvas</i> of the <i>muftis</i>. Since the hearing of ordinary cases was +summary and decisions were rendered very briefly, no extended +reports were possible. The absence of printing, which was not +introduced into Turkey until the eighteenth century, aided +further toward making a general use of the decisions of judges as +precedents practically impossible. In those days judges relied +upon their own knowledge of law and custom, on the few books +they might possess, on their sense of equity, and, in matters of +difficulty, on the opinions of the local <i>muftis</i>. Since the judges +were not each surrounded by a group of trained and keenly +watchful lawyers, but acted alone except for their own subordinates, +there was more opportunity for unjust decisions by a +dishonest judge than among English-speaking peoples. Or, to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224"></a>[224]</span> +state the matter differently, Ottoman justice depended more +upon the integrity of judges than does Anglo-Saxon justice. +Although the Sacred Law was rigid, its application to the individual +case was adjustable, and adjustment was ordinarily +accomplished by the decision of one man. Judges therefore +possessed great power over the fortunes of individuals, a fact +which in part explains the great deference and honor that was +shown them.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VII_VII"><span class="smcap">The Moslem Institution as a Whole</span></h3> + +<p>A few words of summary will sketch the outlines of the complete +Moslem Institution in the Ottoman Empire. It represented +and maintained the entire system that was based upon +the life and work of the Prophet Mohammed. This system +claimed to be sufficient for all sides of the temporal, as well as +for the eternal, life of all individuals, and for the life of the state +which they constituted; it also provided a place for subject +peoples and resident foreigners of other religious affiliations. +The power of the institution extended over the whole empire, +even beyond the limits of political control.</p> + +<p>The Moslem Institution was firmly grounded in the allegiance, +the fundamental beliefs, and the affections of the entire Moslem-born +population of the empire. It is true that not all Moslems +believed exactly alike, nor did they all practise the Sacred Law +according to the system of Abu Hanifa. But they were all +fiercely and proudly Moslems, and devoted to the supremacy of +the Mohammedan system in this world, as expressed in an institution +which might not be what every one wished, but which +revealed and maintained the power of Islam. All the Moslems +of the empire were in a sense members of the institution. In the +sixteenth century any one of them might hope to see his son +mount to a very high place within the organization, since industrious +study combined with native ability was all that was +demanded. Opportunities in the way of schools were present +nearly everywhere; and a student who once had shown his +aptitude would be carried forward, without expense to his relatives, +by funds which had been provided by sultans and pious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225"></a>[225]</span> +individuals “for the good of their souls.” The Moslem Institution +was fundamentally democratic. It was united in complete +solidarity and perfect harmony with all in the empire who were +attached to the doctrines of the Prophet. All believers were +equal before God, and all were supposed to have equal opportunity +to rise to places of honor in the system.</p> + +<p>Distinction and membership in the institution proper rested +upon birth in the case of the descendants of Mohammed, upon +profession of piety and special religious service in the case of the +dervishes, but upon learned knowledge of the Sacred Law in all +positions of public influence and importance. The three highly-honored +classes of teachers, jurists, and judges were trained in +the same superbly-planned educational system, in the same +text-books and the same ideas. Whether in Constantinople or +Cairo, the Crimea or Algiers, Budapest or Bagdad, old, grave, +wise, and learned professors, jurists, and judges taught, interpreted, +and enforced the same wide-reaching and changeless +Sacred Law. As teachers, the <i>Ulema</i> conveyed to children and +youth, in impressible years, that which they had themselves +received. The same learned persons, after fixing each part of +the whole round of legal studies in their minds by periods of +teaching, were advanced to places where they dealt not with +boys, but with men, where their work affected not the fortunes +of individuals, but the destinies of the empire. Yet their influence +was exerted strenuously in the same direction throughout, +to impress and perpetuate the changeless body of ideas in the +Sacred Law. Professors, jurists, and judges alike were, in all +that they did and throughout their lives, fundamentally teachers. +The <i>Ulema</i> taught all the Moslems of the empire, from the young +child to the aged sultan. They maintained schools for the young; +places of worship, courts, and offices of consultation for adults. +Every important officer of administrative government had a +judge and a <i>mufti</i> at his elbow. Not only was the sultan himself +in close relations with the <i>Kaziaskers</i> and the <i>Mufti,</i> but he had +always a spiritual adviser to whom he showed great deference, +and who bore the significant title of the sultan’s <i>Hoja</i>, or teacher. +There was an aspect in which the Moslem Institution, based<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226"></a>[226]</span> +upon the Moslem population of the empire, fitted the government +as hand fits glove. This figure, moreover, can be pressed +beyond the mere comparison of shape; the hand is of much the +same efficiency with or without the glove, while the glove is +useless without the hand; furthermore, the hand may live to +wear a succession of gloves.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227"></a>[227]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII<br> +<span class="smaller">COMPARISON OF THE TWO GREAT INSTITUTIONS</span></h2> + +</div> + +<p>The Ottoman Ruling Institution, and the Moslem Institution +of the Ottoman Empire might be compared, contrasted, and +reflected upon at great length. In this discussion, however, +it must suffice to select and comment upon a few of their salient +likenesses, differences, and interactions, without attempting +to separate such features sharply.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VIII_I"><span class="smcap">Likenesses</span></h3> + +<p>Both institutions were constructed out of old and well-seasoned +materials. Many of the ideas in each can be followed back until +their origin is lost in prehistoric obscurity; hardly a feature in +either but had a clear derivation from, relationship to, or suggestion +in, some prototype of pre-Ottoman days. Only the final +structure of each, the proportion and composition of its parts, +and the effect of the completed whole was worked out in the +Ottoman Empire. If an attempt be made, in a very general way, +to distinguish the main lines of influence which led up to the two +institutions, it may be said that the Ruling Institution had its +nucleus of ideas from the Turks of the steppe lands. Influenced +by old Persian neighbors and Chinese rulers, the original group +of ideas was brought into the Moslem Empire and Asia Minor +by the predecessors of the Seljuk Turks and by the Seljuk Turks +themselves. Coming into contact in Asia Minor with the ideas +of the Byzantine Empire, and to some extent with those of the +crusaders from the West, the system took on a large number of +new features; and the Ottomans continued the process in Asia +Minor and Southeastern Europe until the time of Suleiman. +The Moslem Institution began with the ideas of the Arabs as +combined by Mohammed with Jewish, Middle Persian, and +Christian influences. Political notions were rapidly incorporated +from those prevailing in Byzantine Syria and Egypt, and perhaps<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228"></a>[228]</span> +to a greater extent from those in the Sassanian Persian Empire. +A compact system of ideas began early to be developed, and in the +twelfth and thirteenth centuries it reached final scholastic shape. +Together with its institutional embodiments, it began to pass to +the Ottomans in their earliest days; and, as the nation grew, it +grew into the Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, fresh +power being given to it by Selim’s conquest of the old Moslem +lands, and especially by his acquisition of the over-lordship of +the Holy Cities. The two lines of tendency which led to the two +great Ottoman institutions were first brought into contact when, +in the seventh century, the Arab conquest of Persia advanced +the Moslem frontier into Central Asia. From that time to the +reign of Suleiman reciprocal influence was exerted, although the +Moslem ideas affected the Turkish much more than the Turkish +did the Moslem.</p> + +<p>Both of the great Ottoman institutions were founded upon +groups of ideas and not upon racial descent. This subject, +discussed above in the Introduction, has been shown to be true +to an extreme in the Ruling Institution, which drew its members +from every direction except from the existing stock of the nation. +The Moslem Institution embodied a religion of universal claim. +Though originally given to the Arabs, the Moslem faith was +intrinsically independent of race, as its subsequent history +revealed. Belief, and not blood, became the sole test of membership. +This common hospitality of its two great institutions +to all who might wish to join them laid firmly the foundation of +the Ottoman nation, and made possible the greatness and the +permanence of its dominion.</p> + +<p>Both Ottoman institutions were self-perpetuating through +education. Each had a great educational system which was +adapted to its special character, and which was life-long in extent. +The Ruling Institution trained its pupils physically as well as +mentally, whereas the Moslem Institution neglected physical +education in favor of a greater amount of intellectual training. +Otherwise their work was largely parallel. One institution took +its pupils from the children of Christian subjects and neighbors, +and trained them to conquer and to rule. The other took its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229"></a>[229]</span> +pupils from the children of Moslems and trained them to know, +practise, teach, and enforce the Moslem rules of law and life. +The one system raised the ablest Christian-born individuals to +the highest positions, and the other raised the ablest Moslem-born +individuals similarly. Both continually brought in new +material at the bottom, and continually worked upon all their +material to increase its value. Each offered such rewards and +promotions as to induce its members to put forth their most +strenuous exertions, that they might develop their own powers +and visibly help their institution. Whatever faults of plan and +structure the institutions may have had, they were able to survive +all dangers and disasters largely through the trained ability of the +individuals whom their educational systems had brought to the +front.</p> + +<p>Both institutions rose to an apex, through the Divan and the +grand vizier, in the sultan, who was the head and center of each. +Yet the ideas by which the two institutions were joined to their +head were in striking contrast. The sultan was master and owner +of the Ruling Institution; he was the divinely-appointed chief +of the Moslem Institution. The members of the former obeyed +him as slaves; the members of the latter obeyed him as free +Moslems commanded by the Sacred Law to render allegiance +to the chief interpreter and defender of that law. The former +knew no power greater than the sultan’s; the latter relied upon +the Sacred Law as above the sultan. The Ruling Institution +was extended downward in each of its parts from the sultan’s +authority, and in organization and membership depended for +existence upon his will. The Moslem Institution rose upward +from the people, and was attached almost artificially to the +sultan’s authority. Suleiman regulated the grades of higher +advancement in it, but the sultans who came after him touched +the organization of the institution scarcely at all. Very seldom, +moreover, by comparison, did the sultans punish the members +of this institution; for the most part its work went on quite +independently of them. But the sultan was the head of both +institutions: every member of each looked upward along converging +lines which met at the foot of his throne. The highest<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230"></a>[230]</span> +promotions in each were made by him directly, the honored +men being put into positions near their sovereign.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VIII_II"><span class="smcap">Differences</span></h3> + +<p>The fact that the Ruling Institution was recruited from +Christian slaves and the Moslem Institution from Moslem freemen +led to a profound difference of spirit. The Christian slaves, +newly converted to Mohammedanism, were not as a body so +closely attached to the Sacred Law as were the Moslem freemen. +Their loyalty being rather to one man, their master and benefactor, +they felt a servile devotion which was very different +from the reasoned allegiance of those who had always been free. +A <i>Mufti</i>, fortified by the Sacred Law, would firmly oppose the +will of the sovereign in a case where a grand vizier would scarcely +dare venture a mildly contrary suggestion. The Sacred Law, +despite the introduction of all later influences, still breathed +forth something of the freedom of the Arabian desert: in one +or two generations, as has been seen, it could render its followers +unfit to be slaves. Thus the spirit of the Ruling Institution +was far less independent of personal authority than that +of the Moslem Institution.</p> + +<p>As to the authority of old ideas the contrary was true. The +fundamental distinction of parties in modern states seems to +rest upon a greater or less relative inclination to follow old paths +or to enter upon new ones. Both institutions of the Ottoman +state would in modern times be classed as strongly conservative, +but of the two the Moslem Institution was by far the more so. +Conservatism, in fact, was of the very essence of the Sacred Law. +The early Turks had also loved their <i>Adet</i>, but not so much as +to be unwilling quickly to adopt the new if they saw in it distinct +advantage; the rise of the Ottoman power was, indeed, marked +by the constant incorporation of new ideas, devices, and methods.<a id="FNanchor_708" href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> +As the Moslem influence grew, however, changes became increasingly +more difficult to make; and when they were made it was by +the activity of the Ruling Institution, usually against the resistance +or the inert passivity of the Moslem Institution.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231"></a>[231]</span></p> + +<p>The fact that the Ruling Institution fought and governed +while the Moslem Institution thought and judged was, of course, +highly significant: the former embodied the active, the latter +the contemplative, principle of the nation. Here again is involved +a difference of Turk and Saracen. In the steppe lands the +Turk fought, obeyed, and gave orders; after the fever of conquest +was abated, the Saracen, under Islam, thought, preserved +intellectual independence, and worshipped. With the two +characters placed side by side, it was in the nature of things +that in the long run muscle would be controlled by mind.</p> + +<p>By comparison with the Moslem Institution, the Ruling +Institution possessed a great structural disadvantage, in that +it was much more artificial and therefore much less stable. +It admitted its members as slaves, but they were not hereditary +slaves; most of them were free-born subjects of the empire or +of the neighboring Christian states. A class of hereditary slaves +would not have possessed the requisite mettle. Now, the acquisition +of a large number of free-born children who can be made +into slaves is hardly a process that can be continued indefinitely. +Conquest had its limits for the Ottoman Empire, for boundaries +were reached beyond which lay states whose powers of self-defense +developed increasingly; accordingly, recruiting by capture became +increasingly difficult. But the levying of children +as tribute was strongly against human nature; and in the long +run it, too, must lead to decline, for under its operation the best +were taken and inferiors were left. Furthermore, not only +were children separated from their parents against the wishes of +the parents, but the recruits, when they grew up, were not +encouraged to form family ties. Even when they did so, they +were unable to advance their children as they had been advanced +themselves, and they could not be sure of conveying their property +to their descendants. Thus in several respects the Ruling +Institution ran counter to the idea of the family. On the other +hand, the advantages given to the sultan’s <i>kullar</i> became too +great not to be coveted; and it was not natural that the free-born +Moslems should continue to let outsiders be the only +recipients of so much wealth, power, and privilege. The Moslem<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232"></a>[232]</span> +population forced its way in, and the plan of the Ruling Institution +was upset. The Moslem Institution, on the contrary, was +recruited voluntarily from an increasing population; hence, as +its advantages became attractive, it was benefited rather than +harmed by pressure for admission. Its able men, while they must +labor if they would advance, were free, unhindered in their +family relationships, and under little fear of being deprived of +property or life.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VIII_III"><span class="smcap">Interactions</span></h3> + +<p>The two institutions, running everywhere parallel, with their +members in constant association one with the other, could not +fail to act reciprocally upon each other. It is not easy, however, +to discriminate likenesses that were due to mutual influence +from those that were caused by common circumstances; nor +is it easy to distinguish pre-Ottoman interactions from those +which operated after the beginning of the fourteenth century. +A few probabilities may be expressed, however.</p> + +<p>It is a matter of frequent remark that men, institutions, and +peoples are apt to impart to each other their faults and vices +more readily than their good qualities. Whether or not this be +true, the two Ottoman institutions certainly seem to have +taught each other some evil qualities. Luxury, venality, and +unnatural vices were all strongly discountenanced by the Sacred +Law; but all were fostered in the members of the Ruling Institution +by the very conditions of the system, and by the sixteenth +century all had come to be charged against the members of the +Moslem Institution as well. On the other hand, the conservatism +of the Moslem Institution and its resistance to progress +came more and more to characterize the Ruling Institution. +Members of the <i>Ulema</i> taught even the pages of the palace and +the princes on the intellectual side of their training, thereby +exerting a constant influence which in the course of time operated +powerfully on the Ruling Institution from top to bottom, till it, +too, began to acquire a changelessness which resisted improvement +and progress. With such a character once established, +the end of the empire’s greatness was at hand. In a rapidly +progressing world, a stationary position means a relative decline.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233"></a>[233]</span></p> + +<p>The two institutions contributed strongly to each other’s +power and permanence. The Ruling Institution defended the +Moslem Institution by the sword, and carried out among the +people the decisions of its wise men. It also protected the latter’s +sources of regular revenue, and thus enabled the <i>Ulema</i>, secure +of a living, to devote themselves to the study and teaching of +the Sacred Law. The Moslem Institution, on the other hand, +kept the Moslem population obedient and submissive to the +sultan’s authority as expressed in the Ruling Institution. It +taught that the Sultan was divinely appointed and therefore +always to be obeyed, no matter what his character was or how +oppressive his rule might become, so long as he did not transgress +the Sacred Law; and that it was for the <i>Ulema</i> alone to decide +when he had made such a transgression. Accordingly the two +institutions, so long as they acted in harmony, were absolutely +impregnable in their position among the Moslems of the empire.</p> + +<h3 id="CHAPTER_VIII_IV"><span class="smcap">The Relative Power of the Institutions</span></h3> + +<p>These two institutions constituted, as it were, the two great +parties in the Ottoman state.<a id="FNanchor_709" href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a> The Moslem Institution was +always strongly Islamic, and extremely conservative in all +respects. The Ruling Institution was originally liberal both +religiously and in its receptivity of new ideas, but it departed +from its liberal tendency in much the same proportion that the +Moslem Institution increased in power.</p> + +<p>To trace the ups and downs of the influence of the two institutions +from the beginnings of Ottoman history would be an interesting +problem. Much depended of course, as must always be +the case in a despotic state, on the character of the sultan. +With an active conquering sultan like Mohammed II or Selim I, +the Ruling Institution would gain upon its rival; with a pious or +mild sultan like Murad II or Bayezid II, the Moslem Influence +would increase in importance. Selim I’s vast conquests in +Moslem territories, and his acquisition of the protectorate of the +Holy Cities and of the title of caliph, prepared the way for a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234"></a>[234]</span> +later advance in the power of the Moslem Institution which was +not in harmony with his own personal influence. Suleiman had +a fiery active period of youth when the liberal policy was stronger +in his mind, and a quieter old age when the Moslem influence +became predominant; it is not unlikely that a consciousness of +his position as caliph grew upon him with advancing years. +But in general, through all the reigns, the power of the Moslem +Institution grew; the only difference from reign to reign was +in the rate of speed. The Ruling Institution also grew in power +before the world and the Ottoman nation as long as the empire +continued to expand rapidly; but it did not grow relatively so +fast as did the Moslem Institution.</p> + +<p>The reasons for the more rapid growth of Moslem influence lay +chiefly in the fact that that influence was cumulative. As to its +financial basis, the Moslem Institution, like the Christian church +in the West, gained lands and wealth continually, and never lost +any; for sultans took great pride, and high officials vied with each +other, in founding mosques, schools, colleges, and other charitable +and semi-public institutions supported by <i>vakfs</i>.<a id="FNanchor_710" href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> In general +moral and political influence, also, the institution gained rapidly +through its system of education; for, like the medieval Christian +church again, it held in its hands all the means and methods of +intellectual development. Every new primary school, college, +and law school,—and they were many in the days of glory,—strengthened +the influence of this institution. In this field, +indeed, its power acted constantly upon its rival. Old <i>Hojas</i> +taught the pages in the palace, advised the sultan’s mother, and +trained the young princes and the sons of high officials. Thus +within the nation the external show of the Moslem Institution, +and its sway over the minds of men, grew without ceasing.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235"></a>[235]</span></p> + +<p>The Ruling Institution, on the other hand, lost relatively. +In the early days, when recent converts were exceedingly numerous +and the religious spirit of the young nation was weak, the +Turkish-Aryan organization was far stronger than the Semitic +influence. Sultans, however, were constantly giving away state +lands as endowment for new mosques and colleges; and, worse +still, so much of the educational system of this institution as was +not controlled by its rival was directed only toward its own +membership and not toward the nation at large. Accordingly, +although the Ruling Institution grew in wealth and power, it +did not keep pace with the Moslem Institution, which, after +two and a half centuries of gain, was able to overtake it about +the time of Suleiman’s reign. His gifts of great mosques, +numerous colleges, and vast endowment,<a id="FNanchor_711" href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a> his arrangement in +final perfection of the <i>cursus honorum</i> which led up from the +primary schools to the office of <i>Mufti</i>, and the personal leaning +of his later years toward the influence of the <i>Ulema</i>, settled +permanently the preponderance of the Moslem Institution.</p> + +<p>At the same time, the Moslem Institution could never destroy +its rival. Theoretically it had no need of such a counterpart. +Mohammed and the early caliphs had no such institution. The +Sacred Law developed with no mention of a secular government, +and with no hint of any deficiency in its own provisions that would +make it inadequate to guide a nation by its own strength; but, +within thirty years from the death of Mohammed, Muavia had +set up a secular government at Damascus, and since then every +Moslem state had had one. Many a Moslem state, also, had +had a ruler who was not of lawful blood; for the Sacred Law +affirmed that the <i>Imâm</i>, or divinely appointed ruler, must be of +the tribe of the Koreish.<a id="FNanchor_712" href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a> According to that unenforced provision, +Suleiman himself had no right to the throne. The fact is +that the Moslem Institution very early became too unworldly +to live unsupported by a secular power. It was a strong but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236"></a>[236]</span> +tender hand, which must always wear a glove. After it had +acquired a permanent ascendency in the state, therefore, the +Moslem Institution was compelled to keep its rival in place, and +to allow it always strength enough to defend and support the +empire which nourished both.</p> + +<p>Bound together closely in an alliance which neither enjoyed, +but which was necessary for the preservation of both, the Ruling +Institution and the Moslem Institution constituted the twofold +inner framework of the Ottoman Empire, to which it owed all its +might and energy, its grandeur and repute, its continuity and +durability.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237"></a>[237]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238"></a>[238]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDICES">APPENDICES</h2> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239"></a>[239]</span></p> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_I">APPENDIX I<br> +<span class="smaller">THE SECOND BOOK OF THE AFFAIRS OF THE TURKS</span></h3> + +</div> + +<p class="center">Written in 1534, supposedly by Benedetto Ramberti<br> +Translated from the Italian</p> + +<p class="center smaller">[From <i>Libri Tre delle Cose de Turchi</i>, as printed in <i>Viaggi ... alla tana</i>, Venice, 1543, pp. 131-146.]</p> + +<p>As from a laborious and very dangerous sea into a safe and very +quiet port, one enters the city of Constantinople, after the great +trouble and inconvenience of the ride which he has endured over the +long road.<a id="FNanchor_713" href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> This city (to continue until I have here made an end of +particular description) was anciently called Byzantium, and afterwards +was called New Rome, and then Constantinople from the first +Constantine. Byzantium, as it is reported, was in the region where +Pera is now, and was so named from the river Byzantium, which afterward, +by reason of an earthquake such as are frequent in that region, +changed its course elsewhere. But I do not believe this, nor does it +seem to me to agree with the description of Polybius and other writers, +who call those here Chalcedonians; these, when they might themselves +in ancient times have built upon this site, did not care for it, but built +in Asia, not having discerned the convenience and beauty they were +leaving to others; who might deprive them even of their own site, +as indeed happened.</p> + +<p>The city is 18 miles in circuit. It has seven little hills, not very +high. It is surrounded by wretched walls, and is full of houses, not +many of which are good, being made of clay and wood and only a few +of stone. It is full of groves, that is, of places wild and uninhabited, +where cypresses grow, and other such trees.<a id="FNanchor_714" href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> In Constantinople, +then, is the palace of the Turkish Signor, which is a singular structure +and very large, as will be told later.</p> + +<p>There is the palace of the ladies of the Signor, the palace of the +Janissaries, the Patriarcate, the palace of the Emperor Constantine, +which is in part ruined, the church of St. Sophia, which is a structure +most beautiful and divine; this was built by the Emperor Justinian +from the oldest and finest columns and marbles, as one can see now;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240"></a>[240]</span> +in part of it the Turkish Signor has made stalls for his horses. There +is the mosque of Sultan Mohammed, which has an <i>Imaret</i> attached +to it that is like a hostel; in which they lodge any one, of any nation +or law, who may wish to enter, and they give him food for three days,—honey, +rice, meat, bread, and water, and a room in which to sleep. +They say that from day to day there are more than a thousand guests +from various nations. Near this they have baths and some fountains, +most beautiful and delightful to behold. There are the mosques of +Sultan Bayezid, Sultan Selim, and other Signors, which are very +beautiful and exceedingly well-built. This makes it clear that, when +they wish, they know also how to build houses and palaces that are +magnificent and sumptuous.</p> + +<p>There is the Hippodrome, that is, the place where in ancient times +horses were made to run as in a theater and circus: in the center of +this Hippodrome there stands a needle, which is a column made in +the form of a needle, very beautiful and wrought very well and without +mortar, made of living rocks joined together in such a manner that +they rise through more than fifty cubits, tapering in the shape of a +needle, which rests on four marble balls.<a id="FNanchor_715" href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a> There is a column of bronze +in the shape of a serpent with three heads.<a id="FNanchor_716" href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a> There is a bronze Hercules +brought from Hungary,<a id="FNanchor_717" href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a> and in the center there is a colossal +structure made of different beautiful marbles, in which is engraved +the history of all the above-mentioned objects, and of other things +which used to stand in the Theater and Hippodrome. There are +throughout the city many vestiges of antiquities, such as aqueducts, +arches, porphyry columns, fountains brought from the Danube and +other near-by rivers.<a id="FNanchor_718" href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a> Many gardens about the houses of the great. +Many mosques of private lords, and baths which are attached to the +mosques of private men and of public magistrates.</p> + +<p>On the other side of the sea from the Seraglio Point are the hills of +Asia, and the journey is of a little more or less than two miles; this +Asia is today called by a single name Anatolia; and there are on the +shore there some fortresses called Scutari. Then Kadikeui, situated<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241"></a>[241]</span> +on a bay of the Hellespont,<a id="FNanchor_719" href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a> where one can see many vestiges of antiquities; +and I, when I went there, saw underground where men were +working, a well of the finest marble with an aqueduct which came to +the center of the well, and a canopy of fine marble supported by four +beautiful columns. And in other places there appear many vestiges +of old churches, both of Christians and of heathen, places indeed most +beautiful, most pleasant, most fruitful. The situation of Constantinople +is such that not only can it not be described adequately, but it +can hardly be grasped in thought because of its loveliness. Certainly +it is rather to be considered divine than otherwise. Nor is there +any one who has seen it who has not judged it worthy to be ranked +above all other situations in the world.</p> + +<p>There are in the city besides the Turks, countless Jews, or Marrani +expelled from Spain;<a id="FNanchor_720" href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a> these are they who have taught and who are +teaching every useful art to the Turks;<a id="FNanchor_721" href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> and the greater part of the +shops and arts are kept and exercised by these Marrani. There is a +place which is called <i>Bezestan</i>, where they sell and buy all sorts of +cloth and Turkish wares, silks, stuffs, linens, silver, wrought gold, +bows, slaves, and horses; and in short all the things that are to be +found in Constantinople are brought there to market: this, except for +Friday, is open every day.</p> + +<p>Constantinople is in Thrace: this has as its boundaries on the east +the Propontis and the mouths of the greater sea, on the west part of +Bulgaria and part of Macedonia, on the north Bosnia, on the south +the Aegean Sea with part of Macedonia which lies toward the river +Nishava, called in ancient times the Nesus.<a id="FNanchor_722" href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a></p> + +<p>This most noble city is inhabited by Turks: these as the more +reliable authors have written, and as many of the Turks themselves +have confirmed to me, had their origin in Scythia, which now is a +part of Tartary, a northern region divided into two parts by the +river Don: one of these parts is in Europe, and one in Asia.<a id="FNanchor_723" href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a> The +European part is bounded on one side by Pontus, and on the other by +the Riphean Mountains, and at the back by Asia proper and the river<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242"></a>[242]</span> +Taspus. In Ptolemy these two Scythias are called the one <i>intra +Imaum montem</i>, and the other <i>extra Imaum</i>. They departed then +from Scythia (as is said above) and began to make invasions and raids +into their present confines: then proceeding farther, in a short time +they became lords of a good part of Asia, but because they did not +know how to keep only one chief among them, they had no foundation +or firmness. This circumstance having been considered by one who +was called Othman, a man of low rank among them, but of lofty and +valorous mind, he thought that, by having the arm and the favor of +some men of intelligence and authority, he could easily rule all this +people and the conquered territory, and increase it further upon good +opportunity: then having revealed this his thought to three persons, +who seemed more suitable than others for this business, he promised +that those by means of whom he might acquire the dominion to which +he aspired, he would always maintain, both themselves and their +descendants, in great state and dignity, and suitably to the great +benefit which he had received from them: besides this that he would +never harm their blood nor that of their posterity through laws that +would lay hands upon them even if they should transgress grievously.<a id="FNanchor_724" href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a> +They accepted the condition and conspired together for the sovereignty; +which they obtained by astuteness, artfulness, threats, and the +slaughter of many. These three were called, the one Michael, a +Greek who had turned Turk; from him the Marcalogli<a id="FNanchor_725" href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> are descended; +one of them is now Sanjak in Bosnia. The second was Malco, a +Greek renegade; from him have come the Malcozogli, and there is +now only one, who is Sanjak in Greece. The third was Aurami, a +native Turk; his descendants were called the Eurcasli; it is not now +known that any of these remain. In case the Ottoman family should +fail, these would pretend to the sovereignty, and therefore they are +highly respected.</p> + +<p>This Othman came to power about the year 1300, and lived in +lordship twenty-eight years:<a id="FNanchor_726" href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a> Orchan succeeded him and lived +twenty-two years in the kingship. Then Murad who reigned twenty-three +years. Then Bayezid. Then Chiris Celeby, or, as others wish,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243"></a>[243]</span> +Calepino, who lived about six years. Then Mohammed, who reigned +fourteen years.<a id="FNanchor_727" href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a> Then Murad II who reigned 31 years. Then +Mohammed II who reigned 32 years and was the first Emperor of Constantinople. +Then Bayezid II who reigned 31 years. Then Selim +eight years: to him succeeded Sultan Suleiman, his only son, who +reigns at present. Of this succession it is written otherwise in some +histories, where they treat of wars and peaces, which have been made +by our republic in times past with this family: but since I have +recounted these in other places, it now suffices to have noticed the +common opinion of those who have written of the affairs of the Turks +up to this time. And so I will go on to describe the court of this +Signor: it is arranged in the following manner.<a id="FNanchor_728" href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sultan Suleiman</span> has a palace in the angle of Constantinople +by the two seas:<a id="FNanchor_729" href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a> this is in circuit about three miles: and in it are his +residence and his court, which is called the PORTE. This palace, +because it was begun to be built by Sultan Mohammed, he willed +when dying that it should be rent-paying property of his mosque, +and that it should pay a thousand aspers a day, which are twenty +ducats; and this has been observed to the present.<a id="FNanchor_730" href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a></p> + +<p>He has in the aforesaid palace countless highly ornamented chambers, +but one among the others is set apart for himself: in this he sleeps, +and he has there six youths who serve his person.<a id="FNanchor_731" href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a> Of these six, two +are deputed for the service of the chamber and the Signor during the +day, and then in the night the same ones come to keep guard when he +sleeps: these stand ever vigilant, the one at his head and the other at +his feet, with two lighted torches in their hands: these two then in +the morning when they clothe the aforesaid Signor, put into one of +the pocket-purses of his caftan a thousand aspers, and into the other +twenty golden ducats; whatever of this money is not given away by +the Signor during the day, remains to those who undress him at night; +they never find much in the garments, according to report. And +always when he goes forth to enjoy the chase or for some other purpose, +besides the aforesaid money which he carries, he is accustomed always<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244"></a>[244]</span> +to have behind him the <i>Khazinehdar-bashi</i>, or chief treasurer; this +man carries with him a great sum of money to be given away.</p> + +<p>The duty of the aforesaid six youths, who are changed according to +the will of the Signor, is: of one to be <i>Papuji</i>,<a id="FNanchor_732" href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a> or him who bears the +shoes, of another <i>Silihdar</i>, who bears the bow and arrows, of another +<i>Chokadar</i>, who bears the garments, of another <i>Sharabdar</i>, who bears +the pitcher of water, of another <i>Iskemleji</i>, who carries the stool, and +then of the sixth to be <i>Oda-bashi</i>, or chief of the Chamber. These have +a fixed salary of 15 to 20, and the <i>Oda-bashi</i> of 30 aspers per day.</p> + +<div class="hanging"> + +<p>Next comes</p> + +<p>The eunuch <i>Kapu Aghasi</i>,<a id="FNanchor_734" href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a> or chief of the gate, who has 60 aspers per +day.</p> + +<p>The <i>Khazinehdar-bashi</i>, a eunuch, chief treasurer, 60 aspers.<a id="FNanchor_733" href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Kilerji-bashi</i>, chief of the butlers, 40 aspers.</p> + +<p>The <i>Seraidar-bashi</i>,<a id="FNanchor_734a" href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a> a eunuch, chief of the palace when the Signor +is away; he has 50 aspers. Twelve eunuchs subject to the aforesaid, +with 10 to 15 aspers each.</p> + +<p class="normal">There are next about five hundred youths aged from eight to +twenty years, who reside in the palace and are the delight of the +Signor: they have each from ten to twelve aspers per day; they are +instructed in various arts according to their genius, but especially +in reading, writing, and in the doctrine of their laws, and in riding. +The masters are old <i>Danishmends</i>,<a id="FNanchor_735" href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a> called <i>Hojas</i>, or doctors of the +laws. These boys at the season of Bairam, which is like our Easter +day, are clothed by the Signor, some with silk and some with cloth, +without any uniformity; and each has a golden bonnet, a scimitar, +and a bow: they never leave the aforesaid palace until they have +reached the age when the Signor thinks them fit for offices: and +then he makes them <i>Spahi-oghlans</i>, or <i>Silihdars</i>, or of higher degrees +according to their worth and the favor which they have gained with +the Signor. Each ten of them are guarded by a eunuch called <i>Kapu-oghlan</i>, +or chief of youths,<a id="FNanchor_736" href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> and each has a slave’s frock, in which +he sleeps rolled up in such a manner that he does not touch another<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245"></a>[245]</span> +who may be near him. They reside in a large hall, full of great +lights and spacious, and their eunuchs sleep in the middle of this +hall. They have a garden in the palace, which extends more than a +mile, in which reside about thirty-five gardeners, called <i>Bostanjis</i>, +who are <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>:<a id="FNanchor_737" href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a> these gardeners have from three to five +aspers each per day; they are clothed in blue cloth, and given a shirt. +Then when they leave the palace, they become Janissaries, or +<i>Solaks</i>, or <i>Kapujis</i>, or something else according to their quality.</p> + +<p>The <i>Bostanji-bashi</i>, or chief gardener, has fifty aspers a day and +many perquisites.</p> + +<p>The <i>Kiaya</i>,<a id="FNanchor_738" href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a> who is, as it were, a lieutenant for the gardeners, has +20 aspers per day; and each ten [gardeners] have a chief called +<i>Boluk-bashi</i>. From this garden, which is very large and well-tended, +full of excellent fruit-trees of every sort, they obtain so +much every year that from the product of it alone they make the +living expenses of the Signor, and also get something more. Near +the garden are always stationed two small galleys; these are rowed +by the gardeners when the Signor goes on a pleasure-trip, and the +<i>Boluk-bashi</i> holds the helm.<a id="FNanchor_739" href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Ashji-bashi</i>, chief cook, with fifty cooks under him. He has +40 aspers per day, the cooks under him four, six, or eight aspers +each.</p> + +<p>The <i>Helvaji-bashi</i>, or chief confectioner, with 40 aspers, and he has +thirty companions with five to six aspers per day each.</p> + +<p>The <i>Chasnijir-bashi</i>,<a id="FNanchor_740" href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a> chief of the cupboards, with eighty aspers: +morning and evening he brings with his own hand the dish of the +Signor, and he has under him a hundred <i>Chasnijirs</i> with from three to +seventy aspers each.<a id="FNanchor_741" href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a></p> + +<p>The <i>Mutbakh-emini</i>,<a id="FNanchor_742" href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a> or steward, with 40 aspers. He has a secretary +with 20 aspers a day.</p> + +<p>A hundred <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, who transport on carts the wood of the +palace. They have three to five aspers, and are provided with +clothing.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246"></a>[246]</span></p> + +<p>Ten <i>Sakkas</i>, who carry water on horseback in leathern sacks, with +three to five aspers each.</p> + +<p>The expenses for the table of the Signor, and of the youths with +their eunuchs and others to about a thousand, amount to five +thousand aspers a day.</p> + +<p>Three <i>Kapuji-bashis</i>, or captains of the gate, who have a hundred +aspers a day and are clothed every year: and they have under +them two hundred and fifty <i>Kapujis</i>, who have five to six aspers +each; and each <i>Kapuji-bashi</i> with a third of the <i>Kapujis</i> is obliged +to keep guard at the gate of the Signor, changing from day to day. +And when any ambassador or other person goes to kiss the hand of +the Grand Signor, all these are given presents of clothes or of money +according to the degree of him who is introduced.</p> + +<p>A <i>Kapuji-kiaya</i>, who is, as it were, a lieutenant of the <i>Kapujis</i>, has +forty aspers a day.</p> + +<p>Four Vizier Pashas, or chief counsellors: the greatest has ordinarily +twenty-four thousand ducats a year and the others sixteen to +eighteen thousand; but they have also so much feudal income that +they receive three times as much as the provision in money.<a id="FNanchor_743" href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a> To +this should be added the garments which the Signor gives them, the +presents of ambassadors and of others, the perquisites of the office +they hold, which are unlimited. At present they are only three. +The first is Ibrahim, born a Christian at Parga. The second Aias +of Khimara. The third Kassim of Croatia, a kidnapped Christian. +To these there is added a fourth at present,<a id="FNanchor_744" href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> who is Khaireddin Bey +Barbarossa of the Albanian nation, formerly a corsair and now +king of Algiers in Barbary. These Pashas live and dress very +superbly. They have: Ibrahim six thousand and more slaves, +Aias two thousand, Kassim fifteen hundred, and Barbarossa about +four thousand. To all these slaves they give pay, horses, garments, +golden bonnets and silver chains,<a id="FNanchor_745" href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a> according to their offices and +degrees. And these serve their Pashas under the same arrangements +by which the Signor is served by his [slaves]. They have also +twenty-five or thirty chancery secretaries to the Signor, men of great +repute, with twenty-five to thirty aspers per day each: they keep<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247"></a>[247]</span> +more or fewer slaves as they can. These Pashas have entry to the +Signor for affairs of state; and it is in fact they who govern the whole +after their own fashion.</p> + +<p>There is next the <i>Mufti</i>, or the interpreter and chief of the laws; +they do not trouble him about anything except the affairs of religion +and their faith, and he has the position which our Pope had in +ancient times.<a id="FNanchor_746" href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a></p> + +<p>Two <i>Kaziasker Danishmends</i>, or doctors of the laws for the army, +one for Greece, the other for Anatolia. Their position is of great +importance. They sit at the Porte and have precedence of the +Vizier Pashas: on this account they are much esteemed. They +are executors of the laws, and with the consent of the Pashas they +appoint and remove the <i>Kazis</i>, who are like podestas for the whole +country. They have feudal income of about six thousand ducats +a year each. They keep two hundred to three hundred slaves each, +and they are accompanied by ten secretaries appointed by the Signor +and two <i>Mochtur-bashis</i>, who hold the office of ushers:<a id="FNanchor_747" href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a> these live +from perquisites, of which they have a great many.</p> + +<p>Two <i>Defterdars</i>, or treasurers, or rather, as we would say, governors +of the revenues. One of these has the receipt and the care of +those revenues which come from a third of Greece, or from that part +which is toward the Danube, and besides, from Asia, from Syria, +and from Egypt, with feudal income of ten thousand ducats a year, +although with the perquisites he gets twice as much. The other has +the care of the other two-thirds of Greece: but when the Signor +takes the field this man remains in Constantinople as his vicar and +lieutenant; and he has six thousand ducats of feudal income, but +gets three times as much; and their position is of great dignity. +They have under them fifty clerks with many helpers: these keep +the accounts of the <i>Khazineh</i>, or treasury of the Signor; and these +clerks are appointed by the Signor with pay of fifteen to fifty aspers +per day each. The <i>Defterdars</i> have, the first a thousand slaves and +the second five hundred, and the clerks from two to twenty slaves +each.<a id="FNanchor_748" href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a></p> + +<p>Two <i>Rusnamehjis</i>, chief clerks, who receive the money and disburse +it as needed, with twenty-five companions besides themselves.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248"></a>[248]</span></p> + +<p>The two have forty aspers each, and the twenty-five have eight to +ten aspers a day.</p> + +<p>Two <i>Veznedars</i>, or weighers of aspers and ducats, with twenty-five +to thirty aspers each.</p> + +<p>Six <i>Sarrafs</i>, or bankers, who know gold and silver [coins], and they +have ten to fifteen aspers each.</p> + +<p>One <i>Nishanji-bashi</i>, who signs the ordinances and public writings +with the monogram of the Signor. His position is like that of +grand chancellor and is of great repute. He sits at the Porte +below the <i>Beylerbeys</i>. He has eight thousand ducats of feudal +income, and travels in great honor with more than three hundred +slaves.</p> + +<p>An outside <i>Khazinehdar-bashi</i>, or household treasurer, with ten +<i>Khazinehdars</i> under him. He has fifty aspers, and they ten to +fifteen per day.</p> + +<p>A <i>Defter-emini</i>, who has charge of the feudal grants: he keeps the +register of those who receive feudal grants. He has forty aspers a +day, and under him are ten clerks with ten to fifteen aspers per day +each.</p> + +<p>Eighty <i>Muteferrika</i>, or lancers of the body-guard<a id="FNanchor_749" href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> of the Signor, +these always carry lances when he takes the field; they recognize +no other head than the Signor himself. And when by artifice or +merit they acquire favor, they are made <i>Aghas</i>, or generals. The +least has ten, the greatest eighty, aspers per day.</p> + +<p>A <i>Chaush-bashi</i>, or chief sergeant of the army. He is of so great +credit with every one, that when he is sent by the Signor to some +Pasha, <i>Sanjak</i>, or <i>Kazi</i>, with the order to have the head of such and +such a one cut off, he is obeyed without their requiring a letter from +him, or a command in writing; not otherwise than if the Signor +himself were there, and gave command. He has a hundred aspers a +day, and under him he keeps a hundred slaves,<a id="FNanchor_750" href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a> with twenty-five to +forty aspers each.</p> + +<p>The <i>Mihter-bashi</i>, or chief of those who pitch the tents and spread the +rugs, who sweep the court-yards and attend to other similar duties; +he has forty aspers, a <i>Kiaya</i> with twenty-five aspers, sixty <i>Mihters</i> +with five to eight aspers each; and they are clothed every year by +the Signor.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249"></a>[249]</span></p> + +<p>An <i>Agha</i>, or general of the Janissaries. He has for pay a thousand +aspers and over per day, and six thousand ducats of feudal grant +per year. When this <i>Agha</i> holds court, which is two or three times +per week, he is obliged to give the Janissaries to eat, a meal of bread, +rice, mutton, honey, and water. He has under him a <i>Kiaya</i> or +Secretary of the Janissaries, who is, as it were, a vicegerent; he has +two hundred aspers per day of pay in cash, and thirty thousand of +feudal grant per year.<a id="FNanchor_751" href="#Footnote_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a> And there is a clerk of these Janissaries, +called the <i>Yaziji</i> of the Janissaries,<a id="FNanchor_752" href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a> with a hundred aspers a day.</p> + +<p>A <i>Seymen-bashi</i>, chief of the harriers.<a id="FNanchor_753" href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a> He has a hundred aspers and +has from the number of the Janissaries about two thousand under +him.</p> + +<p>A <i>Zagarji-bashi</i>, head of the hounds.<a id="FNanchor_754" href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a> He has fifty aspers a day, +and has under him about seven hundred of the Janissaries.</p> + +<p>The Janissaries number about twelve thousand: they have each +from three to eight aspers of pay per day. Each ten has its <i>Oda-bashi</i>, +and each hundred has its <i>Boluk-bashi</i>. And these heads of +ten or of a hundred go on horseback. And the <i>Oda-bashis</i> have +forty, and the <i>Boluk-bashis</i> sixty aspers a day. The remainder of +the Janissaries go on foot. They are clothed once a year by the +Signor with coarse blue cloth. They have their residence in two +barracks in Constantinople given by the Signor. Those who have +no wives reside in these. Those who are married reside at various +places in the city. For their living expenses each contributes so +much a day, and they have a steward and a cook, who provide their +necessary living: and those who have less pay than the others are +obliged to serve those who have more pay than they. Every +hundred of them when they take the field transport a tent. They +go on foot, and part of them are musketeers, and part halbardiers, +and part use the scimetar alone. Every three lead a horse which +carries their clothing. And when they come to old age, or when for +some other reason the service of one of them does not please the +Signor, they are stricken from the book of the Janissaries, and are +sent as <i>Hissarlis</i><a id="FNanchor_755" href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a> or castle guards; and those of their officers who are +deposed for such a reason, are sent as castellans with a feudal grant +equivalent to the pay which they had previously, in such a way that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250"></a>[250]</span> +none of them suffers hardship. Such of them as succeed in war are +made <i>Voivodes</i>,<a id="FNanchor_756" href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> and raised to high positions. They come as boys +to this soldiery and are taught by the experienced ones. They +choose healthy ones, well-built, but nimble and dextrous, lively +above all, and more often cruel than compassionate. In them rests +the force and all the firmness of the army of the Turk; they, because +they are always exercising and living together, all become as it were +a single body, and of a truth they are terrible.<a id="FNanchor_757" href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a></p> + +<p>From the Janissaries are chosen a hundred and fifty <i>Solaks</i>, who +are footmen of the Signor, with fifteen to twenty aspers a day +each: they march surrounding the person of the Signor every time +he goes forth.</p> + +<p>Two <i>Solak-bashis</i>, chief officers of the <i>Solaks</i>, who go on horseback, +with thirty aspers per day. And these and the <i>Solaks</i> are +in obedience to the <i>Agha</i> of the Janissaries.</p> + +<p>An <i>Agha</i> of the <i>Spahi-oghlans</i>, an office of great honor. He has +from feudal grant and pay ten ducats a day, and he has a large +number of slaves, with a <i>Kiaya</i> under him, or lieutenant: this man +has from feudal grant and pay a hundred aspers a day. And also a +<i>Yaziji</i>, or secretary, with thirty aspers, and with large perquisites.</p> + +<p>The <i>Spahi-oghlans</i>, or youths on horseback, who may be called <i>Spahi-oghlan</i>, +are more than three thousand; and they have twenty +to forty aspers each; and every twenty have a <i>Boluk-bashi</i>. These +serve on horseback, each with five or six slaves and a like number of +horses. And they always journey, and also encamp, at the right +hand of the Signor. They are great people. From them the Signor +is wont to choose his chief men. They are first put as boys into the +palace, and when they grow up they succeed well if they attain this +grade: it is like a ladder to mount to higher positions.</p> + +<p>An <i>Agha</i> of the <i>Silihdars</i>, who has thirty thousand aspers a day,<a id="FNanchor_758" href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a> +and under him a lieutenant, a secretary, a <i>Kiaya</i>,<a id="FNanchor_759" href="#Footnote_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a> with thirty +aspers and more each.</p> + +<p>There are three thousand <i>Silihdars</i>. They moreover ride and +encamp at the left hand of the Signor. They have twenty to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251"></a>[251]</span> +twenty-five aspers per day each, and they have four or five slaves +and a like number of horses, with feudal income for their living. +They are trained by the same education with which the <i>Spahis</i> +are brought up: nor is there any difference between them, except +that the <i>Spahis</i> go on the right, and these on the left, of the Signor.</p> + +<p>Two <i>Ulufaji-bashis</i>, or chief officers of soldiers, with two thousand +<i>Ulufajis</i>, who go on the right hand and the left of the Signor. The +chief officers have a hundred and twenty aspers, and the others eight +to sixteen aspers; then under them<a id="FNanchor_760" href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a> they have a <i>Kiaya</i>, a secretary, +and a lieutenant,<a id="FNanchor_761" href="#Footnote_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a> with slaves and with horses, some more and some +fewer.</p> + +<p>Two <i>Aghas</i>, chief officers of the <i>Ghureba-oghlans</i>, or poor youths<a id="FNanchor_762" href="#Footnote_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a> +with eighty aspers each. <i>Kiayas</i>, thirty aspers. Secretaries, +twenty-five. And they have under them about two thousand +<i>Ghureba-oghlans</i> with seven to fourteen aspers per day: these have +slaves and horses.</p> + +<p>Two <i>Emir-al-Akhors</i>,<a id="FNanchor_763" href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a> or masters of the stable, a greater and a +lesser. The greater has five hundred aspers, the lesser two hundred, +with lieutenant and <i>Kiaya</i><a id="FNanchor_764" href="#Footnote_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a> and others, who have thirty to forty +aspers each.</p> + +<p>Sixteen thousand altogether of <i>Serraj</i>, who have charge of bridles<a id="FNanchor_765" href="#Footnote_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a> +and saddles; <i>Ceyssi</i>, or stable servants; <i>Carmandari</i>, who take +care of the mules; <i>Deveji</i>, who take care of the camels, and <i>Cavriliji</i>, +who herd the cattle and horses in various places. These have +two to twenty aspers per day each.</p> + +<p>Thirty to forty <i>Peiks</i>, or runners on foot, men who when boys have +had their spleens removed:<a id="FNanchor_766" href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> and they run post on foot with great +speed. These when the Signor goes forth remain continually near, +so that he may employ them according to his needs.</p> + +<p>Select horses about four thousand for the person of the Signor; +on these the pages of the palace and the eunuchs ride for exercise in +their turns.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252"></a>[252]</span></p> + +<p>A <i>Chakirji-bashi</i>, chief Vulturer, and a <i>Shahinji-bashi</i>, chief Falconer. +The first has a hundred and fifty aspers, and the other has eighty; +with <i>Kiayas</i>, lieutenants,<a id="FNanchor_767" href="#Footnote_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a> and others, with ten to twenty-five aspers +each per day. Under these are about two hundred <i>Zanijiler</i>,<a id="FNanchor_768" href="#Footnote_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a> +only a hundred of whom have ten aspers a day, and the others +have feudal income, or exemption from taxation. And they take +the field when the Signor has need.</p> + +<p>A <i>Jebeji-bashi</i>, chief armorer. He has sixty aspers, a <i>Kiaya</i> and +a secretary with twenty aspers each. He has under him about one +thousand five hundred <i>jebejis</i>, with seven to twelve aspers. These +all go on foot when the Signor takes the field.</p> + +<p>A <i>Topji-bashi</i>, chief of artillery. He has seventy aspers, a <i>Kiaya</i> +[and] secretary with twenty aspers: and under him are two thousand +<i>Topjis</i> with six to ten aspers, and they go on foot.</p> + +<p>An <i>Arabaji-bashi</i>, chief wagoner. He has forty aspers, a <i>Kiaya</i> +[and] secretary with twenty aspers: and under him three thousand +<i>Arabajis</i> with three to six aspers each.</p> + +<p>A <i>Mihter-bashi</i>, or chief of trumpeters and drummers. He has thirty +[aspers] per day, and under him two hundred <i>Mihters</i>, part of them +on foot and part on horseback with three to five aspers per day.</p> + +<p>An <i>Emir-Alem Agha</i>, who carries the standard of the Signor. He has +two hundred aspers a day, and is captain of all the musicians.</p> + +<p>An <i>Arpa-emini</i>, who is Provider of the grain, with a Lieutenant +and a Chancellor.<a id="FNanchor_769" href="#Footnote_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a> He has sixty aspers, the Lieutenant thirty +and the Chancellor twenty: this <i>Arpa-emini</i> has under him twenty +persons who receive among them all about eight hundred aspers.</p> + +<p>A <i>Shehr-emini</i>,<a id="FNanchor_770" href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a> or Commissioner of public works, who takes care +of the streets of Constantinople, and also of the road when the +Signor goes forth to war: and he has charge also of public buildings, +fountains, and aqueducts. He has fifty aspers, and keeps under him +four hundred men: among all of these is given a thousand aspers. +He has also a <i>Kiaya</i> and secretary with about thirty-eight aspers +each.<a id="FNanchor_771" href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a></p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253"></a>[253]</span></p> + +<p>A <i>Berat-emini</i>, who is deputed to distribute the ordinances of the +Signor in writing and who receives the fees; and he has forty aspers, +with two secretaries, and two superintendents with twenty aspers +each.</p> + +<p>A <i>Terjuman</i>,<a id="FNanchor_772" href="#Footnote_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a> or interpreter of all the languages. This position is +highly reputed in proportion to the worth and intelligence of him +who holds it. He has five hundred ducats of fixed income each year, +and has also a like sum from feudal grant, and more than four +times as much of extraordinary income; and he is wont to be highly +respected.</p> + +<p>Proceeding now further as I have begun, I shall leave it for another +time and eye to reduce this Porte to better order and put everything +in its proper place. I find that to all the above-mentioned +things should be added a <span class="smcap">Palace</span> of the ladies of the Signor.<a id="FNanchor_773" href="#Footnote_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a> +This is very large, with a circuit of about a mile and a half; and it is +provided with different chambers and other rooms, where the sons +of the Signor reside separately with their mothers, and with a great +number of eunuchs for their guard and service. There also reside +the Sultanas, that is the mothers and the wives of the Signors; and +there are three hundred damsels, placed there virgins, and given to +the government of many matrons. To all of these damsels the +Signor has it taught to embroider different designs, to each he gives +pay of ten to twenty aspers per day; and twice every year at the +two Bairams he has them clothed in stuffs of silk. And when one +of these pleases him he does what he wishes with her, and when he +has lain with her he gives her a golden bonnet and ten thousand +aspers, and has her placed in a separate apartment from the others, +increasing her ordinary pay.<a id="FNanchor_774" href="#Footnote_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a> In the aforesaid Palace there is an +<i>Agha</i> of the Eunuchs: to these are given a hundred and twenty +aspers for all. Three <i>Kapuji-bashis</i>, and with them a hundred +<i>Kapujis</i> and Janissaries at the gate: among all these is given six +hundred aspers a day. Ten <i>Sakkas</i>, who carry water, forty aspers +in all. And the damsels are served and educated up to the age of +twenty-five years. The teachers are the matrons, the servants are +the youngest among them; and when they have arrived at twenty-five<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254"></a>[254]</span> +years, if it does not please the Signor to keep them for his own +use, he marries them to <i>Spahi-oghlans</i>, and to others of the slaves of +the Porte according to the degree and condition of both parties; +and in their place he substitutes others.</p> + +<p>There is also a palace near Pera for about four hundred boys, +who have pay of six to ten aspers, and are clothed with silk twice +a year. These have an <i>Agha</i> and eunuchs, as have those in the +great palace, [and] <i>Kapujis</i>, <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> and a hundred teachers +of various arts. Among all these is distributed eight hundred +aspers a day. They are not so noble, or of so beautiful appearance +or show of intelligence as are those who reside with the Signor; +but from these also many become great, and some of them are taken +into the great palace. And similarly in Adrianople there is a palace +of three hundred boys under pay, an <i>Agha</i>, eunuchs, <i>Kapujis</i>, +Janissaries, and teachers, about two hundred in all, who have all +together two thousand eight hundred aspers a day. These are of +third grade, but they are carefully taught and well kept like all +the others, and from them according to the spirit and worth which +they show promotions are made. There is also in that region +another palace, recently built, with a large and beautiful garden: +this is located on the river Maritza, and in it reside about three +hundred <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>; on these [palaces] they spend every year +two hundred thousand aspers for each, and they have an <i>Agha</i> with +forty aspers and a lieutenant and secretaries with thirty aspers each +per day. In various other places in Adrianople there are gardens: +in these reside continually as on deposit one thousand five hundred +<i>Ajem-oghlans</i> with <i>Agha</i> and secretaries, and on these they spend +six thousand aspers a year<a id="FNanchor_775" href="#Footnote_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a> or a little more.</p> + +<p>There is also an <i>Agha</i> of the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, or Janissary recruits, +who resides in Constantinople; he has sixty aspers per day, and +under him are about five thousand <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>: these they clothe +twice a year, and on their teachers and chiefs they spend ten thousand +aspers<a id="FNanchor_776" href="#Footnote_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a> a year. They put them on ships and buildings to carry +wood and perform other tasks. They become cooks or servants +of the Janissaries, and finally they become Janissaries.</p> + +<p>And every four years the Turkish Signor sends into Greece and +into Anatolia to seize boys, sons of Christians, ten or twelve thousand +each time: these he sends into Anatolia in the region of Brusa<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255"></a>[255]</span> +or Caramania to dig the earth, so that they will become accustomed +to hard labor, and so that there they may learn the Turkish language. +These boys remain in such a place and occupation three or +four years: then they are ordered to be gathered again, and are +given to the government and discipline of the <i>Agha</i> of the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>. +For these the Signor does not have any expenses so long +as they reside in Anatolia, because they are clothed and have their +living from those whom they serve by plowing the ground and doing +other work for them.</p> + +<p class="normal">It seemed best to me to make mention in this place of all the +palaces, because they are as it were of the same body as that of the +Signor, and all the expenses of these are computed in the book of the +expense of the great palace, or that of the Signor. To these expenses +are added those, which are incurred in clothing twice each year the +Pashas, the <i>Kaziaskers</i>, the <i>Defterdars</i>, the <i>Beylerbeys</i>, and the +<i>Nishanji</i>, and the expenses which are incurred for the extraordinary +presents of the Signor. These in all amount to and go beyond a +million aspers a year.</p> + +<p>There is also an Arsenal in the region of Pera, small and of short +circuit: this has on the sea-front ninety-two vaults, and so little +area and ground within that not merely no galleys but not even +materials and timbers can be contained there. In it usually work +each day about two hundred men; although there are under pay +two hundred patrons with two thousand aspers per day for all.<a id="FNanchor_777" href="#Footnote_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a> +A thousand <i>Azabs</i>, who have among them four thousand aspers. +Foremen, or masters fifty in number, who have in leisure, that is, +when not working, six aspers, and when working, twelve aspers +each. An Intendant, forty aspers. A Secretary, twenty-five +aspers, with ten clerks under him, who have a hundred aspers. All +these fulfil their duties when there is great need; but they understand +ill the trade and art of building galleys. For this reason they +do not turn out good and ready ones like ours; and what few there +are are overseen by Christians, who are well paid.</p> + +<p>Over this Arsenal and all these persons, there is one who is called +the <i>Beylerbey</i> of the sea; that is to say, Lord of lords, an office +created at the time when I was in Constantinople; since in the past +he who was <i>Sanjak</i> of Gallipoli was wont to be called Captain of the +Sea. And Khaireddin Bey called Barbarossa was the first who had +this title; he was then made fourth Pasha. To him is given the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256"></a>[256]</span> +government of all the fleets, and he has for income every year a +feudal grant of fourteen thousand ducats, besides that from Rhodes, +Euboea, and Mytilene; so that he receives twice as much more.</p> + +<p class="normal">I find nothing else that pertains to arrangements for the rule and +watch of the sea which are worthy of note: wherefore I will now +come to those of the land; these are in truth well and usefully +ordered.</p> + +<p>There is first one called the <i>Beylerbey</i> of Greece: in this are included +all the lands which the Turkish Signor possesses in Europe: +this <i>Beylerbey</i> is greater than all the others. He has from feudal +grant sixteen thousand ducats a year, and gets more than double +this. He sits at the Porte after the Pashas,<a id="FNanchor_778" href="#Footnote_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a> and is of great repute +with everybody. He has under him besides his slaves, who number +more than a thousand, a <i>Defterdar</i> with feudal income of three +thousand ducats a year; a hundred clerks who keep the books and +accounts of the feudal grants assigned to <i>Subashis</i>, <i>Kazis</i>, <i>Spahis</i>, +and others; among all of whom are distributed ten thousand ducats +a year.</p> + +<p>Thirty-six <i>Sanjaks</i>: these are in obedience to him, and have for +feudal income from five to twelve thousand ducats a year each. +They are distributed through the provinces: in these they reside +only so long as pleases the Signor: he changes them, as seems best +to him, from one province to another. Their duty is to rule the +<i>Spahis</i>, and to have them trained in arms, and to keep them in +obedience.</p> + +<p class="normal">Four hundred <i>Subashis</i>, who have among them all from feudal +income four hundred thousand ducats, and have about five hundred +slaves each.<a id="FNanchor_779" href="#Footnote_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a></p> + +<p class="normal">Thirty thousand <i>Spahis</i>: these are horse soldiery set apart some +to the service of the <i>Beylerbey</i>, and some to that of all the <i>Sanjaks</i> +of Greece. They have from feudal grant two hundred ducats each, +and each of them, for every hundred ducats of feudal income, is +obliged to maintain an armed man, with horse and lance. And +then they have besides the armed man two or four or five servants +and horses. These <i>Spahis</i> are all slaves of the Signor, and sons of +slaves, and of <i>Spahis</i>.</p> + +<p class="normal">Twenty thousand <i>Timarjis</i> who have ten to forty ducats of +feudal income each year, and because they do not reach a hundred<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257"></a>[257]</span> +ducats, they are not called <i>Spahis</i>. These have each a horse and +two or three servants, and they serve distributed through all the +<i>Sanjaks</i> of Greece. The feudal grants are by assignment of land; +the income of this assignment they get partly from rent, but the +greater part from the tithes of all the income, which Turks as well +as Christians pay, and from the poll-tax, which is twenty-five +aspers per head from Christians alone, and from the imposts laid +on animals, fruit-trees, and other things. These imposts, moreover, +are in addition to those which they pay ordinarily to the Signor.</p> + +<p class="normal">Sixty thousand <i>Akinji</i>, or mounted adventurers, inscribed for +the lands of Greece and obliged to go to war without payment. +But they are exempt from any burden, and cities and villages are +bound to give them, when they pass through, living expenses +only.</p> + +<p>There are in all Greece, that is, in all the countries which the +Turkish Signor possesses in Europe, sixty-eight thousand villages +of Turkish and Christian people, subject to public burdens.<a id="FNanchor_780" href="#Footnote_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a></p> + +<p>There follow next six <i>Beylerbeys</i> of Asia, and a separate one of +Egypt. The first of these is called the <i>Beylerbey</i> of Anatolia which +was anciently Asia Minor: he has from feudal income fourteen +thousand ducats, but gets a great deal more. This man has under +him and in his government Pontus, Bithynia, Asia proper, Lydia, +Caria, and Lycia: these provinces under a single name are called +at present Anatolia. This man’s place at the Porte is after the +<i>Beylerbey</i> of Greece. And he has under him, besides his own slaves, +who are more than a thousand, twelve <i>Sanjaks</i> with feudal income +of from four to six thousand ducats each. Ten thousand <i>Spahis</i>, +with five to ten aspers a day, and also more or less feudal income +according to their degree. Next after these follows</p> + +<p>The <i>Beylerbey</i> of Caramania, which was anciently Cilicia and +Pamphylia, with feudal income of ten thousand ducats. This man +has under him seven <i>Sanjaks</i> with four to six thousand ducats of +feudal income each, and five thousand <i>Spahis</i>, with five to ten aspers +a day each and feudal income besides.</p> + +<p>The <i>Beylerbey</i> of Amasia and Tokat, which was Cappadocia and +Galatia, with feudal income of eight thousand ducats. Four +<i>Sanjaks</i> with four to six thousand ducats of feudal income each. +Four thousand <i>Spahis</i> with five to ten aspers a day each and feudal +income.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258"></a>[258]</span></p> + +<p>The <i>Beylerbey</i> of Anadole, which is a region between Syria, +Caramania, and Tokat, which was anciently Paphlagonia, and is +the half of Armenia Minor. He has ten thousand ducats of feudal +income, and under him seven <i>Sanjaks</i> with four to five thousand +ducats of feudal income. Seven thousand <i>Spahis</i>, with five to ten +aspers per day and feudal income. In this province of Anadole, +they say that when the Signor is there, besides the paid troops thirty +thousand persons are obliged to ride without any pay, but only +with expenses from the villages.</p> + +<p>The <i>Beylerbey</i> of Mesopotamia, under whom is the remainder of +Armenia Minor and part of the Major, the other parts belonging +to the Persians and the Kurds. This borders with Bagdad, or +Baldach, which was anciently Babylonia. He has of feudal income +thirty thousand ducats: and besides his own slaves, who number +two thousand, he has under him twelve <i>Sanjaks</i> with feudal income +of four to six thousand ducats a year, and ten<a id="FNanchor_781" href="#Footnote_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a> <i>Spahis</i> with ten to +fifteen aspers per day each, and with large feudal income because +of being at the confines of the Persians: with these they are continually +in conflict.</p> + +<p>A <i>Beylerbey</i> of Damascus and Syria and Judea, with feudal income +of twenty-four thousand ducats; he has more than two thousand +slaves, and under him twelve <i>Sanjaks</i> with feudal income of five to +seven thousand ducats, and twenty thousand <i>Spahis</i> with ten to +fifteen aspers per day each and with good feudal income.</p> + +<p>A <i>Beylerbey</i> of Cairo: he holds jurisdiction as far as Mecca, or +as far as into Arabia: this Arabia is possessed by the Turkish +Signor in the way in which he possesses Albania, where he is not +yielded such obedience as he is accustomed to receive from all his +other states and countries. But [Arabia] Felix stands in somewhat +greater obedience than the rest. He has for feudal income thirty +thousand ducats, with numerous slaves: these amount to more than +four thousand; sixteen <i>Sanjaks</i> with feudal income of six to eight +thousand ducats each; and sixteen thousand <i>Spahis</i> with fifteen to +twenty aspers each per day.</p> + +<p>Near Mecca, and the countries of the Persians, are some Arabic +lords who do not obey any one. The rest<a id="FNanchor_782" href="#Footnote_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a> then borders the +Persians as far as Mesopotamia, in which is Bagdad.<a id="FNanchor_783" href="#Footnote_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a> Passing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259"></a>[259]</span> +Mesopotamia it borders the Persians again to the plain of Naximan, +then touches Erzinjan<a id="FNanchor_784" href="#Footnote_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a> and Erzerum, which are the chief places +of Armenia Major. This Armenia borders with the Iberians and +Georgians. In these Armenias, Major and Minor, are many +Kurds, people of the mountains and warlike, those of [Armenia] +Major obedient partly to the Turkish Signor, and partly to the +Persian; those of [Armenia] Minor to no one. Next Trebizond +borders with the Georgians and Mingrelians, and with part of +the Iberians, which people were anciently called Colchians. And +Ajemia,<a id="FNanchor_785" href="#Footnote_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a> which anciently was Assyria, belongs to the Persian: he is +absolute master of it.</p> + +<p>There are in all Anatolia, or in all the countries which the Turkish +Signor possesses in Asia, villages of Turks and Christians to the +number of more than seventy-two thousand, not counting those +which are in Egypt, which are many.</p> + +<p>The <i>Sanjaks</i> truly [set forth]: these (as I said above) have under +government the provinces entrusted to the <i>Beylerbeys</i>; they are +men of much and very great reputation and esteem, especially in +the affairs of war; they are named as below by the names of the +places which are given to their government. And first the <i>Beylerbey</i> +of Greece holds as his sanjakate the places about Salonika. Then +follow the others of Kaffa, Silistria, Nicopolis, Vidin, Semendria, +Servia and Belgrade,<a id="FNanchor_786" href="#Footnote_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a> Zvornick, Bosnia, Hersek, which is the Servia +called the Duchy,<a id="FNanchor_787" href="#Footnote_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a> Scutari, Avlona, Yanina, Karli Ili, Lepanto, +Morea, Negropont, Trikkala, Gallipoli, Kirk-Kilisse or Forty +Churches, Viza, Chirmen, Kostendil, Vishidrina, Prisrend, Okhrida, +Alaja Hissar, Elbassan, Voinuch, Chiuchene, Zaiza. These are +usually counted thirty-five, but five are regions united to neighboring +places, namely Philippopolis, Sofia, Durazzo, Albania, and Uskup.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Anatolia</span>, or Asia Minor: Pontus, Bithynia, Lydia, Caria, and +Lycia. The sanjakate of the <i>Beylerbey</i> is at Kutaia. And the +others are in Hoja-ili, Boli, Kastamuni, Angora, Kanghri,<a id="FNanchor_788" href="#Footnote_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a> Tekke-ili, +Menteshe-ili, Aidin-ili, Alayeh,<a id="FNanchor_789" href="#Footnote_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> Bigha, and Manissa,<a id="FNanchor_790" href="#Footnote_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a> which is +that of Sultan Mustapha, the oldest son of the Signor. This place +is opposite the middle of Chios near the sea.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260"></a>[260]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Amasia</span>, and Tokat, which is Paphlagonia, Galatia, and Cappadocia. +The sanjakate of the <i>Beylerbey</i> is in Amasia, of the others +in Chorum, Janik, Kara-hissar, Samsun, Trebizond.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Caramania</span>, which is Cilicia opposite Cyprus and Pamphylia. The +sanjakate of the <i>Beylerbey</i> is in Konia. The others have theirs in +Naranda, Hissar, Eski-hissar, Versag-ili, Sivri-hissar.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Anadole</span>, or Armenia Minor. The sanjakate of the <i>Beylerbey</i> is +in Marash. Those of the others in Sarmussacli, Albistan-ovassi,<a id="FNanchor_791" href="#Footnote_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a> +Adana, Tarsus.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Diarbekir</span>, or Mesopotamia, and part of Armenia Major, of which +the remainder belongs to the Persians and the Kurds. The sanjakate +of the <i>Beylerbey</i> is in Diarbekir. And the others have +theirs in Kara Amid, Arghana, Toljik, Hassan-Kief, Mardin, +Kharput, Mosul, Erzerum, Baiburt, Bitlis, and Naximan-ovassi.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Syria</span>, and Judea. The sanjakate of the <i>Beylerbey</i> is in Damascus. +Of the others in Malatia, Divirigi, Aintab, Antioch, Aleppo, +Tripoli, Hama, Homs, Safita, Jerusalem, Gaza.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Egypt</span>, with part of Arabia Deserta as far as Jeddah;<a id="FNanchor_792" href="#Footnote_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a> Mecca, +with all of Arabia Felix, where are many Arab lordlings, who are +partly in devotion to the Turkish Signor, partly to no one. The +sanjakate of the <i>Beylerbey</i> is in Cairo, and of the others....<a id="FNanchor_793" href="#Footnote_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a></p> + +<p>All the aforesaid <i>Sanjaks</i>, <i>Beylerbeys</i>, Pashas, and other officials have +salary or feudal income, as I have said above, by fixed arrangement, +that is, regularly: but they obtain from extraordinary sources +about as much more. And they live with very great expenses for +slaves: these they are accustomed to clothe and they give them also +wages besides, so that they will not steal.</p> + +<p class="normal">How great the revenues of this Signor are, may be estimated +from the expenses. These revenues are obtained from the Kharâj, +which is paid by the non-Turkish subjects; this gives a million and +a half ducats: from the tax on animals, which gives eight hundred +thousand ducats: from mines, which give six hundred thousand +ducats: from countless other duties, salt-taxes, commendations, +inheritances, gifts, the revenues of Egypt over and above the +expenses, rents, and tributes. And they are so great that they not +only meet the expenses, which amount besides the feudal income in +ready money drawn from the Treasury to more than twelve thousand<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261"></a>[261]</span> +ducats a day;<a id="FNanchor_794" href="#Footnote_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a> but there remains over a great sum of money +from the surplus of each year. And it is believed that all the revenues +amount to fifteen millions in gold: five of which enter the +Treasury, and the other ten remain for the servants of war.<a id="FNanchor_795" href="#Footnote_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a></p> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262"></a>[262]</span></p> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_II">APPENDIX II<br> +<span class="smaller">PAMPHLET OF JUNIS BEY AND ALVISE GRITTI</span></h3> + +<p class="center smaller">Printed in 1537. Presented in the original Italian.</p> + +</div> + +<p class="center mid">OPERA NOUA LA QUALE DECHIARA</p> + +<p class="center">tutto il gouerno del gran Turcho & tutta<br> +la Spesa che il gran Turcho ha sotto<br> +di lui cosi in pace como in guerra<br> +& il numero de le Persone & nome<br> +& gouerno de le sue Donne<br> +& Garzoni che lui tene<br> +nel Serraglio serrati &<br> +de tutta la Entrata che<br> +lui ha a lanno & nomina<br> +tutti li Signori<br> +de le sue<br> +prouincie:<br> +E il nome de tutte le sue terre chelha<br> +sotto se: & la ordināza del suo Campo<br> +quādo ua ala guerra como<br> +ua in ordinanza tutte le<br> +persone a sorte per<br> +sorte & come<br> +uanno e<br> +che arme portano. Nouamente stampata<br> +nel M D X X X V I I.</p> + +<div class="hanging"> + +<p>Il Signor grāde cioe il grā Turcho ha uno serraglio principale doue +tene la sua sedia, & ha una camera deputada per lui doue dorme, +& al gouerno dessa ha 8. gioueni ch’ lo uestano e suestano doi al +giorno deputati ala guardia, & seruitii suoi, & la notte li fanno la +guardia uno da capo, laltro da piede con due torce accese: & q̄lli +doi che li hāno fatto la guardia la notte lo uestano la mattina, & +li mettano ne la Scarsella del dulimano cioe de la casacha sua aspri +Mille uno aspro ual soldi do di Milano, & in laltra duchati 20 doro: +questi dinari sel Signor nō li dona uia quel giorno restano a colori<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263"></a>[263]</span> +ch’ lo spogliano la sera, & q̄sti giouani hāno uno capo ch’ si domāda +Oddabassi cioe capo de li camarieri uno Papugi che li porta le +scarpe, laltro Selictare che porta larco & frezze, laltro Ciochadar +ch’ li porta le ueste, laltro Seracter che li porta il mastrapā zoe il +ramī da lacq̄, laltro schēni ch’ porta la sedia questi sono li nomi che +hanno li otto gioueni, & il capo de questi cioe Oddabassi ha aspri 30. +al di di soldo, & li altri 8. gioueni hano chi 15. chi 20. aspri per uno +secondo il loro grado.</p> + +<p>El Capagasi e monuco cioe castrato & e portinaro de la porta del gran +Turco ha aspri 60. di soldo.</p> + +<p>El Capiagabasi cioe il capo del Serraglio doue sta il Turcho quādo +il Signor e fora de Cōstantinopoli ha aspri 50. & ha sotto lui 12 +mōuchi cioe castrati che hāno aspri 16. al di per uno di soldo & +spesa.</p> + +<p>El Casnādarbasi e monucho, cioe Tesorero de la Saluaroba del Signor +ha aspri 60. al di di soldo.</p> + +<p>Ha in el serraglio il Signor gioueni de anni 8. fino in 20. numero 700. +che hāno di soldo al giorno chi 10. chi 14. secondo il suo grado & +sono uestiti dal Signor q̄sti hàno maestri che li insegnano a legere e +scriuere & la lege loro, & como escano del serraglio hanno nella +porta cioe ne la sua corte officii chi Spacoglài chi Selictari chi Solachi +& altri stipēdii secondo gratia e ualore loro.</p> + +<p>Spacoglani sono gétilhomini che cortigiano il Signor quādo caualca: +& li Selictari sono q̄lli che uano alla mā sinistra del Signor q̄ndo ua in +campo: & li Solachi sono stafferi del Signor, & li suoi maestri sono +Talasimāi uecchi detti Cogia dotti nella lege loro, cioe sacerdoti & +questi putti sono ogni 10. in gouerno d’uno monucho detto Capogliano, +ognuno ha uno schiauinotto nel qual dormino détro la +notte de sorte che non si toccano insiemo & stanno in uno salotto & +li Monuchi dormeno in mezo desso salotto & stanno le lume accese +tutta la notte.</p> + +<p>Ha uno giardino nel serraglio che uolge circa doi miglia doue stanno +circa 400. putti giardineri detti Bustāgi sono Ianicerotti, & hanno +uno capo che si domanda Bustāgibassi che e sopra tutti li giardini +del Signor ch’ sono molti e lui ha aspri 40. il di di soldo & altre molte +regalie & a li giardineri chi 3. chi 5. aspri al di & sono ognuno uestiti +del Signor di pāno azuro turchesco & una gamisa e uno paro +di braghe do uolte a lanno & quādo escano del serraglio che sono +grādi diuentano Ianizari cioe guardiani del Signor, Solachi +cioe staffieri & Capigi cioe Portinari: & il ditto Bonstāgibassi e<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264"></a>[264]</span> +q̄llo ch’e timonero quādo il Signor ua in Fusta hāno uno p̄toiro +cioe loco tenente che ha aspri 20. al di & ogni 10 de detti hāno uno +capo ditto Balucasi che ha aspri 20. il di & questi putti uāno +per tutto dentro del Serraglio & mai escano fino che non sono +homeni.</p> + +<p>El Signor ha due Fuste che li nauegano li sopraditti giardineri, & lo +capo loro sta al timone con le quale il Signor ua a spasso assai per +canale & a li giardini lor.</p> + +<p>El calualgibasi capo de le cōfettioni ha aspri 40. il di con 30. homini +sotto di lui & hanno chi 5. chi 6. aspri al di.</p> + +<p>El Vechilargibasi capo deli despésieri ha aspri 40. il di cō uno scriuano +cō aspri 20 il di di soldo.</p> + +<p>El Cessignirbassi capo de li cardēceri ha aspri 80. il di & questo porta +la sera & mattina il piato al Signore & ha sotto di lui homini 100. +che hanno chi 5. chi 6. aspri al di di soldo.</p> + +<p>Vno Asgibassi capo de li coghi ha aspri 40. al di & ha da circa 80. +coghi sotto di lui che hāno chi 5. chi 6. chi 8. aspri il di, & ha da +80. Ianicerotti da 10. in 20. anni ditti baltagi cioe taglia legne +che tagliano le legne per la cucina del signore & per tutto il serraglio +che hanno da 3. in 5. aspri il di per uno & sono uestiti dal Signore.</p> + +<p>Ha circa 20. garzoni Ianicerotti carretteri che portano con li carri le +legne nel serraglio & hanno aspri 3. in 5. al di & sono uestiti dal +Signore.</p> + +<p>Sacha 10. cioe acquaroli che portano lacqua con li caualli nel serraglio +hanno 3. in 5. aspri il di & uestiti dal Signore.</p> + +<p>Vna stalla con 200. caualli per la ꝑsona del Signore con 100. homini al +gouerno suo che hanno aspri 5. in 8. al di di soldo per uno. Vnaltra +stalla con 4000. caualli per li schiaui soi con 2000. homini al suo +gouerno che hāno da 3 in 5 aspri al di di soldo & spesa.</p> + +<p>Il gran Turcho ha molti giardini & si uendano li frutti & del tratto di +essi si fa le spese a lui per essere entrate licite, & il suo serraglio +paga di liuello aspri 1000. al giorno a la moschea cioe a la gesia del +padre de suo padre Soltan memet.</p> + +<p>Spesa nel piato del Signor aspri 5000. & per li garzoni soi aspri 2500. +ogni giorno.</p> + +<p>Vno Capigilarchi caiasi idest gouernator & capo de tutti li capigi cioe +di portineri de la porta ha aspri 500. il di: & 3 capigibassi de la +porta del signore hanno aspri 100. il di & uestiti, sotto q̄sti sono +Capigi cioe Portinari numero 250. che hanno aspri 57. il di per uno, +& questi fanno la guardia a la porta del Signor di 24. in 24. hore, &<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265"></a>[265]</span> +quando qualche Ambasciator ua a basciare la mano al Signor +bisogna chel presenta tutti costori. Vno Capigi la che chi si +Protoiro idest locotenente di Capigi ha aspri 40. il giorno.</p> + +<p>El Ciausbasi capo de li ciausi cō 100. ciausi sotto lui q̄sti sono homini +grādi & quādo uāno ꝑ fare morire alcuno sia dassai quāto si uoglia +sono obediti senza altra cōmissione in scritto, & q̄ndo il Signor +caualca uāno semp’ ináci a lui faciādo fare largo, hāno di soldi da +aspri 25. sino in 40. al di secūdo lor grado & il ciaubasi ha aspri 200.</p> + +<p>El Mecterbasi capo de quelli che destendano li padiglioni & tapedi & +spazzan la porta & altre simile cose ha aspri 40. il di con il suo +Protoiro che ha aspri 20. il di con 60. homini sotto di lui che si +domandano Mecteri che hanno aspri 5. in 6. il di per uno & sono +uestiti.</p> + +<p>Sono ordinatamēte 4. Bascia soi cāzelleri e cōseieri el primo ha duchati +24000 di entrata a lanno: li altri tre hāno chi 16000. chi 18000. +duchati a lanno & li sono date entrate doue cauano il tutto, & hāno +molte altre regalie & p̄senti.</p> + +<p>Abrain ch’era de la pargha albaneso e morto, hora li e Aiisbassa de la +sinita ch’e il prícipale Albāeso uno altro mostafa bascia ch’e +mamalucho di Alchayro & uno Casin bascia ch’e Crouato & +Cayradibeii cioe Barbarossa ch’era greco di metelí Isola & niuno +puo essere bascia se non Christiani renegati. Ayas ha numero +600. schiaui. Mostafa ne ha numero 200: Casin crouato ne ha +numero 150. Barbarossa ne ha da numero 100. A liquali danno +soldo caualli scufie doro & spade fornite dargento & di questi essi +Bascia fanno la corte loro & sono uestiti da essi Bascia.</p> + +<p>Doi Cadilescher talasimani uno de la Grecia laltro de la natolia cioe +Asia, & ha di entrata ducati 6 in 7 milia a lanno per uno: q̄sti sono +executori de la lege loro & hano 10. homini executori per uno dati +dal Signor sono q̄lli che metteno li Cadi cioe podesta per tutto il +paese del Signor & quādo uanno dal Signor entrano auanti deli +Bascia hanno per uno mocturbasi cioe cursor, & como cauallieri +de li executori & questi tutti uiuano di regalie, hāno lo Cadilescheri +200. in 300. schiaui per uno che se ne fanno la lor corte.</p> + +<p>Doi Defterderi cioe thesoreri uno di Asia laltro di Europa che scodano +tutte le entrade del Signor & gouernano quasi il tutto hanno di +entrada ducati sie in sette milia a lanno per uno, & hanno 200. +schiaui per uno & ne fanno la lor corte.</p> + +<p>Hanno q̄sti Defterderi 50. scriuani per uno con li cogitori quali tengano +conto del thesoro del Signor, questi scriuani sono posti dal Signor<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266"></a>[266]</span> +con soldo di 15. in 50. aspri al di per uno secondo il grado loro & +hāno 15. in 20. schiaui per uno.</p> + +<p>Secretarii 25. posti dal Signor che hanno 25. in 30. aspri il di & suoi +schiaui sono doi Rosanamagi idest capi de li scriuani che reuedano +li cōti & ch’ receuano dāno fora con 20. cōpagni sotto loro doi, +hanno aspri 40. il di & li 25. compagni hāno aspri 8. in 10. al di per +uno di soldo.</p> + +<p>Cinque Seraferi idest Bancheri che uedano tutti li danari che si +scodano hanno aspri 10. in 15. al di di soldo.</p> + +<p>Vno Tescheregibassi che segna tutti li commandamenti del Signor ha +di entrata ducati 7000. & 300. in 400. schiaui.</p> + +<p>Vno Casmandarbassi di fora con 10. Casandari il capo ha aspri 50. +il di & ha aspri 10. in 15. al di di soldo sintéde sopra la saluaroba +del Signore di fuora del serraglio.</p> + +<p>Vno Defterdaro emino cioe douanero sopra le intrade & tene il libro +de li timarati ha aspri 40. il di con lo scriuano che ha aspri 10. in 15. +al di.</p> + +<p>Vno Agha de Ianiceri cioe Capitano de tutti li Ianiceri che ha intrata +duch. 7000. lāno, & ha aspri 10000. per far pasto a li Ianizari +quādo el da audiétia in casa sua che 2. o 3. uolte la settimana la da +& ha 400. schiaui sotto se questi Ianizari sono la guardia del Signor +tutti schiopetteri & uanno a piede.</p> + +<p>Vno Gachaia de Ianizari cioe locotenéte ha 200 aspri al di & ducati 300. +di timaro cioe entrata a lanno con 25. schiaui suoi.</p> + +<p>Vno Scriuan di Ianizari che tien conto de loro Ianizari ha aspri 100. +al di & circa a 200 schiaui.</p> + +<p>Secmébassi capo di brachi da caza ha aspri 100. il di & ha del numero +di Iāizari 200 sotto di lui.</p> + +<p>Il Zarcagibassi capo de li liureri da cazza ha aspri 50 il di & ha del +numero di Ianizari 700. sotto di se che menano li cani a spasso +quādo bisogna.</p> + +<p>Sono li Ianizari numero 12000. li quali hanno da 3. sino in 8. aspri il di +di soldo & ogni 10. hanno il suo Odabassi cioe capo de numero dece +& ogni cento hanno il suo capo che si domanda Bolucbassi, & li +capi loro quando uanno in cāpo uāno a cauallo & hāno aspri 40. +in 60. al<a id="FNanchor_796" href="#Footnote_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a> di per vno secondo il grado loro.</p> + +<p>De li Ianizari si caua da 150 solachi che sono staferi dil Signor & 2 +solachibassi capi de q̄lli & tutti sono sotto lagha de Ianizeri, & +sono vestiti vna volta alanno dil Signor di pāno azuro, & hāno le<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267"></a>[267]</span> +stantie loro in 2 lochi in Constantinopoli fatto fabricare dil Signor +& li stano q̄lli che non hāno moglie li maritati stano fora cō le +dōne loro, & nel vitto ogniuno mette tāto al di & hano dispēsieri +choghi & q̄lli che hāno pocho salario seruan al altri, & ogni 100 di +loro quādo vano in cāpo portano vno padiglione, & sono soldati +apedi schopeteri & alabarderi e simitarre. Quādo li ditti venghano +in desgratia dil Signor o in veghieza si mādan a sario zoe castelli che +sono guardiani & si cassano del libro de Ianizari & hāno entrate +equalmente al suo primo soldo & li capi loro similmente vano +castellani con timaro vtsupra.</p> + +<p>Vno agha di Spachoglani capo cioe di destri giouene gentilhomo che +a tra timaro e soldo ducat 10 il di con reghalie & 400 schiaui.</p> + +<p>Vno Iaxagi scriuano de questi spachoglani ha aspri 30 il di con reghalie +& 30 schiaui.</p> + +<p>Vno Cacaia de ditti zoe protoiro a tra timaro e soldo aspri 100 al di.</p> + +<p>Sono li Spachoglani 3000 che hano aspri 20 in 40 il di secondo il grado +loro & ogni 20 hano vno capo domandato Bolucbassi & questi +seruano a cauallo con 5 o 6 schiaui & altri tanti caualli per vno +questi vano sempre ala man destra dil Signor, & alogiano appresso +a lui in campo.</p> + +<p>Vno Agha deto Selicterbassi capo de li sinistri che sono ala mā sinistra +dil Signor ha aspri 250 il di & vno Protoiro cioe loco tenēte & vno +scriuano cō aspri 30 il di per vno questo Aga e capo di 3000 Selictari +a cauallo che stano a la man sinistra dil Signore & hano aspri 20 +in 25 al di ꝑ vno & hano 4. o 5. schiaui & altri tanti caualli & lui +capo a 200 schiaui soi.</p> + +<p>Doi Holofagibassi da la man destra & sinistra uno per banda capi de li +soldati a aspri 120 al di & hano 200 Holofagi sotto se cō aspri 16 +il di pervno il suo logo tenente cō aspri 20 e vno scriuano cō aspri +20 & vano a cauallo con 2. o 3. caualli & tanti schiaui.</p> + +<p>Doi Aga capo de li carippoglani zoe poueri gioueni che hano aspri 30 +il di per vno cō il suo protoiro & scriuano con aspri 15 in 30 al di & +sono li Carippoglani numero 2000 che hano da 7 sino in 14 aspri al +di per vno li capi hano 25 schiaui per vno.</p> + +<p>Doi Bracorbassi zoe maestri di stalla vno grande vno picolo il grāde +a aspri 500 il di, & il picolo ne a 200 al di di soldo con protoiro & +scriuano con 30 sino in 40 aspri il di per vno.</p> + +<p>Sedici milia Sarachi zoe famigli che cōzano brene & selle Caysli zoe +fanti di stalla Carmādari zoe mulateri deuegi zoe gābeleri che vano +dreto a gambeli circirgli zoe mandreri che pascolano le mādre de li<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268"></a>[268]</span> +caualli in varii lochi hano di soldo da 2 sino ī 20 aspri il di pervno +secōdo il grado loro chi piu chi meno.</p> + +<p>Caualli da caualcare per il Signor & soi puti & monuchi zoe castrati +numero 4000.</p> + +<p>Vno Zarchigibassi capo de li astori che a di soldo aspri 150 il di & +schiaui & vno Zarchigibassi capo di falconeri che a aspri 80 il di & +schiaui con il suo protoiro & scriuano con aspri 25 per vno al di.</p> + +<p>Vintimilia zainogiler homini a cauallo di lāza & mili soli de questi +hāno soldo aspri 10 il di & resto hāno timari o vero exemption di +angarie per essere homeni dil Signor & vano in campo.</p> + +<p>Vno hebegibassi capo de le armature a aspri 60 il di con il suo protoiro +& scriuan con aspri 20 per vno di soldo & à da 160 Ebegi zoe famigli +sotto se con 7 fino in 10 aspri il di per vno, & vano a pede.</p> + +<p>Vno Topgibassi capo de li bombarderi che ha aspri 60 il di con protoiro +& scriuan con aspri 20 pervno & a 2000 Topgi sotto se zoe bombarderi +cō 6 sino in 10 aspri il di di soldo per vno e vano a pede.</p> + +<p>Vno Arabagibassi capo de li careteri a aspri 40 il di con protoiro & +scriuano con aspri 20 per vno & a 1000 Arabagi zoe careteri sotto +se con 3 sino in 6 aspri il di per vno.</p> + +<p>Vno Mecterbassi capo de li trombeteri & tamburini a aspri 30 il di +con protoiro & scriuan con aspri 12 ꝑ vno di soldo al di & a 12 +millia compagni sotto se che hano di soldo 3 sino in 5 aspri il di per +vno parti vano a piedi & parti a cauallo & altre regalie.</p> + +<p>Imralem aga Capitanio che porta il stendardo dil Signor a di soldo +aspri 200 al di & e sopra tutti li mecteri zoe trombetti & tamburini +& banderali.</p> + +<p>Vno Arpaemin prouiditore de le biaue per il campo con vno protoiro +& vno cursor lemin a aspri 60 il di di protoiro a aspri 30 il cursor +aspri 20 al di di soldo & a 20 persone sotto di lui con aspri 800 al di +fra tutti quelli 20 persone.</p> + +<p>Vno Saremin prouiditore de comun a cōzare le strade & fabricare in +Constantinopli a aspri 50 il di, & a sotto di lui 400 homeni cō aspri +1000 al di fra tutti cō protoiro & scriuano cō aspri 57 il di per vno.</p> + +<p>Vno Baratemin che dispensa tutti li comandamēti & che scode li +denari de li ditti a aspri 40 il di & a 2 scriuani & doi soprastanti con +aspri 60 il di per vno di soldo.</p> + +<p>Vno Seraglio di donne in Constantinopli che circōda vno miglio e +mezo cō stantie & camere doue stano li figlioli separati luno da +laltro cō loro madre & monuchi, & soltane zoe molier dil Signor & +li sono da 200 in 300 dōzelle sotto la custodia di molte matrone<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269"></a>[269]</span> +veghie alequa il Signor fa insegnare a ricamar diuersi lauori & a +cadauna li da di soldo asp 10 fino in 20 per vna secondo il grado +loro & ogni anno doi volte a li bairami zoe a le sue pasque li veste +tutte di setta, & lequal donzelle quādo piace alcuna desse al Signore +lui sta con lei & fa il fatto suo, & como la hauta li dona vna schufia +doro che val duc. 200 & aspri 10 millia di cōtadi & la fa stare in vna +camera separata da le altre & li cresse il soldo suo & q̄lla che fa +prima fioli quella e la sua moglie prima.</p> + +<p>In ditto seraglio & de tutti li altri monuchi zoe castrati che sono in +detto seraglio a aspri 60 il di di soldo & stano in questo seraglio 20 +monuchi & hano aspri 120 il di tra capigibassi zoe portinari & +Ianizari nu. 100 a le porte ꝑ guardia hāno aspri 500 al di fra tutti +& numero 10 Sacha che portano laqua dētro zoe aquaroli & +hāno aspri 40 al di fra tutti di soldo.</p> + +<p>Quando le donzelle sono in eta de anni 25 il Signor le maritta a li +schiaui di la porta zoe di la sua corte & in loco loro ne mete de le +altre & le piu giouane seruano a le altre.</p> + +<p>A vno seraglio appresso a pera a de garzoni nu. 400. in circa che hano +di soldo da 6 fin in 10 aspri il di ꝑ vno & li veste dói volte alanno +di panno di seda si como fa a le dōne & vno Agha zoe capo del +seraglio & 20 monuchi como nel altro seraglio & capigi & Ianizeri +& maestri che imparano voltegiare a cauallo & īparano a sonare in +tutto numero 100 homeni che hāno aspri 600 al di di soldo tra tutti +& laga a aspri 60 il di di soldo & 10 sacha con aspri 40 il di di soldo +fra tutti li aquaroli.</p> + +<p>Vno Seraglio in Andranopoli nouo con vno bel giardino appresso a +la mariza fiumera nel qual stano Ianizerotti numero 300 & hāno +aspri 12 al di per vno Andranopoli e 5 zornate lōtan da Constantinopoli.</p> + +<p>Vno capo de detti zardineri a aspri 40 il di con vno protoiro & vno +scriuano che tengono cōto de ditto zardino con aspri 30 per vno al +di.</p> + +<p>In diuersi lochi il Signor ha piu giardini in liquali son assai Ianizerotti +garzoni & soi capi hāno di soldo aspri 6000 al di fra tutti questi +giardini.</p> + +<p>Vno aga de agiamoglani Capitanio zoe gioueni greci in Cōstātinopoli +a aspri 60 il di & a 4 in 5000 Ianizerotti sotto lui & li da di soldo +tra tutti alāno ne a di spesa aspri 100 millia & liveste due fiate +alanno & hano li loro capi como li altri & questi se metano sopra +fabriche & condutte legne cō nauigli in Constantinopoli per il<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270"></a>[270]</span> +Signor & altre stente poi si fano coghi & famegli di Ianizeri & in +fino si fano Ianizeri.</p> + +<p>Ogni 4 anni il Signor manda a tore di gretia & di Natolia piu figlioli +de christiani per il paxe zoe ꝑ leville & doue vno padre ha 2 fioli +li piglian vno fiol ꝑ forza & lo fano turco & cosi a ognuno christiani +ꝑ il suo paese fano zoe soi subditi & ne piglia 10 ī 12000 a la volta +liquali puti li fano stare in la Natolia zoe in asia a zapare la terra +acio imparano la lingua turcha & cosi stentano 3. o vero 4. anni & +poi li manda a scriuere sotto laga di agiamoglani ditto vtsupra +& di questi il Signor non ne a spesa alcuna per che sono vestiti & +fatto le spese da quelli a che seruano per che li mete a stare cō +altri sino chano imparato la lingua & poi quando sono scritti li da +soldo per la prima 2. in 3 aspri per vno & secōdo li mete in altri +officii li cresce il salario.</p> + +<p>Ha di spesa in li altri seragli di viuere aspri 5000 il di ditto di sopra.</p> + +<p>Veste due fiate alanno li Bassa zoe confieri defterderi zoe texoreri +beglerbeii zoe Signor de Signori nesangibei zoe quello che sopra +di frutti dil Signor & presenti di spexa aspri 5000 per volte.</p> + +<p>Vna Arsenale doue ten le sue galere che a volti 100 zoe 30 di galere +grosse che si domandano maone ꝑ portare caualli & il resto sono +galere futile.</p> + +<p>Tene continuamenti numero 200 patroni de galere pagati che hāno +soldo fra tutti aspri 200000 alanno di spexa.</p> + +<p>Tene continuo mille homeni axapi zoe marinero di galeri & ne a di +spexa alāno fra tutti aspri 400000.</p> + +<p>Maistri ouero proti numero 50 che sono sopra a far lauorare le galere +zoe farle che in ocio hanno soldo aspri 6 il di & quando lauorano +hāno aspri 12 il di.</p> + +<p>Emino zoe capo de questi a aspri 40 il di vno scriuan che ten conto +ha aspri 28 al di con 10 scriuani sotto lui con aspri 80 al di fra +tutti.</p> + +<p>El Zustiniano zoe vno zentilomo Venetiano che serue il Turcho & e +sopra a far fare galere ancora lui spexe straordinaria ha di soldo +aspri 50 il di.</p> + +<p>Vno Beglerbei dil mar zoe Signor de Signori capo sopra le terre maritime +che a di entrata duc. 14000 & traze piu dil duplo sopra rodi +metelino negropōte & il tributo di sio isole in mar.</p> + +<p>Il Beglerbei di la gretia zoe capo di tutto il paese di la gretia magior +de tutti li altri a di entrada ducati 260 millia a lanno & traze il +duplo & a schiaui 1000.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271"></a>[271]</span></p> + +<p>Vno protoiro zoe loco tenente di la gretia a ducati 4000 di entrada a +lanno & a schiaui 300.</p> + +<p>Vno Deftero zoe texorero de le entrate di la gretia che loro domandano +timari a ducati 3000 de entrada a lanno & ha 900 schiaui soi +seruitori.</p> + +<p>Cento scriuani che tengono li libri & cōti dil Signor a di entrada fra +tutti a lanno ducati 10000.</p> + +<p>Trentasette Sanzachibei zoe contadi Signori per il paese che han di +entrada di 5 in 12 millia ducati a lanno secondo il grado loro chi +piu chi meno & hāno vno per laltro in tutto duca. 260 millia a +lanno & 300 schiaui per vno.</p> + +<p>Quatrocento Subasi per il paxe dil Signor zoe Capitanio di Iustitia +che hāno duc. 100 alanno per vno di entrada & hāno 50 schiaui +per vno soi famigli.</p> + +<p>Trenta millia Spachi che hanno di entrada luno per laltro ducati 200 +per vno alanno & ciaschaduno de ditti per ogni ducati 100 che +hāno di entrada deue tener vno homo armato di lanza a cauallo +& oltra le lanze hanno tre o 4 famigli per vno & altri tanti caualli +zoe li Spachi.</p> + +<p>Vintimillia Trimarati zoe q̄lli che scodano le entrate per il paese hano +duc. 40 di entrata alanno ꝑ vno & per che non ariuano a li 100 +ducati dintrada nō si chiamano spachi & sono homeni a cauallo & +vano in campo.</p> + +<p>Li Spacoglani li sopradetti timari cioe entrade de le decime de tutte +le entrade cosi de christiani como di turchi splenza aspri 25 per +testa da li christiani & da langaria de li animali & altra quanto +pagano dil Signor zoe piu o meno secondo diuersi paesi.</p> + +<p>Sesantamillia Iaching zoe ventureri scritti per il paese obligadi andare +in campo quando piace al Signor senza soldo & quando vano a la +guerra le ville & cita li dano il modo dil viuere.</p> + +<p>Tutti li spachi sono schiaui & figli de schiaui del Sig.</p> + +<p>Sette Beglerbei zoe Signor de signori sopra bassavno che se chiama +di la natolia ilquale era antichamēte in assia minore il qual a di +entrata ducati 24000 & ne traze assai piu & a sotto se il ponte +labitinia azia ꝑpia Lidia carian, licia prouincie & a schiaui 1000 +soi seruitori & a sanzachi 12 sotto lui zoe Signoroti cō entrada da +4 in 6000 ducati alanno per vno & schiaui 500 pervno & Spachi +1000 sotto se cō soldo da 5 in 10 aspri al di pervno secōdo la cōdition +loro & q̄sto Beglerbei e di piu authorita de li altri & e forte +nominato per il paese questi Spachi nō hano tanta entrata como +vtsupra per essere piu abondantia la.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a>[272]</span></p> + +<p>Beglerbei de caramania chera silicia & pamfilia prouincie ha di entrata +ducati 10 millia & a 7 sanzachi sotto se con soldo ditto & +spachi numero 500 sotto cō soldo como laltro beglerbei & schiaui +mille.</p> + +<p>Beglerbei di anādoule che e tra la soria & Caramania & tocat ch’era gia +Pamphlagonia che e la mita di larmenia minore ha di entrada +ducati 10 millia alanno & sette sanzachi che hano di entrada da +4 in 5000 ducati alāno & a schiaui 100 & Spachi 700 sotto lui quando +il Signor hera fora si dice questo Beglerbei faceua persone da +caualcare senza soldo numero 30 millia.</p> + +<p>Beglerbei di la mexopotania sotto ilqual e il resto di larmenia minor +& parte di la magiore che laltra parte e dil Sophi & de cordi a di +entrata ducati trenta millia & schiaui due millia & sanzachi 12 con +entrada vt supra & spachi diece millia cō soldo vtsupra & confina +con baldach zoe la babilonia vera.</p> + +<p>Beglerbei di Damascho & Soria & Giudea a di entrada ducati 24 +millia & schiaui due millia & sanzachi 12 con entrada vtsupra & +a Spachi numero vintimillia sotto di lui.</p> + +<p>Beghlerbei di Alcario ha di entrada ducati trentamillia & schiaui +quatro millia Sāzachi 16 con entrada vt supra pervno & Spachi +sedeci millia sotto lui & Ianizeri tre millia & va fina alamecha cioe +fina a la arabia liquali ello possede como si fa deli albanesi per +forza benche la arabia felize stia in magior obedientia.</p> + +<p>Tra lamecha & Sophi sono alcuni Signori arabi poi il resto confina +con il Sophi fina in la mexopotania in laqual e baldach zoe Babilonia +poi passato la mexopotania cōfina il Suphi ne la pianura di +nassimō poi exdrun & extum che sono in la armenia mazore +laqual cōfina con Zorgiani & hiberi & ne larmenia mazor & +minor sono assai cordi obedienti quelli de la mazor parte al Signor +Turcho & parte al Sophi Re di persia & trabixonda lucho de Imperio +in mar magior cōfina con mengreli zoe mengrelia doue non +si spende danari & ancora confina cō giorgiani che antichamente +si dimandauano colchi azamia chera asiria e dil Sophi.</p> + +<p>Armenia magior e minor sono christiani assai di quelli di san Thomaso +trabixonda sono greci & mengreli sono christiani & giorgiani sono +christiani.</p> + +<p>Ottomā hebe in sua cōpagnia ad acꝗstare il dominio vno michali greco +fatto turco dal qual son dissexi li mazalogli zoe mamaluchi de +laqual stirpe n’e vno hora sanzaco in bosina zoe Conte devna prouincia.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273"></a>[273]</span></p> + +<p>Malco greco renegato alqual sono nasiuti li malcozogli, & di quella +stirpe n’e vno & e Sanzaco in gretia. Aurami che si chiamano +Eurcassi de laqual stirpe non si sa che ne sia alcun hora.</p> + +<p>Tutti questi generatione promisse ottoman di nō mettere mai mane +nel sangue loro ne mancharli mai di magistrato & ancora si conserua +la promessa fatali & questi furono quelli che aiutorno la +caxa ottomana.</p> + +<p>Intrada dil gran Turcho de caragi zoe tributarii caua ducati 1300000 +da la Natolia & grecia caua ducati 1600000 di Egipto caua duc. +700000 de Soria caua ducati 150000 de mexopotania ducati +250000 questi danari caua si non di terra ferma senza le Isole che +sotto lui & li douane di Constantinopli e pera.</p> + +<p>Le entrate che se dice disse il Signor Aluise Gritti che sono piu presto +piu che meno & la spexa di la porta zoe di la corte dil Signor penso +che cōsuma tutta la entrada o poco meno.</p> + +<p>Li Beglerbei di egitto stano sotto il beglerbei di Alcairo per la magior +parte & li sono Sanzachi sino in lamecha doue sta larcha de macomet +Zingil Ghebur Iurcan & Tibris fiumi dil Paradiso Terestro.</p> + +<p>Li Beglerbei & li Sanzachi a chi piu chi meno secōdo la autorità sua +& son pagati de li territori doue stano escetto quelli che pigliano +soldo dil gran Turcho la entrada de li ditti non si po sapere a ponto +bisogna per arbitrio pensarla zoe de quelli di egitto.</p> + +</div> + +<p class="center mid">QVI SI DICHIARA TVTTI LI SANZACHI<br> +<span class="smaller">zoe contadi che sono sotto li Beglerbei & si nomina li paexi doue sono & +Prouincie doue stano e prima.</span></p> + +<div class="hanging"> + +<p>Li Sanzachi zoe Contadi che sono +sotto il Beglerbei di la Gretia +prima.</p> + +<ul> +<li class="pad">1 Gretia.</li> +<li class="pad">2 Cafa.</li> +<li class="pad">3 Silistria.</li> +<li class="pad">4 Nicopoli.</li> +<li class="pad">5 Vidin.</li> +<li class="pad">6 Suornich.</li> +<li class="pad">7 Bossina.</li> +<li class="pad">8 Ersech del Ducato.</li> +<li class="pad">9 Samandria belgrado.</li> +<li>10 Seruia.</li> +<li>11 Belgrado.</li> +<li>12 Schutari.</li> +<li>13 Valona.</li> +<li>14 Carlali.</li> +<li>15 Negroponte.</li> +<li>16 Lepanto.</li> +<li>17 Morea.</li> +<li>18 Trighala.</li> +<li>19 Galipoli.</li> +<li>20 Quaranta Giexie.</li> +<li>21 Vissa.</li> +<li>22 Crimen.</li> +<li>23 Ochria.</li> +<li>24 Giostaudil.</li> +<li>25 Vlzitrin.</li> +<li>26 Pisdren.</li> +<li>27 Alzasar.</li> +<li>28 Albasan.</li> +<li>29 Voinuch.<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span></p></li> +<li>30 Ciuchene.</li> +<li>31 Zaiza.</li> +<li>Filipopoli.</li> +<li>Sofia.</li> +<li>Durazo.</li> +<li>Albania.</li> +<li>Schopia.</li> +</ul> + +<p>Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei +di la Natolia zoe Asia +minor.</p> + +<ul> +<li class="pad">1 Giotachie.</li> +<li class="pad">2 Cogia olli.</li> +<li class="pad">3 Bolli.</li> +<li class="pad">4 Castamoni.</li> +<li class="pad">5 Anghori.</li> +<li class="pad">6 Caugri.</li> +<li class="pad">7 Tescheli.</li> +<li class="pad">8 Metesseli.</li> +<li class="pad">9 Haeid neli.</li> +<li>10 Allaye.</li> +<li>11 Buga.</li> +<li>12 Manguixa il statto.</li> +</ul> + +<p>Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il +Beglerbei di Cappadocia.</p> + +<ul> +<li>1 Amassia.</li> +<li>2 Cioriun.</li> +<li>3 Giauich.</li> +<li>4 Caraister.</li> +<li>5 Sauisum.</li> +<li>6 Trapixonda.</li> +</ul> + +<p>Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei +di Caramania.</p> + +<ul> +<li>1 Siogna.</li> +<li>2 Naranda.</li> +<li>3 Assar.</li> +<li>4 Eschi assar.</li> +</ul> + +<p>Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei +di Auandoule.</p> + +<ul> +<li>1 Maras.</li> +<li>2 Sarmus Sachi.</li> +<li>3 Albistanouasi.</li> +<li>4 Adaria.</li> +<li>5 Tersis.</li> +</ul> + +<p>Li Sāzachi che sono sotto +il beglerbei di mesopotāia.</p> + +<ul> +<li class="pad">1 Dierbech.</li> +<li class="pad">2 Carachmit.</li> +<li class="pad">3 Argni.</li> +<li class="pad">4 Solgich.</li> +<li class="pad">5 Casangieph.</li> +<li class="pad">6 Meridim.</li> +<li class="pad">7 Carput.</li> +<li class="pad">8 Mussul.</li> +<li class="pad">9 Exrun.</li> +<li>10 Haiburth.</li> +<li>Dittilis. Nassim nouasi.</li> +</ul> + +<p>Li Sanzachi che sono sotto il Beglerbei +di Soria.</p> + +<ul> +<li>Damasco.</li> +<li>Malatia.</li> +<li>Dirmighi.</li> +<li>Antep.</li> +<li>Antiocha.</li> +<li>Aleppo.</li> +<li>Tripoli.</li> +<li>Cama ama.</li> +<li>Cams.</li> +<li>Sefetto.</li> +<li>Ieroxalem.</li> +<li>Gazara.</li> +</ul> + +</div> + +<p class="center">Questi sono i lochi che ha sotto il Turco.</p> + +<div class="hanging"> + +<p>Questa sia la ordenanza dil Cāpo dil Signore zoe dil gran Turcho quādo +va a la guerra primamente vna quātita di spacoglani gētilomini con +lanza & spada.</p> + +<p>Inanze al primo bassa li va numero 15 caualli ornati ꝑ la sua persona con +vno Ianizero per banda.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275"></a>[275]</span></p> + +<p>E poi tre garzoni vestiti doro con schufie doro rosse vno li porta larcho +vno li porta le veste & vno li porta il ramin da laqua.</p> + +<p>E poi vno Aga con schufia doro zoe Capitanio.</p> + +<p>E poi doi garzoni senza milza arente al bassa.</p> + +<p>E poi mille Ianizeri schopeteri a piedi.</p> + +<p>E poi da 60 Sanzachi zoe stendardi a cauallo.</p> + +<p>E poi trombetti e tamburin insiema a cauallo.</p> + +<p>E poi il campo a refuso de diuersi generationi e de diuersi lanze tutti a +cauallo.</p> + +<p>E poi gambelli muli bagaie del campo.</p> + +<p>E poi Gentilomeni Spachi a cauallo con spada & archo e frize solle.</p> + +<p>E poi li cari de lartelaria.</p> + +<p>E poi caualli numero 30 con briglie doro per la persona dil Signor.</p> + +<p>E poi tutti li capi de li Ianizari zoe Boluchbassi Odabassi a cauallo con +barete doro aguze con vno penagio di garzette bianche in zima con +lanze & con le banderolle zalle.</p> + +<p>E poi 12 milia Ianizeri con schiopetti alabarde apedi.</p> + +<p>E poi li solachi apedi staferi dil Signor cō archi e frize.</p> + +<p>E poi il gran Turcho sollo in mezo di Solachi.</p> + +<p>E poi 3 garzoni con schufie doro vestiti di pāno doro che li portano archo +e frize e laqua & veste.</p> + +<p>E poi 2 monuchi sēza coioni a cauallo dreto al signor.</p> + +<p>E poi Imralemaga ch’ porta il stēdardo dil Signor tutto verde sollo.</p> + +<p>E poi 6 Sanzachi zoe bandere vna rossa vna biācha vna verde due diuixa +vna rossa e bianca & vna verde e rosso a cauallo.</p> + +<p>E poi trombeteri & tamburi a cauallo.</p> + +<p>E poi il campo a refuxo con li dulipante a cauallo cō lanze e spada con le +banderole rosse.</p> + +<p>A la banda destra dil Signor Spacoglani a cauallo cō lanze con banderole +zalle.</p> + +<p>A la banda sinistra dil Signor Selictari a cauallo con lanze con banderolle +rosse e bianche.</p> + +<p>E poi gambelli & mulli e bagaie dil campo e pagi.</p> + +<p>E poi Spachi con lanze a cauallo con dulipāti biāchi.</p> + +<p>E poi vno bassa solo con soi Stafeti.</p> + +<p>E poi 22 Sanzachi zoe stendardi a cauallo.</p> + +<p>E poi trombeteri tamburi a cauallo.</p> + +<p>E poi il campo a refuso de diuerse sorte con dulipant & barette rosse de piu +sorte generatione.</p> + +<p>E poi gambelli e muli e bagaie dil campo insema.</p> + +<p>E poi tutti li Iachingi zoe ventureri.</p> + +</div> + +<p class="center">Questo libro e stato cauato da Ionus bei il qual era greco & hora e +turcho & e interpetro grande dil Signor & dal Signor Aluise gritti +fiol dil Duxo di Venetia & tutto e vero.</p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276"></a>[276]</span></p> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_III">APPENDIX III<br> +<span class="smaller">INCOMPLETE TABLE OF CONTENTS OF THE KANUN-NAMEH, +OR COLLECTION OF EDICTS, OF SULEIMAN THE MAGNIFICENT +AS ARRANGED BY THE MUFTI EBU SU’UD</span></h3> + +</div> + +<p class="center">Translated from the Turkish</p> + +<p class="smaller">[From folios 69-70 of the Turkish MS. Fluegel No. 1816, Imperial +Library, Vienna: “Fundamental Laws of Sultan Suleiman, according to +the arrangement of the Mufti Ebu-Su’ud.” The table does not begin +till folio 27 of the manuscript. The page references are to Hammer’s +<i>Staatsverfassung</i>, where a translation of the paragraphs may be +found.]</p> + +<table> + <tr> + <th class="smaller">FOLIO</th> + <th></th> + <th></th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">27.</td> + <td>Law concerning mortgage and loan contracts.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 396</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">28.</td> + <td>Law concerning fallow fields.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 397</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">29.</td> + <td>Law concerning uncultivated lands.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 398</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">29.</td> + <td>Law concerning absent and missing [tenants].</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 398</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">30.</td> + <td>Law concerning the hereditary tenancy of land (<i>tapu</i>), + and regulations determining what sort of lands are given in + hereditary tenancy.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 399</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">31.</td> + <td>Regulations for the case when a <i>Spahi</i> of either a + large or a small fief possesses his fief in common ownership.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 401</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">32.</td> + <td>Regulations for the case when a <i>Spahi</i> dies or + is dispossessed before the delivery of the hereditary lease. + (In Hammer the heading is different and is not logically placed.)</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 403</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">33.</td> + <td>Regulations for the case when the tenant dies before the + expiration of the hereditary lease.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 404</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">33.</td> + <td>Law concerning the giving out of the winter and summer + pastures and concerning the legal relationships of meadow lands.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 199</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">34.</td> + <td>Law concerning the ground tax, concerning the taxes upon + state-lands, sandy fields, peasants’ houses, etc.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 406</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">35.</td> + <td>Law concerning the tenth, the tax upon vineyards, leased + vineyards, the bushel, and the bushel-tax.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 407</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">36.</td> + <td>Law concerning the tenth, the fifth, and the fodder tenth + (<i>salariyeh</i>).</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 407</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">37.</td> + <td>Regulations for the case of joint ownership when more than + the tenth of the crop, namely, the half or the fifth, is demanded + from the <i>Spahi</i>. (Not found in Hammer.)</td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">38.</td> + <td>Special regulations regarding the tenths of the <i>Spahis</i>. + (Not found in Hammer.)</td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">39.</td> + <td>Law concerning the taxes on mills and green produce.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 408</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">39.</td> + <td>Law concerning the landlord’s share, the tenths and the fruits.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 408</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">40.</td> + <td>Law concerning the tenths [of honey, the tax on] bees, + other taxes, etc.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 409<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277"></a>[277]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">41.</td> + <td>Law concerning the sheep-tax and the fold-tax.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 410</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">42.</td> + <td>Law concerning the obligations of subjects and the tax on + prisoners. (Hammer, the slave-tax.)</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 410</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">42.</td> + <td>Law concerning the half-hide-tax. (Hammer, the bride-tax.)</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 411</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">43.</td> + <td>Law concerning the hide-tax and the taxes on abandoned lands.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 411</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">44.</td> + <td>Law concerning fleeing the country.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 412</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">45.</td> + <td>Law concerning the wandering hordes.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 413</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">46.</td> + <td>Law concerning the wagoners.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 413</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">47.</td> + <td>Law concerning the irregular cavalry. (Hammer, fiefs + for public service.)</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 414</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">48.</td> + <td>Law concerning the Yayas and Mosellems (free foot-soldiers).</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 415</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">49.</td> + <td>Law concerning the imperial foundations and the <i>vakfs</i>.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 416</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">49.</td> + <td>Regulations concerning lawsuits over land.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 417</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">51.</td> + <td>Law concerning the time of the harvest.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 418</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">52.</td> + <td>Law concerning the harvest and the designation of those + persons who receive their income out of landed property but not + at the time of harvest. (Not a separate heading in Hammer.)</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 419</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">53.</td> + <td>Special regulations concerning fiefs in regard to dating, + registering, etc. (Not found in Hammer.)</td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">54.</td> + <td>Law concerning the intendants of the fiscus, the receivers + of taxes, and regulations concerning the revenues of the court.</td> + <td class="tdpg"> p. 419</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">55.</td> + <td>Law concerning the holders of great and small fiefs, and + concerning the freedom of some military persons from certain + occasional taxes.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 421</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">56.</td> + <td>Law concerning the <i>Beylerbeys</i>, the <i>Sanjak Beys</i>, + and the <i>Kapuji-bashis</i>.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 422</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">57.</td> + <td>Law concerning the fees of judges.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 423</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">57.</td> + <td>Law concerning the contents of the <i>berats</i> of the + judges (their diplomas of appointment). (Omitted in Hammer.)</td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">58.</td> + <td>Regulations concerning lawsuits between <i>Spahis</i> and + non-Mohammedans or between two <i>Spahis</i>.</td> + <td class="tdpg">p. 424</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td class="tdr">60.</td> + <td>Law concerning taxes which are demanded from leased land + when the tenth alone is insufficient. (Not found in Hammer.)</td> + <td class="tdpg"></td> + </tr> +</table> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278"></a>[278]</span></p> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_IV">APPENDIX IV<br> +<span class="smaller">THE GOVERNMENT OF THE MOGUL EMPIRE IN INDIA<a id="FNanchor_797" href="#Footnote_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a></span></h3> + +</div> + +<div class="blockquote smaller"> + +<p>“The uncommon abilities of most of the princes, with the mild and humane +character of all, rendered Hindostan the most flourishing empire in the +world during two complete centuries.”—<span class="smcap">Dow.</span></p> + +</div> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_IV_I"><span class="smcap">General Comparison of Ottoman and Indian Conditions</span></h4> + +<p>When Baber first rode down through the grim gates of India’s +northwest mountain-wall, the accession of Suleiman lay but a year in +the future; the Mogul won the battle of Panipat but four months +before the Turk was victorious at Mohacs. Thus the founding of the +Mogul Empire nearly coincided with the meridian splendor of the +Ottoman power, and its decisive battle of establishment with the +victory which led to the last great extension of Ottoman authority +into Europe. Not Baber or even Akbar, Suleiman’s contemporaries, +but Aurangzeb, whose reign began a century after Suleiman’s +death, affords the closest comparison with the Turkish monarch; +yet the third battle of Panipat in 1761 marked the virtual destruction +of the Mogul Empire, whereas the second battle of Mohacs in 1687 +meant but the first noteworthy step of the Ottoman retreat. The +house of Timur has disappeared from history, while the house of +Osman still reigns over wide territories; less than two and a half +centuries of genuine sovereign rule were enjoyed by the Moguls, +while six centuries have not sufficed to measure the independent +existence of the Ottomans.</p> + +<p>The Mogul emperors perhaps never ruled so large a territory as the +Ottoman sultans, but their lands were far more productive; moreover, +having from five to ten times as many subjects as their Western +cousins and an income in proportion, they could surpass even the +Magnificent Suleiman in display and largesse. The inferior persistence +of their dominion, therefore, suggests inferior strength and stability in +their institutions, a suggestion to which even a limited investigation +lends much support.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279"></a>[279]</span></p> + +<p>The Moguls shared with the Ottomans their relation to the ideas +of the Mongol and Turkish Tatars of the steppe lands, and to those of +the Persians and the Arabs. They were more directly and vitally +influenced by the Tatars and Persians, and less directly by the Arabs. +Farther than this their relations were not to the comparatively +organized and energetic civilization of the Mediterranean but to the +more speculative and passive culture of India. Over the lands into +which they entered as conquerors lay the shadow not of sternly practical +Roman legalism, but of Hindu and Buddhist contempt for things +mundane.</p> + +<p>They founded a despotism, but one that was never, even under +Aurangzeb, so closely related to the Sacred Law of Mohammed as was +the government of Suleiman. They ruled a variety of lands in a +variety of relationships, but never with the stern control exercised by +the <i>Kaisar-i-Rûm</i> (Roman emperor), the name which they gave to +the Turkish ruler at Constantinople. They enforced the obedience of +many peoples, who spoke many languages and practised many forms +of religion; yet they never held these peoples under any such iron +system of subjection as that which dominated the Christian subjects +of the sultan, even to the seizure of their children for tribute.</p> + +<p>Since the passing of those prehistoric times when all human ideas +were solidified together into a single “crust of custom,” every nation +has probably had two leading institutions, more or less closely connected,—the +one of religion and the other of government. The +foregoing pages have shown how powerful and pervasive were the +Ottoman Ruling Institution and the Moslem Institution in the Ottoman +Empire. In the parallel organizations of the empire of the +Moguls, however, it is not possible to discern comparable unique +individuality, systematic structure, and ordered efficiency. Some +allowance must be made for a comparative lack of information, since +not many Western observers have described the more distant empire; +but this fact can hardly alter the conclusion materially. The institutional +structure of the Mogul Empire was decidedly inferior to that of +the Ottoman Empire in solidity, system, and persistent energy.</p> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_IV_II"><span class="smcap">The Personnel of the Mogul Government</span></h4> + +<p>Baber’s following consisted of the comrades of his many years of +fighting, an army of cavalry, artillery, and musketry composed in +ancient Turkish fashion of high-spirited men attached to their chief +by impressive leadership and open-handed generosity. Courage,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280"></a>[280]</span> +military prowess, and the nominal profession of Islam were the +necessary qualifications; differences of race, education, and Moslem +doctrine were disregarded. Warriors of Turki stock, Persians of +Shiite leanings, hardy Afghans, “Roman” artillery engineers from +Stambul, were equals in the rough brotherhood of Baber’s camp. +The principle of subordination, at least among persons of consequence, +was not that of slaves to their master, but of tribesmen to their chief, +of vassals to their honored suzerain.</p> + +<p>When Turks had first invaded India, five centuries before, slavery +as a means of recruiting and training soldiers and governors was in full +swing. Mahmûd of Ghazni was the son of a father who had risen +through slavery. The thirteenth century saw enthroned at Delhi a +dynasty of slave kings which antedated by several decades the Mamelukes +of Egypt. Late in the fourteenth century Firoz III owned +180,000 slaves, of whom 40,000 constituted his household. The +Mameluke government endured for more than two and a half centuries, +until overthrown by the more centralized and efficient slave +system of the Ottomans; but in Central Asia and ultimately in India +a new force speedily rendered the slave method, save for some +survivals, antiquated and impossible.</p> + +<p>The dominance of the Mongols was based on the discipline of an +army of freemen who were intelligent enough willingly to render +absolute obedience to their officers as the well-tested condition of +certain success. With the break-up of the vast Mongol Empire, the +lands now in Russian Central Asia, Afghanistan, and Persia lapsed +toward the horde organization of nomad Tatars, but became more and +more modified by Moslem feudalism. Under such conditions, Timur, +high-born and adventurous, chivalrous and literary, fanatical and +cruel, achieved an empire that was large and splendid, but personal +to himself, and destined to vanish almost with its founder. Yet he +presaged a time when in Asia and Europe alike there should come, +after the disintegrating individualism of the fourteenth and fifteenth +centuries, a period of the gathering together of lands and peoples +into large units under strong personal governments.</p> + +<p>Baber, descendant of Timur in the sixth generation, descendant also +of Genghis Khan, came at the beginning of the new era. Less ruthless +than either of his great ancestors, less legal than the “Inflexible One,” +less Moslem than the “Scourge of Asia,” but possessed of much of +the leadership and military genius of both, he stands forth, by reason +of his memoirs, as one of the best known conquerors of history. His<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281"></a>[281]</span> +love of carousing, his family affection, his literary bent, his toleration +of heretics and infidels, his bold leadership, his liberality in dividing +spoil, presented qualities and suggested modes of activity which were +to characterize all his descendants down to the puritanical Aurangzeb.</p> + +<p>Thus the family life of the house of Baber was far more normal than +that of the house of Osman. In contrast with an almost unbroken +line of Ottoman slave mothers and wives, whose names with those of +their daughters have hardly survived, many of the Mogul imperial +ladies are well known. Witness the princess Gul-Badan, daughter +of Baber, who like her father wrote memoirs; the empress Nur-Jehan, +who ruled India for a time; and the empress Mumtaz-Mahal, for whom +her devoted husband built the fairest of all mausoleums. Turki +princesses, ladies of high Persian descent, and daughters of Hindu +<i>Rajahs</i>, were taken into the imperial harem, where, though women +and eunuchs were present “from Russia, Circassia, Mingrelia, Georgia, +and Ethiopia,” no emperors sprang from slave mothers during the +period of greatness. With such a policy in the family which constituted +a chief element in the unity of the Mogul Empire, it was but +natural that officers and soldiers, statesmen and public servants, +should be accepted with a like catholicity. The best fighters, of +course, continued to be those who came down newly from the high +country beyond the northwest passes; and since such of these as met +success were apt to send for relatives and friends, there was continual +recruiting from among Tatars, Persians, Afghans, and Arabs,—all +Moslems, but of various sects. “Rûmis” from the Ottoman Empire +were especially useful in the artillery service. Some of them were +doubtless European renegades, but “Firinjis” or Franks were likely +to come more directly from Portugal and other European countries. +Yet by no means all the brave were from foreign lands. Many +Rajputs under their own <i>Rajahs</i> served the Mogul emperors most +acceptably, and when treated without prejudice they were faithful. +The high officers of government were usually Persians; but Akbar +was nobly served by the great Todar Mal, and appointed <i>Rajahs</i> to +govern the Punjab and Bengal. About one in eight of his paid +cavalry chiefs was a Hindu; and of the lesser civil-service positions +the mere necessity for numbers, apart from superior skill and training, +required that many should be held by Hindus.</p> + +<p>It is not that slavery had disappeared from the Mogul system. +Traces of the old method can be discerned as late as the eighteenth +century. In fact, Muhammad Khan, a Bangash <i>Nawab</i> of Farrukhabad,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282"></a>[282]</span> +maintained what was practically a replica in miniature of +the Ottoman system. Hindu boys between the ages of seven and +thirteen, some of them sons of Rajputs and Brahmins, were seized, +bought, or accepted as <i>chelas</i> or slaves to the number of one or two +hundred a year. They were taught to read and write, and were +specially rewarded when the task was completed. Five hundred +<i>chelas</i> from eighteen to twenty years of age were trained as a regiment +of musketeers. From among the older <i>chelas</i> were chosen the officers +of the household, generals of the army, and deputy governors of +provinces. The <i>Nawab</i> arranged marriages between <i>chelas</i> and the +daughters of <i>chelas</i>. He encouraged them to acquire personal property, +which he could claim in time of need; but he forbade them to +found towns or build masonry structures, lest occupying these they +might tend toward independence. Muhammad Khan did not, however, +depend exclusively on his Hindu slaves; he sent money to his +own Bangash tribe, and thus obtained a colony of Afghans to whom he +gave high military positions and upon some of whom he bestowed his +daughters in marriage. Other vassals of the emperor made use of a +similar slave system; and it is not unlikely that the emperor himself +recruited his permanent infantry with the help of slavery, and that he +promoted some slaves to high positions. But the absence of definite +information in this direction is in most striking contrast to its abundant +presence in the records which deal with the Ottoman Empire in the +sixteenth century.</p> + +<p>In theory the officers of government were so far the servants of the +emperor that their accumulated personal property belonged to him +at their death; but in practice the opulence and the generosity of the +sovereign led him often to leave such wealth in the hands of the +officers’ children. When this was not done, employment in the +public service was assigned to sons and pensions were granted to +widows.</p> + +<p>Titles of nobility were awarded for life to distinguished officials; +the chief officers of the central government and governors of great +provinces were called <i>Emirs</i> (<i>Omrahs</i> in many Western writings, +probably a plural of majesty), generals of the army were <i>Khans</i>, +and distinguished soldiers of lesser rank were <i>Bahadurs</i> or knights. +Khondamir says that Humayun organized a system of twelve +orders or arrows, according to which the entire imperial household +was graded. “The twelfth arrow, which was made of the +purest gold, was put in the auspicious quiver of this powerful king,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283"></a>[283]</span> +and nobody could dare to touch it. The eleventh arrow belonged +to His Majesty’s relations and brethren, and all the sultans who were +in the government employ. Tenth, to the great <i>mushaikhs</i>, <i>saiyids</i>, +and the learned and religious men. Ninth, to the great nobles. +Eighth, to the courtiers and some of the king’s personal attendants. +Seventh, to the attendants in general. Sixth, to the <i>harems</i> and to the +well-behaved female attendants. Fifth, to young maid-servants. +Fourth, to the treasurers and stewards. Third, to the soldiers. +Second, to the menial servants. First, to the palace guards, camel-drivers, +and the like. Each of these arrows or orders had three grades; +the highest, the middle, and the lowest.” Appointments and promotions +were, as at Constantinople, based upon valor and manifest +ability. Through all the period of greatness the ladder of advancement +was kept so clear that vigor, courage, and prowess could mount +from the lowest ranks to the steps of the throne.</p> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_IV_III"><span class="smcap">Relation of Government to Religious Propagation</span></h4> + +<p>When the Ottoman Turks conquered their European territories, +as well as parts of their Asiatic dominions, they for the first time +introduced the Moslem religion. This was not the case with the +Mogul advance into India. Beginning with Mohammed ben Kasim’s +invasion of Sind in 712 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, and starting afresh with Mahmûd of +Ghazni in 1000 <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span>, the Moslem political control, accompanied by the +conversion of a portion of the native population, had spread step by +step until, when Baber came after eight centuries, there remained +little of India that was not actually or had not at some time been under +Moslem rule. No data appear to exist for determining the actual +proportion of the total population that was Moslem during the Mogul +period. Guesses have been made ranging from a possible one in +four to Bernier’s estimate of one in hundreds. The only basis of +any value would perhaps be that obtained by working backward +from the British censuses. In 1911 the Mohammedans constituted +about twenty-one per cent of the population of India, and their number +was increasing at a slightly more rapid rate than the average. It +may be supposed that the increase of the Moslem proportion was greater +during the days of the Mogul Empire, when it was especially profitable +to change, and when there was a strong inward flow at the +northwest; but since the Mogul decline the rate of relative progress +has probably always been slow. Perhaps the proportion about 1761 +was somewhat less than one in five, and in 1526 it may have been not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284"></a>[284]</span> +more than one in from ten to twenty. Bernier’s guess would certainly +seem to have been wild, for it is inconceivable that so small progress +would have been made in a thousand years and so great in the next +two hundred. No doubt the Moslem contingent was then, as it is +now, unevenly distributed, being in high proportion in the northwest +and diminishing gradually with the distance from the mountain passes. +At points on the seacoast where trade had been active, the Moslem +influence had come early by way of the sea; hence there also the +percentage was greater. In Suleiman’s empire, comprising as it did a +large amount of old Moslem territory and including even the Holy +Cities, the proportion of Moslems was, of course, much higher; but +it diminished rapidly from south to north, until in Hungary it must +have been extremely attenuated.</p> + +<p>In the absence of an elaborate slave system in India, there was +not the steady public machinery of conversion which operated powerfully +in the Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, it would seem that before +the reign of Aurangzeb no emperor cared to promote conversion to +Islam by financial or political rewards. Akbar, in fact, removed the +jizyeh, or poll-tax, which had previously, as in all other truly Moslem +lands until recent times, laid special burdens upon unbelievers, and +the tax was not reimposed until the time of Aurangzeb. Akbar also +forbade the enslavement of captives and of their wives and children. +For a century, therefore, the government lent little encouragement to +change of faith. Down to the accession of Aurangzeb there was a +clear contrast between Ottoman and Mogul policy in the attitude +toward the Moslem religion: the Moguls held far less than the +Ottomans to the idea of the conquest of the world for Islam, or to +the conversion of unbelievers, as an object of governmental endeavor. +Aurangzeb alone had such zeal as characterizes the average descendant +of Osman; he desired no infidels in his service, and regarded the +Deccan as the <i>Dar-ul-harb</i> which he wished to make part of +the <i>Dar-ul-Islam</i>. There can be no doubt, however, that under all the +Mogul emperors the social pressure usual in Moslem lands continued +to encourage conversion privately, while the slavery which Islam +normally sanctions was also contributing to the increase of the faithful. +Moreover, it is not likely that all the officers of the liberal emperors +were as tolerant and as indifferent to Moslem progress as were their +superiors.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285"></a>[285]</span></p> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_IV_IV"><span class="smcap">The Army</span></h4> + +<p>At Delhi, as at Constantinople, no sharp line could be drawn +separating government and army. The Mogul conquest was achieved +by an army, and the army became a government. Amalgamation +with older systems of course introduced groups of under-officials +who had no military duties; but those who would be great had to be +capable of military command, men who might be familiar with the +pen but who must know how to wield the sword.</p> + +<p>The Mogul army organization seems, in the midst of confused +testimonies, to have borne a considerable resemblance to that of the +Ottomans. The emperor was commander-in-chief, and as late as +Aurangzeb regularly commanded in person in great campaigns. He +had a personal army of 12,000 to 15,000 paid infantry and 12,000 to +40,000 paid cavalry. These corresponded in number and function, +but not at all in political importance, to the Janissaries and <i>Spahis</i> +of the Porte among the Ottomans. In great campaigns the standing +army was supported by the feudal cavalry, estimated at from 200,000 +to 400,000, and by indefinite numbers of irregular infantry, drawn +from a mass estimated at four millions. The army was strong in +artillery, and possessed in trained elephants a force of which the Ottomans +could not make use.</p> + +<p>The emperor’s infantry were, at least from Akbar’s time, matchlockmen; +they seem to have been the only trustworthy and efficient +foot-soldiers. It would appear that their clumsy weapons, improved +by Akbar himself, were not changed up to the time of Aurangzeb; +for Bernier reports that in his day the muskets were rested on forks +and fired by men who squatted on the ground, and who feared that +the flash might damage their eyebrows and beards. On account of +the method of payment it is not possible to estimate closely the number +of the emperor’s cavalry, or <i>Mansabdars</i>. Men who agreed to furnish +from five to five thousand troopers were taken into his service, and +pay (<i>mansab</i>) was assigned for the stipulated number; but even in +Akbar’s time, according to Badauni, it was possible to present followers +hired only for the occasion, and yet to draw life-long pay for +their services. In later years there ceased to be even approximate +correspondence between the amount of pay and the number of troops +furnished. The <i>mansab</i> was then regarded as a salary, or even as a +pension.</p> + +<p>The more numerous feudal cavalry consisted of the holders (with +their followers) of <i>jagirs</i>, or grants, of the revenue of districts of larger<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286"></a>[286]</span> +or smaller size, in return for which they served without other pay, +except in case of unduly prolonged campaigns. Holders of large +areas were accustomed to administer them in person, whereas those +who held smaller sections would often leave the administration to the +governors of provinces, who in time tended to appropriate the revenues. +Aurangzeb, however, pursued the policy of assigning service in +regions remote from the appointee’s <i>jagir</i>, and of retaining wives and +children at the court as pledges of fidelity. Hindu <i>Rajahs</i> were +easily brought into the system by being invested with analogous +rights in their hereditary territories. Apart from these cases, the +appointments, as in Turkey, were not regarded as hereditary, but +were apt to be given to fresh recruits of ability from beyond the +mountains. It was customary to make small assignments to sons of +dead <i>Jagirdars</i>, and to increase their allowances upon proof of merit. +<i>Jagirdars</i> and <i>Rajahs</i>, like Timariotes and <i>Zaims</i>, had jurisdiction +and other governmental duties in the areas assigned to them, and thus +carried a large part of the task of local government. Ultimately +many of the higher positions became hereditary in families which +worked toward independence in the days of decline.</p> + +<p>The artillery seems to have been surprisingly strong under Baber +and Humayun, and to have declined later. Baber is said to have +had seven hundred guns at Panipat, which he chained together after +the method employed by Selim I at Kaldiran. Humayun is reported +to have had at Kanauj seven hundred guns discharging stone balls +of five pounds weight, and twenty-one guns discharging brass balls +ten times as heavy. Aurangzeb, it is said, transported seventy pieces +of heavy artillery and two or three hundred swivel guns, mounted on +the backs of camels. For fortress defence and siege operations the +Moguls had a few enormous guns, some of which are said to have +required for transport two hundred and fifty and even five hundred +oxen! In addition to these resources, it appears, if testimonies can +be trusted, that Akbar kept five thousand war elephants, each of +which was accounted equal in time of battle to five hundred horsemen; +and Hawkins says that Jehangir had twelve thousand elephants of +all descriptions. Aurangzeb is reported to have maintained in the +palace stables the more modest number of eight hundred elephants.</p> + +<p>The early Mogul armies were efficient and successful. Aurangzeb, +however, conducted about the Deccan in his twenty-four years’ war +of conquest a horde that resembled a migration rather than an army. +For each fighting man there were at least two camp-followers; the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287"></a>[287]</span> +march was without discipline and order, like the movement of a herd +of animals; and the camp was a city five miles long, or, as others say, +seven and a half miles, or twenty miles in circumference. One European +observer even reported that the encampment was thirty miles +about, and contained five million souls! Among these he counted +seven hundred thousand soldiers, of whom three hundred thousand +were cavalry. With all due allowance for exaggeration, the Mogul +army clearly tended to become exceedingly numerous, but of increasing +weakness and inefficiency. A battle in 1526 between Baber +and Suleiman would have been a worthy contest, but the army of +Aurangzeb would probably have been defeated easily by the Ottoman +troops which bit the dust before Prince Eugene.</p> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_IV_V"><span class="smcap">The Court</span></h4> + +<p>Splendid as was the display of Suleiman’s <i>entourage</i>, it lacked the +financial basis which the Moguls possessed from Akbar to Aurangzeb. +Gold and silver, gems, silks and muslins, were far more abundant in +the eastern land. A more highly developed architecture, showing +far greater richness of detailed ornamentation, served in India to +construct not only temples of religion and tombs of great personages, +but also marvellous palaces and pleasure-houses for the emperors. +Many thousands of attendants supplied every possible luxury and +rendered every conceivable service.</p> + +<p>No systematic description of the organization of the imperial household +has come to hand. Scattered allusions reveal the presence of +very numerous groups of officials, agents, and servants of all grades. +Teachers, physicians, scholars, valets, chamberlains, butlers, cooks, +kitchen servants, musicians, poets, generals, captains, guards, +equerries, hostlers, herdsmen, elephant-drivers, and stablemen, +ministers of state, judges, treasurers, secretaries, swarmed about the +great halls and myriad chambers of the palaces at Agra, Delhi, and +Fatehpur-Sikri. These, with the tradespeople who made their living +by supplying the household but who were less directly attached to +the emperor, constituted a migratory city of large size, which followed +the emperor from residence to residence and in time of campaign +swelled almost unbelievably the following of his enormous army.</p> + +<p>As for the court life which went on at the center of this vast and +multi-colored setting, this was necessarily twofold, by that custom +of all Moslem lands according to which the sexes must be segregated. +Daily assemblages, gatherings at the mosques on Fridays, great<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288"></a>[288]</span> +ceremonies for special occasions, and the imperial hunts contained +none but men as participants. If women saw any part of such festivities, +it was from a distance and through thick veils or close-wrought +lattices. Khondamir says that Humayun divided his attendants into +three great classes, concerned respectively with government and war, +with learning and literature, and with music and personal grace and +beauty. The latter were called “people of pleasure ... because +most people take great delight in the company of such young-looking +men, of rosy cheeks and sweet voices, and are pleased by hearing their +songs, and the pleasing sound of the musical instruments, such as the +harp, the sackbut, and the lute.” Humayun devoted Sundays and +Tuesdays to dealings with the first class, holding audience and attending +to government duties on those days. Saturdays and Thursdays +were days when “the tree of the hope” of literary and religious +persons “produced the fruit of prosperity by their obtaining audience +in the paradise-resembling court.” Mondays and Wednesdays were +devoted to pleasure parties, when old companions and chosen friends +were entertained by musicians and singers. On Fridays were convened +“all the assemblies,” whatever this may mean; and the emperor +sat with them as long as he could.</p> + +<p>The splendor of the court may be illustrated by two or three +extracts. Nizam-uddin Ahmad relates that Akbar, journeying in +the fifteenth year of his reign, accepted an invitation to rest at Dipalpur. +“For some days feasting went on, and upon the last day splendid +offerings were presented to him. Arab and Persian horses, with +saddles of silver; huge elephants, with chains of gold and silver, and +housings of velvet and brocade; and gold and silver, and pearls +and jewels, and rubies and garnets of great price; chairs of gold, and +silver vases, and vessels of gold and silver; stuffs of Europe, Turkey, +and China, and other precious things beyond all conception. Presents +of similar kind also were presented for the young princes and the +emperor’s wives. All the ministers and attendants and dignitaries +received presents, and every soldier of the army also participated in +the bounty.”</p> + +<p>Sir Thomas Roe describes a curious annual ceremony of the Mogul +emperors as carried through by Jehangir. “The first of September +was the King’s Birth-day, and the solemnitie of his weighing, to which +I went, and was carryed into a very large and beautiful Garden, the +square within all water, on the sides flowers and trees, in the midst a +Pinacle, where was prepared the scales, being hung in large tressels,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289"></a>[289]</span> +and a crosse beame plated on with Gold thinne: the scales of massie +Gold, the borders set with small stones, Rubies and Turkeys, the +Chaines of Gold large and massie, but strengthened with silke Cords. +Here attended the Nobilitie, all sitting about it on Carpets until the +King came; who at last appeared clothed or rather loden with Diamonds, +Rubies, Pearles, and other precious vanities, so great, so +glorious; his Sword, Target, Throne to rest on, correspondent; his +head, necke, breast, armes, above the elbows, at the wrists, his fingers +every one, with at least two or three Rings; fettered with chaines, +or dyalled Diamonds; Rubies as great as Wal-nuts, some greater; +and Pearles such as mine eyes were amazed at. Suddenly he entered +into the scales, sate like a woman on his legges, and there was put in +against him many bagges to fit his weight, which were changed six +times, and they say was silver, and that I understood his weight to +be nine thousand rupias, which are almost one thousand pounds +sterling: after with Gold and Jewels, and precious stones, but I saw +none, it being in bagges might be Pibles; then against Cloth of Gold, +Silk, Stuffes, Linen, Spices, and all sorts of goods, but I must believe +for they were in sardles. Lastly against Meale, Butter, Corne, which +is said to be given to the Banian.” The extract neglects to state +that the ceremony was followed by the distribution as largesse of all +the valuables weighed against the royal person with its heavy adornments.</p> + +<p>Bernier describes an audience of Aurangzeb. “The king appeared +seated upon his throne at the end of the great hall in the most magnificent +attire. His vest was of white and delicately flowered satin, +with a silk and gold embroidery of the finest texture. The turban +of gold cloth had an aigrette whose base was composed of diamonds +of an extraordinary size and value, besides an oriental topaz which +may be pronounced unparalleled, exhibiting a lustre like the sun. A +necklace of immense pearls suspended from his neck reached to the +stomach. The throne was supported by six massy feet, said to be of +solid gold, sprinkled over with rubies, emeralds, and diamonds. It +was constructed by Shah-Jehan for the purpose of displaying the +immense quantity of precious stones accumulated successively in the +Treasury from the spoils of ancient <i>Rajahs</i> and <i>Pathans</i>, and the annual +presents to the monarch which every Omrah is bound to make on +certain festivals. At the foot of the throne were assembled all the +Omrahs, in splendid apparel, upon a platform surrounded by a silver +railing and covered by a spacious canopy of brocade with deep fringes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290"></a>[290]</span> +of gold. The pillars of the hall were hung with brocades of a gold +ground, and flowered satin canopies were raised over the whole expanse +of the extensive apartment, fastened with red silken cords from which +were suspended large tassels of silk and gold. The floor was covered +entirely with carpets of the richest silk, of immense length and +breadth.”</p> + +<p>As regards the female side of the court, although this had almost +a separate organization and was, in keeping with Moslem and Indian +tradition, to a large extent secluded, yet the imperial ladies possessed +a measure of freedom through two centuries which allowed several +of them to stand forth as distinct individuals, and a few to influence +affairs profoundly. Jehangir assigned to the women of the household +the sixth and fifth orders, or arrows, of rank. Akbar is said to have +kept five thousand women in his harem. As usual, however, only a +few of these were wives or votaries of the imperial pleasure; most of +them constituted an elaborate organization for the housekeeping and +entertainment of the few great ladies, the mother, aunts, sisters, wives, +and favorites of the emperor. As already indicated, these women +were of all kinds,—free-born and slave, Moslem, Christian, and pagan, +Turki, Afghan, Persian, Hindu, Armenian, Slavic, Circassian, Georgian, +and Ethiopian. Their communication with the outside world +was kept up through their relatives and through eunuchs.</p> + +<p>A few of the imperial ladies may be mentioned. The princess +Gul-Badan, third daughter of Baber and Dil-Dar, wrote a history of +the deeds of her half-brother, Humayun. In her later life she went +with other great ladies on pilgrimage to Mecca, taking seven years +for the journey; one-half of this time she spent in Arabia, where +she performed the rites of the pilgrimage four times. After twenty +more years filled with works of piety and charity she died at the age +of eighty. Her nephew, Akbar, with his own hand helped bear her +to the tomb.</p> + +<p>Most powerful of all the Mogul imperial ladies was the Persian +Nur-Jehan, or Nur-Mahal, wife of Jehangir. Born in poverty and +actually cast away by her parents, she rose to the throne of command. +Mohammad Hadi says that “by degrees she became, in all but name, +undisputed sovereign of the empire, and the king himself became a +tool in her hands. He used to say that Nur-Jehan Begam has been +selected, and is wise enough, to conduct the matters of state, and that +he wanted only a bottle of wine and a piece of meat to keep himself +merry. Nur-Jehan won golden opinions from all people. She was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291"></a>[291]</span> +liberal and just to all who begged her support. She was an asylum +for all sufferers, and helpless girls were married at the expense of her +private purse. She must have portioned above five hundred girls +in her lifetime, and thousands were grateful for her generosity.” +Not only could she rule the empire effectively, if not always wisely +and impartially, but she could lead armies. Defeated at last by +Shah-Jehan, she put on perpetual robes of mourning for her dead +husband and spent her last eighteen years in devoted seclusion.</p> + +<p>Mumtaz-Mahal, niece of Nur-Jehan and wife of Shah-Jehan, did not +aspire to political control. She held fast the heart of her imperial +husband and became the mother of his fourteen children. The +incomparable Taj Mahal, built by the emperor after her untimely +death, bears eternal witness to great love followed by great grief.</p> + +<p>Last may be mentioned two of the daughters of Mumtaz-Mahal, +Jehan-Ara and Raushan-Ara. These ladies, like Charlemagne’s +daughters too great for matrimony, stirred up much trouble in the +imperial household. Jehan-Ara was her father’s favorite in his +decadent old age, and an active partisan of her brother Dara. Of +vast influence for many years, she was at length overshadowed by +Raushan-Ara, who supported Aurangzeb and rose to greatness with +his advancing fortunes. Bernier was well-nigh overcome by a distant +view of this lady’s majesty. “I cannot avoid dwelling on this pompous +procession of the Seraglio. Stretch imagination to its utmost +limits, and you can imagine no exhibition more grand and imposing +than when Raushan-Ara Begam, mounted on a stupendous Pegu +elephant, and seated in a <i>meghdambhar</i> blazing with gold and azure, +is followed by five or six elephants with <i>meghdambhars</i> nearly as resplendent +as her own, and filled with ladies attached to her household +(and succeeded by the most distinguished ladies of the court) until +fifteen or sixteen females of quality pass with a grandeur of appearance, +equipage, and retinue, more or less proportionate to their rank, +pay, and office. There is something very impressive of state and +royalty in the march of these sixty or more elephants; in their solemn +and as it were measured steps, in the splendour of the <i>meghdambhars</i>, +and the brilliant and innumerable followers in attendance; and if I +had not regarded this display of magnificence with a sort of philosophical +indifference, I should have been apt to be carried away by such +flights of imagination as inspire most of the Indian poets, when they +represent the elephants as conveying so many goddesses concealed +from the vulgar gaze.”</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292"></a>[292]</span></p> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_IV_VI"><span class="smcap">The Government Proper</span></h4> + +<p>“The authority of the Great Mogul was despotic by all its origins: +by the fact of the conquest, by the Turkish tradition, by the tradition +of the old royalties of the country”;<a id="FNanchor_798" href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> and also, it may be added, by +the practice of Islamic governments since the abandonment of Medina +as the seat of the caliphs. The conquering chief owned all the conquered +land, and the wealth and labor and lives of its inhabitants +were at his disposal. As for the restriction of despotism by the +Sacred Law, the house of Baber did not feel this strongly until late. +On the other hand, even a drunkard like Jehangir had a keen sense +of the responsibility of his high position. The emperor considered +it his duty to maintain order, reward faithful service, and sit daily +on the bench of justice to redress the wrongs of his people. Aurangzeb +is reported by Bernier to have expressed his feeling of responsibility +by saying: “Being born the son of a king and placed on the +throne, I was sent into the world by Providence to live and labour, +not for myself, but for others; ... it is my duty not to think of my +own happiness, except so far as it is inseparably connected with the +happiness of my people. It is the repose and prosperity of my subjects +that it behoves me to consult; nor are these to be sacrificed to +anything besides the demands of justice, the maintenance of the +royal authority, and the security of the State.” One of his letters +to his imprisoned father contains these words: “Almighty God +bestows his trusts upon him who discharges the duty of cherishing +his subjects and protecting the people. It is manifest and clear to +the wise that a wolf is no fit shepherd, neither can a faint-hearted +man carry out the great duty of government. Sovereignty is the +guardianship of the people, not self-indulgence and profligacy. The +Almighty will deliver your humble servant from all feeling of remorse +as regards your Majesty.” The sole fountain of legislation, the +emperor observed economy in the issuance of it, making use, so far +as possible, of established Islamic practice and immemorial custom. +Yet from time to time, by administrative regulations, ordinances, +and decrees, he sought to improve the methods of government. +Aurangzeb, so much like Suleiman in many other respects, like him +also ordered and financed the compilation of a code of the Sacred Law. +It does not appear, however, that any such quantity of personal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293"></a>[293]</span> +legislation was issued by him or by any other Mogul emperor as by +the great Ottoman.</p> + +<p>The succession to the Mogul throne never became regular, since +neither by Mongol nor by Moslem custom was any one method +prescribed. Nor did the more kindly disposition of the house of +Baber ever permit the publication of such a decree as that of Mohammed +II for the execution of brothers upon the accession of a +sovereign. Accordingly the resources of the empire were apt to be +wasted in civil wars between father and son, and between older and +younger brothers. Even the sons of Baber engaged in civil war: +Kamran, aided by Askari and Hindal, fought against Humayun. +Akbar’s brothers were so young that he had no rival at the time of +his accession. His two elder sons drank themselves to death; but +this did not prevent Selim, who became the emperor Jehangir, from +rebelling against his father and hastening the latter’s death. Jehangir’s +two sons rebelled against him in turn. Shah-Jehan’s four sons, +Dara, Shuja, Murad, and Aurangzeb, fought together until the last +encompassed the death of the others, besides keeping his father a +prisoner during the last seven years of life. The mournful story need +not be carried beyond the fierce civil war which followed the death +of Aurangzeb, in which two of his sons were slain. Clearly, the +Ottoman method was more practical if less humane. So unstable +was the personal situation of the emperor that, if he failed to show +his face in public daily, the empire fell into commotion and civil war +became imminent. From the uncertainty of the succession the state, +at least, derived this benefit, that the fittest of the candidates for +power was likely to obtain the throne. Nevertheless, as Dow says, +“to be born a prince” of the Mogul Empire was “a misfortune of the +worst and most embarrassing kind. He must die by clemency, or +wade through the blood of his family to safety and empire.”</p> + +<p>As the army was the defence and prop of the Mogul government, +so finance was its sustenance. Here again the regulations of the +Sacred Law were but scantily observed. Akbar, aided by Todar +Mal and extending the methods of the Afghan Sher Shah, reduced +to order and regularity the existing revenue system, which in the +course of centuries of varying rule had become much confused. By +ancient custom of India, the sovereign as primary owner of the land +was entitled to one-third of the crops in kind. It was Akbar’s task +to change the system to a more modern money régime, a step in +progress which the Ottomans have not been able to take even to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294"></a>[294]</span> +present day. In classical times as in late years, India, importing less +of other commodities than she exported, steadily absorbed gold and +silver. It is likely that a large share of the wealth of the newly-discovered +Americas had already by Akbar’s day made its way to India +through the increasing Portuguese trade, and that Columbus, Cortes, +and Pizarro thus unwittingly gave him the means of modernizing his +land revenue. Several great tasks were involved in the change. All +the cultivated land of India had to be measured, its quality judged, its +average annual produce for the first nineteen years of Akbar’s reign +calculated, and the amount of the government’s share for each tract +reduced to current money. At first, it was attempted to renew the +settlement annually; but, since this proved very difficult in a large +and conservative land, a ten-year basis was eventually adopted. +When the British came to power they found the revenue in a state +of confusion which indicated that at some time during the Mogul +period the evaluation had ceased to be made regularly, modifications +of the last assessment having then been introduced successively, +until all system had disappeared.</p> + +<p>The imperial revenue was collected by a separate hierarchy of +officials. The great provinces were divided into districts, or <i>sirkars</i>, +in each of which a <i>Diwan</i> was chief financial agent. His office was +the <i>Defter ali</i>, and his clerks were <i>Mutasidis</i>. In lesser districts the +collectors were <i>Amils</i> or <i>Karoris</i>, the treasurers <i>Fotadars</i>. <i>Karkums</i> +were appointed to settle disputes and audit accounts. The crown +revenue might be farmed out, in areas of a size comparable to the +<i>jagirs</i>, to officials known as <i>Zamindars</i> or <i>Talukdars</i>, who in the days +of decline strove to make their position hereditary. In the local unit, +or <i>pargana</i>, the government was represented by a <i>Kanungo</i>, who kept +the records of assessments and payments. Akbar took measures +also to bring under cultivation waste and abandoned lands, and +appointed for this purpose <i>Karoris</i>, whose efforts were attended with +much success. In the best days the imperial financial officers acted +as a check upon the civil and military officials, upholding alike the +interests of emperor and common people. Evidence exists, however, +that even in the time of Akbar there was financial corruption, and +that revenue officials were not lacking who plundered the people and +defrauded the emperor.</p> + +<p>The granting of <i>jagirs</i> to officers and <i>Rajahs</i>, of pensions to learned +men and others, and of land in full title, free from revenue, for religious +foundations seems to have diverted from the royal treasury<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295"></a>[295]</span> +about two-thirds of the possible land revenue. On the other hand, +it has been estimated that the emperor received from customs, tolls, +miscellaneous taxes, and presents an amount equal to what he got +from the land. Careful calculations have resulted in ascribing to +Akbar a revenue of over two hundred million dollars annually, and +to Aurangzeb as much as four hundred and fifty million dollars. +Suleiman’s revenue would then have been not the tenth part of +Akbar’s and Louis XIV’s not the tenth part of Aurangzeb’s.</p> + +<p>This revenue was expended upon the standing army, the court, +the support of learned and religious persons, a series of building +operations which were perhaps costly beyond parallel, bountiful gifts +at certain seasons, and regular charities. It would appear, farther, +that the expenses of the provincial governments were deducted from +the imperial land revenue after it had been estimated but before it +was paid into the treasury. In spite of the lavish outflow, however, +an enormous treasure seems to have been accumulated. By Mandelslo +it was estimated in 1638 at the incredible sum of one and a +half billion crowns, equivalent to about the same number of dollars!</p> + +<p>It was probably because of the greatly increased revenue which +Akbar obtained by his new method that he found it possible to remit +the <i>jizyeh</i> or capitation tax on non-Moslems, and also the tax on pilgrims, +which had made the earlier Moslem rule obnoxious to the Hindu +population. On the other hand, it may have been not merely religious +zeal, but also financial stress caused by the civil wars preceding his +accession, by the Rajput revolt, by the long struggle in the Deccan, +and by the pious remission of many taxes not authorized by the +Sacred Law, including the tax on Hindu temple lands, that influenced +Aurangzeb to reimpose the capitation tax, and thus open wide the +rifts in his disintegrating empire.</p> + +<p>In the days of its greatness, the budget of the Mogul Empire, alike +in income and expenditure, reached a height which had rarely if ever +been attained before. That of the East Roman Empire under the +Macedonian dynasty, and of the Saracen Empire in the days of +Harun Al-Rashid, may have rivalled it; but it is probable that only +the great Western powers, enriched by the industrial revolution in +the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, have ever reached +a financial magnitude beyond that of the empire of Aurangzeb.</p> + +<p>Humayun divided the responsibilities of government among four +ministers, and a fourfold division persisted at least as late as Aurangzeb. +By a curious form of logic the classification of duties and the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296"></a>[296]</span> +names of the four departments were based, not on convenience, but +on relation to the four elements: earth, air, fire, and water. The +<i>Khaki</i> department had the care of agriculture, buildings, and domain +lands; the <i>Hawai</i>, of the wardrobe, the kitchen, the stables, and the +like; the <i>Ateshi</i>, of the artillery and the making of war material and +other things in which fire was employed; and the <i>Abi</i>, of the emperor’s +drinks, and canals, rivers, and water-works. When Khondamir +wrote, about 1534, one man had oversight of all four departments; +but the development of a regular supreme official of great power, like +the grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire, seems never to have taken +place, no doubt because the imperial house did not abandon the +tradition of personal government.</p> + +<p>Humayun set aside two days of the week for business of state. +Drums were beaten to summon officials and give notice that the hall +of audience was open. Any subject might appear and ask for justice. +Suits of fine apparel and purses of money were at hand to reward +the worthy, and executioners stood by with drawn swords to punish +the guilty. Guns were fired at the close of the audience to notify +officials that they might retire. Aurangzeb held general court in the +great hall of audience for two hours on regular days. Persons who +had petitions to present held them up, and these were taken by the +emperor, read by him, and often granted on the spot. On at least +one day in the week he sat with the two <i>Kazis</i> of the city, and on +another day he heard privately ten cases of persons of low rank. In +the evening the chief officers were commanded to be present in a smaller +hall, where Aurangzeb sat to “grant private audiences to his officers, +receive their reports, and deliberate on important matters of state.” +This gathering resembled the Divan of Suleiman, but it lacked most +of the latter’s judicial work; in India such work was done by the +chief judges sitting separately, or by the emperor in the great audiences. +Furthermore, it was the sovereign and not a grand vizier +who presided in this council. The assembly was deliberative in +matters of policy and general administration, and judicial in that it +had jurisdiction of cases which involved officers of high rank.</p> + +<p>For purposes of local government the empire was divided into +<i>subahs</i>, or provinces, each under a <i>Nawab</i> (a plural of majesty, +from <i>naib</i>, often called “nabob” by Westerners), or governor. +Under Akbar the number of <i>subahs</i> varied from fifteen to eighteen. +Like the <i>Beylerbeys</i> of the Ottoman Empire, the <i>Nawabs</i> tended to +increase in number, the size of their provinces diminishing accordingly.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297"></a>[297]</span> +The <i>Nawab</i> was almost a little emperor in his province. He held +audiences, commanded the army, conferred lesser titles, appointed +and dismissed most officials, and was the highest judicial authority. +His power was limited, however, by the emperor’s right to recall him, +by the right of appeal in judicial cases from him to the emperor, +and by the fact that the financial and judicial officers were separately +appointed and were responsible only to the throne. The <i>Nawab</i> +and his court were supported by lands granted in <i>jagir</i>. He might +suspend the <i>jagirs</i> of officers pending imperial decision. He was +responsible for the security and order of his province, and had <i>Faujdars</i> +under him in the several districts, who exercised military command +and the powers of chief of police and police judge, their position +resembling somewhat that of the <i>Sanjak Beys</i> of the Ottoman system. +The chief financial officers in each province were the <i>Diwans</i>, who, +as explained above, collected the imperial revenue and had oversight +of all lesser revenue officers. They and their deputies possessed +judicial powers in cases concerning finance and land titles. The +chief judge of the province, subject however to appeals to the governor, +was the <i>Nizam</i>. He heard the serious criminal cases, and his deputy, +the <i>Daroga Adaulat al Aulea</i>, attended to most of the important civil +ones. Local <i>Kazis</i>, aided by <i>Muftis</i>, <i>Mohtesibs</i>, and <i>Kutwals</i> or +mayors, kept order in the smaller cities and districts. <i>Rajahs</i> who +had made terms with the emperor exercised powers very similar to +those of the <i>Nawabs</i>. Their positions were secured by heredity, +however, and in their provinces the imperial financial and judicial +officers had no jurisdiction. They simply owed military service and a +certain amount of tribute, failing in which they might be reduced by +force of arms. The Ottoman system contained no subjects who were +at once so secure of their positions, so nearly independent, and so +powerful as the <i>Rajahs</i>. Kurdish, Albanian, and Arabian chieftains +were perhaps as secure and as independent, but they were of very +small wealth and might; while the Voivodes of Wallachia and Moldavia +were not so secure or so independent.</p> + +<p>The condition of the common people under this government is to be +known mainly by inference. Various documents and acts show the +benevolent intentions of emperors and high officials toward the +masses. Whether from wise prevision or from genuine charitable +feeling, there appears to have been much solicitude lest the cultivators +of the soil should be reduced to utter penury or driven from their +lands. Akbar, for instance, issued strict orders that on military<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298"></a>[298]</span> +expeditions nothing should be taken from the people without careful +assessment and immediate or subsequent payment. Nevertheless, +at the best the result of the general policy was to leave the cultivator +little more than a bare living. The whole system drained away wealth +to a few great cities and a comparatively few persons. If but few +complaints rose from the masses, it was because their lot was no +worse than that of their forefathers had been for many generations. +Aside from the periods of civil war, the Moguls gave peace and order. +Akbar removed internal tolls two centuries before such a thing was +accomplished in France, and thus made of the land a single economic +unit, with the result that in his reign India as a whole enjoyed +such prosperity as she has known at very few other periods in her +history.</p> + +<p>Before the time of Aurangzeb special care was taken to conciliate +the Hindus. Akbar adopted definitely the policy of equal treatment +for all, a degree of toleration not to be found in the contemporary +Europe of William the Silent and Henry of Navarre. The government +strove to abolish or mitigate such Hindu practices as were abhorrent +to Mohammedanism, and at least one Moslem practice which offended +the Hindus. Child-marriage, the ordeal, and animal sacrifice were +forbidden. Widows were to be burned on the funeral pyres of their +husbands only with their own full consent, and those who preferred to +live might marry again. In the Rajput tributary states Hindu law of +course prevailed. Probably in the regions under direct Mogul rule +Hindus were judged by their own law when Moslems were not concerned +and perhaps even by their own judges. It is true that the +Hindus had to wait until Akbar came to be released from the personal +disabilities imposed by earlier Moslem conquerors, that their temple +lands were taxed until the time of Aurangzeb, and that Brahmans, +pundits, and fakirs were perhaps only in Akbar’s presence treated with +respect equal to that accorded <i>Sheiks</i>, <i>Seids</i>, and <i>Ulema</i>. But the +emperors and their officers gave like justice to all; they permitted +every man to worship according to the rites of his forefathers, and +apparently never had a thought, as had Selim the Cruel, of giving to +all non-Moslem subjects the choice between Islam and death. There +was little ground for discontent until Aurangzeb began to apply a +harsher policy.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299"></a>[299]</span></p> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_IV_VII"><span class="smcap">The Moslems and the Moslem Church</span></h4> + +<p>In comparison with conditions in the Ottoman Empire, Moslems +and non-Moslems in the India of the early Moguls were far more +nearly on a level. This was due not merely to the toleration and +indifference of the emperors, but even more to the circumstances of +the conquest, under which both groups were treated alike, since Baber +at Panipat in 1526 subdued the Moslem Lodi Sultans of Delhi, and at +Kanwaha in 1527 the Hindu Rajput confederacy. Indian-born +worshippers of Allah and of Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva were mingled +in the same vast mass of conquered subjects, equally separated from +the victorious invaders. There was also, in all probability, a much +greater difference of race between Baber’s highlanders and the Moslems +that he found in India than between the latter and the Hindus; +for many inter-marriages had taken place, and many natives of India +had joined the followers of the Prophet. Time, of course, diminished +this distinction.</p> + +<p>Suleiman was distinctly the head of the Moslems of his empire. +Through his appointee the <i>Sheik-ul-Islam</i>, through his <i>Hoja</i>, the +<i>Kaziaskers</i>, the <i>Nakib-ol-Eshraf</i>, and other learned and saintly personages, +he kept in close touch with the religious chiefs of the Mohammedan +population. All who prayed toward Mecca, at least from the +older portions of the Ottoman Empire, were attached by many ancient +ties to the house of Osman. Their ancestors had perhaps been converts +through its activities, had certainly fought for it, and had seen +its gradual and vigorous rise to greatness. No such vital bonds joined +to the Moguls the great mass of their Moslem subjects. These +remembered the glories and favors of lost dynasties, and were indebted +to the new sovereigns only for defeats and humiliations which depressed +them toward the level of the Hindus, whom they had for centuries +held to be far inferior to themselves. They had no <i>Sheik-ul-Islam</i>, +honored by the sovereign with a seat above his own, whose decisions +might determine the fate of the ruler or of the empire. Almost as +much to them as to the Hindus the emperor was a stranger and a +foreigner, to whom should be rendered, because of his power, full +submission and instant obedience, but not loyal affection and whole-hearted +devotion. There was ever an absence of solidarity between +the house of Timur and those Moslem subjects who had not come +into India in the service of that house, and this was not least among +the elements of weakness that shortened the life of the empire. When<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300"></a>[300]</span> +Rajputs had been stirred to revolt, when Mahrattas had grown +great, when bronzed and capable Moguls had been supplanted by +“pale persons in petticoats,” who were left to rally about the tottering +throne? More than two and a half centuries have elapsed since the +Ottomans ceased to draw systematically from the strength of the +Christian population, and yet the fighting stock of their Moslem +subjects has never failed or grown weak or faltered in its loyalty; +but Aurangzeb’s successors found few upon whom to rely, and of this +few a very small proportion who would sacrifice their own fortunes +freely, who would be faithful unto death.</p> + +<p>The Moguls found in India <i>Sheiks</i>, <i>Dervishes</i>, <i>Seids</i>, and <i>Ulema</i>, +mosques, schools, and pious foundations in abundance. In fact, +the developed system of Mohammedanism had extended itself over +India with visible results very much like those in all other Moslem +lands, among them the Ottoman Empire. From the ranks of those +educated in Moslem lore were taken teachers, judges, and counselors-at-law.</p> + +<p>There must have existed for the children of the Moslem population +<i>mektebs</i>, ordinary <i>medressehs</i>, and law schools, in which the Arabic +language and the sciences built upon the Koran, as well as the Persian +language and literature were taught. No doubt, also, the imperial +household contained systems of education, arranged for the two sexes +separately and prepared to train imperial and noble children and +young attendants, servants, and slaves in the knowledge which was +thought best adapted to fit them for life. It is interesting to notice +what impression the teaching regularly given to a young prince made +(if Bernier can be trusted) upon the keen intellect of Aurangzeb. +When the latter became emperor, his old teacher, it appears, confidently +presented himself at Delhi for reward. What, then, must +have been his surprise to receive such a deliverance as this from the +lips of majesty!</p> + +<p>“Was it not incumbent upon my preceptor to make me acquainted +with the distinguishing features of every nation of the earth; its +resources and strength; its mode of warfare, its manners, religion, +form of government, and wherein its interests principally consist, +and, by a regular course of historical reading, to render me familiar +with the origin of States; their progress and decline; the events, +accidents, or errors, owing to which such great changes and mighty +revolutions have been effected?... A familiarity with the language +of surrounding nations may be indispensable in a king; but you would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301"></a>[301]</span> +teach me to read and write Arabic; doubtless conceiving that you +placed me under an everlasting obligation for sacrificing so large a +portion of time to the study of a language wherein no one can hope to +become proficient without ten or twelve years of close application. +Forgetting how many important subjects ought to be embraced in the +education of a prince, you acted as if it were chiefly necessary that he +should possess great skill in grammar, and such knowledge as belongs +to a Doctor of Law; and thus did you waste the precious hours of my +youth in the dry, unprofitable, and never-ending task of learning +words!... Ought you not to have instructed me on one point at +least, so essential to be known by a king, namely, on the reciprocal +duties between the sovereign and his subjects? Ought you not also +to have foreseen that I might at some future period be compelled +to contend with my brothers, sword in hand, for the crown, and for +my very existence? Such, as you must well know, has been the fate +of the children of almost every king of Hindustan. Did you ever +instruct me in the art of war, how to besiege a town, or draw up an +army in battle array? Happy for me that I consulted wiser heads +than thine on these subjects! Go! withdraw to thy village. Henceforth +let no person know either who thou art or what is become of +thee.”</p> + +<p>In this rebuke, whether it comes chiefly from Bernier or from +Aurangzeb, is excellent criticism upon the stereotyped Moslem education, +and material enough to cheer the hearts of modern advocates +of a closer relation between subjects of instruction and the business +of life.</p> + +<p>The lack of solidarity between the mass of the Moslems of India +and the Mogul government, together with the religious indifference of +several emperors, prevented the Moslem church there from reaching +the full measure of the dignity, influence, and authority of the Moslem +Institution in the Ottoman Empire. Humayun’s division of the +household into three classes shows that he gave highest rank not to +the clergy but to princes of the blood, with nobles and ministers of +state and military men. “The holy persons, the great <i>Musheiks</i> +(religious men), the respectable <i>Seids</i>, the literati, the law officers, +the scientific persons, poets, besides other great and respectable men +formed the second class.” The orders, or arrows, of nobility show a +little more definitely the place of the Moslem learned men, since they +are assigned to the tenth order, after the monarch and the princes +of the blood and the <i>Rajahs</i>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302"></a>[302]</span></p> + +<p>In the palace-city of Fatehpur-Sikri, Akbar built a great hall, the +Ibadat-Khana, to which he repaired on holy nights with <i>Sheiks</i>, +<i>Seids</i>, <i>Ulema</i>, and nobles. Finding that his followers could not keep +the peace when mingled indiscriminately, he assigned one of the four +sides of the hall to each group. Here he was accustomed to listen to +theological discussions; and it appears that what he heard tended to +destroy his respect for the faith of the Prophet, and to predispose his +mind toward the eclectic religion which he instituted later. Says +Badauni: “The learned doctors used to exercise the sword of their +tongues upon each other, and showed great pugnacity and animosity, +till the various sects took to calling each other infidels and perverts.” +In course of time Akbar obtained a document signed by the principal +<i>Ulema</i>, to the effect that a just ruler is higher in the eyes of God than +a doctor of the law (<i>Mujtahid</i>), that Akbar was a just ruler, and that +therefore his decrees in matters of religion were binding upon the +world. This declaration placed Akbar distinctly above the Moslem +church and at least on a level with the prophet Mohammed; and he +seems even to have played with the idea that he was himself God. +Certainly he hoped to unify all creeds by his “divine faith.” His +son and grandson were not much interested in religion, and not at all +inclined to assume actively the religious headship of the empire; +under them, the Moslem church had to take care of itself. Religious +interest appeared again in Aurangzeb, not in any spirit of free inquiry, +but in a rigid conformity to the rules of the Sacred Law. From those +youthful days when he preferred the meagre life of a saint to the +splendors of princely state, down to the long-deferred close of his +troubled career, Islam knew no more faithful observer of its rites and +prescriptions. In Aurangzeb’s reign and in his alone did the Moslem +religion take such a place in India as in the Turkey of Suleiman’s +time.</p> + +<p>The learned Moslems of the Mogul Empire never had as the head +of their hierarchy a personage of such dignity and power as the <i>Sheik-ul-Islam</i> +of Constantinople. The <i>Sadr Jehan</i> appears to have been +concerned chiefly with the granting of land from the treasury to +learned and religious persons in lieu of pensions. The hierarchy of +judges seems to have been complete, at least in territory that was +directly administered, with two officials at court who corresponded +to the <i>Kaziaskers</i> of Suleiman, and with <i>Kazis</i> of high rank in the chief +city of each province and of lesser rank in other cities; but the functions +of these officers appear to have been more closely restricted<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303"></a>[303]</span> +than in the Ottoman Empire, by reason of the superior jurisdictions of +the emperor and the governors, and of the criminal and financial +jurisdictions of the <i>Nizams</i> and <i>Diwans</i> and their deputies. As there +is little mention of the <i>muftis</i>, it would seem that their rôle was not +very important.</p> + +<p>The Moslem church in India was not of the very fabric of empire. +The imperial family and most of their associates in government adhered +to it; but it had no thorough control of education and justice, +and no power to sanction war or pronounce the deposition of an emperor. +It did not curb the spirit of the nation or lay a heavy hand +upon progress; but, as it was relatively unable to hinder by its weaknesses, +so it could not contribute its abiding strength. The Mogul +Empire is but a memory. The Moslem church of India thrives and +grows under the rule of aliens of another faith.</p> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_IV_VIII"><span class="smcap">Books Consulted in the Preparation of Appendix IV</span></h4> + +<div class="hanging"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Baden-Powell, B. H.</span> A short account of the land revenue and its administration +in British India. 2d edition. Oxford, 1907.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bayley, Sir E. C.</span> The local Muhammadan dynasties. Gujarát. London, +1886.—A sequel to Elliot’s History of India.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bernier, François.</span> Travels in the Mogul empire, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1656-1663. +Westminster, 1891.—[As quoted by Lane-Poole and others.]</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Crichton, A. S.</span> The Mohammedans as rulers of India. In <i>The Moslem +World</i>, i. 99-116. London, 1911.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dow, Alexander.</span> The history of Hindostan. 3 vols. London, 1770-1772.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Elliot, Sir H. M.</span>, and <span class="smcap">Dowson, John</span>. The history of India, as told +by its own historians. 8 vols. London, 1867-1877.—Vol. v (1873) +contains extracts from Khondamir, Badáúní, Nizam uddin Ahmad, +etc.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gul-badan Begam.</span> The history of Humāyūn (Humāyūn-nāma). Translated +by Annette S. Beveridge. London, 1902.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Holden, E. S.</span> The Mogul emperors of Hindustan. New York, 1895.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hunter, Sir W. W.</span> A brief history of the Indian peoples. 23d edition. +[Oxford, 1903.]</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Irvine, William.</span> The army of the Indian Moghuls; its organization +and administration. London, 1903.</p> + +<p>—— The Bangash Nawabs of Farrukhabad. J. R. A. S., Bengal, 1878, +340 ff.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Keene, H. G.</span> The fall of the Moghul empire of Hindustan. New edition. +London, 1887.</p> + +<p>—— The Turks in India. London, 1879.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lane-Poole, Stanley.</span> Aurangzíb. (Rulers of India series.) Oxford, +1893.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304"></a>[304]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lane-Poole, Stanley.</span> Bábar. (Rulers of India series.) Oxford, 1899.</p> + +<p>—— Mediæval India under Mohammedan rule (<span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 712-1764). New +York, 1903.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lyall, Sir A. C.</span> The Moghul empire. In <i>Cambridge Modern History</i>, +vi. 506-529. New York, 1909.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Malleson, G. B.</span> Akbar. (Rulers of India series.) Oxford, 1908.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rambaud, Alfred.</span> Organisation de l’empire mongol. In Lavisse and +Rambaud’s <i>Histoire Générale</i>, vi. 878-883. Paris, 1895.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ritchie, Leitch.</span> A history of the oriental nations. 2 vols. London, +1848.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Roe, Sir Thomas.</span> Journal of his embassy to the court of the Great Mogul. +1615-1619. In Hakluyt Society’s publications, 2d series, vols. i-ii. +London, 1899.—[As quoted by Lane-Poole and others.]</p> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305"></a>[305]</span></p> + +<h3 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_V">APPENDIX V<br> +<span class="smaller">BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES</span></h3> + +</div> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_V_I"><span class="smcap">I. Sources of Ottoman Governmental Ideas</span></h4> + +<p>Three traceable lines of influence can be followed from the earliest +times until their appearance in the Ottoman government of the sixteenth +century. The oldest began in Egypt, and continued down +through various dynasties until the Roman conquest, after which it +began to enter the Roman imperial government. From this it passed +to the Byzantine and thence to the Ottoman system. Locally again +it followed a more direct course through the Fatimides and Mamelukes +until the time of Selim I’s conquest of Egypt. The slave +government of the Mamelukes offers an interesting subject for comparison +with the Ottoman Ruling Institution. It would be superfluous +to give references for this line of development, except perhaps to +mention Sir William Muir’s book, <i>The Mameluke or Slave Dynasty of +Egypt</i> (London, 1896), and Stanley Lane-Poole’s <i>Egypt in the Middle +Ages</i> (London, 1901).</p> + +<p>The second line, which seems to have contributed a greater number +of elements, came down in the Bagdad-Euphrates valley through +various governments to the Saracen and Seljuk empires, from which +it passed to the Ottomans. Here again no general references need be +given. Perhaps the most useful book in connection with the subject +is D. B. McDonald’s <i>Moslem Theology, Jurisprudence, and Constitutional +Theory</i> (New York, 1903).</p> + +<p>The third and most direct line of influence is through the Tatars of +the steppe lands. In A. H. Keane’s <i>Man, Past and Present</i> (Cambridge, +England, 1899) there is a full and clear discussion of the +anthropological relationships of the Turks. E. H. Parker’s <i>A Thousand +Years of the Tartars</i> (London, 1895) gives an account which is +based closely upon the Chinese sources, but which would be helped +by the addition of as many of the two or three thousand notes which +he did not print as would show the sources of his information. The +Chinese story of the great Tatar empire of the sixth century <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> +may be found in Stanislas Julien’s <i>Documents Historiques sur les<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306"></a>[306]</span> +Tou-Kioue</i> (Paris, 1877). W. Radloff’s <i>Alttürkischen Inschriften der +Mongolei</i> (Leipsic, 1894-95) discusses the earliest known Turkish +monuments, which date from the eighth century. Emil Bretschneider’s +<i>Medieval Researches from Eastern Asiatic Sources</i> (2 vols., +London, 1888, new edition, 1910) gives an account of the Uigurs, +whose greatness came in the eighth and ninth centuries and whose +name persisted until at least the twelfth century, as is shown by the +oldest known Turkish book, which is in their dialect.</p> + +<p>This old book has been printed, with original Syriac text, transliteration +into Roman characters, and German translation, by Arminius +(Hermann) Vambéry, under the title <i>Uigurische Sprachmonumente und +das Kudatku Bilik</i> (Innsbruck, 1870). The <i>Kudatku Bilik</i>, the “Wisdom +that Blesses,” written at Kashgar in 1068 by Yusuf Khass Hajil, +is really an “Art of Government,” composed for the instruction of a +Turkish prince. It contains in rhymed couplets, arranged in chapters, +a large amount of advice on governmental matters, much of it being +in the form of proverbs. The book throws a great deal of light on +the fundamental Ottoman character. Vambéry has also made a +study, on a philological basis, of the civilization of the Tatars, entitled +<i>Die Primitive Cultur des Türko-tatarischen Volkes</i> (Leipsic, 1879).</p> + +<p>A book equally remarkable with the <i>Kudatku Bilik</i> is the <i>Siasset +Namèh</i>, written in 1092 for the Seljuk sultan Melek Shah by the great +vizier Abu ’Ali al Hasan b. Ishaq (known better by his title, the +Nizam al-Mulk), and printed in the original Persian, with a French +translation, by Charles Schéfer, Paris, 1893. This “Book of Government” +reveals to some extent three things,—the methods of government +of Sassanian times, the actual government under Melek Shah, +and the Seljuk government as the Nizam al-Mulk would have it. +It also sheds much light upon Ottoman institutions.</p> + +<p>The best general book on the Turks in Central Asia and their activities +down to the occupation of Asia Minor is undoubtedly Léon +Cahun’s <i>Introduction à l’Histoire de l’Asie: Turcs et Mongols</i> (Paris, +1896). The same ground is covered briefly by Cahun in Lavisse and +Rambaud’s <i>Histoire Générale</i>, vol. ii. ch. xvi. There is a great deal +of information about the Persians and the Seljuk Turks in E. G. +Browne’s <i>Literary History of Persia</i> (2 vols., London, 1902-1906). +Maximilian Bittner has made a valuable study of the Turkish language, +entitled <i>Der Einfluss des Arabischen und Persischen auf das Türkische</i> +(Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, <i>Sitzungsberichte der +Philosophisch-Historischen Classe</i>, vol. cxlii. pt. iii. Vienna, 1900).<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307"></a>[307]</span> +Sir W. M. Ramsay’s books are valuable for a study of the settlement +of the Turks in Asia Minor, particularly his <i>Historical Geography of +Asia Minor</i> (London, 1890), <i>The Geographical Conditions determining +History and Religion in Asia Minor</i> (with comments by D. G. Hogarth, +H. H. Howorth, and others, <i>Geographical Journal</i>, September, 1902, +xx. 257-282), and <i>Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern +Provinces of the Roman Empire</i> (Aberdeen, 1906). Volume <span class="allsmcap">v</span> of +H. F. Helmolt’s <i>Weltgeschichte</i> (Leipsic, etc., 1905) is useful for its +attempt to trace the elements of Ottoman culture which were derived +from Byzantine and other sources. William Miller’s <i>The Latins in +the Levant</i> (New York, 1908) gives a clear picture of the confused and +divided state of affairs to which the Ottomans put an end in their +rough way.</p> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_V_II"><span class="smcap">II. The Ottoman Government in the Sixteenth Century</span></h4> + +<p>Abundant material for a study of the sixteenth-century Ottoman +government has been provided and preserved; for the great place +which the expanding empire held in the world developed an immense +interest in its affairs on the part of the West, and made it worth the +while of many of its Western residents to prepare descriptions of its +outstanding features, among which its peculiar government was +treated with special fulness. The writings of these men of various +Western nationalities are in a way more helpful than a similar number +of books from native writers would be, because the foreigners could +usually take nothing for granted, but were compelled to draw a complete +picture. They could not, on the other hand, get at the inner +springs of the Ottoman activity as well as natives could; nor do +any of them, with the exception of Menavino, seem actually to have +read and known the Ottoman laws. Fortunately, Ottoman historians +began to write abundantly shortly before the reign of Suleiman. +For Suleiman’s own time, the collections of his <i>Kanuns</i> (since he was +noted as a legislator) contain much material which helps toward an +understanding of his government; moreover, writers of a later date +have been drawn with special interest toward his reign, as the climax +of Ottoman greatness. At the same time, no one but Zinkeisen has +attempted to give an extended account of the Ottoman government as +it was in the sixteenth century.</p> + +<p>No reasonably complete bibliography of books relating to Turkey +has been made. The following lists are worthy of mention as giving<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308"></a>[308]</span> +information in regard to the material for a study of Turkish history +and institutions before the year 1600:—</p> + +<p>Richard Knolles gives a bare list of his authorities, to the number +of about twenty-five, at the beginning of his <i>Generall Historie of the +Turkes</i>, London, 1603.</p> + +<p>J. H. Boecler published at Bautzen in 1717 a <i>Commentarius Historico-Politicus +de Rebus Turcicis</i>, in which he gives, at pp. 14-41, a +list of 317 works on Turkish history and affairs, including 45 folio +volumes, 128 quartos, 98 octavos, and 45 duodecimos.</p> + +<p>Joseph von Hammer discusses his authorities in the preface to +volume i of his <i>Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches</i> (Pest, 1827); and +in volume x, pp. 57-336 (1835), he prints a list containing 3,025 titles +of works relating to Ottoman history which were to be found in Europe +outside of Constantinople.</p> + +<p>Amat di San Filippo, in his <i>Biografia dei Viaggiatori Italiani</i>, etc. +(2 vols., Rome, 1882), gives accounts of many of the early Italian +writers on Turkish affairs.</p> + +<p>Henri Hauser, in his edition of Du Fresne-Canaye, described below +(p. 319), prints as Appendix II an <i>Essai d’une Bibliographie des Ouvrages +du XVIe Siècle relatifs au Levant</i>. The list, which does not +pretend to completeness, contains about 60 different titles.</p> + +<p>The catalogue of the library of Count Paul Riant, published in two +parts at Paris in 1899, also contains the titles of a great number of +books and pamphlets which relate to the subject under discussion. +Most of this material has been transferred to the Ottoman collection +of the Library of Harvard University, through the generosity of +Messrs. J. R. Coolidge and A. C. Coolidge,—a gift, it may be added, +that has made the preparation of the present treatise possible. There +are also many titles on early Ottoman history in the catalogue of +Charles Schéfer’s Oriental library (published at Paris in 1899), from +which the same donors have contributed 445 volumes to the Harvard +Ottoman collection.</p> + +<p>The list given in the <i>Cambridge Modern History</i>, i. 700-705, +in connection with Professor J. B. Bury’s chapter on “The Ottoman +Conquest,” is fuller than most of those just mentioned. It omits +some valuable authorities, however, such as Schiltberger, Menavino, +Ramberti, and Busbecq.</p> + +<p>It is possible to get contemporaneous views of the Ottoman Empire +at a date earlier than the beginning of the sixteenth century, though +they are all incomplete. The first accounts go back to the battle of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309"></a>[309]</span> +Nicopolis in 1396. Froissart (<i>Chroniques</i>, ed. Lettenhove, xv. 319 ff., +Brussels, 1871), in a description of the battle and succeeding events +which was based on accounts given by Jacques du Fay and Jacques de +Helly, gives some idea of the Turkish army and the sultan. A better +account for the present purpose is that by Johann Schiltberger (translated +into English by J. B. Telfer, and published by the Hakluyt +Society as <i>The Bondage and Travels of Johann Schiltberger</i>, London, +1879). Schiltberger, then a youth of sixteen, was taken prisoner at +Nicopolis, and after serving as slave to Bayezid I for six years, was +captured by Timur at the battle of Angora, 1402. He was retained +as captive, not without important responsibilities and wide journeys, +for twenty-five years longer, when he succeeded in escaping. It is a +matter for regret that he says very little of his life at the sultan’s court, +since he held a position which corresponded to that of page in later +times.</p> + +<p>Another general account of the Turkish polity comes from the pen +of Bertrandon de la Broquière, first gentleman-carver (<i>écuyer tranchant</i>), +councillor, and chamberlain of Duke Philip the Good of +Burgundy. In the course of a trip through the Levant he met Murad +II in Rumelia in 1433. His observations show that many features +of the Turkish system were then already in operation,—as the four +pashas, the slave system, the pages, the imperial harem, the Janissaries +(<i>Jehanicéres</i>), the feudal army, the Divan, etc. La Broquière’s +memoirs are edited by Charles Schéfer, under the title <i>Le Voyage +d’Outremer</i>, as volume xii of <i>Recueil de Voyages et de Documents pour +servir à l’Histoire de la Géographie depuis le XIIIe jusqu’à la fin du +XVIe Siècle</i> (Paris, 1892). The same volume contains an opinion in +regard to the military power of the Turks by Jehan Torzelo, dating +from the year 1439.</p> + +<p>Still another report was written by a Transylvanian whose name +remains unknown, but who was a slave in Ottoman private families +from 1436 to 1453. Evidently he had before his capture been a +theological student who held some of the ideas that preceded the +Reformation movement. His book had a great vogue after the year +1509, under various titles, such as: Ricoldus, <i>De Vita et Moribus +Turcarum</i>, Paris, 1509 (the attachment to the name of Ricoldus is +purely accidental); <i>Libellus de Ritu et Moribus Turcarum</i>, Wittenberg, +1530 (with a preface by Martin Luther); S. Frank, <i>Cronica-Abconterfayung</i>, +etc., Augsburg, 1531; <i>Tractatus de Moribus</i>, etc. +The Wittenberg edition has been used in this treatise, and is referred<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310"></a>[310]</span> +to as <i>Tractatus</i>. Although most of the book is theological and argumentative, +it affords a great deal of information. Among other things, +it contains what is probably the earliest mention of the tribute children +as the regular means of recruiting the Janissaries (<i>Ginnitscheri</i>).</p> + +<p>The next good contemporary account of the Ottoman system is +given in the history of Chal(co)condyles (written in Greek), of which +there are many editions and translations. The one used here is the +French translation, <i>Histoire de la Décadence de l’Empire Grec et Établissement +de celui des Turcs</i>, Rouen, 1670. This writer, whose story +comes down to 1465, speaks out of his own observation in describing +the Ottoman camp and government.</p> + +<p>The oldest authentic <i>Kanuns</i> are in the <i>Kanun-nameh</i> of Mohammed +II, which is translated by Hammer in his <i>Staatsverfassung</i> (Vienna, +1815), 87-101.</p> + +<p>The earliest book that was devoted to a description of Ottoman +manners, religion, and government is by Teodoro Spandugino Cantacusino. +Born of an Italian father and a Greek mother, he spent his +life alternately in the East and the West. His book describes the +empire as it was under Bayezid II, who died in 1512, his information +about the government being obtained from two very high renegade +officials, probably Messih Pasha and Hersek-Zadeh Ahmed Pasha. +The earliest edition was printed in French at Paris in 1519 under the +title <i>Petit Traicté de l’Origine des Turcqz</i>; later editions, with and without +his name, or under the name of B. Gycaud, bear the title <i>La +Généalogie du Grant Turc à Présent Regnant</i>, etc. The edition used +here is a reprint of the first French issue, edited with notes by C. +Schéfer, Paris, 1896. This writer is sometimes quoted as Spandugino, +and sometimes as Cantacusino. The first form is used in the present +treatise.</p> + +<p>A book that is even more valuable in some ways is Giovanni Antonio +Menavino’s <i>Trattato de Costumi et Vita de Turchi</i>. The edition +used here was printed in Florence in 1548. Menavino came of a +wealthy Genoese family. About the year 1505, when he was twelve +years of age, handsome, bright, and well educated for his years, he was +captured near Corsica by corsairs, and set aside as a gift suitable for +the sultan. Taken to Bayezid II, he pleased the old sultan greatly, +and was placed at once in the school of pages, where, as his book shows +throughout, he must have profited greatly by the teaching that he +received. He describes the religion, customs, and government of the +Ottomans in much detail. In 1514 he was taken by Selim I on the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311"></a>[311]</span> +expedition against Persia; but he managed to escape to Trebizond, +whence he made his way to Adrianople, Salonika, and thence home +to Genoa.</p> + +<p>A group of excellent sources for studies of both the government +and the history of the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century is +found in the reports which the Venetian <i>Bailos</i> and orators extraordinary +presented to their Senate.</p> + +<p>Venice, says Ranke, “frequently sent her most experienced and +able citizens to foreign courts. Not content with the despatches on +current affairs regularly sent home every fourteen days, she further +required of her ambassadors, when they returned after an absence of +two or three years, that they should give a circumstantial account of +the court and the country they had been visiting.”<a id="FNanchor_799" href="#Footnote_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a> Since Constantinople +was in the sixteenth century the station of first importance +in the Venetian diplomatic service, it is safe to assume that the sons +whom she sent there were her most intelligent.</p> + +<p>A number of these Venetian reports, which do not, however, reach +far into Suleiman’s reign, are summarized by Marini Sanuto the +Younger in his voluminous <i>Diarii</i>, 1496-1533 (58 vols. in 59, Venice, +1879-1903). The reports of Alvise Sagudino in 1496, and of Andrea +Gritti in 1503, are quoted by Schéfer in the introduction to his edition +of Spandugino’s work, noticed above. Rinaldo Fulin, in his <i>Diarii e +Diaristi Veneziani</i> (Venice, 1881) reprints Sanuto’s abstract of the +Itinerary of Pietro Zeno, orator at Constantinople in 1523.</p> + +<p>The Venetian reports for the reign of Suleiman are all, so far as +preserved and known, collected in the invaluable work of Eugenio +Alberi, <i>Relazione degli Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato</i> (15 vols., Florence, +1839-1863). The three volumes of the third series (published 1840, +1844, 1855, respectively), as well as a portion of the fifteenth volume +or Appendix, are devoted to Turkish reports. Volume i of this series +is also separately printed as <i>Documenti di Storia Ottomana del Secolo +XVI</i> (Florence, 1842). A few writings are included in these volumes +which were not reports to the Venetian senate.</p> + +<p>In all, thirty-nine documents are thus presented, of which sixteen +fall within the reign of Suleiman. Unfortunately there is a gap +between the years 1534 and 1553, a period for which there should be +eight or ten documents of great value bearing on the Ottoman dealings +with France, Austria, Spain, and Persia.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312"></a>[312]</span></p> + +<p>These volumes contain much helpful apparatus, such as a glossary +of Turkish words (vol. i); notes on the Venetian embassies to the +Porte in the sixteenth century, with a list of the Venetian representatives +(vol. ii); biographical notes concerning the writers (all three +volumes); chronological tables, genealogies, etc. (Appendix). The +Venetians were particularly interested in the financial side of the +Ottoman government, its mechanism, its army, and its fleet. Many +character descriptions of great personages enliven the pages. The +last pages of the Appendix contain a chronological index of the <i>Relazione</i> +and the other writings included; also an alphabetical list of +them by authors, and chronological lists by countries. The subjoined +list of reports from Constantinople is taken from page 435, +and will serve as a means of locating many references in the foregoing +pages. The more valuable reports are distinguished by asterisks.</p> + +<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Venetian Reports from Constantinople</span><br> +<span class="smaller">as given in Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, 3 vols. and Appendix +(Florence, 1840-1863)</span></p> + +<table> + <tr> + <th>Writer</th> + <th>Date</th> + <th>Volume</th> + <th>Page</th> + <th></th> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Gritti, Andrea</td> + <td>1503</td> + <td class="tdc">iii</td> + <td class="tdr">1</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Giustiniani, Antonio</td> + <td>1514</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">45</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Mocenigo, Alvise</td> + <td>1518</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">53</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Contarini, Bartolomeo</td> + <td>1519</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">56</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Minio, Marco</td> + <td>1522</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">69</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Zen, Pietro</td> + <td>1524</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">93</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Bragadino, Pietro</td> + <td>1526</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">99</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Minio, Marco</td> + <td>1527</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">113</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Zen, Pietro</td> + <td>1530</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">119</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Ludovisi, Daniello</td> + <td>1534</td> + <td class="tdc">i</td> + <td class="tdr">1</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Navagero, Bernardo</td> + <td>1553</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">33</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> <i>Anonimo</i></td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">193</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Trevisano, Domenico</td> + <td>1554</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">111</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Erizzo, Antonio</td> + <td>1557</td> + <td class="tdc">iii</td> + <td class="tdr">123</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Barbarigo, Antonio</td> + <td>1558</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">145</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Cavalli, Marino</td> + <td>1560</td> + <td class="tdc">i</td> + <td class="tdr">271</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Dandolo, Andrea</td> + <td>1562</td> + <td class="tdc">iii</td> + <td class="tdr">161</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Donini, Marcantonio</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">173</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Barbarigo, Daniele</td> + <td>1564</td> + <td class="tdc">ii</td> + <td class="tdr">1</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Bonrizzo, Luigi</td> + <td>1565</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">61</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Ragazzoni, Jacopo</td> + <td>1571</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">77</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Barbaro, Marcantonio</td> + <td>1573</td> + <td class="tdc">i</td> + <td class="tdr">299</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Barbaro, Marcantonio</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdc">Append.</td> + <td class="tdr">387</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Badoaro, Andrea</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdc">i</td> + <td class="tdr">347</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Garzoni, Costantino</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">369</td> + <td><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313"></a>[313]</span></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Alessandri, Vincenzo</td> + <td>1574</td> + <td class="tdc">ii</td> + <td class="tdr">103</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> <i>Anonimo</i></td> + <td>1575</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">309</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Tiepolo, Antonio</td> + <td>1576</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">129</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Soranzo, Giacomo</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">193</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Venier, Maffeo</td> + <td>1579</td> + <td class="tdc">i</td> + <td class="tdr">437</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> <i>Anonimo</i></td> + <td>1582</td> + <td class="tdc">ii</td> + <td class="tdr">209</td> + <td><a id="FNanchor_800" href="#Footnote_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> <i>Anonimo</i></td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">427</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Contarini, Paolo</td> + <td>1583</td> + <td class="tdc">iii</td> + <td class="tdr">209</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Morosini, Gianfrancesco</td> + <td>1585</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">251</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Michiel, Giovanni</td> + <td>1587</td> + <td class="tdc">ii</td> + <td class="tdr">255</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td> Venier, Maffeo</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdc">”</td> + <td class="tdr">295</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Moro, Giovanni</td> + <td>1590</td> + <td class="tdc">iii</td> + <td class="tdr">323</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Bernardo, Lorenzo</td> + <td>1592</td> + <td class="tdc">ii</td> + <td class="tdr">321</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>*Zane, Matteo</td> + <td>1594</td> + <td class="tdc">iii</td> + <td class="tdr">381</td> + <td></td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p>An interesting small pamphlet is the <i>Auszug eines Briefes ... das +Türckich Regiment unn Wesen sey</i>, which was printed in a South-German +dialect in 1526. It purports to be a letter from a German +settled at Adrianople to his cousin in Germany, telling of his life as +subject Christian under the sultan. The literary arrangement is so +good, and the statements diverge so uniformly toward the dark side, +that this would seem to be a pamphlet written in Germany for the +purpose of arousing alarm and activity after the battle of Mohacs.</p> + +<p>Hieronymus Balbus, bishop of Gurk, published at Rome in 1526 a +little book of two essays addressed to Clement VII. The second part, +“continens Turcarum Originem, Mores, Imperium,” etc., was also +commended to the Archduke Ferdinand. The work makes up for a +conspicuous lack of definite and accurate information by means of +abundant scriptural and classical quotations and allusions, vituperation +of the Turks, and assertion of their military ineffectiveness. It is +chiefly valuable as an evidence of the “Turkish fear.”</p> + +<p>A book that had a wide influence is <i>Turcicarum Rerum Commentarius</i> +addressed by Paolo Giovio, or Paulus Jovius, bishop of Nocera, to +Emperor Charles the Fifth, and dedicated at Rome in 1531. It was +published in several languages; the edition used here is the Latin one, +Paris, 1539. The book is historical except for the last ten pages, +which contain a description of the Ottoman government with particular +reference to its military resources. Giovio published also in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314"></a>[314]</span> +two volumes at Florence, in 1550-1552, <i>Historiarum sui Temporis +Tomus Primus</i> [<i>et Secundus</i>].</p> + +<p>V. D. Tanco, or Clavedan del Estanco, a Spanish gentleman, wrote +in his native tongue a book that was translated into Italian and +published at Venice in 1558 under the title <i>Libro dell’ Origine et Successione +dell’ Imperio de’ Turchi</i>. The basis of the work is the <i>Commentarius</i> +of Jovius, just noticed; but this has been intelligently +combined with information from Froissart, Aeneas Sylvius, and others. +The latest date mentioned is 1537, and the death of Ibrahim in 1536 +is not known.</p> + +<p>A very valuable and interesting work is the <i>Libri Tre delle Cose de +Turchi</i>, etc., published by Aldus in Venice in 1539, and reprinted +often thereafter. It appears also as one of the component parts of the +work published by Aldus in 1543, <i>Viaggi fatti da Vinetia, alla tana ... +in Costantinopoli</i>, known sometimes simply as <i>Viaggi alla tana</i>, or +“Travels to the Don.” The book appeared anonymously, but it has +been attributed with much confidence to Benedetto Ramberti (see +Alberi, <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, iii. 8; <i>Archiv für Oesterreichische Geschichte</i>, +1897, lxxxiii. 9; <i>Revue Critique</i>, 1896, i. 20-21). Ramberti accompanied +Ludovisi to and from Constantinople during the first six +months of 1534. The book was written in the same year; for it +shows that Barbarossa was made pasha while it was in process +of composition (see above, <a href="#Page_246">Appendix I, p. 246</a>, and, for the fact that +Barbarossa was back in Algiers, May 9, 1534, see Ursu, <i>La Politique +Orientale de François I</i>, Paris, 1908, p. 79), and in a long characterization +at the close of the third book it represents Luigi (Alvise) Gritti, +who was assassinated in Hungary late in 1534, as still living.</p> + +<p>The first book of the three describes the journey overland from +Ragusa to Constantinople; the third book contains observations of +no great value on the power and policies of the Turks. The second +book is the <i>pièce de résistance</i>. It opens with a brief description of +Constantinople and a rapid sketch of the origin and history of the +Ottoman Turks. An account of the Turkish government follows, +beginning with the inside service of the household of the sultan, +proceeding to the outside service, then taking up the chief officers of +government, the Janissaries, the <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte and the auxiliary +branches of the army. The harem, the palaces of the pages, the +<i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, and the arsenal are next described; then the feudal +army is explained as it was constituted in Europe and in Asia; and, +finally, a list of the sanjakates of the empire is given. The Italian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315"></a>[315]</span> +used is fairly good, and the style is very simple, often degenerating to +the mere cataloguing of officers. Throughout the book the financial +aspect of the government is emphasized strongly, the incomes of all +persons mentioned being carefully stated. This second book of +Ramberti is of so great importance to the present treatise that it +is given in translation as <a href="#APPENDIX_I">Appendix I</a>. The text used is that of the +<i>Viaggi ... alla tana</i> (Venice, 1543).</p> + +<p>Standing in exceedingly close relationship to the second book of +Ramberti is a twenty-two page pamphlet bearing the name of Junis +Bey (Ionus Bei). Written in broad Venetian dialect and printed on +coarse paper in type of a poor quality, not kept clean, it is in two +portions, respectively of eight and fourteen pages, which are distinguished +by the use of larger and smaller type. The title-page bears +the inscription “reprinted in 1537.” The sixth page begins the list +of pashas with the statement that “Ibrahim of Parga is dead,” and +then gives the name of his successor in the office of grand vizier. +On the seventeenth page it is said that the territories of the <i>Beylerbey</i> +of Mesopotamia “border” those of Bagdad which belong to Persia +(Bagdad was taken by Suleiman in the winter of 1535 and 1536); +on the eighteenth occurs the remark that Alvise Gritti “says” such +and such a thing; and at the close the book is attributed to “Ionus +bei” and “Signor Aluise gritti.” Now, Junis Bey was in Venice +from December 6, 1532, to January 9, 1533 (thesis of Theodore F. +Jones, p. 168, Harvard College Library); Gritti was assassinated in +1534; Junis Bey was again in Venice from January 15 to February 17, +1537 (Jones, 209). It seems reasonable to conclude, therefore, that +the first edition of the pamphlet was printed at Venice in 1533 at the +time of Junis Bey’s first visit, and that at the time of his second visit +in 1537 the first eight pages were recast with a few changes, and in +certain unsold copies substituted for the older pages, the remainder +being left as it stood originally, despite the erroneous reference to +Gritti.</p> + +<p>It is very clear that Ramberti had before him while preparing his +“second book” a document almost identical with this pamphlet. +Beginning with his description of the sultan’s household service, the +order of treatment is practically the same, and even the words and +phrases are often the same, except for differences of dialect. His +language frequently suggests that he is expanding on some material +before him. It is worthy of note, however, that not only Ramberti’s +use of Italian, but also his use of Turkish, is frequently better than<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316"></a>[316]</span> +that of Junis Bey. Moreover, in his list of officials he includes the +<i>Mufti</i> and the chief dragoman (<i>Terjuman</i>), whom Junis Bey leaves +out, the latter omission being the more remarkable in that Junis Bey +held that office himself. On the other hand, where there are differences +in numbers, Junis Bey is more apt to be correct than Ramberti. +It seems not unlikely that both works were derived from a manuscript, +more nearly complete and correct than either, in the possession of +Alvise Gritti, which the latter allowed the two writers to use, Junis +Bey probably in 1532 and Ramberti in 1534. Alvise Gritti was well +known to both. Natural son of the doge Andrea Gritti, he had won +high favor with Ibrahim, who entrusted him with great responsibilities. +In fact, it may not be too bold a conjecture to suggest that some of the +information contained in his manuscript came from the celebrated +Grand Vizier himself. Aside from this possibility, a minute survey +of the Ottoman government, prepared by Gritti himself or with his +collaboration, either for his own use or for the information of his +kinsfolk the Venetians, possesses a presumption in favor of its accuracy +and truthfulness. Accordingly the closing words, “all is true,” +may be accepted with little reserve.</p> + +<p>These two works, by Ramberti and Junis Bey, were much used by +other writers on Turkish affairs. Postel shows a close acquaintance +with them, and Geuffroy frequently does little more than present a +translation. Ramberti was incorporated into a number of the collected +works in regard to the Turks which appeared in various languages +after the middle of the sixteenth century and thus entered into +systematic histories. Since the pamphlet of Junis Bey is very rare, +its text is presented in <a href="#APPENDIX_II">Appendix II</a>, above. Besides matter very +similar to that of Ramberti, it contains near the end an account of +the order of march of the sultan’s army when he went to war.</p> + +<p>Guillaume Postel is perhaps the broadest-minded of the sixteenth-century +observers. He gives evidence of having had a legal +training, and of having reflected along political and constitutional +lines. Nicolay, in his preface, informs us that Postel knew Latin, +Greek, Hebrew, Chaldean, Syriac, and Arabic, as well as the principal +Western languages. He was sent by Francis I with the momentous +embassy of La Forêt, and was therefore in Constantinople about the +year 1535. He seems to have made a later visit for the purpose of +acquiring manuscripts; but the substance of his book, as appears +from numerous references, dates from the first visit. The volume +was printed at Poitiers in 1560, but was not published till 1570. It +contains three parts, separately paged:—</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317"></a>[317]</span></p> + +<p>I. <i>De la République des Turcs</i>; II. <i>Histoire et Considération de +l’Origine, Loy, et Coustume des Tartares ... Turcs</i>, etc.; III. <i>La +Tierce Partie des Orientales Histoires, où est exposée la Condition, +Puissance, & Revenue de l’Empire Turquesque</i>, etc. The first part +gives, among other things, an excellent account of the page system +and of Ottoman law and justice. The third part is built upon the +information in Ramberti and Junis Bey; it describes the page system +further, and adds a good account of the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> and the Janissaries. +By a reference it shows acquaintance with Giovio.</p> + +<p>Antoine Geuffroy, knight of St. John, issued in 1542 his <i>Briefve +Description de la Court du Grand Turc</i>. Four years later this was +published in English by R. Grafton under the title <i>The Order of the +Great Turcks Court of Hye Menne of War</i>; and from thirty to fifty +years later it appeared, combined with other material, in large volumes +in the Latin and German tongues under the name of N. Honigerus or +Haeniger, with a Latin translation by G. Godelevæus, entitled <i>Aulae +Turcicae, Othomannicique Imperii Descriptio</i>, etc. The work of +Geuffroy thus had a great vogue. It was a sound, intelligent description +of the empire, built upon the information in Ramberti and Junis +Bey. By references and allusions it shows acquaintance with Froissart, +Spandugino, and Giovio. The references to Geuffroy in the foregoing +pages are to the reprint in Schéfer’s edition of Jean Chesneau, described +below.</p> + +<p>Bartholomew Georgevitz, pilgrim to Jerusalem, issued a small +book, <i>De Turcarum Moribus Epitome</i>, which passed through many +editions in two or three languages, the first dating not later than 1544, +and the latest not earlier than 1629. The chapters are on various +topics and from various sources. The first, on the rites and ceremonies +of the Turks, is abridged from Spandugino. The second, on +the Turkish soldiery, is by Georgevitz himself; it is perhaps the most +valuable, and shows by the age assigned to Prince Mustapha that +it was written about 1537. The fourth chapter gives useful Turkish +phrases, and is interesting as showing how Turkish words were pronounced +in the sixteenth century. The fifth chapter gives a full +account of the treatment of slaves of private citizens, written by one +who had been a slave, apparently Georgevitz himself. The edition +referred to in this treatise was printed at Paris in 1566.</p> + +<p>Jérome Maurand accompanied Captain Pinon on his mission to +Constantinople in 1544. A few years later he wrote, in Italian, +an account of his journey, which was translated by Léon Dorez as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318"></a>[318]</span> +<i>Itinéraire de Jérome Maurand d’Antibes à Constantinople</i>, and published +at Paris in 1901 as vol. xvii of <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc.</p> + +<p>Before 1549, Ibrahim Halebi, the jurist, prepared by command of +Suleiman the codification of the Sacred Law which bears the name of +<i>Multeka ol-ebhar</i>, and which formed the foundation of D’Ohsson’s +great work.</p> + +<p>Jean Chesneau went to Constantinople with D’Aramont, ambassador +of Henry II of France, and accompanied him on Suleiman’s +campaign against Persia in 1549. His narrative, which is not very +illuminating or accurate, was edited by Charles Schéfer and published +at Paris in 1887, under the title, <i>Le Voyage de Monsieur d’Aramon</i>, +as vol. viii of <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc. Bound in the same volume are +five letters in the Italian language, written from Constantinople in +1547 by the ambassador Veltwyck to Archduke Ferdinand of Austria; +there is also (at pp. 227-248) a reprint in French of the first edition of +Geuffroy.</p> + +<p>Nicolas de Nicolay of Dauphiné, royal geographer and extensive +traveler, who wrote a book called <i>Discours et l’Histoire Véritable des +Navigations, Pérégrinations et Voyages faicts en la Turquie</i>, is not the +least interesting of sixteenth-century authorities on Turkey. His +account of his voyage from Marseilles to Constantinople in the year +1551 in the train of the Seigneur d’Aramont, ambassador of Henry II, +and the drawings from life with which he embellishes his book, show +his capacity for exact observation. In his descriptions of the customs +and government of the Ottoman Empire, however, he does not reveal +the possession of much first-hand information. Menavino is here his +principal source of knowledge. The first edition of his book appeared +at Lyons in 1567; it was translated into several languages and reproduced +often. An enlarged edition, published at Antwerp in 1586, +is the one referred to in the foregoing pages. The plates in the book, +about sixty in number, have been said to be the work of Titian; but +this is apparently incorrect, for the preface merely states that Nicolay +drew from life on the spot and afterwards had the drawings reproduced +“<i>avec fraiz & labeur incroyable</i>.”</p> + +<p>From a literary point of view, Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq is by all +odds the most interesting of sixteenth-century sources for the study of +Ottoman history and government. The charm of his style should not +obscure the facts that he was a keen and exact observer possessed of a +true scientific spirit, and that he reflected carefully on what he saw. +He wrote on Turkey during his period of service as ambassador from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_319"></a>[319]</span> +Charles V to Suleiman between 1555 and 1562. One of his four +Turkish letters was printed in Antwerp in 1581, and since that time at +least twenty-seven editions and reprints have appeared in seven +languages. The edition of his <i>Life and Letters</i>, in two volumes, +translated from the original Latin by C. T. Forster and F. H. B. +Daniell (London, 1881), has been used in this treatise, as has also his +<i>De Re Militari contra Turcam instituenda Consilium</i>, as printed in a +complete edition of his writings published at Pest in 1758, pp. 234-277.</p> + +<p>Philippe Du Fresne-Canaye, a young Huguenot gentleman, was +sent by his family to Venice for safety in the troubled days after the +massacre of St. Bartholomew; and he took advantage of his nearness +to the Levant to visit Constantinople in 1573. He had prepared +himself for his visit by reading Ramberti, Postel, Nicolay, and others, +but he does not seem to have learned much that was not in those +authorities. His <i>Voyage du Levant</i> was edited for publication in +Paris in 1897 by Henri Hauser, as vol. xvi of <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc. +Hauser’s Appendix II contains the bibliography of sixteenth-century +works relating to the Levant which is mentioned above (p. 308).</p> + +<p>The <i>Kanun-nameh</i> of Suleiman, collected by the <i>Mufti</i> Ebu su’ud, +who died in 1574, contained a number of the Sultan’s <i>Kanuns</i> relating +mainly to financial and feudal matters. A translation of the incomplete +table of contents of the Turkish manuscript copy of this <i>Kanun-nameh</i> +(which is in the Imperial Library at Vienna, Fluegel No. 1816) +is given above as <a href="#APPENDIX_III">Appendix III</a>. Many of the <i>Kanuns</i> are translated +in Hammer’s <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, pp. 396-424, where they are erroneously +attributed to Achmet I.</p> + +<p>A little anonymous book, <i>The Policy of the Turkish Empire</i>, +published at London in 1597, contains an interesting preface. The +remainder of the book deals only with the Turkish religion, and is +drawn mainly from Menavino, with some incorporation from Spandugino +and Georgevitz.</p> + +<p>At the conclusion of Richard Knolles’s <i>Generall Historie of the +Turkes</i> (London, 1603), is to be found “A Briefe Discourse of the +Greatnesse of the Turkish Empire,” written probably in the year +of publication, since the story comes down to the accession of +Achmet I in 1603. The lands of the empire, “of all others now upon +earth farre the greatest,” are described, its revenues are set forth, the +Timariotes, the Janissaries, the chief officers of state, and the fleet +receive notice, and the Turkish power is compared with that of all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_320"></a>[320]</span> +states which touch its frontiers. It is to this part of Knolles’s work +(as printed in the 6th edition of his History, with Ricaut’s continuation, +London, 1687, ii. 981-990) that most of the references in +the foregoing pages are made.</p> + +<p>Pietro Della Valle, known as Il Pellegrino, or The Pilgrim, wrote +<i>Viaggi ... in la Turchia, la Persia, e l’India</i>, which was published in +two volumes (four parts) at Rome in 1658-1663. He was in Constantinople +in 1614 and 1615, and took advantage of every opportunity +to witness a ceremony. Observant of costumes and jewels, he could +not esteem the Turkish officials highly, because they were all slaves. +The references in this treatise are to the second edition of the first +part, published in 1662.</p> + +<p>Many collections based on the above-mentioned writings and on +others were issued after the middle of the sixteenth century, and many +surveys of the Ottoman Empire were prepared as time went on. Of +the latter, three stand forth as of sufficient importance to throw light +on sixteenth-century conditions:—</p> + +<p>Sir Paul Ricaut, a resident of Turkey for many years, issued late +in the seventeenth century <i>The History of the Present State of the Ottoman +Empire</i>. He explains that he obtained his information from +Turkish records from high officials, from members of the Ulema, and +from a Pole who had passed through the school of pages and had spent +nineteen years in all at the Ottoman court. Ricaut was evidently a +student of political philosophy; he seems to have relied especially +upon Tacitus, the civil law, Machiavelli, and Lord Bacon. His book +was printed in several languages, has been much quoted since, and +deserves the fame it received. The sixth English edition, published +in London in 1686, is used here. The book is also printed at the end +of the second volume of his edition of Knolles’s <i>Turkish History</i>, +London, 1687.</p> + +<p>Ignatius Mouradgea D’Ohsson, born in Turkey and long a resident +there, prepared between 1788 and 1818 his great <i>Tableau Général de +l’Empire Othoman</i>. He based his work on the <i>Multeka ol-ebhar</i> (see +above, <a href="#Page_318">p. 318</a>) which with its comments he rearranged and translated, +adding to it a great many observations of his own. The book appeared +in two forms, the huge folio edition being a magnificent example of the +bookmaker’s art. The smaller edition of the book (7 vols., Paris, +1788-1824) has been used here. The last three volumes were published +under the supervision of his son after his death. Six of the seven +volumes are based on the <i>Multeka</i>; the seventh contains a full description<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_321"></a>[321]</span> +of the government, including the court, the ministers, the bureaus, +the army, etc.</p> + +<p>Joseph von Hammer published at Vienna, in 1815, <i>Des Osmanischen +Reichs Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung</i>, in two volumes. The +former is very largely a collection of documents, such as <i>Kanuns</i>, +<i>fetvas</i>, and extracts from the <i>Multeka</i>. A large amount of valuable +material is presented; but it is only partly digested, and the author +often does not indicate clearly whence he drew his extracts. The +second volume goes over much the same ground as D’Ohsson’s seventh +volume. Another work of Hammer’s, his <i>Geschichte des Osmanischen +Reiches</i> (10 vols., Pest, 1827-1835), has furnished the historical +background for this treatise. This work is extremely valuable from +the fact that it is based upon numerous inaccessible Turkish sources; +but it is largely uncritical, and it does not make sufficient use of Western +authorities.</p> + +<p>Leopold Ranke published at Hamburg in 1827 the first volume of +his excellent work, <i>Fürsten und Völker von Sud-Europa</i>. He was the +first to discern the value of the Venetian reports, and by their aid he +reached far greater accuracy than had yet been attained in attempts +to describe these great South-European empires when at the height of +their power. The English translation by W. K. Kelly, entitled +<i>The Ottoman and the Spanish Empires in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth +Centuries</i> (London, 1843), has been used in the present treatise.</p> + +<p>The third volume of J. W. Zinkeisen’s <i>Geschichte des Osmanischen +Reiches in Europa</i> (Gotha, 1855) has been used for its discussion of the +Ottoman government in the sixteenth century. It is based too +exclusively on the Venetian reports, which Zinkeisen seems to have +regarded as always trustworthy, and it makes little or no use of Turkish +sources.</p> + +<p>Stanley Lane-Poole, in his <i>Story of Turkey</i>, London, 1886, chapters +xiv and xvi, gives a very good summary of the structure of the Ottoman +household and administration, condensed from D’Ohsson’s +seventh volume.</p> + +<p>In Lavisse and Rambaud’s <i>Histoire Générale</i>, iv. 747 ff., there is +a brief account, by Rambaud, of the organization of the Ottoman +Empire in general. Though not accurate in every respect, it gives, +on the whole, an excellent picture.</p> + +<p>A. Heidborn published at Vienna and Leipsic in 1909 a careful, +well-planned, and extremely valuable work entitled <i>Manuel de Droit +Public et Administratif de l’Empire Ottoman</i>. Although the principal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_322"></a>[322]</span> +purpose of the book is to explain present-day conditions, the historical +background is outlined at many points. Unfortunately there is +neither table of contents nor index; but perhaps these will be supplied +when the work is extended farther. The chapters of the present +volume deal with the territory of the state, the sources and fundamental +principles of the legislation in force in the Ottoman Empire, +the head of the state, nationality, the administrative organization, +and justice. The chapter on justice occupies more than half the book, +and treats fully the judicial organization, civil and criminal law, and +procedure.</p> + +<p>In addition to the works described above, the appended alphabetical +list contains the names of a few authors whose works, though occasionally +quoted in this treatise, call for no special comment; and also +the names of a number of writers who have dealt with the government +of Turkey, but who have not been quoted because their information +either is of secondary importance or derivation, or deals with a later +time, when conditions had been changed.</p> + +<h4 id="APPENDIX_V_III">III. Alphabetical List of Works Cited</h4> + +<div class="hanging"> + +<p><span class="smcap">Achmet I.</span> See <a href="#Kanun-nameh_Achmet"><span class="smcap">Kanun-nameh</span> of Achmet I</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Alberi, Eugenio.</span> Relazione degli ambasciatori Veneti al senato. 15 +vols. (in 3 series). Florence, 1839-1863.—See <a href="#Page_311">pp. 311-313</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Alessandri, Vincenzo.</span> Relazione, 1574. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d +series, ii. 103-127. Florence, 1844.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Angiolello.</span> Mss. in Bibliothèque Nationale, Fonds Italien, No. 1238.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Auszug</span> eines briefes ... das türckich Regiment und Wesen sey. n. p. +1526.—See <a href="#Page_313">p. 313</a>.</p> + +<p id="Aventinus">[<span class="smcap">Aventinus, Johannes.</span>] Türckische Historien, oder Warhaftige Beschreibunge +aller Türcken Ankunfft, Regierung, u. s. w. Translated +from the Italian by Heinrich Müller. Frankfort, 1570.—Earlier +edition, with slightly different title, 1563-[1565].</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Badoaro, Andrea.</span> Relazione, 1573. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +i. 347-368. Florence, 1840.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Balbus, Hieronymus.</span> H ... B ... ad Clementem VII ... de civili +& bellica fortitudine liber ... cui additus est alter continens Turcarum +originem, mores, imperium, etc. Rome, 1526.—See <a href="#Page_313">p. 313</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Barbarigo, Antonio.</span> Sommario della relazione, 1558. In Alberi’s +<i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, iii. 145-160. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Barbarigo, Daniele.</span> Relazione, 1564. <i>Ibid.</i> ii. 1-59. Florence, 1844.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Barbaro, Marcantonio.</span> Relazione, 1573. <i>Ibid.</i> i. 299-346. Florence, +1840.</p> + +<p>—— Relazione, 1573. <i>Ibid.</i> Appendix vol., 387-415. Florence, 1863.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bassano, Luigi.</span> See <a href="#Du_Zare"><span class="smcap">Du Zare</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_323"></a>[323]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Baudier, Michel.</span> Histoire généralle du serrail, et de la cour du grand +seigneur empereur des turcs. Paris, 1626.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Belin, A[lphonse].</span> Du régime des fiefs militaires dans l’Islamisme, et +principalement en Turquie. <i>Journal Asiatique.</i> 6th series, xv. 187-301. +Paris, 1870.</p> + +<p>—— Étude sur la propriété foncière en pays musulman, et spécialement +en Turquie. Paris, 1862.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bérard, Victor.</span> La révolution turque. Paris, 1909.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bernardo, Lorenzo.</span> Relazione, 1592. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +ii. 321-426. Florence, 1844.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bittner, Maximilian.</span> Der Einfluss des Arabischen und Persischen auf +das Türkische. Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. <i>Sitzungsberichte +der Philosophisch-Historischen Classe</i>, vol. cxlii. pt. iii. +Vienna, 1900.—See <a href="#Page_306">p. 306</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Boecler, J. H.</span> Commentarius historico-politicus de rebus Turcicis. +Bautzen, 1717.—See <a href="#Page_308">p. 308</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bon, Ottaviano.</span> Il serraglio del gransignore (1608). [Edited by Guglielmo +Berchet.] Venice, 1865.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bonrizzo, Luigi.</span> Relazione, 1565. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +ii. 61-76. Florence, 1844.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bragadino, Pietro.</span> Sommario della relazione, 1526. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, +3d series, iii. 99-112. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Bretschneider, E[mil].</span> Medieval researches from Eastern Asiatic +sources. 2 vols. London, 1888; another edition, 1910.—See <a href="#Page_306">p. 306</a>.</p> + +<p id="Brosch"><span class="smcap">Brosch, Moritz.</span> The height of the Ottoman power. <i>Cambridge Modern +History.</i> Vol. iii. ch. iv. London, 1904.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Browne, E. G.</span> A literary history of Persia. [2 vols.] London, 1902-1906.—See +<a href="#Page_306">p. 306</a>.</p> + +<p id="Bury"><span class="smcap">Bury, J. B.</span> The Ottoman conquest. <i>Cambridge Modern History</i>, vol. i. +ch. iii. London, 1902.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Busbecq, Ogier Ghiselin De.</span> Exclamatio: sive De re militari contra +Turcam instituenda consilium, etc. In <i>Augerii Gislenii Busbequii +Omnia quae extant</i>, 234-277. Pest, [1758].—See <a href="#Page_319">p. 319</a>.</p> + +<p>—— Life and Letters. Translated by C. T. Forster and F. H. B. Daniell. +2 vols. London, 1881.—See <a href="#Page_318">p. 318</a>.</p> + +<p id="Cahun"><span class="smcap">Cahun, Léon.</span> Introduction à l’histoire de l’Asie: Turcs et Mongols. +Paris, 1896.—See <a href="#Page_306">p. 306</a>.</p> + +<p>—— Les révolutions de l’Asie. In Lavisse and Rambaud’s <i>Histoire Générale</i>, +vol. ii. ch. xvi. Paris, 1893.—Formation territoriale de l’Asie. <i>Ibid.</i>, +vol. iii. ch. xix. Paris, 1894.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cambridge</span> medieval history (The). Planned by J. B. Bury; edited by +H. M. Gwatkin and J. P. Whitney. Vol. i. Cambridge, England, +1911.—See <a href="#Peisker"><span class="smcap">Peisker</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cambridge</span> modern history (The). Edited by A. W. Ward, G. W. Prothero, +and Stanley Leathes. 12 vols. and Index. London, 1902-1911.—See +<a href="#Brosch"><span class="smcap">Brosch</span></a>, <a href="#Bury"><span class="smcap">Bury</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cantacusino</span>. See <a href="#Spandugino"><span class="smcap">Spandugino</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cavalli, Marino.</span> Relazione, 1560. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +i. 271-298. Florence, 1840.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_324"></a>[324]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Chal(co)condyles, L[aonicus].</span> Histoire de la décadence de l’empire +grec et éstablissement de celui des Turcs. Translated from the Greek +by B[laise] de Vigenere. Rouen, 1670.—See <a href="#Page_310">p. 310</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Chardin, Sir John.</span> Travels into Persia and the East-Indies. London, +1686.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Charrière, E[rnest].</span> Négociations de la France dans le Levant. 4 vols. +Paris, 1848-1860.</p> + +<p id="Chesneau"><span class="smcap">Chesneau, Jean.</span> Le voyage de Monsieur d’Aramon (1549). Edited +by Charles Schéfer, in <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc., vol. viii. Paris, 1887.—See +<a href="#Page_318">p. 318</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Contarini, Bartolomeo.</span> Sommario della relazione, 1519. In Alberi’s +<i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, iii. 56-68. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Contarini, Paolo.</span> Relazione, 1583. <i>Ibid.</i> 209-250. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Cronica—Abconterfayung</span>, etc. Augsburg, 1531.—The same as +<a href="#Tractatus"><span class="smcap">Tractatus</span></a>, <i>q. v.</i></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dandolo, Andrea.</span> Relazione, 1562. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +iii. 161-172. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Day, Clive.</span> A history of commerce. New York, 1907.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Della Valle, Pietro (Il Pellegrino).</span> Viaggi ... in ... la Turchia, +la Persia, e l’India. 4 pts. in 2 vols. Rome, 1658-1663 (pt. i, La +Turchia, 1662, is 2d edition). — See <a href="#Page_320">p. 320</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Djevad Bey, Ahmed.</span> État militaire ottoman. Vol. i. bk. i. Le corps +des Janissaires. Translated from the Turkish by Georges Macridès. +Paris, etc., 1882.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Documenti</span> di storia ottomana del secolo XVI. Vol. i. Florence, 1842.—The +same as Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, i (1840). See <a href="#Page_311">p. 311</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">D’Ohsson, Ignatius Mouradgea.</span> Tableau général de l’empire othoman. +7 vols. Paris, 1788-1824.—See <a href="#Page_320">p. 320</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Donini, Marcantonio.</span> Relazione, 1562. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d +series, iii. 173-208. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Dorez, Léon.</span> See <a href="#Maurand"><span class="smcap">Maurand</span></a>.</p> + +<p id="Du_Fresne-Canaye"><span class="smcap">Du Fresne-Canaye, Philippe.</span> Le voyage du Levant (1573). Edited +by Henri Hauser in <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc., vol. xvi. Paris, 1897.—See +<a href="#Page_319">p. 319</a>.</p> + +<p id="Du_Zare"><span class="smcap">Du Zare, Luigi Bassano.</span> Consuetudines & ratio vitae Turcorum. Rome, +1545.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ebu su’ud.</span> See <a href="#Kanun-nameh_Suleiman"><span class="smcap">Kanun-nameh</span> of Suleiman</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Eliot, Sir Charles.</span> Turks. <i>Encyclopedia Britannica</i>, 11th edition, +xxvii. 468-473. Cambridge, 1911.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Erizzo, Antonio.</span> Relazione, 1557. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +iii. 123-144. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Estanco.</span> See <a href="#Tanco"><span class="smcap">Tanco</span></a>.</p> + +<p id="Febure"><span class="smcap">Febure, Michele.</span> L’état présent de la Turquie. Paris, 1675.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Froissart, Sir John.</span> Œuvres (chroniques). Edited by Kervyn de +Lettenhove. 25 vols. (in 26). Brussels, 1867-1877. — See <a href="#Page_309">p. 309</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Fulin, Rinaldo.</span> Diarii e diaristi veneziani. Venice, 1881.—See <a href="#Page_311">p. 311</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Garzoni, Costantino.</span> Relazione, 1573. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d +series, i. 369-436. Florence, 1840.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_325"></a>[325]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Georgevitz, Bartholomew.</span> De Turcarum moribus Epitome. Paris, +1566.—See <a href="#Page_317">p. 317</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gerlach, Stephan.</span> Tage-buch (1674). Quoted in Zinkeisen’s <i>Geschichte +des Osmanischen Reiches</i>, iii. 222 ff. Gotha, 1855.</p> + +<p id="Geuffroy"><span class="smcap">Geuffroy, Antoine.</span> Briefve description de la court du grand Turc +(1542). Edited by Charles Schéfer in <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc., viii. +227-248. Paris, 1887.—See <a href="#Page_317">p. 317</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gibbon, Edward.</span> The history of the decline and fall of the Roman empire. +Edited by J. B. Bury. 7 vols. London, 1906.</p> + +<p id="Giovio"><span class="smcap">Giovio, Paolo (Jovius, Paulus).</span> Historiarum sui temporis tomus primus +[et secundus]. 2 vols. Florence, 1550-1552.—See <a href="#Page_314">p. 314</a>.</p> + +<p>—— Turcicarum rerum commentarius. Paris, 1539.—See <a href="#Page_313">p. 313</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Giustiniani, Antonio.</span> Sommario della relazione, 1514. In Alberi’s +<i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, iii. 45-50. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Godelevæus, G.</span> [translator of <a href="#Geuffroy"><span class="smcap">Geuffroy</span></a>, <i>q. v.</i>]. Aulæ Turcicæ, Othomannicique +imperii descriptio. Basel, 1569.—See <a href="#Page_317">p. 317</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Goldziher, Ign[atius].</span> Muhammedanisches Recht in Theorie und +Wirklichkeit. <i>Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft</i>, viii. 406-423. +Stuttgart, 1889.</p> + +<p>—— The progress of Islamic science in the last three decades. <i>Congress +of Arts and Science, St. Louis, 1904</i> (ed. H. J. Rogers), ii. 497-517. +Boston, etc., 1906.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Grafton, R.</span> [translator of <a href="#Geuffroy"><span class="smcap">Geuffroy</span></a>, <i>q. v.</i>]. The order of the great +Turcks court of hye menne of war. London, 1546.—See <a href="#Page_317">p. 317</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Grassi, Alfio.</span> Charte turque, ou organisation religieuse, civil et militaire, +de l’empire ottoman. 2 vols. Paris, 1825.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gritti, Alvise</span> (or <span class="smcap">Luigi</span>). See <a href="#Junis_Bey"><span class="smcap">Junis Bey</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gritti, Andrea.</span> Relazione, 1503. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, iii. +1-43. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Gycaud, B.</span> La généalogie du grant Turc á present regnant.—The same +as <a href="#Spandugino"><span class="smcap">Spandugino</span></a>, <i>q. v.</i></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Halil Ganem.</span> Les sultans ottomans. (Études d’Histoire Orientale.) +2 vols. Paris, 1901-1902.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Hammer, Joseph Von.</span> Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches. 10 vols. +Pest, 1827-1835.—See <a href="#Page_321">p. 321</a>.</p> + +<p>—— Des osmanischen Reichs Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung. +2 vols. (vol. i, Staatsverfassung; vol. ii, Staatsverwaltung). Vienna, +1815.—See <a href="#Page_321">p. 321</a>.</p> + +<p id="Hauser"><span class="smcap">Hauser, Henri.</span> Essai d’une bibliographic des ouvrages de XVIe siècle +relatifs au Levant. In <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc., xvi. 316-320. Paris, +1897.—See <a href="#Page_308">p. 308</a>. See also <a href="#Du_Fresne-Canaye"><span class="smcap">Du Fresne-Canaye</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Heidborn, A.</span> Manuel de droit public et administratif de l’empire ottoman. +Vienna, etc., 1909.—See <a href="#Page_321">pp. 321, 322</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Helmolt, H. F.</span> Weltgeschichte. 9 vols. Leipsic, etc., 1899-1907.—See +<a href="#Page_307">p. 307</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Holdich, T. H.</span> Asia. <i>Encyclopaedia Britannica</i>, 11th edition, ii. 748-749. +Cambridge, 1910.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Honigerus</span> (or <span class="smcap">Haeniger), Nicolaus</span> [German translator of <a href="#Geuffroy"><span class="smcap">Geuffroy</span></a>, <i>q. v.</i>].</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_326"></a>[326]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Huntington, Ellsworth.</span> The fringe of verdure around Asia Minor. +<i>National Geographic Magazine</i>, xxi. 761-775. Washington, 1910.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ibrahim Halebi.</span> Multeka ol-ebhar. See <a href="#Multeka"><span class="smcap">Multeka</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Idris</span>, Turkish poet-historian. Quoted in Hammer’s <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 91. +Pest, 1827.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ionus Bei.</span> See <a href="#Junis_Bey"><span class="smcap">Junis Bey</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Johnson, Mrs. [Susannah Willard].</span> Narrative of ... captivity. +Springfield, 1907.—Reprinted from the 3d edition, Windsor, Vt., +1814; 1st edition, Walpole, N. H., 1796.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jones, Theodore F.</span> Venice and the Porte, 1520-1542. Thesis in the +Library of Harvard University.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jorga, N[icolae].</span> Geschichte der Türkei. Vols. i-iv. Gotha, 1908-1912.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Jovius, Paulus.</span> See <a href="#Giovio"><span class="smcap">Giovio</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Julien, Stanislas.</span> Documents historiques sur les Tou-Kioue (Turcs), +traduite du chinois. Paris, 1877.—See <a href="#Page_305">p. 305</a>.</p> + +<p id="Junis_Bey"><span class="smcap">Junis Bey</span> (<span class="smcap">Ionus Bei</span>), and <span class="smcap">Alvise Gritti</span>. Opera noua la quale dechiara, +etc. Venice, 1537.—See <a href="#Page_315">pp. 315, 316</a>, and <a href="#APPENDIX_II">Appendix II</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Juynboll, T. W.</span> Handleiding tot de Kennis van de mohammedanasche +Wet. Leyden, 1903.</p> + +<p id="Kanun-nameh_Achmet"><span class="smcap">Kanun-Nameh</span>, of Achmet I. In Hammer’s <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, pp. xvii-xix. +Vienna, 1815.</p> + +<p id="Kanun-nameh_Mohammed">—— of Mohammed II. Translated <i>ibid.</i> 87-101. Vienna, 1815.—See +<a href="#Page_310">p. 310</a>.</p> + +<p id="Kanun-nameh_Suleiman">—— of Suleiman. Collected by the Mufti Ebu su’ud, 1574; translated +in part, <i>ibid.</i> 384-427. Vienna, 1815.—See <a href="#Page_319">p. 319</a> and <a href="#APPENDIX_III">Appendix III</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Keane, A. H.</span> Man, past and present. Cambridge, England, 1899.—See +<a href="#Page_305">p. 305</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Keene, H. G.</span> The Turks in India. London, 1879.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Knolles, Richard.</span> Generall historie of the Turkes. London, 1603.—See +<a href="#Page_319">p. 319</a>.</p> + +<p>—— The same, entitled “Turkish History,” with continuation by Paul +Ricaut. 3 vols. London, 1687-1700.—Knolles’s work runs, with +continuous pagination, a little way into vol. ii (pp. 837-990).—See +<a href="#Page_320">p. 320</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kochi Bey.</span> Turkish historian. Quoted in Hammer’s <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 490, +etc. Pest, 1835.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kohler, J.</span> Die Wirklichkeit und Unwirklichkeit des islamitischen Rechts. +<i>Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft</i>, viii. 424-432. Stuttgart, +1889.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Kudatku Bilik</span> (Art of Government). By Yusuf Khass Hajil, 1068. See +<a href="#Vambery"><span class="smcap">Vambéry</span>, Uigurische Sprachmonumente, etc.</a></p> + +<p id="La_Broquiere"><span class="smcap">La Broquière, Bertrandon De.</span> Le voyage d’outremer (1433). Edited +by Charles Schéfer, in <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc., vol. xii. Paris, +1892.—See <a href="#Page_309">p. 309</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lane-Poole, Stanley.</span> A history of Egypt in the Middle Ages. London, +1901. See <a href="#Page_305">p. 305</a>.</p> + +<p>—— The story of Turkey. London, 1886.—See <a href="#Page_321">p. 321</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_327"></a>[327]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lavisse, Ernest</span>, and <span class="smcap">Rambaud, Alfred</span>. Histoire générale du IVe siècle +à nos jours. 12 vols. Paris, 1893-1901.—See <a href="#Cahun"><span class="smcap">Cahun</span></a>, <a href="#Rambaud"><span class="smcap">Rambaud</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lefèvre, M.</span> See <a href="#Febure"><span class="smcap">Febure</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Libellus</span> de ritu et moribus Turcarum. Wittenberg, 1530.—The same +as <a href="#Tractatus"><span class="smcap">Tractatus</span></a>, etc., <i>q. v.</i></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lodge, Richard.</span> The Close of the Middle Ages, 1273-1494. London, +1906.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Lonicerus</span>, Philippus. Chronicorum Turcicorum. 2 vols. (in one). Frankfort, +1584.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ludovisi, Daniello.</span> Relazione, 1534. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +i. 1-32. Florence, 1840.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Macdonald, D. B.</span> Moslem theology, jurisprudence, and constitutional +theory. New York, 1903.—See <a href="#Page_305">p. 305</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Marsh, H.</span> A new survey of the Turkish empire. London, 1664.</p> + +<p id="Maurand"><span class="smcap">Maurand, Jérome.</span> Itinéraire d’Antibes à Constantinople (1544). Edited +and translated by Léon Dorez, in <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc., vol. xvii. +Paris, 1901.—See <a href="#Page_317">p. 317</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Maurer, Caspar.</span> Türckishe chronica, oder historische Beschreibung von +der Türcken Ursprung. Nuremberg, 1660.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Menavino, Giovanni Antonio.</span> Trattato de costumi et vita de Turchi. +Florence, 1548.—See <a href="#Page_310">p. 310</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Merriman, R. B.</span> Gomara’s annals of Charles V. Oxford, 1912.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Meyer, Eduard.</span> Geschichte des Altertums. 2d edition. Vol. i (in +2 pts.). Stuttgart, etc., 1907-1909.</p> + +<p>—— Persia. <i>Encyclopedia Britannica.</i> 11th edition, xxi. 202-224. Cambridge, +1911.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Micheli, Giovanni.</span> Relazione, 1587. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +ii. 255-294. Florence, 1844.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Miller, William.</span> The Latins in the Levant. New York, 1908. See +<a href="#Page_307">p. 307</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Minio, Marco.</span> Relazione, 1522, 1527. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +iii. 69-91, 113-118. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mocenigo, Alvise.</span> Sommario delle relazioni, 1518. <i>Ibid.</i> 51-55. +Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Mohammed</span> II. See <a href="#Kanun-nameh_Mohammed"><span class="smcap">Kanun-nameh</span> of Mohammed II</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Montesquieu, Baron de.</span> Esprit des lois.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Moro, Giovanni.</span> Relazione, 1590. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +iii. 323-380. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Morosini, Gianfrancesco.</span> Relazione, 1585. <i>Ibid.</i> 251-322. Florence, +1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Muir, Sir William.</span> The Mameluke or slave dynasty of Egypt, 1260-1517. +London, 1896.—See <a href="#Page_305">p. 305</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Müller, Heinrich.</span> See <a href="#Aventinus"><span class="smcap">Aventinus</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap" id="Multeka">Multeka ol-ebhar.</span> By Ibrahim Halebi, 1459.—See <a href="#Page_318">p. 318</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Myers, P. V. N.</span> Medieval and modern history. Revised edition. Boston, +[1905].</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Navagero, Bernardo.</span> Relazione, 1553. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d +series, i. 33-110. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_328"></a>[328]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Nicolay, Nicolas De.</span> Discours et histoire véritable des navigations, +pérégrinations, et voyages faicts en la Turquie. Antwerp, 1586.—See +<a href="#Page_318">p. 318</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Nizam Al-Mulk.</span> See <a href="#Siasset_Nameh"><span class="smcap">Siasset Namèh</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Parker, E. H.</span> A thousand years of the Tartars. London, 1895.—See +<a href="#Page_305">p. 305</a>.</p> + +<p id="Peisker"><span class="smcap">Peisker, T.</span> The Asiatic background. <i>Cambridge Medieval History</i>, +i. 323-359. Cambridge, 1911.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Pélissié Du Rausas, G.</span> Le régime des capitulations dans l’empire ottoman. +2 vols. Paris, 1902-1905.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Peschel, Oscar.</span> The races of man and their geographical distribution. +New York, 1882.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Policy</span> (The) of the Turkish empire. [Anonymous.] London, 1597.—See +<a href="#Page_319">p. 319</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Postel, Guillaume.</span> [Pt. i] De la république des Turcs; [pt. ii] Histoire +et considération de l’origine, loy, et coustume des Tartares ... +Turcs, etc.; [pt. iii] La tierce partie des orientales histoires, etc. +3 pts. in 1 vol. Poitiers, 1560.—See <a href="#Page_316">pp. 316, 317</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Radloff, Wilhelm.</span> Die alttürkischen Inschriften der Mongolei. Leipsic, +1894-1895.—See <a href="#Page_305">p. 305</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ragazzoni, Jacopo.</span> Relazione, 1571. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +ii. 77-102. Florence, 1844.</p> + +<p id="Rambaud"><span class="smcap">Rambaud, Alfred.</span> L’empire ottoman (1481-1566). In Lavisse and +Rambaud’s <i>Histoire Générale</i>, vol. iv. ch. xix. Paris, 1894.—See +<a href="#Page_321">p. 321</a>.</p> + +<p id="Ramberti">[<span class="smcap">Ramberti, Benedetto.</span>] Libri tre delle cose de Turchi. Venice, 1539.—See +<a href="#Page_314">pp. 314-316</a>, and <a href="#APPENDIX_I">Appendix I</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ramsay, Sir W. M.</span> Geographical conditions determining history and +religion in Asia Minor. <i>Geographical Journal</i>, xx. 257-282. London, +1902. See <a href="#Page_307">p. 307</a>.</p> + +<p>—— Historical geography of Asia Minor. London, 1890.</p> + +<p>—— Studies in the history and art of the eastern provinces of the Roman +empire. Aberdeen, 1906.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ranke, Leopold.</span> The Ottoman and the Spanish empires in the sixteenth +and seventeenth centuries. Translated by W. K. Kelly. London, +1843.—See <a href="#Page_321">p. 321</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Rawlinson, George.</span> The story of Parthia. New York, 1893.</p> + +<p>—— The seventh great oriental monarchy. 2 vols. New York, 1882.</p> + +<p>—— The sixth great oriental monarchy. London, 1873.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Recueil</span> de voyages et de documents pour servir à l’histoire de la géographie +depuis le xiiie jusqu’à la fin du xvie siècle. Edited by Charles +Schéfer and Henri Cordier. 21 vols. Paris, 1882-1907.—See +<a href="#Chesneau"><span class="smcap">Chesneau</span></a>, <a href="#Du_Fresne-Canaye"><span class="smcap">Du Fresne-Canaye</span></a>, <a href="#Geuffroy"><span class="smcap">Geuffroy</span></a>, <a href="#Hauser"><span class="smcap">Hauser</span></a>, <a href="#La_Broquiere"><span class="smcap">La Broquière</span></a>, +<a href="#Maurand"><span class="smcap">Maurand</span></a>, <a href="#Torzelo"><span class="smcap">Torzelo</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Redhouse, Sir J. W.</span> A Turkish and English lexicon. Constantinople, +1890.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Revue</span> Africaine: journal des travaux de la société historique algérienne. +55 vols. Alger, [1856]-1911.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_329"></a>[329]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Riant, Count Paul.</span> Catalogue de la bibliothèque. Prepared by L. de +Germon and L. Polain. 2 pts. Paris, 1899.—See <a href="#Page_308">p. 308</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ricaut, Sir Paul.</span> The history of the present state of the Ottoman empire. +6th edition. London, 1686.—See <a href="#Page_320">p. 320</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ricoldus.</span> De vita et moribus Turcarum. Paris, 1509.—The same as +<a href="#Tractatus"><span class="smcap">Tractatus</span></a>, etc., <i>q. v.</i></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Robertson, William.</span> The emperor Charles V. 4 vols. London, 1811.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">San Filippo, Amat Di.</span> Biografia dei viaggiatori italiani. 2 vols. Rome, +1882.—See <a href="#Page_308">p. 308</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Sanuto, Marino</span> (the younger). Diarii [1496-1533]. 58 vols., with an +additional volume of <i>Prefazione</i>. Venice, 1879-1903.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schéfer, Charles.</span> Catalogue de la bibliothèque orientale. Paris, 1899.—See +<a href="#Page_308">p. 308</a>. See also <a href="#Chesneau"><span class="smcap">Chesneau</span></a>, <a href="#La_Broquiere"><span class="smcap">La Broquière</span></a>, <a href="#Siasset_Nameh"><span class="smcap">Siasset Namèh</span></a>, +<a href="#Spandugino"><span class="smcap">Spandugino</span></a>, <a href="#Torzelo"><span class="smcap">Torzelo</span></a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Schiltberger, Johann.</span> Bondage and Travels. Translated by J. B. +Telfer. Hakluyt Society. London, 1879.—See <a href="#Page_309">p. 309</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap" id="Siasset_Nameh">Siasset Namèh</span>, traité de gouvernement composé pour le sultan Melik-Châh +par le vizir Nizam oul-Moulk [1092]. Translated by Charles +Schéfer. Paris, 1893.—See <a href="#Page_306">p. 306</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Snouck Hurgronje, G.</span> Le droit Musulman. <i>Revue de l’Histoire des +Religions</i>, xxxvii. 1 ff., and 174 ff. Paris, 1898.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Soranzo, Giacomo.</span> Relazione, 1576. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +ii. 193-207. Florence, 1844.</p> + +<p>[<span class="smcap">Soranzo, Jacopo.</span>] Relazione e diario, 1581. <i>Ibid.</i> 209-253. Florence, +1844.—See <a href="#Footnote_800">p. 313, note 1</a>.</p> + +<p id="Spandugino"><span class="smcap">Spandugino Cantacusino, Teodoro.</span> Petit traicté de l’origine des Turcqz +[Paris, 1519]. Edited by Charles Schéfer. Paris, 1896.—See <a href="#Page_310">p. 310</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Steen de Jehay, Le Comte F. Van Den.</span> De la situation légale des sujets +ottomans non-musulmans. Brussels, 1906.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Suleiman.</span> See <a href="#Kanun-nameh_Suleiman"><span class="smcap">Kanun-nameh</span> of Suleiman</a>.</p> + +<p id="Tanco"><span class="smcap">Tanco, V. D. (Estanco, Clavedan Del).</span> Libro dell’ origine et successione +dell’ imperio de’ Turchi. Venice, 1558.—See <a href="#Page_314">p. 314</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tavernier, J. B.</span> Nova ed esatta descrizione del seraglio del gran Turco. +Milan, 1687.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tiepolo, Antonio</span>, Relazione, 1576. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, ii. +129-191. Florence, 1844.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Tischendorf, P. A. Von.</span> Das Lehnswesen in den moslemischen Staaten, +insbesondere im osmanischen Reiche. Leipsic, 1872.</p> + +<p id="Torzelo"><span class="smcap">Torzelo, Jehan.</span> [Opinion on the military power of the Turks, c. 1439.] +Edited by Charles Schéfer, in <i>Recueil de Voyages</i>, etc., xii. 263 ff. +Paris, 1892.</p> + +<p id="Tractatus">[<span class="smcap">Tractatus.</span>] Libellus de ritu et moribus Turcorum ante LXX annos +aeditus [1460]. Wittenberg, 1530.—See <a href="#Page_309">pp. 309, 310</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Trevisano, Domenico.</span> Relazione, 1554. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, +i. 111-192. Florence, 1840.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Türcken, Bernardin.</span> Getrewe und wolmeynende kurtze Erinnerung +von der Türcken Ordnung, in iren Kriegen vñ Veldtschlachten. Burgel, +1542.</p> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_330"></a>[330]</span></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ubicini, A[bdolonyme].</span> État présent de l’empire ottoman. Paris, 1876.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Urbinus, Theophilus.</span> Türckisches Städt-Büchlein. Nuremberg, 1664.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Ursu, J[on].</span> La politique orientale de François I (1515-1547). Paris, +1908.</p> + +<p id="Vambery"><span class="smcap">Vambéry, Hermann (Arminius).</span> Die primitive Cultur des turko-tatarischen +Volkes auf grund sprachlicher Forschungen. Leipsic, 1879.—See +<a href="#Page_306">p. 306</a>.</p> + +<p>—— Uigurische Sprachmonumente und das Kudatku Bilik. Innsbruck, +1870.—See <a href="#Page_306">p. 306</a>.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Venier, Maffeo.</span> Relazione, 1579, 1587. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d +series, i. 437-468, ii. 295-307. Florence, 1840-1844.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Viaggi</span> fatti da Vinetia, alla tana ... in Costantinopoli. Venice, 1543.—Contains +Libri Tre, etc., of <a href="#Ramberti"><span class="smcap">Ramberti</span></a>, <i>q. v.</i></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Youssouf Fehmi.</span> Histoire de la Turquie. Paris, 1909.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Yusef Khass Hajil.</span> Kudatku Bilik (Art of Government). See <a href="#Vambery"><span class="smcap">Vambéry</span>, Uigurische Sprachmonumente, etc.</a></p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Zane, Matteo.</span> Relazione, 1594. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, iii. +381-444. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Zen</span> (or <span class="smcap">Zeno</span>), <span class="smcap">Pietro</span>. Itinerario, 1523. In Fulin’s <i>Diarii</i>, 104-136. +Venice, 1881.</p> + +<p>—— Relazione, 1524, 1530. In Alberi’s <i>Relazione</i>, 3d series, iii. 93-97, +119-122. Florence, 1855.</p> + +<p><span class="smcap">Zinkeisen, J. W.</span> Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa. 7 vols. +and Index, Hamburg and Gotha, 1840-1863.—See <a href="#Page_321">p. 321</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="footnotes"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</h2> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> Cahun, <i>Introduction à l’Histoire de l’Asie</i>, 90.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> The West was much concerned in the sixteenth century with the problem of +ascertaining the origin of the Turks. Balbus gives an idea how difficult it was +to reach a definite opinion: “Some count the Turks among the Asiatic Sarmatians, +and say that they were expelled by their neighbors from the Caspian mountains +into Persia, and descended into Asia Minor. Others, following the name, +perhaps, think that this people had its beginning in Turce, a great and opulent +city of the Persians. Others consider them the progeny of the Parthians. Some +think the Turks had their origin in Arabia, and some in Syria. But it is more likely +that they were Scythians by origin, and (as we said above) from the foot of Mount +Caucasus, and that they formerly inhabited vast deserts.” See also Knolles, +1-2.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> Keane, <i>Man, Past and Present</i>, 268, 314-315. Holdich (in <i>Encyclopaedia +Britannica</i>, 11th ed., ii. 749 b) says, “As ethnographical inquiry advances the +Turk appears to recede from his Mongolian affinities and to approach the +Caucasian.” Keene (<i>Turks in India</i>, 1 ff.) is inclined to consider the Turks a +mere mixture of Mongols with Caucasians. So bald a theory does not account +for the group of Turkish languages.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> Keane, 267.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 317.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 322; Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 3.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Keane, 322; Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 2; etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 1. This fact, known to Knolles (p. 2), seems to have +escaped the attention of Sir Charles Eliot (<i>Encyclopaedia Britannica</i>, 11th ed., +xxvii. 470 d).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> The older view, that Iran represented peoples of Indo-European stock, and +Turan peoples of Ural-Altaic stock, though once so generally adopted as to sanction +the bestowal of the names Iranian and Turanian upon these groups of peoples, +has been abandoned as regards the original legends, in which Turan seems to have +represented ruder tribes of Indo-European lineage (Meyer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. pt. ii. +814-815). But the Greeks from their first acquaintance with the name identified +Turan with the Scythians, and at about the same time the Persians began to +apply it to the Northern peoples of alien stock. The conditions of frontier contact +between Turks and Persians during many centuries were undoubtedly as described +in the legends.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> Rawlinson, <i>Parthia</i>, 33-35; Keane, 319. Meyer (in <i>Encyclopaedia Britannica</i>, +11th ed., xxi. 214 c) regards the Parni or Aparni, who became the conquering +tribe in Parthia, as Iranian nomads; but Peisker (in <i>Cambridge Medieval +History</i>, i. 332) asserts that the nomads of the Asiatic background all belong to +the Altaian branch of the Ural-Altaian race. The fact that the Parthian army +was a slave army (see Meyer, as above, 217 a) is perhaps the strongest piece of +evidence that the original Parthians were Turks.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Keane, 327. Asia Minor is here used in the larger sense, as denoting in +general the Asian territory which lies west of a line drawn from the eastern end of +the Black Sea to the head of the Gulf of Alexandretta.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Quoted in Keane, 328, from Gibbon (ed. Bury), vi. 250.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> Vambéry, <i>Die Primitive Cultur</i>, 47; Keane, 328; Cahun, <i>Introduction</i>, 169 ff.; +Ramsay, <i>Studies in Eastern Roman Provinces</i>, 295.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> Ramsay, <i>Studies in Eastern Roman Provinces</i>, 297. This statement has been +confirmed by conversation with other persons well acquainted with conditions in +Asia Minor. See also E. Huntington, in <i>National Geographic Magazine</i>, September, +1910, p. 767.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> Vambéry (<i>Die Primitive Cultur</i>, 47) expresses the opinion that the Ottomans +never received, all told, more than 25,000 men of Turkish blood.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> <i>Ottoman</i> is an attempt to pronounce <i>Othman</i> by those who pronounce <i>th</i> like <i>t</i>; +<i>Osman</i> a similar attempt by those who pronounce <i>th</i> (as in “thin”) like <i>s</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 42-43.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Keane, 268, 316. Peschel, 380, says, “The Turks of the west have so +much Aryan and Semitic blood in them that the last vestiges of their original +physical characters have been lost, and their language alone indicates their previous +descent.” On the other hand, E. Huntington (in <i>National Geographic Magazine</i>, +September, 1910, p. 767) expresses the opinion that the inhabitants of the central +part of the plateau of Asia Minor are “almost purely Turkish in race.” He does +not say, however, that this opinion is based on observation of physical appearances.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 59.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Keene, 2, makes the interesting suggestion that this custom, followed +<i>mutatis mutandis</i> by the Moguls of India, was a survival of exogamous conditions +among the ancestors of the Turks.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> The twentieth power of 1/2 is 1/1,148,576. The description given of Orchan, +furthermore, shows scarcely a discernible trace of Mongolian ancestry. Compare +Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 158: “Mit demselben [Osman] waren ihm zwar die +Bocksnase und die schön gewölbten schwarzen Augenbrauen gemein; aber er +hatte blonde Haare und lichte Augen, die Statur und die Stirne hoch, die Brust +breit, die Faust kräftig wie die Klaue des Löwen, das Gesicht rund und die Farbe +desselben weiss und roth; der Körperbau stark, der Bart und Knebelbart dicht +und wohlgenährt.” Murad II showed a little more evidence of Tatar descent. +He “is,” says La Broquière, 181, “a man of stout build and short body, and he +has something of the broad face of a Tatar’s physiognomy, and he has a rather +large hooked nose and rather small eyes, and he is very brown in the face, and he has +plump cheeks and a round beard.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Keane, 266.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Compare the election of Sebuktegin, in Schéfer’s edition of the <i>Siasset Namèh</i>, +158.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Cahun, <i>Introduction</i>, 79.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Vambéry, <i>Uigurische Sprachmonumente und das Kudatku Bilik</i>, 118. This +passage closely resembles the words attributed to Artaxerxes I, first king of the +Sassanian Persian line: “There can be no power without an army, no army without +money, no money without agriculture, and no agriculture without justice” (Rawlinson, +<i>Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy</i>, i. 61).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 36-45.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 36.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Quoted by Cahun, in Lavisse and Rambaud, iii. 964.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Schéfer, <i>Siasset Namèh</i>, 139.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> Bérard, 4 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 30; D’Ohsson, v. 7; Heidborn, 111.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> D’Ohsson, i. 291; Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 32.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> D’Ohsson, vi. 253.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> v. 53.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 109.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> <i>Ibid</i>. iv. 280; Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 331; Erizzo, 137.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> This was based upon a passage of the Koran, “Sedition is worse than execution” +(Sura 2: 187): Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 216. Professor G. F. Moore +points out that in this passage (and in Sura 2: 214, which is substantially identical) +the text refers to Mohammed’s war with the Meccans, or to fighting in the +sacred months. The word <i>fitnah</i>, here translated “sedition,” has various meanings: +first of all, “trial,” as gold and silver, for example, are tried by smelting; then, +“successful temptation, leading or turning a man astray, error, discord, dissension, +sedition, etc.” The context indicates clearly that Mohammed had in mind the +leading or turning of people from the true religion as that which is “worse than +killing.” The other meanings would, however, allow some accommodating jurist +or theologian to make this a plausible proof-text for authorizing the killing of the +sultan’s brothers, who might become seditious or furnish cause for dissension.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 31.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 32; D’Ohsson, vii. 150.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 478, and <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 340.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> For the Tartar method of raiding in the seventeenth century, see Ricaut, +book i. ch. xiii. This may be compared with Turkish methods in the fifteenth +century, as described by the author of the <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. v.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> D’Ohsson, v. 50. Orthodoxy in the Moslem religion was by no means an +insuperable obstacle to attempts at conquest. The Mamelukes whom Selim I +overthrew were Sunnites, and Malekite Morocco was long a land coveted by the +Ottomans. A desire for the unification of orthodox Islam came into play here.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> D’Ohsson, v. 86.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> The Turks laid claim also to Morocco, but they never exercised abiding +authority there: Knolles (ed. 1687), 987.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 520-521.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> These are given in detail in Hammer’s <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 219-327.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 251 (<i>Kanun-nameh</i> of the <i>sanjak</i> of Kurdistan).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 478, and <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 343 ff.; Heidborn, 320 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 344.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 372 ff.; Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 475 ff., and <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, +337 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 345.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 347.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 344.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> D’Ohsson, v. 96.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Belin, <i>La Propriété Foncière</i>, 88 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 476; D’Ohsson, vii. 374.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> D’Ohsson, ii. 523 ff., especially 552-557.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Belin, <i>La Propriété Foncière</i>, 104 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> Ricaut, 112.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> Bernardo, 387 (“like a mine of slaves for the service of the Turks”); Ricaut, +123; Chardin, 85, 90 (“sometimes they will sell their own children”), 94, 114, 192. +It is said that the practice of raising Circassian girls for sale is still carried on in +Asia Minor (Heidborn, 81).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> Ricaut, 138; Postel, iii. 71; Nicolay, 10 (“The most of those who are called +Turks in Algiers, whether in the king’s household, or on the galleys, are Christians +of all nations who have denied their faith and turned Mohammedan—sont +Chrestiens reniez et Mahumetizez de toutes nations”); Lavisse and Rambaud, +iv. 816, 820.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Nicolay, 83. Jorga, iii. 167-189, has taken note of the ancestry of many of +the high Turkish officials of the sixteenth century; he finds no Roumanian among +them.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> In regard to the Armenians, see Schiltberger, 73; Chalcocondyles, 53. As to +both Armenians and Jews, see Navagero, 42; Postel, i. 34. Morosini, 294, makes +mention of an Armenian who was in 1585 the <i>Beylerbey</i> of Greece by special +favor of the Sultan.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> Pélissié du Rausas, i. 21-22.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> D’Ohsson, v. 104. Visiting foreigners (<i>muste emin</i>) who might remain more +than one year became tributary subjects (<i>zimmi</i>): Belin, <i>La Propriété Foncière</i>, 57.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> For the times when these different “communities” were formed within the +Ottoman state, see Steen de Jehay, <i>passim</i>. In brief, the Greek community was +organized in 1453 and the Armenian in 1461. The latter was at first supposed to +include all subjects who were not Moslem or Greek Orthodox; those who were not +Gregorian Armenians were gradually separated off by a process of differentiation +which may be said to be active still. With the growth of the spirit of nationalism +in the nineteenth century, the Greek Orthodox community has also been divided.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 237.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> See Jorga, iii. 167 ff., especially 174, 188.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Gritti, 24-25.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> A. Barbarigo, 149-150 (from a summary of his <i>Relazione</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Barbaro, 315-329, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> Morosini, 263-267, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Bernardo, 358-364, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Zane, 389.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 414.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Knolles (ed. 1687), 982.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Ricaut, 14-15.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> These <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte are to be distinguished from the body of feudal +<i>Spahis</i>. See below, <a href="#Page_98">pp. 98-105</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> This is illustrated by the quotations in <a href="#CHAPTER_I_VI">the last section of Chapter i</a>, above. +See also Menavino, 138 (referring to the pages, he says “Tutti sono suoi schiaui +& figlioli Christiani”); Ricaut, 14 (all who receive pay or office from the sultan +are called <i>kul</i>); D’Ohsson, vii. 203 (“Les employés civils de même que les militaires, +suivant l’antique usage de l’Orient, sont assimilés aux esclaves du Souverain, +et qualifiés de ce nom—coul—dans toutes les pièces publiques”). In D’Ohsson’s +time the term had acquired such a general usage as in the English phrase “your +obedient servant.” Della Valle, i. 44, speaking of the entry to the Divan, says, +“Tutti sono schiavi;” and Ranke, 9, says, “All were slaves.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 149, 207.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> For example, Lodge, <i>The Close of the Middle Ages</i> (1906), 500; Myers, <i>Medieval +and Modern History</i> (1905), 165.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> The <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. viii, says simply 20 years and under; Zeno, 128, says above +10 years. Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_244">pp. 244</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>) mention pages from +8 to 20 years old; Navagero, 49, says between 12 and 15 years, Trevisano, 229, +says that they were taken not at the age of 6 or 7 years as formerly, but at 10 or +12 years. Postel, iii. 23, sets between 12 and 14 as the lower limit, and 18 and +20 as the upper limit. Nicolay, 62, says that the pages were from 8 to 20 years +of age; Garzoni, 396, says that they ranged from the tenth to the thirteenth +year; Ricaut, 74, fixes the age at 10 or 12 years. Too much reliance should not be +placed on Trevisano’s statement as to former times, since hearsay evidence as to +Turkish affairs is unreliable. Considering the rougher life in earlier times, it is +likely that levies would then have been made of older, rather than younger, boys. +The presence of young boys among the pages was due to the selection of unusually +promising captives.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> Myers (as above) mentions the two methods of capture and tribute as successive.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Djevad Bey, i. 26: “Ces prisonniers ou esclaves étaient d’ailleurs incorporés +dans l’armée des Janissaires, et alors l’effectif qui manquait était complété par la +voie de la levée de troupes parmi les sujets chrétiens.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_254">pp. 254</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>) say that 10,000, or 12,000 +were taken every 4 years. Geuffroy, 242, and Postel, iii. 23, give the same estimate. +Ricaut, 74, says he is “given to understand” that about 2000 were +collected yearly in the middle of the seventeenth century. The exigencies of war +probably increased the number greatly at times. Bérard, 12, naming no authority, +says that in some years Suleiman took 40,000 boys.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> 20,000 <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, 12,000 to 14,000 Janissaries, 10,000 of the auxiliary +corps, grooms, etc., 40,000 <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte (including the 12,000 members of +the four corps and the followers they were obliged to bring), 2000 pages and high +officials. Suleiman took with him on his last campaign 48,316 men under pay +(Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 181). Morosini, 259, says that in 1585 the sultan +had under pay 80,000 men. This is exclusive of about one-half of the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> Postel, i. 20.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> See below, <a href="#Footnote_183">p. 69, note 3</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> Postel, iii. 36.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> See below, <a href="#Footnote_332">p. 99, note 1</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> For example, Piri Mohammed, a descendant of the thirteenth-century poet, +Jelal ad-din Rumi. Cf. Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 18.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Notably Junis Bey, who says (below, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>), “None can be a pasha except +a Christian renegade.” This custom is said to have been established by Bayezid +II (Angiolello, 74, quoted by Jorga, ii. 306, note 2). For further instances, see +<a href="#CHAPTER_I_VI">the last section of Chapter i</a>, above.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_33">p. 33</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> D’Ohsson, v. 91.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> Schiltberger, 5, gives an early example. See also <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. viii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 167.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> Zeno, 127.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> Zeno is strongly impressed by these two sources.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Postel, iii. 17-18. It was in this way that Menavino entered the system (see +his <i>Trattato</i>, 10).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Cf. Postel, iii. 23.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> A study of the nationality of the high officials of the sixteenth century gives +evidence of this. For example, Ibrahim was an Albanian (Junis Bey, below, +<a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>); Rustem Pasha was a Croat (Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 268); Ferhad was +a Hungarian (<i>ibid.</i> 365); the grand vizier Ali, whom Busbecq (<i>Life and Letters</i>, +i. 157) calls “a thorough gentleman,” was a Dalmatian; Ayas was an Albanian, +and Kassim a Croat (Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>); etc. For many other examples, see Jorga, +iii. 167-189.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> The <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. viii, says every 5 years; Spandugino, 102, says once in 5 +years or oftener; Zeno, 128, says each year; Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, +<a href="#Page_254">pp. 254</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>) say every 4 years; Postel, iii. 22, says every 3 or 4 years.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. vi.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> Giovio, <i>Commentarius</i>, 75; Zeno, 128; Nicolay, 83. Jorga, iii. 188, finds no +Roumanian among the high Turkish officials of the sixteenth century. Roumania, +being a vassal state, was not exposed to the <i>devshurmeh</i>. Knolles (ed. 1687, pp. +984-985) says that the tribute boys from Asia were not advanced to become Janissaries, +because they were not of sufficiently high quality. They are not found +in positions of prominence.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Navagero, 48.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> Menavino’s translator says <i>quasi decimatione</i> (Lonicerus, i. 140). Postel, iii. +22-23, says expressly that the children were not tithed; Nicolay, 83, however, states +that one in three were taken, as does J. Soranzo, 245. Morosini, 264, speaks of +a tithe (<i>decima</i>). Gibbon (ed. Bury), vii. 79, says that a fifth of the boys were +taken; see also Lavisse and Rambaud, iv. 758. The latter statements seem to +be based theoretically on the fifth of the captives to which the sultan was entitled. +The differences among those who profess to fix a proportion are evidence that +there was none.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Spandugino, 103.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Postel, iii. 22. Navagero, 49, says that the officers summoned the heads of +families and commanded them to present their sons.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Navagero, 49.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Postel, iii. 23.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Navagero, 49.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Postel, iii. 23.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> Geuffroy, 240. Bragadin (1526), 103, says: “Ibrahim has his mother and two +brothers in the palace. He does much good to Christians. His father is <i>Sanjak</i> +in Parga.” And again, 104: “Ayas has three brothers. His mother at Avlona is +a Christian, and he sends her 100 ducats annually.” Nicolay, 86, says, on the +contrary, that the tribute boys are never afterwards willing to recognize father, +mother, or relatives. He cites the case of an uncle and nephews of Rustem Pasha, +who begged in Adrianople, but received no aid from him. Cf. Zane, 438.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> Spandugino, 144, 145.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> Trevisano, 130.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> Bernardo, 332, says in 1592, after the system had been dislocated, that the +greater part of the recruits were then sons of Turks.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> Erizzo, 131; Morosini, 267; Ricaut, 14.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> Spandugino, 180.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 183; J. Soranzo, 250.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 144, 156, 162.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> Postel, iii. 68.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> G. Soranzo (1576), 197, says that the Grand Signor is heir of all the +pashas.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 147. In the seventeenth century the sultan allowed the +children of pashas only what pleased him (Ricaut, 131). Morosini, 274, refers to +a similar practice in the latter part of the sixteenth century.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> Ricaut, 16, calls the Turkish court “a prison of slaves.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 379.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 159.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 61 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> Spandugino, 77; Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_253">p. 253</a>; Junis Bey below, <a href="#Page_268">p. 268</a>; Nicolay, +64.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Spandugino, 78, is probably wrong in his statement that the girls of the harem +were recruited from gifts, <i>tithes</i>, and <i>tribute</i>. The small number of women in the +harem would make the elaborate process of tribute-taking unnecessary.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Postel, i. 34.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Navagero, 75; Jovius, <i>Historiarum</i>, ii. 371. But Bragadin, 101, calls her a +Montenegrin, and Ludovisi, 29, an Albanian; while Busbecq (<i>Life and Letters</i>, +i. 178) says that she came from the Crimea. Gomara indicates that her Turkish +name was Gul-behar, the Rose of Spring (Merriman, <i>Gomara’s Annals of Charles +V</i>, 141). This confusion of knowledge in regard to so important a personage +gives evidence of the secrecy which surrounded the sultan’s harem.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> See below, <a href="#Footnote_238">p. 79, note 2</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 232. Spandugino, 69, says that many were made such. +Menavino, who was himself a page, says that very few were so treated, and only +for punishment (<i>Trattato</i>, 138).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> Spandugino, 69; Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 237.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> Menavino, 143; “Schaiui chiamati Bascia [pasha].”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 112. Selim I, married a princess, daughter of the +Khan of the Crimean Tartars. This appears to have been the last of such alliances, +of which there were a number in earlier times.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> D’Ohsson, vi. 9.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> vii. 177. In 1537, Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>) says that Ayas had 600 +slaves, Mustapha 200, Kassim 150, Barbarossa 100. But this account must contain +misprints or errors; for Ramberti (below, <a href="#Page_246">p. 246</a>) says that in 1534, Ibrahim +had more than 6000 slaves, Ayas 2000, Kassim 1500, and Barbarossa about 4000. +Bragadin, 103, said in 1526, that Ibrahim had 1500 slaves, Mustapha 700, Ayas +600. Junis Bey (<a href="#Page_256">256-258</a>) says further that the <i>Beylerbeys</i> of Rumelia and Anatolia +and Caramania had 1000 slaves each, the <i>Beylerbey</i> of Syria 2000, the <i>Beylerbey</i> +of Cairo 4000, etc. Iskender Chelebi had 6000 slaves (Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. +144). Geuffroy, 240, says of the viziers: “Tous ont saray de femmes et d’enfans +comme ledict grant Turc.” See also Menavino, 143; and Ramberti’s description of +Alvise Gritti’s household at the close of his third book.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 157. Seven of his slaves became viziers and grand +viziers, among them Mohammed Sokolli.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> Iskender Chelebi was followed to war by 1200 horsemen (Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, +iii. 144). Rustem trained 200 carbineers as part of his household (Busbecq, <i>Life +and Letters</i>, i. 242).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> Garzoni, 413, says that 1000 <i>Spahis</i> were assigned to the retinue of the grand +vizier, and 500 to those of each of the other pashas.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. vii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> D’Ohsson, i. 49.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> In the early days non-Arab converts held a position of clientage, but they had +never been slaves. In the Ottoman Empire new converts were particularly honored, +so that this distinction was lost. A partial enfranchisement was possible, and might +sometimes resemble the condition of a Roman freedman. Cf. D’Ohsson, vi. +28 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> According to D’Ohsson, v. 86, no free-born Moslem could ever lawfully become +a slave.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> D’Ohsson, vi. 24.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iv. 300 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> Spandugino, 180. It may be observed that Ottoman slavery bore no slight +resemblance to the method of bondage which brought from Europe many ancestors +of present-day Americans. “In the year 1730,” says Mrs. Susannah Willard +Johnson (in her <i>Narrative of Captivity</i> reprinted Springfield, 1907, pp. 5-6) “my +great-uncle, Colonel Josiah Willard, while at Boston, was invited to take a walk +on the long-wharf, to view some transports who had just landed from Ireland; a +number of gentlemen present were viewing the exercise of some lads who were +placed on shore to exhibit their activity to those who wished to purchase. My +uncle spied a boy of some vivacity, of about ten years of age, and who was the only +one in the crew who spoke English: he bargained for him. I have never been able +to learn the price; but as he was afterwards my husband, I am willing to suppose it +a considerable sum.... He lived with Colonel Willard until he was twenty years +of age, and then bought the other year of his time.” In this account a number of +the characteristics of the Ottoman system can be observed. Young boys of Caucasian +blood are taken from their native land; they are bought and sold; they are +judged like young animals by appearance and physical activity; no taint attaches +to their bondage; they may marry into the master’s family. The one noteworthy +difference is that the bondage terminates at a definite age.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, “Orario Testimonialis”: “Denique domino meo ita carus eram, +ut saepius in collocutione plurium, plusquam filium suum, quem unicum habebat, +me diligere assereret,” etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> Postel, iii. 20, says that all the pages were considered children of the sultan, +and were truly his adopted sons.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> Ricaut, 14.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> Postel, iii. 21.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> Ricaut, 16.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> Postel, iii. 21.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 71-72; Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_255">p. 255</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 12.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> According to Sale’s translation, the Koran says (Sura 2: 257), “Let there +be no violence in religion.” Palmer translates, “There is no compulsion in religion.” +See D’Ohsson, vi. 59; Schiltberger, 73.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> Idris, fol. 107, quoted in Hammer’s <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 91.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Quoted <i>ibid.</i> ii. 117.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> Ricaut, 147-148: “No people in the World have ever been more open to +receive all sorts of Nations to them, than they, nor have used more arts to encrease +the number of those that are called <i>Turks</i>.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. viii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> Ricaut, 46.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> Bernardo, 369-370, and see also 359.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> Postel, iii. 21.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 20.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> Ricaut, 128 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> The general Ottoman attitude on this point is shown by Schiltberger, 73: +Mohammed “has also ordered, that when they overcome Christians, they should +not kill them; but they should pervert them, and should thus spread and strengthen +their own faith.” <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. xi, says, “Turci neminem cogunt Fidem suam +negare, nec multum instant de hoc alicui persuadendo, nec magnam aestimationem +faciunt de his qui negant.” The last clause of this testimony, however, is contrary +to practically all other sources. Conversion seems sometimes to have been forced +as an alternative to death when a Christian had offended greatly against the +Mohammedan faith (Lonicerus, i. 123; see also D’Ohsson, vii. 327). Some writers, +however, assert that circumcision, the outward mark of acceptance of Islam, was +regularly enforced upon the tribute boys (Chesneau, 41; J. Soranzo, 245; Morosini, +as quoted above, <a href="#Page_41">p. 41</a>). Heidborn, 128, says that conversion was not +anciently enforced on a large scale, <i>except</i> for the recruiting of Janissaries.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> Ricaut, 46 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> Schiltberger, 74; La Broquière, 219; Spandugino, 249. Ricaut, 152, says that +great inducement was offered the common people to become Turks; they obtained +honor and the privilege to domineer and injure with impunity, and they became +in the fashion.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. xi, quoted above.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> D’Ohsson, vi. 59; Ricaut, 148.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. v; Nicolay, 86.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> Ricaut, 284.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> Bernardo, 367; Zane, as quoted above, <a href="#Page_42">p. 42</a>. See also Jorga, iii. 188.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 235.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> Nicolay, 160-161.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Menavino, 244.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. xxi.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 351.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> Georgevitz (before 1552), 40, “De Ordine Peditum”; Ranke, 19-20; Barbaro +(1573), 305. 317. Selim II, on his accession granted to the Janissaries the formal +privilege of entering their sons in the corps; for the Persian war of 1594 the corps +was opened to other Turks and all Moslems. By 1592, the majority of the +Janissaries were said to be sons of Turks; Bernardo, 332. See also Knolles (ed. +1687), 985.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> Postel, iii. 20.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> <i>Kanun-namch</i> of Mohammed II, printed in Hammer’s <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 94.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> Hammer’s <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 94.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> See <a href="#Page_49">p. 49</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> Spandugino (1517), 108, says that the Janissaries are not allowed to marry. +He was probably wrong. Certainly some were married soon after his time: Ramberti +(1534), below, <a href="#Page_249">p. 249</a>; Junis Bey (1537), below, <a href="#Page_267">p. 267</a>; Nicolay (1551), 92.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> Ricaut, 366.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> The resemblance of the Janissaries to monks is noticed by Busbecq, <i>Life and +Letters</i>, i. 88, and Tavernier, 12.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> Ricaut, 151.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> One careful observer thought that this might be true of the whole Ottoman +nation. <i>Ibid.</i>, but in the middle of the fifteenth century contrary testimony was +given (<i>Tractatus</i>, ch. xi).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> See the calculation above, <a href="#Page_49">p. 49</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> Navagero, 50; Barbaro, 316; Nicolay, 84. J. Soranzo, 245, states that the +tribute boys were all brought to Constantinople, circumcised, and brought before +the <i>Agha</i> of the Janissaries. Record was made of the name of each, of his father’s +name, and of his native place. Soranzo’s accuracy is questionable, as when he +says that the greater part were put into palaces in Constantinople.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> Postel, iii. 17; Ricaut, 46.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> Ricaut, 74: “In whom appearing more strength of body than of mind, they +are set apart for labor and menial services.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> Busbecq, <i>De Re Militari</i>, 260.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> Spandugino, 104: the emperor chooses a few and sends the rest to the towns +of the Turks of Anatolia to live with the lords and gentlemen.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> Spandugino speaks of 900; Junis Bey and Ramberti, 1400; Geuffroy, 1200; +Postel, 1300 to 1500.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> Junis Bey and Ramberti, 300; Geuffroy, 300.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> Junis Bey and Ramberti, 400; Geuffroy, 400; Postel (iii. 20), 600 or 700.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> Junis Bey and Ramberti, 700; Geuffroy, 500; Postel (iii. 3), 700 or 800.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> Navagero, 42. See also Tanco, 205.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> Menavino, 13. Postel, iii. 17, says that, when presented, they were clothed +in silk and cloth of gold or silver; but Ricaut, 49, says that their clothing and diet +were simple.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> Menavino, 11 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> Busbecq, <i>De Re Militari</i>, 262-263.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> Postel, iii. 2.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> Menavino, 126.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Ricaut, chs. v-vi.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> Spandugino, 63. See also Nicolay, 84; and the quotations in <a href="#CHAPTER_I_VI">the last section +of Chapter i</a>, above.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 34.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> Hammer (<i>Geschichte</i>, i. 232), by a singular perversion of the truth, asserts +that the page system had its origin and primary purpose in the satisfaction of +the unnatural lusts of Bayezid I and his successors. Not only does the whole +structure and organization of the system disprove this, but the absence of reference +to such a purpose in all contemporary writers is sufficient to settle the matter. The +vice which takes its name from Sodom was very prevalent among the Ottomans, +especially among those in high position (Spandugino, 186; Busbecq, <i>Life and +Letters</i>, i. 232; Ricaut, 151, 211; D’Ohsson, iv. 473). The pages were apt to be +afflicted by it, and were carefully watched to prevent it, and terribly punished +if discovered (Ricaut, 60). Occasionally a sultan became enamored of a page +(Ricaut, 61); but Suleiman seems to have been free from this vice (Busbecq, i. +159; Marini Sanuto, <i>Diarii</i>, December 6, 1523).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> Menavino, 126-128. He was a page from about 1505 to 1514 (<i>ibid.</i> +243-245).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> Ricaut, “To the Reader,” 45-62. This describes the system as it was about +1650.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> Postel, iii. 11.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 19; Ricaut, 50.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Postel, iii. 10; Ricaut, 50.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> Ricaut, 51. The same custom was observed in the education of the princes +and of all children of great officials (Spandugino, 179). Tanco, 197-198, says he +has heard that Suleiman himself labored daily at a trade, so that even the Prince +should earn his bread by the sweat of his brow; see also Jorga, ii. 343.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> Menavino, 126, 127.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> Postel, iii. 10.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> Ricaut, 59.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> Navagero, 43.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> Ricaut, 48, says that in the three colleges of education the eunuchs exercised +very severe discipline beyond that of monks.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> Menavino, 127.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_244">pp. 244, 245</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_263">p. 263</a>; Ricaut, 49.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> Ricaut, 49: “Their first Lessons are silence, reverence, humble and modest +behaviour, holding their heads downwards, and their hands across before them.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 48.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 47.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> Ricaut, 51; D’Ohsson, vii. 34 ff. These chambers were the <i>Kiler-odassi</i>, or +Pantry; the <i>Khazineh-odassi</i>, or Treasure Chamber; the <i>Khas-odassi</i>, or Inner +Chamber. See below, <a href="#Page_126">pp. 126-128</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> Ricaut, 52.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> Postel, iii. 11.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> Spandugino, 62.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 32.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> <i>Ibid</i>. 490.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> Ramberti (below, <a href="#Page_244">p. 244</a>) says that they became <i>Spahi-oghlans</i>, <i>Silihdars</i>, and +officials of higher degree according to their worth and to the favor which they had +gained with the sultan; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_263">p. 263</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> Menavino, 138.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> Ricaut, 71; Postel, i. 33; Nicolay, 64; D’Ohsson, vii. 64.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_254">p. 254</a> (“he marries them to Spahi-oghlans, or to others of the +slaves of the Porte according to the degree and condition of both parties”); Junis +Bey, below, <a href="#Page_269">p. 269</a>; Geuffroy, 244; Chesneau, 40; Nicolay, 64.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> Trevisano, 130, speaks of 16,400; but this number does not seem sufficient +to account for all.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Chalcocondyles, 97; Spandugino, 103; Ramberti, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>; Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>; (they +are sent “to dig earth in order to learn Turkish”); Zeno, 127; Geuffroy, 243; +Navagero, 50. Chesneau, 44, states that those <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> who were levied in +Anatolia were sent to gentlemen in Rumelia.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_255">p. 255</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_270">p. 270</a>; Nicolay, 86.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> Giovio, <i>Commentarius</i>, 78; Junis Bey, as above.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> Ramberti and Junis Bey, as above, say after three or four years; Geuffroy, +243, after four years. Navagero, 50, says that every two or three years, as the +service demands, an officer takes those who are ready; some have served two or +three, some four or five years. Trevisano, 130, says that they are left six or +seven years.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> Ricaut, 77.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> Chalcocondyles, 97; Spandugino, 104; Navagero, 52.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> Navagero, 52; Postel, iii. 22, 25.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> Spandugino, 76.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Ramberti, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, says 5000; Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, says 4000 or 5000; Geuffroy, 242, +says 5000 or 6000; Trevisano, 129, says 6800; Garzoni, 415, says 6000; Postel, +iii. 25, says 5000 to 7000; D. Barbarigo, 33, says 7600.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>; Navagero, 51; Trevisano, 129; Postel, iii. 25.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> Trevisano, 129.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> Giovio, <i>Commentarius</i>, 77.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_254">p. 254</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_269">p. 269</a>; D’Ohsson, vii. 28.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> Postel, iii. 25.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> Postel, iii. 22, says that only those who had special privilege from the sultan +were allowed to learn letters. Ricaut, 76, says that some of those in the palace +service were taught to read and write. In D’Ohsson’s time (vii. 327), each <i>oda</i> +had a <i>hoja</i> to teach reading and writing to those who wished.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_269">269, 270</a>, says that they had 2 or 3 aspers per day at first, and +more as they advanced, and that their chief was allowed 100,000 aspers a year for +their food and clothing. Postel, iii. 23, says that their chief was allowed 10,000 +aspers a day to keep them and pay them, and other money for their clothing.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> Ramberti, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>; Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>; Postel, iii. 25.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> Spandugino, 104. Trevisano, 130, says that they became such at from 20 to +25 years old, according to their mind, value, or favor.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> Ricaut, 76. But those of the principal palace in Constantinople had greater +opportunities; they might become Janissaries, <i>Solaks</i>, <i>Kapujis</i>, etc. (Ramberti, +below, <a href="#Page_245">p. 245</a>.)</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> Chalcocondyles, 97.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> Trevisano, 130; Barbaro, 316; Garzoni, 397.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> Zinkeisen, iii. 228.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> Ricaut, 53; D’Ohsson, vii. 34-39.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_244">p. 244</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_263">p. 263</a>; Ricaut, 53.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> Junis Bey, as quoted above, <a href="#Footnote_255">p. 81, note 4</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> Chalcocondyles, 171; Barbaro, 305; Nicolay, 89 (“the wages of each are +increased, according to the merit of their military valor”).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 160.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. viii.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> Postel, i. 121.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 19.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> Tanco, 197, 206.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 105.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 154-155.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> Ricaut, 77.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> Spandugino, 185; Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 108.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> Spandugino, 132.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> The grand vizier Rustem’s wealth is summed up in detail in Hammer’s +<i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 386: “He himself left at his death an immense fortune; no +grand vizier before him had amassed so much wealth. His estate consisted of +815 farms in Rumelia and Anatolia, 476 water mills, 1700 slaves, 2900 war horses, +1106 camels, 5000 richly embroidered coats and robes of honor, 8000 turbans, 1100 +caps of cloth of gold, 2900 coats of mail, 2000 cuirasses, 600 saddles finished in +silver, 500 others adorned with gold and precious stones, 1500 helmets plated with +silver, 130 pairs of golden stirrups, 760 sabres adorned with precious stones, 1000 +lances trimmed with silver, 800 Korans, 130 of which were set with diamonds, 5000 +volumes of various works, 78,000 ducats, 32 precious stones representing a value of +112 donkey-loads (that is to say, 11,200,000 aspers); the ready money which was +found in his house was estimated at 1000 loads (100,000,000 aspers, or 2,000,000 +ducats.)”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> D. Barbarigo, 30-33.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Menavino, 128.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> The cause of the execution of Junis Pasha by Selim I. Cf. Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, +ii. 524.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> Halil Ganem, i. 169.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 322.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> Cahun, <i>Introduction</i>, p. vii: “Les Turcs et les Mongols ... nées de la guerre +et organisées pour la conquête.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> This was true even in D’Ohsson’s time (vii. 399).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 181.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> Curiously enough, the oldest sense in which the Turkish word <i>kul</i> was used as a +term denoting relation to a prince, was in reference to soldiers (Vambéry, <i>Uigurische +Sprachmonumente und das Kudalku Bilik</i>, 113, stanza 12b). At that time the +word was applied to the foot-soldiers as distinguished from the cavalry, who were +then volunteer knights. This usage survived in the Ottoman system to the extent +that the regular infantry, including the Janissaries, artillerymen, and other lesser +permanent corps, were regarded as in a particular and special sense the sultan’s +<i>kullar</i> (D’Ohsson, vii. 328; Djevad Bey, i. 15-18).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> The <i>Bostanjis</i>, or gardeners, and other <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> of the palace service were +not left behind: D’Ohsson, vii. 326; Djevad Bey, i. 7.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> Extended accounts of the Janissaries may be found in D’Ohsson, vii. 310 ff.; +Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 192 ff.; Zinkeisen, iii. 201 ff.; Djevad Bey, vol. i, +book i.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> For an example of the persistence of this idea, see Bérard (1909), 12-13: +“La Turquie désormais subsiste par le janissaire et doit vivre pour le janissaire +d’abord ... depuis la prise de Rhodes (1522) jusqu’à l’apparition de la flotte +russe aux Dardanelles (1770), tant vaut le janissaire et tant vaut l’empire.” Professor +A. C. Coolidge suggests that the hold which this remarkable organization +had upon the imagination of fellow-countrymen as well as of foreigners was in part +“due to the fact that in almost all Oriental history good infantrymen have been +extremely rare, and the Janissaries were the only good infantrymen in the Ottoman +Empire.” It is also true that the Janissaries were that group within the Moslem +fold which came least under the taming and subordinating influence of the system; +they were a frontier province of Islamic society. When in the seventeenth century +they ceased to be drawn directly from the Christian population and became a +variety of military aristocracy, not only did they remain in part a fighting infantry, +but their original freedom of spirit and action was by no means abandoned.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 359-360; Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 251, 361, iii. 45; Nicolay, 89.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> Rhodes was pillaged after capitulation (1521), and so were Ofen (1529), and +Wychegrad (1544): Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 28, 83, 263.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> ii. 252. Hence the death of a sultan was kept concealed until his +successor had assumed power (<i>ibid.</i> 535; iii. 449).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> Mohammed II gave them ten purses of gold (1451), <i>ibid.</i> i. 504; Bayezid II +gave them 2000 aspers each (1481), <i>ibid.</i> ii. 252; Selim I gave them 3000 aspers +each (1512), <i>ibid.</i> 382; from Suleiman they asked 5000 aspers each, which he +compounded by giving them one-third in cash and increased pay (1520), <i>ibid.</i> iii. 6.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> Before Vienna (1529), <i>ibid.</i> 88; on march toward Persia (1534), <i>ibid.</i> 148; at +Tabriz (1535), <i>ibid.</i> 158.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> This usage dates from Suleiman; D’Ohsson, vii. 354.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 86: the Janissaries “are scattered through every +part of the empire, either to garrison the forts against the enemy, or to protect +the Christians and Jews from the violence of the mob. There is no district with any +considerable amount of population, no borough or city, which has not a detachment +of Janissaries to protect the Christians, Jews, and other helpless people from +outrage and wrong.” Janissaries might be detailed to attend on foreign ambassadors, +or to escort foreign travelers within the empire (Knolles, ed. 1687, p. 985).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> Nicolay, 89, was perhaps the first to point out the likeness of the Janissaries +to the Roman Pretorian Guard, and to see in them a great danger to the Ottoman +Empire.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 420, 520.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 88.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> Trevisano, 129, says that they had sufficient authority on the death of a +sultan to give the empire to which of his sons they pleased. Cf. J. Soranzo, 248; +Morosini, 255; Garzoni, 432; Knolles (ed. 1687), 985 (“neither can any of +the Turks Sultans account themselves fully invested in the Imperial Dignity, +or assured of their Estate, until they be by them approved and proclaimed”).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> D’Ohsson, i. 278-284; Heidborn, 120.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> D’Ohsson, i. 284. This rule is sometimes stated erroneously as an old Turkish +custom, a provision of Mohammedan law, or an old Ottoman law or custom.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 98: “<i>Kanun</i> of the Security of the Throne: The +majority of Legists (<i>Ulema</i>) have declared it allowable, that whoever among +my illustrious children and grandchildren may come to the throne, should, for +securing the peace of the world, order his brothers to be executed. Let them +hereafter act accordingly.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 352 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> Menavino, 219; Trevisano, 129; Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 365.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 314.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 185-189.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> Postel, iii. 87, says, about 1537: Suleiman “has among others a son named +Mustapha, marvelously well educated and prudent and of the age to reign; for +he is 23 or 24 years old; and God grant that so great an atrocity may not come +so near us (<i>Dieu ne permette qu’une Barbarie si grande vienne si pres de nous</i>).”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> 10,000 is the number according to Bragadino, 106. 12,000 is given by almost +all contemporaries: Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_249">p. 249</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_266">p. 266</a>; Giovio, +<i>Commentarius</i>, 76; Geuffroy, 234; Navagero, 53; Trevisano, 128; Barbaro, 305; +Postel, iii. 30; Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 86; Nicolay, 88; Erizzo, 127. Navagero, +56, says some think that 15,500 or 16,000 were inscribed; and Garzoni, +416, says that there were 13,000 or 14,000. Djevad Bey, i. 90, gives 12,000 in +1523, and 13,599 in 1574. In 1564 D. Barbarigo, 33, gives a precise number, +13,502. D’Ohsson, vii. 330, says, without stating any authority and against the +above contemporary evidence, that Suleiman raised the number to 40,000. Hammer +(<i>Geschichte</i>, i. 95, and iii. 473) says, referring to D’Ohsson, that Suleiman had +20,000; but in his <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 195, he states that Suleiman had only 12,000 +before Szigets. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 990) says, about 1603, that the Janissaries +numbered not over 12,000 to 14,000.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a> Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, and Ludovisi, 17, give the number of this garrison as 3000. +Postel, 38, gives the number as 30,000; this must include the Mamelukes.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> Giovio, <i>Commentarius</i>, 77: about 6000 of the older of them stay about the +Prince. Navagero, 55: 8000 to 10,000 are always ready.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> Ramberti, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>; Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 194; Ricaut, 365 (mentions 162 <i>odalar</i>); Djevad +Bey, i. 28. In Chalcocondyles’s time (1465), 97, the strength of each <i>oda</i> seems to +have been of 50 men. In Suleiman’s time it was less than 100. Later it became +much larger.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Nicolay, 96-97; D’Ohsson, vii. 313-320; Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 201 ff.; +Djevad Bey, i. 35, 45.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 314; Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 428. This was the case only from +1515 to 1582.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> <i>Kiaya</i> is a word which offered infinite difficulties of pronunciation and spelling; +for example, gachaia, cacaia, checaya, quaia, queaya, caia, cahaia, chiccaia, +chechessi. Some authors employ a different spelling each time they use the word. +Trevisano, 118, gives chietcudasci. <i>Kiaya</i> represents the popular pronunciation. +The more nearly correct form of the word, following the Turkish spelling, +is <i>ketkhuda</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 353.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> Djevad Bey, i. 35.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_250">p. 250</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_266">p. 266</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> Ludovisi (1534), 9, gives a pessimistic account of them; according to him, +they had not the order or the discipline or the astuteness which was found in the +Christian infantry. Postel, iii. 30, praises them greatly for order, frugality, and +temperance. Djevad Bey, i. 56-64, gives a favorable description; he says (p. 56) +that the first of their fundamental laws enjoined absolute obedience.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> Postel, iii. 31; D’Ohsson, vii. 353; Djevad Bey, i. 66, 69.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 296.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 351; Djevad Bey, i. 56-59.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_249">p. 249</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_267">p. 267</a>; D’Ohsson, vii. 352.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> Djevad Bey, i. 289.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> This name for the sultan’s paid cavalry is that regularly employed by the +Venetian writers of the sixteenth century: for example, Moro, 337; Bernardo, 330.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 95.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="label">[327]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 353.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="label">[328]</a> For the great disturbance which they raised in 1593, see Zinkeisen, iii. 79.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="label">[329]</a> All of these names are spelled with an ingenious variety in contemporary +writings:—</p> + +<p><i>Spahi</i>: spai, spachi, sipahi, sipah, spacoillain (spahi-oghlan).</p> + +<p><i>Silihdar</i>: selicter, sillictar, sulastrus, suluphtar.</p> + +<p><i>Ulufagi</i>: holofagi, allophase.</p> + +<p><i>Ghureba</i>: caripy, caripicus, ciarcagi, caripp (oglan), gharib (oglan), capi (oglan)</p> + +<p>The word <i>Spahi</i> is of identical derivation with <i>Sepoy</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="label">[330]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_250">p. 250</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_267">p. 267</a>; Postel, iii. 34. Giovio +(<i>Commentarius</i>, 75) says that some <i>Spahis</i> brought as many as ten horsemen.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="label">[331]</a> Giovio, 75; Postel, iii. 35.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="label">[332]</a> They were called “poor youth” by Menavino, 152; Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>; Ramberti, +<a href="#Page_251">251</a>; Trevisano, 126; Postel, iii. 36. Spandugino, 97, says that they were +strangers from Asia, Egypt, and Africa. Giovio, 76, says that they were all +Moslems from Persia, Turcomania, Syria, Africa, Arabia, Scythia, and even India; +but he is wrong in confining them to Moslems in the sixteenth century. Trevisano, +126, asserts that they were renegades from every nation; and on this +authority Zinkeisen falls into the opposite error of confining them to Christian +renegades. Postel, iii. 36, says that they were chosen from the <i>Akinji</i>, Kurds, +and <i>Azabs</i>. Menavino, 152, declares that they were not slaves of the great Turk, +but that part were Turks, part Christian renegades, and part Arabs (<i>Mori</i>).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="label">[333]</a> The <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte are discussed at length in D’Ohsson, vii. 364 ff.; +Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 237 ff.; Zinkeisen, iii. 168 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="label">[334]</a> Giovio (<i>Commentarius</i>, 75) mentions 2000 in each of the first two corps, +and 1000 in each of the second two. Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_267">p. 267</a>) puts 3000 in each +of the first two corps, 2000 in each of the second two. Ramberti (below, <a href="#Page_250">p. 250</a>) +gives more than 3000 <i>Spahi-oghlans</i>, 3000 <i>Silihdars</i>, and 2000 in each of the other +corps. Ludovisi, 15, puts 3000 in each of the first two, 2500 in the third, and +2000 in the fourth. Trevisano, 125, puts 2000 in each but the fourth, which +contained 1500. D. Barbarigo, 33, mentions 7095 <i>Spahis</i>. Barbaro, 304, says +that there were 15,000 <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte. There were under pay in 1660, +after serious changes, 7203 <i>Spahis</i>, 6254 <i>Silihdars</i>, 976 <i>Ulufajis</i>, and 722 <i>Ghurebas</i>: +Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 175.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="label">[335]</a> A calculation based on Junis Bey’s statements gives a total of between 41,000 +and 49,000. Garzoni, 413, says distinctly that there were 40,000 <i>Spahis</i> of the +Porte paid out of the sultan’s treasury; that among these were 3000 <i>Spahi-oghlans</i>, +3000 <i>Silihdars</i>, 3000 <i>Ulufajis</i>, and 2000 <i>Ghurebas</i> (<i>ciarcagi</i>); and that the grand +vizier had 1000 <i>Spahis</i> assigned to his retinue, and the other viziers each 500. +D’Ohsson, vii. 364-365, states that the <i>Spahis</i> proper in the time of Mohammed II, +numbered 10,000, and that Achmet III, raised their strength to 12,000; +like figures for the <i>Silihdars</i> were 8000 and 12,000. This estimate must include +the additional horsemen.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="label">[336]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 57; Menavano, 148, 151.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="label">[337]</a> See above, <a href="#Footnote_79">pp. 47 (note 1)</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>. The Ottoman feudal system is discussed at +length in Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 337 ff.; D’Ohsson, vii. 372 ff.; Zinkeisen, iii. +145 ff.; Belin, <i>Du Régime des Fiefs Militaires en Turquie</i>; Tischendorf, <i>Moslemisches +Lehnswesen</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="label">[338]</a> Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_271">p. 271</a>) says, shortly after describing the feudal <i>Spahis</i> of +Europe, that “all the <i>Spahis</i> are slaves and sons of slaves of the Seigneur (<i>Tutti +li spachi sono schiaui & figli de schiaui del Sig[nor]</i>);” but this statement is +incomplete. Ramberti (below, <a href="#Page_256">p. 256</a>) adds, “and sons of <i>Spahis</i>.” The latter +group undoubtedly contained the great majority of the feudal <i>Spahis</i>. Geuffroy +246, enlarges on the statement by saying that the 30,000 feudal <i>Spahis</i> of Europe +were all <i>Ajem-oghlans</i> and slaves of the great Turk. No other writer terms them +<i>kullar</i>. Garzoni, 412, calls them Turkish soldiers. The whole theory of the +Ottoman feudal system made them such; the smaller fiefs were hereditary from of +old, and gaps were filled from volunteers with the army, who must have been +Moslems, since Christians were not allowed to bear arms: Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, +349 ff. (“<i>Kanun-nameh</i> of the granting of <i>Timars</i> and <i>Ziamets</i>”).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="label">[339]</a> Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_271">p. 271</a> (they collect the income from the Christians, etc.); Moro, +339 (they are appointed by the king to administer justice); Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, +iii. 478; D’Ohsson, vii. 373. Heidborn, 157, discusses their duties in +some detail.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="label">[340]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 275; Heidborn, 145.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="label">[341]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 476.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="label">[342]</a> Spandugino, 146, states that under Mohammed II, each fief-holder who had +5000 aspers of income was obliged to bring another with him to war; but in his +time (under Bayezid II) this obligation was imposed upon those who had 3000 +aspers, unless retired on account of age. Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_256">pp. 256-271</a>) +say that for each 100 ducats a <i>Spahi</i> must keep an armed horseman, and +three or four servants, and a like number of horses; see also D’Ohsson, vii. 373. +Heidborn, 145, states that holders of <i>timars</i> brought an additional warrior for +each 3000 aspers of income, and holders of <i>ziamets</i> an additional one for each 5000 +aspers; but in any case the first 3000 aspers was exempt.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="label">[343]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 374.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="label">[344]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 352.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="label">[345]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 94.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="label">[346]</a> Hammer (<i>ibid.</i> 143 ff.) describes Suleiman’s legislation, giving translations +of much of it.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="label">[347]</a> Ricaut, 343.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="label">[348]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 374; Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 352 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="label">[349]</a> The limit differed according to region. In Rumelia a <i>teskereh</i> was required +for all <i>timars</i> of 6000 aspers and over, and for all <i>ziamets</i>: Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, +275.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="label">[350]</a> Ramberti (below, <a href="#Page_256">p. 256</a>) gives this limit as 100 ducats, or 5000 aspers.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="label">[351]</a> Garzoni, 413; Tanco, 209.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="label">[352]</a> Bernardo, 329; Knolles (ed. 1687), 983.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="label">[353]</a> Spandugino, 211; Zinkeisen, iii. 129. The feudal <i>Spahis</i> had lower officers +who were not sent out from the capital, such as the <i>Cheribashis</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="label">[354]</a> The name means “ensign bey,” and was translated <i>flambole</i>: for example, +Geuffroy, 246.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="label">[355]</a> Postel, iii. 44; Tiepolo, 138.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="label">[356]</a> Heidborn, 140, says that the <i>Subashis</i> had <i>ziamets</i>, the <i>Alai Beys</i> had small +<i>khasses</i>, the <i>Sanjak Beys</i> had <i>khasses</i> of a million aspers or more, and the <i>Beylerbeys</i> +much more. The amount which he assigns to the <i>Sanjak Beys</i> is too large for +Suleiman’s time. Ramberti (below, <a href="#Page_256">pp. 256-258</a>) gives their income at from +4000 to 12,000 ducats, which would amount to from 200,000 to 600,000 aspers.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="label">[357]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_256">p. 256</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_271">p. 271</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="label">[358]</a> Menavino, 186, 190, says that in his time the <i>Beylerbey</i> of Anatolia resided +at Kutaia (Custage). Ramberti, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, mentions the same place (Chiothachie) as +the seat of his sanjakate. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 986) says that all the <i>Beylerbeys</i> +except the <i>Beylerbey</i> of Rumelia were supposed to reside within their dominions.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="label">[359]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. xi.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="label">[360]</a> Trevisano, 132.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="label">[361]</a> In Europe 30,000 <i>Spahis</i> and 20,000 <i>Timarjis</i>; in Anatolia 12,000 <i>Spahis</i>; +in Karamania 7000, Amasia 4000, and Avandole 7000. This is the estimate of +Junis Bey and Ramberti, which Geuffroy, 247, follows, and which Postel, iii. +37 ff., changes a little (Karamania 5000 instead of 7000, Amasia omitted). +Ludovisi, 16, gives practically the same figures. Navagero, 41, gives 40,000 +in Europe and 80,000 to 100,000 in Asia, the latter figure probably including the +troops of Syria and Mesopotamia, and of Egypt, which was not provided with fiefs +in the same way. Barbaro, 304, and Garzoni, 412, mention 80,000 in Europe +and 50,000 in Asia. D. Barbarigo (1558), 33, speaks of a sum total of 160,000 +feudal <i>Spahis</i>. Tiepolo (1576), 140, speaks of 60,000 <i>timars</i> in Europe which sent +80,000 <i>Spahis</i>, and 50,000 <i>Spahis</i> from Asia. The number may have increased +about one-half during Suleiman’s reign, but it is more likely that all the groups of +figures are only estimates. Ricaut, 341, after careful inquiry, gives the number +of <i>Zaims</i> in his time as 10,948, and of <i>Timarjis</i> as 72,436, for the whole empire +except Egypt. He thinks that this estimate should be increased to 100,000. The +total feudal contingent in the time of Achmet I, was by Turkish authority about +the same (Tischendorf, 57 ff.). D’Ohsson, vii. 375, estimates the feudal troops +at 200,000 in Suleiman’s time; on p. 381, however, he speaks of more than 150,000 +men. See below, <a href="#Footnote_376">p. 107, n. 1</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="label">[362]</a> Postel, iii. 38 (“triple pour le moins”).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="label">[363]</a> Chesneau, 46; D’Ohsson, vii. 381. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 990) says that not +over one-third could safely be called to arms.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="label">[364]</a> After the year 1541: Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 232.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="label">[365]</a> After the year 1552: Trevisano, 124. The number of the <i>Beylerbeys</i> was +greatly increased in the last third of the sixteenth century. Knolles, 986-988, +mentions five in Europe, 30 in Asia, and 4 in Africa, besides the <i>Beylerbey</i> of the +Sea, whose office was created by Suleiman, but who is not mentioned above as having +no part in the army.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="label">[366]</a> Spandugino, 153; Nicolay, 160.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="label">[367]</a> The name <i>akinji</i> is variously spelled: yachinji, alcanzi, alcangi, aconiziae, +alengi, aquangi, achiar, aghiar. Spandugino, 150, says that the sultan can collect +200,000 of these for the war; Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_257">pp. 257</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>) mention +60,000 as inscribed; Giovio (<i>Commentarius</i>, 81) names 30,000; Garzoni, 414, +says 25,000 or 30,000; Postel, iii. 26, says 50,000 or 60,000. Ramberti, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, tells +us that when in arms they were entitled to living expenses from the villages near +which they passed.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="label">[368]</a> Zinkeisen, iii. 203.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="label">[369]</a> Spandugino, 152. Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, mentions 1000 with the fleet, and Postel, +iii. 71, mentions 10,000.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="label">[370]</a> Postel, iii. 26.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="label">[371]</a> Chalcocondyles, 135; Giovio, <i>Commentarius</i>, 81, etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="label">[372]</a> Spandugino, 151.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="label">[373]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_98">p. 98</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="label">[374]</a> Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_268">p. 268</a>. In addition were several thousand saddlers, etc., +who were not reckoned as regular troops: the <i>Bostanjis</i>, older pages, body-guards, +etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="label">[375]</a> Knolles (ed. 1687), 984.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="label">[376]</a> Several contemporary estimates of the complete army may be compared: +Marini Sanuto, under date of October 26, 1529, gives an estimate of the Turkish +army then before Vienna as containing 305,200 men. The same writer (<i>Diarii</i>, +lvi) gives three or four estimates from the year 1532, when Suleiman went forth +on the Güns campaign: on p. 768, Suleiman’s army is said to contain 500,000 +men; on p. 870 is found an account of Suleiman’s entry into Belgrade, in which +170,300 men are mentioned, besides “adventurers” and “many others”; on the +same page is estimated the number with which the Sultan was to leave Belgrade, +which sums up 284,500, and does not seem to account fully for the territorial armies; +on p. 894 he summarizes a despatch from Ratisbon, dated August 23, 1532, which +relates the testimony of three Turkish prisoners to the effect that the Turkish army +numbers over 300,000 persons, but that not over 80,000 are good fighting men. +Postel, iii. 38, estimates the enrolled army at 218,000, and the whole at 500,000. +He states elsewhere that Suleiman took 500,000 men with him on the Persian +expedition of 1534-35. Chesneau’s impression (pp. 106-108) of Suleiman’s army, +when he saw it near Aleppo in the spring of 1549, was that it occupied 80,000 +to 100,000 tents, on a plain eight to ten miles long; that it contained 300,000 to +400,000 fighting men, of whom all but 10,000 or 12,000 Janissaries were on horseback; +and that the total number of persons assembled was about a million. Chesneau’s +chief, the ambassador D’Aramont, writing concerning the same expedition +from Esdron (Erzerum?) a few weeks later, speaks of “the mass of his (Suleiman’s) +army, which is by common estimate of 300,000 men, as may be judged from the +extent of the camp, which extends ten or twelve miles in length, and contains at +least 60,000 tents or more, with such order and obedience that, considering the +great multitude, it is almost unbelievable” (Charrière, ii. 68). In the year 1558, +A. Barbarigo, 150-151, estimated the cavalry alone at more than 300,000. +Twenty-six years after Suleiman’s death Bernardo, 331, says that the paid troops, +in which he includes the sultan’s household and the feudal army, amounted to +250,000 men. Zinkeisen, iii. 199, estimates the extreme total of the sultan’s +cavalry alone at 565,000. Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 984), writing about 1603, says that +the sultan could always gather 150,000 Timariotes for a great expedition. He +says that the Timariotes numbered in all 719,000 fighting men, of whom 257,000 +were in Europe and 426,000 in Asia. The last two estimates are incredibly +large.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="label">[377]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. xi, marginal summary.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="label">[378]</a> La Broquière, 273.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="label">[379]</a> Chalcocondyles, 135.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="label">[380]</a> Giovio, <i>Commentarius</i>, 83 (condensed).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="label">[381]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 293; on p. 221 he compares Turkish and +Western soldiers most unfavorably for the latter.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="label">[382]</a> Postel, i. 126; see also Dandolo, 166. Georgevitz, 45, says that he accompanied +the Turkish army on an expedition against Persia (probably 1533 to +1536): “I saw a <i>Spahi</i> decapitated together with his horse and servant, because +the horse, having been left loose, entered some one’s field.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="label">[383]</a> Postel, iii. 31, speaking particularly of the Janissaries.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="label">[384]</a> Morosini, 261.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="label">[385]</a> <i>The Policy of the Turkish Empire</i>, “To the Reader.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="label">[386]</a> Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_274">pp. 274, 275</a>) gives the order of march; Postel, 29 ff., +describes the encampment.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="label">[387]</a> Chalcocondyles, 135, says that the Turks lodged more grandly in the field +than in peace at home.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="label">[388]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 79.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="label">[389]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 160.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="label">[390]</a> Other reasons have been advanced to account for the fall of Ibrahim (cf. +Postel, iii. 48 ff.). The fact that he had became a danger to the throne is +sufficient.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="label">[391]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 438.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="label">[392]</a> Halil Ganem, i. 206.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="label">[393]</a> Ranke, 11.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="label">[394]</a> The <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte, and the Janissaries were not as a body put under a +<i>Seraskier’s</i> command until the time of Murad III: D’Ohsson, vii. 368; Djevad +Bey, i. 16.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="label">[395]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 141.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="label">[396]</a> Final audience was given to the Austrian ambassadors on June 23 (<i>ibid.</i> 138), +and Ibrahim marched about September 21 (<i>ibid.</i> 143).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="label">[397]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 277.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="label">[398]</a> Postel, iii. 54, speaking of Charles V in 1535-36, says: “The Emperor had +and lost during the war against the Sofi the fairest opportunity that ever Prince +had in this world, to recover Constantinople: for at every shaking of a leaf, all the +people trembled, and there was no guard in the city except the inhabitants and ten +thousand <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>” [these from the time of Mohammed II had been commissioned +to guard the capital during the army’s absence: D’Ohsson, vii. 348]. +Erizzo, 131, also discusses this danger, emphasizing the valor of the Persians and +the readiness of Asia Minor to revolt. The Turks in Constantinople in 1535 +feared that the expedition which Charles V was preparing against Tunis was +intended for an attack upon their city (<i>Revue Africaine</i>, xix. 352).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="label">[399]</a> Suleiman in his letter to Ferdinand, November 27, 1562, says, “I, Lord of the +Orient from the land of Tsin to the extremity of Africa”: Busbecq, <i>De Re Militari</i>, +272.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="label">[400]</a> Ibrahim said, “I, if I now wished it, could place Luther on one side and the +Pope on the other, and compel them to hold a council; what Charles ought to have +done, the Sultan and I will now do”: Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 134.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="label">[401]</a> Gerlach, 257, quoted in Zinkeisen, iii. 222.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="label">[402]</a> Postel, iii. 19.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="label">[403]</a> Spandugino, 218; Postel, i. 126.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="label">[404]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 202.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="label">[405]</a> Suleiman permitted this because of the increase it produced in his income: +Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 114; Halil Ganem, i. 197.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="label">[406]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 182, 202.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="label">[407]</a> Ricaut, 140; D’Ohsson, vii. 287.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="label">[408]</a> Montesquieu, livre v, ch. xix.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="label">[409]</a> Postel, i. 126: “les gents de la court, qui ont leurs chefs <i>Aga</i> & <i>Bassi</i> pour +Iuges,” etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="label">[410]</a> Spandugino, 214 ff., relates how this came about, and says (p. 218), “No +<i>Cadi</i> can have power and authority over the slaves who receive pay from the +Seigneur.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="label">[411]</a> Zane, 407; Robertson, i. 249.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="label">[412]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 176, 684; ii. 674.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="label">[413]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> i. 96. The descendants of Michael have been among the very few +families who were constituted landed nobles in the Ottoman Empire. Seven +“endowments of the Conquerors” still exist, one of which benefits his line: Heidborn, +314.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="label">[414]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 96.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="label">[415]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 18.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="label">[416]</a> Spandugino, 13; Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_242">p. 242</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_273">p. 273</a>. D. +Barbarigo, 19, names eight great families among whom the succession might fall +(he says that some thought it should pass through the female line): in Rumelia +four,—Micali, Ersecli, Eurenesli, Egiachiali; in Anatolia, four,—Cheselamath, +Diercauli, Durcadurli, Ramadanli, formerly called Spendial. Ricaut, 107, says +that in his time there existed an “ancient compact” by which, in default of +heirs male in the Ottoman line, the empire was to descend to the Crimean Tartars.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="label">[417]</a> Ricaut, 211.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="label">[418]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 129: “A Turk is never reverenced but for his Office, that is made the +sole measure and rule of his greatness and honour, without other considerations +of Vertue or Nobility.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="label">[419]</a> Below, <a href="#CHAPTER_VII">ch. vii</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="label">[420]</a> Above, <a href="#CHAPTER_III">ch. iii</a>, under heads “Other Motives for Incorporating Christians,” +“Advancement Based on Merit.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="label">[421]</a> Ricaut, 129.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="label">[422]</a> About the year 1800, when the two institutions, and particularly the Ruling +Institution, had reached an extreme state of decay, and before new institutions +after Western models had yet been introduced, the Ottoman Empire was to come +very near to such a breaking-up. It seems actually to have been saved by the lingering +of the tradition against heredity in office; for, though life-tenure of purchased +governorships had become regular, no Pasha except the North African corsairs +of the seventeenth century, and Ibrahim in Egypt in the early nineteenth century, +succeeded in founding a dynasty upon Ottoman soil. For the disorders about +1800, see Heidborn, 144.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="label">[423]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 490-491, quoting Kochi Bey.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="label">[424]</a> See above, <a href="#Footnote_183">p. 69, note 3</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="label">[425]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 278.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="label">[426]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 6.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="label">[427]</a> Postel, i. 31, says that Suleiman occasionally sent for one of his women +to visit him in the principal palace. Nicolay, 62, reports that about 1551 Roxelana +was residing within the palace grounds. By 1585 the principal ladies of the +harem had been transferred to the new palace, leaving the old palace to the function +of a training-school for recruits. These steps illustrate the rapid increase of the +importance of the harem in the Ottoman scheme.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="label">[428]</a> Exceptions were made in case of the old <i>Hojas</i>, or teachers of the young princes, +the religious advisers of the queen mother, and physicians. See Postel, i. 35; +Ricaut, 68; D’Ohsson, vii. 11; Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 73.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="label">[429]</a> <i>Siasset Namèh</i>, 121, 123, 163.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="label">[430]</a> “<i>Kanun</i> of the Imperial Table,” printed in Hammer’s <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 98: +“It is not my <i>Kanun</i> that any one should dine with my Imperial Majesty; it +might be some one not of Imperial blood.” Suleiman did not always observe this +<i>Kanun</i> (cf. Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 99).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="label">[431]</a> Erizzo, 138; Morosini, 281.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="label">[432]</a> Extended descriptions of the household are found in D’Ohsson, vii and +Hammer’s <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>. Lane-Poole, in his <i>Story of Turkey</i>, ch. xiv, gives a +good, clear summary of D’Ohsson. References to these authorities are here omitted +except in a few instances of special interest.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="label">[433]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 71; Menavino, 179. The <i>Eski Serai</i> of the sixteenth +century stood where the <i>Seraskierat</i>, or War Office, now stands.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="label">[434]</a> D’Ohsson, v. 52.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="label">[435]</a> Postel, i. 32.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="label">[436]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_56">pp. 56, 57</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78, 79</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="label">[437]</a> Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_269">p. 269</a>) says twenty, a number scarcely sufficient. Twenty +years earlier Menavino, 180, speaks of about forty.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="label">[438]</a> Ricaut, 67-68, mentions several of these.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="label">[439]</a> Postel, i. 35.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="label">[440]</a> Ricaut, 73.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="label">[441]</a> Hammer (<i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 222) says that the custom of accomplishing the death +of sons of daughters of sultans (by neglecting to tie the navel cord) dates from +Mohammed II; but no contemporary authority appears to mention such a custom. +D’Ohsson, vii. 93, says that it was instituted in the time of Achmet I. The son of +a sister of Selim I was <i>Beylerbey</i> of Aleppo about 1550 (Alberi, <i>Anonimo</i> of 1553, +228).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="label">[442]</a> Ludovisi, 29; Postel, i. 31. See <a href="#Footnote_494">p. 141, note 2</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="label">[443]</a> Postel, i. 31.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="label">[444]</a> Spandugino, 64.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="label">[445]</a> Menavino, 137.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="label">[446]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 34. Whether this number was fixed in Suleiman’s time does +not appear from the records. Mohammed II had 32 officers of the <i>Khas Oda</i> +(Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 96). Menavino, 121-123, names three special officers, +15 of second grade, and 35 of third grade, before mentioning the treasury. +Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_243">pp. 243</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>) name 6 principal officers, but do +not distinguish the <i>odalar</i> further. Chesneau, 39, says that 25 of the pages were +Suleiman’s personal servants, and that 5 served him specially. Navagero, 45, +speaks of 25 or 30 in the <i>Khas Oda</i>. Ricaut, 52, speaks of 40.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="label">[447]</a> Ramberti and Junis Bey, as above; Postel, iii. 4; Navagero, 45.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="label">[448]</a> Navagero, 44.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="label">[449]</a> The number of pages in the <i>Kiler Odassi</i> is given by Menavino, 125, as 25, all +between 20 and 22 years of age. Navagero, 44, says that they numbered 300 or +400; but this is incredible. He gives no numbers for the purely educational <i>odalar</i>, +and evidently has counted them all in the <i>Kiler Odassi</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="label">[450]</a> Hammer (<i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 30) erroneously says that the pages of these <i>odalar</i> +attended to the lowest duties of the palace, and were recruited from three palace +schools outside. Navagero, 44, disproves this.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="label">[451]</a> An additional chamber, the <i>Seferli Odassi</i>, or Chamber of Campaign, was +instituted by Murad IV to attend to his laundry work and other special duties in +time of war. The membership was chosen out of the educational <i>odalar</i>, and it +ranked next after the <i>Kiler Odassi</i>. See Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 28.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="label">[452]</a> Ricaut, 47.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="label">[453]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_255">p. 255</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="label">[454]</a> Ramberti and Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_245">pp. 245</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="label">[455]</a> Menavino, 160 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="label">[456]</a> Zinkeisen, iii. 181, states erroneously on the authority of Trevisano, 125 +(meaning p. 128), that these were all Turks and of noble blood. The fact +that Menavino, 146, calls them “schiaui” is sufficient disproof. Zinkeisen +also quotes Spandugino, 114, to the effect that the <i>Muteferrika</i> were all lords, +or sons of princes or of lords; but Spandugino, 62, says that pages pass to the +office of <i>Muteferrika</i> from the highest four offices at least. Trevisano, 127, says, +“Li quali sono giovani nati Turchi, <i>e figliuoli d’uomini di autorità</i>” (italics +not in original); but “men of authority” were practically all renegades. Moro, +341, calls them, in 1590, sons of the principal Turks. The fact seems to be that most +of the <i>Muteferrika</i> were Ottomans of the second generation (<i>i. e.</i>, sons of renegades) +and that the rest were regarded as ennobled by passage through the high offices +of the <i>Khas Oda</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="label">[457]</a> Menavino, 155 (he says they were Persians); Nicolay, 98; Ramberti, below, +<a href="#Page_251">p. 251</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="label">[458]</a> Spandugino, 116, gives the number 300, and says that they became Janissaries. +Menavino, 140, mentions 500. Ramberti (<a href="#Page_246">pp. 246</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>) mentions 250 +at the principal palace and 100 at the palace of the harem; the latter he calls +Janissaries.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="label">[459]</a> Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="label">[460]</a> Spandugino, 125.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="label">[461]</a> Postel, iii. 9.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="label">[462]</a> Ricaut, 373. In his time they numbered 500 or 600.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="label">[463]</a> Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>. Ramberti, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, speaks of 35, which is clearly too few.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="label">[464]</a> Postel, iii. 11.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="label">[465]</a> Menavino, 129. In D’Ohsson’s time (vii. 15) this official was also the jailer +and presiding executioner of the palace, inspector of the water supply and forests +near the capital, and overseer of hunting and fishing and of the trade in wine and +lime. How many of these functions he exercised under Suleiman seems not to +have been recorded. In Spandugino’s time (p. 118) the chief <i>Kapuji</i> was presiding +executioner.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="label">[466]</a> Ramberti, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>; Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="label">[467]</a> Menavino, 150. They were not <i>kullar</i>. Cf. the <i>Zainogiler</i>, below, <a href="#Page_252">pp. 252</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="label">[468]</a> Shortened in use to <i>Miri-akhor</i>, <i>Imrakhor</i>, <i>Imbrahor</i>, <i>Imbroor</i>, <i>Imror</i>, etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="label">[469]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 17; Menavino, 148-150.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="label">[470]</a> A short form of <i>Emir-Alem</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="label">[471]</a> Menavino, 145.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="label">[472]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 21. In his time these were under the “Chief of the Black +Eunuchs.” It does not appear who controlled them under Suleiman.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="label">[473]</a> Postel, iii. 12; Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 44.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="label">[474]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 37.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="label">[475]</a> Spandugino, 127-128, describes the hunting organization under Bayezid II. +Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_249">pp. 249</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>) state that 2700 or 900 Janissaries +served under the <i>Segban-bashi</i> and <i>Zagarji-bashi</i> in the care of the dogs.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="label">[476]</a> D’Ohsson, iv. 98 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="label">[477]</a> <i>Siasset Namèh</i>, 161.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="label">[478]</a> <i>Tractatus</i>, ch. ix.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="label">[479]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 88 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="label">[480]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 434 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="label">[481]</a> The statements of this paragraph are based upon the <i>Kanuni Teshrifat</i> as +given in Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 434 ff. See Della Valle, i. 45: “Tutti gli uffici, +e tutti gli ordini, tanto della militia, quanto della Corte, e d’ogni altra sorte di +persone, hanno qui il loro habito proprio, and in particolare al portamento della +testa, si cognosce ciascuno che cosa è.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="label">[482]</a> Postel, iii. 13; Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 18.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="label">[483]</a> Ricaut, 156.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="label">[484]</a> The festival of the Birth of the Prophet was not instituted until the reign of +Murad III (Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 469). The sultan’s annual visit to the +relics of the Prophet also became a great ceremony.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="label">[485]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 96-101. Only less splendid was the marriage of +Ibrahim to Suleiman’s sister in 1524 (<i>ibid.</i> 38).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="label">[486]</a> Compare Gritti, 27: the Janissaries at the reception of ambassadors “stand +in such quiet and order as for war that it is a marvellous thing and not to be believed +by those who have not seen it with their own eyes.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="label">[487]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 152 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="label">[488]</a> A name for Cairo, used much from the time of the crusades onward.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="label">[489]</a> Nicolay, 88-89, explains that the wearing of ostrich plumes, attached in +a tube of jeweled gold to the front of the turban, and curving over the head and +down the back, was a highly-valued privilege accorded only to such Janissaries +as had distinguished themselves in action.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="label">[490]</a> The <i>Solaks</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="label">[491]</a> The <i>Sharabdar</i>, the <i>Chokadar</i>, and the <i>Silihdar</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="label">[492]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 283 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="label">[493]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 302 ff. These quotations may profitably be compared with those +from the <i>Tractatus</i> in regard to the simplicity of Murad II (above, <a href="#Page_134">p. 134</a>). Not +a few descriptions of court and camp ceremonies in the century following the +accession of Suleiman have been handed down. For example: Suleiman’s entry +into Belgrade in 1532 (Marini Sanuto, lvi. 870); Suleiman’s entry into Aleppo, +1548 (anonymous report, in Alberi, 3d series, i. 224 ff.); Suleiman’s reception of +Captain Pinon in 1544 (Maurand, 207-225); Selim II’s reception of De Noailles in +1573 (Du Fresne-Canaye, 59-72); Ahmed I’s going to mosque, 1614 (Della Valle, +68-71); Ahmed I’s reception of the Venetian <i>Bailo</i>, 1615 (<i>ibid.</i> 98 ff.).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="label">[494]</a> Postel, i. 31, speaks of the mother of Mustapha as having superior authority +about 1537, though residing much at Magnesia; and he does not speak of Roxelana. +But Ludovisi, 29, shows that Roxelana was in 1534 the wife of Suleiman, and that +the mother of Mustapha then resided with her son at Magnesia. For the decisive +quarrel between Roxelana and the mother of Mustapha, see Navagero, 75.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="label">[495]</a> Navagero, 79.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="label">[496]</a> Described above, <a href="#Page_93">pp. 93-95</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="label">[497]</a> Navagero, 76-77.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="label">[498]</a> The unfortunate Jehangir also was thought to have come to his death from +shock at the death of Mustapha and fear of a similar fate for himself. See +Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 178; Navagero, 77. But see Alberi, <i>Anonimo</i> of 1553, +216, for another and more credible account.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="label">[499]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 425.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="label">[500]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_78">pp. 78</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501" class="label">[501]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 331; Halil Ganem, i. 199.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502" class="label">[502]</a> Spandugino, 185. A generation earlier still La Broquière, 186, said: “No +one speaks to them [the pashas] unless he brings them a present, as well as one +for each of the slaves who guard their gate.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503" class="label">[503]</a> Spandugino, 145, relates how in his time the peasants were eaten, as it were, +all the year by tithes, compulsory presents, land-tax, and extortion. The earlier +sixteenth-century writers seem not to have observed that the sultan’s subjects were +especially miserable. Morosini (1585), 272, remarks vigorously upon the tyranny +and oppression which were causing depopulation and destroying the incentive of +the farm-dwellers to produce more than a bare sustenance. Zane (1595), 395, +415, writes in a similar vein. Gerlach, 52 (quoted in Zinkeisen, iii. 361), found +those who lived at a distance from Constantinople in a wretched state of oppression. +Knolles (ed. 1687, p. 982), writing about 1603, speaks of the desolate condition +of the empire, especially in those regions through which the army was +accustomed to pass. In Ricaut’s time (pp. 124, 145, 323) agricultural decline, +accompanied by misery and depopulation, was apparent.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504" class="label">[504]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 438.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505" class="label">[505]</a> D’Ohsson, i. 268; Heidborn, 112, note 11. Heidborn, 106-121, treats fully the +constitutional position of the sultan.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506" class="label">[506]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 226.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507" class="label">[507]</a> D’Ohsson, iv. 482 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508" class="label">[508]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 1-3.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509" class="label">[509]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> i. 557, iii. 159, etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510" class="label">[510]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 29. This use of the word <i>Urf</i> in Turkish is not +the same as that of its Arabic original (see Redhouse, 1294; Youssouf Fehmi, 237). +Heidborn, 37 ff., discusses the sources of Ottoman law, giving an especially +thorough and excellent treatment to the Sacred Law.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511" class="label">[511]</a> Macdonald, 71; D’Ohsson, i. 5 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512" class="label">[512]</a> Macdonald, 94, 115; Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 4; D’Ohsson, i. 11 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513" class="label">[513]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 9.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514" class="label">[514]</a> D’Ohsson, 21.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515" class="label">[515]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 10; D’Ohsson, i. 22-24. The <i>Multeka</i> is the +basis of D’Ohsson’s excellent work, which consists of a translation of the code +with its comments, to which he has added observations of great value based on +historical studies and on his own investigations during many years’ residence in +Turkey. Heidborn, 44-69, gives a detailed account of the development of the +Sacred Law. He also (pp. 85-89) describes the <i>Multeka</i> and gives a table of its +contents.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516" class="label">[516]</a> Heidborn, 40-41. This writer uses the form <i>fykyh</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517" class="label">[517]</a> Snouck Hurgronje, in <i>Revue de l’Histoire des Religions</i>, xxvii. 1 ff., 74 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518" class="label">[518]</a> Goldziher, in <i>Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft</i>, viii. 406 ff.; +Kohler, <i>ibid.</i> 424 ff.; Juynboll, 8, 310.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519" class="label">[519]</a> In Turkey at the present day the courts of the Sacred Law (<i>Sheriyeh</i>) have sole +cognizance of the following classes of cases: “in civil law, questions concerning +marriage, alimony, education of children, liberty, slavery, inheritance, wills, +absence, and disappearance; in criminal law, suits concerning retaliation, the price +of blood, the price of laming a limb, the price of causing an abortion, damages +for disfigurements, the division of the price of blood” (Heidborn, 255). The +<i>Nizamiyeh</i>, or secular courts, have sole cognizance of commercial and penal cases, +and a few other groups. All other causes are taken before the <i>Sheriyeh</i> courts if the +parties agree; otherwise before the <i>Nizamiyeh</i> courts. Thus the courts of the +Sacred Law still retain a great deal of importance in Turkey.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520" class="label">[520]</a> See, in particular, above, <a href="#Page_40">pp. 40, 41, 42</a>. See also Postel, i. 116 ff., 124 ff.; +Ricaut, 200 ff. Heidborn, 43, comments on this state of affairs, and explains +the comparatively recent further legal developments in Turkey as follows:—</p> + +<p>“Durant de longs siècles le fykyh, tout pétrifié qu’il était, put suffire aux +besoins de la société islamique et son manque de souplesse fut d’autant moins +ressenti, que l’évolution de cette société elle-mème a été à peu près nulle. Assoupie +dans une léthargie profonde, elle semble se recueillir de son immense effort +de jeunesse et contempler en spectatrice indifférente ou dédaigneuse les progrès +réalisés, depuis, par l’Occident. En Turquie seulement, à mesure que se resserraient +ses liens avec l’Europe, fut comprise l’impérieuse nécessité de sortir de cet +isolement et d’emprunter à la culture occidentale certaines méthodes susceptibles de +rajeunir le corps vielli de l’empire. Par suite de cette orientation récente, le fykyh a +subi, en Turquie, d’importantes abrogations de fait sinon de droit, qui atteignent +cependant plutôt le domaine du droit public que celui du droit privé. Celui-ci +subsiste, dans une large mesure, malgré ses imperfections et son absence de plan et +de clarté. On s’est contenté de combler ses lacunes les plus apparentes par des +lois empruntées à la législation occidentale, sans se soucier de la complète disparate +créée par la réunion d’éléments aussi hétérogènes.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521" class="label">[521]</a> D’Ohsson, i. 261, v. 11.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522" class="label">[522]</a> Macdonald, 66; Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 12.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523" class="label">[523]</a> Heidborn, 69.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524" class="label">[524]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 14; Heidborn, 71.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525" class="label">[525]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 32; D’Ohsson, i. 291.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526" class="label">[526]</a> Ricaut, 202; Steen de Jehay, 13 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527" class="label">[527]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 31.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528" class="label">[528]</a> In the course of time the development of civil courts in the Ottoman Empire +has relegated the former judicial system to the position of ecclesiastical courts with +jurisdiction similar to that of Christian church courts of the Middle Ages. See +Macdonald, 113; and above, <a href="#Footnote_519">p. 154, note 2</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529" class="label">[529]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 30.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530" class="label">[530]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 31.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531" class="label">[531]</a> For an example of this practice, see <i>ibid.</i> 343.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532" class="label">[532]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 2.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533" class="label">[533]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 29.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534" class="label">[534]</a> Heidborn, 90.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535" class="label">[535]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 31; in pages 219-327 are found the <i>Kanun-namehs</i> +of all the <i>sanjaks</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536" class="label">[536]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 87-101.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537" class="label">[537]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 480.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538" class="label">[538]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>: 101-143, the <i>Kanun-nameh Misr</i>; 143-162, police +and market laws of Suleiman; 187-211, <i>Kanuni Rayah</i>; 337-434, <i>Kanuni Timar</i>. +Hammer does not make it clear where he found particular <i>Kanuns</i>, or how completely +he has presented the originals; nor has he attempted to distinguish <i>Kanuns</i> +of Suleiman from those of earlier and later sultans. The <i>Kanuni Rayah</i> was not +made into a formal <i>Kanun-nameh</i> till 1614 (<i>ibid.</i> 211). See Heidborn, 91-92.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539" class="label">[539]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 142.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540" class="label">[540]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 39.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541" class="label">[541]</a> A translation of a portion of the table of contents of this collection, as found in +the manuscript Fluegel No. 1816, in the Imperial Library at Vienna, is given in +<a href="#APPENDIX_III">Appendix III</a>, below. This shows by comparison with the headings in Hammer’s +<i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 396-424, that Hammer has there translated at least one-half +of the manuscript, though he appears to attribute these sections to the <i>Kanun-nameh</i> +of Achmet I (<i>ibid.</i> 384). The table of contents of the latter collection of +laws is very different (see next note).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542" class="label">[542]</a> The <i>Kanun-nameh</i> of Achmet I, issued in 1619, contained collections of +(1) feudal laws; (2) laws of the army, the navy, the outer and the inner service; +(3) laws of police, finance, and fiefs. See Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, pp. xviii, xix.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543" class="label">[543]</a> This statement is based on information obtained from a gentleman long +resident in Turkey.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544" class="label">[544]</a> Zinkeisen, iii. 161 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545" class="label">[545]</a> Macdonald, 10.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546" class="label">[546]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 96.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547" class="label">[547]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 32.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548" class="label">[548]</a> D’Ohsson, i. 258 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549" class="label">[549]</a> “The dignity of the Imâmate does not absolutely demand that the Imâm be +just, virtuous, or irreproachable, or that he be the most eminent and the most +excellent of the human beings of his time” (from the <i>Multeka</i>, quoted by D’Ohsson, +i. 271); “Vices or tyranny in an Imâm do not demand his deposition” (<i>ibid.</i> +288). This is the doctrine of orthodox Islam, as the outcome of the early +Kharijite schisms. The Shiites are more critical as regards their sovereigns, who +are not regarded as <i>Imâms</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550" class="label">[550]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 32; D’Ohsson, i. 291.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551" class="label">[551]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 331-333; D’Ohsson, iv. 50 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552" class="label">[552]</a> Busbecq, i. 331; D’Ohsson, iv. 103, 280.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553" class="label">[553]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 71, 486.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554" class="label">[554]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> ii. 216-217, 223.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555" class="label">[555]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> i. 565, ii. 223.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556" class="label">[556]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_58">pp. 58, 59</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557" class="label">[557]</a> A. Barbarigo, 155; D. Barbarigo, 26; Bernardo, 326; Erizzo, 136. See also +Chesneau, 41.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558" class="label">[558]</a> Barbaro, 319.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559" class="label">[559]</a> Postel, iii. <i>passim</i>, gives various glimpses of his life.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560" class="label">[560]</a> <i>Siasset Namèh</i>, 163.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561" class="label">[561]</a> The position and duties of the grand vizier at a later date are described at +length by Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 79-101, and by D’Ohsson, vii. 177-189.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562" class="label">[562]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 226; taken from the Turkish historian Aali and +referring to the time of Mohammed II.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563" class="label">[563]</a> Postel, i. 123.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564" class="label">[564]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 5.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565" class="label">[565]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 793.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566" class="label">[566]</a> The position of the <i>Defterdars</i> about the year 1800 is discussed in D’Ohsson, +vii. 261 ff., and in Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 137 ff. Contemporary accounts are +found in Menavino, 168; Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_247">p. 247</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>; +Postel, iii. 66-70.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567" class="label">[567]</a> The word means primarily “book-keeper.” It is derived either from the +Greek word διφθέρα or from a similar Persian word (Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. +228). Ramberti (below, <a href="#Page_247">p. 247</a>) mentions but two <i>Defterdars</i>, one who took care +of the revenue from all the Asiatic provinces, Egypt, and the Danubian countries, +and received ten thousand ducats a year, and perquisites, the other who took care of +the revenue from the rest of the European dominions, received six thousand ducats +and perquisites, and was governor of Constantinople in the sultan’s absence.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568" class="label">[568]</a> Spandugino, 98.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569" class="label">[569]</a> Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>) says that the <i>Defterdars</i> had 200 slaves each for their +courts. Then he speaks of 50 scribes, each with 15 or 20 slaves, and of 25 secretaries +who must have been the heads of the bureaus, and who had slaves. Next he +mentions the two <i>Rusnamehjis</i>, who had 20 or 25 companions under them. Ramberti, +<a href="#Page_247">247</a>, says that the first <i>Defterdar</i> had 1000 slaves in his household, +and the second 500. Postel, iii. 69, mentions only one <i>Rusnamehji</i>, but clearly +states that he is over the chiefs of the twenty-five bureaus.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570" class="label">[570]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 264-273; Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 145-170.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_571" href="#FNanchor_571" class="label">[571]</a> It certainly was in 1660. Cf. Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 170.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_572" href="#FNanchor_572" class="label">[572]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 265, omits the intendants of buildings and forage.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_573" href="#FNanchor_573" class="label">[573]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 236.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_574" href="#FNanchor_574" class="label">[574]</a> Charges for the right to plant and transport tobacco were later assigned to the +care of this bureau. See Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 156.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_575" href="#FNanchor_575" class="label">[575]</a> At a later date, when the expenses of the harem became greater, the customs +duties of certain regions, the tobacco revenue from Syria and Arabia, and the tax +on wool and yarn were also assigned to this bureau (<i>ibid.</i> 158).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_576" href="#FNanchor_576" class="label">[576]</a> Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_266">p. 266</a>) and Postel, iii. 70, call this official <i>Defterdar-emini</i>. +His department, in three bureaus, became a record office of land titles (D’Ohsson, +vii. 193). It may have had this wider function in the sixteenth century.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_577" href="#FNanchor_577" class="label">[577]</a> Spandugino, 65, 119; Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_244">pp. 244</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_578" href="#FNanchor_578" class="label">[578]</a> Menavino, 182; Postel, iii. 70.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_579" href="#FNanchor_579" class="label">[579]</a> Ricaut, 103, Ramberti and Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_256">pp. 256</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>) say that the +<i>Beylerbey</i> of Rumelia had 100 scribes.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_580" href="#FNanchor_580" class="label">[580]</a> Spandugino, 148; Postel, iii. 63.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_581" href="#FNanchor_581" class="label">[581]</a> This subject is treated in Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 478-483, and <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, +180-337; D’Ohsson, v. 15-37; and, as concerns the legal taxes, in Belin, +<i>La Propriété Foncière</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_582" href="#FNanchor_582" class="label">[582]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 37 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_583" href="#FNanchor_583" class="label">[583]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 523, iii. 65.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_584" href="#FNanchor_584" class="label">[584]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 266. According to Heidborn, 339, the registering of the lands of +the different regions of the Ottoman Empire, begun in 1548 by Suleiman’s order +and completed after some 55 years, remains to the present time the basis of land +titles in Turkey.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_585" href="#FNanchor_585" class="label">[585]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 242.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_586" href="#FNanchor_586" class="label">[586]</a> Spandugino, 144. Postel, iii. 65, says that the tithes (apparently those revenues +not sold in the lump or left for individual collection) were collected by +Christian receivers (<i>tous Chrestiens</i>), who delivered them to the <i>Kadis</i>, and these +to the <i>Sanjak</i>, he to the <i>Beylerbey</i>, and the <i>Beylerbey</i> to the <i>Defterdars</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_587" href="#FNanchor_587" class="label">[587]</a> D’Ohsson, vii. 258.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_588" href="#FNanchor_588" class="label">[588]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 471. It was a poll-tax of 15 aspers on each male +inhabitant.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_589" href="#FNanchor_589" class="label">[589]</a> Spandugino, 57.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_590" href="#FNanchor_590" class="label">[590]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 167, 592.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_591" href="#FNanchor_591" class="label">[591]</a> By <i>Kanun</i> of Mohammed II: Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 99.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_592" href="#FNanchor_592" class="label">[592]</a> Postel, iii. 68.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_593" href="#FNanchor_593" class="label">[593]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 472.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_594" href="#FNanchor_594" class="label">[594]</a> Postel, iii. 70.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_595" href="#FNanchor_595" class="label">[595]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 234.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_596" href="#FNanchor_596" class="label">[596]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 471.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_597" href="#FNanchor_597" class="label">[597]</a> La Broquière, 182; Ricaut, 404.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_598" href="#FNanchor_598" class="label">[598]</a> Ricaut, 404.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_599" href="#FNanchor_599" class="label">[599]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 472.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_600" href="#FNanchor_600" class="label">[600]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_115">pp. 115, 116</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_601" href="#FNanchor_601" class="label">[601]</a> Postel, iii. 49.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_602" href="#FNanchor_602" class="label">[602]</a> Below, <a href="#Page_273">p. 273</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_603" href="#FNanchor_603" class="label">[603]</a> La Broquière, 182, estimated the sultan’s revenue in 1433 at 2,500,000 +ducats. Chalcocondyles, 171, overestimated it at 8,000,000 ducats about the +year 1465. Alvise Sagudino (quoted in Schéfer’s edition of Spandugino, p. lv) +reckoned it in 1496 at 3,300,000 ducats; Andrea Gritti, father of Alvise, made +it 5,000,000 in 1503 (<i>ibid.</i> lviii); Spandugino’s estimate, under Bayezid, was +3,600,000 (<i>ibid.</i> 132). Mocenigo, 54, set Selim I’s income at 3,130,000, besides +800,000 from the Persian conquests, all spent in Persia. Minio (1522), 71, +estimated the revenue as 3,000,000. Zeno (1524), 95, called it 4,500,000, and +the expenses 3,000,000. Bragadin (1526), 106, says that the treasury had an +income of 12,000,000, of which the sultan took 4,500,000 (the larger amount would +no doubt include the feudal income). Minio (1527), 115, states the income as +7,000,000. Zeno (1530), 121, gives 6,000,000 or more for the income, 4,000,000 +for the expenses. Giovio (<i>Commentaries</i>, 73) sets the revenue at 6,000,000, +and the expenses at 4,000,000 or 5,000,000. Postel, iii. 68, gives 4,000,000 on +Alvise Gritti’s authority, though he apportions it differently from Junis Bey. +D’Ohsson, vii. 258, says that Suleiman’s revenues rose to 26,000,000 piasters. +At 40 aspers to the piaster and 50 aspers to the ducat, this gives about 20,000,000 +ducats, which is far too much.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_604" href="#FNanchor_604" class="label">[604]</a> Navagero (1553), 37-39, estimates 7,166,000 ducats; Trevisano (1554), +149-150, says 8,196,000 ducats. Navagero seems to overestimate the mines +(1,500,000 ducats) and the duties (1,200,000); Trevisano’s estimate of 2,000,000 +from the animal tax seems unwarranted. Erizzo (1557), 130, claims to give an +authentic statement of the sultan’s income and expenditure; the former he sets at +4,600,000 ducats and the latter at 3,600,000. A. Barbarigo (1558), 150, gives +7,740,000 ducats as income and 4,100,000 as expenditure. Donini, 190, says +that after great efforts he knows most certainly that the income of the treasury for +1561 was 216,519,826 aspers, or 4,330,396 ducats and 26 soldi, and the expenditure +206,581,957 aspers, or 4,131,639 ducats and 7 soldi. He states that this income is +less by 400,000 ducats than usual, because of the prohibition of wine. Erizzo does +not include the tax on mines and salt works, and the income from Mesopotamia and +the domain lands, in his list of sources of revenue; and Donini does not specify the +sources. Bernardo, 347, says that the income in his time of service (1584-87) +was 9,000,000 ducats, and that by 1592 it was 10,000,000. Knolles (ed. 1687, +p. 982) estimates the sultan’s ordinary revenues about 1603 as 8,000,000. This +does not, however, include confiscations, fines, tribute, customs, booty, etc., which +Knolles (p. 983) believed to exceed the ordinary revenue. Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, +170, gives official figures for a hundred years later (1660): the income of +the treasury then was 600,000,000 aspers, or 11,000,000 to 12,000,000 ducats at +sixteenth-century valuations; capitation was nearly 2,000,000, land tax about as +much, mines 1,000,000, etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_605" href="#FNanchor_605" class="label">[605]</a> The extensive notes given above show clearly that from 1433 to 1660 there was +a progressive increase in the sultan’s income, as measured in aspers or ducats. +Brosch (in <i>Cambridge Modern History</i>, iii. 130) accuses Suleiman of raising by +taxation double the amount exacted by Mohammed II, and thus bringing undue +pressure to bear. This statement fails to take account of the fact that Suleiman’s +empire was about double that of Mohammed II’s in area, population, and wealth. +Also it seems to have been the case that the value of gold and silver fell greatly after +the discovery of the American mines (Day, 135). If these effects were felt +promptly in the Levant, Suleiman’s income in the last years of his life may have had +little more purchasing power than Mohammed II’s. Distributed over a wider +area, the pressure of taxation in his time may easily have been lighter than it was +three generations before.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_606" href="#FNanchor_606" class="label">[606]</a> Postel, iii. 67, says that it does not include the <i>timars</i>. He says (iii. 168) +that some call the total revenue 12,000,000 ducats, in which they must include +the income of the fief-holders. Bragadin, 106, says that the income is 12,000,000. +Ramberti (below, <a href="#Page_261">p. 261</a>) estimates it at 15,000,000, of which 5,000,000 goes into +the treasury and 10,000,000 remains for the “servants of war.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_607" href="#FNanchor_607" class="label">[607]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 472; and see above, <a href="#Page_144">p. 144</a> and <a href="#Footnote_503">note 2</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_608" href="#FNanchor_608" class="label">[608]</a> Accounts are given in D’Ohsson, vii. 159-172, and in Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, +101-137. References to the <i>Nishanji</i> are found in Spandugino, 99; Menavino, +168; Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_248">p. 248</a>; Ludovisi, 14; Navagero, 94; Trevisano, 118; +Garzoni, 430; Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_266">p. 266</a>) and Postel, iii. 63, speak of a <i>Teskereji-bashi</i>, +giving a description which applies exactly to the <i>Nishanji</i> as represented by +contemporaries. Since the word means merely “chief of document-writers,” it +refers without doubt to the <i>Nishanji</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_609" href="#FNanchor_609" class="label">[609]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 133.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_610" href="#FNanchor_610" class="label">[610]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 54.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_611" href="#FNanchor_611" class="label">[611]</a> Postel, iii. 63. See also Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_248">p. 248</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_612" href="#FNanchor_612" class="label">[612]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 229, iii. 796. The first <i>Reis Effendi</i> whose name is +known was Haider Effendi, executed in 1525 on the charge of promoting an uprising +of the Janissaries. The office is mentioned in the <i>Kanun-nameh</i> of Mohammed II +(Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 90).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_613" href="#FNanchor_613" class="label">[613]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 126 ff.; Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, <i>passim</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_614" href="#FNanchor_614" class="label">[614]</a> Ricaut, 57.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_615" href="#FNanchor_615" class="label">[615]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 90.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_616" href="#FNanchor_616" class="label">[616]</a> Trevisano (1554), 118. Morosini (1585), 266, says that the employees of the +chancery were then native Turks.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_617" href="#FNanchor_617" class="label">[617]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 35.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_618" href="#FNanchor_618" class="label">[618]</a> Cahun, <i>Introduction</i>, 82, speaking of Turks of the steppe lands: “Dès qu’ils +descendaient de cheval, c’étaient des barbares bureaucrates et paperassiers.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_619" href="#FNanchor_619" class="label">[619]</a> Spandugino, 185.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_620" href="#FNanchor_620" class="label">[620]</a> The Divan, as it was about 1800, is described in D’Ohsson, vii. 211-232; and +in Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 412-436. Contemporary references are Menavino, +169; Postel, i. 122; Navagero, 93; Trevisano, 117; Garzoni, 430. Zinkeisen, iii. +117-125, has pictured the Divan in the sixteenth century.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_621" href="#FNanchor_621" class="label">[621]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 489. This is the first of the reasons given by Kochi +Bey for the decline of the empire after Suleiman.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_622" href="#FNanchor_622" class="label">[622]</a> Postel, i. 123; Trevisano, 119; Garzoni, 431. D. Barbarigo, 32, gives an +instance in which Suleiman made use of this means of information, and in consequence +ordered the execution of the grand vizier Achmet.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_623" href="#FNanchor_623" class="label">[623]</a> Hammer (<i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 412-436) gives them with great exactness.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_624" href="#FNanchor_624" class="label">[624]</a> In the time of Mohammed II a procession was formed by the members of the +Divan, the men of the lowest rank in front, and the grand vizier last. On reaching +the door of the hall, the lesser officials stopped and separated into two lines, between +which the grand vizier advanced. The greater officials followed, so that the hall +was entered in the order of rank. See Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 225.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_625" href="#FNanchor_625" class="label">[625]</a> From the <i>Kanun</i> of Mohammed II: Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 89. Aali +(used by Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 225) gives a different arrangement, which can +hardly have been correct.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_626" href="#FNanchor_626" class="label">[626]</a> Postel, i. 123.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_627" href="#FNanchor_627" class="label">[627]</a> Garzoni, 431.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_628" href="#FNanchor_628" class="label">[628]</a> Postel, i. 123.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_629" href="#FNanchor_629" class="label">[629]</a> Garzoni, 431.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_630" href="#FNanchor_630" class="label">[630]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 89; Trevisano, 118-119.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_631" href="#FNanchor_631" class="label">[631]</a> Navagero, 98; D. Barbarigo, 26. See also above, <a href="#Page_164">p. 164</a> and <a href="#Footnote_557">note 3</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_632" href="#FNanchor_632" class="label">[632]</a> Postel, i. 123.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_633" href="#FNanchor_633" class="label">[633]</a> Trevisano, 120. See above, <a href="#Page_164">p. 164</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_634" href="#FNanchor_634" class="label">[634]</a> Zinkeisen, iii. 125; Tiepolo, 164.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_635" href="#FNanchor_635" class="label">[635]</a> Heidborn, 141: “Le divan était à la fois une sorte de Conseil d’État, où se +discutaient les affaires politiques importantes, et une Cour suprême autorisée à +évoquer tout litige devant elle et à connaître notamment des procès entre Ottomans +et étrangers qui dépassaient la valeur de 3000 aspres.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_636" href="#FNanchor_636" class="label">[636]</a> Although this and other features of the Moslem Institution will be spoken of +throughout this chapter in the past tense, much that is mentioned remains in +existence in Turkey at the present time. The <i>vakfs</i> are discussed at length in +D’Ohsson, ii. 437-567; and more briefly in Belin, <i>La Propriété Foncière</i>, 74-104. +Heidborn, 306 ff., gives a well-analyzed account; and on p. 306, note 245, he +mentions additional authorities.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_637" href="#FNanchor_637" class="label">[637]</a> Ricaut, 213.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_638" href="#FNanchor_638" class="label">[638]</a> D’Ohsson, ii. 540.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_639" href="#FNanchor_639" class="label">[639]</a> Ricaut, 217. D’Ohsson, ii. 532, expresses a different opinion.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_640" href="#FNanchor_640" class="label">[640]</a> Interest was allowable on the funds belonging to mosques, though otherwise +forbidden: Ricaut, 218; D’Ohsson, ii. 550.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_641" href="#FNanchor_641" class="label">[641]</a> See below, <a href="#Footnote_710">p. 234, note 1</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_642" href="#FNanchor_642" class="label">[642]</a> Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_243">p. 243</a>; Ricaut, 215.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_643" href="#FNanchor_643" class="label">[643]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 237.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_644" href="#FNanchor_644" class="label">[644]</a> Ricaut, 215. In D’Ohsson’s time (ii. 538) it was estimated at 1,000,000 +aspers. Nicolay, 68, says that it had been 300,000 ducats before the conquest.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_645" href="#FNanchor_645" class="label">[645]</a> Morosini, 267; Zane, 406; Heidborn, 309.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_646" href="#FNanchor_646" class="label">[646]</a> Mohammed II fixed these fees: for example, 7 aspers for sealing a document, +12 for a signature, 32 for the marriage contract of a virgin, 15 for that of a widow, +etc. See Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung,</i> 100.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_647" href="#FNanchor_647" class="label">[647]</a> D’Ohsson, iv. 599.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_648" href="#FNanchor_648" class="label">[648]</a> The <i>Ulema</i> and other members of the Moslem Institution are described in +D’Ohsson, iv. 482-686. Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 372-412, gives a summary of +D’Ohsson’s treatment. Heidborn, 208-210, describes the educational system +summarily.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_649" href="#FNanchor_649" class="label">[649]</a> The ten studies were grammar, syntax, logic, metaphysics, philology, tropics, +stylistics, rhetoric, geometry, and astronomy: Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 238.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_650" href="#FNanchor_650" class="label">[650]</a> Among these studies were advanced rhetoric and metaphysics, dogmatics, +civil law, exegesis, jurisprudence, oral tradition, and written documents (Hammer, +<i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 239). All schools above the <i>mektebs</i> came under the name <i>medresseh</i>. +Heidborn distinguishes eight classes to which Suleiman added four colleges of yet +higher degree. His implication (p. 210, note 5) that the student who aimed at the +highest judgeships must study through eight or more <i>medressehs</i>, and then teach +through a like series, can hardly be correct, since the ordinary human life would be +too short for such a double round. Probably the steps of progress were not so +precisely regulated or so numerous.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_651" href="#FNanchor_651" class="label">[651]</a> D’Ohsson, ii. 464.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_652" href="#FNanchor_652" class="label">[652]</a> Hammer (<i>Geschichte</i>, ix. 145-163) found 275 in Constantinople alone, of which +50 had been founded before the death of Suleiman.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_653" href="#FNanchor_653" class="label">[653]</a> Chalcocondyles, 53; Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_244">p. 244</a>; Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>; etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_654" href="#FNanchor_654" class="label">[654]</a> D’Ohsson, ii. 477; Heidborn, 213.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_655" href="#FNanchor_655" class="label">[655]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 236: “The priesthood proper ... is perhaps in no +other state of less influence, but the teaching body is in no other kingdom +(except China) of greater weight and political importance.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_656" href="#FNanchor_656" class="label">[656]</a> Ricaut, 211.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_657" href="#FNanchor_657" class="label">[657]</a> Spandugino, 219; Menavino, 72 ff.; Nicolay, 121. Ricaut, 261 ff., knew +eight or ten orders, which he describes at some length.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_658" href="#FNanchor_658" class="label">[658]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, i. 154, ii. 357, iii. 67; Postel, i. 112.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_659" href="#FNanchor_659" class="label">[659]</a> Heidborn, 269-274.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_660" href="#FNanchor_660" class="label">[660]</a> Ricaut, 201.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_661" href="#FNanchor_661" class="label">[661]</a> In Ricaut’s time (p. 204) one of the <i>Kaziaskers</i> was regularly chosen for this +position.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_662" href="#FNanchor_662" class="label">[662]</a> D’Ohsson, iv. 500. Heidborn, 215, says that the title <i>Sheik ul-Islam</i> was first +bestowed by Murad II upon the <i>mufti</i> of Adrianople, who was removed to Constantinople +by Mohammed II after the capture; that Mohammed assigned the +title <i>Reis ul-ulema</i>, or chief of the <i>Ulema</i>, to this officer, but that he reached +great dignity only under Suleiman.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_663" href="#FNanchor_663" class="label">[663]</a> Spandugino, 113.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_664" href="#FNanchor_664" class="label">[664]</a> Postel, i. 118.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_665" href="#FNanchor_665" class="label">[665]</a> Spandugino, 112.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_666" href="#FNanchor_666" class="label">[666]</a> La Broquière, 181; Ramberti, below, <a href="#Page_247">p. 247</a>; Geuffroy, 241; Trevisano, 122; +Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 116; Bernardo, 364.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_667" href="#FNanchor_667" class="label">[667]</a> Heidborn, 216.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_668" href="#FNanchor_668" class="label">[668]</a> Ricaut, 200-202.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_669" href="#FNanchor_669" class="label">[669]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, ii. 401.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_670" href="#FNanchor_670" class="label">[670]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 536 ff.; Heidborn, 215, note 16.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_671" href="#FNanchor_671" class="label">[671]</a> D’Ohsson, v. 104 ff.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_672" href="#FNanchor_672" class="label">[672]</a> See Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 278 ff.; and <a href="#APPENDIX_III">Appendix III</a> below. Heidborn, +215, contributes further details as to the great <i>Mufti’s</i> advance in the <i>cursus +honorum</i> of the Moslem Institution. He shows that he began his legal studies +at 27 years of age, continued them until his 45th year, was made <i>Kazi</i> of +Brusa, then of Constantinople, and in his 50th year (944 A.H.) <i>Mufti</i>. The last +statement seems to be erroneous; for Hammer (as above) says that he became +<i>Mufti</i> in 952 (1545 A. D.), after eight years’ service as <i>Kaziasker</i>. Probably, +then, he was made <i>Kaziasker</i> in 944 and <i>Mufti</i> in 952. After thirty years in that +eminent position, he died in 982 (1574).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_673" href="#FNanchor_673" class="label">[673]</a> Busbecq, <i>Life and Letters</i>, i. 116-117.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_674" href="#FNanchor_674" class="label">[674]</a> Ricaut, 202.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_675" href="#FNanchor_675" class="label">[675]</a> This description, based on D’Ohsson’s account, may represent at some points +a development later than the time of Suleiman. No sixteenth-century writer +seems to have gone into the organization of the system in detail. Heidborn, 220 ff., +treats with fulness the past and present judicial system of the Ottoman Empire.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_676" href="#FNanchor_676" class="label">[676]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverwaltung</i>, 380.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_677" href="#FNanchor_677" class="label">[677]</a> Postel, i. 117.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_678" href="#FNanchor_678" class="label">[678]</a> The <i>Subashis</i> in particular were closely connected with the administration of +justice. Postel, i. 120, says loosely that <i>Pasha</i>, <i>Kazi</i>, and <i>Subashi</i> all mean +the same thing. Chesneau, 47, says that the sultan had two judges in every +city, a <i>Kazi</i> for civil cases and a <i>Subashi</i> for criminal cases. This is certainly +incorrect, for the Sacred Law provided for many criminal cases, while <i>Kanuns</i> +dealt with many civil cases. The <i>Sanjak Beys</i> and <i>Beylerbeys</i> held Divans, or +councils, resembling on a lesser scale the sultan’s Divan (Heidborn, 143, note 17); +following the analogy of the <i>Kaziaskers</i>, the <i>Kazi</i> of the city in which each such +officer resided would sit in his Divan and decide the cases that came up touching +the Sacred Law, and would also hold independent court at other times. In cities +of lesser importance, the <i>Kazis</i> appear to have been the heads of the restricted +municipal governments (<i>ibid.</i>, note 16).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_679" href="#FNanchor_679" class="label">[679]</a> A scheme of the higher offices in the judicial system in the early nineteenth +century is given in Hammer’s <i>Geschichte</i>, ix. 1-10.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_680" href="#FNanchor_680" class="label">[680]</a> <i>Kazi</i> is the Turkish pronunciation of the Arabic word <i>kadi</i>, judge; <i>Molla</i> is +the Turkish form of the Arabic word <i>maulā</i>, lord.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_681" href="#FNanchor_681" class="label">[681]</a> Junis Bey (below, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>) and Postel, i. 119, state that the <i>Kaziaskers</i> +nominated all <i>Kazis</i>. Junis Bey says: “Two <i>Cadilescher</i> talismans, one of Greece +and the other of Natolia or Asia, and they each have revenues of 6 or 7 thousand +ducats a year: who are executors of their law ... it is they who appoint the +Kadis or podestas of all the lands of the Seigneur.” Ramberti (below, <a href="#Page_247">p. 247</a>) +and Nicolay, 119, say that the consent of the pashas was necessary also.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_682" href="#FNanchor_682" class="label">[682]</a> Ricaut, 205.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_683" href="#FNanchor_683" class="label">[683]</a> Hammer (as above, <a href="#Footnote_679">p. 216, note 4</a>) gives a list of 39 judges of rank above the +<i>Kazis</i> proper, and 243 <i>Kazis</i> of Rumelia, 280 of Anatolia, and 34 of Egypt. The +total is thus 557 <i>Kazis</i> proper, and 596 judges in all. In the subsequent list of +247 positions in Rumelia as rearranged under Mahmûd II, five places in the Crimea +are mentioned as seats of <i>Kazis in partibus</i>, but neither list appears to mention +any in North Africa.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_684" href="#FNanchor_684" class="label">[684]</a> Spandugino, 188; Postel, i. 127.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_685" href="#FNanchor_685" class="label">[685]</a> Spandugino, 213; D’Ohsson, vi. 333.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_686" href="#FNanchor_686" class="label">[686]</a> Postel, i. 126. This officer is called by Postel <i>Mortasi</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_687" href="#FNanchor_687" class="label">[687]</a> Menavino, 66; Spandugino, 211.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_688" href="#FNanchor_688" class="label">[688]</a> Postel, i. 120, 124; Nicolay, 119. There was no regular organization of the +procedure of appeal; nevertheless it was allowed (Heidborn, 389).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_689" href="#FNanchor_689" class="label">[689]</a> Hammer, <i>Staatsverfassung</i>, 100. See above, <a href="#Footnote_646">p. 203, note 1</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_690" href="#FNanchor_690" class="label">[690]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_116">p. 116</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_691" href="#FNanchor_691" class="label">[691]</a> Spandugino, 211.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_692" href="#FNanchor_692" class="label">[692]</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_693" href="#FNanchor_693" class="label">[693]</a> The Arabic words <i>kadi al asker</i> signify judge of the army. In the sixteenth +century the pronunciation seems to have been <i>kadi l’esker</i>; nowadays it is <i>kazi +asker</i>. The burdensome duty of holding court continually is mentioned in Spandugino, +96; D’Ohsson, iv. 581.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_694" href="#FNanchor_694" class="label">[694]</a> Postel, i. 123. Heidborn, 141-143, note 15, quotes from Ypsilanti an interesting +description of a session of the grand vizier’s court.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_695" href="#FNanchor_695" class="label">[695]</a> Postel, i. 127, iii. 8.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_696" href="#FNanchor_696" class="label">[696]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> iii. 9.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_697" href="#FNanchor_697" class="label">[697]</a> Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 11.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_698" href="#FNanchor_698" class="label">[698]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> 61.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_699" href="#FNanchor_699" class="label">[699]</a> Ricaut, 3.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_700" href="#FNanchor_700" class="label">[700]</a> Garzoni, 430. See also Morosini, 273.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_701" href="#FNanchor_701" class="label">[701]</a> Postel, i. 124. Matters were distinctly worse in Ricaut’s time (pp. 140-141).</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_702" href="#FNanchor_702" class="label">[702]</a> Spandugino, 114.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_703" href="#FNanchor_703" class="label">[703]</a> It has been suggested (Morosini, 273) that the promptness of justice had a +connection with the early military character of the Moslems.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_704" href="#FNanchor_704" class="label">[704]</a> Spandugino, 211, 255.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_705" href="#FNanchor_705" class="label">[705]</a> Postel, i. 127, iii. 87.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_706" href="#FNanchor_706" class="label">[706]</a> <i>Ibid.</i> i. 117.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_707" href="#FNanchor_707" class="label">[707]</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_708" href="#FNanchor_708" class="label">[708]</a> The use of cannon is perhaps the most conspicuous example.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_709" href="#FNanchor_709" class="label">[709]</a> Halil Ganem, i. 201.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_710" href="#FNanchor_710" class="label">[710]</a> Spandugino, 207: “And the Turkish lords generally, as well great as small, +study only to build churches and hospitals and to enrich and make hostelries for +lodging travelers, to improve the roads, to build bridges, to construct baths, and +several other charitable works which they do in such a way that I suppose the +Turkish lords are beyond comparison greater alms-givers than our Christian lords; +and in proportion as they have good zeal, they use great hospitality. They voluntarily +lodge Christian, Turk, and Jew alike.” See also Morosini, 270.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_711" href="#FNanchor_711" class="label">[711]</a> He built seven mosques (Hammer, <i>Geschichte</i>, iii. 456), four colleges at Mecca +(<i>ibid.</i> 459), four colleges around the Suleimanieh Mosque (<i>ibid.</i> 470), and endowed +them all, etc.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_712" href="#FNanchor_712" class="label">[712]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_150">p. 150</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_713" href="#FNanchor_713" class="label">[713]</a> Ramberti came overland from Ragusa on his journey from Venice to Constantinople.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_714" href="#FNanchor_714" class="label">[714]</a> The writer seems not to have observed that these groves were cemeteries.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_715" href="#FNanchor_715" class="label">[715]</a> The writer evidently did not know that this Egyptian obelisk consists of a +single stone. It actually rests on four bronze cubes.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_716" href="#FNanchor_716" class="label">[716]</a> This was the support of the tripod of the priestess at Delphi. The heads have +been broken off, and are now in the treasury of the Old Seraglio at Constantinople.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_717" href="#FNanchor_717" class="label">[717]</a> This was overthrown at the downfall of Ibrahim in 1536.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_718" href="#FNanchor_718" class="label">[718]</a> This remarkable statement is probably the source of Nicolay’s similar idea +(p. 77). The Danube is more than two hundred miles distant from Constantinople.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_719" href="#FNanchor_719" class="label">[719]</a> Rather, of the Sea of Marmora.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_720" href="#FNanchor_720" class="label">[720]</a> <i>Marrani</i>: Jews and Moors of Spain, baptized, but remaining true to their own +religion.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_721" href="#FNanchor_721" class="label">[721]</a> This statement and the following one are certainly exaggerations.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_722" href="#FNanchor_722" class="label">[722]</a> Either the writer’s geographical knowledge or the text is in confusion. The +description here, as well as that which follows, cannot be made to fit the map.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_723" href="#FNanchor_723" class="label">[723]</a> The boundary between Europe and Asia is now, of course, placed far to the +east of the Don.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_724" href="#FNanchor_724" class="label">[724]</a> Compare Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_272">pp. 272, 273</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_725" href="#FNanchor_725" class="label">[725]</a> Michaloghli.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_726" href="#FNanchor_726" class="label">[726]</a> More accurately, Othman, beginning in 1299, ruled 27 years; Orchan, 33 +years; Murad I, 30 years; Bayezid I, 13 years; Mohammed I (<i>Chelebi</i>) in undisputed +rule 8 years, after 11 years of civil war; Murad II, 30 years; Mohammed II, +30 years; Bayezid II, 31 years; Selim, 8 years, until his death in 1520, when +Suleiman came to the throne.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_727" href="#FNanchor_727" class="label">[727]</a> Celeby and Calepino are forms of <i>Chelebi</i>, the Gentleman, which was an appellation +of Mohammed I; these three names, therefore, refer to the same person.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_728" href="#FNanchor_728" class="label">[728]</a> At this point the writer begins to follow the pamphlet of Junis Bey.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_729" href="#FNanchor_729" class="label">[729]</a> Seraglio Point is thrust out into the Bosphorus just before it meets the Sea of +Marmora.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_730" href="#FNanchor_730" class="label">[730]</a> The land on which Mohammed’s palace was built had belonged to the church +of St. Sophia under the Byzantine Empire. See above, <a href="#Page_202">p. 202</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_731" href="#FNanchor_731" class="label">[731]</a> Junis Bey speaks of eight youths, but names six, as below.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_732" href="#FNanchor_732" class="label">[732]</a> After Junis Bey. The word here is “<i>Chiuchter</i>.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_733" href="#FNanchor_733" class="label">[733]</a> There were two treasurers of the household, bearing the same name. One +labored within the palace, and one without. See above, <a href="#Page_127">p. 127</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_734" href="#FNanchor_734" class="label">[734]</a> There is confusion here. The <i>Kapu Aghasi</i> and the <i>Seraidar-bashi</i> were the +same person. The chief of the gate is rightly called the <i>Kapuji-bashi</i>. Junis Bey +shows similar confusion (below, <a href="#Page_263">p. 263</a>). See above, <a href="#Page_126">p. 126</a>; and Redhouse, 1435.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_735" href="#FNanchor_735" class="label">[735]</a> “<i>Talismani.</i>” See above, <a href="#Page_205">p. 205</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_736" href="#FNanchor_736" class="label">[736]</a> “<i>Capoglano.</i>” The derivation is faulty; the literal meaning is “gate-youth.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_737" href="#FNanchor_737" class="label">[737]</a> “<i>Gianizzerotti.</i>” Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_263">p. 263</a>, speaks of 400 gardeners, which is +probably more nearly correct.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_738" href="#FNanchor_738" class="label">[738]</a> “<i>Protogero.</i>” <i>Kiaya</i>, or by transliteration <i>Ketkhuda</i>, is the Turkish word. +See above, <a href="#Footnote_315">p. 96, note 4</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_739" href="#FNanchor_739" class="label">[739]</a> This should read “the <i>Bostanji-bashi</i>”: Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_740" href="#FNanchor_740" class="label">[740]</a> The chief taster.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_741" href="#FNanchor_741" class="label">[741]</a> Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, says five to six aspers each.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_742" href="#FNanchor_742" class="label">[742]</a> Intendant or steward of the kitchen.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_743" href="#FNanchor_743" class="label">[743]</a> The word translated “feudal income,” or “feudal grant,” is “<i>timar</i>.” See +above, <a href="#Page_100">p. 100 ff.</a></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_744" href="#FNanchor_744" class="label">[744]</a> This sentence was evidently inserted after the previous part of the paragraph +had been written. See below, <a href="#Page_255">p. 255</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_745" href="#FNanchor_745" class="label">[745]</a> “<i>Centola.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_746" href="#FNanchor_746" class="label">[746]</a> This remark seems to contain a comparison between the relation of the pope +to the Roman emperor and that of the <i>Mufti</i> to the sultan. Such a comparison +would, however, be inexact. See above, <a href="#Page_209">p. 209</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_747" href="#FNanchor_747" class="label">[747]</a> “<i>Cavalleria.</i>” Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>, calls them <i>cursori</i>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_748" href="#FNanchor_748" class="label">[748]</a> Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, says 15 to 20 slaves each.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_749" href="#FNanchor_749" class="label">[749]</a> “<i>Spezzate.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_750" href="#FNanchor_750" class="label">[750]</a> That the other <i>Chaushes</i> were slaves not of the <i>Chaush-bashi</i>, but of the sultan, +is shown by the amount of their pay. See Junis Bey’s testimony below, <a href="#Page_265">p. 265</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_751" href="#FNanchor_751" class="label">[751]</a> Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_266">p. 266</a>, says that the <i>Kiaya</i> of the Janissaries has 300 +ducats of feudal grant per year, which would equal about 15,000 aspers.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_752" href="#FNanchor_752" class="label">[752]</a> “<i>Giannizzeriasis.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_753" href="#FNanchor_753" class="label">[753]</a> “<i>Livreri.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_754" href="#FNanchor_754" class="label">[754]</a> “<i>Bracchi.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_755" href="#FNanchor_755" class="label">[755]</a> “<i>Assareri.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_756" href="#FNanchor_756" class="label">[756]</a> This Slavonic word seems to be used here simply in the sense of “army officers.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_757" href="#FNanchor_757" class="label">[757]</a> “<i>Immensi.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_758" href="#FNanchor_758" class="label">[758]</a> This is an error. Probably the number intended is three hundred. Junis +Bey, below, <a href="#Page_267">p. 267</a>, gives two hundred and fifty.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_759" href="#FNanchor_759" class="label">[759]</a> Only two officers should be named here. The lieutenant (<i>Protogero</i>) and the +<i>Kiaya</i> were the same. Junis Bey gives this correctly.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_760" href="#FNanchor_760" class="label">[760]</a> Under each <i>Agha</i>, or chief officer.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_761" href="#FNanchor_761" class="label">[761]</a> The <i>Kiaya</i> and the lieutenant are the same.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_762" href="#FNanchor_762" class="label">[762]</a> This derivation is from a secondary meaning; the primary meaning is “foreign +youth.” See above, <a href="#Page_98">pp. 98</a>, <a href="#Footnote_332">99, note 1</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_763" href="#FNanchor_763" class="label">[763]</a> “<i>Bracor-bashi.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_764" href="#FNanchor_764" class="label">[764]</a> This should read “<i>Kiaya</i> and secretary.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_765" href="#FNanchor_765" class="label">[765]</a> “<i>Brene.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_766" href="#FNanchor_766" class="label">[766]</a> This is the common report in Western writers as regards the <i>Peiks</i>. See +Menavino, 155; Nicolay, 100.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_767" href="#FNanchor_767" class="label">[767]</a> <i>Kiayas</i> and secretaries.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_768" href="#FNanchor_768" class="label">[768]</a> This refers to those whom Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_268">p. 268</a>, calls <i>Zainogiler</i>, a body of +lancers, who are here erroneously classed with the falconers. Junis Bey’s figures are +20,000 in all, 1000 receiving pay in money. Are they the Voinaks (above, <a href="#Page_131">p. 131</a>)?</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_769" href="#FNanchor_769" class="label">[769]</a> Junis Bey, “<i>cursor</i>,” a messenger or porter.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_770" href="#FNanchor_770" class="label">[770]</a> Literally, “intendant of the town.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_771" href="#FNanchor_771" class="label">[771]</a> Junis Bey says 57.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_772" href="#FNanchor_772" class="label">[772]</a> Usually called by Western writers “Dragoman.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_773" href="#FNanchor_773" class="label">[773]</a> This was the “Old Palace” of Mohammed the Conqueror, and stood where +the <i>Seraskierat</i>, or War Office now stands.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_774" href="#FNanchor_774" class="label">[774]</a> Suleiman is said to have been faithful to Roxelana after he had made her his +wife. See above, <a href="#Page_56">p. 56</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_775" href="#FNanchor_775" class="label">[775]</a> This should read “per day.” Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_269">p. 269</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_776" href="#FNanchor_776" class="label">[776]</a> This should read 100,000: <i>ibid.</i></p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_777" href="#FNanchor_777" class="label">[777]</a> Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_270">p. 270</a>, says 200,000 per year.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_778" href="#FNanchor_778" class="label">[778]</a> At the meetings of the Divan.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_779" href="#FNanchor_779" class="label">[779]</a> This should read fifty each: Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_271">p. 271</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_780" href="#FNanchor_780" class="label">[780]</a> “<i>Che fanno fattione.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_781" href="#FNanchor_781" class="label">[781]</a> This should read “ten thousand”: Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_272">p. 272</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_782" href="#FNanchor_782" class="label">[782]</a> Of the Turkish possessions in Asia.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_783" href="#FNanchor_783" class="label">[783]</a> “<i>Maldac.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_784" href="#FNanchor_784" class="label">[784]</a> “<i>Esdum.</i>” Junis Bey, below, <a href="#Page_272">p. 272</a>, has “<i>exdrun</i>.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_785" href="#FNanchor_785" class="label">[785]</a> More correctly, <i>Irak Ajam</i>, north-central Persia.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_786" href="#FNanchor_786" class="label">[786]</a> Junis Bey, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, counts these as two, and the whole number as thirty-six.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_787" href="#FNanchor_787" class="label">[787]</a> Herzegovina.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_788" href="#FNanchor_788" class="label">[788]</a> “<i>Cangri.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_789" href="#FNanchor_789" class="label">[789]</a> “<i>Hallayce</i>” or “<i>Allaye</i>.”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_790" href="#FNanchor_790" class="label">[790]</a> The ancient Magnesia.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_791" href="#FNanchor_791" class="label">[791]</a> The plain of Albistan.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_792" href="#FNanchor_792" class="label">[792]</a> “<i>Alziden.</i>”</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_793" href="#FNanchor_793" class="label">[793]</a> Evidently the writer intended to fill these in, but failed to secure the names.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_794" href="#FNanchor_794" class="label">[794]</a> This amounts to about four million ducats a year.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_795" href="#FNanchor_795" class="label">[795]</a> The reference is, of course, to the feudal <i>Spahis</i> and their officers, who then +received according to this estimate two-thirds of the revenues of the empire.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_796" href="#FNanchor_796" class="label">[796]</a> At this point the smaller type begins. See below, <a href="#Page_315">p. 315</a>.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_797" href="#FNanchor_797" class="label">[797]</a> The object of this appendix is to set forth in outline the features of the Mogul +government, in order to suggest comparison with that of the Ottoman Empire. +Completeness neither of research nor of exposition has been attempted. A list +of the authorities consulted, most of which are secondary, will be found at the end +of the appendix.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_798" href="#FNanchor_798" class="label">[798]</a> Lavisse and Rambaud, <i>Histoire Générale</i>, vi. 879.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_799" href="#FNanchor_799" class="label">[799]</a> Leopold Ranke, <i>The Ottoman and the Spanish Empires</i>, Preface, 1.</p> + +</div> + +<div class="footnote"> + +<p><a id="Footnote_800" href="#FNanchor_800" class="label">[800]</a> The report at this page, though ascribed to Jacopo Soranzo, 1581, and so referred to in the +foregoing footnotes, was really written in 1582 by some one in his suite.</p> + +</div> + +</div> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_331"></a>[331]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="GLOSSARY">GLOSSARY OF TURKISH WORDS</h2> + +</div> + +<p>The pronunciation of the words defined should be approximately +phonetic, the vowels by the continental system, the consonants as +usually in English. Forms not defined are variant Western spellings. +Gh is silent except at the beginning of a word. Plurals of +nouns originally Turkish are formed by affixing -ler or -lar. The +plurals in -s used in the foregoing pages are Anglicized.</p> + +<ul> + +<li class="ifrst">Achiar, or Aconiziae, <i>see</i> <a href="#Akinji">Akinji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Adet, established custom, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Agha, a general officer.</li> + +<li class="indx">Aghiar, <i>see</i> <a href="#Akinji">Akinji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Agiamoglani, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ajem-oghlan">Ajem-oghlan</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Ajem-oghlan">Ajem-oghlan (untrained youth), a cadet or apprentice Janissary, <a href="#Page_79">79 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx" id="Akinji">Akinji, the irregular cavalry, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Alai Bey, a colonel of the feudal cavalry, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Alcangi, Akanzi, or Alengi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Akinji">Akinji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Allophase, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ulufaji">Ulufagi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ameji, a receiver of petitions, etc., <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Aquangi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Akinji">Akinji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arpa-emini, intendant of forage, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ashji-bashi, a chief cook, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Azab, the irregular infantry, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Bailo (Italian), a Venetian minister resident at Constantinople.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bairam, the name of two great Moslem festivals, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Balucasi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Boluk-bashi">Boluk-bashi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bascia, <i>see</i> <a href="#Pasha">Pasha</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bash, a head, a chief.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bassa, <i>see</i> <a href="#Pasha">Pasha</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Berat, an ordinance, or document conferring a dignity or privilege.</li> + +<li class="indx">Berat-emini, a distributor of ordinances, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Beylerbey (lord of lords), a general of feudal cavalry and governor of a province or group of provinces, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Beylikji, a director of the three chancery bureaus, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Beylik Kalemi, a bureau of the Chancery, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bezestan, a market house in Constantinople, built by Mohammed II.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bin(m)bashi (chief of a thousand), a colonel.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Boluk-bashi">Boluk-bashi, a captain of the Janissaries, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bostanji, a gardener.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bostanji-bashi, the head gardener of the Sultan’s palace—a high official, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Cacaia, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kiaya">Kiaya</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cadilescher, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kaziasker">Kaziasker</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cahaia, or Caia, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kiaya">Kiaya</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Calvalgibassi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Helvaji-bashi">Helvaji-bashi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Capagasi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kapu-aghasi">Kapu-aghasi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Capiagabasi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kapuji-bashi">Kapuji-bashi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Capi (oglan), <i>see</i> <a href="#Ghureba">Ghureba (oghlan)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Caragi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kharaji">Kharâji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Caripicus, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ghureba">Ghureba</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Caripp (oglan), <i>see</i> <a href="#Ghureba">Ghureba (oghlan)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Caripy, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ghureba">Ghureba</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Carmandari (Italianized), muleteers, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Carzeri, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kharaji">Kharâji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Casnandarbasi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Khazinehdar-bashi">Khazinehdar-bashi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cavriliji (Italianized), a herdsman, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ceyssi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Seis">Seis</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chakirji, a vulturer, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chasnejir, a taster, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_332"></a>[332]</span>Chasnejir-bashi, a chief taster, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Chaush">Chaush, an usher, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chaush-bashi, chief of the Chaushes—a high official, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Checaya, or Chechessi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kiaya">Kiaya</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chelebi, a gentleman.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cheri-bashi (chief of soldiery), a petty officer of feudal cavalry.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chiccaia, or Chietcudasci, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kiaya">Kiaya</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chokadar, a page of high rank, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ciarcagi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ghureba">Ghureba</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ciaus, <i>see</i> <a href="#Chaush">Chaush</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cogia, <i>see</i> <a href="#Hoja">Hoja</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Coureyschs, <i>see</i> <a href="#Koreish">Koreish</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Danishmend">Danishmend, a master of arts, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dar ul-harb, home or land of war, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dar ul-Islam, home or land of Islam, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Defterdar, a treasurer, <a href="#Page_167">167 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Defter-emini (intendant of account-books), a recorder of fiefs, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Deli, crazy (appellation of a scout or a captain of the Akinji).</li> + +<li class="indx">Dervish, a member of a Moslem religious order, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Deveji, a camel-driver, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Devshurmeh, a gathering or collecting (of the tribute boys), <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Divan, the Ottoman council of state, <a href="#Page_187">187 ff.</a>; a council of a great officer, <a href="#Footnote_678">216, note 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dulbend, or Dulipante (Italianized), a turban.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Emin (plural Umena), an intendant, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Emir, a descendant of the prophet Mohammed, <a href="#Page_206">206 ff.</a>; a commander, a governor.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Emir-al-Akhor">Emir-al-Akhor, a grand equerry, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ersi kharâjiyeh, tribute lands, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ersi memleket, state lands, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ersi ’ushriyeh, tithe lands, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Eski, old.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Fetva, a response from a Mufti, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fetva-khaneh, the drafting bureau of the Sheik ul-Islam, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fikh, the practical regulations of the Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Firman, an administrative ordinance, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Gachaia, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kiaya">Kiaya</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Gharib (oglan), <i>see</i> <a href="#Ghureba">Ghureba (oghlan)</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Ghureba">Ghureba (foreigner), a member of the lowest corps of the standing cavalry, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> and <a href="#Footnote_329">note 5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Gonnullu, a volunteer soldier or sailor, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Gul-behar, rose of spring (a feminine proper name), <a href="#Footnote_133">57 note 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Hebegibassi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Jebeji-bashi">Jebeji-bashi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hekim-bashi, a chief physician, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Helvaji-bashi">Helvaji-bashi, a chief confectioner, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Hoja">Hoja, a teacher; the Sultan’s adviser, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Holofagi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ulufaji">Ulufagi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Humayun, imperial.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Iaching, <i>see</i> <a href="#Akinji">Akinji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ianicerotti (Italianized), the Ajem-oghlans.</li> + +<li class="indx">Iaxagi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Yaziji">Yaziji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ikinji Kapu-oghlan, a white eunuch in charge of the second gate of the place, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Imâm, the Caliph or lawful successor of Mohammed, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>; a leader of daily prayers, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Imbrahor, Imbroor, Imrakhor, or Imror, <i>see</i> <a href="#Emir-al-Akhor">Emir-al-Akhor</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Iskemleji">Iskemleji, a page of high rank, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Itch-oghlan (inside youth), a page in one of the Sultan’s palaces, <a href="#Page_73">73 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Jebeji-bashi">Jebeji-bashi, a chief armorer, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Jerrah-bashi, a chief surgeon, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Jizyeh, a poll or capitation tax on non-Moslems, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Kadi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kazi">Kazi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kadi al asker, or Kadi l’esker, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kaziasker">Kaziasker</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kaim, a caretaker of a mosque, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kalem, a bureau of the Treasury, <a href="#Page_168">168 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_333"></a>[333]</span>Kanun, an imperial decree, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kanuni, legislator, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kanun-nameh, a book or collection of laws, <a href="#Page_158">158 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx" id="Kapu-aghasi">Kapu Aghasi (general of the gate), the white eunuch in charge of the principal palace, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kapudan Pasha, an admiral, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kapuji, a gatekeeper, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Kapuji-bashi">Kapuji-bashi, a head gatekeeper, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kapujilar-kiayasi, a grand chamberlain, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Kazi">Kazi, a judge, <a href="#Page_215">215 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx" id="Kaziasker">Kaziasker (judge of the army), one of the two chief judges of the Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_220">220 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ketkhuda, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kiaya">Kiaya</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kharâj, a tax or tribute in money or kind on lands belonging to non-Moslems, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Kharaji">Kharâji, a non-Moslem who pays the kharâj, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Khass Oda (private chamber), the highest chamber of pages, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Khass, a very large fief, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Khatib, a leader of Friday prayers, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Khazinehdar-bashi">Khazinehdar-bashi, a treasurer-in-chief, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Khazineh-odassi (chamber of the treasury), the second chamber of pages, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Khojagan, a chief of a treasury bureau, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Khurrem, happy, joyful (a feminine proper name), <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Kiaya">Kiaya (common form of ketkhuda), a steward or lieutenant, <a href="#Footnote_315">96 note 4</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kiaya-bey, the lieutenant of the grand vizier, <a href="#Page_182">182 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Kiaya Katibi, a private secretary of the Kiaya-bey, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kilerji-bashi, a chief of the sultan’s pantry, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kiler-odassi (chamber of the pantry), the third chamber of pages, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kizlar Aghasi (general of the girls), the black eunuch in charge of the palace of the harem, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Koreish">Koreish, the Arabian tribe of which Mohammed the prophet was a member, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kul, a slave; one of the sultan’s slave-family, <a href="#Page_47">47 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="ifrst">Masraf-shehriyari (imperial steward), substitute for the intendant of kitchen, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mawuna, or Maone (Italianized), a sailing vessel.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mecter, <i>see</i> <a href="#Mihter">Mihter</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Medresseh, a secondary school or college, <a href="#Page_203">203 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Mekteb, a school, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mektubji, a private secretary of the grand vizier, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Mihter">Mihter, a tent-pitcher; a musician.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mihter-bashi, the chief tent-pitcher, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mir Alem, the imperial standard bearer, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Miri-akhor, <i>see</i> <a href="#Emir-al-Akhor">Emir-al-Akhor</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Molla, a judge of high rank, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mosellem, a fief holder by ancient tenure, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Muderis, a professor in a Medresseh, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Muezzin, one who calls Moslems to prayer, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mufettish, a special judge dealing with endowments, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mufti, a Moslem legal authority; in particular, the Sheik ul-Islam, <a href="#Page_207">207 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Muhtesib, a lieutenant of police, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mujtahid, a doctor of the Sacred Law.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mulâzim (candidate), a graduate of the higher Medressehs, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mulk, land held in fee-simple, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Munejim-bashi, a chief astrologer, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Muste emin, a resident foreigner, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mutbakh-emini, intendant of the kitchen, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Muteferrika, the Noble Guard, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Muteveli, an administrator of an endowment, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Naib, an inferior judge, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_334"></a>[334]</span>Nakib ol-Eshraf, the chief of the Seids or descendants of the prophet Mohammed, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nazir, an inspector of an endowment, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nishanji, a chancellor, <a href="#Page_182">182 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Nizam al-mulk, basis of the order of the kingdom (title of a vizier of Melek Shah), <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Oda">Oda (a room), a chamber of the pages or of the harem recruits; a company of the Janissaries.</li> + +<li class="indx">Oda-bashi (head of chamber), the page of highest rank, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>; a corporal of the Janissaries, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Oghlan, a youth.</li> + +<li class="indx">Okumak-yerleri (reading-places), primary schools, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Orta, a company of the Janissaries. (<i>See also</i> <a href="#Oda">Oda</a>.)</li> + +<li class="indx">Ouloufedgis, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ulufaji">Ulufaji</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Papuji, a page of high rank, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Pasha">Pasha, a very high official.</li> + +<li class="indx">Peik, a member of the body-guard of halbardiers, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Podesta (Italian), a municipal judge.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Quaia, or Queaya, <i>see</i> <a href="#Kiaya">Kiaya</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Ramazan, the Moslem month of fasting.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rayah, non-Moslem Ottoman subjects, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Reis Effendi, or Reis ul-Khuttab, a recording secretary, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>; a recording secretary of the Divan, later an important minister of state, <a href="#Page_182">182 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Reis ul-Ulema (head of the Ulema), an early title of the Sheik ul-Islam, <a href="#Footnote_662">208 note 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rekiab-Aghalari (generals of the stirrup), a group of high officers of the outside service of the palace, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rusnamehji, a chief book-keeper of the Treasury, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ruus Kalemi, a bureau of the Chancery, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Sakka, a water-carrier.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sanjak, a flag or standard, a district.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sanjak Bey, a high officer of feudal cavalry and governor of a Sanjak, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Saremin, <i>see</i> <a href="#Shehr-emini">Shehr-emini</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sarraf, a banker.</li> + +<li class="indx">Schēni, <i>see</i> <a href="#Iskemleji">Iskemleji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Seferli-odassi (chamber of campaign), the fourth chamber of pages, <a href="#Footnote_451">128 note 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Segban-bashi">Segban-bashi (master of the hounds), the second officer of the corps of Janissaries, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Footnote_475">132 note 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Seid, a descendant of the prophet Mohammed, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Seis">Seis, a groom, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Selicter, <i>see</i> <a href="#Silihdar">Silihdar</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Seracter, <i>see</i> <a href="#Sharabdar">Sharabdar</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Serai, a palace.</li> + +<li class="indx">Seraskier, a commander-in-chief.</li> + +<li class="indx">Serraj, saddlers, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Seymen-bashi, a popular form of <a href="#Segban-bashi">Segban-bashi</a>, <i>q. v.</i></li> + +<li class="indx">Shahinji, a falconer, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Sharabdar">Sharabdar (drink-bearer), a page of high rank, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Shehr-emini">Shehr-emini, intendant of imperial buildings, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sheik, a preacher; a head of a religious community, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sheik ul-Islam, the Mufti of Constantinople and head of the Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_208">208 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sheri (or Sheriat), the Moslem Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_152">152 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Sherif, a descendant of the prophet Mohammed, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Silihdar">Silihdar (sword-bearer), a member of the second corps of standing cavalry, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> and <a href="#Footnote_329">note 5</a>; the page who carried the sultan’s arms, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sillictar, <i>see</i> <a href="#Silihdar">Silihdar</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sipah, or Sipahi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Spahi">Spahi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sofi, woolen; a dervish (an appellation of the Shah of Persia).</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Softa">Softa, an undergraduate in a Medresseh, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Solak (left-handed), a janissary bowman of the sultan’s personal guard, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_335"></a>[335]</span>Spachi, <i>see</i> <a href="#Spahi">Spahi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Spacoillain, <i>see</i> <a href="#Spahi-oghlan">Spahi-oghlan</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Spahi">Spahi, a cavalry soldier; a member of the standing or feudal cavalry, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx" id="Spahi-oghlan">Spahi-oghlan (cavalry youth), a member of the highest corps of the standing cavalry, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> and <a href="#Footnote_329">note 5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Spai, <i>see</i> <a href="#Spahi">Spahi</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Subashi, a captain of the feudal cavalry and governor of a town, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sukhta (inflamed), <i>see</i> <a href="#Softa">Softa</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sulastrus, <i>see</i> <a href="#Silihdar">Silihdar</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sultana, a princess or queen mother, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>; (the true Turkish form uses a proper name or the word Valideh, followed by Sultan).</li> + +<li class="indx">Suluphtar, <i>see</i> <a href="#Silihdar">Silihdar</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Tahvil Kalemi, a bureau of the Chancery, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Talisman, <i>see</i> <a href="#Danishmend">Danishmend</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tapu, a tenant’s lease or title deed, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Terjuman, an interpreter (dragoman).</li> + +<li class="indx">Terjuman Divani Humayun, a chief interpreter of the sultan, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Teshrifat, ceremony, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Teshrifatji, a master of ceremonies, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Teskereh, a document.</li> + +<li class="indx">Teskereji, a master of petitions, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Teskereji-bashi (chief of document-writers), the Nishanji, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Timar, a fief of small income, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>; feudal income.</li> + +<li class="indx">Timarji, the holder of a Timar.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tughra, the sultan’s monogram, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Ulema (plural of âlim, a learned man), the whole body of Moslems learned in the Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_203">203 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx" id="Ulufaji">Ulufaji (paid troops), a member of the third corps of the sultan’s standing cavalry, <a href="#Page_98">98</a> and <a href="#Footnote_329">note 5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Umena, plural of Emin.</li> + +<li class="indx">Urf, the sovereign will of the reigning sultan, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">’Ushr, a tithe on lands belonging to Moslems, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Vakf, a religious endowment, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Valideh, a mother.</li> + +<li class="indx">Veznedar, an official weigher of money, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Vizier (burden-bearer), a minister of state, <a href="#Page_163">163 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Voivode (Slavic), an officer, a governor.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Yachinji, <i>see</i> <a href="#Akinji">Akinji</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Yaya, a fief holder by ancient tenure, owing infantry service, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Yaziji">Yaziji, a scribe or secretary.</li> + +<li class="indx">Yedi-kuleh (seven towers), a strong castle against the land wall of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Yenicheri (new soldiery), the corps of the Janissaries, <a href="#Page_91">91 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Yeni Oda (new chamber), the lowest chamber of pages in the principal palace, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Zagarji-bashi (master of the harriers), a high officer of the Janissaries, <a href="#Footnote_475">132 note 5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Zanijiler (Italianized), lancers or Voinaks (?), <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Zarabkhane-emini, intendant of mints and mines, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ziam, the holder of a Ziamet.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ziamet, a large fief, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Zimmi, a tributary non-Moslem subject, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> + +</ul> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_336"></a>[336]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_337"></a>[337]</span></p> + +<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2> + +</div> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_338"></a>[338]</span></p> + +<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_339"></a>[339]</span></p> + +<h3>INDEX</h3> + +</div> + +<ul> + +<li class="ifrst">Achmet I, <a href="#Footnote_441">126 note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a> and <a href="#Footnote_542">note 5</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Advancement based on merit, <a href="#Page_82">82-86</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Adviser of sultan (<i>Hoja</i>), <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Afghans, in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Agra, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Agricultural conditions, <a href="#Page_144">144</a> and <a href="#Footnote_502">note 2</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">under Moguls in India, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Akbar, Mogul emperor, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">removed poll-tax on non-Moslems, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">army of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">presents made to, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">harem of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">revenue system of, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">amount of revenue of, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">policy of, toward cultivators of soil, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">removed internal tolls, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">tolerated Hindus, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation to Mohammedanism of, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">“divine faith” of, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Albanians">Albania, status of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">furnished tribute boys, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ali Pasha, grand vizier of Suleiman, steps in promotion of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">great authority, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Anatolia">Anatolia, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Footnote_240">79 note 4</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, + <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>Beylerbey</i> of, <a href="#Page_103">103-105</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arabia, status of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">rendering of justice in, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">taxation in, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arabic language, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arabs, influence on Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Foreign Legion, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to Ottoman government, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">service of, to Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arbitrary taxes, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Architecture, in Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239-241</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Armenian_subjects">Armenian subjects, a separate organization, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">not liable to tribute of boys, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Arms, of <i>Spahis</i> of the Porte and Janissaries, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Mogul infantry, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Army—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_90">90-113</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">principal subdivisions of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">the territorial army, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">numbers in, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a> and <a href="#Footnote_376">note 1</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">the supreme command of, <a href="#Page_109">109-111</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">indivisibility of, <a href="#Page_111">111-113</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285-287</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">compared with Ottoman army, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Artillery of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Asia Minor, Occidental influence in, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">occupation of, by Turks, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">defined, <a href="#Footnote_11">14 note 1</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">teachers from, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Janissary apprentices sent to, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">heretics in, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Anatolia">Anatolia</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Astrologer of sultan, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Audiences, of Suleiman, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Aurangzeb, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Humayun, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Aurangzeb, Mogul emperor, compared with Suleiman, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">a zealous Moslem, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">army of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">audiences of, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">sisters of, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">views on government of, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in civil wars, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">revenue of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">reimposed capitation tax on non-Moslems, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">education of, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Austria, raided, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">paid tribute to Suleiman, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">wars of, with Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Baber">Baber, founder of Mogul Empire, house of, compared with house of Osman, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, + <a href="#Page_299">299</a> (<i>see</i> <a href="#Timur">Timur, house of</a>);</li> +<li class="isub1">followers of, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">character of, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">family life of, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">treatment of Moslem subjects by, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Babylon, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_340"></a>[340]</span>Bairam, feast of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Balkan peninsula, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Albanians">Albanians</a>, <a href="#Bulgarians">Bulgarians</a>,<a href="#Rumelia">Rumelia</a>, <a href="#Servians">Servians</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bangash tribe of Afghans, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Battle, order of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bayezid II, circumstances of deposition of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">gave <i>kullar</i> their own justice, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">honor shown the <i>Mufti</i> by, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bayezid, son of Suleiman, execution of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">war against, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bedchamber, gentlemen of the, <a href="#Page_75">75-78</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Body-guards, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bondage, American colonial, compared with Ottoman slavery, <a href="#Footnote_151">60 note 7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Booty, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bosra, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Brahmins, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Buddhist influence on Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Bulgarians">Bulgarians, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bureaucratic tendencies, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Bureaus, of the Treasury, <a href="#Page_168">168 ff.</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the Chancery, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the <i>Mufti</i>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Busbecq, opinion of, on Ottoman education, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">dealings with Janissaries, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">witnessed ceremonies, <a href="#Page_136">136-141</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">on execution of Mustapha, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Byzantine_Empire">Byzantine Empire, disintegration of, in 13th century, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">bequest of, to Ottoman Turks, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Caliph, as <i>Imâm</i>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Footnote_549">163 note 1</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the sultan as, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Suleiman as, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Canon law, of Roman Catholic Church, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Moslems, <i>see</i> <a href="#Sacred_Law">Sacred Law</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Capitation_tax">Capitation tax, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Caucasus, slaves from, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Circassia">Circassia</a>, <a href="#Georgia">Georgia</a>, <a href="#Mingrelia">Mingrelia</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Cavalry—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Ottoman Empire, regular, <i>see</i> <a href="#Spahis"><i>Spahis</i> of the Porte</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">feudal, <a href="#Page_100">100-105</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">irregular, <a href="#Page_105">105-107</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Mogul Empire, regular, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">feudal, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ceremonies of the Court, <a href="#Page_133">133-141</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">law of, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chancellor, <a href="#Page_182">182-187</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Chancery, bureaus of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">personnel of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Charles V, Emperor, relations of, with Suleiman, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a> and <a href="#Footnote_400">note 2</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">China, influence of, on Turks and Mongols, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Christians, converted and incorporated as Turks, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14-17</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63-68</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">not entrusted with great power, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">right to practise their religion, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Renegade_Christians">Renegade Christians</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Christian_subjects">Christian subjects of Ottoman Empire, protected by Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">position of, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">subject to levy of male children, <a href="#Page_51">51-55</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to Sultan, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">legislation regarding, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Footnote_538">160 note 1</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">taxation of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">church lands of, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Selim I’s attempt to convert forcibly, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">treatment of, in courts, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Circassia">Circassia, slaves from, <a href="#Footnote_61">33 note 2</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Civil war, in Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Clergy, Moslem, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Codifications, of Moslem Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of sultans’ legislation, <a href="#Page_158">158-161</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Colleges, of pages, <a href="#Page_73">73-79</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of education, <a href="#Page_203">203-205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Comparison of the Ruling Institution and the Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_227">227-236</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">likenesses, <a href="#Page_227">227-230</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">differences, <a href="#Page_230">230-232</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relative power, <a href="#Page_232">232-236</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Confiscations, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Conservatism, in regard to taxation, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in education, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the two great institutions compared, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Custom">Custom</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Constantinople described, <a href="#Page_239">239-241</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Constitution, the Sacred Law a form of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, + <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Conversion to Mohammedanism, in Asia Minor, <a href="#Page_15">15 ff.</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">by Ottoman Turks, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">by the Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_62">62-71</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">meaning of, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_341"></a>[341]</span>why encouraged, <a href="#Page_63">63-66</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">not usually forcible, <a href="#Page_63">63</a> and <a href="#Footnote_160">note 2</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a> and <a href="#Footnote_170">note 3</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">sincerity of, uncertain, <a href="#Page_68">68-69</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in India, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Corruption, official, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, + <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">judicial, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Costumes, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Counsellors-at-law, <i>see</i> <a href="#Jurists">Jurists</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Court—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of the sultan, <a href="#Page_120">120-145</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">separation of men and women, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">organization of household, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">the harem, <a href="#Page_124">124-126</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">the inside service, <a href="#Page_126">126-128</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">the outside service, <a href="#Page_128">128-133</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">ceremonies of, <a href="#Page_133">133-141</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">influence of, <a href="#Page_141">141-145</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_287">287-291</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Courts of justice, the Divan, <a href="#Page_187">187-193</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the Grand Vizier, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the <i>Kaziaskers</i>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of present-day Turkey, <a href="#Footnote_519">154 note 2</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">procedure of, <a href="#Page_219">219-221</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">venality of, discussed, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the law administered by, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Crimean_Tartary">Crimean Tartary, status, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">rendering of justice in, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">slaves sent from, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Selim I married princess from, <a href="#Footnote_138">58 note 2</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">contingent furnished by, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Khan of, pensioned, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Croatians">Croatians, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Crusades, <a href="#Page_6">6-9</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><i>Cursus honorum</i>, of Ruling Institution illustrated, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_212">212</a> and <a href="#Footnote_672">note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Custom">Custom, power of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Customary law, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Decentralization, tendency toward, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Delhi, Moslem capital of India, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Democracy, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dervishes, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Descendants of Mohammed the Prophet (<i>Seids</i>), <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, + <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Despotism, in Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_25">25-27</a>, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, + <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Dil-Dar, wife of Baber, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Discipline, of Janissaries, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a> and <a href="#Footnote_319">note 1</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of army generally, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Divan, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187-193</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">membership of, <a href="#Page_188">188-190</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">sessions of, <a href="#Page_189">189-191</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">general character of, <a href="#Page_191">191-193</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">comparison with audiences of Aurangzeb, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the Grand Vizier, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of lesser officials, <a href="#Footnote_678">216 note 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Domain lands, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Donatives to Janissaries, <a href="#Page_92">92</a> and <a href="#Footnote_292">note 5</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Ebu su’ud, the <i>Mufti</i>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a> and <a href="#Footnote_672">note 2</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">table of contents of his collection of Suleiman’s laws, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Education—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of members of Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_71">71-88</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">comprehensiveness of, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">classification of, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of members of Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_203">203-206</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">comparison of above systems, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Moslems in India, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Egypt, unable to unify Levant, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">status of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">inhabitants of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Janissaries of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">legislation for, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">taxation of, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Mamelukes of, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Emancipation of slaves, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Endowments">Endowments, religious and charitable, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200-203</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a> + and <a href="#Footnote_710">note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Equerries, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Equity in Turkey, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Eugene, Prince, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Eunuchs, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125-128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Execution, grounds of, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Mustapha, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Bayezid and Ibrahim, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of grand viziers, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">process of, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">policy of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Fratricide">Fratricide</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Expenditures of government, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Extortion, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Fatehpur-Sikri, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ferdinand I, Archduke and Emperor, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Feudal_cavalry">Feudal cavalry—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_100">100-105</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_342"></a>[342]</span>rights of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">obligations of, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">officers of, <a href="#Page_103">103-105</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Feudal system of Ottomans, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100-105</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a> + and <a href="#Footnote_606">note 2</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">law of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159-161</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fiefs, origin of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">reorganized by Suleiman, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">vacancies, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Fleet, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Foreign affairs, minister of, <a href="#Page_183">183-185</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Foreign Legion, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Footnote_332">99 note 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Foreigners in Ottoman Empire, privileges of, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to sultan, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">taxation of, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Foundations, <i>see</i> <a href="#Endowments">Endowments</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Fratricide">Fratricide of Ottoman sultans, <a href="#Page_27">27</a> and <a href="#Footnote_37">note 2</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a> and <a href="#Footnote_302">note 2</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">not authorized in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Gardener, the head, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Generals (<i>Aghas</i>), of the Janissaries, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the <i>Spahis</i>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the army, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the sultan’s harem, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the imperial stirrup, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in the Divan, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Genghis Khan, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Georgia">Georgia, status of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">slaves furnished by, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ghazali, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Government—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Ottoman Empire, described, <a href="#Page_146">146-198</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">rested on old political ideas, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">functions of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">limitation to its own affairs, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">compared with Mogul government, <a href="#Page_278">278 ff.</a></li> +<li class="isub1">Of Mogul Empire, of inferior strength and durability, <a href="#Page_278">278-279</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">described, <a href="#Page_292">292-298</a>.</li> +<li class="isub2"><i>See</i> <a href="#Local_government">Local government</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Governors of provinces, in Ottoman Empire (<i>Beylerbeys</i>), <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, + <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire (<i>Naibs</i>), <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Grand vizier, <a href="#Page_164">164-167</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189-191</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">none in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Greek_subjects">Greek Orthodox subjects, a separate organization, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the sultan their temporal head, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Gritti, Alvise (or Luigi), household of, <a href="#Footnote_140">58 note 4</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">given command in Hungary, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">testimony of, as to Suleiman’s income, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">pamphlet of (with Junis Bey), <a href="#Page_262">262-275</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Gul-Badan, daughter of Baber, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Hanifa, Abu, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Harem—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Suleiman, organization of, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">recruited from slaves, usually Christian, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">number of women in, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">education of recruits for, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">officers of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">Suleiman’s mother, consorts, and daughter, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Harem intrigue, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Harun Al-Rashid, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Heads of executed persons, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Heredity of privilege and office discouraged, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117-120</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">how permitted to feudal cavalry, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Heretics, Moslem, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hindus, influence of, on Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in service of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">their religion tolerated, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">condition of, compared with that of Moslem subjects, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, + <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Holy war, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Household of the sultan, <a href="#Page_123">123-133</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">organization of, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the harem, <a href="#Page_124">124-126</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the inside service, <a href="#Page_126">126-128</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the outside service, <a href="#Page_128">128-133</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">number in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Humayun, Mogul emperor, orders of nobility of, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">artillery of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">attendants of, at court, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in civil war, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">ministers of state of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">audiences of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Hungary, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">administration of, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">small proportion of Moslems in, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Huns, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_343"></a>[343]</span>Hunting organization, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Ibrahim Halebi, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ibrahim Pasha, grand vizier, treatment of parents, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">estate of, taken by Suleiman, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">vast power of, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">made Seraskier, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">execution of, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">proposes to settle Lutheran controversy, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">chief falconer, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">marriage of, <a href="#Footnote_485">136 note 2</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">other references, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ideas, not racial descent, the basis of Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_3">3 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">illustrated in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_279">279-283</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Immunity from taxation, of the <i>kullar</i>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the <i>Ulema</i>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Imperial family, in Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_56">56-58</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Income of Suleiman, <a href="#Page_179">179-182</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Mogul emperor, <a href="#Page_293">293-295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Incorporating spirit, of early Ottomans, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Tatars, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Ottoman Turks, <a href="#Page_64">64</a> and <a href="#Footnote_163">note 3</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Moslems and Byzantines, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Ruling and Moslem Institutions, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">India, absorbs gold and silver, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">influence of, upon Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">prosperity of, under Akbar, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Infantry—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Ottoman Empire, regular, <i>see</i> <a href="#Janissaries">Janissaries</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">irregular, <a href="#Page_105">105-107</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Inside service, <a href="#Page_126">126-128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Institutions of government in Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35-38</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">compared with Mogul institution, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Moslem_Institution">Moslem Institution</a>, and <a href="#Ruling_Institution">Ruling Institution</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Intendants, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Interest, lawful only for funds of mosques, <a href="#Footnote_640">201 note 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Interpreters, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Iranians, <a href="#Page_13">13</a> and <a href="#Footnote_9">notes 3</a>, <a href="#Footnote_10">4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Irregular troops, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105-107</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Iskender Chelebi, <i>Defterdar</i>, estate of, taken by Suleiman, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">educational system and armed household of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Issus, battle of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Janissaries">Janissaries, described, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91-97</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">religious character of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">rule against admission of their sons broken down, <a href="#Footnote_183">69 note 3</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">not supposed to marry, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">uprisings of, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">conquests limited by, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">influence of upon succession to the throne, <a href="#Page_93">93-95</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">number of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a> and <a href="#Footnote_308">note 3</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">organization and officers of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">promotions of, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">appearance of, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">finances of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">other references, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Janissary apprentices (<i>ajem-oghlans</i>), education of, <a href="#Page_79">79-82</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">rewards of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">punishments of, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">other references, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, + <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Jehan-Ara, daughter of Shah-Jehan, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Jehangir, son of Suleiman, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Footnote_498">143 note 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Jehangir, Mogul emperor, elephants of, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">ceremony of weighing of, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">harem of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">sense of responsibility of, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in civil war, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Jelal ad-din Rumi, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Jemali, the <i>Mufti</i>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Jerbé, victory of, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Jewish_subjects">Jewish subjects, not liable to tribute of boys, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">have separate organization, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the sultan their legal head, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Ramberti’s testimony regarding, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Judges—</li> +<li class="isub1">General description of, <a href="#Page_216">216-223</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">classification of, <a href="#Page_216">216-219</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">venality of, discussed, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">the law administered by, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">power of, over individuals, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Grand vizier, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189-191</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>Kaziaskers</i>, in Divan, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189-191</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">duties, <a href="#Page_217">217-220</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">other references, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Special, for endowments, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">In Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Junis Bey, chief interpreter of Suleiman, testimony of, as to Suleiman’s income, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_344"></a>[344]</span>pamphlet of (with Alvise Gritti), <a href="#Page_262">262-275</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Jurists">Jurisconsults or jurists (<i>muftis</i>), <a href="#Page_207">207-215</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">their chief (<i>Sheik ul-Islam</i>), <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208 ff.</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Jurisprudence, Moslem, <a href="#Page_153">153-155</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Justice, systems of, in general, <a href="#Page_34">34-36</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the Janissaries, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the <i>kullar</i>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the <i>Ulema</i>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the <i>Seids</i>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_215">215-224</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in India, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Justinian, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Kara Khalil Chendereli, traditional founder of Janissaries, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Khaireddin Barbarossa, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Khosrew Pasha, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Khurrem">Khurrem (or Roxelana), wife of Suleiman, <a href="#Page_56">56-58</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141-143</a>, + <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kitchen service, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kiuprilis, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Koran, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Koreish, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kurdistan, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Kurds, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Land system, outline of, <a href="#Page_28">28-32</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">complication of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Law, classification of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Ceremonies, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Subjects, Fiefs, Egypt, and Fines and Punishments, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> <a href="#Sacred_Law">Sacred Law</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Law schools, <a href="#Page_203">203-205</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lawyers, none in Turkey, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Learned associates of sultans, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Legislation, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150-163</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the sultans generally, <a href="#Page_157">157-158</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Mohammed II, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Suleiman, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159-161</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the jurists through <i>fetvas</i>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Lepanto, battle of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Local_government">Local government—</li> +<li class="isub1">In Ottoman Empire, officers of, <a href="#Page_103">103-105</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256-260</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270-272</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">justice in, <a href="#Page_216">216-220</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">In Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Mahmûd of Ghazni, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Malta, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Malversations, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mamelukes of Egypt: how recruited, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">duration of rule, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">March, order of, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Master of ceremonies, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Masters of the hunt, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mediterranean civilization, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Menzikert, battle of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Merit the basis of advancement, <a href="#Page_82">82-86</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">also in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mesopotamia, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Michael of the Pointed Beard, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mihrmah, daughter of Suleiman, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mines, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Mingrelia">Mingrelia, status of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">slaves furnished by, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Missionary motive of Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_62">62-71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mogul emperor’s authority, original feudal bond, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">commander-in-chief of army, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">despot, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mogul Empire, less durable than Ottoman, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">government of, <a href="#Page_278">278-303</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">financial greatness of, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mohacs, battles of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mohammedanism, relation to Christianity, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">effect on Turkish character, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">bequest of, to Ottoman Turks, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227 ff.</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">missionary energy of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Moldavia">Moldavia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Footnote_105">52 note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, + <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mohammed II, the Conqueror, quotation from letter of, to Uzun Hassan, <a href="#titlepage">title page</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">his <i>Kanun</i> of fratricide, <a href="#Page_94">94</a> and <a href="#Footnote_302">note 2</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">dined alone, <a href="#Page_122">122</a> and <a href="#Footnote_430">note 3</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">built palace, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">adopted ceremonies, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">ordered Sacred Law codified, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">legislation of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">organized the Treasury, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">instituted tax-farming, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">regulated education of Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">rule of as to jurisdiction of <i>Kaziaskers</i>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mohammed Piri Pasha, grand vizier, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_345"></a>[345]</span>Mohammed Sokolli, grand vizier, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, + <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mohammed the Prophet, tradition of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">descendants of, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">completed Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">granted toleration to Christian subjects, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">represented by judges, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">founder of Moslem system, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">derivation of ideas, of, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mongols, relation of, to Turks, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">invasion of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">empire of, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Tatars">Tatars</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Morocco, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Moslem-born subjects, not admitted to high office, <a href="#Page_40">40-44</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">pressure of, to enter Ruling Institution, <a href="#Footnote_183">69 note 3</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, + <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">persistent loyalty of, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Moslem_Institution">Moslem Institution of the Ottoman Empire, antecedents of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">general description of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224-226</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">institutions parallel to, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">contemporary descriptions of, <a href="#Page_38">38-44</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Suleiman its head, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">received sultan’s fifth of booty, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the Divan its cap-stone, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">financial support of, <a href="#Page_200">200-203</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">educational system of, <a href="#Page_203">203-206</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">clergy, <i>seids</i>, and <i>dervishes</i>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">jurists and the <i>Mufti</i>, <a href="#Page_207">207-215</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">democratic spirit of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">comparison of with Ottoman Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_227">227-236</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">cumulative influence of, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">needed support of Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">comparison of, with Moslem church in India, <a href="#Page_300">300-303</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Moslems in India, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299-303</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">not in close touch with emperors, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">had no powerful chief, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">their educational system, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mosques, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Muhammad Khan, <i>Nawab</i> of Farrukhabad, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mumtaz-Mahal, empress of India, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Murad II, sultan, appearance, <a href="#Footnote_21">17 note 4</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">simplicity of life, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Mustapha, eldest son of Suleiman, mother of, <a href="#Footnote_133">57 note 3</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">execution of, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">character of, <a href="#Footnote_307">95 note 2</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">ceremony at circumcision of, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Nenuphar, or Nilufer, bride of Orchan, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nobility, of the <i>kullar</i>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114-120</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the <i>Seids</i>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the <i>Ulema</i>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in the Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Noble Guard (<i>Muteferrika</i>), <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Non-Moslem subjects, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Christian_subjects">Christian subjects</a>, <a href="#Jewish_subjects">Jewish subjects</a>, etc.</li> + +<li class="indx">North Africa, status of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">inhabitants of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">rendering of justice in, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Janissaries of, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Suleiman desires to unify, <a href="#Page_113">113</a> and <a href="#Footnote_399">note 1</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Notarial work, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Nur-Jehan (or Nur-Mahal), empress of India, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Old Testament, ideas of, in Mohammedanism, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Orchan, sultan, <a href="#Page_17">17</a> and <a href="#Footnote_21">note 4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Osman I (Othman), sultan, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a> and <a href="#Footnote_16">note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, + <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">house of, compared with that of Timur, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ottoman Empire, based on ideas, not race, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">rapidity of growth, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">character and mission, <a href="#Page_7">7-10</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">definition, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">lands comprised in, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28-32</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">peoples governed by, <a href="#Page_33">33-35</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">comparison of, with Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_278">278 ff.</a></li> + +<li class="indx">Ottoman Ruling Institution, <i>see</i> <a href="#Ruling_Institution">Ruling Institution</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Ottoman_Turks">Ottoman Turks, racial descent of, <a href="#Page_10">10-18</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">unification of Levant by, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">early history of, <a href="#Page_15">15 ff.</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">a mixed race, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">sources of culture of, <a href="#Page_18">18-24</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Outside service, <a href="#Page_128">128-133</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Pages, the colleges of, <a href="#Page_73">73-79</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the three palaces of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">course of training of, <a href="#Page_75">75-78</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">graduation of, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">rewards of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">punishments of, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">age of their dismissal postponed, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_346"></a>[346]</span>duties of, in the palace service, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Ramberti’s description of, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Palace-guards, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Palaces of Suleiman, principal palace, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, + <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">palace of the harem (Old Palace), <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">other palaces, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">accounts of the palaces, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Panipat, battles of, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Parthians, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Footnote_2">11 note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a> and <a href="#Footnote_10">note 4</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Patriarch of Constantinople, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pensions, in Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Persian language, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Persians, bequests of, to Ottoman Turks, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, + <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">blockade of Ottoman trade-routes by, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">could not lawfully be enslaved, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">wars of, with Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">support of Mogul emperors by, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Personality of law, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Physicians of sultan, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Plato, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Police, Janissaries as, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">minister of, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">lieutenants of, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Poll-tax, <i>see</i> <a href="#Capitation_tax">Capitation tax</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Pope, compared with <i>Mufti</i>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Portuguese, blocked Ottoman sea-trade, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">served Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">brought gold and silver to India, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Primary schools, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Printing in Turkey, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Punishments, in Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Queen mother, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Footnote_428">122 note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Ragusa, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rajputs, in service of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">at war, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">their <i>Rajahs</i>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Raushan-Ara, daughter of Shah-Jehan, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Reformation, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Religious “communities,” origin of, in Turkey, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">when organized, <a href="#Footnote_67">34 note 5</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Armenian_subjects">Armenian subjects</a>, <a href="#Greek_subjects">Greek subjects</a>, and <a href="#Jewish_subjects">Jewish subjects</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Renegade_Christians">Renegade Christians, given chief offices of Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_39">39-44</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62-71</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">unfavorable view of their character, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">counted as Turks, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">total number made by Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Khosrew Pasha learned in Moslem law, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">other references, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Revenues, of Suleiman, <a href="#Page_179">179-182</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_293">293-295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Revolution, right of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rivalry of Ruling and Moslem Institutions, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233-236</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Roman Empire, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">its influence on Turks, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279-281</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Byzantine_Empire">Byzantine Empire</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Roumania, <a href="#Footnote_105">52 note 1</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Moldavia">Moldavia</a>, and <a href="#Wallachia">Wallachia</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Roxelana, <i>see</i> <a href="#Khurrem">Khurrem</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Ruling_Institution">Ruling Institution, antecedents of, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">general description of, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45-47</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193-198</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">institutions parallel to, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">not clearly understood by certain historians, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">contemporary descriptions of, <a href="#Page_39">39-44</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">component parts of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">number of personnel of, <a href="#Page_49">49</a> and <a href="#Footnote_87">note 4</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">advancement by merit in, <a href="#Page_82">82-88</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">break-down of system of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Footnote_183">69 note 3</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to rest of Empire, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">influenced by Suleiman’s splendor, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">the Divan its cap-stone, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">comparison of, with Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_227">227-236</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">artificiality of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">support of Moslem Institution by, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See also</i> <a href="#CONTENTS">chapter headings</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rûm, Seljuks of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Rumelia">Rumelia, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>Beylerbey</i> of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Russia, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Rustem Pasha, grand vizier, armed household of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">liberal religious views of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">wealth of, <a href="#Footnote_276">87 note 1</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">attitude of, toward Janissaries, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">sale of offices by, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">suspected of influencing Mustapha’s execution, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_347"></a>[347]</span>other references, <a href="#Footnote_114">53 note 3</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, + <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Sacred_Law">Sacred Law of Islam, scope of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">limitation of despotism by, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">character of, <a href="#Page_152">152-157</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">sketch of history of, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">lack of elasticity of, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Suleiman’s observance of, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">how developed by <i>fetvas</i>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">precepts of, both civil and criminal, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">spirit of freedom in, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">not so much regarded in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">St. Sophia, church of, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sale of office, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Saracens, Empire of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">bequest of, to Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_21">21-23</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">comparison of, with Turks, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Scholasticism, Moslem, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Scouts, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Scythians, <a href="#Footnote_2">11 note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Footnote_9">13 note 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Seal, the imperial, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Selim I, the Cruel, or the Grim, not given to sensuality, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">said to have executed seven viziers, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">circumstances of accession of, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">effect of conquests of, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">punishment of heresy by, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">attempt of, to convert Christian subjects forcibly, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Selim II, the Sot, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Seljuk_Empire">Seljuk Empire, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">occupation of Asia Minor by, <a href="#Page_14">14 ff.</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">bequest of, to Ottoman Turks, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">simplicity of life in, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Servians">Servians, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Shah-Jehan, Mogul emperor, constructs Peacock Throne, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">defeats Nur-Jehan, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">civil war of sons of, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sher Shah, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Simplicity of life among Seljuks and early Ottomans, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Slave-Families of Ottoman subjects, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">conversion encouraged in, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Slave-Family of the sultan, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39-44</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47-58</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">age of admission to, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">methods of recruiting for, <a href="#Page_49">49-53</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">number of members of, <a href="#Page_49">49</a> and <a href="#Footnote_87">note 4</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">status of members of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">faithfulness of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">education of, <a href="#Page_71">71 ff.</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">constituted standing army, <a href="#Page_90">90</a> and <a href="#Footnote_285">note 4</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">honors and privileges of, <a href="#Page_114">114-120</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">influence of, upon government, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Slavery—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Turks in Saracen Empire, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">In Ottoman Empire, sources of supply for, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">mainly of European Christians, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">provided high officials, <a href="#Page_39">39-44</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">character of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">comparison of, with American colonial bondage, <a href="#Footnote_151">60 note 7</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">color line not drawn, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">emancipation frequent, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">attitude of converted slaves to Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">In Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_280">280-282</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Slavs, Southern, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Bulgarians">Bulgarians</a>, <a href="#Croatians">Croatians</a>, and <a href="#Servians">Servians</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sovereign will of sultan, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Spahis"><i>Spahis</i> of the Porte, described, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">recruiting of, from pages, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98-100</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">organization of, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">number of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a> and <a href="#Footnote_334">notes 3</a>, <a href="#Footnote_335">4</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">appearance of, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">finances of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">other references, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Splendor—</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Suleiman, <a href="#Page_133">133-141</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">its effect, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_287">287-291</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">its effect, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Stable service, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">State lands, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Steppe lands, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Stirrup, generals of imperial, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Studies—</li> +<li class="isub1">In the colleges of pages, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">In the imperial harem, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of the <i>Ajem-oghlans</i>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a> and <a href="#Footnote_254">note 3</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">In schools, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">in colleges, <a href="#Page_203">203</a> and <a href="#Footnote_649">note 4</a>;</li> +<li class="isub2">in law schools, <a href="#Page_204">204</a> and <a href="#Footnote_650">note 1</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1">Of Aurangzeb, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Succession to throne, in Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_93">93-95</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Suleiman the Magnificent, limitations on despotic power of, <a href="#Page_26">26-28</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">family life of, <a href="#Page_56">56-58</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">said to have labored at a trade, <a href="#Footnote_218">76 note 5</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_348"></a>[348]</span>self-command of, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">execution of Mustapha by, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">execution of Bayezid and Ibrahim by, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, + <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">reorganization of feudal system by, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">appointment of Ibrahim as Seraskier by, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relations of, to Charles V and Ferdinand of Austria, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">promotion of Ibrahim and Rustem by favor of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">mother, consorts, and daughter of, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">authority of, as caliph, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">head of all institutions, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">legislation of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152-163</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">attitude of, to Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">ceased to preside at Divan, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">treatment of criminals by, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to power of great institutions, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">endowments of, <a href="#Page_235">235</a> and <a href="#Footnote_711">note 1</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">head of Moslems of Empire, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Sultan’s authority, head of Ruling Institution, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">master of slave-family, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">commander-in-chief of the army, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">head of state and government, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">head of Moslem Institution, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">subject to Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">legislative power, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">unworthiness of character irrelevant, <a href="#Footnote_549">163 note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">consultation with the <i>Mufti</i>, <a href="#Page_210">210-214</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">comparison of relations to the two great institutions, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">supported by Sacred Law, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Syria, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Szigeth, campaign of, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Taj Mahal, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tartars of the Crimea, <i>see</i> <a href="#Crimean_Tartary">Crimean Tartary</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Tatars">Tatars, definition, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">bequests to Ottoman Turks, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">political organization, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">influence on Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Taxation, <a href="#Page_175">175-182</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">inelasticity of, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tent-pitchers, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Theodosius I, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Timariotes, <i>see</i> <a href="#Feudal_cavalry">Feudal cavalry</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx" id="Timur">Timur (Tamerlane), character of, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">house of, compared with that of Osman, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Baber">Baber, house of</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tithe lands, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Todar Mal, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Transylvania, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Treasure, of Suleiman, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Prince of Gujarat, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Treasurers, of the household, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of the Empire (<i>Defterdars</i>), <a href="#Page_167">167-172</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, + <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Treasury, twenty-five bureaus of, <a href="#Page_168">168-172</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">characteristics of, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">personnel of, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tributary provinces, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">condition of inhabitants of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">government of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tribute, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tribute boys, increased the number of Turks, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">regions from which taken, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">process of levying, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">estimate of the system, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">ultimate effect, <a href="#Page_69">69-71</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">not levied by Mogul government in India, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Tribute lands, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><i>Tu-kiu</i>, Empire of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Turanians, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Footnote_9">13 note 3</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Turki followers of Mogul emperors, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Turkish language, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Turks, in Western Asia, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14 ff.</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to Mongols, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">relation of, to Caucasians, <a href="#Page_11">11</a> and <a href="#Footnote_3">note 2</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">comparison of, with Saracens, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Ramberti’s account of origin of, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">influence of, on Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> +<li class="isub1"><i>See</i> <a href="#Ottoman_Turks">Ottoman Turks</a>, and <a href="#Seljuk_Empire">Seljuk Empire</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Unification of territories by Ottoman Turks, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">United Greek subjects, a separate organization, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_349"></a>[349]</span>United States of America, compared with Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, + <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Unnatural vices, <a href="#Footnote_212">75 note 6</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Uses (legal term), <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Ushers, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Uzun Hassan, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst">Vassal states, of Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Venality, of Ottoman officials, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Ottoman justice, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Venice, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Vienna, siege of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Viziers, <a href="#Page_163">163-167</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189-191</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">Ramberti’s account, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Voinaks, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Volunteer soldiers, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li> + +<li class="ifrst" id="Wallachia">Wallachia, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Footnote_105">52 note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, + <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">War, declaration of, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Wealth, accumulation of, discouraged, in private citizens, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">allowed to high officers, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Rustem Pasha, <a href="#Footnote_276">87 note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">of Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Western Europe, not interested in East after Crusades, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">comparison with Ottoman Empire, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, + <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> + +<li class="indx">Women, had no part at Ottoman Court, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> +<li class="isub1">more prominent in Mogul Empire, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> + +</ul> + +<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF 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